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V» PRINCETON, N. J. ■»%
BX 4805 .W95 v. 3
Wylie, James Aitken, 1808
1890
The history of Protestantisr
v. ^
Th e H istory
OF
Protestantism.
Rev. J. A. WYLIE, LL.D.,
Author of '■'The Papacy," "Daybreak in Spain," &=i:.
ILLUSTRATED.
'Protestantism, the sacred cause of God's Light and Truth against the Devil's Falsity and
Darkness." — Carlyle.
Volume IIL
Cassell Fetter & Galpin:
LONDON, PARIS G- NEW YORK.
CONTENTS.
^aoJi CigfitccntTj.
HISTORY OF PROTSSTAXTISJI IN THE KETHERLANDS.
CHAPTEE
I. — The Nethehlands and theiu Inhaiutants
II. — Introdvctiox of Protestantism into the Netherlands .
III. — Anttterp : IT.-. Confessors and Martyrs .
rV.— Abdication op Charles V., and Accession of Philip II.
V. — Philip Arranges the Government of the Netherlands, and Departs for Spain
VI. — Storms in the Council, and Martyrs at the Stake • .
VII. — Retirement of Granvelle — Beloic Confession of Faith
VIII. — The Risino Storm
IX. — The Confederates or "Beggars"
X. — The Field-Preachings
XI. — The Imaoe-Bkeakinbs
XII. — Reaction — ^Submission of the Southern Netherland:
XIII. — The Council op Blood ....
XrV. — "William Unfurls his Standard — Execution of Eomont and Horn
XV. — Failure op William's First Campaign ....
XVI. — The "Beggars of the Sea," and Second Campaign of the Puince of OR.Uf
XVII. — William's Second Campaign, and Submission of Bkahant and Fi.andebs
XVni. — The Siege of Haarlem .......
XIX. — Siege of Alkma^ir, and Recall of Ai.va .....
XX. — Third Campaign of William, and Death oi- Count Louis of N.vssai'
XXI. — The Sieoe of Leyden .......
XXII. — March of the Spanish Army through the Se.\ — Sack or Antwerp .
XXIII. — The " Pacuu ation of (jhent," and Toleration
XXIV. — Administration of Don John, and First Synod or Dor.T
XXV. — Akjur.\tion of Philip, and Rise of the Seven United Provinces
XXVI. — Assassination of William the Silent .....
XXVII. — Order and Government of the Netherland Church .
XXVin. — Disorganisation of the Provinces .....
XXIX. — The Synod of Dort ........
XXX. — Grandeur or the United Provinces .....
FA&E
1
4
9
14
17
22
29
35
41
46
51
5S
61
70
87
92
9S
102
107
110
116
119
128
l.'SS
137
142
146
134
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
"Sooft Jiitnctecntfe.
PKOTESTAKTISM IN POLAND AND BOHEMIA.
CHAPTEn
I. — Rise axd Spueab op Protestantism ix Polaxd .
II. — John- Alasco, axd Kefokmation of East Fkiesland
III. — Acme of Protestantism is Poi.axi> ....
r\'. — Organisation of the Protestant Chvrch of Poland
v. Turning of the Tide of Protestantism in Pol.and
VI._The Jesiits Enter Poland— Destruction of its Protestantism
Vn. — Bohemia — Entrance of Reformation ....
Vm. — Overthrow of Protestantism in Bohsmia
IX. — An Army of Martyrs ......
X. — Suppression of Protestantism in* Bohemia
%00k Orwcnticttl.
PKOTESTANTISM in HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA.
I. — Planting of Protestantism ....-•
n.— Protest.antism Flourishes in Hungary anu Transylvania
m. — Ferdinand II. and the Eiu. of Persecution
TV. — Leopold I. and the Jesuits .....
v. — Banishment of Pastors and Desolation of the Church of Hungary
■^oofi (3riBcnt?-ficst.
THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.
I. — Great Periods of the Thirty Years' War ....
n. — The Army and the Camp .......
III. — The Maiech and its Devastations ......
IV. — Conquest of North Germany iiy Fekdinanh II. and the " Catholic League
V. — Edict of Restitution .......
VI. — Arrival of Gustavus Adolphus in Germany ....
VII. — Fall of Magdehuro and Victory of Leipsic ....
VIII. — Conquest op the Rhine and Bavarh — Battle of Lutzen
IX. — Death op Gustavus Adolphus ......
X. — The Pacification op Westphalia ......
XI. — The Fatherland after the War .....
'2Pooh (€«)ctitii-8cconti.
PR0TESTANTIS3I IN FRANCE FROM DEATH OF HENRY IV. (IGIO) TO THE REVOLUTION (17S9).
I. — Louis XIII. and the Wars tw Religion ........ 309
■ II. — Fall of La Rochellk, and Enh of the Wars of Religion ...... 316
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER
in. — IXDUSTRI.iL AND LiTERART EmINENXE OF THE FkEXCH PkOTESTAX
IV. — The Dragos.'Nades ......
V. — Kevocation of the Edict of Nantes
VI. — The Prisons and the Galleys ....
VII. — The " Church of the Desert " .
^ooh Cttjcntp-tjiirti.
PKOTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND FROM THE TI3IES OF HENEY VIII.
I. — ^The King and the Scholars ....
H. — Cardinal Wolsey and the New Testament of Erasmus
III. — William Tyndale and the English New Testament
IV. — Tyndale's New Testament Arrives in England ,
V. — The Bible and the Cellar at Oxford — Anne Boleyn
VI. — The Divorce — Thomas Bilney, the Martyr
VTI. — The Divorce, and Wolsey's Fall
Vni. — Cranmer — Cromwell — The Papal Sufremacy Abolished
IX. — The King declared Head op the Church of England
X. — Scaffolds — Death of Henry VIII.
XI. — The Church of England as Reformed by Cranmer
XII. — Deaths op Protector Somerset and Edward VT.
XTTI. — Restoration of the Pope's Authority in England
XIV. — The Burnings under ILuiv ....
XV. — Elizabeth — Restoration op the Protestant Church
XVI. — Excommunication of Elizabeth, and Plots of the Jesuits
XVn. — The Armada — Its Building ....
XVIII. — The Armada Arrives off England
XIX. — Destruction op the Armada ....
XX. — Greatness of Protestant England
■JBoofi (arwents-fourtft.
PROTESTANTISM IN SCOTLAND.
I. — The Darkness and the Daybreak ....
II. — SC0TLANT)'S FiR.ST PrEACHER AND MaRTY'R, PATRICK HAMILTON .
m. — Wishart IS Burned, and Knox comes forward
TV. — Kkox's Call to the SIinistuy and First Sermon
V. — Knox's Fi.nal Return to Scotland ....
VI. — Establishment op the Reformation in Scotland
VII. — Constitution op the " Kirk " — Arrival of Mary Stuart
VIII. — Knox's Interview with Queen Mary ....
IX. — Trial of Knox for Treason .....
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER
X. — The Last Days of Qieen Mary and John Knox
XI. — Andkew Melville — The Tulchan Bishops
XII. — Battles for Pbesbyterianism and Liberty
XIII. — James VI. in England — The Gunpowder Plot .
XIV. — Death of James VI., and Spiritual Awakening in Scotland
XV. — Charles I. and Archbishop Laud — Eeligiovs Innovations
XVI. — The National Covenant and Assembly of 1638
XVII. — Civil War — Solemn Leaoie — Westminster Assembly .
XVIII. — P.UILIAMENT TllIVMrHS, AND THF. KiNG IS BeHEADED
XIX. — Eestokation of Charles II., and St. Barthclomew Day, 166
XX. — Scotland — Middleton's Tyranny — Act Recissory
XXI. — Establishment of Prelacy in Scotland .
XXII. — Four Hun-dred Ministers Ejected
XXIII. — Breach of the " Triple League " and War with Holland
XXIV. — The Popish Plot, and Death of Charles II.
XXV. — The First Eising of the Scottish Presbyterians
XXVI.— The Field-Preaching or "Conventicle"
XXVU. — Drumclog — Bothwell Bridge — The "Killing Times" .
XXVIII. — James II. — Projects to Restore Popery .
XXIX. — A Great Crisis in England and Christendom .
XXX. — Protestantism Mounts the Throne of Great Britain .
FAQE
511
515
520
526
•530
536
•540
545
551
556
300
563
568
574
578
586
591
597
603
609
617
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
John Knox and Mary Queen of Scots at Holyrood Palace
View of a Canal in Holland .....
View of the High Altar in the Church of Rotterdam
Nicholas Preaching to the Crowd from a Boat on the Scheldt
View of Antwerp .......
The Emperor Charles V. Addressing the Estates on Resigning the Crown to his Son
Philip's Fleet Scattered hy the Tempest ....
Margaret, Duchess of Parma .....
Walter Capel Reading the Scriptures to his Daughter
View of the Chapel of "Saint Sang" (Holy Blood), Bruges
Cardinal Granvelle ......
View of the Town-hall, .\mstcrdam ....
A Field-preaching near Ghent .....
Dutch Protestants in Hiding .....
Iconoclasts Destroying the Images and Altar Decorations of a Roman Catholic Church
A Village Green in Holland .....
The Countess de Rcux Visiting De Bray and La Grange in Prison
View of a Church in Holland .....
The Duke of Alva .......
Count Egmont on the Scaffold before his Execution
Lamoral, Count of Egmont .....
Philip Montmorency, Count of Horn ....
View of the Gate of Dort or Dordrecht ....
Repulse of the Spanish Soldiers at Amsterdam
View of the Hotel do Ville, Middelburg ....
Action between the Spanish Fleet and the Ships of the Sea Beggars
View of Porte Rabot, Ghent .....
William the Silent, Prince of Orange ....
View of the Belfry, Ghent .....
View on the Canal, Ghent ......
View of the Church of St. Laurence, Rotterdam .
Don John of Austria ......
The Prince of Orange in his Barge on his way to Brussels
Alexander Famese, Duke of Panna ....
Death of William the Silent, Prince of Orange .
View in Haarlem : the Com Market ....
View of Flushing .......
James Arminius .......
Episcopius Addressing the Members of the Synod of Dort
Prince Slaurice of Nassau ......
View of the Court of the T'niversity of Cracow .
John Alasco and his Congregation leaving England
Frontispiecit
1
7
12
13
19
24
2o
31
36
37
42
43
49
da
60
61
66
67
73
78
79
85
91
97
103
109
115
ICO
120
121
126
127
133
139
144
115
150
151
157
103
168
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Radziwill's Miracle : Curing a Sham Demoniac .
View of the Market-place of Cracow ....
The Marshal of Pohmd Demanding the Oath from the Difke of Anjou
View of the Tomh of Anne Jagellon in the Cathedral of Cracow
View in Prague : the Powder Tower . . ■
Louis A'ictor and the Monk .....
Arrest of One of the Bohemian Chiefs ....
View of the Palace of the Bohemi:m Kings, and the Cathedral of Hardschin
Tower of the Bridge of Prague, to which the Heads of the Martyrs were affixed
Departure of the Banished ilinisters from Kuttcnherg .
View of the Grosse Ring, Prague, where the BlartjTS were Executed
Soliman the Magnificent .....
Eoumanian Peasants of Transylvania
View of a Mining Village in Transylvania
View of Old Grate at Kolosvar, Transylvania
Leopold I. .
The Chemist and the Emperor ....
The Scala Sancta, or " Holy Stairs," Rome
Ejecting a Himgarian Protestant Pastor in the Winter time
View of Presburg ......
Market in Nurcijiberg .....
Storm on a Moor in Saxony ....
In Nuremberg ......
Under the Linden-trees .....
Albrecht von Wallenstein .....
View of the Town-hall of Halberstadt
Gusta\-us Adolphus taking Leave of the States .
Gustavus Adolphus .....
Fig. I. — Fac-simile of a Lutheran Envelope {Eeverse) : Centenary of the Deliverance of Augsburg
Fig. n. — ,, „ „ (04w)-5c) : Entry of Gustavus Adolphus into Augsburg
View of the Town-hall, Breslau (Silesia) .....
Death of Gusta\Tis Adolphus .......
John, Count de Tilly ........
Court of a House in Nuremberg .......
Axel, Count Oxenstiema ........
The Banquet at Nui-embcrg .......
View of the Tomb of St. Sebald, Nuremberg .....
View in La Rochelle : the Street of the Bishopric and St. Bartholomew Belfry
Cardinal Richelieu ........
View of La Rochelle : the Lantern Tower and Harbour Entrance, from the Mail Gardens
Huguenot Medals or Communion "Tokens" .....
Cardinal Mazarin .........
View in Nantes, showing the Tower ......
A Protestant Pastor Addressing a Secret Assembly of Huguenots
Portrait of Louis XIV. ........
Fac-similes of Medals struck in honour of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes
Protestants Worshipping by Night in the Church of the Desert
Old St. Paul's Cathedral .......
View of Linacre's House, Knightridcr Street, London .
Sir Thomas More ........
Procession of Wolsey to Westminster Hall ....
View of the Interior of Old St. Paul's Cathedral, looking East .
Fac-simile of St. Matthew's Gospel, Chapter xiii., verses 1 — 15, from Tjmdale's
Henry VIII
View of Latimer's Supposed Birth-place in Thurcaston .
Testament (Octavo Edition)
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
View of Thurcaston Church .....
Fac-similc of Numhers x-xiv. 16 — 19 (Tyndtik, 15.31)
Fac-simile of Isaiah xii. {Ti/ndale, 1534) .
Portrait of AVilliam Tj-ndale .....
Thomas Bilney on his way to the Stake ....
View at Hampton Court ......
An-ival of Wolsey at the Abbey at Leicester
Fisher, Bishop of Rochester ....
The Coronation Procession of Anne Bole}ii to Westminster Abbey
Reduced Fac-simile of the Title-page of the Great Bible
Coronation of Edward VI. — Procession Passing Cheapside Cross, 1547
Archbishop Cranmor ......
Views of Westminster Abbey: the Western Towers — Heniy VII.'s Chapel — the Cloisters
Nicholas Ridley — John Rogers — John Hooper — Hugh Latimer ....
Fae-simile of the llcdal struck to celebrate the Return of England to Roman Catholicism
Latimer Exhorting Ridley at the Stake .......
Views in the Tower of London : White Tower — Middle Tower — Staircase in White Tower — Bloody Tower-
Tower — St. John's Chapel — Byward Tower — Passage in Bloody Tower — Bell Tower — Byward
Traitor's Gate ......
Queen Eli2abeth .......
View of the West Porch of Rochester Cathedral .
Queen Elizabeth Addressing her Troops at Tilbiuy
EngUsh Fire-ships sent into the Armada ....
Thanksgiving Procession for the Defeat of the Armada .
John Jewell .......
Edmund Grindal .......
John Fox ........
John Aylmer .......
View of the Ruins of the Fends or Gateway of a Monastery, St. Andrews
View of Linlithgow Palace .....
View of St. Salvator's Church, St. Andrews
Parting of Patrick Hamilton from his Friends at the Stake
George Wishart .......
View of the Ruins of the Castle, St. Andrews (Cardinal's Palace)
George Wishart Protecting his would-be Assassin
Knox's Pulpit, St. Andrews' Parish Church
View of St. Giles's Cathedral, Edinburgh
■ Mary Queen of Scots Entering Holyrood ....
Portrait of Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots ....
View of Knox's House, High Street, Edinburgh .
Portrait and Autograph of John Knox ....
John Knox ........
The Death-warrant of Mary Queen of Scots
View of the Ruins of Blackfriars' Chapel, St. Andrews .
George Buchanan .......
Guy Fawkes's Cellar ......
Guy Fawkes and the Chief Conspirators ....
View of IIoljTOod Palace ......
Family WorHhip in a Cavalier's Household
Archbishop Laud .......
Janet Gcddcs Flinging her Stool at the Dean of Edinburgh
The Swearing and Subscribing of the National Covenant in Gre)-friars' Churchyard, EiUnbur;
Charles I. ........
View of the Old Market Cross, Edinburgh
Richard Baxter .......
View of the Kuins of the Cathedral of St. Andrews
FASI
373
378
378
379
384
390
391
-Bowyer
Tower —
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
View of Edinburgh C'ustlo from the Grassmarkct
View of Glasgow Cathedral .....
A Conventicle : Worship on the HiU-side
View of Dunkii-k from the Sea .....
The Interior of the Chapel Koyal (Banqueting House), WTiitehall
Burning the Tope in Effigy at Temple Bar
The Pentland Hills
The Old Covenanter's Last Sermon ....
Thomas Dalzicl of Birms ......
Covenantors Worshipping by the Banks of the 'Whitadder
View of the High Street, Lanark .....
Robert Lcighton, Archbishop of Glasgow {^i. 40)
View of the Martj-rs' Monument, Greyfriars' Churchyard, Edinburgh
Richard Baxter before Judge Jeffreys ....
View of Judge Jeffreys' House, Duke Street, Westminster
Portraits of the Seven Bishops . . . .
View of the Interior of the Chapel Royal, St. James's .
William III
FACE
565
570
571
677
582
583
588
589
594
59.5
600
601
606
607
612
613
618
619
VIEW OF A CANAL IN HOLLAND (Fioil (lie PttintlJlJ 6/ Ian del H ? )
History of Protestantism.
Boofe €igl)tffntl;.
HISTOKY OF PROTESTANTISM IN TILE NETHERLANDS.
CHAPTER I.
THE NETHERLANDS AND THEIR INHABITANTS.
Eatavi.a— Formed by Joint Action of the Rhine and the Sea— Dismal Territory— The Pii-st Inhabitants— Belgiuni
—Holland— Their First Strugsjles with the Oeean— Their Second with the Roman Power-They Pass under
Charlemagne— Rise and Greatness of their Commerce— Civic Rights and Liberties— These Threatened by the
Austro-Burgundian Emperors— A Divine Principle comes to their Aid.
Descending from the summits of the Alps, and
rolling its floods along tlie vast i)lain which ex-
tends from the Ural Mountains to the shores of
the Gennan Ocean, the Rhine, before finally falling
106
into the sea, is parted into two streams which en-
close between them an island of goodly dimensions.
TliLs island is the heart of the Low Countries. Its
soil spongy, its air Ivumid, it had no attractions
HISTOIIY OF TEOTESTANTISM.
to iiulucc mail to make it his dwelling, save in-
deed that nature had strongly fortified it by
enclosing it on two of its sides with the broad
arm* of the disparted river, and on the thii-d and
remaining one with the waves of the North Sea.
ItsS earliest inhabitants, it is believed, were Celts.
About a century before our era it was left unin-
habited ; its first settlers being carried away, partly
in the rush southward of the first horde of war-
riors that set out to assail the Roman Empu-e, and
partly by a tremendous inimdation of the ocean,
wliieh submerged many of the huts which dotted
its forlorn surface, and drowned many of its misei'-
able inhabitants. Fiuiling it empty, a German
tribe from tlie Hercyniau forest took possession
of it, and called it L'etaiiw, that is, the " Good
JMeadow," a name that has descended to our day in
the appellative Batavia.
North and south of the " Good Meadow " the
land is similar in character and origin. It owes
its place on the surfiice of the earth to the joint
action of two forces — the powerful current of the
Rliine on tlie one side, continually bi-ingiug down
vast quantities of materials from the mountains
and higher plains, and the tides of the restless
ocean on the other, casting uj) sand and mud from
its bed. Thus, iji the course of ages, slowly rose
the land which was destined in the sixteenth
century to be the seat of so many proud cities,
and the theatre of so many sublime actions.
An expanse of shallows and lagoons, neither land
nor water, but a thin consistency, quaking beneath
the foot, and liable every spring and winter to tlie
terrible calamities of being drowned by the waves,
when the high tides or the fierce tempests heaped
lip the waters of the North Sea, and to be over-
ilo\ni V)y the Rhine, when its floods were swollen
Ijy the long-continued rains, what, one asks, tempted
the first inhabitants to occupy a countiy whose
conditions were so wretched, and which was liable
moreo^■er to be overwhelmed by catastrophes so
tremendous ? Perhaps they saw in this oozy and
lierbless expanse the elements of future fertility.
Perhaps they deemed it a safe retreat, from which
thoy might issue forth to spoil and ravage, and to
which they might retire and defy pursuit. But
from whatever cau.se, both the centre island and
tlie whole adjoining coast soon found inhabitants.
The Germans occupied the centre ; the Belgaj took
possession of the strij) of coast stretching to the
south, now known as Belgium. The similar strip
running ofi" to tlie north, Holland namely, was pos-
sessed by the Fiisians, wlio formed a population
in which the German and Celtic elements were
blended without uniting.
The youth of these three tribes was a severe one.
Their first struggle was with the soil ; for wliile other
nations choose their country, the Netherlanders
had to create theu-s. They began by converting
the swamps and quicksands of which they had
taken possession into grazing-lands and corn-fields.
Nor could they rest even after this task had been
accomplished : they had to be continually on the
watch agauist the two great enemies that were ever
ready to spring upon them, and rob them of the
comitry which their industry had enriched and
their skUl embellished, by rearing and maintaining
great dj'kes to defend themselves on the one side
from the sea, and on the other from the river.
Their second great struggle was with the Roman
power. The mistress of the world, in her onward
march over the West, was embracing within her
limits the forests of Germany, and the warlike tribes
that dwelt in them. It is the pen of Julius Ca;sar,
recoi'ding his victorious advance, that first touches
the darkness that shrouded this land. When the cur-
tain rises, the tribe of the Nervii is seen drawn up
on the banks of the Sambre, awaitmg the appi'oach
of the master of the world. We see them closing
in terrific battle with his legions, and maintaining
the fight till a ghastly bank of corpses proclaimed
that they had been exterminated rather than sub-
dued.' The tribes of Batavia now passed under
the yoke of Rome, to which they submitted with
great impatience. When the empire began to
totter they rose in revolt, being joined by their
neighbours, the Frisians and the Belgie, in the hope
of achieving their liberty ; but the Roman power,
though in decay, was stiU too strong to be shaken
by the assault of these tribes, however brave ; and
it was not till the whole German race, moved by
an all-pervading impulse, rose and began their
march upon Rome, that they were able, in com-
mon with all the peoples of the North, to throw off
the yoke of the oppressor.
After four centuries of chequered fortunes, dur-
ing which the Batavian element was inextricably
blended with the Frisian, the Belgie, and the
Frank, the Netherlanders, for so we may now call
the mixed population, in wliich however the
German element predominated, came under the
empu-e of Charlemagne. They continued under his
sway and that of his successors for some time.
The empire whose greatness had severely taxed
the energies of the father was too heavy for the
' Cajsar, Comment, dc Bella Gallico, lib. ii., cap. 15 — 30.
"Hoc praelio facto, et prope ad internecionem gente, ao
nomine Nerviorum redacto," are the words of the con-
queror (lib. ii., cap. 28). Niebuhr, Lectures on Roman
History, vol. iii., pp. 43, 44; Lond and Edin., 1850.
COMMERCE AND ARTS OF FLANDERS.
shoulders of Ms degenerate sons, and they contrived
to lighten the burden by dividing it. Germany
was finally severed from France, and in a.d. 922
Charles the Simple, the last of the Carlovingiau
line, presented to Coiuit Dirk tlie northern horn of
this territory, the portion now known as Holland,
which henceforth became the inlieritance of his
descendants ; and about the same time, Henry the
Fowler, of Germany, acquired the sovereignty of the
southern portion, together with that of Lotharinga,
the modern Lorraine, and thus the territory was
broken into two, each part i-emaining connected
\vith the German Empire ; but loosely so, its rulers
yielding only a nominal homage to the head of the
empire, whUe they exercised sovereign rights in
their own special domain.'
The reign of Charlemagne had effaced the last
traces of free institutions and government by law
which had lingered in Holland and Belgium since
the Roman era, and substituted feudalism, or the
government of the sword. Commerce began to
flow, and from the thirteenth century its elevating
influence was felt in the Netherlands. Confedera-
tions of trading towns arose, with their chai-tere
of freedom and their leagues of mutual defence,
which greatly modifled the state of society in
Europe. These confederated cities were, in fact,
free I'epublics flourishing in the heart of despotic
empires. The cities which were among the first
to rise into eminence were Ghent and Bruges.
The latter became a main entrepot of the trade
carried on with the East by way of the Mediter-
ranean. " The \vives and daughters of the citizens
outvied, in the richness of their dress, that of a
queen of France At Mechlin, a single
indi\'idual possessed counting-houses and commer-
cial establishments at Damascus and Grand Cairo. "-'
To Bruges the merchants of Lombardy brought
the wares of Asia, and thence were they dispersed
among the towns of Northern Europe, and along
the shores of the German Sea. " A century later,
Antwerji, the successful rival of Venice, could, it
is said, boast of almost five hundrctl vessels daily
entering her ports, and two thousand carriages
laden \ni\\ merchandise p.assiiig tjirough her gates
every week."^ Venice, Verona, Nuremberg, and
Bruges were the chief links of the golden chain that
united the civilised and fertUo Eiist with the com-
paratively rude and unskilful West. In the former
the arts had long floiuishcd. There men were
expert in all that Ls woven on the loom or em-
• Miiller, JJrdv. Hist., vol. ii., bk. xiv., sec. 13—18.
' Stevens, Hist, of the Scot. Church, Itollerdam, pp. 259,
2G0 ; Ediu., 1833.
s Ibid., p. 260.
broidered by the needle ; they were able to
engi-ave on iron, and to set precious jewels in
cunningly-wrought frames of gold and silver and
brass. There, too, the skOful use of the plough
and the pruning-hook, combined with a vigorous
soil, produced in abundance all kinds of luxuries ;
and along the channel we have indicated were all
these various products poured into countries where
arts and husbandry were yet in their infancy.^
Such was the condition of Holland and Flanders
at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of
the sixteenth centuries. They had come to rival
the East, with which they traded. The surface
of then- country was richly cultivated. Their
cities were numerous ; they were enclosed witlmi
strong ramparts, and adorned with superb public
buildings and sumptuous churches. Theii' rights
and privileges were guaranteed by ancient charters,
which they jealously guarded and knew how to
defend. They were governed by a senate, which
possessed legislative, judicial, and administrative
powers, subject to the Sujjreme Council at Mechlin
— as that was to the sovereign authority. The
population was numerous, skUful, thriving, and
equally expert at handling the tool or -wielding tho
sword. These artisans and weavers were divided
into guilds, which elected their own deans or rulers.
They were brave, and not a little turbulent. When
the bell tolled to arms, the inmate of the workshop
could, in a few muuites, transform himself into a
soldier ; and these bands of artificers and weavers
would present the appearance as well as the reality
of an army. " Nations at the present day scarcely
named," says Miiller, " supported their struggle
against great armies with a heroism tliat reminds
us of the valour of the Swiss."-'
Holland, lying farther to the north, did not so
largely share in the benefits of trade and commerce
as the cities of Flanders. Giving itself- to the
development of its internal resources, it clothed
its soil with a fertility and beauty which more
southern lands might have envied. Tui-ning to its
seas, it reared a race of fishermen, wlio in process
of time developed into the most skilful and adven-
turous seamen in Eui'ope. Thus were laid the
foundations of that naval ascendency which Hol-
land for a time enjoyed, and that great colonial
empire of which this dyke-encircled territory was
the motlier and the mistress. "The connnon opinion
is," says Cardinal Bcntivoglio, who was sent as
Papal nuncio to the Low Countries in the begin-
ning of the seventeentii century — "The common
■* See "Historical Introduction" to Rise of the Dutch
Jiepuhlic, by John Lothiop Motley; Edin. and Loud., ISJO.
' Miiller, Univ. Hist., vol. ii., p. 230.
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
opinion is that the navy of llnlhuid, in tlio num-
ber of vessels, is etj[ii.tl to all the rest of Europe
together."' Othei-s have written that the United
Provinces have more ships than houses." And
Bentivoglio, speaking of the Exchange of Amster-
dam, says that if its harbour was crowded with
ships, its piazza was not less so ynth merchants,
"so (liat the like was not to be seen in all Europe ;
nay, in all the world.''^
By the time the Reformation was on the eve of
breaking out, the liberties of the Netherlanders had
come to bo in great peril. For a century past the
Burgundo-Austrian monarchs had been steadily
encroaching upon them. The chai-ters mider which
their cities enjoyed municipal life had become little
more than nominal. Their senates were entirely
subject to the Supreme Court at Mechlin. The
forms of their ancient liberties remained, but the
spii'it was fast ebbing. The Netherlanders were
fighting a losing battle with the empire, which
year after year was growing more powerful, and
stretching its shadow over the independence of
their towns. They had arrived at a crisis in their
liistory. Commerce, trade, liberty, had done all
for them they would ever do. This was becoming
every day more clear. Decadence had set in, and
the Netherlanders would have fallen under the
jjovver of the empire and been reduced to vassalage,
had not a higher principle come in time to save
them from this fate. It was at tliis moment that a
celestial fire descended upon the nation : the country
shook olf the torpor which had begun to weigh upon
it, and girding itself for a great fight, it contended
for a higher liberty than any it had yet known. *
CHAPTER II.
INTRODUCTIOX OF PROTESTANTISM INTO THE NETHERLANDS.
Power of the Churcli of Rome in tlie Low Countries in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries— Ebb in the
Fifteenth Century— Causes— Forei-unners—Waldenses and Albigenses- Komaunt Version of the Scriptiu'os —
Influence of Wicliffe's Writings and Huss's Martyrdom— Influence of Commerce, &o. — Charles V. and the
Netherlands — Persecuting Edicts — Great Number of Martyrs.
The great straggle for religion and liberty, of which
the Netherlands became the theatre in the middle
of the sixteenth century, properly dates from 1555,
when the Emperor Charles V. is seen elevating
to the throne, from which he himself has just
descended, his son Philip II. In oi'der to the
light perception of that momento\is conflict, it is
ncce.ssary that we should rapidly survey the
three centuries that preceded it. The Church of
Rome in the Netherlands is beheld, in the thir-
teenth century, flourishing in power and riches.
The Bishops of Utrecht had become the Popes of
ti)c North. Favoured by the (;mperors, wliose
<|uarrel they esi)0used against the Popes in the
Middle Ages, tlu^se ambitious i)relates were now
all but independent of Rome. " They gave place,"
says Brandt, the historian of the Netherlands'
Refonnation, " to neither kings nor emperors in
the stiite and magnificence of theii- court; they
reckoned the gi-eatest princes in the Low Countries
' Relationi del Cardinal Bentivoglio, in Pareigi, 1631;
lib. i., cap. 7, p. 32.
- Misson, Travels, vol. i., p. 4.
'■' Relai. Card. Bentiv., lib. i., cap. 7, p. 33 : " Che sia
nou solo in Europa, ma in tutto il mondo."
among their feudatories because they held some
land of the bishopric in fee, and because they owed
them homage. Accordingly, Baldwin, the second
of that name and twenty-ninth bishop of the
see, summoned several princes to Utrecht, to re-
ceive investiture of the lands that were so holdeu
by them : the Duke of Brabant as first .steward ;
the Count of Flanders as second ; the Count of
Holland as mai'shal."'' The clergy regulated their
rank by the spiritual princedom established at
Utrecht. They were the grandees of the land.
They monopolised all the privileges but bore none
of the burdens of the State. They imposed taxes
on others, but they themselves paid ta.xes to no
■' The Papal nuncio, Bentivoglio, willingly acknow-
ledges their great physical and mental qualities, and
praises them alike for their skill in arts and their bravery
in war. " Gli huomini, die produce il pa^se, sono ordi-
nariamentc di grando statnra ; di bcllo, e candido aspetto,
e di corpo vigoroso, o robusto. Hanno gli .animi non
men vigorosi de' corpi ; e cio s' i veduto in qneUa si lunga,
e si pertinae^ resistenza, die da lore s' e f atta all' armi
Spagnuole," &c. (Relat. Card. Bentiv., lib. i., cap. 3,
pp. 4, 5.)
■"' Brandt, History of the Reformation in the Low Countries,
vol. i., p. 14; Loud., 1720.
EARLY FLEMISH REFORMERS.
one. Numberless dues and offerings had already
swollen tlieir possessions to an enormous amount,
while new and ever-recurring exactions were con-
tinually enlarging their territorial domains. Their
immoralities were restrained by no sense of shame
and by no fear of punishment, seeing that to the
opinion of their countrymen they jiaid no deference,
and to the civil and criminal tribunals they owed
no accountability. They framed a law, and forced
it upon the government, that no charge shoidd lie
received against a cardinal-bishop, unless supported
by seventy-two witnesses ; nor against a cardinal-
priest, but by forty-four ; nor against a cardinal-
deacon, l)ut by twenty-seven ; nor against the lowest
of the clergy, but by seven.' If a voice was raised
to hint that these sei'vants of the Church would
exalt tliemselves by being a little more humble,
and enrich them.selves by being a little less covetous,
and that charity and meekness were gi'eater orna-
ments than sumptuous apparel and gaily-caparisoned
mules, instantly the ban of the Church was evoked
to crush the audacious complainer ; and the ana-
thema in that age had terrors that made even
those look pale who had never trembled on the
battle-field.
But the power, affluence, and arrogance of the
Church of Rome in the Low Countries had reached
then- height; and in the fom-teenth century we find
an ebb setting in, in that tide which till now had
continued at flood. Numbers of the Waldenses
and Albigenses, chased from Southern France or
froni the valleys of the Alps, sought refuge in the
cities of the Netherlands, bringing with them the
Romaunt version of the Bible, which was translated
into Low Dutch rhymes. -
The city of Antweip occupies a most distinguished
place in this gi-eat movement. So early as 1 lOG,
before the disciples of Peter "Waldo had appeared
in these parts, we find a celebrated preacher, Tanchc-
linus liy name,endeavouring to purge out the leaven
of the Papacy, and spread ])urer doctrine not only
in Antwei-]), but in tlic adjoining parts of Brabant
and Flanders ; and, although vehemently opposed
by the pi-iests and by Norbert, the first founder of
the order of Premonstratensians, his opinions took
a firm hold of some of the finest minds.^ In the
following century, the thirteenth, "William Cornelius,
al.so of Antwerp, taught a purer doctrine than the
common one on the Eucharistic Sacrament, which
he is said to have received from the disciples of
Tanchelinus. Nor must we omit to mention
Nicolas, of Lyra, a town in the east of Brabant,
1 Br.andt. vol. i., p. 14. » Ilid.
^ Gerdesius, Hist. Evan.Ren.,tom. iii., p. 3; Gioning.,l'(tO.
who lived about 1322, and who impregnated his
Commentary on the Bible with the seeds of Gospel
truth. Hence the remark of Julius Pthi;'ius, the
celebrated Romish doctor^ — " Si Lyra non lira.sset
Lutherus non saltasset."^ In the fourteenth cen-
tury came another sower of the good seed of the
Word in the countries of which we speak, Gerard
of Groot. Nowhere, in short, had forerumiers of
the Reformation been .so nmnerous as on this
famous sea-board, a fact doubtless to be accounted
for, in jjart at least, by the commerce, the intelli-
gence, and the freedom which the Low Countries
then enjoyed.
Voices began to be heard prophetic of greater
ones to be raised in after-years. Whence came
these voices? From the depth of the convents.
The monks became the reprovers and accusers of
one another. The veil was lifted u])on the darkness
that hid the holy places of the Roman Church. In
1290, Henry of Ghent, Archbishop of Tournay,
published a liook against the Papacy, in which he
boldly questioned the Pope's power to transform
what was evil into good. Guide, the forty-second
Bishop of Utrecht, refused — rare modesty in those
times — the red hat and scarlet mantle from the
Pope. He contrasts with Wevelikhoven, the fiftieth
bisliop of that see, who in 1380 dug the bones of
a Lollard out of the gra'S'e, and burned them before
the gates of his episcopal palace, and cast the ashes
into the to^vll ditch. His successor, the fifty-first
Bishop of Utrecht, cast into a dungeon a monk
named Matthias Grabo, for writing a book in sujv
port of the thesis that " the clergy are subject to
the civil powers." The terrified author recanted
the doctrine of his book ; but the magistrates of
several cities esteemed it good and sound notwith-
standing. As in the greater Papacy of Rome, so
in the lesser Pajjacy at Utrecht, a schism took
place, and rival Popes thundered anathemas at one
another ; this helped to lower the prestige of the
Church in the eyes of the people. Henry Loedei-,
Prior of the Monastery of Fredesweel, near Nor-
tliova, ^\^•ote to his brother in the following manner
— " Dear brother, the lo'S'c I bear your state, and
welfiire for the sake of the Blood of Christ, obliges
me to take a rod instead of a pen into my hand.
.... I never saw those cloisters flourish and
increase in godliness which daily increased in tem-
poral estates and possessions Tlie filth of
yoiir cloister gi'catly wants the broom and the mop.
.... Embrace the Cross and the Crucified Jesus ;
therein ye shall find full content." Near Haarlem was
* Gerdesius, torn, iii., p. 3.
^ " If Lyra had not piped, Lutlior had not danced."
6
HISTOr.Y OF TROTESTANTISM.
the cloister of " The Visitation of the Blessed Lady,"
of which John van Kempen was prior. "We find
him censuring the lives of the monks in these
words — '• We would be humble, but cannot bear
contempt ; patient, withotit oppressions or sufler-
ings ; oljedient, without subjection ; poor, without
wanting anything, iSrc. Our Lord said the kingdom
of lieaven is to be entered by force." Hemy Wilde,
Prior of the Jlonastery of Bois le Due, pm-ged the
Jirain-books of the wanton songs which the monks
h id inserted with the imthoms. " Let them pray
for us," was the same prior wont to say when
asked to sing masses for the dead; "our prayers
will do them no good." We obtain a glimpse of
the rigour of the ecclesiastical laws from the at-
tempts that now began to be made to modify
them. In 1434 we find Bishop Rudolph gi-anting
power to the Duke of Burgundy to arrest by his
bailiffs all drunken and fighting priests, and deliver
them up to the bishop, who promises not to dis-
charge them till satisfaction shall have been given
to the duke. He promises farther not to gi-ant the
protection of churches and churchyards to mm--
derers and similar malefactors ; and that no subject
of Holland shall be summoned to appear in the
bishop's court at Utrecht, upon any accoimt what-
soever, if the person so summoned be willing to
appear before the spiritual or temporal judge to
wliose jurisdiction he belongs.'
There follow, as it comes nearer the Eeforma-
(ii>n, the gi-oater names of Thomas k KempLs and
John Wessel. We see them trim their lamp
and go onward to show men the Way of Life.
It was a feeble light that now began to break
over these lands ; still it was sufficient to reveal
many things wliich had been iinobsei'ved or im-
thonght of during the gi-oss darkness that preceded
it. It does not become Churchmen, the barons now
began to say, to be so enormously rich, and so
efleminately luxurious ; these possessions are not
less ours than they are theirs, we .shall share them
with them. Tliose daring barons, moreover, learned
to deem the sjjiritual authority not rpiite so impreg-
nable as they had once believed it to be, and the
consequence of this was that they held the persons
of Ciliurchmen in less reverence, and their excom-
munications in less awe than before. There
was j)lanted tlius an iiicij>ient revolt. The move-
ment received an impulse from the writings of
WiclifTe, which began to be circulated in the Low
Countries in the end of the fourteenth century.-
Tliere followed, in the beginning of the next cen-
turj-, the martyrdoms of Huss and Jerome. The
light which these two stakes shed over the plains
of Bohemia was reflected as far as to the banks of
the Rhine and the shores of the North Sea, and
helped to deepen the inquii-y which the teachings
of the Waldenses and the Miitings of Wiclifl'e had
awakened among the burghei-s and aitLsans of the
Low Countries. The execution of Huss and Jerome
was followed by the Bohemian campaigns. The
victories of Ziska spread the terror of the Hussite
arms, and to some extent also the knowledge of the
Hussite doctrines, over Western Europe. In the
great amiaments which were raised by the Pope to
extinguish the hei-esy of Huss, numerous natives of
Holland and Belgium em-olled themselves ; and of
these, some at least retiu-ned to their native land
converts to the liei-esy they had gone forth to sub-
due.^ Their opinions, quietly disseminated among
their countrymen, helped to pi'epare the way for
that great struggle in the Netherlands which we
are now to record, and which expanded into so much
vaster dimensions than that which had shaken
Bohemia in the fifteenth century.
To these causes, which conspii-ed for the awaken-
ing of the Netherlands, is to be added the influence
of trade and commerce. Tlie tendency of commerce
to engender activity of mind, and nourish inde-
pendence of thought, is too obvious to require that
we should dwell upon it. The tiller of the soil
seldom pei-mits his thoughts to stray beyond his
native acres, the merchant and trader has a whole
hemisphere for his mental domain. He is com-
pelled to reflect, and calculate, and compare, other-
wise he loses his ventures. He is thus lifted
out of the slough in which the agi-iculturist or the
herdsman is content to lie all his days. The Low
Countries, as we have said in the j)revious chapter,
were the heart of the commerce of the nations.
They were the clearing-house of the world. This
vast ti'ade brought with it knowledge as well as
riches ; for the Fleming could not meet his cus-
tomers on the wharf, or on the Bourse, without
hearing things to him new and strange. He had to
do with men of all nations, and he received from
them not only foreign coin, but foreign ideas.
The new day was coming apace. Already its
signals stood displayed before the eyes of men. One
powerful instrumentality after another stood up
to give rapid and universal diffusion to the new
agencies that were about to be called into existence.
Nor have the nations long to wait. A crash is
heard, the fall of an ancient empire shakes the
earth, and the sacred languages, so long imprisoned
within the walls of Constantinople, are liberated,
Brandt, bk. i., passim.
Ibid., vol. i., p. 17.
3 Brandt, vol. i., p. 19.
VIEW OF THE UIOH ALTAU IN TUE CHUKCH OF BOTTEUDAM.
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
ami become again the inheritonee of the race. The
eyes of men begin to be turned on tlie sacred page,
•which may now be read in tlie very words in which
the inspired men of old time wrote it. Not for a
thou.sjxnd years liad so fair a morning visited the
iiartlx. ISIen felt after the long darkness that truly
" light is sweet, and a ple:isant thing it is for the
eyes to behold the sun." The dawn was pale and
chilly in Italy, but in the north of Europe it
brought witli it, not merely the light of pagan
literature, but the warmth and brightness of
Chmtian truth.
"We have already seen with what fierce defiance
Charles V. flung down the gage of battle to Pro-
testantism. In manner the most public, and with
vow the most solemn and awful, he bound himself
to extirjjate heresy, or to lose armies, treasures,
kingdoms, body and soul, in the attempt. Ger-
many, happily, was covered from the consequences
of that mortal threat by the sovereign rights of its
hereditary princes, who stood between their subjects
and that terrible arm that was now uplifted to
cnLsh them. But the less fortimate Netherlands
enjoyed no such protection. Charles was master
there. He could enforce his will in liLs patrimonial
estates, and his will was that no one in all the
Netherlands should profess another than the Roman
creed.
One furious edict was issued after another, and
these were puljlicly read twice every year, that no
one might pretend ignorance.' These edicts did not
remain a dead letter as in Germany ; they were
ruthlessly executed, and soon, alas ! the Low
Countries were blazing with stakes and swimming
in blood. It is almost incredil)le, and yet the
historian Meteren asserts that during the last thirty
yeara of Charles's reign not fewer than 50,000 Pro-
testants were put to death in the provinces of the
Netherlands. Grotius, iir his Annals, raises the
number to 100,000." Even granting that these
estimates are extravagant, still they ai-e sufficient
to con\'ince us that the number of victims was (n-eat
indeed. The bloody work did not slacken owinc
to Charles's many absences in Spain and other
countries. His sister Margaret, Dowagei--queen of
' Sleidan, bk. xvi., p. 342; Lond., 1089.
= Grot., 4nnal., lib. i., 17; Amsterdam, 1G58. Watson,
Philip II., vol. i., p. 113.
Hungary, who wa-s appointed regent of the pro-
vinces, was compelled to carry out all his cruel
edicts. Men and women, whose crime was that
they did not believe in the mass, were beheaded,
hanged, burned, or buried alive. These proceed-
ings were zealously seconded by the divines of
Louvain, whom Luther styled " bloodthirsty
heretics, who, teaching impious doctrines which
they could make good neither by reason nor Scrip-
ture, betook themselves to force, and disputed with
fire and sword.^ This terriljle work went on
from the 23rd of July, 1523, when the proto-
mai-tyi\s of the provinces were burned iir the great
square of Brussels,' to the day of the emperor's
abdication. The Dowager-qiieen, in a letter to her
brother, had given it as her opinion that the good
work of jjurgation should stop only when to go
fiii-ther would be to efl'ect the entii-e depopulation of
the country. The " Christian Widow," as Erasmus
styled her, would not go the length of burning the
the last Netherlander ; she would leave a few
orthodox inhabitants to repeople the land.
Meanwhile the halter and the axe were gathering
theii- victims so fast, tliat the limits traced by the
regent — wide as they were — bade fair soon to be
reached. The genius and activity of the Nether-
landers were succumbing to the terrible blows that
were bemg unremittingly dealt them. Agiiculture
was beginning to languish; life was departing from
the great towns ; the step of the artisan, as he went
to and returned from his factory at the hours of
meal, was loss elastic, and his eye less liright ; the
workshops were being weeded of their more skilful
workmen ; foreign Protestant merchants were fleeing
from the country ; and the decline of the internal
trade kept pace wtli that of the external commerce.
It was evident to all whom bigotry had not ren-
dered incapable of reflection, that, though great
progress had been made towards the ruin of tlie
country, the extinction of heresy was still distant,
and likely to be reached only when the land had
become a desert, the hai-bours empty, and the cities
silent. The blood with which the tyrant was so
profusely watering the Netherlands, was but
nourishing the heresy which he sought to dro^v^l.
^ Sleidan, bk. xvi., p. 343.
■' See ante, vol. i., bk. ix., chap. 3, p. 490.
rEiiSECUTlONS IN ANTWERP
CHAPTER III.
ANTWERP : 1T« CONFESSORS AND MARTYRS.
Antwerp — Its Convent of Augustines — Jacob Spreng— Henry of Zutphen — Convent Eazed— A Preaclier Drowned —
Pkicards of the Emperor Charles V. — "Well of Life — Long and Dreadful Series of Edicts — Edict of 15-10— The
Inquisition— Spread of Lutheraniam — Confessors — Martyrdom of John de Bakker.
No cit}' did the day that was now breaking over
the Low Countries so often touch ^viih its light as
Antwerp. Within a year after Luther's appear-
ance, Jacob Spreng, prior of |the Angustinian con-
vent in that town, confessed liimself a disciple of
the Wittemberg monk, and began to preach the
same doctrine. He was not suflered to do so long.
In 1519 he was seized in his own convent, carried
to Bnissels, and threatened with the punishment of
the fire. Though his faith was genuine, he had not
courage to be a martyr. Vanquished by the fear of
death, lie consented to read in public his recanta-
tion. Being let go, he repaired to Bremen, and
there, " walking softly from the memory of his fall,"
he passed the remaining yeai's of his life in preaching
the Gospel as one of the pixstore of that northern
town.'
The same city and the same convent furnished
another Reformer yet more intrepid than Spreng.
This was Henry of Zutphen. He, too, had sat at
the feet of Luther, and along with his doctrine had
carried away no small amount of Luther's dramatic
power in setting it forth. Christ's office as a
Saviour he finely put into the following antitheses :
— "He became the servant of the law that he might
be its master. He took all sin that he might take
away sin.* He is at once the victim and the
vanquisher of death ; the captive of hell, yet he it
was by whom its gates were burst open." But
though he refused to the sinner any share in the
great work of exjjiating sin, reserving tliat entnely
and exclusively to the Saviom-, Zutjihcn strenu-
ously insisted that the believer should be careful to
maintain good works. " Away," he said, " with a
dead faith." His career in Antwerp was brief.
He was seized and thrown into prison. He did not
deceive himself as to the fate that awaited him.
He kept aw.ako during the silent hours of night,
preparing for the death for which he looked on the
coming day. Suddenly a great uproar arose roimd
liis prison. The noise was caused by his townsmen.
' Gerdesius, torn, iii., pp. 23—25.
- "Totum peccatum tolerans ct tollens." (Gerdesius,
torn, iii., Appendix, p. 18.)
who had come to rescue him. They broke open his
gaol, penetrated to his cell, and bringing him forth,
made hini escape from the city. Henry of Zutphen,
thus rescued from the fires of the Inquisition,
visited in the coui-se of his wanderings several pro-
vinces and cities, in which he preached the Gosjiel
with gi-eat eloquence and success. Eventually he
went to Holstein, where, after laboui-ing some time,
a mob, instigated by the pi-iests, set upon him and
mui-dered him' in the atrociously cruel and bar-
liarous manner we have described in a previous part
of our history.''
It seemed as if the soU on which the convent of
the Augustines in Antwerp stood produced heretics.
It must be dug up. In October, 1522, the convent
was dismantled. Such of the monks as had not
caught the Lutheran disease had quartere provided
for them elsewhei-e. The Host was solenuily
removed from a place, the very air of which was
loaded vnth deadly pravity, and the building, like
the house of the leper of old, was razed to the
ground.^ No man lodged under that roof any more
for ever.
But the heresy was not driven away from
Brabant, and the inquisitors began to ■wreak their
vengeance on other objects besides the innocent
stones and timbers of heretical monasteries. In
the following year (1523) three monks, who had
been inmates of that same monastery whose ruins
now warned the citizens of Antwerp to eschew
Lutheranism as they would the fire, were burned at
Brussels." When the fire wa.s kindled, they first
recited the Creed ; then they chanted the Te Dciiiii
Laudamus. This hymn they sang, each chanting
the alternate verse, till the fiamcs had deprived
them of both voice and life.'
In the following year the monks signalisetl their
zeal by a cruel deed. The desire to hear the Gosj)el
continuiug to spread in Antwerp and the adjoining
3 Gerdesius, tom. iii., pp. 28—30.
•• See ante, vol. i., bk. ix., chap. C, p. 506.
■' "Dirutum est penitusquo eversum." (Gerdesius,
tom. iii., p. 29.)
'' See ante, vol. i., bk. ix., chap. 3, p. 490.
' Brandt, vol. i., p. -15.
10
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
country, t!ic pastor of I\Ieltz, a little place near
Antwerp, began to preach to the people. His
church was often unable to contain the crowds
that came to hear hiiu, and he was obliged to
retire with his congregation to the oi)en fields. In
one of his sermons, declaiming against the priests
of his time, he said : — " We are worse than Judas,
for he both sold and delivered the Lord ; but we
sell him to you, and do not deliver him." This was
doctrine, the public preaching of which was not
likely to be tolerated longer than the priests lacked
jjower to stop it. Soon there appeared a placard or
proclamation silencing the pastor, as well as a
certain Augustinian monk, who preached at times in
Antwerp. The assemblies of both were prohibited,
and a reward of thirty gold caroli set upon tlieii'
heads. Nevertheless, the desire for the Gospel was
not extinguished, and one Sunday the people con-
vened in great numbers in a ship-building yard on
the banks of the Scheldt, in the hope that some
one might minister to them the Word of Life. In
that gathering was a young man, well versed iir
the Scriptures, named Nicholas, who seeing no one
willing to act as i)reaclier, ro.se himself to address
the people. Entering into a boat that was moored
by the river's blink, he read and expounded to the
multitude the parable of the five loaves and the two
small fishes. The thing was known all over the
city. It was dangerous that such a man should be
at large ; and the monks took care that he should
preach no second sermon. Hiring two butchers,
they waylaid him next day, forced him into a sack,
tied it with a cord, and hastily carrying him to
the river, threw him in. When the murder was
known a thrill of horror ran through the citizens
of Antwerp).'
Ever since the emperor's famous fulmination
against Luther, in 1521, he had kept up a constant
fire of placards, as they were termed — that is, of
persecuting edicts — upon the Netherlands. They
were posted up in the streets, read by all, and pro-
duced univei-sal consternation and alarm. They
succeeded each other at brief intervals ; scarcely
had the echoes of one fulmination died away
when a new and more terrible peal was heard re-
sounding over the startled and affrighted provinces.
In April, 1524, came a placard forbidding the
printing of any book without the consent of the
officers who had cliargc of that matter.= In 1525
came a circular letter from the regent Margaret,
addressed to all the monasteries of Holland, enjoin-
ing them to send out none but discreet preachers.
' Gerdesius, torn, iii., p. 37. BraiuU, vol.
' Gerdesius, torn, iii., p. 39.
who would be careful to make no mention of
Luther's name. In March, 152C, came another
placard against Lutheranism, and in July of the
same year yet another and severer. The preamble
of this edict set forth that the "vulgar had been
deceived and misled, partly by the contri\ance of
some ignorant fellows, who took upon them to
preach the Gospel privately, without the leave of
their superiors, explaining the same, together with
other holy writings, after theii- own fancies, and not
according to the orthodox sense of the doctors of the
Chm'ch, i-acking their brains to produce new-fangled
doctrines. Besides these, divers secular and
regular priests presumed to ascend the pulpit, and
there to relate the eri'ors and sinister notions of
Luther and his adherents, at the same time reviv-
ing the heresies of ancient times, and some that had
likewise been propagated in these countries, recall-
ing to men's memories the same, with other false
and damnable opinions that had never till now
been heard, thought, or spoken of. . . . Where-
fore the edict forbids, in the emjieror's name, all
assemblies in order to read, speak, confer, or preach
concerning the Gospel or other holy writings in
Latin, Flemish, or in the Walloon languages — :is
likewise to preach, teach, or in any sort promote the
doctrines of Martm Liither ; especially such as
related to the Sacrament of the altar, or to con-
fession, and other Sacraments of the Chui'ch, or any-
thing else that affected the honoiu- of the holy
mother Mary, and the saints and saintesses, and
their images. . . . By this placard it was
fui-ther ordered that, together with the books of
Luther, &c., and all their adherents of the same
sentiments, all the gospels, epistles, prophecies, and
other books of the Holy Scriptures in High Dutch,
Flemish, Walloon, or French, that had marginal
notes, or expositions according to the doctrine of
Luther, should be brought to some public place,
and there burned ; and that whoever should
presume to keep any of the aforesaid books and
writings by them after the promulgation of this
placard should forfeit life and goods." '
In 1528 a new jilacard was issued agamst jiro-
hibited books, as also against monks who had
abandoned their cloister. There followed in 1529
another and more severe edict, condemning to
death without pardon or reprieve all who had not
brought their Lutheran books to be burned, or had
otherwise contravened the former edicts. Those
who had relapsed after having abjured their crroi's
were to die by fire ; as for others, the men were
to die by the sword, and the women by the pit —
i., p. 51.
2 Brandt, vol. i., p. 56. Gerdesius, torn, iii., p. 56.
PERSECUTING PLACARDS.
11
that is, they were to bo buried alive. To liarbour
or conceal a heretic was death and the forfeiture
of goods. Informers were to have one-half of the
estates of the accused on conviction ; and those
who were commissioned to put the placard m exe-
cution were to proceed, not witli " the tedious for-
malities of trial," biit by summar}' process.'
It was about this time that Erasmus addressed
a letter to the inhabitants of the Low Countries,
in which he advised them thus : — "Keep yourselves
in the ai'k, that you do not perish in the deluge.
Continue in the little shij) of our Saviour, lest ye
bo swallowed by the waves. Remain iii the fold
of the Church, lest ye become a prey to the wolves
or to Satan, who is always going to and fro, seek-
ing whom he may devour. Stay and see what
resolutions will be taken by the emperor, the
liruiccs, and afterwards by a General Council. "-
It was thus that the man who was reposing in the
shade exhorted the men who were in the fire. As
regarded a " General Council," for which they were
bidden to wait, the Reformers had had ample
experience, and the result had been uniform — the
mountani had in every case brought forth a mouse.
They were able also by this time to guess, one
should think, what the ein])eror was likely to do
for them. Almost every year brought with it a
new edict, and the space between each several fulmi-
nation was occuijied in giving practical application
to these decrees — that is, in working the axe, the
halter, the stake, and the pit.
A new impetus was given about this time to the
Reform movement, by the translation of Luther's
version of the Scrijrtures into Low Dutch. It
was not well executed ; neveitheless, being read
in their assemblies, the book instructed and com-
forted these young converts. Many of the priests
who had been in office for years, but who had never
read a single line of the Bible, good-naturedly
taking it for granted that it amply authenticated all
that the Cliurch taught, dipped into it, and being
much astonished at its contents, began to bring
both their life and doctrine into greater accordance
with it. One of the printers of this first edition
of the Dutch Bible was condemned to death for his
l)ains, and died by the a.\e. Soon after this, some
one made a ccillfction of certain ])assages from the
Scriptures, and published them under the title of
" The Well of Life." The little book, with neither
note nor comment, contained but the words of
Scripture itself; nevertheless it was very obnoxious
to the zealous defenders of Popery. A " Well of
Life" to othei-s, it was a Well of Death to tlieii-
' Brandt, vol. i., pp. .57, 58.
IKd.
Church and her rites, and they resolved on stopping
it. A Franciscan friar of Brabant set out on pur-
pose for Amsterdam, where the little book had been
printed, and buying tip the whole edition, he com-
mitted it to the flames. He had only half done
his work, however. The book was printed in other
towns. The Well would not be stopped; its waters
would gush otit ; the journey and the expense
which the friar had incurretl had been in vain.
We pass over the edicts that were occasionally
seeing the light during the ten following 3'ears, as
well as the Anabaptist opinions and excesses, with
the sanguinary wars to which they led. These we
have ftilly related in a previous part of our his-
tory.' In 15i0 came a more atrocious edict than
any that had yet been promulgated. The monks
and doctors of Louvain, who spared no pains to
root out the Protestant doctiine, instigated the
monarch to issue a new placard, which not only
contained the substance of all former edicts, but
passed them into a perpetual law. It was dated
from Brussels, the 22nd September, 1.540, and was
to the following effect : — That the heretic should
be incapable of holding or disposing of property;
that all gifts, donations, and legacies made by
him should be null and void ; that informers who
themselves were heretics should be pardoned that
once ; and it especially revived and put in force
against Lutherans an edict that had been promul-
gated in 1535, and specially directed against Ana-
baptists— namely, that those who abandoned theii'
errors should have the privilege, if men, of dying by
the sword ; and if women, of being buried alive ;
such as should refuse to recant were to be burned.*
It was an aggravation of these edicts that they
were in violation of the rights of Holland. The
emperor promulgated them in his character of
Coimt of Holland ; but the ancient Counts of
Holland could issue no decree or law till first they
had obtained the consent of the nobility and
Commons. Yet the emperor issued these placards
on his own sole authority, and asked leave of no
one. Besides, they were a virtual estaljlishment
of the Inquisition. They commanded that when
evidence was lacking, the accused shouUl them-
selves be put to the question — that is, by torture or
other inquisitorial methods. Accordingly, in 1522,
and while only at the beginning of the terrible
array of edicts which we have recited, tlie emperor
appointed Francis van Hulst to make strict inquiry
into people's opinions in religious matters all
^ See ante, vol. i., bk. ix., chap. 8; and vol. 11., bU. lii.,
chap. 2.
■* Brandt, vol. i., p. 7'.'; Gerdosius, torn, iii., p. 1-43.
THE FIRST DUTCH MARTYR.
13
thronghout the Netliei-lands ; and lie gave him as
his fellow-comiuissioner, Nicolas van Eginout, a
Carmelite monk. These two worthies Erasmus
happily and characteristically hit off thus : —
" Hiilst," said lie, " is a wonderfid enemy to learn-
ing," and " Egmont is a madman with a sword in
liis hand." "Tlicse men," says Brandt, " first threw
men into prison, and then considered what they
should lay to their charge."'
Meanwhile the Reformed <loctrinc was spreading
many of the principal inhabitants — among others,
Nicolas Quich, under-master of the school there.
At Utrecht the Reformation was embraced by
Rhodius, Principal of tht College of St. Jerome, and
in Holland liy Cornelius Honius, a learned civilian,
and counsellor in the Courts of Holland. Honiiis
interpreted the text, " This is my body," by the
words, "This signifies my body" — an interpretation
which he is said to have found among the pnpers
of Jacob Hook, sometime Dean of Naldwick, and
Ul VNTW EI I
among the inhabitants of Holland, Brabant, and
Flandei'.s. At Bois-le-Duc all the Dominican
monks were driven out of the city. At Antw erp,
in spite of the edicts of the emperor, the con-
venticles wore kejtt up. The learned Hollaiider,
Dorpius, Professor of Divinity at Lo\ivain, was
thought to favour Luther's doctrine, and he, as
well as Erasmus, was in some danger of the stake.
Nor did the emperor's secretary at the Court of
Brabant, Philip dc Lens, escape the suspicion of
lieresy. At Naiirden, Anthony Frederick became
a convert to Protestantism, and was followed by
106
' Bi'.amU, vol. i., p. 12.
wliiih was believed to have been handed down
from hand to hand for two hundred yoai-s.-
Among the disciples of Honius was William Cim-
phanis. Rector of the Gj'mnasium at the Hague. To
these we may add Cornelius Grapheus, Secretary
of Antwerp, a most e.stimable man, and an en-
lightened friend of the Reformation.
The first martyr of the Reformation in Holland
deserves more particular notice. He wiis John
de Bakker, of Woerden, which is a little town
between Utrecht and Leyden. He was a priest
of the age of twenty-seven yeai-s, and had incurred
Bi-ancU, vol. i., p. 52.
14
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM,
the suspicion of liorcsy l>y speaking against tlie
edicts of tlie emperor, and by marrying. Joost
Laurence, a leading member of tlie Inquisition,
presided at liis trial. He declared before his
judges that " he coidd submit to no rule of faith
save Holy Writ, in the sense of the Holy Ghost,
ascertained in the way of interpreting Sci'ipture by
Scrii)ture." He held that "men were not to be
forced to ' come in,' otherwise than God forces them,
which is not by prisons, stripes, and death, but by
gentleness, and by the strength of the Divine Word,
a force as soft and lovely as it is powerful." Touch-
ing the celibacy of priests, concerning which he was
accused, ho did " not find it enjoined in Scripture,
and an angel from heaven could not, he maintained,
introduce a new article of faith, much less the
Church, wliich was subordinate to the Word of
God, but had no authority over it." His aged
fiither, who was churchwarden — although after this
expelled from his office — was able at times to
approach his son, as he stood upon his trial, and
at these moments the old man would wliis])er iiato
his ear, " Ee strong, and pei-sevei-e in what is good ;
as for me, I am contented, after the example of
Aliraham, to ofier up to God my dearest cliild, that
never offended me."
The presiding judge condemned liim to die. The
next day, which was the 15th of September, 1525,
lie was led out \ipon a high scaflbkl, where he was
divested of his clerical garments, and dressed in
a short yellow coat. " They put on his head,"
says the Dutch Book of Martyrs, " a yellow hat.
with flaps like a fool's cap. When they were
leading him away to execution," continues the
martyrologist, " as he passed by the prison where
many more were sluit up for the faith, he cried
with a loud voice, ' Behold ! my dear brethren, I
have set my foot upon the threshold of martyrdom ;
have courage, like brave soldiers of Jesus Christ,
and being stirred up by my example, defend the
truths of the Gospel against all unrighteousness.'
He had no sooner said this than he was answered
by a shout of joy, triumph, and clapping of hands
by the prisoners ; and at the same time they
honoured his martyrdom with ecclesia.stical hymns,
singing the Te Deum Latalamus, Certamen Mwj-
num, and 0 heata Martyruvi Soleiimia. Nor did
they cease till he had given up the ghost. When
he was at the stake, he cried, ' O death ! where is
thy sting I O grave ! where is thy victory 1 ' And
again, ' Death is swallowed iip in the victory of
Christ.' And last of all, ' Lord Jesus, forgive
them, for they know not what they do. O Son
of God ! remember me, and have mercy u2)on me.'
Ajid thus, after they had stopped his breath, he
departed as in a sweet sleep, without any motions
or convulsions of his head and body, or contortions
of his eyes. This was the end of John de Bakker,
the fii'st martyr in Holland for the doctrine of
Luther. The next day Bernard the monk, Gei-ard
Wormer, William of Utrecht, and perhaps also
Gnaphwus himself, were to have been put to
death, had not the constancy of our proto-martyr
softened a little the minds of his judges."'
CHAPTER IV.
ABDICATION OF CHARLES V. AND ACCESSION OF PHILIP II.
Decrepitude of the Emperor— Hall of Brabant Palace-Speech of the Emperor— Failure of his Hopes and Labours—
PliiUp II.— His Portrait— Slender Endowments— Portrait of WiUiam of Orange— Other Netherlaud Nobles— Close
of Pageant.
In the midst of his cruel work, and, we may say,
in the midst of liis yeai-s, the em|ieror was over-
taken by old ago. The sixteenth century is waxing
in might around him ; its great forces are showing
no sign of exliaustion or decay ; on the contrary,
their vigour is gi'owing from one year to another ;
it is plain that they arc only in the opening of their
career, while in melancholy contrast Charles V. is
closing his, and yielding to tlie decrei)itn(le that is
creeping over hinist^lf and his empire. The sceptro
and the faggot — so closely united in his case, and
to be .still more closely united in that of his suc-
cessor— he must hand over to his son Philip. Let
us place ourselves in the hall where the act of
abdication is about to take place, and be it ours
not to record the common-places of imperial flat-
tery, so lavishly bestowed on this occasion, nor
to describe the pomjis under which the gi'eatest
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 53.
CHARLES RESIGNS THE EMPIRE.
15
monarch of his age so adroitly liid his fall, but
to sketch the portraits of some of those men who
await a great part in the future, and whom wo
shall frequently meet in the scenes that are about
to open.
We enter the great hall of the old palace of
Brabant, in Brussels. It is the 25th of October,
1555, and this day the Estates of the Netherlands
have met here, sunmioned by an imperial edict, to
be the witnesses of the surrender of the sovereignty
of his realms by Charles to his son. With the act
of abdication one tragedy closes, and another and
bloodier tragedy begins. No one in that glittering
throng could forecast the calamitous future which
was coming along with the new master of the
Sjjanish monarchy. Charles V. enters the gor-
geously tapestried hall, leaning his arm on the
shoulder of William of Nassau. Twenty-five
ye.irs before, we saw the emperor enter Augsbiu'g,
bestriding a steed of " brilliant whiteness," and
exciting by his majestic port, his athletic frame,
and manly countenance, the enthusiasm of the
spectators, who, with a touch of exaggeration par-
donable in the circumstances, pronounced him "the
handsomest man in the empire." And now what
a change in Charles ! How sad the ravages which
toil and care have, during these few years, made on
this iron frame ! The bulky mould in which the
outer man of Chai-les was cast still remains to
him — the ample brow, the broad chest, the mus-
c\dar limbs; but the force that animated that
])owerful framework, and enabled it to do such
feats in the tournament, the bull-ring, and the
battle-field, has departed. His limbs totter, he
lias to suiiport his steps with a crutch, his hair
is white, his eyes have lost their brightness, his
shoulders stoop — in short, age has withered and
crippled hini all over ; and yet he has seen only
fifty-five years. The toils that had worn him down
he briefly and affeotingly summarised in his address
to the august assemblage before him. Resting
this hand on his crutch, and that on the .shoulder
of the young noble by his side, he proceeds to
count up forty expeditions undertaken by him
since he was .seventeen — nine to Germany, six to
S]>ain, seven to Italy, four to France, ten to the
Netherlands, two to England, and two to Africa.
He had made eleven voyages by sea ; he had fought
foiu- battles, won victories, held Diets, framed tn^a-
tie.s — so ran the tale of work. He had passed
niglits and nights in anxious deliberation over the
gi-owth of Protestantism, and he h.ad sought to
alk^viate the mingled mortification and akuTii its
jirogress caused him, by fulminating one persecut-
ing edict after another in the hope of arresting it.
In addition to marches and battles, thousands of
halters and stakes had he erected ; but of these he
is discreetly silent. He is silent too regarding the
success which had crowned these mighty efforts
and projects. Does he retire because he has suc-
ceeded ? No ; he retires because he has failed.
His infirm frame is but the image of his once
magnificent empiie, over which decrepitude and
disoi'der begin to creep. One young in years, and
alert iii bod}', is needed to recruit those ai'mies
which battle has wasted, to replenish that exchequer
which so many campaigns have made empty, to
restore the military j)restige which the flight from
Innspruck and succeeding disasters have tarnished,
to quell the revolts that are springing up in the
various kingdoms which form his vast monarchy,
and to dispel those dark clouds which his eye but
too plainly sees to be gathering all round the
horizon, and which, should he, with mind enfeebled
and body crippled, continue to linger longer on the
scene, will assuredly burst in ruin. Such is the
true meaning of that stately ceremonial in which
the actoi'S played so adi'oitly, each his part, in the
Brabant palace at Bnissels, on the 25tli of October,
1555. The tj'rant apes the father; the murderer
of his subjects would fain seem the paternal ruler ;
the disappointed, baflled, fleeing opponent of Pro-
testantism puts on the airs of the conqueror, and
strives to hide defeat under the pageantiies of
State, and the symbols of victory. The closing
scene of Charles V. is but a repetition of Julian's
confession of discomfiture — " Thou hast overcome,
O Galilean."
We turn to the son, who, in almost all outward
respects, presents a complete contrast to the father.
If Charles was prematurely old, Philij), on the
other hand, looked as if he never had been young.
He did not attain to middle height. His small
body was mounted on thin legs. Nature had not
fitted him to shine in either the sports of the
tournament or the conflicts of the l^attle-field ;
and both he shunned. He had the ample brow,
the blue eyes, and the aquiline nose of his father ;
but these agreeable features were forgotten in the
ugliness of the under part of his face. His lower
jaw protruded. It was a Burg\uidian deformity,
but in Philip's case it liad received a larger than
the usual family develojjment. To this disagree-
able feature was added another repulsi\e one, also
a family peculiarity, a heavy hanging \inder-lip,
which enlarged the apjiarent size of his mouth, and
strengthened the impiession, which the unpleasant
protrusion of the jaw made on the spectatoj-, of
animal voracity and savageness.
The puny, meagre, sickly-looking m:ui who stood
16
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
beside the warlike aiul once rolmst form of Charles,
was not more unlike his father in body than he was
unlike him in mind. Not one of his father's gi'eat
qualities did he possess. He lacked his statesman-
bhij) ; he had no knowledge of men, he could not
enter into their feelings, nor accommodate himself
to theii- ways, nor manifest any sympathy in what
engaged and engrossed them ; he, therefore, shiumed
them. He had the shy, shrinking air of the vale-
tudinarian, and looked around with something like
the scowl of the misanthrope on his face. Charles
moved about from province to province of his vast
dominions, speaking the language and conform-
ing to the manners of the people among whom he
chanced for the time to be ; he was at home in all
places. Philip was a stranger everywhere, save in
Spain. He spoke no language but his mother
tongue. Amid the gay and witty Italians — amid
the familiar and courteous Flemings — amid the
frank aiul open Germans — Philip was still the
Spaniard : austere, haughty, taciturn, imappi-oach-
able. Only one quality did he share with his father
• — the intense passion, namel}', for extinguishing the
Reformation.'
From the two central figures we turn to glance
at a third, the young noble on whose shoulder
the emperor is leaning. He is tall and well-
formed, ^vith a lofty brow, a brown eye, and a
peaked beard. His service in camps has bronzed
his complexion, and given him more the look of
a Spaniard than a Fleming. He is only in his
twenty-third year, but the quick eye of Charles had
discovered the capacity of the young soldier, and
placed him in command of the army on the frontier,
where resource and coui'age were specially needed,
seeing he had there to confront some of the best
generals of France. Could the emperor, who now
leaned so confidingly on his shoulder, liave foreseen
liis future career, how suddenly would he have
■withdrawn his arm ! The man on whom lie re-
posed was destined to be the great antagonist
of his son. Despotism and Liberty stood em-
bodied in the two forms on either hand of the
abdicating emperor — Philiji, and William, Prince
of Orange ; for it wa.s he on whom Charles leaned.
The contest between them was to shake Cliristen-
dom, bring down from its pinnacle of power that
' Badovaro MS.. "/<«<' Motley, Rise of the Dutch Repuhlic.
pt. i., chap. 1 ; Edin., 1859.
great monarchy which Charles was bequeathing
to his son, raise the httle Holland to a pitch of
commercial prosperity and literary glory which
Spain had never known, and leave to William a
name in the wars of liberty far surpassing that
which Charles had won by his many campaigns — a
name which can perish only with the Netherlands
themsehes.
Besides the three principal figures there were
others in that brilliant gathering, who were either
then, or soon to be, celebrated throughout Europe,
and whom we shall often meet in the stirring
scenes that arc about to open. In the glittering
throng around the platform might be seen the
bland face of the Bishop of Arras ; the tail form of
Lamoral of Egmoiit, with his long dark hair and soft
eye, the representative of the ancient Frisian kings ;
the bold but sullen facv, and fan-shaped beard, of
Count Horn ; the debauched Brederodc ; the in-
famous Noii'carmes, on whose countenance played
the blended lights of ferocity and greed ; the small
figure of the learned Viglius, with his yellow hair
and his gi'een glittering eye, and round rosy face,
from which depended an ample beard ; and, to close
our list, there was the slender form of the cele-
brated Spanish grandee, Ruy Gomez, whose coal-
black hair and burning eye were finely set off by a
face which intense application had rendered as
colourless almost as the marble.
The pageant was at an end. Charles had handed
over to another that vast possession of dominion
which had so severely taxed his manhood, and which
was crushing his ago. The princes, knights, war-
rior's, and counsellors have left the hall, and gone
forth to betake them each to his own several road
— Charles to the monastic cell which he had inter-
posed between him and the grave ; Philip to that
throne from which he Wiis to dkect that fearful
array of armies, inquisitore, and executioners, that
was to make Em-ope swim in blood ; AVilliam of
Orange to prepare for that now not distant struggle,
which he saw to be inevitable if bounds were to
be set to the vast ambition and fanatical fury of
Spain, and some remnants of liberty preserved in
Christendom. Othera went forth to humbler yet
import;vnt tasks ; some to win true glory by worthy
deeds, others to leave behind them names which
should be an execration to jiosterity ; but nearly
all of them to expire, not on the bed of i)caco, but
on the liattle-field, on the scafibld, or by the poignard
of the assassin.
ATROCIOUS EDICTS.
17
CHAPTER V.
I'HILIP ARRANGES THE GOVERNMENT OF THE NETHERLANDS, AND DEPARTS FOR SPAIN.
Philii) II. Renews the E diet of 1533of liia Fatlier— Other Atrocious Edicts — Further Martyrdoms— Inquisition introduced
into the Low Countries — Indignation and Alarm of the Netherlanders — Tliii-teen New Bishops — The Spanish Troops
to bo left in the Country — Violations of the Netherland Charters — Bishop of Arras — His Craft and Ambition —
Popular Discontent— Margaret, Duchess of Parma, appointed Eegent— Three Councils — Assembly of the States at
(ilient— The States request the Suppression of the Edicts— Anger of Philip — He sets Sail from Flusliing — Stonu —
Arrival in Spain. c
Some few years of comparative tranquillity were
to intervene between the accession of Philip II.,
and the commencement of those terrible events
wliich made liis riign one long dark tragedy. But
oven now, though but recently seated on the
throne, one startling and ominous act gave wai'n-
iiig to the Netherlands and to Europe of what
was in store for them under the austere, bigoted,
priest-ridden man, whom half a world had the mis-
fortune to call master. In 1559, four years after
his accession, Philip renewed that atrociously in-
human edict which his father had promulgated in
15-10. This edict had imported into the civilised
Netherlands the disgusting spectacles of savage
lauds; it kept the gallows and the stake in constant
operation, and made such havoc in the ranks of the
friends of freedom of conscience, that the more
moderate historians have estimated the number of
its victims, as we have already said, at 50,000.
The commencement of this work, as our leaders
know, was in 1521, when the emperor issued at
"SV^orms his famous edict against " Martin," who
was " not a man, but a devil under the form of a
man.' That bolt passed harmlessly over Luther's
head, not because being " not a man," but a spirit,
even the imjierial sword could not slay him, but
simply liecause he lived on German soil, where the
euii)eror might issue as many edicts as he pleased,
but could not execute one of them wthout the
consent of the prineas. But the shaft that missed
Luther struck deep into the unhappy .subjects of
Chailes's Paternal Estates. " Death or foi-feiture of
goods" was the sentence decreed against all Liitheraus
in tlie Netherlands, and to efTeet the unsparing and
vigorous execution of the decree, a new court was
erected in Belgium, which Viore a startling resem-
blance to the Incjuisition of Sp.ain. In Antweqi, in
Brussels, and in other towns piles began straightway
to blaze.
The fires once kindled, there followed similar
edicts, which kojrt the flames from going out. These
made it death to pray with a few friends in private ;
death to read a page of the Scriptures ; death to
discuss any article of the faith, not on the streets
only, but in one's own house ; death to mutilate an
image ; death to have in one's possession any of the
writings of Luther, or Zwingle, or QScolampadius ;
death to express doubt respecting the Sacraments
of the Church, the authority of the Pope, or an}'
siuiilar dogma. After this, in 1535, came the edict
of which we have just made mention, consigning to
the horrors of a living grave even I'epentant heretics,
and to the more dreadful horrors, as they were
deemed, of the stake, obstinate ones. There was
no danger of these cruel laws remaining inoperative,
even had the emperor been less in earnest than he
was. The Inquisition of Cologne, the canons of
Louvain, and the monks of Mechlin saw to their
execution ; and the obsequiousness of iVLiry of
Hungary, the regent of the kingdom, pushed on
the bloody work, nor thought of pause till she
should have reached the verge of " entire depopula-
tion."
When Philip II. re-enacted the edict of 1540, he
re-enacted the whole of that legislation which had
disgraced the last thirty years of Charles's reign,
and which, while it had not extinguished, nor even
lessened the Lutheranism against which it was
directed, had crijipled the industry and commerce
of the Low Countries. There had been a lull in the
terrible work of beheading and burning men for
conscience sake during the few last yeai-s of the
emperor's leign ; Charles's design, doi;btless, being
to smooth the way for his son. The fires were not
extinguished, but they were lowered ; the scaffolds
were not taken down, but the blood that flooded
them was less deep ; and as duiing the last years
of Charles, so also during the first years of Philip,
the furies of persecution seemed to slumber. But
now they awoke ; and not only was the old con-
dition of things brought back, but a new machineiy,
more sure, swift, and deadly than that in use under
Charles, was constructed to carrj' out the edicts
which Philip had piiblished anew. The emperor
liad established a court in Flanders that sufficiently
i-esembled the Inquisition; but Philip II. made a
18
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
still nearer ai)proacli to that rcdoiilituUle institution,
which has ever been the pot engine of the bigot and
])ersecutor, and the execration of all free men. The
court now established l)y Philii) was, in fact, the
Inquisition. It did not receive the name, it is true ;
but it was none the less the Inquisition, and kicked
nothing wliich the " Holy Office " in Spain pos-
sessed. Like it, it had its dungeons and screws
and racks. It had its apostolic inquisitors, its
secretaries and sergeants. It liad its ftimiliars
dispersed throughout the Provinces, and who acted
as spies and 'informers. It apprehended men on
suspicion, examined them by torture, and condemned
them witliout confronting them with the ^vitnesses,
or pei-mitting them to lead proof of their innocence.
It permitted the civil judges to concern themselves
with prosecutions for heresy no ftirther than merely
to carry out the sentences the inquisitors had pro-
nounced. The goods of the victims were confiscated,
and denunciations were encouraged by the promise
of rewards, and also the assurance of impunity
to informers who had been co-i-eligionists of the
accused.
Even among the submissive natives of Italy and
Spain, the estaljlishment of the Inquisition had
encountered opposition ; but among the spirited and
wealthy citizens of the Netherlands, whose privileges
had been expanding, and whose love of liberty had
been growing, ever since the twelfth century, the
introduction of a ooui-t like this was regarded with
universal horror, and awakened no little indigna-
tion. One thing was certain. Papal Inquisition and
Netherland freedom could not stand together. The
citizens beheld, in long and t<>rrible vista, calamity
coming upon calamity ; tlieir dwellings entered at
midnight by mask'jd familiars, their jiarents and
chihlren dragged to secret prisons, their civic digni-
taries led through the streets with halters round
their necks, the foreign Protestant merchants fleeing
from their country, their commerce dying, anios
dafe blazing in all their cities, and liberty, in the
end of the day, sinking under an odious and merci-
less tyranny.
There followed another measure which intensified
the alarm and anger of the Netherlanders. The
number of bishops was increased by Philip from
four to seventeen. The existing sees were those of
Arras, Cambray, Tournay, and Utrecht ; to these
thirteen new sees were adde<l, making the n\imber
of bLshoprics e((ual to that of the Provinces. The
bull of Pius IV., ratified within a few months by
that of Paul IV., stated that " the enemy of man-
kind being abroad, and the Netherlands, then under
the sway of the beloved son of his Holiness, Philip
the Catholic, being <;onipassed about with heretic
and schismatic nations, it was believed that the
eternal welfare of the land was in great danger ;"
hence the new labourei's sent forth into the harvest.
The object of the measiire was transparent ; nor
did its authors aflect to conceal that it was meant
to strengthen the Papacy in Flanders, and extend
the range of its i-ight arm, the Inquisition. These
thirteen new bishojis were viewed by the citizens
but as thirteen additional inquisitors.
These two tyrannical steps necessitated a third.
Philip saw it advisable to retain a body of Sj)anish
troops in the country to compel submission to the
new arrangements. The number of Spanish soldiei'S
at that moment in Flanders was not gi-eat: they
amounted to only 4,000 : but they were excellently
disciplined : the citizens saw in them the sharp end
of the wedge that was destined to introduce a
Spanish army, and reduce theii' country under a
desjiotism ; and in truth such was Philip's design.
Besides, these troops wei-e insolent and rapacious
to a degi-ee. The inhabitants of Zealand refused
to work on their dykes, saying they would rather
that the ocean should swallow them up at once,
than that they should be devoured piece-meal by the
avarice and cruelty of the Spanish soldiers.'
The measures adopted by Philip caused the
citizens the more irritation and discontent, from the
fact that they were subvei-sive of the fundamental
laws of the Provinces. At his accession Philip had
taken an oath to uphold all the chartered rights of
the Netherlanders ; but the new edicts traversctl
every one of these rights. He had sworn not to
raise the clergy in the Provinces above the state in
which he found them. In disregard of his solernu
]iledge, he had increased the ecclesiastical dioceses
from four to seventeen. This was a formidable
augmentation of the clerical force. The nobles
looked askance on the new spiritual peers who liad
come to divide with them their influence ; the
middle classes regarded them as clogs on their in-
dustry, and the artisans detested them as spies on
their freedom. The violation of faith on the part
of their monarch rankled in their bosoms, and in-
spired them with gloomy forebodings as regarded
the future. Another fundamental law, ever esteemed
by the Netherlanders among the most valuable of
their privileges, and which Philip had sworn to re-
spect, dill these new arrangements contravene. It
was unlawful to bring a foreign soldier into the
country. Philip, despite his oath, refused to
withdraw his Spanish troops. So long as they
remained, the Netherlanders well knew that the
door stood open for the entrance of a much larger
' Watson, PlnUp II., vol. i., p. 118,
20
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
force. It was also in-ovided in the ancient charters
that the citizens should be tried before the ordi-
nary courts and by the ordinary judges. But
Philip had virtually swept all these courts away,
and substituted in their room a tribunal of most
anomalous and terrific powers : a tribunal that
sat in darkness, that permitted those it dragged to
its bar to plead no law, to defend themselves
by no counsel, and that compelled the prisoner
by torture to become his own accuser. Nor was
tliis court reiiuired to assign, either to the prisoner
himself or to the public, any reasons for the dread-
ful and horrible sentences it was in the haoit of
pronouncing. It was allowed the most unrestrained
indulgence in a ca])ricious and murderous tyranny.
The ancient chartei-s h.ad farther provided that only
natives should serve in the public offices, and that
foreigners should be ineligible. Philip paid as little
respect to this as to the rest of their ancient usages
and rights. Introducing a body of foreign ec-
clesiastics and monks, he placed the lives and
properties of liis subjects of the Netherlands at the
disposal of tliese strangers.
The ferment was great : a storm was gathering
in the Low Countries : nor does one wonder when
one reflects on the extent of the revolution wliicli
had Ijeen accomplished, and which outraged all
classes. The hierarchy had been suddenly and
portentously expanded : the tribunals had been
placed in the hands of foreigners : in the destruc-
tion of their charters, the pi-ecious acquisitions of
centuries had been swept away, and the citadel of
their freedom razed. A foreign army was on their
soil. The Netlierlanders saw in all this a complete
machinery framed and set up on purpose to carry
oni the despotism of the edicts.
The blame of tlie new arrangements was.generally
charged on the Bisliop of Arras. He was a plau-
sible, crafty, ambitious man, fertile in expedients,
and even of temper. He was the ablest of the
counsellors of Philii), who honoured him with his
entire confidence, and considted him on all occasions.
Arras was by no means anxious to ho thought the
contnver, or even prompter, of that scheme of des-
potism which h.ad supplanted the liberties of his
native land ; but the more he pi-otested, the more
did the nation credit him with the plan. To him
had been assigned the place of cliief authority among
the new bishops, the Archbishopric of JMcchlin. He
was coy at first of the proffered dignity, and
Pliilip had to urge him before he would accept
the archiepiscop.al mitre. " I only .accepted it,"
we find him afterwards wiiting to the king, " that
I might not live in- idleness, doing nothing for God
and your Majesty." If his See of Mechlin bi-ought
liim labour, wliich he professed to wish, it brought
him what he feigned not to wish, but which never-
theless he greedily coveted, enormous wealth and
vast influence ; and when the people saw him taking
kindly to his new post, and working his way to the
management of all afl'airs, and the control of the
whole kingdom, they were but the more confirmed
in theii' belief that the edicts, the new bishops, the
Inquisition, and the Spanish soldiers had all sprung
from his fertile brain. The Nethei'landers had un-
doubtedly to thank the Bishop of Arras for the
first, the edicts namely, and these were the primal
fountains of that whole tyranny that was fiited to
devastate the Low Countries. As regards the
three last, it is not so clear that he had counselled
their adoption. Nevertheless the nation persisted
in regarding him as the chief conspirator against
its liberties ; and the odium in which he was held
increased from day to day. Discontent was rijjcn-
ing into revolt.
Pliilip II. was probably the less concerned at
the storm, which he could not but see was gather-
ing, inasmuch as he contemplated .an earl}' retreat
liefoi'e it. He was soon to depart for Spain, and
leave othei's to contend with the great winds he
had unchained.
Before taking his departure, Philip looked round
him for one whom he might appoint regent of this
important part of his dominions in his absence.
His choice lay between Christina, Duchess of
Lorraine (his cousin), and Margaret, Duchess of
Parma, a natural daugliter of Charles V. He fixed
at last on the latter, the Ducliess of Parma. The
Duchess of Lorraine would have been the wiser
ruler ; the Duchess of Parma, Philip knew, would
be the more obsequious one. Her duchy was sur-
rounded by Philip's Italian dominions, and she was
willing, moreover, to send her son — afterwards the
celebriited Alexander Farnese — on pretence of
being educated at the court of Spain, but in reality
as a pledge that she would execute to the letter the
injunctions of Philip in her government of the Pro-
vinces. Though for away, the king took care to
retain a direct .and firm grasp of the Notherl.ands.'
Under Margaret as regent, three Councils were
organised — a Council of Finance, a Privy Council,
and a Council of State, the last being the one of
highest authority. These three Councils were
appointed on the pretence of assisting the regent in
her government of the Provinces, but in reality to
mask her arbitrary administration by lending it
the air of the popular will. It was meant that the
' jRelat. Card. Sent., lib. ii., cap. 1, p. 45.
PHILIP'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
21
government of the Provinces should possess all the
simplicity of absolutism. Philip would order,
Margaret would execute, and the Councils would
consent ; meanwhile the old charters of freedom
would be sleeping their deep sleep in the tomb that
Philip had dug for them ; and woe to the man
who should attempt to rouse them from their-
slumber !
Before setting sail, Philip convoked an assembly
of the States at Ghent, in order to deliver to them
his parting instructions. Attended by a splendid
rotiuuc, Philip presided at their opening meeting,
but as he could not speak the tongne of the Flemings,
the king addressed the convention by the mouth of
the Bishop of Arras. The orator set forth, vnth
that rhetorical grace of wluch he was a master, that
" intense affection" which PhUip bore to the Pro-
vinces ; he next craved earnest attention to the
three millions of gold florins which the king had
asked of them ; and these preliminaries dispatched,
the bishoj) entered upon the great topic of his
harangue, with a fen'our that showed how much
this matter lay on the heart of his master. The
earnestness of the bishop, or rather of Philip, can
be felt only by giving his words. " At this
moment," said he, " many countries, and particu-
larly the lands in the immediate neighbourhood,
were greatly infested by various ' new, reprobate,
and damnable sects;' as these sects, proceeding
from the foul fiend, father of discord, had not failed
to keep those kingdoms in perpetual dissension
and misery, to the manifest displeasure of God
Almighty; as his Majesty was desirous to avert
such terrible evils from his own realms, according
to his duty to the Lord God, who would demand
reckoning from him hereafter for the well-being of
llie I'rovinces ; as all experience proved that change
of religion ever brought desolation and confusion to
the commonweal ; as low pereons, beggars, and
^iigabondiS, under colour of religion, were accus-
tomed to traverse the land for the puiisose of
plunder and disturbance ; ;us his Majesty was most
desirous of following in the footsteps of his lord
and father ; as it would be well remembered what
the emperor had said to him on the memorable
occasion of his abdication, therefore his Majesty had
commanded the regent Margaret of Parma, for the
sake ofreligion and the glory of God, accurately and
exactly to cause to be enforced the edicts and decrees
made by liis Imperial JMajesty, and renewed by his
]iresent Majesty, for the extiri)ation of all sects and
heresies."' The charge laid on the regent Margaret
was extended to all governors, councillors, and
Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, pt. i., ch. 3, p. 110.
others in authority, who were enjoined to trample
heresy and heretics out of existence.
The Estates listened -with intense anxiety, expect-
ing every moment to hear Philip say that he would
withdraw the Spanish troops, that he would lighten
their heavy taxation, and that he would respect
their ancient charters, which indeed he had sworn
to observe. These were the things that lay near
the hearts of the Netherlanders, but upon these
matters Philip was profomidly silent. The con-
vention begged till to-morrow to return its answer
touching the levy of three millions which the king
had asked for.
On the following day the Estates met in pre-
.sence of the king, and each province made answer
separately. The Estate of Artois was the first to
read its address by its representative. They would
cheerfully yield to the king, not only the remains
of their- property, but the last drop of their blood.
At the heai-ing of these loyal words, a gleam of
delight shot across the face of Philip. No ordi-
nary satisfaction could have lighted up a face so
habitually austere and morose. It was a burst of
that " affection " which PhiUp boasted he bore the
Netherlanders, and which showed them that it
extended not only to them, but to theirs. But the
deputy proceeded to append a condition to this
ajjparently unbounded surrender; that condition
was the withdrawal of the Spanish troops. In-
stantly Philip's countenance changed, and sinking
into his chair of state, with gloomy and wrathful
brow, the assembly saw how distasteful to Philip
was the propo.sition to withdraw his soldiers from
the Netherlands. The rest of the Estates followed ;
each, in its turn, makmg the same offer, Imt
appending to it the same condition. Every florin
of the throe millions demanded would be forth-
coming, but not a soldier must be left on the soil of
the Provinces. The king's face grew darker still.
Its rajjid changes showed the tempest that was
r.aging in his breast. To ask him to witlulraw his
soldiers was to ask him to give up the Netherlands.
Without the soldiers how could he maintain the
edicts and Inquisition l and these let go, tlie
haughty and heretical Netherlandei-s would again
1)0 their own masters, and would fill the Provinces
with that rampant heresy which he had just cui-sed.
The very idea of such a thing threw the king into
a rage which ho was at no pains to conceal.
But a still greater mortification awaited him
before the convention broke ujj. A formal remon-
strance on the subject of the Spanish soldiei-s was
presented to Philip in the name of the States-
General, signed by the Prince of Orange, Count
Egmont, and many other nobles. The king was at
22
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the same time asked to Miinul, or at least to
moderate, the edicts ; and when one of his ministers
represented, in the most delicate terms possiljle,
that to persist in their execution would be to sow
the seeds of rebellion, and thereby lose the sove-
reignty of the Provinces, Philip replied that " he
had much rather be no king at all than have
hex-etics for his subjects.'"
So ii'ritated was the king by these requests that
he flung out of the hall in a rage, remarking that
as he was a Spaniard it was perhaps expected that
lie, too, should withdraw himself. A day or two,
however, sufliced for liis passion to cool, and then
he saw that his true jwlicy was dissimulation till lie
should have tamed the stubbornness and pride of
these Nethcrland nobles. He now made a feint of
concession ; he woiild have been glad, he said, to
carry his soldiers with him in his fleet, had he
been earlier made acquainted with the wishes of the
Estates ; he promised, however, to withdraw them
in a few months. On the matter of Lutheranism
he was inexorable, and could not even bring him-
self to dissemble. His parting injunction to the
States was to pursue heresy with the halter, the
axe, the stake, and the other modes of death duly
enacted and set forth in his ovra and his royal
father's edicts.
On the 26th of August, Philip II., on the shore
of Flushing, received the fiirewell salutations of the
grandees of the Provinces, and then set sail for
Spain, attended by a fleet of ninety vessels. He
had quitted an angry land ; around him was a yet
angrier ocean. The skies blackened, the wind rose,
and the tempest lay heavy upon the royal squadron.
The ships were laden with the precious things of
the Netherlands. Tapestries, silks, laces, paintings,
marbles, and store of other articles which had been
collected by his father, the emperor, in the course of
thirty years, freighted the ships of Philip. He
meant to fix his capital in Spain, and these pro-
ducts of the needles, the looms, and the pencils of
his skilful and industrious subjects of the Low
Coimtries were meant to adorn his palace. The
greedy waves swallowed up nearly all that lich and
various spoil. Some of the ships foundered out-
right; those that continued to float had to lighten
themselves by casting their precious cargo into the
sea. " Philip," as the historian Meteren remarks,
" had robbed the land to enrich the ocean." The
king's voyage, however, was safely ended, and on
the Stli of September he disembarked at Loredo, on
the Biscayan coast.
The gloomy and superstitious mind of Philip
interpreted his deliverance from the storm that had
burst over his fleet in accordance wdtli his o^vn
fanatical notions. He saw in it an authentication
of the grand mission with which he had been en-
trusted as the destroyer of heresy ;- and in token
of thankfulness to that Power which had rescued
him from the waves and landed him safely on
Spanish earth, he made a vow, which found its ful-
filment in the magnificent and colossal palace that
rose in after-years on the savage and boiilder strewn
slopes of the Sierra Guadarrama — the Escorial.
CHAPTER VI.
STORMS IN THE COUNCIL, AND MARTYRS AT THE STAKE.
Three Councils— T}iese Three but One-Margaret, Duchess of Parma— Cardinal Granvelle— Opiiosition to the New
Bisliops- Storms at tlie Council-board— Position of Prince of Or.angc, and Counts Eg-mont and IIoru-Tlicir joint
Letter to the King— Smouldering Discontent— Persecution— Peter Titlemann— Severity of the Edicts— Father and
Son at the Stake— Heroism of the Flemish Martyrs— Execution of a Schoolmaster— A Skeleton at a Feast-
Burning of Three Refugees— Great Number of Flemish Martyrs— What their Country Owed them.
Three councils were organised, as we have said,
to assist the Duchess of Parma in the government
of the Provinces ; the nobles selected to serve in
these councils were those who were highest in rank,
and who most fully enjoyed the confidence of their
' Bentivoglio. " Chegli voleva piu tosto restar senza
regni ehe possedergli cou heresia."
countrymen. This had very much the look of
popular go^•cnlment. It did not seem exactly the
machinery which a despot would -set up. Tlie ad-
ministration of the Provinces ajjpeared to be within
the Provinces themselves, and the popular will,
expressed through the members of the councils,
= Brandt, vol. i., pp. 132, 133.
THE BISHOP OF ARRAS.
must needs he an influential element in the decision
of all ufl'airs. And yet the administration which
Philip Lad constructed was simply a despotism.
He had so arranged it that the three councils were
hut one council ; and the one coimcil was but
one man ; and that one mau was Philip's most
obedient tool. Thus the government of the Nether-
lands was worked from Madrid, and the hand that
directed it was that of the king.
A few words will enable us to explain in what
way Philip contrived to convert this semblance
of popular rule into a real autocracy. The affairs
of the nation were managed neither by the Council
of Finance, nor by the Privy Council, nor by the
Council of State, but by a committee of the latter.
That committee was formed of three members
of the Council of State, namely, the Bishop of
Arras, Viglius, and Berlaymont. Tlie.se three men
constituted a Consulta, or secret conclave, and it
soon became appai'ent that in that secret committee
was lodged the whole jiower of government. The
three were in reality but one ; for Viglius and
Berlaymont were so thoroughly identified in senti-
ment and will with their chief, that in point of
fact the Bishop of Arras was the Consulta. Arras
was entirely devoted to Philip, and the regent, in
turn, was instructed to take counsel with Arras,
and to do as he should advise. Thus from the
depths of the I'oyal cabinet in Spain came the
orders that nded the Netherhinds.
IMargaret had been gifted by nature with great
force of will. Her talents, like her i)erson, were
masculine. In happier circumstances she would
have made a humane as well as a vigorous ruler,
but placed a.s she was between an astute despot,
whom she dared not disobey, and an unscrupulous
and cunning minister, whose tact she could not
overrule, she had nothing for it but to carry out
the high-handed measures of others, and so draw
down upon herself the odium which of right belonged
to guiltier parties. Educated in the school of
Machiavelli, her statesmanship was expressed in a
single word, dissimulation, and her religion taught
her to regard thieves, robbers, and murderers its
criminals less vile than Luthei-ans and Huguenots.
Her spiritual guide had been Loyola.
Of Anthony Perrenot, Bishop of Arras, we have
already spoken. He had been raised to the Sue of
Mechlin, in the new scheme of the enlarged
hierarchy ; and was soon to be advanced to the
l)urple, and to become known in history under the
more celebrated title of Cardinal Granvelle. His
learning wius gi'eat, his wit wius ready, his eloquence
fluent, and his tact exquisite. His appreciation of
men wajj so keen, penetrating, and perfect, that he
clothed himself iis it were with their feelings, and
projects, and could be not so much himself an them.
This rare power of sympathy, joined to his
unscrupulousness, enabled him to inspire others
with his own policy, in manner so natural and
subtle that they never once suspected that it was
his and not their- own. By this masterly art —
more real than the necromancy in which that age
believed — he seated liimself in Philip's cabinet — in
Philip's breast — and dictated when he appeared only
to suggest, and governed when he appeared only to
obey. It is the fate of such men to be credited at
times with sinister projects which have arisen not
in their own brain, but in those of others, and thus
it came to pass that the Bishop of Ai'ras was
believed to be the real projector, not only of the
edicts, which Philip had republished at his sug-
gestion, but also of that whole machinery which
had been constructed for carryuig them out — the
new bislkops, the Inquisition, and the Spanish
soldiers. The idea refused to quit the popular mind,
and as grievance followed grievance, and the nation
saw one after another of its liberties invaded, the
storm of indignation and wrath which was daily
growing fiercer took at first the direction of the
bishop rather than of Philij).
The new changes began to take effect. The
bishops created by the recent bull for the extension
of the hierarchy, began to arrive in the country, and
claim possession of their several sees. Noble, aljliot,
and commoner with one consent opposed the en-
trance of these new dignitaries ; the commoners
because they were foreigners, the abbots because
their abbacies had been partially despoiled to provide
livings for them, and the nobles because they re-
garded them as rivals in power and influence. TIk^
reyeut Margaret, however, knowing how unalter-
able was Philip's will in the matter, braved the
stonn, and installed the new bishops. In one case
she was compelled to yield. The populous and
wealthy city of Antwerp emphatically refused to
receive its new spiritual ruler. With the bishop
they knew woiild come the Inquisition ; and with
secret denunciations, midnight apinehensions, and
stakes blazing in their market-i)laco they foresaw
the flight of the foreign merchants from their
coimtry, and the ruin of their commerce. They
sent deputies to Madrid, who put the matter in
this light before Philip; and the king, having
respect to the state of liis treas\u-y, and the sums
with which these wealthy merch;mts were accu.s-
to'med to replenish his coffers, wa.s graciously
pleased meanwhile to tolerate theii- opposition.'
' Bentivoiflio.
THE COUNCIL-BOAED.
25
At the State Council storms were of frequent
oucuri'ence. At that table sat men, some of whom
wei'e superior in rank to Ai'ras, yet his equals in
talent, and wlvo moreover had claims on PhUip's re-
gard to which the bishop could make no pretensions,
seeing they had laid him under great oliligations
by the brilliant services which they hud rendered
Meanwhile the popular discontent was gi'owing ;
Protestantism, which the regent and her ministers
were doing all that the axe and the halter enabled
them to do to extirpate, was spreading every day
wider among the people. Granvelle ascribed this
portentous growth to the negligence of the magis-
trates in not executing the "edicts." Orange and
MAHOAlttr, ULLHESS OF PARMA.
(From a Portrait of the period in the BiUiotheiim Nationale.)
in the field. There were especially at that board
the Piince of Orange and Counts Egmont and
Horn, who in addition to great wealth and dis-
tinguished merit, held high j)osition in the State
as the Stadtholdei-s of important Provinces. Yet
they were not consulted in the public business, nor
was their judgment ever asked in State afiaii-s ; on
the contrai-y, all matters were determined in secret
by Granvelle. They were but puppets at the
Council-board, while an an-ogant and haughty
ecclesiastic ruled the countiy.
107
Egmont, on the other hand, threw the blame on
the cardinal, who w;is replaoing old Netherland
liberty with Spanish desi)otism, and they demanded
that a convention of the States should be simimoned
to devise a remedy for the commotions and evils
that were distracting the kingdom.
This proposal was in the highest degi-ee distaste-
ful to Granvelle. He could tell beforehand the
remedy which the convention would prescribe for
the popular discontent. The convention, he felt
asam-ed, would demand the cancelling of the edicts,
26
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the suppression of the Inquisition, and the revival
of those chartei-s under which civil libei-ty and
commercial enterprise had reached that palmy state
in which the Emperor Charles had foiuid them when
he entered the Netherlands. Granvelle accordingly
wrote to his master counselling him not to call a
meeting of the States. The advice of the cardinal
but too well accorded with the views of Philip.
Instead of summoning a convention the king sent
ordei\s to the regent to see that the edicts were
more vigorously executed. It was not gentleness
but rigour, he said, that was needed for these
tiu'bulent subjects.
Things were taking an ominous turn. The
king's letter showed plainly to the Prince of Orange,
and Counts Egmont and Horn, that Philip was
i-esolved at all hazards to carry out his grand
scheme against the independence of the Provinces.
Not one of the edicts would he cancel ; and so
long as they continued in force Philip must have
bishops to execute them, and Spanish soldiers
to protect these bishops from the violence of an
oppressed and indignant people. The regent, in
obedience to the king's new missive, sent out fresh
orders, urging upon the magistrates the yet hotter
prosecution of heresy. The executions were nndti-
plied. The scaffolds made many \-ictims, but not
one convert. On the contrary, the Protestants
increased, and every day furnished new evidence
that sufferers for conscience sake were commanding
the admii-ation of many who did not share their
faith, and that their cause was attracting attention
in quarters where before it had received no notice.
The regent, and especially Granvelle, were daily
becoming more odious. The meetings at the
Council-board were stormier than ever. The bland
insolence and supercilious haughtiness of the
cardinal were no longer endurable by Egmont and
Horn. Bluff", out-s[)oken, and ii-ascible, they had
come to an open quarrel wth liim. Orange could
jjarry the thrust of Granvelle Avith a weapon as
polished as his own, and so was able still to keep on
terms of apparent friendliness with him ; but his
j)Osition in the Council, where he was denied all
share in the government, and yet lield responsible
for its tyrannical proceedings, was becoming un-
bearable, and he resolved to bring it to an end.
On the 23rd of July, 15G1, Orange and Egmontad-
dressed a joint letter to the king, stating how matters
stood in Flandere, and craving leave to retire from
the Council, or to be idlowed a voice in those
measures for which they were held to be responsible.
The answer, which was far fi-om satisfactory, was
V>rought to Flanders by C!ount Horn, who had been
on a visit to Madrid, ami liad parted from the king
in a fnme at the impertinence of the two Flemish
noblemen. His majesty expected them to give
attendance at the Council-board as aforetime, with-
out, however, holding out to them any hope that
they would be allowed a larger share than heretofore
iti the business transacted there.
The gulf between Orange and Cardinal Granvelle
was widening. The cardinal did not abate a jot of
his tyranny. He knew that Philip would support
him in the policy he was pursuing ; indeed, that he
could not retain the favour of his master unless he
gave ligorous execution to the edicts. He must go
forward, it mattered not at what amount of odium to
himself, and of hanging, burning, and buiying alive
of Philip's subjects of the Netherlands. Granvelle
sat alone in his " smithy " — for so was his country
house, a little outside the walls of Brussels, de-
nominated— ■writing daily letters to Philip, in-
sinuating or dii-ectly advancing accusations against
the nobles, especially Orange and Egmont, and
craftily suggesting to Philip the policy he ought to
pm'sue. In I'eply to these letters would come
fresh orders to liimself and the regent, to adopt
yet sterner measures toward the refractoiy and the
heretical Netherlanders. He had suspended the
glory of his reign on the trampling out of heresy in
this deeply-infected portion of his dominions, and
by what machinery could he do this unless by that
which he had set up — the edicts, the bishops, and the
Inquisition 1 — the triple wall ^vithin which he had
enclosed the heretics of the Low Countries, so that
not one of them should escajie.
The Flemings are a patient and much-enduring
people. Their patience has its limits, however,
and these limits once passed, then determination
and ii-e are in proportion to their former forbear-
ance. As yet their submissiveness had not been
exhausted ; they permitted their houses to be
entered at midnight, and themselves dragged from
their beds and conducted to the Inquisition, with
the meekness of a lamb that is being led to the
slaughter ; or if they opened then- mouths it was
only to sing one of Marot's psalms. The familiars
of this abhorred tribunal, therefore, encountered
hardly any resistance in executing their dreadful
office. The nation as yet stood by in silence, and
saw the agents of Granvelle and Philip he^^-ing
their victim;; in pieces with axes, or strangling
them with halters, or drowaiing them in ponds, or
digging graves for then- li\"ing entombment, and
gave no sign. But all the while these cruelties
were writing on the nation's heart, in ineffaceable
characters, an abhon-ence of the Spanish t3Tant,
and a stern unconquerable resolve, when the hour
came, to throw off his yoke. In the crowd of tjiose
HEROISM OF FLEMISH MARTYRS.
27
monsters who were now revelling in the blood and
lives of the Netherlanders, there stands out ono
cons])icuous monster, Peter Titlemann by name ;
not that he was more cruel than the rest of the
crew, but because his cruelty stands horridly out
against a gi-im pleasantry that seems to have cha-
racterised the man. " Contemporary chroniclers,"
says Motley, " give a picture of him as of some
grotesque yet terrible goblin, careering through the
country by night or day, alone, on horseback,
smiting the trembling peasants on the head with a
great club, spreading dismay fiir and wide, dragging
suspected persons from theii- firesides or their beds,
and thrusting them into dungeons, airesting, tor-
turing, strangling, burning, with hardly the shadow
of warrant, information, or process." ^
The whole face of the Low Countries during the
years of which we write (1560 — 65), was crossed
and recrossed with lines of blood, traced by the
cruel feet of monsters like tliis man. It was death
to pray to God in one's own closet ; it was death
not to bow when an image was carried past one in
the street ; it was death to copy a hymn from a
Genevese psalter, or sing a psalm ; it was death
not to deny the heresy of which one was suspected
when one was questioned, although one had never
uttered it. The monster of whom we ha\e made
mention above one day arrested Robei't Ogier of
Ryssel, wth hLs wife and two sons. The crime of
which they were accused was that of not going to
mass, and of practising woi-ship at home. The civil
judges before whom Titlemann brought them
examined them toucliing the rites they practised in
j)rivate. One of the sons answered, " We fall on
our knees and pray that God may enlighten our
minds and pardon our sins; we pray for our
sovereign, that his reign may be prosjierous, and
his life happy ; we pray for our magistrates, that
God may preserve them." This artless answer,
from a mere boy, touched some of the judges, even
to tears. Nevertheless the father and the eldsr son
were adjudged to the flames. " O God," prayed
the youth at the stake, " Eternal Father, acce]>t
the saciifice of our lives hi the name of thy
beloved Son!" "Thou Uest, scoundrel!" fiercely
interrupted a monk, who was lighting the fire.
" God is not your father ; ye are the devil's
chikh-en." The flames rose ; again the boy ex-
claimed, " Look, my father, all heaven is opening,
and I see ten hmidred thousand angels rejoicing
over us. Let us be glad, for we are dying for the
truth." " Thouliest, thou liest," again screamed the
monk ; " I see hell opening, and ten thousand devils
waiting to thrust you into eternaJ tire." The father
and son were heard talkmg with one another in the
midst of the flames, even when they wore at the
fiercest ; and so they continued till botli expLred.-
If the fury of the persecutor was grejit, not les.s
was the heroism of these martyrs. They refused all
communion with Rome, and worshipped in the
Protestant foi-ms, in the face of all the dreadful
penalties with which they were menaced. Nor
was it the men only who were thus coiu'ageous ;
women — nay, young gii'ls — animated by an equal
faith, displayed an equal fortitude. Some of them
refused to flee when the means of escape from prison
were ofiered to them. Wives would take their
stand by their husband's stake, and whUe he was
enduring the tire they would whisper words of
solace, or sing psalms to cheer him ; and so, in
their own words, woidd they bear him company
while "he was celebrating his last wedding feast."
Young maidens would lie down in their living
gi-ave as if they were entering into then- chamber
of nightly sleep ; or go forth to the seaflbld and the
fire, di'essed in theii- best apparel, as if they were
going to theii- marriage.' In April, 1654, GaleLn
de Mulere, schoolmaster at Oudenard, was ar-
rested by Inquisitor Titlemann. The poor man
was in great straits, for he had a -vrife and five
young children, but he feared to deny God and the
truth. He endeavoured to extricate himself from
the dilemma by demanding to be tried before the
magistrate and not by the Inquisition. " You are
my prisoner," replied Titlemann ; " I am the Pope's
and the emperor's plenipotentiary." The school-
master gave, at first, evasive answers to the ques-
tions put to him. "I adjure thee not to trifle
with me," said Titlemann, and cited Scripture
to enforce his adjuration ; " St. Peter," said the
terrible inquisitor, " commands us to be i-eady
always to give to every man that asketh us, a
reason of the hope that is in us." On these woixis
the schoolmaster's tongue broke loose. " My God,
my God, assist me now according to thy promise,"
prayed he. Then tiu'ning to the inquisitors he said,
" Ask me now what you please, I shall plainly
answer." He then laid open to them his whole
belief, concealing nothing of his abhorrence of
Popery, and his love for the Saviour. They used
all imaginable ai-ts to induce him to recant ; and
finding that no argument would i>rcvail with him,
" Do you not love your wife and children V said
they to him as the last appeal. " You know,"
' Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, vol. i., p. 170;
Edm., 1850.
= Brandt, vol. i., pp. 108, 109.
' Xbid., vol. i., p. 93.
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
replied he, " that I love them from my luiut ; iiud
I tell you truly, if the whole world were turned iiito
gold, and given to me, I woidd freely resign it, so
that I might keep these dear pledges with me in
my confinement, though I should live upon bread
and water." " Forsake then," said Titlemami,
" your heretical opuuons, and then you may live
■\vith your wife and children as formerly." " I
shall never," he replied, " for the sake of wife and
chilcken renounce my religion, and sin against God
and my conscience, as God shall strengthen me
■with his grace." He was pronounced a heretic;
and being delivered to the secular arm, he was
strangled and burned.'
The very idiots of the nation lifted up their
voice in reproof of the tyrants, and in condemna-
tion of the tyramiy that was scourging the country.
The following can hardly be read without horroi'.
At Dixmuyde, in Flanders, lived one Walter Capel,
who abounded in almsgiving, and was much lie-
loved by the poor. Among others whom his
bounty had fed was a poor simple creature, who
hearing that his benefactor was being condemiied
to death (1553), forced his way into the presence
of the judges, and cried out, " Ye are murderers,
ye are murderers ; ye spill innocent blood ; the
man has done no ill, but has given me bi-ead."
When Capel was buniing at the stake, this man
would have thrown himself into the flames and
died with his patron, had he not been restrained by
force. Nor did his gi-atitude die ■with his bene-
factor. He went daily to the gallows-field where
the half-burned carcase was fastened to a stake,
and gently stroking the flesh of the dead man ■with
his hand, he said, " Ah, poor creature, you did no
hann, and yet they have spilt your blood. You
gave me my bellyful of victuals." When the
flesh was all gone, and nothing but the bare
skeleton remained, he took down the bones, and
laying them upon his shoiddei-s, he cai-ried them to
the house of one of the burgomasters, -with whom
it chanced that several of the magistrates were
at that moment feasting. Throwing his ghastly
burden at their feet, he cried out, "There, you
murderers, first you have eaten his flesh, now eat
his bones." -
The following tlirco martyrdoms connect them-
selves with England. ChrLstian de Qiieker, Jacob
Die)issart, and Joan Konings, of Stienwerk, in
Flanders, had found an asylum in England, under
Queen Elizabeth. In 1559, luning visited th(,'ir
native country on their private ufl'airs, they fell
into the bands of Peter Titlemann. Being brouglit
before the inqui.sitoi"s, they fi-eely confessed their
opiniorts. Meanwhile, the Dutch congregation in
London procured lettei-s from the Archbishop of
Canterbury and other English prelates, wliich
were forwarded to the magistrates of Furness, where
they were confined in prison. The writers said
that they had been informed of the ajjprehension of
the three travellers ; that they were the subjects of
the Queen of England; that they had gone into the
Low Countries for the dLspatch of their private
aflaii's, ■with intent to return to England; that they
had avoided disputes and contest by the way, and
therefore could not be charged with the breach of
any law of the land ; that none of the Flemings had
been meddled with in England, but that if now
those who had put themselves under English jvu-is-
diction, and were members of the English Church,
were to be thus treated in other countries, they
should be likewise obliged, though muoh against
their wills, to deal out the same measure to
foreigners. Nevei-theless, they expected the magis-
trates of Fiu-ness to show prudence and justice, and
abstain from the spilling of innocent blood.
The magistrates, on i-eceipt of this letter, deputed
two of their' number to proceed to Bnissels, and lay
it before the Council. It was read at the Board,
but that was all the attention it received. The
Coimcil resolved to proceed with the prisoner
according to the edicts. A few days thereafter
they were conducted to the court to receive their
sentence, their brethren in the faith lining the
way, and encouraging and comforting them. They
were condemned to die. They went cheerfully to
the stake. A voice addi-essing them from the
crowd was heard, saying, "Joan, behave valiantly;
the cro%vn of glory is prepared for you." It was
that of John Bels, a Carmelite friar. While the
executioner was fastening them to the stake, with
chains put round their necks and feet, they sang
the 130th Psalm, " Out of the depths have I cried
to thee, O Lord ;" whereupon a Dominican, John
Campo, cried out, " Now we jjerceive you are no
Christians, for Christ went weeping to his death ;"
to which one of the bystanders immediately made
answer, " That's a lie, you false prophet." The
martyrs were then strangled and scorched, and
their bodies publicly hung in chains in the gallows-
field. Their remains were soon after taken down
by tlie Protestants of Furness, and buried.''
These men, although in number amounting to
many thousands, were only the first rank of that
gi'eater army of mai-tyrs which was to come after
them. With the exception of a very few, we do not
> Brandt, vol. i., p. 94.
= find., vol. i., p. 93.
3 Brandt, vol. i., p. 135.
THE TRUE NOBLES OF THE NETHERLANDS.
29
know even the names of the men who so will-
ingly oflered theu- lives to plant the Gospel in theii-
native land. They wei"e known only in the town,
or village, or district in which they resided, and
did not receive, as they did not seek, wider fame.
But what mattei-s it i They themselves are safe,
and so too are their names. Not one of them but
Ls inscribed in a record more lasting than the
liistorian's page, and from which they can never be
blotted out. They were mostly men in humble
station — weavers, tapestry-workers, stone-cutters,
tanners ; for the nobles of the Netherlands, not
even excepting the Prince of Orange, had not yet
abjured the Popish faith, or embraced that of Pro-
testantism. While the nobles were fuming at the
pride of Granvelle, or luimbly but uselessly petition-
ing Philip, or fighting wordy battles at the Council-
board, they left it to the middle and lower classes
to bear the brunt of the great war, and jeopardise
their lives in the high places of the field. These
humble men were the true nobles of the Nether-
lands. Their blood it was that broke the power of
Spain, and redeemed their native land from vassal-
age. Their halters and stakes formed the basis of
that glorious edifice of Dutch freedom which the
next generation was to see rising proudly aloft,
and which, but for them, would never have been
raised.
CHAPTER VII.
RETIREMEXT OF GRANVELLE — BELGIC CONFESSION OF FAITH.
Tumults at Valencieimes— Rescue of Two Martyrs— Terrible Revenge— Rhetoric Clubs— The Cardinal Attacked in
Plays, Farces, and Lampoons— A Caricature— A Meeting of the States Demanded and Refused — Orders from
Spain for the more Vigorous Prosecution of the Edicts — Orange, Egmont, and Horn Retire from the Council —
They Demand the Recall of Granvelle— Doublings of Piiilip II.— Granvelle under pretence of Visiting his Mother
Leaves the Netherlands— First Belgic Confession of Faith— Letter of Flemish Protestants to Philip II.—
Toleration.
The murmui-s of the popular discontent grew
louder every day. In that land the storm is heard
long to mutter before the sky blackens and the
tempest bursts ; but now there came, not indeed
tlie hurricane — that was deferred for a few years
— but a premonitory burst like the sudden wave
which, wliile all as yet is calm, the ocean sends
as the herald of the storm. At Valenciennes
were two ministers, Faveau and Mallart, whose
jn-eacliing attracted large congregations. They
were condemned in the autumn of 1561 to lie
Inirned. When the news spread in Valenciennes
that their favourite preachers had been ordered for
execution, the inhabitants turned out upon the
street, now chanting Clement Marot's psalms, and
now hurling menaces at the magistrates should
they dare to touch then- preachers. The citizens
crowded round the prison, encouraging the mini-
sters, and promising to rescue them should an
attemjjt be made to put them to death. These
commotions were continued nightly for the space
of six months. The magistrates were in a strait
l)etween the two e\-ils — the anger of the cardinal,
who w;is daily sending them peremptory orders to
have the heretics burned, ajad the wrath of the
people, which was expressed in furious menaces
should they do as Granvelle ordered. At last they
made up their minds to brave what they took to be
the lesser evil, for they trusted that the people
would not dare openly to resist the law. The
magistrates brought forth Faveaii and Mallart one
Monday morning, before sunrise, led them to the
market-place, where preparations had be&n made,
tied them to the stake, and were about to light the
fires and consume them. At that moment a woman
in the crowd threw lier shoe at the stake ; it was
the preconcerted signal. The mob tore down the
baiTiers, scattered the faggots, and chased away the
executionei's. The guard, however, had adroitly
canied off the prisoners to their dungeon. But the
people were not to be batilked ; they kept pos-
session of the street ; and when night came they
broke open the prison, and brought forth the two
ministers, who made their escape from the city.
This was called " The Day of the Ill-bumed," one of
the ministei-s ha-ving been scorched by the jiartially
kindled faggots before he was rescued.'
A terrible revenge was taken for the slur thus
1 Brandt, vol. i., pp. 138. 139.
30
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM,
cast upon the Inquisition, and the affront offered to
the authority of Granvelle. Troops were poured
into tlie ill-fated city. The prisons were filled with
men and women who had participated, or were sus-
pected of having participated, in the riot. The
magistrates who had trembled before were furious
now. They beheaded and burned almost indLs-
ei-iminately ; the amount of blood spUt was truly
frightful — to be remembered at a future day by the
nation, and atonement demanded for it.
We return to the Council-board at Brussels, and
the crafty tyrannical man who presided at it — the
minion of a craftier and more tyrannical — and who.
buried in the depths of his cabinet, edited his edicts
of blood, and sent them forth to be executed by
his agents. The bickerings still continued at the
Council-table, much to the disgust of Granvelle.
But besides the rough assaults of Egmont and
Horn, and the delicate wit and ridicule of Orange,
other assailants arose to embitter the cardinal's exis-
tence, and add to the diflBculties of his position. The
Duchess of Parma became alienated from him. As
regent, she was nominal head of the government,
but the cardinal had reduced her to the position of a
|)uppet, by gi-asping the whole power of the States,
and learaig to her only an empty title. However,
the cardinal consoled himself liy reflecting that if
lie had lost the favour of Margaret, lie could very
thoroughly rely on that of Philip, who, he knew,
jilaeed before every earthly consideration the execu-
tion of his edicts against heresy. But what gave
more concern to Granvelle was a class of foes that
now ai'ose outside the Council-chamber to annoy and
sting him. These were the membei's of the " Rhe-
toric Clubs." We find similar societies springing
up in other countries of the Reformation, especially
in France and Scotland, and they owed their
existence to the same cause that is said to make wit
flourish under a despotism. These clubs were
composed of authors, poetasters, and comedians ;
they wi-ote plays, pamphlets, pasquDs, in which
they lashed the vices and superstitions, and attacked
the despotisms of the age. They not only assailed
error, but in many instances they were also largely
instrumental in the diffusion of truth. They dis-
charged the same service to that age which the
new.spaper and the platform fulfil in ours. The
literatui'e of these poems and plays was not high ;
the wit was not delicate, nor the satire polished —
the wood-carving that befits the interior of a cathe-
dral would not STiit for the sculpture-work of its
fi"ont — but the writers were in earnest ; they went
straight to the mark, they expressed the pent-u]>
feeling of thousands, and they created and intensi-
fied the feeling which they expressed.
Such was the battery that was now opened upon
the minion of Spanish and Papal tp-anny in the
Low Countries. The intelligent, clever, and witty
artisans of Ghent, Bruges, and other towns chas-
tised Granvelle in theii- plays and lampoons,
ridiculed him in their forces, laughed at him in
their burlesques, and held him up to contempt and
scorn in their caricatures. The weapon was rough,
but the wound it inflicted was rankling. These
farces were acted in the street, where all could see
them, and the poem and pasquU were posted on the
walls where all could read them. The members of
these clubs were indi^'iduaUy insignificant, but
collectively they were most formidable. Neither
the sacredness of his own piu'ple, nor the dread of
Philip's authority, could afford the cardinal any
protection. As numerous as a crowd of insects,
the annoyances of his enemies were ceaseless
as theii- stings were countless. As a sample of
the broad humour and rude but truculent satire
with which Philip's unfortunate manager in the
Netherlands was assailed, we take the following
caricature. In it the woi-thy cardinal was seen
occupied in the maternal labour of hatching a
lirood of bishops. The ecclesiastical chickens were
in all stages of development. Some were only chi]i-
ping the shell ; some had thrust out their heads and
legs ; others, fairly disencumbered from their original
envelopments, were running about with mitres on
theii- heads. Each of these fledglings bore a whim-
sical resemblance to one or other of the new
bishops. But the coarsest and most cutting part of
the caricature remains to be noticed. Over the
cardinal was seen to hover a dark figure, with
certain appendages other than appertain to the
human form, and that personage was made to say,
" This is my beloved son, hear ye him." '
Such continued for some years to be the imsatis-
factory and eminently dangerous state of aftaii's in
the Low Coimtries. The regent Margaret, humi-
liated by the ascendency of Granvelle, and trembling
at the catastrophe to which his rigotir was driving
matters, proposed that the Stjites should lie sum-
moned, in order to concert measures for i-estoring
the tranquillity of the nation. Philip would on
no account permit such an assembly to be con-
voked. Margaret had to yield, but she resorted to
the next most likely expedient. She summoned a
meeting of the Knights of the Golden Fleece and
the Stadtholders of the Provinces. Viglius, one of
the members of Council, but less obnoxious than
Granvelle, was chosen to .address the knights. He
was a leai-ned man, and discoursed, with much
' Hooft, ii. 42— opud Motley, i. 178. Brandt, i. 127, 128.
ORATION OF VIGLIUS.
31
plausibility and in the purest Latin, on the dis-
turbed state of the country, and the causes which
had brought it into its present condition. But it
wiis not eloquence, but the abolition of the edicts
Orange called a meeting of the nobles at his own
house, and the discussion that took place, although
a stoiniy one, led to an underetanding among them
touching the course to be pursued in the future.
li CAl'KL UHAUIXi; TllK SfHU'TU ItKS Tu HIS KAl'l^ llTKll.
and the su])prcssion of the luqui.sition, that was
needed, and this was the very thing which Philip
w.a.<! determined not to grant. In vain had the
Knights of the Fleece and the Sta<Ulioldf'rs
a-isemljled. Still some good cauie of the gathering,
although the result was one which Margaret had
neither contemplated nor desired. The Prince of
The Lord of Montiguy was sent as a deputy to
Spain to lay the state of matters before Pliilip,
and urge the necessity, if his principality of the
Ni^therlands was to be sa\'ed, of stop{)ing tlie per-
secution. Pliilip, who appeared to have devoted
liimself wholly to one object, the extirpation of
heresy, was incapable of feeling the weight of tlie
32
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
representations of Montignj-. He said that he had
never intended, and did not even now intend,
establishing the Inquisition in the Low Countries
in its Spanish form ; and while he bade Montigny
carr}- back this assurance — a poor one even had it
been true — to those from whom he had come, he
sent at the same time secret orders to Granvelle to
cany out yet more rigorously the decrees against
the heretics.
Orange, Egmont, and Horn, now iitterly dis-
gusted and enraged, retired from the CouncU-table.
They wrote a joint letter to the king, stating the
fact of their withdrawal, with the reasons which
had led to it, and demanding the dismissal of the
cardinal as the only condition on which they could
resume then- place at the Board. They also plainly
avowed their belief that should Granvelle be con-
tinued in the administration, the Netherlands
woidd be lost to Philip. The answer returned to
tliis letter was meant simply to gain time. WhUe
Philip was musing on the steps to be taken, the fii-e
was spreading. The thi-ee seigniors ^vrote again to
the monarch. They begged to say, if the statement
had any interest for him, that the country was on
the road to ruin. The regent Margaret about the
same time wrote also to her brother, the king. As
.she now heartOy hated Granvelle, her representa-
tions confirmed those of Orange, although, reared as
she had been in the school of Loyola, she still
maintained the semblance of confidence in and
affection for the cai'dinal. The king now began to
deliberate ui earnest. Pendijig the anival of
Philip's answer, the Flemish grandees, at a gi-eat
feast where they all met, came to the resolution of
adopting a livery avowedly in ridicule of the
grand dresses and showy equipages of the cardinal.
Accordingly, in a few days, all their retainers
appeared in worsted hose, and doublets of coarse
grey, with hanging sleeves, but with no ornament
whatever, except a fool's cap and bells embroidered
upon each sleeve. The jest was understood, but
the cardinal affected to laugh at it. In a little
while the device was changed. The fool's cap and
bells disappeared, and a sheaf of arrows came in the
room of the former symbol.' The sheaf of arrows,
Granvelle, in \vi'iting to Pliilip, intei-preted to
mean " conspiracy." Meanwhile the king had
made up his mind as to the course to be taken.
He disjiatched two sets of instructions to Brussels,
one open and the other secret. According to the
first, the Duchess Margai-et was commanded to pro-
secute the heretics with more rigour than ever ; the
three lords were ordei'ed to return to their ])osts at
the Council-table ; and the cardinal was told that
the king, who was still deliberating, would make
his resolution known through the regent. But by
the secret letter, written at the same time, but sent
oil' from Madrid so as to arrive behind the others,
Philip wrote to the cardinal, saying that it ap-
peared to him that it miyht he well he should
leave the Provinces for some days, in order to visit
hLs mother, and bidding him ask pennission to
depart from the regent, whom he had secretly in-
structed to give such permission, without allowing
it to be seen that these orders had come from
the king.
The plan mystified all parties at the time, save
Orange, who guessed how the matter really stood ;
but the examination of Philip's correspondence has
since permitted this somewhat complicated affair to
be imravelled. The king had, in fact, yielded to the
storm and recalled Granvelle. All were delighted
at the cardinal's new-sprung affection for his motlxei',
and trusted that it would not cool as suddenly as it
had arisen;- in short, that "the red fellow," as they
termed him, had taken a final leave of the country.
Nor, indeed, did Granvelle ever return.
It is time that we should speak of the summary
of doctrines, or Confession of Faith, which was put
forth by these early Protestants of the Netherlands.
About the year 1561, Guido de Bres, with the
assistance of Adrian Saravia, and three other
ministers, published a little treatise in French under
the title of " A Confession of the Faith generally
and unanimously maintained by the Believers dis-
persed throughout the Low Countries, who desii-e
to live according to the purity of the holy Gospel of
our Lord Jesus Chi-ist."^ This treatise was after-
wards translated into Dutch. Saravia, who assisted
De Bres in the compilation of it, states in a letter
which the historian Brandt says he had seen, that
" Guido de Bres communicated this Confession to
such ministers as he coidd find, desiring them to
coiTect what they thought amiss in it, so that it
was not to be considered as one man's work, but
that none who were concerned in it ever designed
it for a rule of faith to others, but only as a
scriptural proof of what they themselves believed."
In the year 156.3, this Confession was published
both in high and low Dutch. It consists of thirty-
seven articles. Almost every one of these aiiicles
is formally and antithetically set over against some
one dogma of Romanism. With the great stream
of Reformation theology as set forth in the Con-
fessions of the Protestant Churches, the Belgic
Confession is in beautiful harmony. It differs from
' Strada, t>k. iv., p. 79; Lend., 1667.
2 Strada, bk. iv., p. 80.
3 Brandt, vol. i., p. 143.
THE BELGIC CONFESSION OF FAITH.
33
the Augsburg Confession under the liead of the
Lord's Supper, inasmuch as it i-epudiates the idea
of consiibstantiation, and teaches that the bread
and wine are only syiiibols of Chiist's presence, and
signs and seals of the blessing. In respect of the
true catholicity of the Church, the doctrine of
human merit and good works, and the justification
of sLuners by faith alone, on the righteousness of
Christ, and, in short, in all the fundamental doctrines
of the Scriptures, the Belgic Confession is in agi-ee-
ment vnth the Augustine Creed, and very specially
with the Confession of Helvetia, France, Bohemia,
England, and Scotland. The Reformation, as we
have seen, entered the Low Countries by the gate of
Wittemberg, rather than by the gate of Geneva :
nevertheless, the Belgic Confession has a closer
resemblance to the theology of those coimtries
termed Reformed than to that of those usually
styled Lutheran. The proximity of Flanders to
France, the asylum sought on the soil of the Low
Countries by so many of the Huguenots, and the
numbers of English merchants trading with the
Netherlanders, or resident in their cities, natui-ally
led to the greater prominence in the Belgic Con-
fession of those doctrines which have been usually
held to be peculiar to Calvinism ; although we
cannot help saying that a very general misappre-
hension prevails upon this point. With the one
exception stated above, the difl'erence on the Lord's
Supper namely, the theology of Luther and the
theology of Calvin set forth the same views of
Divine truth, and as respects that class of questions
confessedly in their full conception and reconcile-
ment beyond the reach of the human faculties,
God's sovereignty and man's free agencj', the two
great chiefs, whatever dilierences may have come
to exist between their respective followers, were
at one in then- theology. Liither was quite as
Calvinistic as Calvin himself
The Belgic Creed Ls notable in another respect.
It first saw the light, not in any synod or Church
assembly, for as yet the Church of the Low Counti-ies
as an organised body did not exist ; it had its
))eginning with a few private believers and
preachers in the Netherlands. This is a very
natural and very beautiful genesis of a creed, and
it admii-ably illustrates the real object and end
of the Refonners in framing their Confessions.
They compiled them, as wc see these few Flemish
teachers doing, to be a helj) to themselves and to
their fellow-believers in understanding the Scri))-
tures, and to show the world what they believed
to be the truth as set forth in the Bible. It did
not enter into their minds that they were forging
a yoke for the conscience, or a fetter for the
understandiiig, and that they were setting u]) a
Ijarrier beyond which men were not to adventure in
the inquiry after truth. Nothing was further
from the thoughts of the Reformers than this; they
claimed no lordship over the consciences of men.
The documents which they compiled and presented
to the world they styled not a decree, or a rule,
much less a creation, but a Confession, and they
issued their Confessions under this reservation, that
the Bible alone possessed inherent authority, that
it alone was complete and perfect, and that their
confession was only an approximation, to be re-
viewed, altered, amended, enlarged, or abbreviated
according as believers advanced in the more precise,
full, and accurate iinderstanding of the meaning of
the Spii'it speaking in the Word. We have no-
where found the views of the Reformers on this
point so admii'ably set forth as in the celebrated
John a Lasco's preface to his book on the Sacra-
ments ; and as this is a matter on which great
misapprehension has been spread abroad, we shall
here give his words. Speaking of the union of the
Churches of Zurich and Geneva on the doctiine
of the Lord's Supper, he says: "Our union is not
so to be understood as if we designed to exclude
the endeavours of all such as shall attempt to
introduce a gi-eater purity of doctiine. We
perceive, indeed, that many things are now taught
much better than formerly, and that many old ways
of speaking, long before used in the Church, are
now altered. In like manner it may hereafter
happen, that some of our forms of speaking being
changed, many things may be better explained.
The Holy Ghost will doubtless be present with
others, in the Church of Christ after us, as he has
vouchsafed to be with us and our ancestors ; for he
proceeds gradually, or by steps, and gives an in-
sensible increase to his gifts. And since we find
that all things tend to farther perfection, I do not
know, I own, whether it becomes us to endeavour
to confine the gradual increase of his gifts within
the compass of our forms of speaking, as within
certain palisades and entrenchments ; as if that
same Spirit were not at liberty, like the vnad, to
blow how, and when, and where he listeth. I do
not pretend to give a loose to the sowing of all
kinds of new-fangled doctrines, but I contend for
the liberty of adorning and explaining the founda-
tions when once laid, and %vith design to show that
the Spirit of God does not cease from daily im-
parting to us more and more light." How truly
catholis ! and how happily the mean is here
sti-uck between those who say that Confessions
ought to be abolished because they tyrannically
forbid progi-ess, and those who hold that they are
34
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
to be changed in not one iota, because they are
already perfect !
This Confession of Faith, being revised by a synod
that met in Antwerp in May, 1566, was in that
year reprinted and published.' Following the
example of Calvin in his celebrated letter to the
King of France, which accompanied his Insti-
tutes, the Reformed in the Netherlands pre-
faced theu- Confession of Faith wth a letter to
the King of Spain. Theu- Confession was theii-
defence against the charges of heresy and disloyalty
which had been preferred against them ; it was
then- " protestation before God and his angels" that
what they sought was " to enjoy the liberty of a
pure conscience in serving God, and reforming
themselves according to his Word and Holy
Commandments ; " and it was their appeal to be
freed from " the excommunications, imprisonments,
banishments, racks and tortures, and other num-
berless oppressions which they had undergone."
They remind the king that it was not then-
weakness which prompted this appeal to his com-
passion ; and that if they did not resist, it was not
because they were few in number — " there being,"
say they, " above one hundred thousand souls in
these Provinces who profess the same religion, of
which they presented him the Confession " — but to
prevent his " stretching out his hand to embue and
embathe it in the blood of so many poor innocent
men," and thereby bringing calamity upon liis
kingdom and throne.
They appended to their CT"fession a " Repre-
sentation" to the magistrates and higher powei-s
throughout the Low Countries. In this Represen-
tation we see these Flemish Protestants taking theu*
stand at the very threshold of tho modern religious
liberties. Nay, they so state the functions of the
magistrate, and so define his jurLsdiction, that fairly
interpreted their words approximate very nearly, if
not altogether, to our own idea of toleration. They
indeed condemn those who taught that it is " un-
lawful for the magistrate to .speak of the Scripture,
or to judge of doctrines and matters of religion."
But these words in their mouths have a very dif-
ferent meaning from that which they would have in
ours. The Church of Rome said to tlic m.igis-
trates. You are not to speak of Scripture, nor
to judge of doctrines ; that belongs exclusively to
us : you are to believe that whatever we call
hei'esy, is heresy, and, without farther inquiiy, are
to punish it with the sword. On the contrary,
the Flemish Protestants vindicated the rights of
princes and magistrates in this matter. They were
not to be the blind tools of the Church in putting
to death all whom she may choose to condemn as
heretical. They must, for their own guidance,
though not for the coercion of others, judge of
doctrines and matters of religion. "They are not
for going so far," they say, " as those good old
fathers who say that our consciences are not to be
molested, much less constrained or forced to believe,
by any powers on earth, to whom the sword is only
entrusted for the punishment of robbers, murderers,
and the like disturbers of civil government." " We
acknowledge," they add, " that the magistrate may
take cognisance of heresies." But let us mark what
sort of heresies they are of wliich the magistrate may
take cognisance. They are heresies which involve
" sedition and uproars against the government." ^
Thus again, when they explain themselves
they come back to their grand idea of the freedom
of conscience, as respects all human authority, in
matters appertaining to God and his worship.
Toleration had its birth in the same hour with Pro-
testantism ; and, like the twins of classic story, the
two powei-s have flourished together and advanced
by equid stages. Luther exhibited toleration in
act ; Calvin, ten years before the time of which wc
wiite, began to formulate it, when he took heresy,
strictly so called, out of the jurisdiction of the
magistrate, and left him to deal with blasphemj',
"which unsettled the foundation of civil order;"
and now we behold the Protestants of the Low
Coimtries treading in the steps of the Refoi-mer of
Geneva, and pei-mitting the magistrate to take cog-
nisance of heresy only when it shows itself in dis-
tui'bances and uproars. It is important to bear in
mind that the Reformers had to fight two battles at
once. They had to contend for the emancipation
of the magistrate, and they had to contend for the
emancipation of the conscience. When they chal-
lenged for the magistrate exemption from the
authority of Rome, they had to be careful not to
appear to exempt him from the authority of the law
of God. The Papists were ever i-eady to accuse
them of this, and to say that the Reformation had
assigned an atheistic position to princes. If at
times they aj)pear to deny the toleration which at
other times they teach, much, if not all, of this is
owing to the double battle which the times imposed
upon them — the emancipation of the magistrate
from the enslavement of the Church, and the
emancipation of the conscience from the enslavement
of both the magistrate and the Church.
1 Brandt, vol. i., 158.
= Biaudt, vol. i., pp. 158, 159.
THE PRINCE OF OEANGE'S SPEECH.
35
CHAPTER VIII.
THE RISING STORM.
Speech of Prince of Orange at the Council-table — Egmont sent to Spain— Demand for the States-General, and the
Abolition of the Edicts — Philip's Keply — More Martyrs — New and More Rigorous Instructions from Philip— The
Nobles and Cities Remonstrate— Ai'rogance of the Inquisitors — New Mode of putting Protestants to Death —
Rising Indignation in the Low Countries — Rumoui-s of General Massacre— Dreadful Secret Imparted to Prince of
Orange— Council of Trent — Programme of Massacre.
The cardinal had taken flight and was gone, but
the Inquisition remained. So long as the edicts were
m foi-ce, what could be expected but that the waves
of popular tumult would continue to flow i Never-
theless, the three lords — Orange, Egmont, and Horn
■ — -came to the helm which Granvelle had been com-
)ielled to let go, and, along with the regent, worked
hard, if haply the shipwi-eck that appeared to im-
pend over the vessel of the State might be averted.
The clear eye of Orange saw that there was a
deeper evil at work in the country than the car-
tUnal, and he demanded the removal of that evU.
Two measures he deemed essential for the restora-
tion of quiet, and he strenuously lu-ged the instant
adoption of these : — fii'st, the assembling of the
States-General ; and secondly, the abolition of the
edicts. The pi-ince's proposition struck at the evil
in both its roots. The States-General, if permitted
to meet, would resume its go^'el•nment of the nation
after the ancient Flemish fashion, and the abolition
of the edicts would cut the ground from under the
feet of the bishops and the inquisitors — in short, it
would break in pieces that whole macliinery by which
the king was coercing the consciences and burning
the bodies of his subjects. These two measures
would have allayed all the ferment that was fast
ripening into revolt. But what hope was there of
their adoption"! None whatever while Pliilip
existed, or Spain had a single soldier at her ser\'ice
or a single ducat in her treasury. The Prince of
Orange and his two fellow-councillors, however, let
slip no opportunity at the Council-board of urging
the expediency of these measures if the country was
to be saved. " It was a thing altogether impracti-
cable," they said, " to extiqjate .such a multitude of
lioretics by the methods of fire and sword. On the
contrary, the more these means wore emjiloyed, the
fuster would the heretics multiply." ' Did not
I'acts attest the truth and wisdom of their observii-
tion 1 Neither cords nor stakes had been spared,
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 149.
and yet on every hand the complaint was heard that
heresy was spreading.
Waxing yet bolder, at a meeting of Council held
towards the end of the year (1.564), the Prince of
Orange energetically pleaded that, extinguishing
their fires, they should give liberty to the people to
exercise theii' religion in theu' own houses, and that
in public the Sacrament should be administered
under both kinds. "With commotions and reforma-
tions on every side of them, "he said, "it was madness
to think of maintaining the old state of matters by
means of placards, inquisitions, and bishops. The
king ought to be plainly informed what were the
wishes of his subjects, and what a mistake it was to
propose enforcing the decrees of the Council of
Ti-ent, while their neighboiu's in Germany, as well
Roman Catholics as Protestants, had indignantly
rejected them." "As for himself," he said, in
conclusion, " although resolved to adhere to the
Roman Catholic religion, he could not approve that
princes should aim at any dominion over the souls
of men, or deprive them of the freedom of their
faith and religion."
The prince warmed as he spoke. His words flowed
like a torrent. Hour passed after hour, and yet
there were no signs of his oration drawing to a close.
The coimcillors, who usually sat silent, or contented
themselves witli merely giving a decorous assent
to the propositions of Granvelle, might well be
astonished at the eloquence that now resomided
through the Council-chambei*. It was now seven
o'clock of the evening, and the orator would not
have ended even yet, had not the Duchess of Parma
hinted that the dinner-hour liad arri\'ed, and that
the debate must be adjourned for the day. Viglius,
who had taken the place of the cardinal at the
Council-table, went home to his liouse in u sort of
stupefaction at what he had witnes-sed. He lay
awake all night ruminating on the line of argiunent
he .should adojjt in reply to Or.uigs. He felt how
necessar}' it was to etlhcc the impression the prince's
eloquence had niiulc. The dawn fouiul him still
36
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
perturbed and perplexed. He got up, and was
dressing himself, when a stroke of apoplexy laid him
senseless upon the floor. The disease left him
It was resolved to dispatch Count Egmont to
Madrid, to petition PliDip for permission to the
States-General to meet, as also for some mitigation
VIEW OF THE CHAPEL OF " SAINT SANG " (hOLY DLUdIi), ]ll:li.K^
shattered in mind as in body, and his place at the
CouncU-board had to be supplied by his friend
Joachin Hopper, a professor of Louvain, but a man
of very humble parts, and entirely subservient to
the regent.'
> Brandt, vol. i., p. 150.
of the edicts. But first the terms of Egmont's in-
stnictions had to be adjusted. The people must
not cry too loudly, lest their- tyrant should heat
their fimiace seven-fold. But it was no easy
matter to find mild epithets to designate burning
wi-ongs. Words that might appear sufficiently
humble and loyal on the comparatively free soil
EGMONT AT THE COURT OF PHILIP.
37
of the Low Countries, might sound almost like
treason when uttered in the Palace of Spain. Tliis
delicate matter arranged, Egmont set out. A most
com-teous reception awaited the deputy of the
Netherlands on liis an-ival at Madrid. He was
caressed by the monarch, feted and flattci'ed by the
nobles, loaded with rich gifts ; and these blandish-
professed to defer much to Egmont's opinion ; he
gave no promise, howe^-er, that he would change his
policy as regarded religious matters, or soften in
aught the rigour of the edicts. But to show Egmont,
and the seigniors of the Netherlands through him,
that in this he was impelled by no caprice of cruelty
or bigotry, but on the contrary was acting from
•K^^=
CARDINAL GRANVELLE. (Front a Portrait of tlte jjcn'od in the BiUiothequc Naiionale.)
ments and arts had the effect, which doubtless they
were meant to produce, of cooling his ardour as the
advocate of his country. If the terms of the re-
monstrance which Egmont was to lay at the foot
of the throne had been studiously selected so as not
to grate on the royal ear, before the ambassador left
Flandei-s, they were still further softened by Egmont
now that he stood on Spanish soil. Philip fre-
quently admitted him to a private aiidience, and
consulted with him touching the matters respecting
which he had been deputed to his court. The king
108
high and conscientious motives, Philiji assouiblrd a
council of divines, at which Egmont assisted, and
put to them the question, whether he was bound
to gi-ant that liberty of conscience which some of
the Dutch tovniH so earnestly craved of him ? The
jiulgment of the majority was that, taking into
account the present troubles in the I^ow Countiies
— which, unless means were found for allaying them,
might result in the Pro\inces falling away from
their obedience to tlio king's authority and to
theii- duty to the one tnic Church — his Majesty
38
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
might accord them some freedom iii matters of
religion without sinning against God. On tliis
judgment being intimated to Philip, he informed
the Fathers that they had misapprehended the
special point of conscience he wished to have
resolved, \\1iat lie desired to know was, whether
he must, not whether he miyht grant the liberty his
Flemish subjects desired. The ecclesiastics made
answer plainly that they did not think that the
king was bound in conscience so to do. Whereupon
Philip, falling down before a crucifix, addressed it
in these woi'ds : — " I beseech thee, O God and Lord
of all things, that I may persevere all the days of
my life in the same mind as I am now, never to be
a king, nor called so of any country, where thou
art not acknowledged for Lord." '
Egmont's embassy to the court of Spain being
now ended, he set out on liis return to the Low
Countries. He was accompanied on his journey by
the young Prince Alexander of Parma, the nephew
of Philip, and son of Slargaret, Regent of the
Netherlands, and whose destiny it was in after-
years to bo fatally mixed up wth the tragic woes
of that land on which he now set foot for the
first time. The results of Egmont's mission
were already known at Brussels by letters from
Spain, which, although ^VTitten after his depai-tiu'e
from jNIadrid, had arrived before him ; nevertheless,
he appeared in the Council on the 5th of May,
1565, and gave in a report of the measures which
the king had in contemplation for the pacifica-
tion of the Provinces. The Prince of Orange
clearly saw that the "holy water" of the coui-t
had been sprinkled on Egmont, and that the man
who had gone forth a patriot had come back a
courtier and apologist. The deputy informed the
Council that on the matter of the edicts no relaxa-
tion was to be expected. Heresy must be rooted
out. Touching the meeting of the States-General,
the king would send his decision to the regent.
This was all. Verily Egmont had gone far and
brought back little. But he had a little codicil
or ])ostscript in resei-N'e for the Council, to the
ettect that Philip graciously granted leave for
a synod of ecclesiiustics, with a few civilians,
to convene and concert measures for the in-
struction of the peo[)le, the reformation of the
schools, and the purgation of heresy. And further,
if the i)enal laws now in use did not serve their
end, they h.ad Philip's pel-mission to substitute
others " more efficacious." The Prince of Orange
and others were willing to belic\-e that by the
"more efliaicious" methods against heresy, milder
methods only could be intended, seeing that it
would be hard to invent mejisures more rigorous
than those now Ln use ; such, however, was not the
meaning of Philip."
During the absence of Egmont, the persecution
did not slacken. In February, Joost de Cruel was
beheaded at Rosen. He had been first drawn to
the Reformed faith by a sermon by Peter Title-
manii. Dean of Rosen, who had since become
the furious persecutor we have described above.
In the same month, John Disreneaux, a man
of seventy years, was burned at Lisle. At
the same time, John de Graef was strangled and
burned at Hulst, with the New Testament hung
round his neck. His persecutors had subjected
him while in prison to the extremities of hunger,
and thirst, and cold, in the hope of subduing him.
Mortification had set in, and he went halting to
death, his frost-bitten toes and feet refusing then-
oftice. Tranquil and coiu'ageous, notwithstanding,
he exhorted the by-standers, if they had attained a
knowledge of the truth, not to be deterred by the
fear of death from confessing it. In the following
month, two youths were discovered outside the
town of Tournay reading the Scriptures. An
intimacy of the closest kind, hallowed by theii- love
of the Gospel, had knit them together all their
lives j nor were they parted now. They were
strangled and burned at the same stake.'' Con-
sidering the number and the barbarity of these
executions, it does not surprise one that Orange luid
his associates believed that if the methods of ex-
tirpating heiesy were to be changed, it could only
Ije for milder inflictions. They had yet to learn
the fertility of Philip's inventive genius.
Scarcely had Egmont given in his report of his
mission, when new instructions arrived from Philip,
to the eflect that not only were the old placaixls to
be ligorously enforced, but, over and abo^■e, the
canons of the Council of Trent were to be promul-
gated as law throughout the Netherlands. These
canons gave the entire power of trying and jiunish-
ing heretics to the clergy. In short, they delivered
over the inhabitants of the Netherlands in all
matters of opinion to the sole irresponsible and
merciless jurisdiction of the Inquisition. Alarm,
terror, and consternation overspread the Pro-
vinces. The nobles, states, and cities sent deputies
to the governor to remonstrate against the outrage
on their ancient rights about to be perpetrated, and
the destruction into which such a policy was
' Stvacla, p. 183— »rm( Braudt, vol. i.,
Laval, vol. iii., p. 134.
pp. 150, 151.
- Brandt, vol. i., p. 1.54.
3 Brandt, vol. i., p. 153.
Laval, vol. iii., p. 134
POSITION OF THE DUCHESS OF PARMA.
39
sure to drag the country. " There couhl be no
viler slavery," they said, " than to lead a trembling
life in the midst of spies and informers, who
registered every word, action, look, and even every
thought which they pretended to read from thence."
The four chief cities of Brabant, Loiivain, Brussels,
Antwerp, and Bois le Due sent deputies to the
Chancellor and Council of that Province, to say
plainly that the orders of Pliilip were sounding the
death-knell of the Province ; the foreign merchants
were making haste to get away, the commerce of
theii- States was hastening to extinction, and soon
their now flourishing country would be a "mere
wilderness." The Prince of Orange wrote to the
Duchess of Pai-ma to the effect that if this business
of burning, beheading, and drowning was to go on,
he begged that some other might be invested Avith
the functions with which his sovereign had clothed
hira, for he would be no party to the ruin of his
country, which he as clearly foresaw as he was
powerless to avert. Other Stadtholders wrote to
the Duchess of Parma, in reply to her earnest
exhortations to assist in cariying out the edicts,
saying that they were not inclined to be the life-
guards of the Inquisition. One of the chief magis-
trates of Amsterdam, a Roman Catholic, happening
one day to meet a sheriff who was very zealous in
the work of persecution, thus addressed him : " You
would do well, when called to appear before the
tribunal of God, to have the emperor's placards in
your hand, and observe how far they will bear you
out." Papers were being daily .scattered in the
streets, and posted on the gates of the palace of
Orange, and of other nobles, calling on them to
come to their country's help in its hour of need,
to the end that, the axe and the halter being
abolished in the affairs of religion, every one might
be able to live and die according to his conscience.
On the other hand, the governor was besieged
by remonstrances and outcries from the bishops and
monks, who complained that they were withstood in
carrying out their sovei-eign's wish in the matter of
the execution of the edicts. The aid they had been
encouraged to expect in the work of the extirpation
of heresy was withheld from them. The tribunals,
prisons, and scaffolds of the coimtry had been made
over to them, and all magistrates, constables, and
gaolers had been constituted their servants ; never-
theless, they were often denied the use of thiit
machinery which was altogether indispensable if
their work Wius to be done, not by halves, but
effectually. They h.ad to bear odium and calumny,
nay, sometimes they were in danger of their
lives, in their zeal for the king's service and the
Church's glory. On all sides is heard the cry
that heresy is increasing, continued these much-
injured men; but how can it be that heretics should
not multiply, they asked, when they were denied
the use of prisons in which to shut them up, and
fires in which to burn them '! The position of the
Duchess of Parma was anything but pleasant. On
the one side she was assailed by the screams and
hootings of this brood of Inquisitors ; and on the
other was heard the muttered thunder of a nation's
wi-ath.'
Rocked thus on the gi-eat billows, the Duchess
of Parma wrote to her brother, letting him know
how difficult and dangerous her position had be-
come, and craving his advice as to how she ought
to steer amid tempests so fierce, and every hour
growing fiercer. Philip replied that the edicts
must ever be her beacon-lights. Philip's will was
unalterably fixed on the extiii^ation of heresy in
his kingdom of the Netherlands, and that will must
be the duchess's pole-star. Nevertheless, the tyi-ant
was pleased to set his wits to work, and to devise a
method by which the flagrancy, but not the cnielty,
of the persecution might be abated. Instead of
bringing forth the heretic, and beheading or burn-
ing him at midday, he was to be put to death in
his prison at midnight. The mode of execution
was as simple as it was barbarous. The head of
the prisoner was tied between his knees with a
rope, and he was then thrown into a large tub full
of water, kept in the prison for that use. This
Christian invention is said to have been the original
device of the "most Catholic king." The plea which
Bishop Biro of Wesprim set up in defence of the
clemency of the Chiu'ch of Rome, would have been
more appropriate in Philip's mouth, its terms
slightly altered, than it was in the mouth of the
bisliop. " It is a calumny to say that the Church
of Rome is bloodthirsty," said the worthy prelate,
Biro ; " that Church has always been content if
heretics were burned"
A new and dreadful rumour which began to cir-
odate through the Netherlands, added to the alarm
and teiTors of the nation. It was during this same
summer that Catherine de Medici and the Duke of
Alva held their celebrated conference at Bayonne.
Soon thereafter, whispei-s which jta.ssed from land to
land, and from mouth to mouth, reached the Low
Countries, that a dark plot had been concocted
between these two personages, having for its object
the utter extirpation of the new opinions. These
rumours corresponded with what was said to have
been agi-eed upon at one of the last sessions of the
' Brandt, vol. i., pp. 154, 155. Laval, vol. iii., pp. 130, 137.
40
HISTORY OF TROTESTANTISM.
Council of Trent, wliich lirtd closed its sittings the
year before, and on that account greater stress was
laid on these whispei-s. They appeared to receive
still further authentication, at least in the eyes of
William, Prince of Orange, from the circumstance
that a plot ])recisely identical had been disclosed to
him six years before, by Heniy II., when the king
and the prince were hunting togethei' in the Wood
of Vincennes. The rest of the hunting-party had
left them, Henry and William were alone, and the
mind of the French king being full of the project,
and deeming the prince, then the intimate friend
both of Philip II. and the Duke of Alva, a safe
depositary of the great secret, he unhappily for
himself, but most happily for humanity, communi-
cated to the jn-ince the detail.s of the plan.' Henry
II. told him how apprehensive he was of his throne
being swept away in the flood of Protestantism,
but he hoped, -Nvith the help of his son-in-law
Philip II., soon to rid France of the last Huguenot.
The monarch went on to explain to the prince how
this was to be done, by entrapping the Protes-
tants at the first convenient moment, de.stroying
them at a single blow; and extending the same
thorough purgation to all countries to which heresy
liad spread. William could not have been more
astounded although the earth had suddenly yawned
at his feet ; however, he carried the secret in his
breast from that dark wood, without permitting
the French king to read, by word or look of his,
the shock the disclosure had given him. And he
retained it in his breast for years, without speaking
of it to any one, although from the moment of his
coming to the knowledge of it, it began to shape
his conduct. It is from this circumstance that he
received the significant name of " William the
Silent."
All three — the rumours from Bayonne, the
tiding.<i from the Council of Trent, and the dark
secret imparted to William in the Forest of Vin-
cennes— pointed to a storm now gathering, of more
than \isual severity, and which should burst over
all Christendom, in which the Netherlands could
not miss having their full share. But what had
been plotted at Trent among the Fathers was
nearly as little known as what had been agi-eed
on at Bayonne, between Catherine and Alva. The
full truth — the definite plan — was locked up in
the archives of the Vatican, whence it is ]irobable
its first suggestion had come, and in the brciists of
the little coterie th.at met at the closing sessions
of the Comicil. But a paper by one of the .secre-
taries of Cardinal Boromeo, since given to the
' Sleidaii, Continuation, bk. ii., p. 27.
world, has ])ublished on the housetops what was
then spoken in whispers in. the cabinets of kings or
the conclaves of ecclesiastical synods. " First, in
order that the business may be conducted with the
gi-eater authority, they" (the Fathers of the Coimcil)
"advise to commit the superintendence of the whole
aflair to Philip the Catholic king, who ought to be
appointed with common consent the head and con-
ductor of the whole enterprise." The Catholic king
was to begin by preferring a complaint to his neigh-
bour, Anthony Bourbon, King of Navan-e, " that,
contrary to the institutions of his predecessors, he
entertains and nourishes a new religion." Should
the King of Navan-e turn a deaf ear to this remon-
strance, Philip was to essay him " by fair promises
to draw him ofi' from his wicked and \inhappy
design." He was to hold out to him the hope of
having that portion of his ancesti-al dominions
of which he had been stripped, restored, or an
equivalent given him in some other pai-t of EiU'ope.
Should Philip succeed in soothing him, " the opera-
tions of the future wai' will then be rendered more
easy, short, and expeditious." If he stUl contuiued
obstinate, the King of Spain was to " iutenuix
some threatenings with his promises and flatteries."
Meanwhile Philip was to be collecting an army " as
privily as possible ; " and in the event of the King
of Navan-e continuing obdurate, the Spanish king
was to fall upon him suddenly and tmawares, and
chase him from his kingdom, which the leaguers
were to occupy.
Fi-oni the mountains of Navarre the war was
to be moved down to the plains. The Huguenots
of France were to be extii-pated root and branch.
For the execution of this part of the pi-ogramme,
the main stress was rested on the zeal of the Duke
of Guise, aided by reinforcements from Spain.
While the sword was busy drowning the plains of
that country in Protestant blood, such of the Ger-
man princes as were Roman Catholic were to stop
the passes into France, lest the Protestant princes
should send succour to their brethren. Shut in, and
left to contend unaided with two powerful armies,
the fall of French Protestantism could not be
<loubtful. France, chastised and restored to obe-
dience to the Roman See, would regain her pristine
purity and glory.
Matters being thus " ordered in France," Ger-
many was next to be vindcrtakcn. " Luther and
his era" — that hour of portentous eclipse which
had thnist itself into Germany's golden day — must
bo razed from the tablets and chronicles of the
Fatherland, nor ever be once remembered or spoken
of by the generations to come. " It will be neces-
sary," says the document from wliicli we qviote,
LEAGUE OF THE FLEMISH NOBLES.
41
" with men collcctcrl from all quarters, to invade
Germany, and with the aid of the emperor and the
l)ishops, to render and restore it again to the Holy
Apostolic See." It was an-anged that this war of
purgation should support itself. " The Duke of
Guise shall lend to the emperor and the othei'
princes of Germany, and the ecclesiastical lords, all
the money that shall be gathered from the spoils
and confiscations of so many noble, powerful, and
■wealthy citizens as shall Ije killed in France on
account of the new religion, which ^vill amount
to a veiy great sum; the said Lord of Gviise taking
.sufficient caution and seciu'ity, that so he may,
after the conclusion of the war, be i-eimbursed of
all the money employed for that piu-pose, from the
spoils of the Lutherans and others who shall, on
account of religion, be slain in Germany."
What of Helvetia whUe this great conflagration
should be raging aU round it t At the cry of their
brethren the Reformed Swiss would rush from theii-
mountains to aid their co-religionists. To prevent
their doing so, work was to be found for them at
home. " For fear," says the document, " that the
cantons of Switzerland should lend aids, it is neces-
.sary that the cantons which continue still obedient
to the Roman Church declare war against the rest,
and that the Pope assist these cantons that are of
liis religion to the utmost of his power."
The branches cut oif in France and Germany,
a last and finishing blow was to be dealt at the
root of the tree in Geneva. " The Duke of
Savoy, whilst the war thus embroils France and
the Swiss, shall rush suddenly and luiexpectedly
with all his forces upon the city of Geneva, on the
lake of Leman, a.ssault it by force, and shall not
abandon it nor withdraw his men until he become
master and obtain full possession of the said city,
putting to the point of the sword, or casting into
the lake, every living soid who shall be found
therein, without any distinction of age or sex ;
that all may be taught that the Divine Power
in the end hath compensated for the delay of the
punishment by the greatness and severity of
it."i
Tlie tempest seemed about to burst in the days
of Henry II., but the fatal tournament which sent
that monarch to a pi-emature grave di-ew off the
storm for a time. It continued, however, to
lower in the sky of Europe ; the dark cloud would
at times approach as if about to break, and again
it would roll away. At last it e.xploded in the St.
Bartholomew Massacre, and its awfid reverberations
were reiterated again and again in the wars of
Philip II. in the Low Countries, and in the cam-
paigns and battles which for thirty years continued
to devastate Germany.
CHAPTER IX.
THE CONFEDERATES OR " BEGGARS."
League of the Flemish Nobles— Franciscus Junius— The "Confederacy "—Its Object — Number of Signatories — Meet-
ing of the Golden Fleece and States-General— How shall Margaret Steer ?— Procession of the Confederates— Their
Petition- Perpleiuty of the Duchess— Stormy Debate in the Council— The Confederates fu-.st styled " Beggars "
— Medals Struck in Commemoration of the Name — Livery of the Beggars — Answer of the Duchess — Promised
Moderation of the Edicts- Martyrdoms Continued— Four Martyi-s at Lille — John Cornehus Beheaded.
Finding that new and more tyrannical orders were
every day arriving from Sp.nin, and that the des])ot
was tightening his hold \ipon their country, the
leading nobles of the Netherlands now resolved to
combine, in order to prevent, if possible, the utter
enslavement of the nation. The " Compromise,"
as the league of the nobles was called, was formed
early in the year 1.566. Its first suggestion was
made at a conventicle, held on the Prince of Pamia's
marriage-day (.Ird of No^-ember, l.'JG.')), at which
Fi-anciscus Jiuiius, the minister of the Walloon
or Huguenot congregation in Antwerp, preached.'-'
This Junius, who was a Frenchman and of noble
birth, had studied in Geneva, and though not more
than twenty years of age, hi.s great learning and
extraordinaiy talents gave his counsel weight with
' IHscours des Conjurations de ccux de la Maison de Chase,
centre le Roy, son Eoyaumc, Ics Princes de son Sanij, et ses
Etats; printed in 1505, and republished at Riitisbon m
1712, among the proofs of Satyre ilenipie, tom. iii.
- So Bianilt aiErms, on the authority of a MS. Journal
in Junius'a own handwriting (vol. i., p. 162).
42
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the Flemisli nobles who sometimes consulted him
in cases of emergency. As he studied Tully, De
Legibus, in his youth, there came one who said to
him, in the words of the epicure, " God cares for
none of us," and plied Junius with arguments so
subtle that lie sucked in the poison of this dreary
belief. Libertinism laid the reins on the neck of
passion. But a iiuirvellous escape from death, which
me, O my God, according to the multitude of thy
mercies, and calledst home thy lost sheep into the
fold." From that day he studied the Scriptures ;
Ills life became pure ; and his zeal waxed strong in
proportion as his knowledge enlarged. He possessed
not a little of the fearless spirit of the great master
at whose feet he had sat. He would preach, at
times, with the stake standing in the square below.
VIEW OF THE TO-nN-II.U-L, AMSTERD.IM. (After Van in Heydm.)
he experienced at Lyons about a year afterwards,
arrested him in his wickedness. He opened the
Nt!W Testament, and the passage on which his eyes
first lighted was this : " In the beginning was tlio
Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word
was God," itc As the stare grow dim and vanish
when the sun rises, so tlie wisdom and eloipience of
the ])agans paled before the surpassing majesty and
splendour of tlie Gospel by St. John. " My body
trembled," said he, " my mind was astonished, and
I was so affected all that day that I knew not
where nor what I was. Thou wast mindful of
and the flames in which his brethren were beinf
burned darting their lurid flashes through the
windows of the apartment ujion the faces of Ids
aiulience.' On the present occasion the younc
])reacher addressed some twenty of the Flemish
nobles, and after sermon a league against the " bar-
barous and violent Inijuisition " was proposed. All
Brussels was ruiging with the marriage festivities of
Panmu There were triumi)hal arches in the street,
and songs in the banquet-hall; deep goblets were
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 163.
44
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
dniined to tho hiippmess of Parma, iind the pros-
perity of the great monarchy of Spain. At the .same
moment, in the neighbourmg town of Antwerj),
tliose movements were being initiated which were to
loosen the foundations of Philip's empire, and ulti-
mately ca-st down the tyi-ant from the pinnacle ou
which he so proudly, and as he deemed so securely,
stood.
The aims of the leaguers were strictly consti-
tutional ; they made war only agamst the Inqui-
sition, " tliat most pernicious tribunal, which is not
only contrary to all human and divine law.s, but
exceeds in cruelty the most barbarous institutions
of the most savage tyi'ants in the heathen world."
" For these reasons," say they, " we whose names
are here subscribed have resolved to provide for
the security of our families, goods, and persons ;
and for this pm-pose we hereby enter into a secret
league with one another, promising with a solemn
oath to oppose with all our power the introduction
of the above-mentioned Inquisition into these Pro-
vinces, whether it shall be attempted secretly or
openly, or by whatever name it shall be called.
We likewise promise and swear
mutually to defend one another, in all places, and
on all occasions, against every attack that shall be
made, or prosecution that shall be raised, against
any individual among us on account of his concern
in this Confederacy." ' The first three who took
the pen to sign this document were Count Brede-
rode, Charles de Mansfeld, and Louis of Nassau.
Copies were circulated over the country, and the
subscribers rapidly multiplied. In the course of
two months 2,000 persons had appended their
names to it. Tidings of the league were wafted
to the ears of the governor, and it was added —
a slight exaggeration, it may be — that it was
already 1.5,000 strong.^ Roman Catholics as well
ivs Protestants Avere pennitted to sign, and the
array now gathering round this uplifted standard
was, as may be supposed, somewhat miscellaneous.
The Duchess of Parma was startled by the
sudden rise of this organisation, whose numbers
increa.sed every day. Behind her .stood Philip,
whose truculent orders left her no retreat ; before
her was the Confedorsvcy, a less foi-midable Ijut
nearer danger. In lier perplexity the governor
summoned the Knights of the Fleece and the Stadt-
holders of the Pi-oviiices, to ask their advice touch-
ing the steps to be taken in this grave emergency.
Two courses, she said, appeared to be open to her —
the one was to modify the edicts, the other was
to suppress the Confederacy by arms ; the latter
course, she said, was the one to which she leaned,
especially kno\\'ing how inexorable was the will of
ther king, but her difficulty lay in finding one to
whom she could safely entrust the command of
the troops. Orange was disqualified, having pro-
nounced so strongly against the edicts and in favour
of liberty of conscience ; and Egmont had positively
declined the task, saying that " he would never
fight for the penal laws and the Inquisition." ''
What was to be done i
While the Council was deliberating, the Confe-
derates arrived in a body at Brussels. On the 3rd
of AprU, 1566, a cavalcade of 200 nobles and
knights, headed by the tall, military form of Bre-
derode, rode into Brussels. The nobleman who
was foremost in the procession traced his lineage
backwards 500 years, in unbroken succession, to
the old sovereigns of Holland. Amid the chances
and turnings of the contest now opening, who
could tell whether the sovereignty of the old
country might not return to the old line^ Such
was the vision that may have crossed the mind
of Brederode. The day following the number of
Confederates in Brussels was augmented by the
arrival of about 100 other cavaliers. Their pass-
age through the streets was greeted, as that of
the first had been, by the acclamations of the popu-
lace. " There go," said they, " the deliverers of
our country." Next day, the 5th of April, the
whole body of Confederates, cbessed in their
richest robes, walked in procession to the old
palace of Brabant, and passing through the stately
hall in which Charles V. eleven years before had ab-
dicated his sovereignties, they entered the audience
chamber of the Regent of the Netherlands. Mar-
garet beheld not without emotion this knightly
assemblage, who had carried to her feet the wi-ongs
of an oppi-essed nation. Brederode acted as spokes-
man. The count was voluble. Orange possessed
the gift of eloquence, but the latter had not yet
enrolled himself among the Confederates. William
the Silent never retraced his .steps, and therefore
he pondered well his path before going forward.
He could not throw down the gauntlet to a gi-eat
monarchy like Spain with the light-hearted, jaunty
defiance which many of the signatories of the
Confederacy were now hurling against the tyi-ant,
but whose heroism was likely to be all expended
btfore it reached the battle-field, in those Baccha-
nalian meetings then so common among the Flemish
nobles.
Brederode on this occasion was prudently brief.
1 Watson, Philip II., vol. i., pp. 2.">.5, 25G.
2 Motley, vol. i., p. 234. Laval, vol. iii., p. 138.
3 Brandt, vol. i., p. 165.
THE CONFEDERATES OR "BEGGARS."
45
After defending himself and his associates from
curtain insinuations wliich liad been thrown out
against their loyalty, ho read the petition which
luul been drafted in view of being presented to the
duchess, in order that she might convey it to Pliilip.
The petition set forth that the country could no
longer bear the tyranny of the edicts : that rebellion
was rearing its head, nay, was even at the palace-
gates ; and the monarcli was entreated, if he would
not imperil his empire, to abolish the Inquisition
and convoke the States-General. Pending the
king's answer, the duchess was asked to suspend
the edicts, and to stop all executions for religious
opinion.'
When Brederode had finished, the duchess sat
silent for a few minutes. Her emotion was too
great to be disguised, the tears rolling down her
cheeks.- As soon as she had found words .she
dismissed the Confederates, telling them that she
would consult witli her coimcillors, and give her
answer on the morrow. The discussion that fol-
lowed in the council-hall, after Brederode and his
followers had withdrawn, was a stormy one. The
Prince of Orange argued strongly in favour of
liberty of conscience, and Count Berlaymont, a
ke(!n partisan of Rome and Spain, argued as vehe-
mently, if not as eloquently, against the Confede-
rates and the liberty which they craved. This
debate is famous as that in which Berlaymont first
applied to the Confederates an epithet which he
meant should be a brand of disgi'ace, but which
the)' accepted with pride, and wore as a badge of
honovu', and by which they are now known in history.
" Why, madam," asked Berlaymont of the duchess,
observing her emotion, " why should yoii be afraid
of these beggars V The Confederates caught up the
words, and at once plucked the sting out of them.
" Boggai-s, you call us," said they; "henceforth we
sliall be known a.s beggars."' The term came soon
to bi^ the distinguishing apjiellatiou for all those in
the Netherlands who declared for the liberties of their
country and the rights of conscience. They never
met at festival or funeral without saluting e.ach
other a-s " Beggars." Their cry was " Long live the
Beggars!" They had medals struck, fii-st of wax and
wood, and afterwards of silver and gold, stamped
uu the one side with the king's effigies, and on
the other with a beggar's scrip or bag, held in two
clasped right hands, with the motto, " Faitliful
to the king, even to beggary." Some adopted grey
1 Brandt, vol. i., pp. Ifi."). ICC.
- Pontus Peyeu, ii., MS.—apud Motley, vol. i., p. 254.
^ Ouexix. It is a French word, "and seems to be de-
rived," says Brandt, " from the Dutch Quiis, which signi-
fies !is much as rogxies, vagabonds, or sturdy beggars.'
cloth an livery, and wore the common felt hat, and
displayed on then- breasts, or suspended i-ound
their beavers, a little beggar's wooden bowl, on
which was wrought in silver, Vive le Gueux. At
a great entertainment given by Brederode, after
drinking the king's health out of wooden bowls,
they hung the dish, together with a beggar's scrip,
round their necks, and continuing the feast, they
pledged themselves at each potation to play their
part manfully as " Beggars," and ever to yield a
loyal adhei'ence and stout defence to the Coi\-
federacy.*
The duchess gave her answer next da)'. She
promised to send an envoy to Spain to lay the
petition of the Confederates before Philip. She
had no power, she said, to suspend the Inquisition,
nevertheless she would issue orders to the inquisi-
tors to proceed with discretion. The discretion of
an inquisitor ! Much the Beggars marvelled what
that might mean. The new project shortly after-
wards enlightened them. As elaborated, and pub-
lished in fifty-three articles, that project amounted
to this : that heretics, instead of being burned,
wei-e to be beheaded or hanged ; but they were
to be admitted to this remarkable clemency only
if they did not stu- up riots and tumults. The
people appear to have been but little thankful for
this uncommon " moderation," and nicknamed it
" murderatiou." It would appear that few were
deemed worthy of the Government's mercy, for
not only did blood continue to flow by the axe,
but the stake blazed nearly as frequently as before.
About this time, four martyi's were bunied at
LUle. " They all four'," says Brandt, " sung as
■with one mouth the first verse of tlie twenty-
seventh Psalm, and concluded their singing and
their life together with the hymn of Simeon,
' Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace.' "
A tapestry weaver of Oudenard, near Ghent, by
name John Tiscan, who had committed the indis-
cretion of snatching the wafer from the hand of
the priest and crumbling it into bits, to show
the people that it was bread and not God, had
liis hand cut off, and afterwards his body cast
into the flames. Some there were, however, who
were judged to fall withm the scope of tJic
Government's indulgence, and were pemiitted to
die by the sword. John Cornelius Winter had
been mmister in the town of Horn, and had spent
some thirty yeara in the quiet but zealous diffu-
sion of the truth. He was apprehended and
thro^v^l first into prison at the Hague, and after-
wards into the Bishop of Utrecht's prisons, and
■* Braudt, vol. i., p. 1G7. Laval, vol. iii., p. 139.
46
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
now this year he vras brought forth to be beheaded.
He submitted himself cheerfully, and it was ob-
served that, singing the Te Ueuiii on the scaffold,
the executioner stnick, and his head was severed
from his body just as he had finished the line,
"All the martyrs praise thee.""
CHAPTER X.
THE F I ELD- P R E A C H I N Gf
The Protestants Eesolve to Worship in Public— First Field- Preaching near Ghent— Herman Modet— Seven Thou-
sand Hearers— The Assembly Attacked, but Stands its Ground— Second Field-Preaching— ^iTangements at
the Field-Preaching — Wall of Waggons — Sentinels, &c. — Numbers of the Worsliippers— Singing of the Psalms—
Field-Preaching near Antwerp— The Governor Forbids them— The Magistrates unable to put them down— Field-
Preaching at Tournay — Immense Congregations — Peregrine de la Grange — Ambrose Wille — Field-Preaching in
Holland — Peter Gabriel and John Arentson — Secret Consultations — First Sermon near Horn — Enormous Con-
venticle near Haarlem — The Town Gates Locked — The Imprisoned Multitude Compel their Opening — Grandeur
of the Conventicle — Difference between the Field-Preachers and the Confederates— Preaching at Delft—
Utrecht— The Hague — Arrival of more Preachers.
The Confederates had been given proof of what
was meant by the discretion of the inquisitors, and
the Protestants were able to judge how far their
condition was likely to be improved under the pro-
mised " Moderation of the Placards." It neither
blunted the sword nor quenched the violence of
the stake. If the latter blazed .somewhat less
frequently, the former struck all the oftener ; and
there was still no diminution of the numbers of
those who were called to seal their testimony wth
their Ijlood. Desj)airing of a Government that was
growing daily milder in word, but more cruel in
act, the Protestants resolved that from this time
forward they would hold their worshipping assem-
blies in public, and try what effect a display of
their numbers would have upon their oppressors.
At a meeting held at Whitsuntide, 1566, at which
the Lord of Aldegonde — who was destined to play
tlie most distinguished part, next to Orange, in the
coming drama — was present, it was resolved that
" the ch\irches should be opened, and divine service
publicly performed at Antwerp as it was already
in Flanders." This resolution was immediately
acted upon. In some places the Eefonned met
together to the number of 7,000, in others to that
of 15,000.' From West Flanders, where preaching
in public took its rise, it passed into Brabant, and
tlience into other provinces. The worshippers at
the beginning sought the gloom and seclusion of
wood and forest. As they grew bolder, they assem-
bled in the plains and open places ; and last of all,
Laval, vol. iii., p. 140.
they met in villages, in towns, and in the .suburbs
of gi-eat cities. They came to these meetings, in
the first instance, unarmed ; but being threatened,
and sometimes attacked, they appeared with sticks
and stones, and at last provided themselves with
the more formidable weapons of swords, pistols,
and muskets.^
It is said that the first field-preaching in the
Netherlands took place on the 14th of June, 1566,
and was held in the neighbourhood of Ghent. Tlie
preacher was Herman Modet, who had formerly
been a monk, but was now the Reformed pastor
at Oudenard. " This man," says a Popish chro-
nicler, " was the first wlio ventured to preach in
public, and there were 7,000 pereons at his first
sermon."^ The Government " scout," as the head
of the executive was named, ha^•ing got scent of
the meeting, mounted liis horse and galloped off
to disperse it. Arriving on the scene, he boldly
rode in amongst the multitude, holding a drawn
sword in one hand and a pistol in the other,
and made a dash at the minister with intent ,to
ap])rehend him. Modet, making off quickly, con-
cealed himself in a neighbouring wood. The people,
surprised and without arms, appeared for a moment
as if they would disperse ; but their courage rally-
ing, they plentifully supplied themselves with
stones, in hick of other weapons, and saluted the
officer with such a shower of missiles on all sides
= Brandt, vol. i., pp. 168, 169.
3 Ihid., p. 171.
■• N. Burgund, Mist. Belg., lib. iii., p. 21S—apud Brandt,
vol. i., p. 171.
THE PROTESTANT FIELD-PREACHINGS.
47
that, throwing iiwuy his sword and pistol, he
begged for quarter, to which his captoi'S admitted
liini. He escaped witli his life, although badly
liriiised.
The second great lield-preaching took place on
tlie 23rd of July following, the people assembling
iu a large meadow in the vicinity of Ghent. The
'• Word" was precious in those days, and the people,
thirsting to hear it, jjrepared to remain two days
consecutively on the ground. Their arrangements
more resembled an army pitching their camp than
a peaceful multitude assembling for worship.
Ai'oimd the worshippers was a wall of barricades
in the shape of carts and waggons. Sentinels were
planted at all the entrances. A i-ude pulpit of
planks was hastily run ujj and placed aloft on a.
cart. Modet was preacher, and around him were
many thousands of hearei's, who listened with their
pikes, hatchets, and guns lying by their side, ready
to be grasped on a sign from the sentuaels who kept
watch all around the assembly. In front of the
entrances were erected stalls, whereat pedlars oflered
prohibited books to all who wshed to buy. Along
the roads running into the country were stationed
certain persons, whose office it was to bid the casual
jiassenger turn in ,and hear the Gospel. After ser-
mon, water was fetched from a neighbouring brook,
and the Sacrament of baptism dispensed. When the
services were finished, the multitude would repair to
other districts, where they encamped after the same
fashion, and remained for the same space of time, and
so passed through the whole of West Flanders. At
these conventicles the Psalms of David, which had
been translated into Low Dutch from the version
of Clement Marot, and Theodore Beza, were always
sung. The odes of the Hebrew king, pealed forth
by from live to ton thousand voices, and borne by
the breeze over tlie woods and meadows, might be
heard at great distances, arresting the ploughman
as he tin-ned the furrow, or the traveller as he
)im-sued his way, and making him stop and wonder
whence the minstrelsy jiroceeded.
Heresy had been flung into the air, and was
spreading like an infection far and near over the
Low Countries. The contagion already pervaded
all Flanders, and now it appeared in Brabant.
The first jHiblic sennon in this part of the Nether-
lands was preached on the 24th of June, in a wood
belonging to the Lord of Berghen, not far from Ant-
werj). It being St. John's-tide, and so a holiday,
from four to five thousand jjersons were present. A
rumour had been circulated that a descent would be
made on the wor.shippers by the military; and armed
men were ])osted at all the avenues, some on foot,
othei-s on horseback : no attack, however, took place,
and the assembly concluded its worship in peace.'
Tidings having reached the ear of the governor
that field-preachings had commenced at Antwerp,
she wrote to the magistrates of that city, command-
ing them to forbid all such assemblies of the
people, and if holden, to disperse them by force of
amis. The magistrates replied that they had not
the power so to do, nor indeed had they ; the
burgher-guai'd was weak, some of them not very
zealous in the business, and the conventicle-holders
were not only numerous, but every third man went
armed to the meeting. And as regai-ds the Pro-
testants, so little were they terrified by the threats
of the duchess, that they took forcible possession of
a large common, named the Laer, within a mile of
Antwei-p, and having fortified all the avenues lead
ing into it, by massing waggons and branches of
trees in front, and planting armed scouts all around,
they preached in three several jilaces of the field
at once.'^
The pestilence, which to the alarm and horror of
the authorities had broken out, they sought to wall
in by placards. Every day, new and severer pro-
hibitions were arriving from the Duchess of Parma
against the field-preachings. In the end of June,
she sent orders to the magistrates of Antweqi to
disperse all these assemblies, and to hang all the
preachers." Had the duchess accompanied these
orders with troops to enforce them, theu- execution
might have been possible : but the governor, much
to her chagi-ia, had neither soldiers nor money.
Her musketeers and cross-bowmen were them-
selves, in many instances, among the frequenters of
these illegal meetings. To issue placards in these
cii-'cumstances was altogether idle. The magistrates
of Antwerp replied, that while they would take
care that no conventicle was held in the city, they
must decline all responsibility touching those vast
masses of men, amoiuiting at times to from fifteen
to twenty thousand, that were in the practice of
going outside the walls to sermon.
About this time Tournay became famous for its
field-preachings. Indeed, the town may be said to
have become Protestant, for not more than a si.xth
of its population remained with the Roman Church.
Adjoining France its preachers were Walloons — that
is. Huguenots — and on the question of the Sacra-
ment, the main doctrinal difl'erence between the
Lutheran and the Reformed, the citizens of Tour-
nay were decided Calvinists. Nowhere in the
Netherlands had the Protestants as yet ventured
on i)reachuig publicly within the walls of a city,
> Brandt, vol. i., p. 172.
3 ifrtd., p.174.
Vni.., p. 173.
48
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and the inhabitants of Tom-nay, like those of all
the Flemish towTis, repaired to the fields to wor-
ship, lea^'ing for the time the streets sUent. One
day in the beginning of July, 1566, some 10,000
citizens passed out at its gates to hear Peregiine de
la Grange, an eloquent preacher from Provence.
La Grange had brought to the Low Countries the
warm and impulsive temperament and lively
oratory of the South ; he galloped -mth the air of
a cavalier to the spot where thousands, gathered
round a hastily prepared pulpit, waited his coming;
and when he stood up to begin, he would fire a
pistol over the heads of his immense audience as
a signal to listen. Other two days passed, and
another enormous conventicle assembled outside
Tournay. A preacher even more popular than
Peregrine de la Grange was this day to occupy the
pulpit in the fields, and the audience was twice as
large as that which had assembled two days
before.
Ambrose WUle had sat at the feet of Calvin,
and if the stream of his eloquence was not so
rapid, it was richer and deeper than that of the
Provencal ; and what the multitudes which thronged
to these field-preachings sought was not so much to
have their emotions stirred as to have their under-
standings informed by the truths of Scripture, and
above all, to have their consciences set at rest by
healing the way of pardon clearly explained to
them. The risks connected with attendance were
far too tremendous to be hazarded for the sake of
mere excitement. Not only did the minister preach
•with a price set upon his head, but eveiy one of
these 20,000 now before him, by the mere fact of
hearing him, had violated the edicts, and incurred
the penalty of death. Their silence bespoke then-
intense anxiety and interest, and when the sermon
had ended, the hcaitiness of their psalm testified
to the depth of their joy. It was at the peiil of
their lives that the inhabitants of the Netherlands
sought, in those days, the bread of their souls in
the high places of the fields.
The movement steadily maintained its march
northwards. It advanced along that famous sea-
board, a mighty sUent power, bowing the hearts
of young and old, of the noble and the artisan, of
the wealthy city merchant and the landward tiller
of the soil, and gathering them, in defiance of fiery
j)lacards, in tens of thousands round that tree
whereon w;i,s offered the true Saci-ifice for the
sins of the world. We have seen the movement
advance from Flanders into Brabant, and now we
are to follow it from Brabant into Holland. In
vain does Philip bid it stop ; in vain do the placards
of the governor threaten death ; it continues its
majestic march from province to province, and from
city to city, its coming, like that of morning,
heralded by songs of joy. It is interesting to mark
the first feeble begimiings of Protestant preaching
in a country where the Reformation was destined
to win so many brilliant triumphs. In an obscui-e
street of Amsterdam, there lived at that time Peter
Gabriel, formerly of Bruges, with his wife Eliza-
beth, who wa.s childless. He had been a monk,
but having embraced the Protestant faith, he threw
off the frock, and was now accustomed to explain
the Heidelberg catechism every Sunday to a small
congregation, who came to him by twos and threes
at a time for fear of the magistrates, who were
animated by a sangiunary zeal against the Reforma-
tion, and trembled lest the jilague of field-preaching
should invade then- city. There also dwelt at
Kampen at the same time John Arentson, a basket-
maker by trade, but gifted with eloquence, and
jiossessed of a knowledge of the Scriptures. Him
a few pious bui'ghers of Amsterdam invited to meet
them, that they might confer touching the steps to
be taken for commencing the public preaching of
the Gospel in Holland. They met near St. An-
thony's Gate, outside Amsterdam, for Arentson
dui-st not venture into the city. They w-ere a little
congregation of seven, including the ]ireacher ; and
having prayed for Divine guidance in a crisis so
important for their country, they deliberated ; and
having weighed all the difficulties, they resolved,
in spite of the danger that threatened their lives,
to essay the public jireaching of the Word in
Holland.
Before breaking xip they agreed to meet on the
same spot, the same afternoon, to devise the jirac-
tical steps for carrying out then- resolution. As
they wei'e re-entering Amsterdam, by separate
gates, they lieard the great bell of the Stadthouse
ring out. Repaii-ing to the market-place they
found the magistrates promulgating the last placard
wdiich had been transmitted from the court. It
threatened death against all preachers and teachere,
as also against all their harbourei-s, and divers
lesser penalties against such as should attend their
preaching. The six worthy burghers were some-
what stumbled. Nevertheless, in the afternoon, at
the appointed hour, they returned to their old
rendezvous, and having again earnestly prayed, they
decided on the steps for having the Gospel openly
preached to the people in all parts of Holland. On
the Mth of July the first sermon was preached by
Arentson, in a field near Horn, in North Holland,
the people flocking tliither from all the vdllages
around. In the humble basket-maker we see the
pioneer of that numerous band of eloquent preachers
THE MAGISTRATES OP HAARLEM.
49
and erudite divines, by which Holland was to be
distinguished in days to come.'
The movement thus fairly commenced soon
gathered way. News of what had taken place at
Horn spread like lightning all over Holland, and
on the following Sunday, the 21st of July, an
enormous gathering took place at Ovcreen, near
canals converging on Haarlem were crowded. The
burgomasters of Amsterdam sent notice to the
magistrates of Haarlem of what was impending.
The Stadthouse bell was rung at nine o'clock of the
evening of Saturday, and the magistrates hastily
assembled, to be told that the plague of which they
had heard such dreadful reports at a distance, was
Haarlem. Proclamation of the intended field-
preacliing had been made on the Exchange of Am-
sterdam on the previous day. The excitement was
immense ; all the boats and waggons in Amsterdam
were hired for the transport of those who were
eager to be present. Every village and town
I)Oured out its inhabitants, and all the roads and
Brandt, vol. i., pp. 178, 179.
at last at their gates. Haarlem was already full of
strangers ; not an inn in it that was not crowded
with persons who purposed being present at the
field-preaching on the coming day. The magistrates
deliberated and thought that they had found a way
by which to avert the calamity that hung over
them : they would imprison this whole multitude
within the walls of their town, and so extingiush
the projected conventicle of to-morrow. The magis-
trates were not aware, when they hit on this clever
expedient, that hundreds had already taken up
their position at Overeen, and were to sleep on the
gi-ound. On Sunday morning, when the travellei-s
awok(! and sallied out into the street, they found
109
50
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the city gates locked. Hour passed after hour,
still the gates wi're kept closed. The more adven-
tiu'ous leaped from the walls, swam the moat, and
leaving their imprisoned companions behind them,
hastened to the ]ilace of meeting. A few got out
of the towni when the watch opened the gates to
admit the milk-women, but the great bulk of the
conventiclers were still in durance, and among
others Peter Gabriel, who was that day to be
preivcher. It was now eleven o'clock of the fore-
noon ; the excitement on the streets of Haarlem
may be imagined ; the magistrates, thinking to
dispel the tempest, had shut themselves in with it.
The mui-murs grew into clamours, the clamours
into threatenings, every moment the tempest
might be expected to burst. There was no alterna-
tive but to open the gates, and let the imprisoned
multitude escape.
Citizens and strangers now poured out in one
vast stream, and took the road to Overeen. Last
of all arrived Peter Gabriel the minister. Two
stakes were driven perpendicularly into the groimd,
and a bar was laid across, on which the minister
might place his Bible, and rest his arms in speaking.
Around this rude pulpit were gathered first the
women, then the men, next those who had arms,
forming an outer ring of defence, which however
was scarcely needed, for there was then no force in
Holland that would have dared to attack this
multitude. The worship was commenced with the
singing of a psalm. First were heard the clear
soft notes of the females at the centre ; next the
men struck in with their deeper voices ; last of
all the martial forms in the outer cii'cle joined the
symphony, and gave completeness and strength to
the music. When the psalm had ended, prayer was
offered, and the thrilling peals that a moment before
had tilled the vault overhead were now exchanged
for a silence ytit more thrilling. The minister,
opening the Bible, next read out as his text the
8th, 9th, and 10th verses of the second chapter of
the Ei)istle to the Ephesians : " For by gi'ace are ye
saved through faith ; and that not of yom'selves :
it is tlie gift of God. Not of works lest any man
should boast. For we are his workmanshij), created
in Christ Jesus unto good works, which God hath
before ordained that we should walk in them."
Here in a few vei'scs, said the minister, was the
essence of the whole Bible — the " marrow " of all
true theology : — " the gift of God," salvation ; its
source, " the grace of God ;" the way in which it is
received, " through faith ;" and the fruits ordained
to follow, "good works."
It was a hot midsummer day ; the audience was
not fewer than 5,000 ; the preacher was weak and
infirm in body, but his spirit was strong, and the
lightning-power of his words held liis audience
captive. The sermon, which was commenced soon
alter noon, did not terminate till past four o'clock.
Then again came pi-ayer. The preacher made
supplication, says Brandt, " for all degi'ees of men,
especially for the Government, in such a mamier
that there was hardly a dry eye to be seen." ' The
worshij) was closed as it had been commenced, with
the melodious thunder of 5,000 voices raised in
praise.
So passed tliis gi-eat movement through Holland
in the coiu-se of a few weeks. '^Tierever it came
it stiiTed the inhabitants not into wrath, nor into
denunciations of the Government, and much less
into seditions and insurrections ; it awoke within
them thoughts which were far too serious and
solemn to fimd vent in tunndt and noise. They
asked, " What must we do to be saved V It was
the hoj)e of having this the gi-eatest of all ques-
tions answered, that drew them out into woods and
wildernesses, and ojien fields, and gathered them
in thousands and tens of thousands around the
Book of Life and its exjjositor. While Brederode
and his fellow Confederates were traversing the
country, making fiery speeches against the Govern-
ment, wi'itiug lampoons vipon the bishops, draining
huge bowls of wine, and then hanging them round
then- necks as political badges — in short, rousing
passions which stronger passions and firmer wills
were to quell — these others, whom we see searching
the Scriptures, and gathering to the field-preach-
ings, were fortifying themselves and lea\ening
their comitrymen with those convictions of truth,
and that inflexible fidelity to God and to duty,
which alone could carry them through the un-
speakably awful conflict before them, and form a
1>asis strong enough to sustain the glorious fabric
of Dutch liberty which was to emerge from that
conflict.
By the middle of August there was no city of
note in all Holland where the free preaching of tlie
Gospel had not been established, not indeed ■vvithiu
the walls, but outside in the fields. The magis-
trates of Amsterdam, of all others, ofiered the most
determined resistance. They convoked the town
militia, consisting of thirty-six train-bands, and
asked them whether they would supjjort them in
the suppi-ession of the field-conventicles. The
militia replied that they would not, although they
would defend with theu' lives the magistrates and
city against all insiuTections." The authoi-ities
• Memoirs of Laurence Jacobson Eeal, an eye-witness
— apud Brandt, vol. i., pp. 179— 181.
2 Brandt, vol. i., p. 183.
PROTESTANT PREACHERS IN HOLLAND.
51
were thus under the necessity of tolerating the
public sermon, which was usually preached outside
the Haarlem gate. The citizens of Delft, Leyden,
Utrecht, and other places now took steps for the
free preaching of the Gospel. The fii'st sermon
was preached at Delft by Peter Gabriel at Horn-
brug, near the city. The concourse was great.
The next city to follow was the Hague. Twenty
waggons filled with the burghers of Delft accom-
panied the preacher thither ; they alighted before
the mansion of the president, Cornelius Suis, who
had threatened the severest measures should such a
heretical novelty be attempted in his city. They
made a ring with the waggons, placing the preacher
in the centre, while his congregation filled the
enclosure. The armed portion of the worshippers
remained in the waggons and kept the peace. They
sang their psalm, they offered their prayer, the
preaching of the sennon followed ; the hostile
president surveying all the while, from his own
window, the proceedings which he had strin-
gently forbidden, but was quite powerless to pre-
vent.
There were only four Protestant ministers at this
time in all Holland. Their laboui-s were incessant ;
they preached all day and journeyed all night, but
their utmost efforts could not overtake the vastness
of the field. Every day came urgent requests for a
preacher from towns and villages which had not
yet been visited. The friends of the Gospel turned
their eyes to other countries ; they cried for help ;
they represented the greatness of the crisis, and
prayed that labourers might be sent to assist in
reaping fields that were already white, and that
promised so plenteous a harvest. In answer to this
appeal some ten pastors were sent, mainly from the
north of Germany, and these were distributed among
the cities of Holland. Other preachers followed,
who came from other lands, or arose from amongst
the converts at home, and no long time elapsed till
each of the chief towns enjoyed a settled ministra-
tion of the Gospel.
CHAPTER XL
THE IMAGE-BREAKINGS.
The Confederate Envoys— Philip's Cruel Purpose— The Image-Breakers— Their Character— Their Devastations— Over-
spread the Low Countries in a Week— Pillage of 400 Churches— Antwerp Cathedral— Its Magnificence— Its
Pillage— Pillage of the Rest of the Churches— The True Iconoclast Hammei-— The Preachers and their People
take no part in the Image-Breakings— Image-Breaking in Holland- Amsterdam and other Towns— What Protes-
tantism Teaches concerning Image-Breaking— The Popular Outbreaks at the Reformation and at the French
Revolution Compared.
We have seen the procession of the 300 noblemen
who, with Count Brederode at their head, on the
5th of April, 1.566, walked two and two on foot to
the old palace of Brabant in Brussels, to lay the
grievances under which their nation groaned at the
feet of Margaret, Regent of the Netherlands. We
have also heard the answer which the regent re-
turned. She promised to send their petition by
special envoys to Philip, with whom alone the
power lay of granting or withholding its request ;
and meanwhile, though she could not close the
Inquisition, she would issue orders to the inquisitors
to proceed " with discretion." The noblemen whom
Margaret selected to carry the Confederate Petition
to Spain were the Marquis de Berghen and the
Baron de Montigny. They gladly undertook the
mission entrusted to them, little suspecting how
fniitless it would prove for their countiy, and how
fatidly it would end for tliemselve-s. The tyrant.
as we shall afterwards see, chose to consider them
not as ambassadors, but as conspiratora against
his Government. Philip took care, however, to
keep the dark purpose he harboured in connec-
tion therewith in his breast; and meanwhile he
professed to be deliberating on the answer which
the two deputies, who lie purposed should see the
Nethei'lands no more, were to can-y back. While
Philij) was walking in " leaden shoes," the country
was Imrrying on wth " winged feet."
The progress of the movement so far had been
peaceful. The psalms sung and the prayei's ofiei-ed
at the field-preachings, and above all the Gospel
published from the pulpits, tended only to banish
thoughts of vengeance, and inspu'e to amity and
good-wll. The consideration of the forgiveness
of Heaven, freely accorded to the most enormous
offences, disposed all who accepted it to forgive in
theii' turn. But numerous other causes were in
52
HISTOKY OF PROTESTANTISM.
openition tending to embroil the Protestant move-
ment. The whole soil of the Netherlands Wius
volcanic. Though the voice of the pulpit was
peace, the harangues which the Confederates were
diiily tiring off breathed only war. The Protestants
were becoming conscious of their strength ; the re-
membrance of the thousands of their brethi'en who
had been barbarously miu'dered, rankled in their
minds — nay, they were not permitted to forget tlie
past, even had they been willing so to do. Did not
their pastors preach to them ynth a price set upon
their heads, and were not their bi'ethren being
dragged to death before their eyes ? With so many
inflammable materials all about, it needed only a
spark to kindle a Ijlaze. A mighty conflagi-ation
now buret out.
On the lith of August, the day before the
fete of the Assumption of the Vii-gin, there sud-
denly appeared in Flanders a band of men armed
with staves, hatchets, hammers, ladders, and ropes;
some few of them carried guns and swords.^ This
party was composed of the lowest of the people,
of idlei-s, and women of disreputable character,
" hallooed on," says Grotius, " by nobody knows
whom."" They had come forth to make war upon
images ; they prosecuted the campaign with sin-
gular energy, and, being unopposed, with complete
success. As they marched onwards the crosses,
.shrines, and saints in stone that stood by the road-
side fell before them. They entered the villages
and lifted up their hammers upon all theii' idols,
and smote them in pieces. They next visited the
gi-eat town-s, where they pulled down the crucifixes
that stood at the corners of the streets, and broke
the statues of the Virgin and saints. The churches
and cathedrals they swept clean of all their conse-
crated symbols. They extinguished the tapers on
the altars, and mounting the wall of the edifice
with their ladders, pulled down the pictures that
adorned it. They overturned the Madomias, and
throwing their ropes around the massive crosses
that surmounted altars and chapels, bore them
to the gi'ound ; the altars too, in some cases, they
demolished ; they took a special delight in soiling
the rich vestments of the priests, in smeaiing their
shoes with the holy oil, and trampling imder foot
the consecrated bread ; and they departed only when
there was nothing moic to break or to profane.
It was in vain that the dooi-s of some clmrches and
convents were hastily banicaded. Tliis iconoclast
army was not to be withstood. Some sturdy
image-hater would swing his hammer against the
closed portal, and ^vith one blow thi-ow it open. The
mob would i-ush in, and nothing would be heard but
the clang of axes and the crash of falling pictures
and overtm-ned images. A few minutes would
suflice to complete the desolation of the place. Like
the brook when the rains descend, and a himdi-ed
mountain torrents keep pouring then- waters into it,
till it swells into a river, and at last Aiadens into a
devastating flood, so this little band of iconoclasts,
swelled by recruits from every village and town
through wliich they passed, grew by minutes into an
army, that army into a far-extending host, which
pursued its march over the country, bursting open
the doors of cathedrals and the gates of cities,
chasing burgomasters before it, and striking monk
and militia-man alike with terror. It seemed even
as if iconoclasts were rising out of the soil. They
would start up and begin their ravages at the same
instant in provinces and cities widely ajjart. In
thi'ee days they had spread themselves over all the
Low Countries, and in less than a week they had
plundered 400 churches.^ To adapt to this destroy-
ing host the words of the prophet, descriptive of
the ravages of another army — before them was a
garden, clothed in the rich blossoms of the Gotliic
genius and art, behind them was a wilderness
strewn over vnth ruins.
Tliese iconoclasts appeared first in the district of
St. Omer, in Flanders, where they sacked the con-
vent of the Nuns of Wolverghen. Emboldened by
their success, the cry was raised, " To Ypres, to
Ypres!"'' "On their way thither," says Strada,
" their number increased, like a snowball rolling
from a mountain-top into the valley." ^ They pm-ged
the roads as they advanced, they ravaged the
churches around Ypres, and entering the town they
inflicted imsparing demolition upon all the images
in its sanctuaries. " Some set ladders to the walls,
with hammers and staves battering the jnctures.
Others broke asunder the iron-work, seats, and
pulpit. Others casting i-opes about the great
statues of Our Saviour Christ, and the saints, pulled
them down to the ground."" The day following
there gathered " another flock of the like bii-ds of
prey," wliich directed their flight towards Courtray
and Douay, ravaging and jikindering as they went
onward. Not a penny of property did they ajipro-
jn'iate, not a hau- of the head of monk or nun did
they hm-t. It was not plunder but destruction
which they sought, and their wrath if fierce was dis-
> Strada, lib. v.
• Orotius, Annales, lib. i., p. 22—apud Brandt, vol. i.,
p. 191.
3 Hooft, lib. iii., p. 99. Strada, lib. v., p. 260. Brandt,
vol. i., p. 191.
■" Strada, lib. v. '' Ibid. '' Ibid.
THE ICONOCLAST MOB IN ANTWERP CATHEDRAL.
63
charged not on liuman beings, but on graven images.
Tliey smote, and defaced, and broke in pieces, with
exterminating fury, the statues and pictures in the
churches, wthout permitting even one to escape,
" and that with so much security," says Strada,
"and with so little regard of the magistrate or pre-
lates, as you would thiak they had been sent for by
the Common Council, and were in pay of the city." '
Tidings of what was going on in Flanders were
speedily carried into Brabant, and there too the
tempest gathered -svith like suddenness, and ex-
pended itself with like fury. Its more terrific
burst was in Antwerp, which the wealth and de-
votion of preceding ages had embellished with so
many ecclesiastical fabrics, some of them of superb
architectural magnificence, and all of them filled
with the beautiful creations of the chisel and the
■pencil. The crowning glory of Antwerp was its
cathecb-al, which, although begun in 1124, had been
finished only a few yeai's before the events we are
nan-ating. There was no chiu-ch in all Northern
Europe, at that day, which could equal the Notre-
Dame of the commercial capital of Brabant, whether
in the imposing grandeur of its exterior, or in the
variety and richness of its internal decorations.
The magnificence of its statuary, the beauty of its
paintings, its mouldings in bronze and carvings in
wood, and its vessels of silver and gold, made it the
pride of the citizens, and the delight and wonder ot
strangers from other lands. Its .spire shot up to a
height of 500 feet, its nave and aisles stretched out
longitudinally the same length. Under its lofty
roof, borne up by columns of gigantic stature, hung
round w^th escutcheons and banners, slept mailed
warriors in their tombs of marble, while the boom
of organ, the chant of priest, and the whispered
prayers of niimberless worshippers, kept eddying
continually roimd their beds of stUl and deep and
never-ending repose.
When the magistrates and wealthy burghers ot
Antwerp heard of the storm that was raging at
no great distance from their gates, theii- hearts
began to foil them. Should the destructive cloud
roll hither, how much will remain a week hence,
thoy asked themselves, of all that the wealth and
skill and penitence of centuries have gathered into
the Church of Our Lady l It needed not that
the very cloud that was devastating Flanders should
transport itself to the banks of the Scheldt; the
whole ail- was electrical. In e\ery quarter of the
firmament the same dark clouds that hung over
Flanders were appearing, and wherever stood Virgin,
or saint, or crucifix, there the lightnings were seen
to fall. The first mutterings of the storm were
heard at Antwerp on the fete-day of the Assump-
tion of the Vii-gin. " Whilst," says Strada, " her
image in solemn procession was carried upon men's
shoulders, from the gi-eat chui-ch through the streets
some jeering rascals of the meaner sort of artificers
first laughed and liissed at the holy solemnity, then
impiously and impudently, with mimic salutations
and reproachful words, mocked the efiigies of the
Mother of God."- The magistrates of Antwerp in
their wisdom hit upon a device which they thought
would guide the iconoclast tempest past their un-
rivalled cathedral. It was their little manoeu\Te
that cU-ew the storm upon them.
The great annual fair was being held in their
city;^ it was usual during that concom-se for the
image of the Virgin to stand in the open nave of
the cathedral, that her votaries might the more
conveniently ofier her theii- worship. The ma<ns-
trates, thinking to take away occasion from those
who sought it, bade the statue be removed inside
the choii-, behind the iron railing of its gates.
When the people assembled next day, they found
"Our Lady's" usual place deserted. They asked
her in scorn "why she had so early fiown up to
the roostf " Have you taken fright," said they
sarcastically, " that you have retreated within this
enclosure ? " As " Our Lady " made them no reply,
nor any one for her, their insolence waxed gi-eater.
"Will you join us," said they, "in crying, ' Long live
the Beggars'?" It is plain that those who began
the iconoclast riots in Antwerp) were more of
Confederates than Reformers. A mischievously
frolicsome lad, in tattered doublet and old battered
hat, ascended the pulpit, and treated the crowd to
a clever caricature of the preaching of the friars.
All, however, did not approve of this attempt to
entei-tain the multitude. A yoimg sailor rushed
up the stau-s to expel the caricaturist preachei-. The
two struggled together in the pulpit, and at last
both came rolling to the ground. The crowd took
the part of the lad, and some one di-awing his
dagger wounded the sailor. Matters were be-
coming serious, when the church ofilcers interfered,
and with the help of the margrave of the city,
they succeeded with some difficulty in ejecting the
mob, and locking the cathedral-doors for the niglit.'
The governor of the city, William of Orange,
was absent, having been summoned a few days
before to a council at Brussels ; and tho two bm-go-
masters and magistrates were at their wits' end.
' Strada, lib. v.
- Strada, lib. v.
2 Hooft, Strada, &c.—apxid Brandt, vol. i., p. 192.
■* Brandt, vol. i., p. 11)2.
54
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Tliey had forbidden the Gospel to be preached
within the walls of Antwerp, having rejected the
petition lately presented to that effect by a num-
ber of the principal burghei-s ; but the gates
which the Gospel must not enter, the iconoclast
tempest had burst open without leave of the
Senate. Where the psalm could not be sung, the
iconoclast satiu-nalians lifted up their hoai-se voices.
The night pa.ssed in quiet, but when the day re-
turned, signs appeared of a renewal of the tempest.
Crowds began to collect in the square before the
cathedi-al ; numbers were entering the edifice, and
it was soon manifest that they had come not to
perform their devotions, but to stroll irreverently
through the building, to mock at the idols in nave
and aisle, to peer through the ii'on railings behind
which the Virgin still stood ensconced, to taimt and
jeer her for fleeing, and to awaken the echoes of
the lofty roof with their cries of "Long live the
Beggars !" Every minute the crowd was increasing
and the confusion growing. In front of the choii-,
sat an ancient crone selling wax tapers and other
things u.sed in the worship of the Vii-gin. Zealous
for the honour of Mary, whom Antwerp and all
Brabant worshipped, .she began to rebuke the crowd
for then- improper behaviour. The mob were not
in a humour to take the admonition meekly. They
turned upon theii- reprover, telling her that her
patrones.s' day was over, and her owTi with it, and
that she had better " shut shop." The huck-
ster thus baited was not slow to return gibe
for gibe. The altercation drew the youngsters in
the crowd aroinid her, who possibly did not confine
their annoyances to words. Catching at such
missiles as lay witliin her reach, tlie stall-woman
threw them at her tormentors. The riot thus begun
rapidly extended through all parts of the church.
Some began to play at ball, some to throw stones at
the altar, some to shout, "Long live the Beggars !"
and othei-s to sing psalms. The magistrates has-
tened to the scene of uproar, and strove to induce
the people to quit the cathedral. The more they
entreated, the more the mob scowled defiance. They
would remain, they said, and assist in singing
Ave Maria to the Vii-gin. The magistrates replied
that tlicre would be no vespers that night, and
again urged them to go. In the hope that the mob
would follow, tlie magistrates made their owni exit,
locking the great door of the cathedral behind them,
and leaving open only a little wicket for the people to
come out by. Instead of tlie crowd within comuig
out, the mob outside imshed in at the wicket, and
the iiproar was increased. The margi-ave and
burgoma-sters re-entered the church once more,
and made yet another attempt to quell the riot.
They found themselves in presence of a larger and
stormier crowd, which they could no more control
than they could the waves of an angi-y sea. Secur-
ing what portion they could of the moi'e valuable
treasures in the church, they retired, leaving the
cathedral in the hands of the rioters.'
All night long the work of wholesale destruction
still went on. The noise of wrenching, breaking,
and shouting, the blows of hammere and axes,
and the crash of images and pictures, were heard
all over the city ; and the shops and houses were
closed. The first object of the vengeance of the
rioters, now left sole mastere of the building and
all contained in it, was the colossal image of the
Virgin, which only two days before had been borne
in jewelled robes, with flaunt of banner, and peal
of trumpet, and beat of drum, through the streets.
The iron railing within which she had found refuge
was torn down, and a few vigorous blows from the
iconoclast axes hewed her in pieces and smote her
into dust. Execution being done upon the great
deity of the place, the rage of the mob was next
discharged on the minor gods. Traversing nave
and side-aLsle, the iconoclast paused a moment
before each statue of wood or stone. He lifted
his brawny arm, his hammer fell, and the image lay
broken. The pictures that himg on the walls were
torn down, the crosses were overturned, the carved
woi'k was beaten into atoms, and the stained glass
of the windows shivered in pieces. All the altars
— seventy in number — were demolished;- in short,
eveiy ornament was rifled and destroyed. Tapers
taken from the altar lighted the darkness, and
enabled the iconoclasts to continue their work of
destraction all through the night.
The storm did not expend itself in the cathedi-al
only, it extended to the other churches and chapels
of Antwerp. These underwent a like speedy and
terrible purgation. Before morning, not fewer than
thirty churches wthin the walls had been sacked.
When there remained no more images to be broken,
and no more pictures and crucifixes to be pulled
down, the rabble laid their hands on other things.
They strewed the wafers on the floor ; they filled
the chalices with wine, and drank to the health of
the Beggars ; they donned the gorgeous vestments
of the priests, and, breaking open the cellars, a
vigorous tap of the hammer set the red wine
a-flowing. A Carmelite, or bare-footed monk, who
had languished twelve years in the prison of his
monastery, received his liberty at the hands of these
image-breakei-s. The mmneries were invaded,' and
Strada, p. 254— opud Brandt, vol. i., p. 193.
Ihid., lib. V.
Ibid., pp. 255, 260— ojrad Brandt, vol. i., p. 193.
56
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the sistei-s, iinpclled by friglit, or moved by the
desii-e of freedom, escaped to tlie houses of tlieir
relatives and friends. Violence was ofl'ered to no
one. Unpitj-iug towards dead idols, these icono-
clasts were tender of li\'ing men.
Wlien the day broke a body of the rioters sallied
out at the gates, and set to work on the abbeys and
i-eligious houses in the open country. These they
ravaged as they had done those of the city. The
libraries of some of these establishments they
burned. The riotings continued for three days.
No attempt to put them down was made by any one.
The magistrates did notliing beyond their visit to
the cathedral on the lii'st day. The burghal militia
were not called out. The citizens kept themselves
shut up in their houses, the Protestants because
they suspected that the Roman Catholics had con-
spii-ed to murder them, and the Roman Catholics
because they feared the same thing of the Protes-
tants. Though the crowd was immense, the actual
perpetrators of these outrages were believed not to
number over a hundred. A little fu-mness on the
part of the authorities at the beginning might
easily have restrained them. " All these -vdoleuces,
plunderings, and desolations," said those of the
Spanish faction, " were committed l)y about a
hmidred unamied rabble at the most." The famous
Dutch liistorian, Hooft, says : " I do not think it
strange, since there are good and bad men to be
foimd iu all sects, that the vilest of the [Reformed]
party showed their temper by these extravagances,
or that others fed their eyes with a sport that grew
up to a plague, which they thought the clergy had
justly deserved by the rage of their persecutions."
" The generality of the Reformed," he adds, " cei--
tainly behaved themselves nobly by censuring things
which they thought good and proper to be done,
because they were brought about by improper me-
thods."' In an Apology which they published
after these occurrences had taken place the Reformed
said : " The Papists themselves were at the bottom
of the image-breaking, to the end they might have a
pretext for charging those of the Religion with
rebellion : this, they adiled, plainly appeared by the
tumult renewed at Antwerp by four Papists, who
were hanged for it next day."-
It is light and not axes that can root out idols.
It is but of small avail to cast down the gi-aven
image, unless the belief on which the worship oi
it is founded be displaced from the heart. This
was not understood by these zealous iconoclasts.
Cast images out of the breast, said Zwingle, and they
will soon disappear from the sanctuary. Of this
opinion were the Protestant preachers of the Low
Countries. So far from lifting axe or hammer
upon any of the images aroimd them, they strove
to the utmost of their power to prevent the rabble
doing so. The preacher Modet, in an Apology
which he published soon after these disorders, says
" that neither he himself nor any of his consistory
had any more knowledge of this design of de-
stroying images when it was first contrived than
of the hour of their death." It was objected against
him that he was in the chiu'ch whUe the mob was
In-eaking and defacmg the images. Tliis he owns
was trae ; but he adds that " it was at the desire of
the magistrates themselves, and at the peril of his
own life, that he went thither to quiet the mob,
though he could not be heard, but was pulled
do^vn from the pulpit, and thrust out of the church;
that, moreover, he had gone fii'st to the convent
of the Grey Friars, and next to the nunnery of
St. Clara, to entreat the people to dejiart ; that of
this matter fifty or sixty nuns could testify. That
was all the concern he had in that aflaii-." A
written addi-ess was also presented to the burgo-
master by the ministers and elders of the Dutch
and "Walloon congregations, in which " they called
God to witness that what happened in the taking
away and destroying of images was done without
either theii- knowledge or consent ; and they de-
clared their detestation of these violent deeds." ^
This destroying wind passed on to Breda, Bergeu-
op-Zoom, and other towns of Brabant. Eight
men presented themselves at the gates of Lier, and
said they had come to ascei-tain whether the idols
had been taken down. The magistrates admitted
two of them iirto the city, led them from church to
church, and removed whatever they ordered, wth-
out once asking them by whose authority they had
come. * At Toumay the churches were stripped to
the very walls ; the treasures of gold and silver
which the priests had buried in the earth, exhumed ;
and the i-epositories broken into, and the chalices,
reliquaries, rich vestments, and precious jewels scat-
tered about as things of no value. At Valenciemies
the massacre of the idols took place on St. Bar-
tholomew's Day. " Hardly as many senseless
.stones," says Motley, " were victims as there wei-e
to be living Huguenots sacrificed in a single city
upon a Bartholomew which was fast approaching.
In the Valenciennes massacre not a human being
was injured."^
The storm turned northward, and inflicted its
ravages on the churches of Holland. Hague, Delft,
Leyden, the Brill, and other towns were visited
> Brandt, vol. i., p. 194.
= Ibid., p. 258.
3Braiidt,vol.i.,p.l96. 4jiid.,p. 197. ^ Motley, i., 282.
THE OUTRAGES OP THE IMAGE-BREAKERS.
57
iind purged. At Dort, Gouda, Rotterdam, Haar-
lem, and other places, the magistrates anticipated
the coming of the iconoclasts by giving orders
beforehand for the removal of the images. Whether
the pleasure or the mortification of the rioters was
the gi-eater at having the work thus taken off their
hands, it would be hard to affirm. At Amsterdam
the matter did not pass off so quietly. The magis-
trates, hearing that the storm was travelling north-
wards, gave a hint to the jariests to remove theii-
valuables in time. The precaution was taken with
more haste than good success. The priests and
friars, lading themselves with the plate, chalices,
patens, pyxes, and mass-vestments, hmi-ied with
ihem along the open street. They were met by
tlie operatives, who were returning from their
labour to dinner. The articles were deemed public
property, and the clergy in many cases were re-
lieved of their burdens. The disturbances had
begim. The same evening, after vespers had been
sung, several children were brought for baptism.
While the priest was performing the \isual exor-
cisms one of the crowd shouted out, " You priest,
forbear to conjure the devil out of him ; baptise the
child in the name of Jesus, as the apostles were
wont to do." The confusion increased ; some
mothers had theii" infants hastily baptised in the
mother tongue, others hun'ied home with theii-s
unbaptised. Later in the evening a pointer named
Jasper, sauntering near that part of the church
where the pyx is kejit, happened to light upon a
placard hanging on the wall, having reference to
the mystery in the pyx. " Look here," said he to
the bystanders, at the same time laying hold on the
board and reading aloud its inscription, which ran
thus : " Jesus Christ is locked up in this box ;
whoever does not believe it is damned." There-
upon he threw it with violence on the floor ; the
crash echoed through the church, and gave the
signal for the breakings to begin. Cei-tain boys
began to throw stones at the altar. A woman
threw her slipper at the head of a wooden Mary —
an act, by the way, which afterwards cost her her
own head. The mob rushed on : images and cruci-
fixes went dowai before thorn, and soon a heap of
jiicturcs, vases, crosses, and saints in .stone, broken,
liruised, and blended iindistinguishably, covered
with their Siicred ruins the floors of the churches.'
It does not appear from the naiTatives of con-
temporary historians that in a single instance these
outrages were .stimulated, or approved of, by the
Protestant ]ireachers. On the contraiy, they did
all in theii- power to prevent them. They wished
' Hooft, lib. iii.— opud Brandt, vol. i., pp. 199, 200.
to see the removal of images from the churches,
knowing that this method of worship had been for-
bidden ill the Decalogue ; but they hoped to accom-
plish the change jaeacefully, by enlightening the
public sentiment and awakening the pubHc con-
science on the matter. He is the true iconoclast,
they held, who teaches that " God is a Spirit, and
must be worshipped in spii'it." This is the hammer
that is to break in pieces the idols of the nations.
Nor can the destruction of these images, with
truth, be laid at the door of the Protestant con-
gi'egations of the Low Coimtries. There were
fanatical persons in their ranks, no doubt, who may
have aided the rioters by voice and hand ; but
the great body of the Refoiiuers — all, in short,
who were worthy of the name, and had really been
baptised into the spirit of Protestantism — stood
aloof from the work of destruction, knowing it to
be as useless as it was culpable. These outrages
were the work of men who cared as little for Protes-
tantism, in itself, as they did for Roman Catholicism.
They belonged to a class found in every Popish
country, who, mitaught, vindictive, vicious, are
ever ready to break out into violence the moment
the usual restraints are withdrawn. These re-
straints had been greatly relaxed in the Low Coun-
tries, as in all the countries of Christendom, by
the scandals of the priesthood, and yet more by
the atrocious cruelty of the Government, which had
associated these images in the minds of the people
with the 30,000 victims who had been sacrificed
duiing the three or four- decades past. And most
of all, perhaps, had Protestantism tended to relax
the hold which the Church of Rome exercised over
the masses. Protestantism had not enlightened the
authors of these outrages to the extent of convincing
them of its own truth, but it had enlightened
them to the extent of satisfying them that Popery
was a cheat ; and it is of the nature of the human
mind to avenge itself upon the impositions by
which it has been deluded and duped. But are we
therefore to say that the reign of impostiu-e must
be eternal ? Are we never to unmask delusions
and expose fiilsehoods, for fear that whirlwinds
may come in with the light 'i How many absurdi-
ties and enormities must we, iii that case, make uj)
our minds to peqietuate ! In no one path of reform
should we ever be able to advance a step. We
should have to sternly interdict progress not only
in religion, but in science, in politics, and in every
department of social well-being. And then, how
signally unjust to blame the remedy, and hold it
accoiuitable for the ilisturbances that accompany
it, and acquit the evil that made the remedy neces-
sary ! Modern times have presented us with two
68
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
grand disruptions of the bonds of authority ; the
fii-st was that produced by Protestantism in the
sixteenth centiuy, and the second was that caused
by the teachings of the French Encyclopiedists in
the end of the eighteenth century. In both cases
the masses hxrgely broke away from the control of
the Roman Church and her priesthood ; but every
candid mind \vill admit that they broke away not
after the same fashion, or to the same effect. The
revolt of the sixteenth centuiy was attended, as
we have seen in the Low Countries, by an immense
and, we shall grant, most merciless execution of
images ; the revolt of the eighteenth was followed
by the slaughter of a yet greater number of vic-
tims ; but in this case the victims were not images,
but living men. Both they who slew the images
in the sixteenth century, and they who slew the
human beings in the eighteenth, were reared in
the Church of Rome ; they had learned her doctrines
;ind had received theii- first lessons from her priests ;
and though now become disobedient and rebellious,
they had not yet got quit of the instincts she had
planted in them, nor were they quite out of her
leading-strings.
CHAPTER XII.
REACTION — SUBMISSION OF THE SOUTHERN NETHERLANDS.
Treaty between the Governor and Nobles — Liberty given the Reformed to Build Churches — Remonstrances of
Margaret— Reply of Orange — Anger of Philip — His Cruel Resolve — Philip's Treachery— Letters that Read Two
Ways— the Governor raises Soldiers — A Great Treachery Meditated — Egmont's and Horn's Compliance with the
Court, and Severities against the Reformed — Horn at Tournay — Forbids the Reformed to Worship inside the
Walls— Permitted to erect Churches outside — Money and Materials — the Governor Violates the Accord— Re-
formed Religion Forbidden in Tournay and Valenciennes — Siege of Valenciennes by Noircarmes — Sufferings of
the Besieged— They Surrender — Treachery of Noircarmes — Execution of the Two Protestant Ministers — Terror
inspired by the Fall of Valenciennes — Abject Submission of the Southern Netherlands.
The first effect of the tumults was favoui-able to
the Reformers. The insurrection had thoroughly
alarmed the Duchess of Paima, and the Protestants
obtained from her fear concessions which they
would in vain have solicited from her sense of
justice. At a conference between the leading
nobles and the governor at Brussels on the 25th of
A\igust, the following treaty was agi-eed to and
signed :— The duchess promised on her part " that
the Inquisition should be abolished from this time
forward for ever," and that the Protestants should
have liberty of worship in all those places where
their worahip had been previously established.
These stipulations were accompanied with a promise
that all past offences of image-breaking and Beg-
gar manifestoes should be condoned. The nobles
undertook on their part to dissolve their Confede-
r.icy, to retui-n to the service of the State, to see
that the Reformed did not come armed to their
assemblies, and that in their sermons they did not
inveigh against the Popish religion. ' Thus a gleam
broke out through the cloud, and the storm was
succeeded by a momentary calm.
' GrotiuB, AnnaUs, lib. i., p. 23. Brandt, vol. i., pp. 204, 205.
On the signing of this treaty the princes went
down to their several provinces, and earnestly
laboured to restore the public peace. The Piince
of Orange and Counts Egmont, Horn, and Hoog-
straten were especially zealous in this matter, nor
were their efforts without success. In Antwerp,
where Orange was governor, and where he was
gi'eatly l)eloved, quiet was speedily re-established,
the great cathedral was again opened, and the
Romish worship resumed as aforetime. It was
agreed that all the consecrated edifices should
remain in the possession of the Roman Catholics,
but a convention was at the same time made with
the Dutch and Walloon congi-egations, empowering
them to erect places of worship witliin the city-
walls for their own use. The latter arrangement,
• — the privilege, namely, accorded the Reformed of
worshipping within the walls — was a concession
which it cost the bigotry of Margaret a giiidge to
make. But Orange, in reply to her remonstrances,
told her that, in the first place, this was exjiedient,
seeing assemblies of 20,000 or 2.5,000 persons
were gi-eater menaces to the public peace outside
the walls, where they were removed from the
eye of the magistrate, than they could possibly
PHILIP'S DOUBLE-DEALING.
59
be within the city, where not only were their con-
gregations smaller, tlieii- numbers seldom exceeding
10,000, but their language and bearing wei'e more
modest ; and, in the second place, this concession,
ho reminded the duchess, was necessary. The
Reformed were now 200,000 strong, they were
determined to enjoy their rights, and he had no
soldiers to gainsay their demands, nor could he
prevail on a single burgher to bear arms against
them. ' In a few days the Walloon congregation,
availing themselves of their new liberties, laid the
first stone of theii' futuie church on a .sjjot which
had been allotted them ; and their example was
speedily followed by the Dutch Reformed congrega-
tion. Through the eflbrts of Orange the troubles
were quieted all over Holland and Brabant. His
success was mainly owing to the great weight of
his personal character, for soldiei's to enforce sub-
mission he had none. The churches were given
back to the pz-iests, who, doffing the lay vestments
in wliich many of them had encased themselves in
their terror, resumed the public celebration of their
rites ; and the Protestants were contented with the
liberty accorded them of worshipping in fabrics of
thcii' own creation, which in a few places were
situated witliin the walls, but in the great majority
of cases stood outside, in the suburbs, or the open
country.
Meanwhile the news of churches sacked, images
destroyed, and holy things profaned was travelling
to Spain. Philip, who during his stay in Brussels
had been wont to spend his nights iu the stews, or
to roam masked through the streets, satiating his
base appetites upon their foul garbage, when the
tidings of the profanation reached him, first
shuddered with horror, and next trembled with
rage. Plucking at his beard, he exclaimed, " It
shall cost them dear, I swear it by the soul of my
father."- For every image that had been mutilated
hundreds of living men were to die ; the afiront
oU'ercd to the Roman Catholic faith, and its saints
iu stone, nuist be washed out in the blood of the
inhabitants of the Netherlands. So did the tyrant
resolve.
Meanwhile keeping secret the temble purpose iu
his breast, he began to move toward it with his usual
slowness, but with more than his usual doggedncss
and duplicity. Before the news of the image-
lireaking had arrived, the king had written to Mar-
garet of Parma, m answer to the petition which the
two envoys, the Marquis of Berghen and the Count
' Hooft, p. 111. Strada, p. 268. Brandt, vol. i., p. 206.
- Letterof Morillon to Granvelle, 29th September, 15GG,
in Gachard, Annal. Belg., 254— apwd Motley, vol. i., p. 2&t.
de Montigny, had brought to Madrid, saying to her
■ — so bland and gi-acious did he seem — that he would
pardon the guilty, on certain conditions, and that
seeing there was now a full staff of bishops in the
Provinces, able and doubtless willing vigilantly to
guard the members of their flock, the Inquisition
was no longer necessary, and should henceforth
cease. Hei'e was pardon and the abolition of the
Inquisition : what more coidd the Netherlanders
ask 1 But if the letter was meant to I'ead one way
in Brussels, it was made to read another way in
Madrid. No sooner had Philip indited it than,
summoning two attorneys to his closet, he made
them draw out a formal protest in the presence of
witnesses to the effect that the promise of pardon,
being not voluntary but compulsory, was not
binding, and that he was not obliged thereby to
spare any one whom he chose to consider guilty.
As regarded the Inquisition, Philip wi-ote to the
Pope, telling him that he had indeed said to the
Netherlanders that he would abolish it, but that
need not scandalise his Holiness, inasmuch as he
neither could nor would abolish the Inquisition iin-
less the Pope gave his consent. As regarded the
meeting of the Assembly of the States for which
the Confederates had also petitioned, Philip replied
with his characteristic j)rudence, that he forbade its
meeting for the moment ; but in a secret letter to
Margaret he told her that that moment meant for
ever. The two noblemen who brought the petition
were not permitted to carry back the answer : that
would have been dangerous. They might have
initiated their countrymen into the Spanish reading
of the letter. They were still, upon various pre-
tences, detained at Madrid.
Along with this very pleasant letter, which the
governor was to make known to all Philip's sub-
jects of the Netherlands, that they might know
how gracious a master they had, came another
communication, which Margaret was not to make
known, but on the contrary keep to herself. Philip
announced in this letter that he had sent the gover-
nor a sum of money for raising soldiers, and that
he wished the new battalions to be enlisted ex-
clusively from Papists, for on these the king and
the duchess might rely for an absolute compliance
with their -will. The regent was not remiss in
executing this order; she immediately levied a
body of cavalry and five regiments of infantry.
As her levies increased her fears left her, and the
conciliatory spirit which led her to consent to the
Accord of the 25th of Augtist, was changed to a
mood of mind very diflerent.
But if the Accord was to be kept, the good
effects of which had been seen in a jiacified coimtry,
60
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and if the gnilty were to be pardoned and tlie
Inquisition abolished, as the king's letter had pro-
mised, where was the need of raising armaments 1
Surely these soldiere are :iot merely to string
beads. A great treachery is meditated, said Orange
and his companions, Egmont and Hor]i. It is not
the abolition of the Inquisition, but a rekindling of
light. The train-bands of the tyrant were gathering
round the country, and the circle of its jirivileges
and its liberties was contracting from one hour
to another. The regent had no cause to complain
of the lukewarmness of Egmont and Horn, what-
ever suspicions she might entertain of Orange.
The prince wa.s now a Lutheran, and he had
VILLAGE GRBIiN IN HOLLAND. (After Van dfr ITci/dcn.)
its fires on a still larger scale, that awaits us ; and
instead of a resun-ection of Flemish liberty by the
assembling of the States-General, it is the entire
effacement of whatever traces of old rights still
remain in these unha))))y countries, and the esta-
blishment of naked despotism on the ruins of
freedom by an anned force, that is contemplated.
Of that these levies left Orange in no doubt. In
the Council all three nobles expressed their dis-
approbation of the measure, as a rekindling of the
flames of civil discord and sedition.
E\Try day new proofs of this wen^ comiug to
calmed the iconoclastic tumults all over Brabant,
Holland, and Zealand, without staining his hands
with a single drop of blood. The Counts Egmont
and Horn were Romanists, and their suj)pression
of the image-breakings in Flanders and Tournay
had been marked by great severity towards the
Reformers. Egmont showed himself an ardent
partisan of the Government, and his proceedings
spread terror tlu-ough Flanders and Artois. Thou-
sands of Protestants fled the country ; tlieir wives
and fainilies were left destitute ; the public pro-
fession of the Refomied religion was forbidden.
110
62
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
despite the Accord ; and numbei-s of its adherents,
including ministei-s, hanged.' The chief guilt of
these cruelties rests with Egmont's secretar}', Bak-
kerzeel, who had great influence over tlie count,
and who, along with his chief, received his reward
in due time from the Government they so zealously
and unscnipulously served.
It was much after the same fashion that Toui-nay
was pacified by Count Horn. Five-sixths of the
inhabitants of that imiioi-tant place were Calvinists ;
Horn, therefore, feared to forbid the public preach-
ings. But no church and no spot inside the walls
would Horn permit to be defiled by the Protestant
worahip ; ne^'ertheless, three places outside the gates
were assigned for sermon. The eloquent Ambrose
Wille, whom we have already met, was the preacher,
and his congregation generally numbered from fifteen
to twenty thousand hearers. Permission was at
last given for the erection of churches on the tlu-ee
spots where the field-preachings had been held ;
and Councillor Tafien made what he judged an
eminently reasonable pro25osal to the magistrates
toucliiug the cost of their erection. The Papists,
he said, who were not more than a fourth of the
citizens, retained all the old churches; the other
tti-ee-fourths, who were Protestants, were compelled
to build new ones, and in these circumstances he
thought it only fair that the community should
defray the expense of their erection. The Romanists
exclaimed against the proposal. To be compelled
to refrain from burning the heretics was much, but
to be taxed for the support of heresy was an
tmheard-of oppression. Money and materials,
however, wei-e forthcoming in abundance : the
latter were somewhat too plentiful ; fragments of
broken images and demolished altars were lying
about everywhere, and were freely but indiscreetly
used by the Protestants in the erection of their new
fabrics. The sight of the tilings wliich they had
worshipped, built into the walls of a heretical
temple, stung tlie Romanists to the cpiick as the last
disgi-ace of their idols.
The levies of the regent were coming in rapidly,
and as her soldiers increased her tone waxed the
bolder. The Accord of the 25tli of August, which
wa.s the charter of the Protestants, gave her but
small concern. She had made it in her weakness
with the intention of breaking it when she should
be strong. She confiscated all the liberties the
Refomied enjoyed \mder that an-angement. The
sermons were forbidden, on the ridiculous pretext
that, although the liberty of preaching had been
conceded, that did not include the other exercises
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 24.3.
commonly pi-actised at the field assemblies, such as
singing, pi-aying, and dispensing the Sacraments.
Gan-isons were placed by the regent in Tournay, in
Valencieiuies, and many other towns ; the profes-
sion of the Reformed religion was suppressed in
them ; the Roman temples were re-opened, and the
Popish rites restored in their former splendour.
The fiill of Valenciemies as a Protestant city
exerted so disastrous and decisive an influence
upon the whole coimtiy, that it must detain us for
a little while. In the end of the year 1566 — the
last year of peace which the Netherlands were to
see for more than a generation — the regent sent the
truculent Noircarmes to demand that Valenciennes
should Oiieu its gates to a gai-rison. Strongly forti-
fied, Protestant to all but a fourth or sixth of its
population, courageous and united, Valenciennes
refused to admit the soldiei-s of Margaret. Her
general thereupon declaimed it in a state of siege,
and invested it ■with his troops. Its fate engaged
the interest of the siu-rounding villages and dis-
tricts, and the peasants, armed with pitchforks,
picks, and rusty muskets, assembling to the num-
ber of 3,000, marched to its relief. They were
met by the troops of Noircarmes, discomfited,
and almost exterminated. Another company also
marching to its assistance met a similar fate.
Tliose who escaped the slaughter took refuge in
the church of Watrelots, only to be overtaken Ijy
a inore dreadful death. The belfry, into which
they had retreated, was set on fire, and the whole
perished. These disasters, however, did not dispirit
the besieged. They made vigorous sallies, and kept
the enemy at bay. To cut ofi" all communication
between the city and the suiTOunding countrj', and
so i-educe the besieged by famine, orders were given
to the soldiers to lay the district waste. The villages
were pillaged or burned, tlie inhabitants slaughtered
in cold blood, or stripped naked in the dead of
winter, or roasted alive over slow fires to amuse a
brutal soldiery. Matrons and ^-ii-gins were sold in
public auction at tuck of drum. While these horrilile
butcheries were being enacted outside Valenciennes,
Noii'carmes was di-awing his lines closer about the
city. In answer to a summons from Margaret, the
inhabitants offered to surrender on certain condi-
tions. These were indignantly rejected, and Nou--
carmes now commenced to bombard Valenciennes.
It was t*he morning of Palm-Sunday. Tlie bells in
the steeples were chiming the air to which the
22nd Psalm, " My God, my God, why hast thou
forsaken Tnel" as versified by Marot, was com-
monly sung. The boom of the cannon, the
quaking of the houses, the toppling of the
chimneys, mingling -with the melancholy chimes
EXECUTION OF DE BEAY AND LA GRANGE.
63
of the steeples, and tlie wailings of the women
and children in the streets, formed a scene depress-
ing indeed, and which seems to have weighed
down the spiiits of the inhabitants into despair.
The city sent to Noircarmes offering to surrender
on the simple condition that it should not be sacked,
and that the lives of the inhabitants should be
spared. The general gave his promise only to break
it. Nou'carmes closed the gates when he had
entered. The wealthy citizens he arrested ; some
hundreds were hanged, and others were sent to
the stake.' Tliere was no regular sack, but the
soldiei's were quartered on the inhabitants, and
m\irdered and rol.ibed as they had a mind. The
elders and deacons and priuciital members of the
Protestant congi-egation were put to death." The
two Protestant preaehei-s. Guide de Bray and
Peregi-ine de la Grange, the eloquent Huguenot,
made their escape, but being discovered they were
brouglit back, cast into a tilthy dungeon, and
loaded with chains.
In their prison they were visited by the Countess
of Iveux, wlio asked them how they could eat and
drink and sleep with so heavy a chain, and so
terrible a fate in prospect. " My good cause,"
replied De Bray, " gives me a good conscience, and
my good conscience gives me a good ajipetite."
" My bread is sweeter, and my sleep sounder," he
I continued, " than that of my persecutors." " But
your heavy ii-onsl" intei-jiosed the countess. "It
is guilt that makes a chain heavy," replied the
prisoner, " innocence makes mine light. I gloiy in
. my chains, I account them my badges of honour,
I their clanking is to my ear as sweet music ; it re-
freshes me like a psalm." '
They were sentenced to be hanged. When their
fate was announced to them, says Brandt, "they
received it as glad tidings, and prepared as cheer-
fully to meet it as if they had been going to a
wedding-feast." De Bray was careful to leaA-e
liehind lum the secret of his sound sleep in heavy
^ irons and a filthy dungeon, that others in like cir-
j cumstances might enjoy the same trancpiillity. "A
good conscience, a good conscience ! " " Take care,"
said he to all tliose who had come to see him die,
•' Take cai-e to do notliing against your con.science,
otherwise you will have an executioner always at
your heels, and a pandemonium buruuig witliin you."
Peregrine de la Grange addressed tlie spectators
fi-om the ladder, " taking heaven and eartli to
witness that he died for no cause save that of
' Valenciennes MS. (Koman
Motley, vol. i., p. 32.5.
- Laval, vol. iii., p. lt-3.
^ Brandt, vol. i., pp. '250, 251.
Catliolicl, quotetl by
having preached the pure Word of God." Guido
de Bray kneeled on the scaffold to pray ; but the
executioner instantly raised him, and compelled him
to take his place on the ladder. Standing with the
rope round his neck he addressed the people, bidding
them give all due reverence to the magistrate, and
adhere to the Word of God, which he had pui-ely
preached. His discourse was stojiped by the hang-
man suddenly throwing him off. At the instant a
strange frenzy seized the soldiers that guarded the
market-place. Breaking their ranks, they ran about
the town in great disorder, " nobody knowing what
aUed them," firing off their muskets, and woiniding
and kOling Papists and Protestants indiscrimi-
nately.^
We stand on the threshold of a second gi-eat era
of persecution to the Church of the Netherlands.
The hoiTors of this era, of which the scaffolds of
these two learned and eloquent divines mai'k the
commencement, were to be so awful that the suf-
ferings of the past forty years would not be remeni-
bered. The severities that attended the fall of the
powerful and Protestant Valenciennes discouraged
the other cities ; they looked to see the tenible
Noircannes and his soldiers arrive at their gates,
offeiing the alternative of accepting a garrison, or
enduring siege with its attendant miseries as wit-
nessed in the case of Valenciennes. They made up
their minds to submission in the hope of better days
to come. If they could have read the future : if
they had known that submission would deepen into
slavery ; that one teirible woe would depart only
to make room for another more terrible, and that
the despot of Spain, whose heart bigotry had made
hard as the nether mOlstone, would never cease
emptying upon them the vials of his wrath, they
would have chosen the bolder, which would also liave
been the better part. Had they accepted conflict, the
hardest-fought fields would have been as nothing
compared with the humiliations and inflictions that
submission entailed upon them. Far better would
it have been to have died with anns in their hands
than with halters round their necks ; far Ijetter
would it have been to struggle with the foe in the
breach or in the field, than to oft'er their limbs to
the inquisitor's rack. But the Flemings knew not
the gi-eatness of the crisis : their hearts fainted in
the day of trial. The little city of Geneva had
withstood single-handed the soldiers of tlie Duke
of Savoy, and the threats of France and Spain : tlio
powerful Proxinces of Brabant and Flanders, with
their numerous inhabitiints, their- strong and opulent
< Brandt, vol. i., p. 251. Pontus Peyen MS.— aj>i«J
Motloy, vol. i., I>. 325.
64
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
cities, and tbeir burghal militia, yiokled at the firet
summons. Even Valenciennes sun-endered while
its walls were yet entire. The other cities seem to
have been conquered by the very name of Noir-
carmes. The Konianists themselves were astonished
at the readiness and abjectness of the submission.
" The capture of Valenciennes," wrote Noii-carmes
to Granvelle, " has worked a mii'acle. The other
cities all come forth to meet me, putting the rope
round then- o-svn neck."' It became a saying, "The
governor has found the keys of all the rest of the
cities at Valenciennes."- Cambray, Hasselt, Maseik,
and Maestricht surrendered themselves, as did also
Bois-le-Duc. The Reformed in Cambray had ikiven
away the ai-chbishop ; now the archbishop returned,
accompanied with a party of soldiers, and the Re-
formed fled in their turn. In the other towns, where
hardly a single image had escaped the iconoclast
tempest, the Romish worship was restored, and the
Protestants were compelled to conform or leave the
place. The Prince of Orange had hardly quitted
Antwerp, where he had just succeeded in preventing
an outbreak which threatened fearful destruction
to propeiiy and life, when that commercial metro-
polLs submitted its neck to the yoke wliich it seemed
to have cast off wtli contempt, and returned to a
faith whose very symbols it had so recently trampled
down as the mii-e in the streets. Antwerj) was
soon thereafter honoured with a visit from the
governor. Margaret signalised her coming by
ordeiing the churches of the Protestants to be pulled
down, their chikb'en to be re-baptised, and as many
of the church-plunderei-s as could be discovered
to be hanged. Her commands were zealou-sly
earned out by an obsequious magisti-acy.^ It was
tnily melancholy to witness the sudden change
which the Southern Netherlands underwent,
Tliousands might be seen hurrying from a shore
where freedom and the arts had found a home for
centuries, where proud cities had arisen, and
whither were wafted vnth every tide the various
riches of a world-wide commerce, lea^-ing by their
flight the arts to languish and commerce to die.
But still more melancholy was it to see the men
who remained casting themselves prostrate before
altars they had so recently thi'O'wn down, and
participating in rites which tkey had repudiated
with abhorrence as magical and idolatrous.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE COUNCIL OP BLOOD.
Orange's Penetration of Philip's Mind— Conference at Dendermonde— Eesolution of Egmont— WiUiam Eetires to
Nassau in Germany— Persecution Increased — The Gallows Full— Two Sisters— PhUip resolves to send an Army to
the Netherlands— Its Command given to the Duke of Alva— His Character- His Person— His Fanaticism and
Bloodtliirstiness- Character of the Soldiers— An Ai-my of Alvas— Its March— Its Morale— Its Entrance Unopposed
—Margaret Eetires from the Netherlands— Alva Ai-rests Egmont and Horn— Eefugees— Death of Berghen and
Montigny— Tlie Council of Blood— Sentence of Death upon all the Inhabitants of the Netherlands— Constitution
of the Blood Council— Its Terrible Work — Shrovo-tide — A proposed Holocaixst- Sentence of Spanish Inquisition
upon the Netherlands.
"Whirlwinds from the terrible land of the South "
— in literal terms, edicts and soldiere from Spain —
were what might now be looked for. Tlie land had
been subjugated, but it had yet to be chastised.
On every side the priests lifted up the head, the
burghers hung theii's m shame. The psalm pealed
forth at the field-pi'caching rose no longer on the
breeze, the orison of monk came loud and clear
instead ; the gibbets were filled, the piles were re-
lighted, and thousands were fleeing from a country
' Gachard, Preface to William the Silent— apud Motley,
vol. i., p. 326.
" Brandt, vol. i., p. 251.
wliich seemed only now to be opening the dark
page of its history. The future in reserve for the
Low Countries was not so closely locked up in the
breast of the tyi-ant but that the Prince of Orange
could read it. He saw into the heart and soul of
Philip. He had studied him in his daily life ; he
had studied him in the statesmen and councillors
who sei-ved him ; he had studied him in his public
policy; and ho had studied him in those secret
pages in which Philip had put on record, in the
depth of his own closet, the projects that he
was revolving, and which, opened and read while
3 Brandt, vol. i., p. 254.
EETIEEMENT OF THE PEINCE OF ORANGE.
Ga
PLilip slept, by tlie spies wHch WiUiam liad placed
around liim, were communicated to this watcliful
friend of his coimtry's liberties ; and all these
several lines of observation had led him to one
and the same conclusion, that it was Philip's
settled purpose, to be pursued through a thousand
windings, chicaneries, falsehoods, and solemn hypo-
crisies, to drag the leading nobles to the scaffold,
to hang, burn, or bury alive every Protestant in
the Low Countries, to put to death every one who
should hesitate to yield absolute compliance with
liis ^vill, and above the gi'ave of a murdered nation
to plant the twin fabrics of Spanish and Romish
despotism. That these were the purposes which
the tyrant harboured, and the events which the
future would bring forth, unless means were found
to prevent them, William was as sure as that the
revolution of the hours brings at length the night.
Accordingly he invited Horn, Egmont, Hoog-
straaten, and Count Louis to an interview at Den-
dermonde, in order to concert the measures which
it might be advisable to take when the storm, -with
which the air was already thick, should burst.
The sight of Egmont and the other nobles un-
happily was not so clear as that of William, and
they refused to believe that the danger was so great
as the prince represented. Count Egmont, who
was not yet disenthralled from the spell of the
court, nor fated ever to be till he should arrive at
the scaffold, said that " far from taking paii in any
measure offensive to the king, he looked upon every
such measure as equally imprudent and undutiful."
Tliis was decisive. These thi-ee seigniors must act
in concert or not at all. Combined, they might
have hoped to make head against Philip ; singly,
tliey could accomplish nothing' — nay, in all likeli-
hood would be cruslied. The Prince of Orange
resigned all his offices into the hands of the regent,
and retired with his family to his ancestral estate
of Nassau in Germany, there to await events.
Before leaving, however, he warned Count Egmont
of the fate that awaited liim shoaild he remain in
Flandei-s. " You are the bridge," said he, " by
which the Spanish army will pass into the Nether-
lands, and no sooner shall they have passed it than
they will break it do%vn."' The warning was un-
heeded. The two friends tenderly embraced, and
parted to meet no more on earth.
No sooner was William gone (April, l.'jGT) than
a cloud of woes descendud upon the Netherlands.
The disciples of the Reformation fled as best they
could from Amsterdam, and a gari-ison entered it.
At Horn, Clement Martin preached his farewell
sermon a mouth after the departureof William, and
next day he and his colleague were expelled the
town. About the same time the Protestants of
Enkhuizen heard theii' last sermon in the open air.
Assemblies were held over-night in the houses of
certain of the burghers, but these too were dis-
continued in no long time. A deep silence — "a
famine of hearing the Word of the Lord" — fell
upon the land. The ministers were chased from
many of the cities. The meetings held in out-of-the-
way places were surprised by the soldiers ; of those
present at them some were cut in pieces or shot down
on the spot, and others were seized and carried off
to the gallows. It was the special delight of the
persecutors to apprehend and hang or behead the
members of the consistories. " Thus," says Brandt,
" the gallows were filled with carcases, and Ger-
many with exiles." The minister of Cambray first
had his hand cut oft", and was then hanged. At
Oudenard and other towns the same fiite was in-
flicted on the pastoi-s. Monks, who had ceased to
coimt beads and become heralds of the glorious
Gospel rather than return to the cloister, were
content to rot in dimgeons or die on scaffolds. Some
villages furnished as many as a hundi-ed, and others
three hundred victims.- A citizen of Bommel,
Hubert Selkart by name, had the courage to take
a Bible to the market-place, and disprove the errors
of Pojjcry in presence of the people assembled
there. A night or two thereafter he was put inte
a sack and thro\vn into the liver WaeL There
were no more Scripture expositions in the market-
place of Bommel. All the Protestant churches in
cour.se of erection were demolished, and their
timbers taken for gallows to hang their biulders.
Two young gentlewomen of the Province of Over-
Issel were sentenced to the fire. One of the sisters
was induced to abjure on a promise of mercy. She
thought she had saved her life by her abjuration,
whereas the mercy of the placards meant only an
easier death. When the day of execution arrived,
the two sisters, who had not seen each other since
they received their sentence, were brought forth
together upon the scaffold. For the one who re.
raained steadfast a stake had been prepared; the
other saw with horror a coffin, half filled witli
sand, waiting to receive her corpse as soon as the
axe should have severed her head from her body.
"This," said the strong sister to the weak one,
" this is all you have gained by denying Ilim before
whom you are within an hour to appear." Con-
science-stricken she fell upon her knees, and with
strong cries besought pardon for her gi-eat sin.
' Strada, bk. vi., p. 286.
Meteren, voV ii., f. 45.
GG
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Tlien rising up — a sudden calm succeeding the
sudden tempest — she boldly declared herself a
Protestant. The executioner, fearing the efftct of
her words upon the spectators, instantly stop])od
her by putting a gag into her mouth, and then he
bound her to the same stake with her sister. A
moment before, it seemed as if the two were to be
parted for ever; but now death, which divides
others, had united them in the bonds of an eternal
fellowship :' they were sLstera evei-more.
As regarded the Netherlands, one would have
thought that their cup of suffering was already full ;
but not so thought Philip. New and more terrible
severities were in
course of pi'eparatiou
at Madrid for the
unliappy Provinces.
Tlie King of Spain,
after repeated delibe-
rations in his council,
resolved to send a
powerful army under
the command of the
Duke of Alva, to
chastise those turbu-
lent citizens whom he
had too long treated
with gentleness, and
exact a full measure
of vengeance for that
outbreak in which
they had discovered
an equal contempt for
the true i-eligion and
the royal authority. The Duke of Alva, setting s^iil
from Carthagena (May 10th, 1.5C7), landed in the
north of Italy, and repairing to Asti, there assembled
under his standard about 10,000 picked soldiers
fix)m the army in Italy, consisting of 8,700 foot
and 1,200 cavalry.- He now set out at the head of
this host to avenge the insulted majesty of Rome
and Spain, by drowning Netherland heresy in the
blood of its professors. It was a holy war : those
against whom it was to be waged were more
execrable than Jews or Saracens : they were also
greatly richer. The wealth of the world was trea-
sured up in the cities of the Netherlands, and their
gates once forced, a stream of gold would be jioured
into the coffers of Spain, now beginning to be i)ar-
tially deplenished bj' the many costly entei-prises
of Philip.
A fitter instrument for the dreadful work which
Philij) had now in linnil tlian the Duke of Alva, it
would have been impo.ssible to find in all Euroiie.
A daring and able soldier, Alva was a very great
f\xvourite with the Emperor Charles V., under whom
he hnd served in both Eui'ope and Africa, and some
of the more brilliant of the victories tliat were
gained by the armies of Charles were owing to his
luiquestionable ability, but somewhat headlong
courage. He had wan-ed against l>oth the Turks
and Lutherans, and of the two it is likely that
the latter were the objects of his greatest avei-sion
and deepest hatred. He was now sixty, but his
years had neither impaired the vigour of his body
nor quenched the fire of his spirit. In person
he was thin and tall,
with small head,
leathern fiice, twink-
ling eyes, and silvery
beard.^ He was cool,
patient, cruel, .selfish,
\-indictive, and though
not greedy of wine
and the pleasures to
which it often in-
cites, was inflamed
with a most insatia-
ble greed of gold.
Haughty and over-
bearing, he could not
tolerate a rival, and
the zeal he afterwards
showed in dragging
Count Egmont to the
scaffold is thought to
have been inspired,
in part at least, by the renown Egmont had ac-
quii-ed over the fii'st generals of France, and which
had thrown Alva somewhat into the shade, being
compelled to occupy an inglorious position in the
north of Italy, while his rival was distinguishing
himself on a far more consi)icuo\as theatre. But
the master-passion of this man'.s soul was a ferocious
fanaticism. Cruel by natiu'e, he had become yet
more cruel by bigotry. This overbearing passion
had heated his instincts, and crazed his judgment,
till in stealthy bloodthirstiness he had ceased to
be the man, and become the tiger.
As was the general, so were the soldiers. The
Duke of Alva was, in fact, leading an army of
Alvas across the Alps. Their courage had been
hardened and their .skill perfected in various climes,
and in numerous cam])aigns and battles ; they
were haughty, stern, and cruel beyond the ordi-
nary measure of Spanish soldiers. Deeming them-
' Brandt, vol. i., p.
Strada. bk. vi., p. 29.
2 Badovai-o MS. apvd Motley, vol. i., p. 339.
THE MARCH OF ALVA'S AEMY.
C7
selves champions of the Cross, the holy war in
which they were figliting not only wai'rauted, but
e.en .sanctified in their eyes, the indulgence of the
most vindictive and sanguinary passions against
those men whom they were marching to attack,
and whom they held to be worthy of death in the
raine,' attended by two armies of ooservation, the
French on this side and tlie Swiss on that, to see
that they kept the straight road. Their march
resembled the progress of the Ijoa-constrictor, which,
resting its successive coils upon the same spot,
moves its glittering but deadly body forwards.
THE DIKE or \M \ (Fiom thi Paiiiait Ij Titian.)
most terrible form in which they coidd possiljly
inflict it.
Climbing the steep sides of Mont Cenis, the
duke himself leading the van, this invading host
gained the summit of the pass. From this poinl,
where nothing is visible save the little circular lake
that fills the crater of a now exhausted volcano,
and the naked i)eaks that environ it, the Spaniards
descended through the narrow and sublime gorges
of the mountains to Savoy. Continuing their
march, they passed on through Bui-gundy and Lor-
Where the van-guard Iiad encamped this niglit, tlie
main body of the army was to Jialt the next, and
the rear the night following. Thus this Apollyon
host went onward.
It was the middle of August when the Si>aniards
arrived at the frontier of the Low Countries.
They found the gates 0])en, and their entrance un-
opposed. Those who would have .suffered the in-
' Strada, bk. vi., p. 30. Le Clerq, Hist, des Provinces
Unies des Pays Bas, torn, i., livr. ii., p. 13 ; Amsterdam, 1723.
68
HISTOEY OF PEOTESTANTISK
vaders to ciitei- oiilj' over their dead botlies were
in tlieir graves; the nobles were divided or in-
different ; the cities were paralysed by the triumph
of the royal arms at Valenciennes ; thousands, at
the firet rising of the tempest, had retreated into
the Church of Eome as into a harbour of safety ;
tameness and terror reigned throughout the coimtry,
and thus the i»werful Netherlands permitted
Philip to put his chidii upon its neck without
striking a blow. The only princijile wluch could
have averted the humiliation of the present hour,
and the miseries of the long years to come, had
meanwhile beeia smitten down.
Cantoning his soldiers in the chief cities, the
Duke of Alva in the end of August took up Ids
residence in Brussels, Count Egmont riding by
liis side as he entered the gates of the Belgian
capital. He soon showed that he had arrived
with a plenitude of power ; that, in fact, he
was king. Margaret felt her authority over-
topped by the higher authority of the duke, and
resigned her office as regent. She accompanied
her retirement with a piece of ad\'ice to her
brother, which Wios to the effect that if the mciV
sures that she feared were in contemplation should
be carried out, the result would be the ruin of
the Netherlands. Although Philip had been as
sure of the issue as Margaret was, he would ha\-e
gone forward all the same. Meanwhile his repre-
sentative, without a moment's delay, opened his
career of tyranny and blood. His lii-st act was
to arrest the Counts Egmont and Horn, and in
manner as crafty as the deed was cruel. He in-
vited them to his house on pretence of consulting
with them respecting a citadel which he meant to
erect at Antwerp. When the invitation reached
these noblemen, they were seated at a banquet
given by the Prior of the Knights of St. John.
" Take the fleetest horse in your stable," whispered
the prior in the ear of Egmont, " and flee from
this place." The infatuated nobleman, instead of
making his escape, went straight to the palace of
the duke. After the business of the citadel had
been discussed, the two counts were conducted into
separate rooms. " Count Egmont," said the captain
of the duke's guard, " deliver your sword ; it is the
will of the king." Egmont made a motion as if he
would flee. A door was thrown open, and he was
showai the ne.\t apartment filled with Si)anish mus-
keteers. Eesistance was vain. The count gave
up his sword, saying, " By this sword the cause of
the king has Ijcen oftener than once successfully
defended."' He was aonducted ujj-stairs to a tein-
' Strada
jiorary prison; the windows were closed; the walls
were hung in black, and lights were burned in it
night and day — a sad presage of the yet gloomier
fate that awaited him. Count Horn was treated
in a precisely similar way. At the end of fourteen
days the two noblemen were conducted, under a
strong guard, to the Ciistle of Ghent. At the same
time two other important arrests were made
Bakkerzeel, the secretary of Egmont; and Straalen,
the wealthy Burgomaster of Antwerp. -
These arrests spread terror over the whole
country. They convinced Eomanists equally with
Protestants that the policy to be pursued was one
of indiscriminate oppression and violence. Count
Egmont had of late been, to say the least, no luke-
warm friend of the Government ; his secretiuy,
Bakkerzeel, had signalised his zeal against Protes-
tantism by spilling Protestant blood, yet now
both of these men were on the road to the scaflbld.
The very terror of Alva's name, before he came,
had driven from the Low Countries 100,000
of their inhabitants. The dread iiLsjiii-ed by the
arrests now made compelled 20,000 more to flee.
The weavers of Bruges and Ghent carried to
England their art of cloth-making, and those of
Antwerp that of the sQk mMiufacture. Nor
was it the disciples of the Eeformation only
that sought asylum beyond seas. Thomas Tillius
forsook his rich Abbey of St. Bernard, in the neigh-
bourhood of Antwerp, and repaii-ed to the Duchv
of Cleves. There he threw ofl" hLs frock, manied,
and afterwards became pastor, first at Haarlem, and
next at Delft.^
Every day a deeper gulf opened to the Nether-
lands. The death of the two Flemish envoys, the
Marquis of Berghen and the Baron de Montigny,
was immediately consequent on the departure of the
duke for the Low Countries. The precise means
and manner of their destruction can now never be
known, but occun-ing at this moment, it combined
with the imprisonment of Egmont and Horn in
prognosticating times of more than usual calamity.
The next measure of Alva was to erect a new
tribunal, to which he gave the name of the
" Council of Tumults," but ■ which came to be
known, and ever u-ill be known in history, by the
more dreadful appellative of the " Council of
Blood." Its erection meant the overthrow of
every other institution. It proscribed all the
ancient charters of the Netherlands, with the rights
and liberties in which they vested the citizens.
- Bentivoglio, lib. ii., cap. 3, pp. 50, 51. Hooft, vol. iv.,
pp. 1.50, 151. Brandt, vol. i., p. 260.
2 Brandt, vol. i., p. 260.
A EEIGN OF TERROR AND ATROCITY.
69
The Council of Tumults assumed absolute and
sole j urisdiction in all mattei-s gi-owing out of the
late troubles, in opposition to all other law, jmis-
diction, and authority whatsoever. Its work was
to search after and punish all heretics and traitors.
It set about its work by first defining what that
treason was which it was to punish. This tribunal
declared that " it was treason against the Divine
and human Majesties to subscribe and pre.sent any
petition against the new bishops, the Inquisition, or
the placards ; as also to suffer or allow the exercise
of the new religion, let the occasion or necessity be
what it would." ' Further, it was treason not to have
opi)Osed the image-breaking ; it was treason not
to have opposed the field-preachings ; it was treason
not to have opposed the presenting of the petition
of the Confederate nobles; in fine, it was treason to
have said or thought that the Tribunal of Tumults
was obliged to confonn itself to the ancient charters
and privileges, or " to have asserted or insinuated
that the king had no right to take away all the
privileges of these Provinces if he thought fit, or
that he was not discharged from aU his oaths and
promises of pardon, seeing all the inhabitants had
been guilty of a ci-ime, either of omission or of
commission." In short, the King of Spain, in this
fulmination, declai-ed that all the inliabitants of the
Low Countries were guilty of treason, and had
incurred the penalty of death. Or as one of the
judges of this tremendous tribunal, with memoi-able
simplicity and pithiness, put it, "the heretical in-
habitants broke into the churches, and the orthodo.x:
inhabitants did nothing to hinder it, therefore they
ought all of them to be hanged together." -
The Council of Blood consisted of twelve judges ;
the majority were Spaniards, and the rest fost
fi-iends of the Spanish interest. The duke himself
was president. Under the duke, and occupying
his place in his absence, was Vargas, a Spanish
lawyer. Vargas was renoAvned among his country-
men as a man of insatiable gi-eed and measureless
cruelty. He it was who proposed the compendious
settlement of the Netherlands question to which
we have just refen-ed, namely, that of hanging all
the inhaljitants on one gallows. " Tlie gangixuio
of the Netherlands," said the Spaniards, " has
need of a sharp knife, and such is Vargas."' This
man was well mated with another Spaniard nearly
a-s cruel and altogether as imscrupulous, Del Rio.
Tliis council pronounced what sentences it pleased,
and it penuitted no appeal.
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 260. Meteren, lib. iii., p. CG.
" Iljid., vol. i., p. 261.
' IjO Clerq, Hist, des Provinces Unies, SiC, torn, i., livr. ii.,
p. 14.
It would be both wearisome and disgusting to
follow these men, step by step, in theu' path of
blood. Theii- council-chamber resembled nothing
so much as the lair of a wild beast, vnth its
precincts covered with the remains of ^^ct^ms. It
was simply a den of murder ; and one could see in
imagination all its approaches and avenues soaked
in gore and strewn with the mangled carcases of
men, women, and children. The subject is a
horrible one, upon which it is not at all pleasant to
dwell.
All was now ready ; Alva had erected his
Council of Blood, he had distributed his soldiers
over the country in such formidable bodies as to
overawe the inhabitants, he was erecting a citadel
at Antwerp, forts in other places, and compelling
the citizens to defray the cost of the instruments of
their oppression ; and now the Low Countries,
renowned in former days for the mildness of their
government and the happiness of theu- people,
became literally an Aceldama. We shall pei-mit
the historian Brandt to .summarise the horrors
with which the land was now overspread. " There
was nothing now," says he, " but imprisoning and
racking of all ages, sexes, and conditions of people,
and oftentimes too without any previous accusation
against them. Infinite numbers (and they not of
the Religion neither) that had been but once or
twice to hear a sermon among the Reformed, were
put to death for it. The gallows, says the Heer
Hooft in his history, the wheels, stakes, and trees
in the highways were loaden with carcases or limbs
of such as had been hanged, beheaded, or roasted,
so that the air which God had made for the respu-a-
tion of the living, was now become the common
grave or habitation of the dead. Every day pro-
duced fresh objects of pity and mourning, and the
noise of the bloody passing-bell was continually
heard, which by the martyrdom of this man's
cousin, or t' other's friend or brother, rung dismal
peals in the hearts of the sur\dvors. Of banish-
ment of persons and confiscations of goods there
was no end ; it was no matter whether they had
i-eal or pei-sonal estates, free or entailed, all was
seized upon ^vithout regarding the claims of credi-
tors or others, to the unspeakable prejudice both of
rich and poor, of convents, hospitals, widows and
orphans, who were by knavish evasions deprived of
theu- mcomes for many years."'
Bales of denunciations were sent in. These were
too vohuninous to be read by Alva or Vargas, and
were remitted to the other councils, that still re-
tained a nominal existence, to be read and i-eported
■I Brandt, vol. i., p. 261.
HISTORY OF PROTESTAISTISM.
on. Tlioy knew tlie sort of report tliat was expected
from them, and took care not to disappoint tlie
expectations of tlie men of the Blood Council.
With shai-p reiterated knell came the words,
" Guilty : the gallows." If by a rare chance the
accused was said to be innocent, the report was
sent back to be amended : the recommendation to
death was always carried out within forty-eight
hours. This bloody harvest was gathered all over
the country, evei-y town, village, and hamlet fur-
nishing its group of victims. To-day it is Valen-
cieuues that yields a batch of eighty-four for the
stake and the gallows ; a few days thereafter, a
miscellaneous crowd, amounting to ninety-five, are
brought in from diiferent places in Flanders, and
handed over by the Blood Council to the scafibld ;
next day, forty-six of the irJiabitants of Malines
are condemned to die ; no sooner are they disposed
of than another crowd of thirty-five, collected from
various localities by the sleuth-hounds of the
Blood Council, ai-e ready for the fire. Thus the
Iioriible work of atrocity went on, prosecuted
with unceasing vigom- and a zeal tliat was truly
awful.
Shrovetide (1568) was approaching. The in-
habitants of the Netherlands, like those of all
Polish countries, were Avont to pass this night in
rejoicings. Alva resolved that its songs shoidd be
turned into bowlings. Wliile the citizens should
Ije making meriy, he would throw his net over
all who were kno^vn to have ever been at a
field-preaching, and prepare a holocaust of some
thousand heads fittingly to celebrate the close of
" Holy Week." At midnight his m^Tmidons were
sent forth ; they burst open the doors of all su.s-
pected persons, and dragging them from then- beds,
hauled them to prison. Tlie number of aiTests,
liowever, did not answer Alva's expectations ; some
had got thuely warning and had made theii- escaiie;
those who remained, having but little heart to
rejoice, were not so much ofl" their guard, nor so
easy a prey, as the officers expected to find them.
Alva had enclosed only .")00 disciples or favourers
of the Gospel in his net — too many, alas ! for sueli
a fate, but too few for the vast desires of the per-
secutor. Tliey were, of coui-se, ordered to the
scafibld.'
Terror was chasing awaj- the inhabitants in
thousands. An edict was issued threatening severe
penalties against all carriers and shiji-masters who
should aid any subject of the Netherlands to
escape, but it was quite inefiectual in checking tlie
emigration ; the cities were becoming empty, and
the land comiiaratively depojiulated. Neverthe-
less, the per.secutioii went on -n-ith unrelenting fury.
Even Viglius coimselled a little lenity ; the Pope,
it is said, alarmed at the issue to wliich matters
were tending, was not indisposed to moderation.
Such advisers ought to liave had weight with the
King of Spain, but Philip refused to listen even to
them. Vargas, whom he consulted, declared, of
course, for a continuance of the persecution, telling
his sovereign that in the Netherlands he had found
a second Indies, where the gold was to be had
without even the trouble of digging for it, so
numerous were the confiscations. Thus avarice
came to the aid of bigotry. Philip next submitted
a "Memorial and Representation" of the state of
the Low Countries to the Spanish Inquisition,
craving the judgment of the Fathers upon it. After
deliberating, the inquisitors pronounced their de-
cision on the 16th of Februaiy, 1-568. It was to
the efiect that, " with the exception of a select list
of names which had been Iianded to them, all the
inliabitants of the Netherlands were heretics or
abettors of heresj', and so had been guilty of the
crime of high treason." On the 26th of the same
month, Philip confirmed this sentence by a royal
proclamation, in which he commanded the decree
to be can-ied into immediate execution, without
favour or respect of persons. The King of Spain
actually passed sentence of death upon a whole
nation. We behold him erecting a common scaf-
fold for its execution, and digging one vast grave
for all the men, and women, and children of tlie
Low Countries. " Since the beginning of the
world," says Brandt, " men have not seen or heard
any jjarallel to this horrible sentence."'
Brandt, vol. i., p. 263.
IIM., p. 2GC.
THE PEINCE OF ORANGE PREPARES FOR WAR.
CHAPTER XIV.
WILLIAM UNFURLS HIS STANDARD EXECUTION OF EGIIONT AND HORN.
William cited by the Blood Council— His Estates Confiscated — Solicited to Unfurl the Standard against Spain— Funds
raised — Soldiers Enlisted — Tlie War waged in the King's Kame— Louis of Nassau — The Invading Host Marches
— Battle at Dam— Victory of Count Louis — Eage of Alva — Executions — Condemnation of Counts Egmont and
Horn— Sentence intimated to them — Egmont's Conduct on the Scaffold — Executed — Death of Count Horn— Battle
of Gemmingen— Defeat of Count Louis.
The Prince of Orange liad fled from the Nether-
lands, as we have ah-eady seen, and retired to his
patrimonial estates of Nassau. Early in the year
1.5G8 the Duke of Alva cited him to appear before
the Council of Blood. It was promised that the
greatest lenity would be shown him, should be obey
the summons, but William was far too sagacious to
walk into tliis trap. His brother Louis of Nassau,
liis brother-in-law Count van den Berg, and the
Counts Hoogstraaten and Culemberg were sum-
moned at the same time ; thrice fourteen days were
allowed them for putting in an appearance ; should
they fail to obey, they were, at the expiration of
that period, to incur forfeiture of their estates and
perpetual banishment. It is needless to say that
these noblemen did not resjoond to Alva's citation,
and, as a matter of course, theu" estates were con-
fiscated, and sentence of banishment was recorded
against them.
Had they succeeded in ensnaring William of
©range, tlie joy of Philip and Alva would have
been nnbounded. His sagacity, his strength of
character, and his influence witli his countrymen,
made his capture of more importance to the success
of their desigirs than that of all the rest of the
Flemish nobility. Their mortiiication, when tliey
found that he had escaped them, was therefore
extreme. His figure I'ose menacingly before them
in tiieir closets ; he disturbed all their calculations ;
for while this sagacious and dauntless friend of his
country's lilierties wiis at large, they could not be
sure of retaining their hold on the Netherlands,
their prey might any day be -wrested from them.
But thougli his ])erson had escaped them, his
property was witliiu their rcacli, and now his
numerous estates in France and the Low Coun-
tries were confiscated, their revenues appropriated
for the uses of Philip, and his eldest son, Count
van Buren, a lad of thirteen, and at the time a
student in the LTniversity of Lo\ivain, was seized as
a hostage and carried oft' to Spain.
There was but one man to whom the inhabitants,
in the midst of their ever-accumulating misery and
despair, could look with the smallest hope of de-
liverance. That was the man whom we have just
seen stripped of his property and declared an outlaw.
The eyes of the exiles abroad were also turned to
William of Orange. He began to be earnestly
importuned by the refugees in England, in Grer-
many, in Cleves and other parts, to unfurl the
standard and strike for his country's liberation.
William wished to defer the enterprise in the hope
of seeing Spain involved in war with some other
nation, when it would be more easy to compel her
to let go her hold upon the unhappy Netherlands.
But the exiles were importunate, for their numbers
were being daily swelled by the new horrors that
were continually darkening their native country.
William therefore resolved to delay no longer, but
instantly to gird himself in obedience to the cry
from so many countries, and the yet louder cry,
though expressed only in groans, that was coming
to him from the Netherlands.
His fii-st care was to raise the necessary funds
and soldiei-s. He could not begin the war with a
less sum in hand than two hundred thousand
florins. The cities of Antwerp, Haarlem, Amster-
dam, and otliers contributed one-half of that sum ;
tlie refugee merchants in London and elsewhere
subscribed largely. His brother. Count John of
Nassau, gave a considerable sum ; and the pxince
himself completed the amount needed by the sale
of his plate, furniture, tapestiy, and jewels, which
wei-e of gi-eat value. In this way were the funds
provided.
For troops the chief relianeoof Williaui was on
the Protestant princes of Germany. He rej)rcscnted
to them the danger with which their own prosperity
and liberties would be menaced, should the Nether-
lands be occupied by the Spaniards, and their ti-ado
destroyed by the foreign occupation of the seaboard,
and the conversion of its great connnercial cities into
camps. The Gennan princes were not insensible to
these considerations, and not only did they advance
him sums of money — they winked at his levy-
ing recruits within tlicir territories. He reckoned,
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
too, on receiving help from tlie Huguenots of
Fi-ance ; nor would the Protestant Queen of Eng-
land, he trusted, be lacking to him at this crisis.
He could confidently reckon on the Flemish refugees
scattered all over the northern countries of Europe.
They had been warriors as well as traders in their
own country, and he could rely on their swelluig
his ranks with brave and jiatriotic soldiers. With
these resources — how diminutive when compared
with the treasures and the armies of that Power to
which he was throwing down the gage of battle ! —
William resolved on beginning his gi'eat struggle.
By a fiction of loyalty this war against the
king was made in the nanie of the king. William
nnfui'led his standard to diive out the Spaniards
from Philiji's dominions of the Netherlands, in order
that he might serve the interests of the king by
saving the land from utter desolation, the inhabit-
ants from dire slavery, the charters and privileges
from extinction, and religion from utter overthrow.
He gave a commission to his brother, dated Dillen-
burg, Gth AprU, 1.568, to levy troops for the war
to be waged for these objects. Louis of Nassau
was one of the best soldiers of the age, and had the
cause as niuch at heart as the prince himself The
count was successful in raising levies in the north
of Germany. The motto of his arms was " The
freedom of the nation and of conscience," and
blazoned on his liannei-s were the words "Victory
or death."'
Besides the soldiers I'ccruited in the north of
Germany by Count Louis, levies had been raised in
France and in the Duchy of Cleves, and it was
arranged that tlie liberating army should enter the
Netherlands at four points. One di\'ision was to
march from the south and enter by Artois ; a
second was to descend along the Meuse from the
east J Count Louis was to attack on the north; and
the prince himself, at the head of the main body of
liberators, was to strike at the heart of the Nether-
lands by occujjyiiig Brabant. The attacking forces
on the south and east were repulsed with great
slaughter ; but the attack on the north under Count
Louis was signally successful.
On the 2-tth April, 1.568, the coimt entered the
Provinces and advanced to Dam, on the shores of
the Bay of Dollart, the site of thirty-three
villages till drowned in a mighty inundation of the
ocean. Troops of volunteers were daily joining his
standard. Here Count Aremberg, who had been
sent by Alva with a body of Spanish and Sardinian
troops to oppose him, joined battle with him. The
Count of Nassau's little army was strongly posted.
Bi'a.ndt, vol. i., p. 267.
On the right was placed his cavalry, under the com-
mand of his brother Count Adolphus. On the left
his main army was defended by a hill, on which ho
had planted a strong band of musketeei-s. A
wood and the walls of a convent guarded his rear ;
while in front stretched a nicrass full of pits from
which peat had been dug. When the Spaniards
came in sight of the enemy dra\ra up in two little
squares on the eminence, they were impatient to
begin battle, deeming it impossible that raw levies
could withstand them for a moment. Their leader,
who knew the natui-e of the ground, strove to
restrain their ardour, bvit in vain : accusations of
treachery and cowardice were hurled at him. "Let
us march," said Ai'emberg, his anger kindled, " not
to victory, but to be overcome." The soldiers rushed
into the swamp, but though now sensible of their
error, they could not retreat, the front ranks being
piished forward by those in the rear, till they were
fairly under the enemy's fire. Seeing the Spaniards
entangled in the mud, Comit Louis attacked them
in front, while his brother broke in upon their
flank with the cavalry. The musketeers poured
in then- shot upon them, and one of the squares of
foot wheeling round the base of the hill took them
in the rear; thus assailed on all sides, and un;il>le
to resist, the Spanish host was cut in pieces. Both
Adolphus, brother of Louis of Nassau, and Arem-
berg, the leader of the Spaniards, fell in the battle.
The artillery, baggage, and military chest of the
Spaniards became the booty of the conquerors."
This issue of the affair was a gi-eat lilovr to
Alva. He knew the effect which the prestige
of a first victory was sure to have in favour of
William. He therefore hastened his measiu'es that
he might march against the enemy and inflict on
him summary vengeance for having defeated the
veteran soldiers of Spain. The fii-st burst of the
tyrant's rage fell, however, not on the patriot army,
but on those unhappy persons who were in prison at
Brussels. Nineteen Confederate noblemen, who had
been condemned for high treason by the Council of
Blood, were ordered by Alva for immediate execu-
tion. They were all beheaded in the horse-market
of Brussels. Eight died as Eoman Catholics, and
their bodies received Christian burial ; the remain-
ing eleven professed the Reformed laith, and their
heads stuck on poles, and their bodies fastened to
stakes, were left to moidder in the fields.' The
next day four gentlemen suflfered the same fate.
Comit Culemberg's house at Bnissels was razed
- Bentivoglio, lib. ii., cap. 3, p. 52. Strada, "lib. vii
Brandt, vol. i., p. 267.
•* Strada, lib. vii.
74
IIISTOEY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
to the gi-oiintl, and Lii the centre of the desolated
site a phicard was set up, announcing that the ill-
omened spot had been made an execration because
the great " Beggar Confederacy " against king and
Church had been concocted here. These minor
tragedies but heralded a gi'eater one.
The last houi-s of Counts Egmont and Horn were
now come. Tliey had lain nine months in the
Castle of Client, and conscious of entire loyalty to
the king, they had not for a moment apprehended
a fatal issue to their cause ; but both Philip and
Alva had from the first determined that they should
die. The secretary of Egmont, Bakkerzeel, was
subjected to the torture, in the hope of extorting
from him condemnatory matter against his master.
His tormentors, however, failed to extract anything
from him which they could use against Egmont,
whereat Alva Wixs so enraged that he ordered the
miserable man to be pulled in pieces by wild horses.
The condemnation of the unfoi-tunate noblemen was
proceeded with all the same. They were brought
from Ghent to Brussels under a strong escort.
Alva, taking up one of the blank slips with Philip's
signature, of which he had brought a chestful from
Spain, drafted upon it the sentence of Egmont, con-
demning him to be beheaded as a traitor. The
same formality was gone through against Count
Horn. The main accusation against these noble-
men was, that they had been privy to the Con-
fedei-acy, which had been formed to oppose the
inti'oduction of the Inquisition and edicts ; and that
they had met with the Prince of Orange at Den-
dermonde, to deliberate about opposing the entrance
of the king's army into the Netherlands. They
knew indeed of the Confederacy, but they had not
been members of it ; and as regai'ded the conference
at Dendernionde, they had been present at that
meeting, but thej' had, as our readers will remem-
ber, Tlisapproved and opposed the proposition of
Louis of Nassau to unite their endeavours against
the entrance of the Spanish troops into Flanders.
But innocence or guilt were really of no account to
, the Blood Council, when it had fixed on the victim
to be sacrificed. The two counts were roused from
sleep at midnight, to have the sentence of death in-
timated to them by the Bishop of Ypres.
At eleven o'clock of the following day (5th of
May) they were led to execution. The scafibld had
boen erected in the centre of the great square of
Brussels, standing hard by if not on the identical
spot where the stake of the first martjTS of the
Reformation in the Netherlands had been set iiji.
It was covered with black cloth ; nineteen com-
panies of soldiere kept guard around it ; a vast
a.ssembly occupied the space beyond, and the
windows of the houses were crowded with spec-
tators, among whom was Alva himself, who had
come to witness the tragedj' of his o%™ ordering.
Count Egmont was the first to ascend the scaflbld,
accompanied by the Bishop of Ypre.s. He had
walked thither, reciting the 51st Psalm : " In the
multitude of thy compassions, O Go'.l, blot out all
mine iniquities," &c. He conducted himself with
dignity upon the scaflbld. It was vain to think of
addressing the spectators ; those he wished to reach
were too far ofl" to hear him, and his words would
have fiillen only on the ears of the Spanish soldiei-s.
After a few minutes' conversation with the bishop,
who presented him with a silver cross to kiss, and
gave him his benediction, the count put oft' his black
mantle and robe of red damask, and taking the
Cross of the Golden Fleece from his neck, he knelt
down and put his head on the block. Joining his
hands as if in the act of supplication, he cried
aloiid, " O Lord, into thy hands I commit my
spirit." Thereupon the executioner emerged from
underneath the scafibld, where till that moment he
had been concealed, and at one blow severed his
head from his body.
Count Horn was next led upon the scaflbld.
He inquired whether Egmont were already dead.
His eye was directed to a bkck cloth, which had
been hastUy thrown over the tnink and severed head
of that nobleman, and he was told that the remains
of Egmont were underneath. " We have not met
each other," he observed, " since the day we were
apprehended." The crucifix presented to him he
did not kiss ; but he kneeled on the scaflbld to
pray. His devotions ended, he rose up, laid his
head on the block, and uttering in Latin the same
exclamation which Egmont had used, he received
the stroke of the sword. The heads of the two
counts were stuck up on iron poles on the scaflbld,
between burning torches, and exhibited till late in
the afternoon. This horrible deed very much
deepened the detestation and abhorrence in which
both Philip and Alva were held by the Nether-
landers.'
The dismal tragedy ended, Alva was at liberty
to turn his attention to the war. He set out from
Brussels with an army of 12,000 foot and 3,000
horse to meet Louis of Nassau. He came up with
him (14th of July, 1.568) in the neighbourhood of
Groningen. On the approach of the duke, Count
Louis retreated to the small town of Gcnnningen
on the Ems, where he encamped. His position
was not unlike that in which he had joined battle
with Aremberg, being strongly defended by
1 Straila, lib. vii. Brandt, vol. i., p. 207.
THE TWO WIDOWS OF UTRECHT.
V5
morasses and swamps. The soldiers under him
were somewhat inferior in numbers, but far more
inferior in discipline, to the troops led by Alva.
But Count Louis was more in want of money than
men. The pay of his soldiers was gi-eatly in arrear,
and when they saw the Spaniards approach, and
knew that a battle was imminent, tliey refused to
figlit till fiKt their aiTears had been paid. Intelli-
gence of this mutinous disposition was duly carried
to Alva by spies, and he accordingly chose that
moment to attack. Count Louis and the Flemish
exiles fought bravely, but deserted by tlie Cierman
mutineers, they were compelled at last to retreat.
The Spanish army rushed into the camp ; most of
the Germans who had refused to fight were put to
the sword ; Count Louis, with the remains of his
routed host, escaped across the river Ems, and soon
thereaftei', in company with Coimt Hoogstraaten,
he set out for Germany to join his brother, the
Prince of Orange.'
CHAPTER XV. ■
FAILURE OF William's first campaign.
Execution of Widow van Dieman— Herman Schinkel— Martyrdoms at Ghent— .T,t Bois-le-Duc— Peter van Kulen
and his Maid-servant— A New Gag Invented— William Approaches with liis Army— His Manifesto— His Avowal
of his Faith— William Crosses the Rhine— Alva Declines Battle-WiUiam's Supplies Fail— Flanders Refuses
to Rise— William Retires— Alva's Elation— Erects a Statue to himself— Its Inscription— The Pope sends him
Congratulations, etc.- Synod of the Church of the Netherlands— Presbyterian Church Government Established.
From the battle-field of Gemmingen, Alva went on
his way by Amsterdam and Utrecht and Bois-le-Duc
to Biiissels, instituting inquiries in every district
through which he passed, touching tliose of the
inliabitants wlio had been concerned in the late
tumults, and leaving his track marked thro\ighout
by halters and stakes. At Bois-le-Duc he pa.ssed
sentence on sixty refugees whom he foiind in tliat
town, sending some to the gallows and others to
the fire. Some noblemen and councillors of Utrecht
were at the same time executed, and their estates
confiscated. Many in those days perished for no
other crime but that of being rich. A gentle-
woman of eighty-four years, widow of Adam van
Dieman, a foi-mer Burgomaster of Utrecht, and
who had received imder her roof for a single night
the minister John Arentson, was sentenced to die.
When the day came, the executioner made her sit in
a chair till he should strike ofi" her head. Being a
Romanist she knew that her gi-eat wealth had as
much to do with her death as the night's lodging
she had given the Refonned pastor, for when
brought Tipon the scaffold she asked if there was no
room for pardon. Tlie officer answered, " None."
" I know what you mean," replied the brave old
lady ; " the calf is fat, and must therefore be
killed." Then tm-ning to the executioner, and
jesting playfully on her giieat age, which ought to
have proe\u-ed lier respect and favour, she said, " I
hope your sword is sharp, for you will find my neck
somewhat tough." The executioner struck, and
her head fell."
A month after (2.5th of September) the widow
of Egbert van Broekhuissen, a wine merchant at
Utrecht, was beheaded. Her sentence set forth
that she had been at a conventicle, but it was
strongly rumoured that her real offence was one on
which the judicial record was silent. One of the
commissioners of the Council of Blood was a
customer of her husband's, and was said to be deep
in his debt. It would seem that the judge took
this way of paying it, for when the effects of the
widow were confiscatetl for the king's use, the ledger
in which the debt was posted could not be found.'
About the same time three persons were hanged
at Haarlem. One of them had mutilated an image;
another had Iteen a soldier of Brederode's, the Con-
federate leader; the third had written a poem, styled
the Eecho, satirising the Pope. This man was the
father of eight children, whose mother was dead.
His own mother, a woman of eighty years, earnestly
interceded that he might be spared for liis children's
sake. But no compassion could be sho-svn him.
His two companions had already been strangled ;
his own foot was on the ladder, when a sudden
tumult arose round the scaffold. But the per-
secutoi-s were not to be defrauded of their prey.
• Strada, lib. vii. Watson, PUlip II., vol. i., pp. 329, 330.
= Brandt, vol. i., pp. 269, 270. ' Ibhl.
76
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Tliey ImiTied ofi" their victim to the burgomaster's
chamber; there they tied him to a ladder, and
having strangled liim, they hung np his corpse on
the public gallows beside the other two. At Delft,
Herman Schiukel, one of the lettered printers of
those days, was condemned to die for having printed
the " Psalm-book, the Catechism, and the Confes-
sion of Faith," or short confession of the Christian
doctrine from the Latin of Beza. He made a
powerful defence before his judges, but of what
avail was it for innocence and justice to plead
before such a tribunal l He composed some verees
in Latin on his death, which he sent to a friend.
He wrote a letter to his infant son and daughters,
breathing all the tenderness of a father ; and then
he yielded uji his life.'
In Brabant and Flanders the persecution was
still more severe. At Ghent, Giles de Meyer, the
Reformed pastor, was condemned to the gallows.
But the Spaniards who lay there in garrison,
deeming this too good a death for the heretical
preacher, changed it to one more befitting his
demerits. Putting a gag into his mouth, and
throwing him in, bound hand and foot, among a
stack of faggots, they set fire to the heap and
burned him. Meyer was one of four ministers
who all sealed their doctrine with their blood in
the same diocese. In the towns and villages around
Ghent, men and women were being every day hanged
— some simply for having taught children to sing
psalms ; others for having two years before given
the use of their barns for sermon. At Bois-le-Duc,
on the 28th of August, 1.568, 110 men and three
women were cited by toll of bell. Every few days
a little batch of prisonei-s were brought foi-th, and
distributed between the gallows and the block, on
no principle that one can see, save the caprice or
wliim of the executioners. Thus the altars of per-
secution continually smoked; and strangled bodies
and headless trunks were perpetually before the
eyes of the miserable inhabitants.
Peter van Kulen, a goldsmith liy trade, and an
elder of the congregation at Breda, was thrown into
prison. He had a maid-servant, a fellow-disciple
of the same Lord and Master, who ministered to
him in his bonds. She brought him his daily meal
in the prison ; but other Bread, which the guards
saw not, she also conveyed to him — namely, that
destined for the food of the soiil; and many a sweet
and refreshing repast did he enjoy in his dun-
geon. His faith and courage were thereby greatly
strengthened. This went on for nine months. At
last the guards suspected that they had a greater
hei-etic in the servant than in the master, and
threw her also into prison. After two months both
of them were condemned, and brought out to be
burned. As, with cheerful and constant aspect,
they were being led to the scaffold, some of their
townswomen forced their way through the guards
to take their last farewell of them. "Van Kulen
had the commiseration sho-mi him of being fii-st
strangled, and then committed to the fire ; but for
his pious maid-sei'vant the more pitiless doom was
reserved of being burned alive. This woman con-
tinued to encourage her master so long as he was
capable of understanding her ; when her words
could no longer be useful to him, she was heard by
the bystanders, with invincible coui"age, magnifj'ing
the name of God in the midst of the flames.-
It was now that a more dreadful instrument
than any which the cpiick invention of the per-
secutor had yet devised, was brought into play to
prevent the martyrs speaking in tlieir last moments.
It was seen how memorable were words spoken
in circumstances so awful, and how deep they sank
into the hearts of the hearere. It had been usual
to put a wooden gag or ball into the mouth of the
pereon to be burned, but the ball would roll out at
times, and theia the martyr would confess his faith
and glorify God. To prevent this, the following
dreadful contrivance was resoi-ted to : two small
bits of metal were screwed down upon the tongTie ;
the tip of the tongue was then seared with a red-
hot iron ; instant swelling ensued, and the tongue
could not again be drawn out of its eaiclosure. The
pain of burning made it wriggle to and fro in the
mouth, yielding " a hollow sound," says Brandt,
" much like that of the lirazen bull of the tyrant of
Sicily." "Arnold van Elp," continues the historian,
" a man of known sincerity, relates that whilst he
was a spectator of the martyrdom of some who were
thus tongue-tied, he heard a friar among the ci'owd
saying to his companion, ' Hark ! how they sing :
should they not dance too V"'
From this horrible, though to Alva congenial,
work, the viceroy was called away by intelligence
that William of Orange was approaching at the
head of an army to invade Bi-abant. To open the
gates of the Netherlands to his soldiers, William
issued a manifesto, setting forth the causes of the
war. " There was," he said, " no resource but
arms, unless the ancient charters were to be utterly
extinguished, and the country itself brought to
ruin by a tyi'anny exercised, not by the king " (so
he still affected to believe), " but by Spanish coun-
cillors in the king's name, and to the destruction
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 271.
= Brandt, vol. i., p. 275.
ALVA ERECTS A STATUE OF HIMSELF.
77
of tlie king's interest." To avei-t tbi.s catastroplie
was he now in arms. The cause, he aihrmed, was
that of every man in the Low Coiintries, and no
Netlicrhuider " could remain neutral in this
struggle without becoming a traitor to his countrj'."
In this manifesto the prince made the first public
amxomicement of that great change which his own
religious sentiments had undergone. All that is
noble in human character, and heroic in himian
achievement, must spring from some great ti'uth
realised in the soul. Willianr of Orange gave a
forecast of his future career — his unselfish devo-
tion, his unwearied toil, his inextinguishable hope
of his country — when he avowed in tliis manifesto
liis conviction that the doctrines of the Reformed
Church were more in accordance with the "Word of
God than were those of the Roman Church. This
elevated the contest to a higher basis. Hence-
forward it was no longer for ancient Flemish
chai"ters alone, it was also for the rights of con-
science ; it allied itself with the great movement of
the human soul for freedom.
The Prince of Oi'ange, advancing from Germany,
crossed the Rhine near Cologne, with an army, in-
cluding horse and foot, not exceeding 20,000.
The Spanish host was equal in numbers, but
better furnished with military stores and pro-
visions. William approached the banks of the
Meuse, which he crossed, much to the dismay of
Alva, by a bold expedient, to which Julius Caesar
had had recourse in similar circumstances. He
placed his cavalry in the river above the ford, and
the force of the current being thus broken, the
army was able to effect a passage. But Alva
declined battle. He knew how slender were the
finances of William, and that could he prolong the
campaign till the appi-oach of winter, the prince
would be under the necessity of disbanding his
army. His tactics were completely successful.
Whichever way William turned, Alva followed
him ; always straitening him, and making it im-
possible for him to enter any fortified town, or to
find provisions for his army in the open country.
The autumn wore away in marches and coimter-
marches, Alva skOfully avoiding battle, and en-
gaging only in slight skirmishes, which, barren of
result to William, were jirofitable to the Spanisli
general, inasmuch as they helped to consume time.
William had expected that Brabant and Flanders
would rise at the sight of his standards, ;;nd shake
off the Spanish yoke. Not a city opened its gates
to him, or hoisted on its walls the fiag of defiance
to the tyi-ant. At last both money and provisions
failed him. Of the .300,000 guilders which the
Flemish Protestants at home and abroad had
undertaken to furnish towards the deliverance of
the country, barely 12,000 were forthcoming. His
soldiers became mutinous, and the prmce had no
alternative but to lead back liis army into Germany
and there disband it. The Flemings lost far more
than William did. The offer of freedom had come
to their gates wiih the bamiers of William, but they
failed to perceive the hour of their opportunity.
With the retreating standards of the Deliverer
liberty also dejiarted, and Belgium sank down under
the yoke of Spain and Rome.
The Duke of Alva was not a little elated at his
success, and he set about rearing a monument
which should perpetuate its fame to after-ages. He
caused the camion taken in the battle of Gem-
mingen to be melted, and a colossal bronze statue
of himself to be cast and set up in the citadel of
Antwerp. It pleased Alva to be i-epresented in
complete armour, trampling on two prostrate
figures, which were variously interpreted, but from
the petitions and axes which they held in their
hands, and the symbolical devices of the Beggars
hung round theii- necks, they were probably
meant to denote the image-breaking Protestants
and the Confederates. On the pedestal was the
following inscription in Latin : " To the most
faithful minister of the best of kings, Ferdinand
Alvarez, Duke of Alva, Governor of the Low
Countries for Philip II., King of Spain, who, after
having extinguished the tumults, expelled the
rebels, restored religion, and executed justice, has
established peace in the nation." A truly modest
inscription ! The duke, moreover, decreed himself
a triumphal entry into Brussels, in the cathedral of
which a Te Beuia was sung for his victory. Nor
was this all. Pius V. sent a special ambassador from
Rome to congratulate the conqueror, and to present
him with a consecrated hat and sword, as the special
champion of the Roman Catholic religion. The
sword was richly set, being chased with gold and
precious stones, and was presented to tlie duke liy
the hands of the Bishop of Mechlin, in church after
the celebration of mass. The afternoon of the same
day was devoted to a splendid toinnament, the place
selected for the spectacle being the same square in
which the bloody tragedy of the execution of Counts
Egmont and Horn had so recently been enacted.'
It was in the midst of these troubles that the
persecuteil disciples of the Gosi)el in the Nether-
lands met to perfect the organisiition of their
Church. A synod or assembly wiis at this time
held at Embden, at which Jasper von Heiden, then
minister at Franken-deal, presided. At this synod
' Strada, lib. vii. Brandt, vol. i., p. 276.
78
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
LAMORAL, COLM OF EGMO^T
l^Fiom a Poibait of the petiod, m the Bibhothtiue Natwnah )
niles were made for the holding of consistories or
kii-k-sessions, of chasses or presbyteries, and sjniods.
The firet article of the constitution ordained for the
Netherland Church was as follows : — " No Church
shall have or exercise dominion over another ; no
minister, elder, or deacon shall bear nile over
another of the same degree ; but eveiy one shall
beware of liis attempting or giving the least cause
of suspicion of his aiming at such dominion." "This
article," says Brandt, " was levelled chiefly at the
prelatic order of Rome, as also at the episcopacy
established in some of the countries of the Refor-
mation." Tlie ministers assembled signed the
Confession of Faith of the Church of the Nether-
land.s, " as an evidence of their uniformity in
doctrine;" as also the Confession of the Churches
of France, " to .show their iniion and conformity
with them." It was agreed that all the ministers
then absent, and all who should thereafter be
admitted to the office of the ministry, shoidd be
exhoi-ted to subscribe these articles. It was also
agi'eed that the Geneva catechism shoidd be used
in the French or Walloon congregations, and the
Heidelberg catechism in those of the Dutch ; but
if it happened that any of the congregations
made use of any other catechism agreeable to the
Word of God, they were not to be required to
change it.' WhUe Alva was scatteiing and burn-
ing the Netherland Chiu'ch, its members, regardless
of the tyrant's fury, were linking themselves to-
gether in the bonds of a scriptiu'al organisation.
While his motto was " Raze, raze it," the founda-
tions of that spiritual edifice were being laid
deeper and its walls raised higher than before.
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 294.
BliABANT CHOOSES THE WORSE PART.
79
PHILIP MONTMORENCY, COUNT OF HORN.
(From o PoHrait of the period, in the Bibliotheque Nationale.)
CHAPTER XVI.
THE " BEGGARS OF THE SEA," AND SECOND CAMPAIGN OF ORANGE.
Brabant Inactive — Trials of the Blood Council— John Hassels— Executions at Valenciennes— The Year 15G8— More
Eilicts — Individual Martyrdoms— A Martyr Saving the Life of his Persecutor— Burning of Four Converted Priests
at the Hague-William enters on his Second Campaign — His Appeal for Funds— The Refugees- The " Beggars of
the Sea"— Discipline of the Privateer Fleet— Plan for Collecting Funds— Elizabeth— De la Marck— Capture of
Brill by the Sea Beggars— Foundations laid of the Dutch Republic— Alva's Fury— Bossu Fails to Retake Brill —
Dort and Flushing declare against Spain— Holland and Zealand declare for William— Louis of Nassau takes
Mons— Alva Besieges it— The Tenth Penny— Meeting of the States of Holland— Speech of St. Aldegonde— Tolera-
tion—William of Orange declared Stadtholder of Holland.
William, Pi-ince of Orange, hanng consecrated liis
life to the great sti-uggle for the rights of con-
science, earned the first offer of deliverance to
Brabant. Had its gi-eat and powerful cities
heartily entered into his spirit, and risen at the
sound of the advancing steps of then- deliverer, the
issue woidd have been far different from what it
was. But Brabant .saw that the struggle must be
tremendous, and, rather than gird itself for so
terrible a fight, preferred to lie still ingloriously iu
;S0
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
its cliaiiis. Sad in heart William retired to a
-distance, to await what further ojienings it might
please that great Power, to whose service he had
consecrated himself^ to present to him.
The night of horrors which had descended on the
Low Countries continued to deepen. The triumph
vof Alva, instead of soothing him, made him only
the more intolerant and fierce. There came new
and severer edicts from Spain ; there were gathered
yet greater crowds of innocent men for the gallows
iind the stake, and the outflowing tide from that
doomed shore continued to roll on. A hundred
thousand houses, it is thought, were now left empty.
Their inmates transported their trade and handi-
crafts to other nations. Wives must not correspond
with their exiled husbands ; and .should they venture
to visit them in then- foreign asylum, they must
not return to their native land. The j'outh of
Flanders were forbidden to go abroad to acquire a
foreign tongue, or to learn a trade, or to study in
any university save that of Rome.
The carelessness with which the trials of the
Blood Council were conducted was shocking.
Batches were sent off to the gallows, including
.some whose cause had not been tried at all. When
•such were inquired for to take their trial, and it
was found that their names had been inserted in
.the death-list, and that they had been sent to the
■gallows — a discovery which would have startled
and discomposed most judges — the news was very
coolly received by the men who constituted this
terrible tribunal. Vargas on those occasions would
console his fellow-judges by saying that "it was all
the better for the souls of such that they were in-
nocent."
One member of the Blood Council, John Hassels
by name, was accustomed on the bench to sleep
tlirough the examinations of the prisoners, and
-»vhen awakened to give his vote, he would rub his
eyes and exclaim, " To the gallows ! to the
gallows !"' In Valenciennes, in the space of three
days, fifty-seven citizens of good position were
beheaded. But Alva wanted more than their
blood. He had boasted that he would make a
stream of gold, three feet in depth, flow from the
Netherlands to Spain, and he proceeded to make
good his words. He imposed heavier subsidies
aipon the inhabitants. He demanded, fii-st, the
hundredth penny of every man's estate ; secondly,
the twentieth penny of all immovable property;
and, thirdly, the tenth penny of all movable goods.
'This last was to be paid every time the goods were
sold. Tims, if they changed hands five times it is
' " Ad patibulum, ad patibulum." (Brandt.)
clear that one-half theu- value had passed to the
Government ; and if, as .sometimes happened, they
changed hands ten times, their entii'e value was
swallowed up by the Government tax. Under such
a law no market could be kept open ; all buying
and selling must cease. Tlie Netherlanders refused
to siibmit to the tax, on the gi-ound that it would
bring what remained of theii- commerce to an utter
end, and so defeat itself. After many cajoleries and
threats, Alva made a vii'tue of necessity, and
modified the tax.
Such is the melancholy record of the year 1.568.
Its gloom deepened as the months rolled on. First
came the defeat of Count Louis, and the overcast-
ing of the fair morning of a hoped-for deliverance
for the miserable Provinces. Next were seen the
scaflblds of Egmont and Horn, and of many others
among the more patriotic of the Flemish nobility.
Then followed the disastrous issue of the attempt
of William to emancipate Brabant, and with it the
loss of all his funds, and many thousands of
lives, and a tightening of the tyrant's grasp upon
the country. Wherever one tm-ned one's eye there
was a gibbet ; wherever one planted one's foot
there was blood. The cities were becoming silent ;
the air was thick with terror and despair. But if
1.568 closed in gloom, 15 69 rose in a gloom yet
deeper.
In the beginning of this year the sword of per-
secution was still further sharpened. There came
a new edict, addressed to the Stadtholders of the
Provinces, enjoining that " when the Host or the
holy oil for extreme unction was carried to sick
people, strict notice should be taken of the be-
havioui', countenance, and words of every person,
and that all those in whom any signs of irre^'erence
were discovered should be punished ; that all such
dead bodies to which the clergy thought fit to deny
Chx-istian burial and the consecrated ground, should
be thrown out on the gallows-field ; that notice of
it should be given to him (Alva), and theii' estates
registered ; and that all midwivcs should report
every bu-th within twenty-foiu' hours after the child
had come into the world, to the cud that it might
be known whether the children were baptised after
the Roman manner."- The carrying out of this
order necessitated the creation of a new class of
agents. Spies were placed at the corners of all the
streets, whose duty it was to watch the counte-
nances of the passers-by, and pounce on those whose
looks were ill-favoured, and hale them to pri.son.
These spies were nick-named the " Sevenpeiuiy
Men," because the wages of their odious work was
• Braiidt, vol. i., p. :
EXAMPLES OF MARTYRDOM.
81
paid tliem iii pieces of that value. Thus the gallows
and the stake coutiuued to be fed.
The crowd of martyi-s utterly defies enumeration.
Many of theni were of low estate, as the world
accounts it, but they were rich in faith, noble in
spii-it, and heii-s of a greater kingdom than Philip's,
though they had to pass through the fii'e to receive
IX)8session of it. The deaths of all were the same,
yet the circumstances in which it was endured were
so varied, and iu many cases so peculiar and tragic,
that each diflers from the other. Let us give a
very few examples. On the 8th of July, 15G9,
William Tavart was led to the place of execution
in Antwerp, in order to undergo death by burning.
Wliile hLs executioners were binding liLs hands, and
putting the gag into liLs mouth, being a man of
eighty years, and infirm, he fainted in their hands.
He was thereupon carried back to his prison, and
drowned. Another martyr, also very aged, worn
out moreover by a long imprisonment, was kneeling
on the faggots in prayer before being bound to the
stake. The executioner, thinking that he was
spending too much time in his devotions, rushed
forward to raise him up and put him into the fire.
He found that the old man was dead. The mai-tji-
had ofiered up his life in intention, and his gracious
Master, compassionating his age and frailties, had
given him the crown, yet spai-ed him the agony
of the stake. Richard Willemson, of Aspern, being
pursued by an oflicer of the Blood Council, was
making his escape on the ice. The ice gave
•way, and the oflScer fell in, and woidd have been
drowned but for the humanity of the man whom he
was pursuing, who, percei\'ing what had happened,
turned back, and stretching out his hand, at the
risk of being himself dragged in, pulled out his
enemy. The magnanimous act touched the heart of
the officer, and ho would have let his deliverer
escape; but unhappOy the burgomaster happened
to come up at the moment, and called out sharply
to him, " Fulfil your oath." Thereupon he seized
the poor man who but a moment before had saved
his life, and conducted him to prison. He was con-
demned to the fire, and burned without the walls of
Aspern, on the side next to Leerdam. While at
the stake, a strong east wind springing up, the
flames were blown away from the uii[>er part of
his body, leaving the lower extremities exposed to
the torment of a slow fire. His cries were heard
as far as Leerdam. In this fashion was he rewarded
for saving his enemy's life at the peril of his own.
About the same time, four pai-ish priests were
dcgi-aded and burned at the Hague. The bishop
first clothing them with their mass-garaients, and
then striiiping them, a-s is usual on such occasions,
said, in the Latin tongue, " I divest you of the robe-
of Righteousness." " Not so," replied one of the
four ; " you divest us of the robe of Um-ighteous»
ness." "Nor can you," added the other three,
"strip us of our salvation as you strip us of these
vestments." Whereupon the bishoji, with a grave
countenance, laid his hand upon his breast,
and calling on God, solemnly declared that " he
believed from his heart that the Romish religion
was the most certain way to salvation." " You did
not always think so," replied Arent Dirkson, a man
of seventy yeai-s, and known to be learned and
judicious ; " you knew the truth formerly, but yon
have maliciously rejected it, and you must answer
for it at the gi-eat Day of Judgment." The words
of the old man found a response in the conscience
of the apostate. The bishop shook and trembled
before his own prisoner. Nevertheless he went on
with the condemnation of the four men, delivering
them to the temporal arm with the usual prayer
that the magistrate would deal tenderly -with them.
Upon this, the grey-haii-ed pastor again buret out,
" Qiiam j^harisalce! How pharisaically do they
treat us!" They were sent back to prison. The
same night they celebrated the Lord's Supper for
their mutual consolation, and continued till break
of day in singing psalms, in reading the Holy Scrij)-
tures, and in prayer. The hour of execution being
come, the father of one of the martyrs, mingling in
the crowd, waited till his son should pass to the
stake, that he might whisper a few words of en-
couragement. " My dear son," said he, when he
saw him approach, " fight manfully for the crown
of everlasting life." The guards instantly dragged'
the old man away to prevent him sa3'ing more..
His sister now came forward, and spoke to him
with equal courage. " Brother," cried she, " be
constant ; it will not last long ; the gate of eternal
life is open for you." The scene made a deep im-
jwession upon the spectators.
A burgher and bargeman of Amsterdam, Gerrit
Cornelison by name, was one day brought out to
be burned. In prison he had twice been tortured
to force him to betray his associates, but no paiir
could overcome his constancy. Turning to the
jieople at the stake, he cried, " Good iioople,,
eternity is so long, and our sufl'ering here Ls so
short, and yet the combat is very sharp and!
cniel. Alas ! how am I distressed ! O my flesh,
bear and resist for a little, for this is th_y last
combat." This, his li\st battle, he fought courage-
ously, and received the crown.' "^
While these humble men were dying for theii-
' Brandt, vol. i., pp. 286, 287.
82
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
faith, Providence was preparing in higli quarters
for the deliverance of the country. After the close
of his fii-st unsuccessful campaign, William of
Orange reth-ed for a short time to France, and
was present at the battle of Jarnac, where he wit-
nessed the disaster which there befel the Huguenot
arms. It seemed as if a thick cloud was every-
where gathering above the Protestant cause. In
a few months he was recalled by his friends to
Germany. Disguising himself as a peasant, and
accompanied by onlj' five attendants, he crossed the
French lines, traversed Flanders in safety, and
reached his principality of Nassau. He there
learned all that had passed in the Netherlands
during his absence. He was told that every day
the tyranny of Alva waxed gi-eater, as did also the
odium in which both his person and government
were held. The uirliappy country had but one hope,
and if that should misgive it, it must abandon itself
to utter despair. That hope was himself. From all
sides, from Roman Catholics as well as Protestants,
from the exiles abroad and from the sufferers at
home, came the most urgent appeals to him to again
unfurl the standard of battle. He had consecrated
his life to tlie defence of the Reformed religion, and
the maintenance of his country's liberties, and was
ready to respond to the appeal of those who had
no human help save in his wisdom and courage.
But he recollected what had so largely contributed
to the failure of liLs first attempt, and before un-
sheatliing the sword he set about collecting the
sinews of war. William had already all but
beggared himself in his attempt to break the yoke
from the neck of the Netherlands ; his plate and
jewels and furniture had all been sold to pay his
soliliers; his paternal estates were heavily biu-dened;
he would give what remained of his possessions,
together with his courage and blood, in pi'omotion
of the cause; but others also, at home and abroad,
must contribute both tlieii- money and their blood,
and in no stinted measure, if success was to crown
their efforts. William took the first step by fonn-
ing a comprehensive plan for raising the necessary
funds.
The FlemLsh refugees in London and other pai-ts
liad united together, and had fitted out a gi-eat
niunber of aimed vessels. These they sent to
cruise on the English and Flemish seas, and make
jn-izc of all Spanish ships that came in their way.
Their skill and daring were rewarded by numerous
rich captures. As the growing fury of Alva
swelled the number of refugees in London and other
cities, so did the strength of the privateeiing fleet
continue to increase. While Alva was gathering
his taxes on land, they were reaping a rich harvest
at sea. T'iiey scoured the English Channel, they
hovered on the coast of the Netherlands, and preyed
upon the merchandise of Spain These cruisera
became renowned under the title of the " Sea
Beggai-s." It occurred to the Prince of Orange
that these " ten-ible beggars " might do good service
in the cause of their country's emancipation ; and
it was ultimately arranged that a fiifth of the value
of all the prizes which they made should be given
to officers appointed by William, and the sum de-
voted to the support of the war of liberation.
Measures were at the same time adojjted to
improve the morale and disciplitie of a fleet that
was becoming the terror of Alva and the Spaniards.
No one was to exercise authority in it save those to
whom William himself should grant commissions.
Every ship was to carry a Protestant minister on
board, whose duty it was to conduct regular
religious service ; and no one who had ever been
convicted of a crime was to be permitted to serve in
the fleet. The ships of all friendly Powers were to
pass untouched, and Alva and his adherents only
were the Sea Beggars to regard as lawful prey.
At the same time the prince adopted another
method of improving his finances in prospect of the
coming war of independence. Commissions were
given to the Protestant preachers, who traversed
the Provinces in disguise, and collected money from
all who were disaffected to the Spanish Govern-
ment, or inimical to the Romish religion. None
knew so well as they to whom to apply, or were so
able by their eloquence to recommend the cause.
William, besides, acquired by then- means an
intimate and accurate knowledge of the dispositions
of all classes in the Netherlands. Their mission
was specially successful in Holland and Zealand,
where the Reformed religion had made greater
progress than in the southern Provinces, and where
the people, enjoying the natiu-al defences of canals,
rivers, and sea-friths, felt less the terror of the
Spaniards. On these grounds, too, William re-
solved to seek in these northern parts a fii-st
footing for his enterprise. While these mca-
sm-es were being vigorously prosecuted in Holland,
a tnistworthy agent, Sonoy, was sent to canva.ss
the Governments and people of Germany, ad-
juring them in the name of a common faith and
a common liberty to put their shomlder to the great
enterprise. Not a whisper of what was in prepara-
tion was wafted to the ears of Alva, although the
jn-ince's designs must have been known to a vast
number of persons, so universal was the detestation
in which the tyrant was held. AJva himself uncon-
sciously helped to prepare the way for William, and
to draw down the tii'st blow of the "reat conflict.
THE SEA BEGGARS.
8S
It was about the end of March, 1572, and the
fleet of tlie Beggars of the Sea was lying off Dover.
Spain, smarting from the damage that these darmg
sea-rovera were constantly inflicting on her mer-
chandise, comi)lained to England that she opened
her ]iarbour.s to Flemish i)irates, and permitted
tlie goods stolen by them from Spanish subjects
to be sold in her dominions, and so violated the
treaties subsisting between the Spanish and English
crowns. Elizabeth, though secretly friendly to the
Flemish exiles, was yet unwilling to come to an
open rupture with Philip, and accordingly she
ordered tlieir ships to quit her ports, ' and forbade
lier subjects to supply ^jrovisions to their crews.
The Sea Beggars insfcmtly weighed anchor, and shot
across the German Sea. Half famished they
arrived off the mouth of the Meuse, and sailed up
its Ijioad channel to Brill. The fleet was under
tlie command of Admiral de la Marck, wlio held a
commission fi'om William of Orange. Coming to
anclior opposite Brill, Dc la Marck sent a herald to
summon the town to surrender. "The people,"
says Strada, " supposed them at first to be mer-
cliautmen cast upon their coast by storm, but
b;-fore they were aware they brouglit war, not
merchandise."- Brill, thougli a small place, was
strongly foitified, but the summons of the Beggars
of the Sea inspired such a terror that the magistrates
fled, and were followed by many of the inliabitants.
De la Jlarck's soldiers battered open the gates, and
having entered they lioisted their flag, and took
jiossession of Brill, in the name of William of
Orange. Thus on the 1st of April, 1572, were laid
the foundations of tlie Free Protestant Holland,
and thus was opened a conflict whose course of
thirty years was to be marked by alternate defeats
and triumphs, by the tragedies and crimes of a
colossal tyranny, and the heroism and self-devotion
of a not less colossal virtue and patriotism, till it
sliould end in the overthrow of the mighty Empire
of Spain, and the elevation of the little tenitory of
Holland to a more stable prosperity, and a more
enviable greatness and renown, tlian Pliilip's
kingdom could boast in its palmiest days.
Meanwhile Alva was giving reins to a fury wliich
had risen to madness. He was burning tlie Prince
of Orange in eftigy, he was dragging his escutclieon
through the streets at the tails of horses, and pro-
claiming William and his ofl'spring infamous to all
pcstcrity. At the same time he was fighting with
the inhabitants about "the tenth penny." The
consequences of enforcing so ruinous a tax, of wliicli
ho liatl been warned, had now been realLsed : all
buying and selling was suspended : the shops were-
shut, and the citizens found it impossible to
purcliase even the most common necessaries-
Thousands were thrown out of employment, and'
tlie towns swarmed with idlers and beggars.
Em-aged at being thus foiled, Alva resolved to read?
the shopkeepers of Brussels a lesson which they
should not soon forget. He made arrangements
that when they awoke next morning they should see-
eighteon of the leading members of their fraternity
hanged at the doors of their own shoj)s. The.
hangman liad the ropes and ladders prepared over-
night. But morning brought with it other things-
to occupy Alva's attention. A messenger an-ivedl
with the news that the great Sea Beggar, De la
Marck, had made himself master of the town o£
Brill, and that the standard of William was floating;
on its walls. Alva was thunderstruck.' The duke,-
instantly dispatched Count Bossu to retake tlie-
town. The Spaniards advanced to the walls of
Brill and began to batter them with their cannon^
A carpenter leaped into the canal, swam to a sluice-
and with liis axe hewed it open, and let in the sea..
The rising waters comjielled the besiegers to remove
to the soutli side of the to^\ai, which chanced to be-
that on which De la Marck had jilanted his largest
cannon. While the Sjianiards were thundering at
tliis gate, La Marck's men, issuing out at the
opposite one, and rowing to the Spanish ships, set
lire to them. When the Spaniards saw their ships
beginning to blaze, and marked the waves steadily
rising round them, they were seized with panic, and
made a hasty retreat along the dyke. Many
perished in the waves, the rest escaping to the fleet
crowded into the vessels that remained unliurned,
weighed anchor and set sail. The inhabitants who
had fled at the first surprise novi- returned, their
names were registered, and all swore allegiance
to the Prince of Orange, as Statltholder for
Philip.'
Misfortune continued to dog the steps of the-
Spaniards. Bossu led his troops toward Dort, but
the inhabitants, who had lieard of the capture of
Brill, closed their gates against him.'^ He next
took his way to Eotterdaui. There too his demand
for admission to a garrison in the king's name was
met with a refusal. The crafty Spaniard had re-
course to a stratagem. He a.sked leave for liis.
companies to pass tlirough one by one ; tliis was
given, but no sooner liad the fii-st company entered
than Bossu, regardless of his promise, made his
' Strada, lib. vii.
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 295.
* Watson, Philip II., vol i., pp. 426—431.
' Str;ula, lib. viL
81
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
soldiers keep open the gates for Lis wliole army.
Tlie citizens atteinjited to close the gates, but were
hewn down ; and the Spaniards, giving loose to their
fury, spread themselves over the city, and butchered
400 of the inhabitants. The sanguinary and
brutal ravages which Bossu's soldiers inflicted on
Rotterdam had nearly as great an eflect as the
capture of Brill in spreading the spirit of revolt
over Holland.
Flushing, an important town from its position at
the mouth of the Scheldt, was the next to mount
the flag of defiance to the Spaniards. They cb'ove
out the garrison of Alva, and razed the foundations
of a citadel which the governor was preparing as
the chain wherewith to bind them. Next day the
Spanish fleet appeared in their harbour ; the citizens
were deliberating in the market-place when a
drunken fellow proposed, for three guilders, to mount
the ramparts, and fire one of the great guns upon
the ships. The efiect of that one unexpected shot
was to strike the Spaniards with panic. They let
slip their cables and stood out tc sea.
Two hundred years afterwards we find Flushing
commemorating its deliverance from the j'oke of
Alva. The minutes of the consistory inform us
" that the minister, Justus Tgeenk, preached [April
5th, 1772] in commemoration of Flushing's delivery
from Spanish tyranny, which was stopped here on
the 6th April, 1572, when the citizens, unassisted
and unsupported by any foreign Power, drove out
the Walloons and opened their gates, and laid the
comer-stone of that singular and always remarkable
revolution, which placed seven small Provinces in
a state of independency, in despite of the utmost
efibrts of Philip II., then the most powerful
monarch in Europe." The Sunday after (April 1 2th),
the Lord's Supper was dispensed, and " at the table,"
say the minutes, was used " a silver chalice," the
property of the burgomaster E. Clyver, " wherein
two hundred years ago the Protestants in this town
had, for the first time, celebrated the Lord's Supjjer
in a cellar here at the head of the Great Market, on
account of the unrelenting persecution."'
In a few months all the more important towns
of Holland and Zealand followed the example of
Brill and Flushing, and hung out upon their walls
the standai-d of the man in whom they recognised
their deliverer.- Haarlem, Leyden, Gouda, Horn,
Alkmaar, Enkliuizen, and many others broke their
chain. No soldier of the pi-ince, no sea-rover
of De la Marck's incited them to revolt : the
movement was a thoi'oughly spontaneous one ; it
originated with the citizens themselves, the gi'eat
majority of whom cherished a hatred of the Roman
fiiith, and a detestation of Spanish tyranny.
Amsterdam was the only exception that is worth
noting in Holland. The flame which had been
kindled spread into Friesland, and Utrecht and
other towns placed their names on the distinguished
list of cities that came forth at this gi-eat crisis to
the help of conscience and of liberty against the
mighty.
A small incident which happened at this moment
was fraught with vast consequences. Count LouLs
of Nassau, approaching from France, made himself
master of the frontier to^vn of Mens in the south.''
Alva was excessively mortified by this mishap, and
he was bent on recovering the place. He was
counselled to defer the siege of Mons till he should
have extinguished the rising in th.e north. He was
reminded that Holland and Zealand were deeply
infected with heresy ; that thei'e the Prince of
Orange was personally popular ; that nature had
fortified these Provinces by intersecting them with
rivers and arms of the sea, and that if time were
given the inhabitants to strengthen then- canals and
cities, nuiny sieges and battles might not sufiice to
reduce them to their obedience. This advice was
eminently wise, but Alva stopped his ear to it. He
went on with the siege of Mons, and while " he
was plucking this thorn out of his foot," the con-
flagi-ation in the north of the Netherlands had
time to spread. He succeeded eventually in ex-
tracting the thorn — that is, he took Mons — but at
the cost of losing Holland.
William himself had not yet anived in the
Netherlands, but he was now on his way thither
at the head of a new army wellnigh 20,000 strong,
which he had raised in Germany. He caused to be
distributed before him copies of a declaration, in
which he set forth the grounds of his taking up
arms. These were, in brief, " the security of the
rights and privileges of the country, and the freedom
of conscience." In the instructions which he issued
to his deputy in Holland, Diedrich Sonoy, he
required him, " first of all, to deliver the towns of
that Province from Spanish slavery, and to restore
them to their ancient liberties, rights and pri\-ileges,
and to take care that the Word of God be preached
and published there, but yet by no means to sufller
that those of the Romish Church should be in any
sort prejudiced, or that any impediment should be
offered to them in the exercise of their religion."*
MeimwhUe, Alva was left literally without a
' Steven, Hist. Scottish Church, Rotterdam, p. 304
' Strada, lib. vii.
^ Bentivoglio, lib. ii., p. 54.
< Brandt, vol. i., p. 298.
VIKNV 01' THE UATli Oi- UUllT Oil DOllDUECllT
112
86
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
penny; and, finding it hard to prosecute tlie siege
of Mons on an empty military chest, he announced
his \\'illingness to remit the tax of the tenth penny,
provided the States-General would give him " the
aiuiual twenty tims of gold " ' (about two millions
of florins) which they had formerly promised him
in lieu of the obnoxious tax ; and he summoned
the States of Holland to meet at the Hague, on the
15th of July, and consider the matter.
The States of Holland met on the day named,
not at the Hague, but at Dort ; and in obedience to
the summons, not of Alva, but of William. Nor
liad they assembled to deliberate on the proposal of
Alva, and to say whether it was the "tenth penny"
or the " twenty tmis of gold" that they were hence-
forth to lay at his feet. The banner of freedom
now floated on their walls, and they had met to
devise the means of keeping it waving there. The
battle was only beginning : the liberty which had
1)een proclaimed had yet to be fought for. Of this
we fijid then- great leader reminding them. In a
letter which William addressed at this time to the
States of Holland, he told them, in words as plain
as they were weighty, that if in a quarrel like this
thej' .should show themselves sparing of theii- gold,
they would incur the anger of the gi'eat Rider, they
would make themselves the scorn of foreign nations,
and they would bind a bloody yoke on themselves
and their posterity for ever. William was not
present in the assembly at Dort, but he was ably
represented by St. Aldegonde. This eloquent pleni-
potentiary addressed the members in a powerful
speech, in which he rehearsed the efibrts the Prince
of Orange had already made for the deliverance
of the land from Spanish cruelty; that he had
embarked the whole of his fortune in the struggle;
tliat the failure of the expedition of 1568 was
owing to no fault of his, but entirely to his not
being adequately supported, not a Fleming liaving
lifted a linger in the cause ; that he was again in
the field with an army, and that supplies must be
found if it was to be kept there, or if it was to accom-
1 Brandt, vol. i., p. 298.
plish anything for the country. "Arouse ye, then,"
were the thrilling words in which St. Aldegonde
concluded his oration, "awaken your own zeal
and that of your sister cities. Seize Opportunity
by the locks, who never appeared faii-er than she
does to-day."
St. Aldegonde was fin-ther instructed by the
prince to state the broad and catholic aims that
he proposed to himself in the struggle which they
were to wage together. If that struggle should be
crowned with success, the Papist woidd have not
less cause to rejoice than the Protestant ; the two
should divide the spoils. " As for religion," said
St. Aldegonde, " the desires of the i)rince are
that liberty of conscience should be allowed as well
to the Reformed as to the Roman Catholics ; that
each party should enjoy the public exercise of it in
churches or chapels, without any molestation, hiii-
dx'ance, or trouble, and that the clergy should remain
free and unmolested in their several functions, pro-
vided tliey showed no tokens of disafl'ection, and
that all things should be continued on this footing
tUl the States-General otherwise directed." In these
intentions the States expressed themselves as at one
with the prince.
A patriotic response was made to the prince's
appeal by the Northern Netherlands. All classes
gii-ded themselves for the gi-eat struggle. The
aristocracy, the guilds, the religious houses, and the
ordinary citizens came forward mth gifts and loans.
Money, plate, jewellery, and all kinds of valuables
were poured into the common treasury. A unani-
mous resolution of the States declared the Prince of
Orange Stadtholder of Holland. The ta.xes were
to be levied in his name, and all naval and land
ofiicers were to take an oath of obedience to him.
What a contrast between the little territory and the
greatness of the contest that is about to be waged !
We behold the inhabitants of a small platform of
earth, walled in by dykes lest the ocean should
drown it, heroically offering themselves to tight the
world's battle against that great combination of
kingdoms, nationalities, and armies that compose
the mighty monarchy of Sjinin !
WILLIAM BEGINS HIS SECOND CAMPAIGN.
87
CHAPTER XVII.
William's second campaign, and submission of brabant and flanders.
William's New Levies — He crosses the Rhine — Welcome from Flemish Cities — Sinews of War — Hopes in France —
Disappointed by the St. Bartholomew Massacre — Reverses— Mutiny — William Disbands his Army — Alva takes
Revenge on the Cities of Brabant— Cruelties in Mons— Mechlin Pillaged — Terrible Fate of Zutphen and
Naarden— Submission of the Cities of Brabant — Holland Prepares for Defence— Meeting of Estates at Haarlem
— Heroic Resolution— Civil and Ecclesiastical Reorganisation of Holland — Novel Battle on the Ice — Preparations
for the Siege of Haarlem.
WlLLiAiM, Prince of Orange, Stadtholder and
virtual King of Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, if
the prayers and suffrages of an entii-e people can
avail to invest one vnth. that august office, was ap-
proaching the Netherlands at the head of his
newly - enrolled levies. He crossed the Rhine
on the 7th of July, 1572, with an army of
17,000 foot and 7,000 horse. Advancing as
far as Roermonde, he halted before that town
to demand a supply of provisions for his sol-
diers. The government of the place was in the
hands of zealous Roman Catholics, and the refusal
of Roermonde to comply with the i-equest of the
Liberator was rendered still more ungracious by
the haughtiness and insolence with which it was
accompanied. William stormed the city and took
it. Unhappily his soldiere here dishonoured the
cause for which the prince was in arms, by putting
to death certain priests and monks under circum-
stances of great barbarity. Germany was at that
time a magazine of mercenary soldiers, from which
both the Prince of Orange and Alva drew supplies,
and troops of this class were but little amenable
to discipline when theii- pay fell into aiTears, as
was now the case. But William felt that such
excesses must be checked at all hazai-ds, otherwise
his cause would be disgraced and ultimately ruined;
and accordingly he issued an order forbidding all
such barbarities in future umler pain of death.'
For some time his mai-ch was a triumphal one.
The standards of William shed a gleam through
the darkness that shrouded Brabant, and the spirits
of its terror-stricken inhabitants for a moment
revived. On the first occasion when the Deliverer
approached their cities, the Flemings abode within
their gates, but now they seemed as if they would
rise at his call, and redeem themselves from the
yoke of Spain. The important city of Mechlm
declared in his favour. Louvain refused to admit
a garrison of his soldiers, but sent him a contri-
bution of 16,000 ducats. Tirlemont, Termondc,
> Bor, vi. 398, 399. Strada, vii. 75; Lond., 1667.
Oudenarde, Nivelles, and many other towns and
villages opened their gates to the prince ; the
most part spontaneously, in the eager hope of de-
liverance from a tyranny which threatened to cease
its ravages only when nothing more shoidd be left
in the Netherlands to destroy.
A successful beginning of the great struggle had
been made, but now the piince began to be in
straits. The friends of the cause had not yet
realised its full grandeur or its immense difficulty,
and their scale of giving was totally inadequate.
If the tide of bigotry and tyranny now overflowing
Christendom was to be stemmed, the friends of
liberty, both at home and abroad, must not be
sparing either of their blood or their gold. But as
yet it was hardly understood that all must be parted
with if the pearl of freedom was to be won.
But if the States of Holland, and the refugees in
England and other countries, were sending supplies
which were disproportionate to the enormous ex-
pense to which William had been put in levying,
equipping, and maintaining his troops, he had the
best hopes of succours from France. The net was
being then woven for the Huguenots, and their
great chief, Admiral Coligny, was being caressed
at the court of the Louvre. " I will fight Philip
of Spain on the soil of the Netherlands," said that
consummate dissembler, Charles IX. " William of
Orange shall not want for money and soldiera,"
continued he, with a frankness that seemed the
guarantee of a perfect sincerity. Coligny sufiered
himself to be persuaded of the good faith of the
king, and laboured to produce the same conviction
in the mind of the Prince of Orange, bidding him
expect him soon at the head of 15,000 Huguenots.
William, believing that France was at his back,
thought that the campaign could have but one
issue — namely, the expulsion of the Spaniards,
and the liberation of the Netherlands from their
unbearable yoke. But his hopes wore destined
to a cruel overthrow. Instead of an army of
Huguenots to help him on to victory, there came
tidings that felled him to the earth. Three weeks
88
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
from the date of Coligny's letter, William re-
ceived tlie ten-ible news of the St. Bartholomew
Massacre. The men who were to have emanci-
pated the Low Countries were watering \nth their
blood and strewing with then- corpses the plains
of theii- nati\e land ! The Prince of Orange
opened his eyes on blank desolation ; he saw the
campaign ending in inevitable failure, and the
dark night of Spanish oppression agaui closing
in around a countiy wluch he had believed to be
as good as emancipated. The shock was terrible,
Ijut the lesson was salutary. Those instnunents
whom Providence selects to fight the holy battles of
religion and freedom need a higher training than
ordinary warriors. To genius and courage heroes
of this class must add faith ; but this quality they
can acquii-e only in the school of repeated disap-
pointment. They can never learn this virtue in
the midst of numerous and victorious hosts, where
success is won by mere numbers, and where victory
is of that ordinary and vulgar sort wliich the worst
as well as the best of causes can command.
The fate of his second campaign had been decided
at Paris wlien the St. Bartholomew was struck,
but William still continued to prosecute the war.
His attempts, however, to stem the swelling tide of
Spanish tyranny were without success. Fii'st, he
failed to relieve liis brother, who was shut up in
the city of Mons, besieged by Alva ; next, he
himself naiTowly escaped being captured by the
Spaniards in a night attack on his camp, in which
600 of his soldiers were slain. He owed his escape
to a small spaniel which he kept in his bed-chambei',
and which awoke him by scratching his face.'
There followed a mutiny of his troops, provoked
by the repeated disasters that had befallen them,
and the an-eai-s due to them, but which the prince
was imable to discharge ; they talked, indeed, of
delivering him up to Alva. They soon became
ashamed of having harboured so base a design, but
the incident convinced William that he had no
alternative but to disband liis army and retire to
Holland, and this course he now adopted.
The departure of the Prince rf Orange was the
signal for Alva to take a tenible revenge on those
cities in Brabant which had hoisted the flag of the
Deliverer. Mons surrendered, but the terms of
the capitulation were most perfidiously violated by
the Spaniards. The citizens were sent in hundreds
to the gallows ; murder and spoliation ran riot in
its streets ; the axe and the halter rested not for
well-nigh a whole year, till the awful silence pro-
claimed that Mons was now little else than a
charnel-house. Its commercial prosperity never
recovered this tei-rible blow. Those of its mer-
chants and artisans who had escaped the gibbet
were driven away, and only beggars and idlers
were left in th«ir i-oom — a meet population, surely,
to wear the yoke of Spain.
In the eyes of Alva, the archiepiscopal city of
Mechlin was a greater oflender than even Mons,
and he resolved to vvreak upon it, if possible, a yet
more terrible vengeance. Considering the strength
of its Romanism, and the rank and influence of its
clergy, one would have expected that it woidd bo
the last city in Brabant to ojien its gates to William ;
it was, as we have seen, the first. The conqueror
resolved that it should sufler as pre-eminently as it
had sinned. His regiments had recently received
no pay, and Alva pointed ^to the rich city of tho
priests, and bade them seek their wages in it. The
soldiers threw themselves upon the town, like a
pack of hungry wolves upon their prey. Some
swam the moat, others battered open the gates,
while hundreds, by the help of scaling-ladders,
climbed the walls, and swarmed down into the city.
Along every street and lane poured a torrent of
furious men, robbing, murdering, violating, without
making the least distinction between friend and foe,
Papist and Protestant. No age, nor sex, nor rank,
nor profession had exemjftion from the sword, or
the worse brutality of the soldieiy. Blood flowed
in torrents. Chm'ches, monasteries, private dwell-
ings, and public estabHshments were broken into
and pillaged to the last penny. Altars were pidled
down, the chalices and other rich vessels used in
the mass were carried ofl', the very Host itself was
profaned and trodden under foot by men who pro-
fessed to regard it as the body and soul of Christ,
and who had come from a distant land to avenge
the insults which had been offered to it by others.
Then- rage far exceeded that of the iconoclasts,
who had vented then- fury on idols alone. Three
days this ikeadful work went on," and then
the soldiers of Alva collected their booty, and
carrying it on board ship, sent it off to Antweii),
to be conv ex-ted into money.' The inhabitants of
the other cities which had submitted to William
were permitted to redeem theii- lives by the \kij-
ment of an enormous ransom.
Not so, however, the cities of Zutphen and
Naarden. Zutphen was subjected to the same
shocking barbarities which had been inflicted on
Mechlin. Here the spoil to be gathered was less,
for the town was not so rich as Mechlin, but the
licence jriven to the sword was on that account all
* Strada, vii. 76.
■ Sti-ada, vii. 77.
3 Bor, vi. 409—415.
FALL OF ZUTPHEN AND NAARDEN.
89
the gi'eater ; and when the soldiers grew weary
with slaughtering, they threw their victims into
the Issel, and indulged themselves in the horrid
pastime of pelting the drowning men and women
with missiles as they rose to the surface before
finally sinking. We record the fate of Naarden
last, because its doom was the most appalling of the
three ; for it is a series of horrors which we are
thus briefly tracing to its climax. Naarden opened
its gates to Don Frederic de Toledo, the son of
Alva, on a promise of immunity from sack for a
slight equivalent. The promise of Toledo was
\'iolated with a shocking perfidy. First the male
population were put to the sword ; then their wives
and daughters were bnitally outraged, and after-
wards nearly all were massacred. The dwellings,
the convents, and the hospitals were ransacked for
treasure and spoil ; and when the fiends had satiated
to the utmost their bloodthirstiness, lust, and greed,
they drove out the few miserable inhabitants that
remained into the open fields, and setting fire to
Naarden they burned it to the ground. A blackened
spot covered with charred ruins, ashes, and the vc-
mains of human carcases marked where the city had
stood. It was amid these clouds and tempests that
the year 1572 closed. What a contrast to the
brilliant promise vnth which it had opened, when
city after city was hanging out the banner of
WilHam upon its walls, and men were congratu-
lating themselves that the black night of Spanish
usurpation and oppression had come to an end, and
the fair morning of independence had dawned !
Smitten down by the mailed hand of Alva, the
cities of Brabant and Flanders are again seen
creeping back into their chains. '
Occupied in the siege of Mons and the reduction
of the revolted towns in the Southern Netherlands,
the Spanish army were compelled meanwhile to
leave the Northern Pro\ances in peace. The leisure
thus aflbrdod them the Hollanders wisely turned
to account by increasing the number of their ships,
repaiiing the fortifications of then- to-\vns, and
enrolling soldiers. They saw the terrible legions
of Alva coming nearer every day, their path
marked in ruins and blood ; but they were not
without hope that the preparations they had made,
joined to the natural defences of their country, here
intersected by rivers, there by arms of the sea,
would enable them to make a more successful
resistance than Brabant and Flanders had done.
Wlicn the tyrant should ask them to bow again
their necks to the yoke, they tiiisted to l)e able to
say, "No," witliout undergoing the temble alterna-
tive with which Alva chii-stised refusal in the case
of the Brabant cities — namely, haltera for them-
selves, and horrible outrage for their families.
Meanwhile they waited anxiously for the coming
of William. He would breathe courage into theii
hearts, ready to faint at the dreaded prowess of the
Spaniards.
At length William arrived in Holland ; Irat ho
came alone ; of the 24,000 troops which he had led
into the Netherlands at the opening of his second
campaign, only seventy horsemen now remained ;
nevertheless, his arrival was hailed with joy, for
the Hollanders felt that the wisdom, patriotism,
and bravery of the prince would be to them in-
stead of an army. William met the Estates at
Haarlem, and deliberated with them on the course
to be taken. It was the darkest hour of the Nether-
lands. The outlook all round was not only dis-
couraging, but appalliiig. The wealthy Flandei-s
and Brabant were agam under the heel of the
haughty and cruel vSpaniard. Of their populous
cities, blackened ruins marked the site of some ;
those that existed were sitting in sullen silence
with the chain around their neck ; ths battle for
liberty of conscience had been forced back into the
Northern Holland ; here the last stand must
be made; the result must be factory or utter ex-
termination. The foe with whom the Hollanders
were to do battle was no ordinary one ; he was
exasperated to the utmost degree ; he neither re-
spected an oath nor spared an enemy ; if they
should resist, they had in Naarden an awful monu-
ment before their eyes of what their own fate
would be if their resistance wei-e unsuccessful ; and
yet the alternative ! Submission to the Spanish
yoke ! Rather ten deaths than endure a slavery
so vile. The resolution of the Convention was
prompt and decided : they would worship according
to then- consciences or die.
William now began to prepare for the great
struggle. His sagacity taught him that Holland
needed other defences besides ships and walls and
soldiers, if it was to bear the immense strain to
which it was about to be subjected. Fii-.stof all, he
settled the boundaries of his own power, by volun-
tarily agi-eeing to do nothing but ^^•ith the consent
of the States. By limiting he strengthened his in-
fluence. Next he consolidated the union of the
nation by admitting twelve new cities into tjie
Convention, and giving them the same voice in
public affairs as the older towns. Ho next set about
re-organising the civil service of the country, which
had fallen into great disorder during thase unsettled
times. Many of the iirincipal inhabitants had fled;
numbere of the judges and oUicei-s of the revenue
had abandoned their jjosts, to the great detiiment
of justice and the loss of the finances. William
90
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
filled up these vaciincies with Protestants, deem-
ing them the only thoroughly trustworthy persons
in a contest that was to determine which of the
two faiths was t« be the established religion of
Holland.
Before opening the campaign, the Prince of
Orange took a step toward the settlement of the
religious question. It was resolved that both
Papists and Protestants should enjoy the public
exercise of their worship, and that no one should
be molested on account of his religion, provided
he lived quietly, and kept no correspondence with
the Spaniards.' In this William obeyed the wishes
of the great body of the people of Holland, who
had now es])0used the Reformed faith, and at the
same time he laid a basis for unity of action by
purging out, so far as he could, the anti-national
element from the public service, and took reason-
able precautions against sui'prise and treachery
when Holland should be waging its great battle
for existence.
At the moment that the Hollanders were not un-
naturally oppressed with grave thoughts touching
the issue of the struggle for which they were girding
themselves, uncertain whether their country was to
become the burial-place of their liberties and their
persons, or the theatre of a yet higher civilisation,
an incident occurred that helped to enliven their
.spirit.s, and confirm them in their resolution to
resLst. The one city in Holland that remained on
the side of Alva was Amsterdam, and thither
Toledo, after the biitchery at Naarden, marched
with his army. In the shallow sea around Amster-
dam, locked up in the ice, lay part of the Dutch
fleet. The Spanish general sent a body of troops
over the frozen waters to attack the ships. Their
advance was perceived, and the Dutch soldiers,
fastening on their skates, and grasping their mus-
kets, descended the ships' sides to give battle to the
Spaniards. Sweeping with the rapidity of a cloud
towards the enemy, they poured a deadly volley into
his ranks, and then wheeling round, they retreated
with the same celerity out of reach of his fire. In
this fashion they kept advancing and retreating,
each time doing murderous exec\ition upon the
Spanish lines, while their own ranks remained
unbroken. Confounded by this novel method of
1 Brandt, vol. i., bk. i., p. 298.
battle, the Spaniards were compelled to quit the
field, leaving some hundreds of their dead upon
the ice. Next day a thaw set in, which lasted just
long enough to permit the Dutch fleet to escape,
while the returning frost made pursuit impossible.
The occurrence was construed by the Dutch as a
favourable omen.
Established at Amsterdam, the Spanish sword
had cut Holland in two, and from this central point
it was resolved to carry that sword over North and
South Holland, making its cities, should they resist,
so many Naardens, and its inliabitants slaves of
Alva or corpses. It was agreed to begin with
Haarlem, which was some twelve English miles
to the south-west of Amsterdam. Toledo essayed
first of all to wdn over the citizens by mediation,
thinking that the fate of Naarden had inspired them
with a salutary terror of his arms, and that they
only waited to open their gates to him. The tragic
end of Naarden had just the opposite effect on the
citizens of Haarlem. It showed them that those
who submitted and those who resisted met the same
fearful destruction. Notwithstanding, two of the
magistrates, moved by ten-or and cowardice, secretly
opened negotiations -with Toledo for the surrender
of Haarlem ; but no sooner did this come to the
ears of Rijiperda, a Friesland gentleman, to whom
William had committed the government of the town,
than he assembled the citizens and garrison in the
market-place, and warned them against entertaining
the idea of submission. What have those gained,
he asked, who have trusted the promise of the
Spaniards ? Have not these men shown that they
are as devoid of faith as they are of humanity"?
Their assurances are only a stratagem for snatching
the arms from your hands, and then they will load
you wth chains or butcher you like sheep. From
the blood-sprinkled graves of Mechlin, of Zutphen,
and of Naarden the voices of our brethren call on
you to resist. Let us remember our oath to the
Prince of Orange, whom we have acknowledged the
only lawful governor of the Province ; let us tliink
of the righteousness of our cause, and resolve, rather
than live the slaves of the Spaniards, to die with
arms in our hands, fighting for our religion and our
laws. This appeal was responded to by the stout-
hearted citizens with enthusiastic shouts. As one
man they proclaimed their resolution to resist the
Spaniard to the death.
92
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE SIEGE OF ^AARLE^r.
Haarlem— Its Situation— Its Defences— Army of Amazons— Haze on the Lake— Defeat of a Provisioning Party-
Commencement of tlie Cannonade — A Breach— Assault — Kepulse of the Foe — Haarlem Eeinforced by William —
Eeciprocal Barbarities— The Siege Renewed — Mining and Countermining— Battles below the Earth — New Breach
—Second Eepulse of the Besiegers — Toledo contempLates Raising the Siege— Alva Forbids him to do so— The City
more Closely Blockaded— F.amine — Dreadful Misery in the City— Final Effort of William for its Deliverance— It
Fails— Citizens offer to Capitulate — Toledo's Terms of Surrender— Accepted— The Surrender— Dismal Appearance
of the City— Toledo's Treachery— Executions and Massacres — Moral Victory to the Protestant Cause— William's
Inspiriting Addi-ess to the States.
Both sides began to prepare for the inevitable
struggle. The Prince of Orange established himself
at Leyden, the town nearest to Haarlem on the
south, and only some ten English miles distant from
it. He hoped from tliis point to be able to dii-ect
the defence, and forward provisions and reinforce-
ments as tlie brave little town might need them.
Alva and his son Toledo, on the other hand, when
they learned that Haarlem, instead of opening its
gates, had resolved to resist, were filled with rage,
and immediately gave orders for the march of their
troops on that presumptuous little city which had
dared to throw down the gage of battle to the whole
power of Spain.
Advancing along the causeway which traverses
the narrow isthmus that separates the waters of tlie
Haarlem Lake from the Zuyder Zee, the Spanisli
army, on the 11th of December, 1572, sat down
before Haarlem. Regiment continued to an-ive
after regiment till tlie beleaguering army was
swelled to 30,000,' and the city was now com-
pletely invested. Tliis force was composed of
Spaniards, Gennans, and Walloons. The popula-
tion of Haarlem did not exceed 30,000 ; that is,
it was only equal in number to that of the
host now encamped outside its walls. Its ramparts
were far from strong ; its garrison, even when at
the highest, was not over 4,000 men,- and it
was clear that the defence of the town must lie
mainly with the citizens, whom pati-iotism had con-
verted into heroes. Nor did the war-spirit bum
less ardently in the breasts of tlie wives and daugli-
ters of Haarlem than in those of their fathers
and husbands. Three Iiundred women, all of
them of unblemished character, and some of liigh
birth, enrolled themselves in defence of the city,
and donning armour, mounted the walls, or sally-
ing from the gates, mingled with their husbands
and brothers in the fierce conflicts waged with the
enemy under the ramparts. This army of amazons
was led by Kenau Hasselaer, a widow of forty-seven
yeai's of age, and a member of one of the first
families of Haarlem.^ " Under her command,"
says Strada, " her females were emboldened to do
soldiei's' duty at the bulwarks, and to sally out
among the firelocks, to the no less encouragement
of their own men than admii'ation of the enemy."
Toledo's preparations for the siege were favoured
by a thick mist which hung above the Lake of
Haarlem, and concealed his operations. But if the
haze favoured the Spanish general, it befriended
still more the besieged, inasmuch as it allowed pro-
visions and reinforcements to be brought into the
city before it was finally invested. Moving on
skates, hundreds of soldiers and peasants sped
rapidly past the Spanish lines unobserved in the
darkness. One body of troops, however, which liad
been sent by William from Leyden, in the hope of
being able to enter the town before its blockade,
was attacked and routed, and the cannon and pro-
visions destined for the besieged were made the
booty of the Spaniards. About a thousand were
slain, and numbers made prisoners and carried off"
to the gibbets which already bristled all round tlie
walls, and from this time were never empty, relay
after relay of unhappy captives being led to execu-
tion upon them.
Don Frederic de Toledo had fixed his head-
quai-ters at the Gate of the Cross. This was the
strongest part of the fortifications, the gate being
defended by a ravelin, but Toledo held the besieged
in so great contempt that he deemed it a matter of
not the least consequence where lie should begin his
assault, whether at the weakest or at the strongest
point. Hiiarlem, he believed, following the example
of the Flemish cities, would capitulate at almost the
' Motley, vol. ii., p. 58.
Strada, vii. 7i.
' Strada, vii. 74.
HEROISM OF HAAHLEM.
93
iii-st sound of Lis carmen. He allotted one week
for the captui-e, and another for the massacring
and ravishing. This would be ample time to finish
at Haarlem ; then, passuig on in the same fashion
from city to city, he woidd lay waste each in its
turn, till nothing but ruins should remain in
Holland. With this j^rogrammo of triumph for
himself, and of overthrow for the Dutch, he set
vigorously to work. His cannon now began to
tlnuider against the gate and ravelin. In three
day.s a breach was made in the walls, and the
soldiers were ordered to cross the ditch and deliver
the assault. Greedy of jihmder, they rushed eagerly
into the breach, but the Spaniards met a resistance
which they little anticipated. The alarm-bell in
Haarlem was I'ung, and men, women, and children
swarmed to the wall to repel the foe. They opened
then- cannon iipon the assailants, the musketry
poured in its fire, but still more deadly was the
shower of miscellaneous yet most destructive mis-
siles rained from the ramparts on the hostile masses
below. Blocks of stone, boiling pitch, blazing
ii'on hoops, which clung to the necks of those on
whom they fell, live coals, and other projectiles
equally dreadful, which even Spanish ferocity could
not withstand, were hurled against the invaders.
After contending some time with a tempest of this
sort, the attacking party had to retii-e, leaving 300
dead, and many oflicers killed or wounded.
This repulse undeceived Toledo. He saw that
behind these feeble waUs was a stout spii-it, and
that to make himself master of Haarlem would not
be the easy achievement he had fancied it would
prove. He now began to make his preparations on
a scale more commensurate with the difficulty of the
entei-prise; but a whole month passed away before
he was ready to renew the assault. Meanwhile, the
Prince of Orange exerted himself, not unsuccess-
fully, to reinforce the city. Tlie continuance of the
frost kept the lake congealed, and he was able to
introduce into Haarlem, over the ice, some 170
sledges, laden with munitions and provisions,
besides 400 veteran soldiers. A still larger body
of 2,000 men sent by the prince were attacked
and routed, having lost their way in the thick
mist which, in these winter days, hung almost per-
petually ai'ound the city, and covered the camp of
the besiegers. Koning, the second in command of
this expedition, being made prisoner, the Spaniards
cut off his head and threw it over the walls into
the citj% with an inscription which bore that " this
Koning or King was on liis road, with two thousand
auxiliaries, to raise the siege." The rejomder of
the Haarlemers was in a vein of equal bai-baiity.
Thoy decapitated twelve of theii' prisoners, and,
putting then- heads into a cask, they rolled it down
into the Spanish trenches, with this label affixed : —
" The tax of the tenth penny, with the interest due
thereon for delay of payment." The Spaniards re-
taliated by hanging up a group of Dutch pi-isoners
by the feet in view of their countrymen on the walls;
and the besieged cruelly responded by gibbeting a
number of Sjianish prisoners in sight of the camp.
These horrible reciprocities, begun by Alva, were
continued all the whUe that he and his son re-
mained in the Netherlands.
By the end of January, 1573, Toledo was ready
to resume the operations of the siege. He dug
trenches to protect his men from the fire of the
ramparts, a precaution which he had neglected at
tlie beginning, owing to the contempt in which he
held the foe. Three thousand sappers had been
sent him from the mines of Liege. Thus reinforced
he resumed the cannonade. But the vigilance and
heroism of the citizens of Haarlem long rendered
his eflbrts abortive. He found it hard by numbera,
however gi'eat, and skill, however perfect, to batter
down walls which a patriotism so lofty defended.
The besieged would sally forth at unexpected
moments ujDon the Spanish camp, slay hmidreds of
the foe, set fire to his tents, seize his cannon and
provisions, and return ia triumph into the city.
When Toledo's artdlery had made an opening ia
the walls, and the Spaniards crowded into the breach,
instead of the instant massacre and phmder which
their imaginations had pictured, and which they
panted to begin, they would find themselves in
presence of an inner battery that the citizens had
run up, and that awaited the coming of tho
Spaniards to rain its murderous fire upon them.
The sajjpers and miners would push their imder-
ground trenches below the ramparts, but when
just about to emerge upon the streets of the city, as
they thought, they would find theii- progress sud-
denly stopped by a counter-mine, which brought
them face to face in the nari'ow tmmel with the
citizens, and they had to wage a hand-to-hand battle
with them. These underground combats were of
frequent occurrence. At other times the Haar-
lemers would dig deeper than the Spaniards, and,
undermining them, would fill the excavation with
gunpowder and set fire to it. The ground would
BuddeiJy open, and vomit forth vast masses of earth,
stones, mining implements, mixed horribly with the
dissevered limbs of human being.s.
After some days' cannonading, Toledo succeeded
in battering down tho wall that extended between
the Gate of the Cross and that of St. Jolm, and now
he resolved to storm the breach with all his forces.
Hoping to take the citizens by surprise, he assem-
94
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
bled his troops ovei'-night, and assigning to each
liis post, and particularly instructing all, he ordered
them to advance. Before the sentinels on the walls
were aware, several of the storming party had
gained the summit of the breach, but here their
progress was arrested. The bells of Haarlem rang
out the alarm, and the citizens, roused from sleep,
hurried en vmsse to the ramparts, where a fierce
struggle began with the Spaniards. Stones, clubs,
tire-brands, eveiy sort of weapon was employed to
repel the foe, and the contest was still going on
when the day broke. After morning mass in the
Spanish camp, Toledo ordered the whole of his
army to advance to the walls. By the sheer force
of numbers the ravelin which defended the Gate of
the Cross was carried — a conquest that was to cost
the enemy dear. The besiegers pressed tiimultuously
into the fortress, expecting to find a clear path into
the city; but a most mortifying check awaited them.
The inliabitants, labouring incessantly, had reared a
kalf-moon battery behind the breached portion of
the wall,' and instead of the various spoil of the
city, for which the Spaniards were so greedily
athii'st, they beheld the cannon of the new erection
irowning defiance upon them. The defenders
opened fire upon the mass of their assailants pent
up beneath, but a yet greater disaster hung over
the enemy. The ravelin had been previously
undermined, the citizens foreseeing its ultimate
capture, and now when they saw it crowded vfith.
the besiegei's they knew that the moment was come
for firing it. They lighted the match, and in a few
moments came the peal of the explosion, and the
huge mass, with the hundreds of soldiers and oflicers
whom it enclosed, Wiis seen to soar into the air, and
then descend in a mingled shower of stones and
mangled and mutilated bodies. The Spaniards
stood aghast at the occurrence. The trumjiet
sounded a reti'cat ; and the patriots issuing forth,
before the consternation had subsided, chased the
besiegers to their encampments."
Toledo saw the siege was making no progress.
As fast as he battered down the old walls the
citizens erected new defences ; their constant sallies
were taxing the vigilance and thinning the numbers
of his troops ; more of his men were perishing by
cold and sickness than by battle ; his supi)lies were
often intercepted, and scarcity was beginning to be
felt in his camp ; in these circumstances he began
to entertain the idea of raising the siege. Not a
few of his oflicers concurred with him, deeming the
possession of Haarlem not worth the labour and
lives which it was costing. Others, however, were
opposed to this course, and Toledo referred the
matter to his father, the duke.
The stern Alva, not a little scandalised that his
son should for a moment entertain such a thought,
wrote commanding him to prosecute the siege, if he
would not show himself unworthy of the stock from
which he was sprung. He advised him, instead of
storming, to blockade the city ; but in whatever
mode, he must prosecute the siege tUl Haarlem had
fallen. If he was unwilling to go on, Alva said he
would come himself, sick though he was ; or if his
illness should make this impossible, he would bring
the duchess from Spain, and place her in command
of the army. Stung by this sai'casm, Toledo, re-
gardless of all difficulties, resumed the operations of
the siege.
In the middle of February the frost went ofi', and
the ice dissolving, the Lake of Haarlem became navig-
able. In anticipation of this occurrence, the Prince
of Orange had constructed a number of vessels, and
lading them with provisions, dispatched them from
Leyden. Sailing along the lake, with a favourable
wind, they entered Haarlem in safety. This was
done oftener than once, and the spectre of famine
was thus kept at a distance. The besi€ged were in
good spirits ; so long as they held the lake they
would have bread to eat, and so long as bread did
not fail them they would defend their city. Mean-
while they gave the besiegers no rest. The sallies
from the town, sometimes from one quarter, some-
times from another, were of almost daily occurrence.
On the 25th of March, 1,000 of the soldier-citizens
threw themselves upon the outposts of Toledo's
army, drove them in, burned 300 tents, and
captured camion, standards, and many waggon -
loads of provisions, and returned with them to the
city. The exploit was perfornred in the fiice of
30,000 men. This attacking party of 1,000 had
slain each his man nearly, having left 800 dead in
the Spanish camp, while only four of their own
number had fallen.' The citizens were ever eager
to provoke the Spaniards to battle ; and mth this
view they erected altars upon the walls in sight of
the camp, and tricked them out after the Romish
fashion ; they set up images, and walking in pro-
cession dressed in canonicals, they dei'ided the
Popish rites, in the hope of stinging the champions
of that faith into fighting. They feared the
approach of fiimine more than they did the Spanish
sword. Alva was amazed, and evidently not a
little mortified, to see such valour in rebels and
heretics, and was unable to withhold the exjiression
of his astonishment. " Never was a place defended
Hooft, vii. 293.
•" Tliaunus, torn, iii., p. 218.
THE FAMINE IN HAARLEM.
95
with such skill and bravery as Haarlem," said he,
writing to Philip; "it was a war such as never was
seen or heard of in any land on earth." '
But now the tide began to turn against the
heroic champions of Protestant liberty. Haarlem
was more closely invested than ever, and a more
terrible enemy than the Spaniards began to make its
a])pearance, gaunt famine namely. Count Bossu,
the lieutenant of Toledo, had mustered a fleet of
armed vessels at Amsterdam, and entei-mg the Lake
of Haarlem, fought a series of naval battles with
the ships of the Prmce of Orange for the posses-
sion of that inland sea. Being a vital point, it
was fiercely contested on both sides, and after
much bloodshed, victory declared for the Spaniards.
This stopped nearly all supplies to the city by
water. On the land side Haarlem was as com-
pletely blockaded, for Alva had sent forward
additional reinforcements; and although William
was most assiduous in dispatching relief for tlie
besieged, the city was so strictly watched by
the enemy that neither men nor provisions could
now enter it. In the end of May bread failed.
The citizens sent to make William aware of their
desperate straits. The prince employed a carrier
pigeon as the bearer of his answer.'' He bade
them endure a little longer, and to encourage them
to hold out he told them that he was assembling a
force, and hoped soon to be able to throw pro-
visions into their city. Meanwhile the scarcity
became gi-eater every day, and by the beginning of
Jiuie the famine had risen to a most dreadful
height. Ordinary food was no longer to be had,
and tlie ^v^•etched inhabitants were reduced to the
necessity of subsisting on the most loathsome and
abominable substitutes. They devoured horses,
dogs, cats, mice, and similar vermin. When these
failed, tliey boiled the hides of animals and ate
them; and when tliese too were exhausted, they
searched the graveyards for nettles and rank grass.
Groups of men, women, and children, smitten down
by the famine, were seen dead in the streets. But
though their numbers diminished, their courage did
not abate. Tliey stUl showed themselves on the
walls, "the few performed the duties of many;"= and
'^ Correspondance de Philippe II., ii. 1230.
- "They rcTived," says Strada,;" the ancient invention
of carrier pigeons. For a while before they wore blocked
up they sent to the prince's fleet, and to the neai'cst towns
of their own party, some of these pigeons. . . By these
winged posts the Prince of Orange encouraged the towns-
men to hold out for the last three months ; till one of
them, tired with flying, lighted upon a tent, and being
shot by a soldier, ignorant of the stratigem, the mystery
of the letters was discovered." (Bk. vii.j p. 71.)
^ Strada, bk. vii., p. 74.
if a Spanisli helmet ventured to appear above the
earth-works, a bullet from the ramparts, shot with
deadly aim, tumbled its owner into the trenches.
They again made the prince aware of the misery
to which they were reduced, adding that unless
succours were sent ivithin a very short time they
would be compelled to surrender. William turned
his eyes to the Protestant Queen of England, and
the Lutheran princes of Germany, and implored
them to intervene in behalf of the heroic little city.
But Elizabeth feared to break with Philip; and the
tide of Jesuit reaction in Germany was at that
moment too powerful to permit of its Protestants
undei-takmg any enterprise beyond their own
borders; and so the sorely beleaguered city was
left wholly in the hands of the prince. He did all
which it was possible for one in his circumstances
to do for its deliverance. He collected an army of
5,000, cliiefly bui-ghers of good condition in the
cities of Holland, and sent them on to Haarlem,
with 400 waggon-loads of provisions, having first
given notice to the citizens by means of can-ier
pigeons of their approach. This expedition William
wished to conduct in person, but the States, deem-
ing his life of more value to Holhuid than many
cities, would not sufier him to risk it, and the
enterprise was committed to the «harge of Count
Battenburg. The expedition set out on the evening
of the 8th of July, but the pigeons that carried the
letters of Orange having been shot, the plan of
relief became known to the Spaniards, and their
whole army was put under arms to await the
coming of Battenbui-g. He thought to have passed
their slumbering camp at midniglit, but suddenly
the whole host surrounded him; his fresh troops
were unable to withstand the onset of those
veterans ; 2,000 were slain, including their leader ;
tlie rest were dispersed, and the convoy of pro-
visions fell into the hands of the victors. William
could do no more — the last hope of Haarlem was
gone.'' The patriots now offered to surrender on
condition that the town wei'e exempt from pillage,
and the gamson permitted to march out. Toledo
replied that the surrender must be unconditional.
The men of Haarlem understood this to mean tliat
Toledo had devoted them to destruction. Tliey had
before them deatli by starvation or death by the
Spaniards. The latter they regarded as by niueli
the more dreadful alternative. The fighting men, in
theii- despair, resolved on cutting their way, sword
in [hand, through the Spanish cainp, in the liojie
that the enemy would put a curb on his ferocity
* Bor, vi. 440. Hooft, viii. 312. Motley, vol. ii., p. 68.
Watson, vol. ii., pp. 82, 83.
96
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
when he found only women iuul children, and these
emaciated and woe-struck, in tlie city. But the
latter, terror-stricken at the thought of being aban-
doned, threw themselves down before their husbands
and brothers, and clinging to thcrr knees, piteously
implored them not to leave them, and so melted
them that they could not carry out their purpose.
They next resolved to form themselves into a hol-
low square, and placing their wives and children in
the centre, march out and conquer or die. Toledo
learned the de-sperate attempts which the men of
Haarlem were revolving; and knowing that there
was nothing of which they were not capable, and
that should it happen that only ruins were
left him, the fruits and honours of his dearly-
won victory would escape him, he straightway sent
a trumpeter to say that on jiayment of 200,000
guilders the city would be spared and all in it
pardoned, with the exception of lifty-seven persons
whom he named.'
The exceptions were important, for those who
had rendered the greatest service iii the siege were
precisely those who were most obnoxious to Toledo.
It was ■with agony of mind that the citizens dis-
cussed the proposal, which would not have been
accepted had not the German portion of the gar-
rison insisted on surrender. A deputation was
sent to Toledo on the 12th of July, to announce the
submission of the city on the proposed terms. At
the very moment that Toledo gave the solemn pro-
mise which led to this surrender, he had in his
possession a letter from the Duke of Alva, com-
manding him to put the garrison to the sword, with
the exception of the Germans, and to hang all the
leading citizens of Haarlem.-
The first order issued to the Haarlemers after
the surrender was to deposit their arms in the
town-house; the second was to .shut themselves up,
the men in the Monastery of Zyl, and the women
ill the cathedral. Toledo now entered the city.
Implacable, indeed, must that revenge have been
which the sights of woe that now met his gaze
could not extinguish. After an exposure for seven
mouths to the Spanish cannon, the city was little
better than a heaj) of burning ruins. The streets
were blocked up with ])iles of rubbish, mingled with
the skeletons of animals from which the flesh had
been torn, and the unburied bodies of those wlio had
fallen in the defence, or died by tlie fiimine. But
of all the memoiials of the siege the most affect-
ing were the survivors. Their protruding bones,
parchment skin, hollow cheeks, and sunken eyes
' Hooft, viii. 313.
' Correspondance de Philippe II., ii. 1253.
made them seem corpses that still retained the
power of moving about. If they had been guilty
of a crime in defying the soldiers of Spain, surely
they had sufficiently atoned for then- presumption.
On the third day after the surrender the Duke of
Alva visited HaLU-lem, rode round it, and then took
his departure, leaving it to his son to carry out the
sequel. The treachery and barbarity of Naardeii
were repeated here. We shall not shock our
readers \vitli details. The fifty-seven persons ex-
cepted from the amnesty were, of course, executed ;
but the murders were far from ending with these.
The garrison, with the exception of the Germans,
were massacred ; 900 citizens were hanged as if
they had been the vilest malfefactors ; the sick
ill the hospitals were carried out into the court-
yard and disjjatched ; the eloquent Ripperda,
whose patriotic address, already recorded, had so
largely contributed to excite the men of Haarlem
to resist, was beheaded in company of several noted
citizens. Several hundreds of French, English, and
Scotch soldiers were butchered. Five executioners,
each with a staff of assistants, were kept in constant
employment several days. At last, tired of labours
and sick with horrors, they took 300 victims that
still remained, tied them back to back in couples,
and threw them into the lake.' The number put
to death in cold blood is estimated at about 2,300,
in addition to the many thousands that perished
in the siege.
So awful was the tragedy of Haarlem ! It wore
outwardly the guise of victory for the Spaniards
and of defeat to the Hollanders ; and yet, when
closely examined, it is seen to be just the reverse.
It had cost Alva 12,000 men; it had emptied his
treasury ; and, what was worse, it had broken the
spell of invincibility, which lent such power to the
Spanish arms. Eui'ope had seen a little town defy
the power of Philip for seven long months, and
surrender at last only from pressure of famine.
There was much here to encourage the other cities
of Holland to stand for their liberties, and the
renewed exhibition of perfidy and cruelty on the
part of Toledo deepened their resolution to do so.
It was clear that Spain could not accept of many
such victories without eventually overthrowing her
own power, and at the same time investing the
cause of the adversary she was striving to crush
with a moral prestige that would in the issue con-
duct it to triumph.
Such was the view taken by the Prince of Orange
on a calm survey of all the cii'cumstances attending
' Brandt, vol. i.,p.303, Bor,vi.441. Hooft, viii. 315, 316.
Motley, vol. ii., p. 70.
WILLIAM UNDISMAYED.
97
the fall of Haarlem. He saw notliing in it that Holland, to mspiiit the States to resist the power
should cause him to thiiik for one moment of of Spain to the death. "Though God," he said,
abandoning the prosecution of his great design, or " had suflered Haarlem to fall, ought men therefore
VIEW or THE HOTEL DE VILLE, MIDDELr.VllG.
that should shake his confidence in the ultimate to forsake his Word ! Was not their cause a
tiiumph of his cause; and without abating a jot of righteous one! was not the Di\ine ami still able
courage he wrote to his deputy, Sonoy, in North to uphold both it and them ! Was the destniction
113
98
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
of one city the ruin of the Church ? The calamities
and woes of Haarlem well deserved their commi-
seration, but the blood of the martyrs was the
seed of the Church, and ha'V'ing now had a full
disclosure made to them of the character and inten-
tions of their enemy, and that in the war he was
waging for the utter extii'pation of truth, he shrunk
from no perfidy and cruelty, and trampled on all
laws, Di\-ine and human, they ought the more
courageously to resist him, convinced that the great
Ruler would iii the end appear for the vindication
of the cause of righteousness, and the overthi-ow of
■wickedness. If Haarlem had fallen, other and
stronger towns still stood, and they had been able
to put themselves into a better jiosture of defence
from the long detention of the Spaniards under
the walls of Haarlem, which had been subdued at
la.st, not by the power of the enemy, but by the
force of famine." The prince wound up his address
with a reply to a question the States had put to
him touching his foreign alliances, and whether
he had secured the friendship of any powerful
potentate abroad, on whose aid they could rely in
the war. The answer of the prince reveals the depth
of his piety, and the strength of his faith. " He had
made a strict alliance," he informed the States,
" ^vith the Prince of princes for the defence of the
good Christians and others of this oppressed country,
who never forsook those who trusted in him, and
would assuredly, at the last, confound both his
and their enemies. He was therefore resolved
never to forsake his dear coimtry, but by venturing
both life and fortime, to make use of those means
which the Lord of Hosts had supi^lied him with."'
CHAPTER XIX.
SIEGE OF ALK.M.\AE, AND EECALL OF ALVA.
Alkmaar— Its Situation — Its Siege— Sonoy's Dismay — Courageous Letter of the Prince — Savage Threats of Alva —
Alkmaar Cannonaded — Breach— Stormed — Fury of the Attack — Heroism of the Eepulse— "WTiat Ensign Solis saw
within the Walls— The Spaniards Eefuse to Storm the Town a Second Time— The Dutch Threaten to Cut the
Dykes, and Drown the Spanish Camp — The Siege Raised— Amsterdam— Battle of Dutch and Spanish Fleets
before it— Defeat of the Spaniards — Admiral Bossu taken Prisoner — Alva Eecalled— His Manner of Leaving —
Number Executed during his Government — Medina Coeli appointed Governor — He Eesigns — Eequesens ap-
pointed—Assumes the Guise of Moderation — Plain Warning of William — Question of Toleration of Koman
AVorship — Eeasoniiigs— The States at Leyden Forbid its Public Celebration — Opinions of William of Orange.
The Duke of Ah-a soon found that if he had taken
Haarlem he had crippled himself The siege had
emptied liis military chest; he was gi-eatly in
arrears with his troops, and now his soldiers broke
out into mutiny, and absolutely refused to march
to Alkmaar and commence its siege till the simis
Giving them were paid. Six weeks passed away
before the army was reduced to obedience, and the
duke enabled to resume his programme of the
war. His own prestige as a disciplinarian had
also suffered immensely.
Alkmaar was situated at the extremity of the
peninsula, amid the lagunes of North Holland. It
Was late in the season when the Spanish army,
16,000 strong, sat down before this little town,
■with its gan-ison of 800 soldier.s, and its 1,300
citizens capable of bearing arms. Had it been
invested earlier in the summer it must have fallen,
for it was then comparatively defenceless, and its
population di\'ided between the prince and the
duke ; but while Ah'a was quelling the mutiny of
his troops, Alkmaar ■was strengthening its defences,
and William was furnishing it with provisions and
garrisoning it wth soldiers. The commander of
the besieging army was still Toledo.
When Governor Sonoy saw the storm rolling up
from the soiith, and when he thought of his own
feeble resources for meeting it, he became somewhat
despondent, and ^vl•ote to the prince expressmg a
hope that he had been able to ally himself with
some powerful potentate, who would supply him
with money and troops to resist the terrible
Spaniard. William replied to his deputy, gently
chiding him for his want of faith. He had indeed
contracted alliance, he said, ■with a mighty King,
who would provide armies to fight his ovm battles,
and he bade Sonoy not grow faint-hearted, as if the
anu of that King had gro^wn weak. At the very
moment that William was striving to inspirit him-
self and his followers, by lifting his eyes to a
Brandt, vol. i., p. 304.
ATTACK AND REPULSE AT ALKMAAR.
99
mightier throne than any on earth, Alva was
taking the most effectual means to raise up invin-
cible defenders of Holland's Protestantism, and so
realise the expectations of the prince, and justify
his confidence in that higher Power on whom he
mainly leaned. The duke took care to leave the
people of Alkmaar in no doubt as to the fate in
resei-ve for them should their city be taken. He
had dealt gently with Haarlem; he had hanged
only 900 of its citizens ; but he would wreak a full
measure of vengeance on Alkmaar. " If I take
Alkmaar," he wrote to Philip, " I am resolved not to
leave a single creature alive ; the knife shall be i)at
to every throat. Since the example of Haarlem
has proved of no use, perhaps an example of
cruelty will bring the other cities to theii' senses."'
Alva thought that he was rendering certain the
submission of the men over whose heads he hung
that terrible threat : he was only preparing dis-
comfiture for liimself by kindling in theii' breasts
the flame of an luiconquerable courage.
Toledo planted a battery on the two opposite
sides of the town, in the hope of dividing the
garrison. After a cannonade of twelve houre he
had breached the walls. He now ordered his
troops to stoiin. They advanced . in overwhelming
numbers, confident of victory, and rending the air
with their shouts as if they had already won it.
Thej' dashed across the moat, they swarmed up
the bi-each, but only to be grappled with by the
courageous burghera, and flung headlong into the
ditch below. Thrice were the murderous hordes of
Alva repulsed, thrice did they return to the assault.
The rage of the assailants was inflamed with e;ich
new check, but Spanish fiuy, even though sustained
by Spanish discipline, battled in vain against Dutch
intrepidity and patriotism. The round-shot of the
cannon ploughed long vacant lines in the beleaguer-
ing masses ; the musketry jxiured in its deadly
volleys ; a terrible rain of boiling oil, pitch, and
water, mingled with tarred burning hoops, unslaked
lime, and great stones, descended from the fortifi-
cations ; and such of the besiegers as were able to
force their way up through that dreadful tempest
to the toj) of the wall, found that they had scaled
the ramparts only to fall by the daggers of their
defenders. The whole population of the town bore
its part in the defence. Not only the matrons and
virgins of Alkmaar, but the very children, were
constantly passing between the arsenal and the
walls, car)-ying ammunition and missiles of all sorts
to their husbands, brothers, and fathers, careless of
the shot that was falling thick around them. The
' Correapondance de Philippe II., ii. 12&1.
apprehension of those far more ten-ible calamities
that were sure to follow the entrance of the
Spaniards, made them forgetful of every other
danger. It is told of Ensign Solis, that havin"
mounted the breach he had a moment's leisure to
survey the state of matters within the city, before
he was seized and flung from the fortifications.
Escaping with his life, he was able to tell what that
momentary glance had revealed to him within the
walls. He had beheld no masses of military, no
men in armour ; on the streets of the beleaguered
town he saw none but plain men, the most of whom
wore the garb of fishermen. Humiliating it was
to the mailed chivalry of Spaiii to be checked,
flung back, and routed by " plain men in the garb
of fishermen." The burghers of Alkmaar wore
their breastplates under their fisherman's coat — the
consciousness, namely, of a righteous cause.
The assault had commenced at tkree of the after-
noon ; it was now seven o'clock of the evening, and
the darkness was closing in. It was evident that
Alkmaar would not be taken that day. A thousand
Spaniards lay dead in the trenches,^ while of the
defenders only thirteen citizens and twenty-four of
the garrison had fallen. The trumpet sounded a
recall for the night.
Next morning the cannonade was renewed, and
after some 700 shot had been discharged against
the walls a breach was made. The soldiers were
again ordered to storm. The army refused to obey.
It was in vain that Toledo threatened this moment
and cajoled the next, not a man in his camp would
venture to approach those terrible ramparts which
were defended, they gravely believed, by invisil)le
powers. The men of Alkmaar, they had been told,
worshipped the devil, and the demons of the pit
fought upon the walls of their city, for how other-
wise could plain burghers have inflicted so terrible
a defeat upon the legions of Spain t Day passed
after day, to the chagrin of Toledo, but still the
Spaniards kept at a safe distance from those dreaded
bulwarks on which invisible champions kept watch
and ward. The rains set in, for the seiuson was
now late, and the camping-gi'ound became a marsh.
A 3'et more terrible disaster impended over them,
provided they remained much longer before Alk-
maar, and of this they had certain information.
The Dutch had iigreed to cut their dykes, and bury
the countay round Alkmaar, and the Spanish camp
with it, at the bottom of the ocean. Already two
sluices had been opened, and the waters of the
North Sea, driven by a strong north-west wind, had
rushed in and partially inundated the land ; this
" Uooft, viii. 324. Bor, vi. 453. Watson, ii. 95, 96.
100
HISTOKY OF PROTESTANTISM.
was only a begiiuiing : the Hollanders had resolved
to sacrifice, not only their crops, but a vast amount
of property besides, and by piercing their two gi-eat
dykes, to bring the sea over Toledo and his soldiers.
The Spaniards had found it hard to contend against
the burghers of Alkmaar, they would find it still
harder to combat tlie waves of the North Sea.
Accordingly Don Frederic de Toledo summoned a
council of his oiScers, and after a short delibera-
tion it was resolved to raise the siege, the council
having first voted that it was no disgrace to the
Spanish army to retire, seeing it was fleeing not
before man, but before the ocean.
The humiliations of Alva did not stop here. To
reverses on land were added disasters at sea. To
punish Amsterdam for the aid it had given the
Spaniards in the siege of Haarlem, North Holland
fitted out a fleet, and blockaded the narrow en-
trance of the Y which leads into the Zuyder Zee.
Shut out from the ocean, the trade of the great
commercial city was at an end. Alva felt it in-
cumbent on him to come to the help of a town
which stood almost alone in Holland in its ad-
herence to the Spanish cause. He constructed a
fleet of still krger vessels, and gave the command
of it to the experienced and enterprising Count
Bossu. The two fleets came to a trial of strength,
and the battle issued in the defeat of the Spaniards.
Some of their ships were taken, others made their
escape, and there remained only the admiral's
galley. It was named the Inquisition, and being
the largest and most powerfully armed of all in the
fleet, it oSered a long and desperate resistance
before striking its flag. It was not till of the
300 men on board 220 were killed, and all the
rest but fifteen were wounded, that Bossu sui'ren-
dered himself prisoner to the Dutdi commander.'
Well aware that it was of the last consequence for
them to maintain their superiority at sea, the
Dutch hailed this victory -with no common joy, and
ordered public thanks to be offered for it in all the
churches of Holland.
Witli the turn in the tide of Sjianish successes,
the eyes of Philip began to open. Alva, it is true,
in all his barbarities had but too faithfully carried
out the wishes, if not the express orders, of his
master, but that master now half suspected that
this policy of the sword and the gallows was
des-tined not to succeed. Nor was Philip alone in
that opinion. There were statesmen at Madrid
who were strongly counselling the monarch to
make trial of more lenient measures with the
' Thaunus, lib. Iv., sec.
vol. ii., p. 99.
Metcren, p. 23. Watuoii,
Netherlanders. Alva felt that PMlip was growing
cold toward him, and alleging that his health
had sustained injury from the moist climate, and
the fatigues he had undergone, he asked leave to
retire from the government of the Low Countries.
The king immediately recalled him, and appointed
the Duke de Medina Cceli, governor in his room.
Alva's manner of taking leave of Amsterdam, where
he had been staying some time, was of a piece with
all his previous career. He owed vast sums to the
citizens, but had nothing wherewith to pay. The
duke, however, had no difficulty in finding his way
out of a position which might have been embar-
rassing to another man. He issued a proclamation,
inviting his creditors to present their claims in per-
son on a certain day. On the night previous to the
day appointed, the duke attended by his retinue
quitted Amsterdam, taking care that neither by
tuck of di'um nor saivo of cannon should he make
the citizens aware that he was bidding them adieu.
He travelled to Spain by way of Germany, and
boasted to Count Louis van Koningstein, the uncle
of the prince, at whose house he lodged a night,
that during his government of five and a half years
he had caused 18,000 heretics to be put to death by
the hands of the executioner, besides a much greater
number whom he had slain with the sword in the
cities which he besieged, and in the battles he had
fought. "
When the Duke de Medina Coeli an-ived in the
Netherlands, he stood aghast at the terrible wreck
his predecessor had left behind him. The treasury
was empty, the commerce of the country was
destroyed, and though the inhabitants were im-
poverished, the taxes which were still attempted to
be wrung from them were enormous. The cry of the
land was going up to heaven, from Roman Catholic
as well as Protestant. The cautious governor, see-
ing more difficulty than glory m the administration
assigned to him, •' slipped his neck out of the
collar," says Brandt, and returned to Spain. He
was succeeded by Don Luis de Requesens and
Cuniga, who had been governor at Milan. The
Netherlanders knew little of their new ruler, but
they hoped to find him less the demon, and more
the man, than the monstrous compound of all
iniquity who for five years had revelled in their
blood and treasure. They breathed more freely for
a little space. The first act of the new governor
was to demolish the statue which Alva had erected
of himself in the citadel of Antwerp ; Requesens
wished the Netherlanders to infer from this begin-
ning that the policy of Alva had been disavowetl
= Hooft, lib. viii. 332. Brandt, vol. i., p. 300.
TOLERATION OF THE EOMTSH WOKSHIP.
101
at head-quarters, and that from this time forward
more lenient measures would be pursued. William
w;\s not to be imposed upon by this shallow device.
Fearing that the lenity of Requesens might be even
more fotal in the end tlian the ferocity of Alva, he
issued an address to the States, in which he re-
minded them that the new deputy was still a
Spaniard — a name of terrific import in Dutch ears
— that he was the servant of a despot, and that not
one Hollander could Requesens slay or keep alive
but as Philip willed ; that in the Cabinet of Madrid
there were abysses below abysses ; that though it
might suit the monarch of Spain to wear for a
moment the guise of moderation, they might depend
upon it that liLs aims were fixed and unalterable,
and that what he sought, and would pursue to the
last soldier in hLs army, and the last hour of his
earthly existence, was the destruction of Dutch
liberty, and the extermination of the Protestant
faith ; that if they stopped where they were — in
the middle of the conflict — all that they had already
sufiered and sacrificed, all the blood that had been
shed, the tens of thousands of their brethren hanged
on gibbets, biuned at stakes, or slain in battle,
theii' mothers, wives, and daughters subjected
to horrible outrage and murder, all would have
been endured in vain. If their desii-e of peace
should reduce them into a compromise with the
tyrant, it would assuredly happen that the abhorred
yoke of Spain would yet be riveted upon their
necks. The conflict, it was true, was one of the
most awful that nation had ever been called to
wage, but the part of wisdom was to fight it out to
the end, assui-ed that, oome when it might, the end
would be good ; the righteous King would crown
them with victory. These words, not less wise
than heroic, revived the spirits of the Dutch.
At this stage of the struggle (1.57.3) a question
of the gravest kind came up for discussion — namely,
the public toleration of the Roman worship. In the
circumstances of the Netherlanders the delicacy of
this question was equal to its difiiculty. It was
not proposed to proscribe belief in the Romish
dogmas, or to punish any one for his faitli ; it was
not proposed even to forbid the celebration in
l)vivate of the Romish rites ; all that was inoposed
was to forbid their public exercise. There were
some who argiied that their contest was, at bottom,
a contest against the Roman faith ; the first object
was liberty, but they sought liberty that their
consciences might be free in the matter of worship;
their opponents were those who professed that
faith, and who sought to reduce them under its
yoke, and it seemed to them a virtual repudiation
of the justness of their contest to tolerate what in
fact was their real enemy, Romanism. This was
to protect with the one hand the foe they were
fighting against with the other. It was replied to
this that the Romanist detested the tyranny of
Alva not less than the Protestant, that he fouglit
side by side on the ramparts with his ProtestMit
fellow-subject, and that both had entered into a
confederacy to oppose a tyrant, who was their com-
mon enemy, on condition that each should enjov
liberty of conscience.
Nevertheless, not long after this, the States of
Holland, at an assembly at Leyden, resolved to
l^rohibit the public exei'cise of the Romish religion.
The Prince of Orange, when the matter was firet
broached, expressed a repugnance to the public
discussion of it, and a strong desire that its decision
should bo po.stponed ; and when at last the resolu-
tion of the States was arrived at, he intimated, if
not his formal dissent, his non-concurrence in the
judgment to which they had come. He tells us so
in his Apology, published in 1580 ; but at the same
time, in justification of the States, he adds, " that
they who at the first judged it for the interest and
advantage of the country, that one religion should
be tolerated as well as the other, were afterwards
convinced by the bold attempts, cunning devices,
and treacheries of the enemies, who had insinuated
themselves among the people, that the State was in
danger of inevitable destruction unless the exercLse
of the Roman religion were suspended, since those
who professed it (at least the priests) had sworn
allegiance to the Pope, and laid greater sti'ess ou
their oaths to him than to any others which they
took to the civU magistrate." The prince, in fact,
had come even then to hold what is now the
geiierally received maxim, that no one ought to
suflfer the smallest deprivation of his civil rights on
account of his religious belief; but at the same
time he felt, what all have felt who have anxiously
studied to harmonise the rights of conscience with
the safety of society, that there are elements in
Romanism that make it impossible, without en-
dangering the State, to apply this maxim in all its
extent to the Papal religion. The maxim, so just in
itself, is applicable to all religions, and to Romanism
among the rest, so far as it is a religion ; but
AVilliam found that it is more than a religion, that
it is a government besides ; and while there may be
a score of religions in a country, there can be but
one government in it The first duty of every
government is to maintain its own unity and
supremacy ; and whan it prosecutes any secondary
end — and the toleration of conscience is to a
government but a secondary end — when, we say, it
prosecutes any secondary object, to the jjarting in
102
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
twain of the State, it contravenes its own primary
end, and overthrows itself. The force with which
this consideration pressed itself upon the mind of
William of Orange, tolerant even to the measure of
the present day, is seen from what he says a little
farther on in his Apology. " It was not just," lie
adds, " that such people should enjoy a privilege by
the means of which they endeavoured to bring the
land under the power of the enemy ; they sought
to betray the lives and fortunes of the subjects by
depriving them not of one, two, or thi-ee privileges,
but of all the rights and liberties which for im-
memorial ages had been preserved and defended by
their predecessors from generation to generation." '
From this time forward the Reformed religion as
taught in Geneva and the Palatinate was the one
faith publicly professed in Holland, and its worship
alone was practised in the national churches. No
Papist, however, was required to renounce his
faith, and full liberty was given him to celebrate
his worship in private. Mass, and all the attendant
ceremonies, continued to be performed in private
houses for a long while after. To all the Protestant
bodies in Holland, and even to the Anabaptists,
a full toleration was likewise accorded. Con-
science may err, they said, but it ought to be
left free. Should it invade the magistrate's sphere,
he has the right to repel it by the sword ; if it
goes astray within its o^\ti domain, it is equally
foolish and criminal to compel it by foi'ce to return
to the right road ; its accountability is to God
alone.
CHAPTER XX.
THIRD CAMPAIGN OF WILLIAM, AND DE.\TH OF rOUNT LOUIS OF NASSAU.
Middelburg— Its Siege— Capture by the Sea Beggars— Destruction of One-half of the Spanish Fleet— Sea-board
of Zealand and Holland in the hands of the Dutch— William's Preparations for a Third Campaign— Funds —
France gives Promises, but no Money — Louis's Army — Battle of Moot — Defeat and Death of Louis — William's
Misfortunes— His Magnanimity and Devotion — His Greatness of the First Rank— He Retires into Holland
— Mutiny in Avila's Army — The Mutineers Spoil Antwerp — Final Destruction of Spanish Fleet— Opening of
the Siege of Leyden— Situation of that Town— Importance of the Siege— Stratagem of Philip— Spirit of the
Citizens.
The only town in the important island of Wal-
cheren that now held for the King of Spain was
Middelburg. It had endured a siege of a year and
a half at the hands of the soldiers of the Prince of
Orange. Being the key of the whole of Zealand,
the Spaniards struggled as hard to retain it as the
patriots did to gain possession of it. The garrison
of Middelburg, reduced to the last extremity of
famine, were now feeding on horses, dogs, rats, and
other revolting substitutes for food, and the Spanish
commander Mondrogon, a brave and resolute man,
had sent word to Requesens, that unless the town
was succoured in a very few days it must neces-
saiily surrender. Its fall would be a great blow to
the interests of Phili]i, and his Go^■emo^ of the
Low Countries exerted himself to the utmost to
throw supjjlies into it, and enable it to hold out.
He collected a fleet of seventy-five sail at Bergen-
op-Zoom, another of thirty ships at Antwerp, and
storing them with provisions and military equip-
ments, he ordered them to steer for Middelburg
and relieve it. But unhappily for Requesens, and
' Brandt, vol. i., pp. 307, 308.
the success of his project, the Dutch were masters
at sea. Their ships were manned by the bravest
and most skilful sailors in the world ; nor were
they only adventurous seamen, they were firm
patriots, and ready to shed the last drop of their
blood for their country and their religious liberties.
They served not for wages, as did many in the land
armies of the prince, which being to a large extent
made up of mercenaries, were apt to mutiny when
ordei-ed into battle, if it chanced that their pay was
in arrears ; the soldiers of the fleet were enthu-
siastic in the cause for which they fought, and
accounted that to beat the enemy was suflicient
reward for their valour and blood.
The numerous fleet of Requesens, in two squad-
rons, was sailing down the Scheldt (27th January,
1.574), on its way to raise the siege of Middelburg,
when it sighted near Romerswael, drawn up in
battle array, the ships of the Sea Beggars. The two
fleets closed in conflict. After the first broadside,
ship grappled with shij), and the Dutch leaping on
board the Spanish vessels, a liand-to-hand combat
with battle-axes, daggers, and pistols, was com-
menced on the deck of each galley. The admiral's
104
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
ship ran foul of a sand-bank, and was then set
fire to by the Zealanders ; the other commander,
Romers, hastened to his relief, but only to have the
flames communicated to his own ship. Seeing his
galley about to sink, Romers jumped overboard and
saved his life by s-n^imming ashore. The other
ships of the Spanish fleet fared no better. The
Zealanders burnt some, they sunk othei's, and tlie
rest they seized. The victory was decisive. Twelve
hundred Spaniards, including the Admu-al De
Glimes, perished in the flame.s of the burning ves-
sels, or fell in the fierce struggles that raged on
tbeir decks. Requesens himself, from the dyke of
Zacherlo, had witnessed, without being able to
avert, the destruction of his fleet, which he had con-
Btracted at great expense, and on which he built
such great hopes. "When the second squadron
learned that the ships of the first were at the bottom
of the sea, or in the hands of the Dutch, its com-
mander instantly put about and made haste to
return to Antwerp. The surrender of Middelburg,
which immediately followed, gave the Dutch the
command of the whole sea-board of Zealand and
Holland.
Success was lacking to the next expedition im-
dertaken by William. The time was come, he
thought, to rouse the Southei'n Netherlands, that
had somewhat tamelj' let go their liberties, to make
.another attempt to recover them before the yoke
of Spain should be irretrievably riveted upon their
neck. Accordmgly he instructed his brother,
Count LouLs, to raise a body of troops in German)^
where he was then residing, in order to make a third
invasion of the Central Provinces of the Low Coun-
ti'ies. There would have been no lack of recruits
Lad Louis possessed the means of paying them ;
but his finances were at zero ; his brother's fortune,
a-s well as his own, was already swallowed up, and
before enlisting a single soldier, Louis had first of
all to provide funds to defray the expense of the
projected expedition. He trusted to receive some
help from the German princes, he negotiated loans
from his own relations and friends, but his main
hopes were rested on France. The court of
Charles IX. was then occupied with the matter of
the election of the Duke of Anjou to the throne
of Poland, and that monarch was desirous of
appearing friendly to a cause wliich, liut two years
befoi'e, he had endeavoured to crush in the St. Bar-
tholomew Massacre ; and so Count Louis received
from France as many promises as would, could he
have coined them into gold, have enabled him to
equip and keep in the field ten armies ; but of
sterling money he had scarce so much as to defray
the expense of a single battalion. He succeeded,
howevei', in levying a force of some 4,000 horse
and 7,000 foot ' in the smaller German States, and
with these he set out about the beginning of Feb-
ruary, 1575, for Brabant. He crossed the Rhine,
and advanced to the Meuse, opposite Maestricht, in
the hope that his friends in that town would open
its gates when they saw him approach. So gi-eat
was their horror of the Spaniards that they feared
to do so ; and, deeming his little army too weak to
besiege so strongly fortified a place, he continued
his march down the right bank of the river till he
came to Roeremonde. Here, too, the Protestants
were overawed. Not a single person durst show
himself on his side. He continued his course along
the river-banks, in the hope of being joined by the
troops of his brother, accordmg to the plan of the
campaign ; the Spanish armj', imder Avila, followmg
him all the whUe on a parallel line on the opposite
side of the river. On the 13th of April, Louis
encamped at the -^'illage of Mook, on the confines of
Cleves ; and here the Spaniards, having suddenly
crossed the Meuse and sat do^vn right in his path,
oifered him battle. He knew that his newly-
levied recruits would fight at great disadvantage
with the veteran soldiers of Spain, yet the count
had no alternative but to accept the combat ofiered
liim. The result was disastrous in the extreme.
After a long and fierce and bloody contest the
patriot army was completely routed. Present on
that fatal field, along with Count Louis, wei-e his
brother Henry, and Duke Christo])her, son of the
Elector of the Palatinate ; and repeatedly, during
that terrible day, they intrepidly rallied their sol-
diers and turned the tide of battle, but only to be
overpowered in the end. AVhen they saw that the
day was lost, and that some 6,000 of their followers
lay dead ai'ound them, they mustered a little band
of the survivors, and once more, with fierce and
desperate courage, charged the enemy. They were
last seen fighting in the 'melee. From that conflict
they never emerged, nor were their dead bodies
ever discovered ; but no doubt can be entertained
of theii- fate. Falling in the general butchery,
their corpses would be undistinguishable in the
ghastly heap of the slain, and would receive a
common burial with the rest of the dead.
So fell Count Louis of Nassau. He was a bril-
liant soldier, an .able negotiator, and a firm patriot.
In him the Protestant cause lost an enthusiastic
and enlightened adherent, his country's liberty a
most devoted champion, and his brother, the prince,
one who was "his right hand" as regarded the
prompt and able execution of his j)lans. To Orange
1 Thauuus, lib. Iv. Metereii, p. 133.
DEATH OP COUNT LOUIS OF NASSAU.
105
the loss was iiTcpai'able, and was felt all the more
at this moment, seeing that St. Aldegonde, upon
whose sagacity and pati'iotism Orange placed such
reliance, was a captive in the Spanish camp. This
was the third brother whom William had lost in the
struggle against Spain. The repeated deaths in the
circle of those so dear to him, as well as the many
other friends, also dear though not so closely re-
lated, who had fallen in the war, could not but
alllict him with a deep sense of isolation and loneli-
ness. To abstract his mind from his sorrows, to
forget the graves of his kindred, the captivity and
death of his friends, the many thousands of his
followers now sleeping their last sleep on the
battle-field, his own ruined fortune, the vanished
splendour of his home, where a once princely afflu-
ence had been replaced by something like penury,
his escutcheon blotted, and his name jeered at — to
rise above all these accumulated losses and dire
humiliations, and to prosecute with unflincliing
resolution his gi-eat cause, required indeed a stout
heart, and a firm faith. Never did the prince
appear greater than now. The gloom of disaster
but brought out the splendour of his virtues and
the magnanimity of his soul. The burden of the
great struggle now lay on him alone. He had to
provide funds, raise armies, arrange the plan of
campaigns, and watch over their execution. From
a sick-bed he was often called to dii-ect battles, and
the siege or defence of cities. Of the friends who
had commenced the struggle with him many were
now no more, and those who survived were coun-
selling submission; the prince alone refused to
despair of the deliverance of his country. Through
armies foiled, and campaigns lost, through the
world's pity or its scorn, he would march on to
that triumph which he saw in the distance. When
friends fell, he stayed his heart with a sublime
confidence on the eternal Ann. Thus stripped of
human defences, ho displayed a pure devotion to
country and to religion.
It was this that placed the Prince of Orange
in the first rank of greatness. There liave been
men who have been borne to greatness upon the
steady current of continuous good foi-tune; they
never lost a battle, and they never sufiered check or
repulse. Their labours have been done, and their
achievements accomplished, at the head of victorious
armies, and in the presence of admii-ing senates,
and of applauding and grateful nations. These are
great ; but there is an order of men who are gi-eater
still. There have been a select few who have ren-
dered the very liighest ser^•ices to mankind, not
with the ajiphmse and succour of those they sought
to benefit, but in spite of their opposition, amid the
contempt and scorn of the world, and amid ever-
blackening and ever-bursting disasters, and who
lifting their eyes from armies and thrones have
fixed them upon a great unseen Power, in whose
righteousness and justice they confided, and so have
been able to struggle on till they attained their
sublime object. These are the peers of the race,
they are the first magnates of the world. In this
order of great men stands William, Prince of
Orange.
On receiving the melancholy intelligence of the
death of his brother on the fatal field of Mook,
William retreated northward into Holland. Ho
expected that the Spaniards would follow him, and
improve their victory while the terror it inspired
was .still recent; but Avila was prevented pur-
suing him by a mutiny that broke out in his anny.
The pay of his soldiers was three years in aiTears,
and instead of the bai'reu pursuit of William, the
Spanish host turned its steps in the direction of the
rich city of Antwerp, resolved to be its own pay-
master. The soldiers quartered themselves upon
the wealthiest of the burghers. They took possession
of the most sumptuous mansions, they feasted on
the most luxurious dishes, and daily drank the most
delicate wines. At the end of three weeks the
citizens, wearied of seeing their substance thus
devoured by the army, consented to pay 400,000
cro^vns, which the soldiers were willing to receive
as part payment of the debt due to them. The
mutineers celebrated their victoiy over the citizens
by a great feast on the Mere, or pi-incipal street of
Antwerp. They were busy carousing, gambling,
and masquerading when the boom of cannon struck
ujDon theii- ears. William's admiral had advanced
up the Scheldt, and was now engaged with the
Spanish fleet in the river. The revellers, leaving
their cups and grasping their muskets, humed to
the scene of action, but only to be the witnesses of
the destruction of their ships. Some were blazing
in the flames, others were sinking with their crews,
and the patriot admiral, having done his work, was
sailing away in triumjjh. We have recorded the
destruction of the other division of Philip's fleet;
this second blow completed its ruia, and thus the
King of Spain was as far as ever from the supre-
macy of the sea, without which, as Ecquesens
assured him, ho would not be able to make himself
master of Holland.
Another act of the great drama now opened. Wo
have already recorded the fall of Haarlem, after
unexampled horrors. Though little else than a city
of ruins and corpses when it fell to the Spaniards,
its possession gave them gi-eat advantages. It wa-s
an encampment between North and South Holland,
106
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and cut the country in two. They were desii-ous of
strengthening their position by adding Leyden to
Hiuirlem, the town next to it on the south, and a
])lace of yet gi'eater importance. Accordingly, it
wius first blockaded by the Spanish troops in the
winter of 1574 ; but the besiegers were withdrawn
in the spring to defend the frontier, attacked by
Count Louis. After his defeat, and the extinction
of the subsequent mutiny iir the Spanish army,
the soldiers returned to the siege, and Leyden was
invested a second time on the 26th of May, 1574.
The siege of Leyden is one of the most famous in
history, and had a most important bearing on the
establishment of Protestantism in Holland. Its
devotion and heroism in the cause of libei'ty and
religion have, like a mighty torch, illumined other
lands besides Holland, and fired the soul of more
peoples than the Dutch.
Leyden Ls situated on a low plain covered -with
rich pastures, smiling gardens, fruitful orchards,
and elegant villas. It is washed by an arm of
the Rhine, that, on approaching its walls, parts
into an infinity of streamlets which, flowing lan-
guidly through the city, fill the canals that
travei"se the streets, making it a miniature of
Venice. Its canals are sjjanned by 150 stone
bridges, and lined by rows of limes and poplars,
which soften and shade the arcliitectxire of its
spacious streets, that present to the view public
buildings and sumptuous private mansions, churches
with tall steeples, and universities and halls with
imposing facades. At the tune of the siege the city
had a numerous population, and was defended by a
deep moat and a strong wall flanked -with bastions.
The city was a jjrize well worth all the ardour dis-
played both in its attack and defence. Its standing
or falling would determine the fate of Holland.
When the citizens saw themselves a second
time shut in by a beleaguering army of 8,000 men,
and a bristling chain of sixty-four redoubts, they
reflected with pain on their neglect to introduce
provisions and reinforcements into their city during
the two months the Spaniards had been withdrawal
to defend the frontier. They must now atone for
their lack of jirevision by i-elying on theii- own stout
arras and bold hearts. There wei'e scarce any troops
in the city besides the burghal guard. Orange told
them plainly that three months must pass over
them before it would be possible by any efforts of
their friends outside to raise the siege ; and he
entreated them to bear in mind the vast conse-
quences that must flow from the struggle on which
they were entering, and that, according as they
should bear themselves in it with a craven heart or
with an heroic spu'it, so would they transmit to
their descendants the vile estate of slavery or the
glorious heritage of liberty.
The defence of the to'wn was entrusted to Jean
van der Does, Lord of Nordwyck. Of noble birth
and poetic genius. Does was also a brave soldier, and
an illustrious pati-iot. He breathed his own heroic
spirit into the citizens. The women as well as men
worked day and night upon the walls, to strengthen
them against the Spanish guns. They took stock
of the provisions in the city, and aiTanged a plan
for their economical distribution. They passed from
one to another the terrible words, " Zutphen,"
" Naarden," names suggestive of hori'ors not to
be mentioned, but which had so bui-ned into the
Dutch the detestation of the Spaniards, that they
wei'e resolved to die rather than surrender to an
enemy whose instincts were those of tigers or
fiends.
It was at this moment, when the struggle around
Leyden was about to begin, that Philip attempted
to filch by a stratagem the victory which he found
it so hard to van by the sword. Don Luis de
Requesens now published at Brussels, in the king's
name, a general pai'don to the Netherlandei-s, on
condition that they went to mass and received abso-
lution from a priest. ' Almost aU the clergy and
many of the leading citizens were excepted from
this indemnity. "Pardon!" exclaimed the indig-
nant Hollanders when they read the king's letter
of grace ; " before we can receive pardon we must
first have committed oflence. We have suffered
the wrong, not done it ; and now the wrongdoer
comes, not to sue for, but to bestow forgiveness !
How grateful ought we to be !" As regarded
going to mass, Philip could not but know that this
was the essence of the whole quarrel, and to ask
them to submit on thLs point was simply to ask
them to surrender to him the victory. Then- own
reiterated vows, the thousands of their bretlu-en
martyred, their own consciences — all forbade.
They would sooner go to the halter. There was
now scarcely a native Hollander who was a Papist ;
and speaking in their name, the Prince of Orange
declared, " As long as there is a living man loft in
the country, we will contend for our liberty and our
religion."- The king's pardon had fiiUed to open
the gates of Leyden, and its siege now went
forward.
1 Brandt, vol. i., p. 310.
- Archives ih la Maison d'Orange, v. '27—apud Motley,
vol. ii., p. 122.
THE DYKES CUT.
107
CHAPTER XXI.
THE SIEGE OF L E Y D E N ,
Lcyden — Provisions Fail— William's Sickness — His Plan of Letting in the Sea — The Dykes Cut— The Waters do not
Kise— The Flotilla cannot be Floated — Dismay in Leyden— Terrors of the Famine — PestUence — Deaths — Unabated
Kesolution of the Citizens— A Mighty Fiat goes forth — The Wind Shifts— The Ocean Overflows the Dykes— The
Flotilla Approaches— Fights on the Dykes— The Fort Lammen— Stops the Flotilla — Midnight Noise— Fort
Lammcn Abandoned — Leyden Relieved — Public Solemn Thanksgiving — Another Prodigy — The Sea Eolled Back.
For two months the citizens manned tbeii' walls,
and with stern courage kept at bay the beleaguering
host, now rLsen from 10,000 to three times that
number. At the end of this period pro'i'i.sions failed
them. For some days the besieged subsisted on
uudtcake, and when that was consumed they had
recourse to the flesh of dogs and horses. Numbers
died of staiwation, and others sickened and perished
through the iinnatm'al food on which the famine
had thrown them. Meanwhile a greater calamity
even than would have been the loss of Leyden
seemed about to overtake them.
Struck down by fever, the residt of ceaseless toil
and the most exhausting anxiety, William of
Orange lay apparently at the point of death. The
illness of the prince was carefully concealed, lest the
citizens of Leyden should give themselves up alto-
gether t despaix'. Before lying down, the prince
had aiTangcd the only plan by which, as it appeared
to him, it was possible to drive out the Spaniards
and raise the siege ; and in spite of his illness he
issued from his sick-bed continual orders respecting
the execution of that project. No force at his dis-
l)Osal was sufficient to enable him to break through
the Spanish lines, and throw provisions into the
starving city, in which tlic suflertng and misery had
now risen to an extreme pitch. In this desjDerate
strait he thought of having recourse to a more
terrible weapon than cannon or armies. He would
summon the ocean against the Spaniards. He
would cut the dykes and sink the country beneath
the sea. The loss would be tremendous ; many a
rich meadow, many a fruitful orchard, and many a
lovely villa would be drowned beneath the waves ;
Imt the loss, though great, would be recoverable :
the waves would again restore what they had
swallowed up ; whereas, should tlic country be over-
whelmed by the power of Spain, never again would
it be restored : the loss would be eternal. What
the genius and patriotism of William had dared,
his eloquence pi-evailed upon the States to adopt.
Putting their spades into the gi-eat dyke that
shielded thcii' land, they said, " Better a drowned
country than a lost country." Besides the outer
and taller rampart, within which the Hollanders
had sought safety from theii' enemy the sea, there
rose concentric lines of inner and lower dykes, all of
which had to be cut through before the waves could
flow over the country. The work was executed
with equal alacrity and perseverance, but not ynth
the desired result. A passage had been dug for the
waters, but that ocean which had appeared but too
ready to ovenvhelm its baniers when the inhabi-
tants sought to keep it out, seemed now un^\illing
to overflow then- country, as if it were in league
mth the tyrant from whose fui-y the Dutch besought
it to cover them. Strong north-easterly ^vinds,
prevailing that year longer than usual, beat back
the tides, and lowering the level of the German Sea,
prevented the ingress of the waters. The flood lay
only a few inches in depth on the face of Hol-
land ; and unless it should rise much higher,
William's plan for relieving Leyden would, after all,
prove abortive. At great labour and expense he
had constructed a flotilla of 200 flat-bottomed vessels
at Rotterdam and Delft ; these he had mounted
■with guns, and manned with 800 Zealanders, and
stored with provisions to be thrown into the famine-
stricken city, so soon as the depth of water, now
slowly lising over meadow and corn-field, should
enable his ships to reach its gates. But the
flotilla lay immovable. The expedition was
committed to Admiral Boisot; the crews were
selected from the fleet of Zealand, picked veterans,
with faces hacked and scarred with wounds which
they had received in their former battles with the
Spaniards ; and to add to their ferocious looks they
wore the Crescent in their caps, with the motto,
"Turks rather than Spaniards." Ships, soldiera,
and ^ictuals— all had William provided ; but unless
the ocean should co-operate all had been provided
in vain.
Somctliing like panic seized on the besiegers
when they beheld this new and tenible power
advancing to assail them. Danger and death
in every conceivable form they had been used
108
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
to meet, but they never dreamt of liaving to
coirtront tlie ocean. Against such an enemy what
could their or any liumaii power avail 1 But when
they saw that the rise of the waters was stayed,
their alarm subsided, and they began to jeer and
mock at the stratagem of the prince, which was
meant to be grand, but had proved contemptible.
He had summoned the ocean to his aid, but the
ocean would not come. In the city of Leyden de-
spondency had taken the place of elation. When
informed of the expedient of the prince for their
deliverance they had rang their bells foi' very joy ;
biit when they saw the ships, laden with that bread
for lack of which some six or eight thousand of
their number had already died, after entering the
gaps in the outer dyke, arrested in their jorogress to
their gates, hope again forsook them. Daily they
climbed the steeples and towers, and scanned with
anxious eyes the expanse around, if haply the ocean
was coming to their aid. Day after day they had
to descend with the same depressing rejsort ; the
wind was still adverse ; the waters refused to rise,
and the ships could not float. The starvation and
misery of Leyden was greater even than that which
Haarlem had endured. For seven weeks there had
not been a morsel of bread within the city. The
^'ilest substitutes were greedily devoui'ed; and even
these were now almost exhausted. To complete
then- suffering, pestilence was added to famine.
Already reduced to skeletons, hundreds had no
strength to withstand this new attack. Men and
women every hour dropped dead on the streets.
Whole families were found to be corpses when the
doors of their houses were forced open in the morn-
ing, and the survivors had hardly enough strength
left to bury them. The dead were carried to their
graves by those who to-morrow would need the
same office at the hands of others. Amid the awful
reiteration of these dismal scenes, one passion still
survived — resistance to the Spaniards. Some few
there were, utterly broken down under this accumu-
lation of sorrows, who did indeed whisper the word
"sun-ender," deeming that even Spanish soldiei-s
could inflict nothing more terrible than they were
already enduring. But these proposals were in-
stantly and indignantly silenced by the great body
of the citizens, to whom neither famine, nor
pestilence, nor death appeared so dreadful as the
entrance of the Spaniards. The citizens anew ex-
changed vows of fidelity with one another and with
the magistrates, and anew ratified their oatli.s to
that Power for whose truth they were in arms.
Abandoned outside its walls, as it seemed, by all :
pressed within by a host of tenible evils : succour
neither in heaven nor on the earth, Leyden never-
theless would hold fast its religion and its liberty,
and if it must perish, it would perish free. It was
the victory of a sublime faith over despair.
At last heaven heard the cry of the suti'ering city,
and issued its liat to the ocean. On the 1st of
October, the equinoctial gales, so long delayed, gave
signs of their immediate approach. On that night a
strong wind sjjrung up from the north-west, and the
waters of the rivers were forced back into theii-
channels. After blowing for some hom-s from
that quarter, the gale shifted into the south-west
with increased fury. The strength of the winds
heaped up the waters of the German Ocean upon
the coast of Holland ; the deep lifted up itself ; its
dark flood driven before the tempest's breath with
mighty roar, like shout of giant loosed from his
fetters and rushing to assail the foe, came surging
onwards, and poured its tumultuous billows O'ver
the broken dykes. At micbiight on the 2nd of
October the flotilla of Boisot was afloat, and under
weigh for Leyden, on whose walls crowds of gaunt,
famished, almost exanimate men waited its coming.
At every short distance the course of the ships was
disputed by some half-submerged Spanish fort, whose
occupants were not so much awed by the terrors of
the deep which had risen to overwhelm them as to
be unable to offer battle. But it was in vain.
Boisot's fierce Zealanders were eager to grapple with
the hated Spaniards ; the blaze of cannon lighted up
the darkness of that awful night, and the booming
of artillery, rising above the voice of the tempest,
told the citizens of Leyden that the patriot fleet was
on its way to their rescue. These naval engage-
ments, on what but a few days before had been
cornland or woodland, but was now ocean — a waste
of water blackened by the scowl of tempest and the
darkness of night — formed a novel as well as awful
sight. The Spaniards fought with a desperate
Ijravery, but everywhere without success. The
Zealanders leaped from their flat-bottomed vessels
and pursued them along the dykes, they fired on
them from their boats, or, seizing them with hooks
fixed to the ends of long poles, dragged them down
from the causeway, and put them to the sword.
Those who escaped the daggers and harpoons of the
Zealanders, were drowned in the sea, or stuck fast
in the mud till ovei-taken and dispatched. In that
flight some 1,.500 Spaniards perished.
Boisot's fleet had now advanced within two miles
of the walls of Leyden, but here, at about a mile's
distance from the gates, rose the strongest of all the
Spanish forts, called Lammen, blocking up the way,
and threatening to render all that had been gained
without avail. Tlie admiral reconnoitred it; it
stood liigh above the water; it was of gi-eat
LEYDEN DELIVERED.
109
strength and full of soldiers ; and lie liesitated
attacking it. The citizens from the walls saw his
fleet behind the fort, and understood the difficulty
tliat prevented the admii-al's nearer approach. They
had been almost delii'ious with joy at the prospect
of immediate relief Was the cup after all to be
dashed from their lips ? It was arranged by means
of a carrier-pigeon that a combined assault shouhl
take place upon the fort of Lammcn at dawn, the
large portion of the city walls of Leyden had fallen
over-night, and hence the noise that had caused such
alarm. The Spaniards, had they known, might
have entered the city at the last hour and massacred
the inhabitants ; instead of this, they wei-e seized
with panic, believing these terrible sounds to be
those of the enemy rushing to attack them, and so,
kindling their torches and lanterns, they fled when
no man pursued. Instead of the cannonade which
citizens assailing it on one side, and the flotilla
bombarding it on tlie other. Night again fell, and
seldom has blacker night descended on more tragic
scene, or the gloom of nature been more in unison
with the anxiety and distress of man. At midnight
a terrible crash was heard. What that ominous
sound, so awful in the stillness of the night, could
be, no one could conjecture. A little after came a
strange apparition, equally inexplicable. A line of
lights was seen to issue from Lammen and move
over the face of the deep. The darkness gave ten-or
and mystery to eveiy occurrence. All waited for
the coming of day to exjilain the.se appearances.
At last the dawn broke ; it was now seen that a
114
was this morning to be opened against the formid-
able Lammen, the fleet of Boisot sailed under the
silent guns of the now evacuated fort, and entered
the city gates. On the morning of the 3rd of
October, Leyden was relieved.
The citizens felt that their first duty was to ofl'er
thanks to that Power to whom exclusively they
owed their deliverance. Despite their own heroism
and Boisot's valour they would have fallen, had
not God, by a mighty ^\-ind, brought up the ocean
and o\erwhelmed their foes. A touching i)rocession
of haggard but heroic forms, headed by Admiral
Boisot and the magistrates, and followed b^y the
Zealanders and sailora, walked to the great church,
no
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and there united in solemn prayer. A hjniin of
thanksgi\'ing was next raised, but of the multitude
of voices by which its fii-st notes were pealed forth,
few were able to continue singing to the close.
Tears choked theii* voices, and sobs were mingled
with the music. Tlioughts of the a-\vful scenes
through which they had passed, and of the many
who had shared the conflict with them, but had not
lived to join in the hymn of victory, rushed with
overmastering force into their minds, and compelled
them to mingle tears with their 2'raises.
A letter was instantly dispatched to the Prince
of Orange with the great news. He received it
while he was at wor.ship in one of the churches of
Delft, and instantly handed it to the minister,
to be read from the pulpit after sermon. That
moment recompensed him for the toil and losses of
years ; and his joy was heightened by the fact that
a nation rejoiced with him. Soon thereafter, the
States as.sembled, and a day of public thank.sgiving
was appointed.
This series of wonders was to be fittinglj- closed
by yet another prodigy. The fair land of Holland
lay drowned at the bottom of the sea. Tlie whole
vast plain from Rotterdam to Leyden was under
water. What time, what labour and expense
would it require to recover the country, and restore
the fertilitj- and beauty which had been so sorely
marred ! The very next day, the 4th of October,
the wind shifted into the north-east, and blowing
with great violence, the watei-s rapidly assuaged,
and in a few days the land was bare again. He
who had broiight up the ocean upon Holland with
his mighty hand rolled it back.
CHAPTER XXII.
MAUCII OF THE SPANISH ARMY THROUGH THE SEA SACK OF ANTWERP.
The D.arkest Hour Passed— A University Founded in Leyden— Its Subsequent Eminence — Mediation— Pliilip
Demands the Absohite Dominancy of the Popish Worsliip-The Peace Negotiations Broken off— The Islands of
Zealand— The Spaniards March through the Sea— The Islands Occupied— Tlie Hopes that Philip builds on this—
These Hopes Dashed— Death of Governor Requesens— Mutiny of Spanish Troops— They Seize on Alost— Pillage
the Country around— The Spanish Army Join the Mutiny— Antwerp Sacked— Terrors of the Sack— Massacre,
Eape, Burning— The "Antwerp Fury"- Ketribution.
The night of this great conflict was far from being
at an end, but its darkest hour had now passed.
With the clieck received by the Spanish Power
before the walls of Leyden, the first streak of dawn
may be said to have broken ; but cloud and tem-
pest long obscured the rising of Holland's day.
The country owed a debt of gi-atitude to that
heroic little city which had immolated itself on
the altar of the nation's religion and liberty, and
before resuming the great contest, Holland must
first mark in some signal way its sense of the
service wliich Leyden had rendered it. The dis-
tinction awarded Leyden gave happy aiigury of the
brilliant destinies awaiting that land in yeai^s to
come. It was resolved to found a university within
its walls. Immediate effect was given to this reso-
lution. Though the Spaniard was still in the land,
and the strain of ai-mies and battles was ujion
William, a gi-and procession was organised on the
5th of Febniaiy, 1.575, at which symbolic figures,
drawn through the streets in triumphal cars, were
employed to represent the Divine fonu of Chris-
tianity, followed by the fair train of the arts and
sciences. The seminary thus inaugurated ^^■as
richly endowed ; men of the greatest learning were
sought for to fill its chairs, their fame attracted
crowds of students from many countries ; and its
printing presses began to send forth works which
have instructed the men of two centuries. Thus
had Leyden come up from the " sea's devouring
depths " to be one of the lights of the world.'
There came now a bi-ief pause in the conflict.
The Emperor INIaximilian, the mutual friend of
Philip of Spain and William of Orange, deemed the
moment opportune for mediating between the
parties, and on the 3rd of March, 1575, a congress
assembled at Breda with the view of devising a basis
of peace. The prince gave his consent that the
congress should meet, although he had not the
slightest hope of fruit from its labours. On one con-
dition alone could peace be established in Holland,
and that condition, he knew, was one which Philip
1 Brandt, vol. i., pp. 312, 313.
THE MARCH OF THE SPANIARDS THROUGH THE SEA.
Ill
would never grant, and wliich the States could
never cease to demand — namely, the free and open
profession of the Reformed religion. When the com-
missioners met it was seen that William had judged
rightly in believing the religious difficulty to be
insurmountable. Philip would agree to no peace
unless the Roman Catholic religion were installed
in sole and absolute dominancy, leaving professors
of the Protestant faith to convert their estates and
goods into money, and quit the country. In that
case, replied the Protestants, duly grateful for the
wonderful concessions of the Catholic king, there
will hardly remain in Holland, after all the heretics
shall have left it, enough men to keep the dykes
in repair, and the country had better be given back
to the ocean at once. The conference broke up
without accomplishing anything, and the States,
with William at theii' head, prepared to resume the
contest, in tlie hope of conquering by theii- own
jierseverance and heroism what they desimired ever
to obtain from the justice of Philip.
The war was renewed with increased exasperation
on both sides. The opening of the campaign was
signalised by the capture of a few small Dutch
towns, followed by the usual horrors that attended
the triumph of the Spanish arms. But Governor
Requesens soon ceased to push his conquests in
that direction, and turned his whole attention to
Zealand, where Philip was exceedingly desirous of
acquiring harbours, in order to the reception of a
fleet which he was buUding in Spain. This led to
the most brilliant of all the feats accomplished by
the Spaniards in the war.
In the sea that washes the north-east of Zealand
are situated three large islands — Tolen, Duyveland,
and Schowen. Tolen, which lies nearest the main-
land, was already in the hands of the Spaniards;
and Requesens, on that account, was all the more
desirous to gain possession of the other two. He
had constructed a flotilla of flat-bottomed boats,
and these would soon have made him master of the
coveted islands ; but he dared not launch them on
these waters, seeing the estuaries of Zealand were
swept by tliose patriot buccaneers whose bravery
suffered no rivals on their own element. Reque-
sens, in his gi-eat strait, bethouglit him of another
expedient, but of sucli a nature tliat it miglit
well seem madness to attempt it. The island of
Duyveland was separated from Tolen, the foothold
of the Sjianiards, by a strait of about five miles in
width ; and Requesens learned from some traitor
Zcalanders that there ran a naiTOW flat of sand
from shore to shore, on which at ebb-tide there wiis
not more than a depth of fi-om four to five feet of
water. It was possible, therefore, though certainly
extremely hazardous, to traverse this submarine
ford. The governor, however, determined that his
soldiers should attempt it. He assigned to 3,000
picked men the danger and the glory of the enter-
prise. At midnight, the 27th September, 1575, the
host descended into the deep, Requesens himself
witnessing its departure from the shore, " and witli
him a pi-iest, praying for these poor souls to the
Prince of the celestial militia, Christ Jesus."' A
few guides well acquainted with the ford led the
way ; Don Osorio d'Ulloa, a commander of dis-
tinguished courage, followed ; after him came a
regiment of Spaniards, then a body of Germans,
and lastly a troop of Walloons, followed by 200
sappers and miners. The night was dark, with
sheet-lightning, which bursting out at frequent
intervals, shed a lurid gleam upon the face of the
black waters. At times a moon, now in her fourth
quarter, looked forth between the clouds upon
this novel midnight march. The soldiers walked
two and two ; the water at times reached to their
necks, and they liad to hold their muskets above
their head to prevent their being rendered use-
less. The path was so narrow that a single
step aside was fatal, and many sank to rise no
more. Nor were the darkness and the treacherous
waves the only dangers that beset them. The
Zealand fleet hovered near, and when its crews
discerned by the pale light of the moon and the
fitful lightning that the Spaniards were crossing
the firth in this mest extraordinary fashion, they
drew theu- ships as close to the ford as the shallows
would permit, and opened their guns upon them.
Their fiji-e did little harm, for the darkness made
the aim tmcertain. Not so, however, the harpoons
and long hooks of the Zealanders ; their throw
caught, and numbers of the Spaniards were dragged
down into the sea. Nevei'tlieless, they pursued
their dreadful path, now struggling with the waves,
now fighting with their assailants, and at last, after
a marcli of six hours, they approached the opposite
shore, and ^vitll ranks greatly thinned, emerged
from the deep.-
Wearied by theii- fight with the sea and witli
the enemy, the landing of the Spaniards miglit
have been withstood, but accident oi- treachery
gave them possession of the island. At the moment
that they stepped upon the shore, the commander
of the Zealanders, Charles van Boisot, fell bv a
shot — whether from one of his owi men, or from
the enemy, cannot now be determined. The in-
cident caused a panic among the patriots. The
• Strada, bk. viii., p. 11.
- Bor, lib, viii., pp. Gi8— 050. Strada, bk. viii., pp. 11,12.
112
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
strangeness of the enemy's advance — for it seemed
iis if the sea had miraculously opened to aflbrd
them passage — helped to increase the consternation.
The Zealanders fled in all directions, and the in-
vading force soon found themselves in possession of
Duyveland.
So far this most extraordinary and daring at-
tempt had been successful, but the enterprise could
not be regarded as completed till the island of
Schowen, tlie outermost of the three, had also been
occupied. It was divided from Duyveland by a
narrow strait of only a league's width. Emboldened
by their success, the Spaniards plunged a second
time into the sea, and waded through the iii'th, the
defenders of the island fleeing at theii- approach,
as at that of men who had conquered the very
elements, and ^yii\l whom, tlierefore, it was madness
to contend. The Spanish commander immediately
set about the reduction of all the forts and cities on
the i.sland, and in this he was successful, though
the work occupied the whole Spanish army not
less than nine months.' Now fully master of
these three islands (-June, 1576), though their ac-
quisition had cost an immense expenditure of both
money and lives, Requesens hoped that he had
not only cut the communication between Holland
and Zealand, but that he had secured a rendezvous
for the fleet which he expected from Spain, and
that it only remained that he should here fix the
head-quarters of his power, and assemble a mighty
naval force, in order from this point to extend his
conquests on every side, and reconquer Holland and
the other Provinces which had revolted from the
sceptre of Philip and the faith of Rome. He
seemed indeed in a fair way of accomplishing all
this ; the sea itself had parted to give him a fulci-um
on which to rest the lever of this great expedition,
but an incident now fell out which upset his calcu-
lations and dashed all his fondest hopes. Holland
was never again to own the sceptre of PhUip.
Vitelli, Marquis of Cetona, who was without con-
troversy the ablest general at that time in the
Netherlands, now died. His death was followed in
a few days by that of Governor Requesens. These
two losses to Philip were quickly succeeded by a
third, and in some respects gi-eater, a foi'midable
mutiny of the troops. The men who had jier-
formed all the valorous deeds we have recited, had
received no pay. PhOip had exhausted his treasury
in the war he was carrying on with the Turk, and
had not a single guelden to send them. The soldiers
had been disappointed, moreover, in the booty they
expected to reap from the conquered to\n)is of
' Strada, bk. viii., pp. 13, 14,
Schowen. These labourers were surely worthy of
their hii'e. What dark deed had they ever refused
to do, or what enemy had they ever refused to
face, at the bidding of their master I They had
scaled walls, and laid fertile provinces waste, for
the pleasure of Philip and the glory of Spain, and
now they were denied their wages. Seeing no help
but in becoming their own paymasters, they flew
to arms, deposed theii' officers, elected a com-
mander-in-chief from among themselves, and taking
an oath of mutual fidelity over the Sacrament,
they passed over to the mainland, and seizing on
Alost, in Flanders, made it their head-quarters,
intending to sally forth in plundering excursions
upon the neighbouring to'svns. Thus all the labour
and blood with which their recent conquests had
been won were thrown awr.y, and the hojies which
the King of Spain had built upon them were frus-
trated at the very moment when he thought they
were about to be realised.
As men contemplate the passage of a dark cloud
charged with thunder and destruction through the
sky, so did the cities of Brabant and Flanders watch
the march of this mutinous host. They knew it
held pillage and murder and rape in its bosom, but
their worst fears failed to anticipate the awful
vengeance it was destined to inflict. The negotia-
toi-s sent to recall the troops to obedience reminded
them that they were tai'nishing the fame acquired
by years of heroism. Wliat cared these mutineers
for glory ? They wanted shoes, clothes, food, money.
They held their way j)ast the gates of Mechlm,
past the gates of Biiissels, and of other cities ; but
swarming over the walls of Alost, while the
inhabitants slept, they had now planted themselves
in the centre of a rich country, where they promised
themselves store of booty. No sooner had they
hung out their flag on the walls of Alost than the
troops stationed in other parts of the Netherlands
caught the iiofection. By the beginning of Septem-
ber the mutiny was universal ; the whole Spanish
army in the Netherlands were united in it, and all
the forts and citadels being in their hands, they
completely dominated the land, plundered the citizens,
pillaged the country, and murdered at their pleasure.
The State Council, into whose hands the government
of the Netherlands had fallen on the sudden death
of Requesens, were powerless, the mutineers holding
them prisoners in Brussels ; and though the Coimcil
prevailed on Philip to issue an edict against his
revolted army, denouncing them as rebels, and
cmpowermg any one to slay this rebellious host,
cither singly or in whole, the soldiers paid as little
respect to the edict of theii" king as to the ex-
hortations of the Council. Thus the instrument
THE "AJSTTWERP FURY."
113
of oppression recoiled upon the hands that were
\vielding it.
War now broke owt between the Flemings and
the army. The State Council raised bands of
militia to awe the proscribed and lawless troops,
and bloody skirmishes were of daily occurrence be-
tween them. The carnage was all on one side, for
the disciplined veterans routed at little cost the
peasants and artisans who had been so suddenly
transformed into soldiers, slaughtering them in
thousands. The rich cities, on which they now
east greedy eyes, began to feel their vengeance, but
the awful calamity which overtook Antwerp has
efl'aced the memory of the woes which at their
hands befel some of the other cities.
Antwerp, since the beginning of the troubles of
the Netherlands, had had its own share of calamity;
its cathedral and religious houses had been sacked
by the image-breakers, and its warehouses and
mansions had been partially pillaged by mutinous
troops ; but its vast commerce enabled it speedily to
surmount all these losses, and return to its foimer
flourishing condition. Antwerp was once more the
richest city in the world. The ships of all nations
unloaded in its harbour, and the treasures of all
climes were gathered into its warehouses. Its
streets were spacious and magnificent; its shops
were stored with silver and gold and precious stones,
and the palaces of its wealthy merchants were filled
with luxui'ious and costly furniture, and embellished .
with precious ornaments, beautiful pictures, and
tine statues. This nest of riches was not likely to
escape the greedy eyes and rapacious hands of the
mutineers.
Immediately outside the walls of Antwerp was
tlio citadel, with its garrison. The troops joined
the mutiny, and from that hour Antwerp was
doomed. The citizens, having a presentiment of the
ruin that hung above their heads, took some very
inefl'ectual measures to secure themselves and their
city against it, which only ch-ew it the sooner \ipon
them. The mutineers in the citadel were joined by
the I'ebellious troops from Alost, about 3,000 in
number, who were so eager to begin the plundeiing
that they refused even to refresh themselves after
their march before throwing themselves upon the
ill-fated city. It was Sunday, the 4th of November,
and an hour before noon the portals of Alva's citadel
were opened, and 6,000 men-at-ai-ms rushed forth.
They swept along the esplanade leading to the city.
They crashed through the feeble barrier which the
burghers had reai'ed to protect them from the ap-
prehended assault. They chased before them the
Walloons and the militia, who had come out to with-
stand them, as the furious tempest drives the cloud
before it. In another minute they were over the
walls into the city. From every street and lane
poured forth the citizens to defend their homes; but
though they fought with extraordinary courage it was
all u\ vain. The battle swept along tlie streets, the
Spanish hordes bearing down all before them, and
follo\ving close on the rear of the vanquished, till
they reached the magnificent Place de Mere, where
stood the world-reno%vned Exchange, in which 7,000
merchants were wont daily to a.ssemble. Here an
obstinate combat ensued. The citizens fought on
the street, or, retreating to their houses, fired
from their windows on the Spaniards. The carnage
was gi'eat ; heaps of corpses covered the pavement,
and the kennels ran with blood ; but courage availed
little against regular discipline, and the citizens were
broken a second time. The battle was renewed
with equal obstinacy in the Grand Place. Here
stood the Guildhall, accounted the most magnificent
in the world. Torches were brought and it was set
fire to and burned to the gi-ound. The flames
caught the surrounding buildings, and soon a
thousand houses, the finest in the city, were
ablaze, their conflagration lighting up the pin-
nacles and the unrivalled spire of the neighbourinn-
cathedral, and throwing its ruddy gleam on the
combatants who were struggling in the area below.
The battle had now spread over all the city. In
eveiy street men were fighting and blood was
flowing. Many rushed to the gates and sought to
escape, but they found them locked, and were thrown
back upon the sword and tii-e. The battle was
going against the citizens, but their rage and hatred
of the Spaniards made them continue the fight.
Goswyn Verreyck, the margrave of the city, com-
bated the foe with the burgomaster lying dead at
his feet, and at last he himself fell, adding his corpse
to a heap of slain, composed of citizens, soldiers, 'and
magistrates. While the fii-e was devouring hundreds
of noble mansions and millions of treasure, the
sword was busy cutting off the citizens. The
Spaniard made no distinction between friend and
foe, between Papist and Protestant, between jioor
and rich. Old men, women, and children ; the
father at the hearth, the bride at the altar, and the
priest in the sanctuary — the blood of all flooded
the streets of their city on that terrible day.
Darkness fell on this scene of horrors, and now
the barbarities of the day were succeeded by the
worse atrocities of the night. The fii-r;t object of
these men was plunder, and one would have thought
there was now enough within their reach to content
the most boundless avarice. Without digging into
the earth or crossing the sea, they could gather the
treasures of all regions, which a thousand ships had
114
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
carried thither, and stored up in that city of which
they were now masters. They rifled the shops, they
troke into tlie warehouses, they loaded themselves
■n-ith the money, the plate, the wardrobes, and the
jewels of private citizens; but their greed, like the
"rave, never said it was enough. They began to
search for hidden treasures, and they tortured their
supposed possessors to compel them to reveal what
often did not exist. These crimes were accompanied
by infamies of so foul and revolting a character, that
by their side murder itself grows pale. The narrators
of the "Antwerp Fury," as it has come to be styled,
have recorded many of these cruel and shameful
deeds, but we forbear to chronicle them. For three
days the work of murdering and plundering went
on, and when it had come to an end, how awful the
spectacle which that city, that three days before
had been the gayest and wealthiest upon earth,
presented ! Stacks of blackened ruins rising where
marble palaces had stood ; ya\vning hovels where
princely mansions had been ; whole streets laid in
ashes ; corpses, here gathered in heaps, there lying
about, hacked, mutilated, half-burned — some naked,
others still encased in armour ! Eight thousand
citizens, according to the most trustworthy accounts,
were slain. The value of the property consumed by
the fire was estimated at £-4,000,000, irre.spective of
the hundreds of magnificent edifices that were de-
stroyed. An equal amount was lost by the pillage,
not reckoning the merchandise and jewellery appro-
priated in addition by the Spaniards. Altogether
the loss to the mercantile capital of Brabant was
incalculable ; nor was it confined to the moment,
for Antwerp never recovered the prosperity it had
enjoyed before the bloody and plundering hand of
the Spaniard was laid upon it.^
But this awful calamity held in its bosom a great
moral. During fifty years the cry had been going
up to heaven from tens of thousands of scaflblds,
where the axe was shedding blood like water ; from
prisons, where numberless victims were writhing on
the rack ; from stakes, where the martyr was con-
suming amid the flames ; from graveyards, where
corpses were rotting above-gi-ound ; from trees and
door-posts and highway gibbets, where hiiman bodies
were dangling in the air ; from gi-aves which had
opened to receive living men and women ; from
sacked cities ; from violated matro"" ond maidens ;
from widows and orphans, reared in affluence but
now begging their bread ; from exiles wandering
de.solate in foreign lands — from ali these had the
cry gone up to the just Judge, and now here was
' Bor, ix. 728-732. Hoof t, xi. 460—465. Meteren, vi. 110.
Strada, viii. 21, 22. Brandt, i. 325. Motley, ii. 18.5—195.
the beginning of vengeance. The powerful cities of
the Netherlands, Antwerp among the rest, saw all
these outrages committed, and all these men and
women ckagged to prison, to the halter, to the stake,
but they " forbore to deliver," they " hid themselves
from their o^vll flesh." A callous indifl'erence on
the part of a nation to the wTongs and sufierings of
others is always associated with a blindness to its
own dangers, which is at once the consequence and
the retribution of its estranging itself from the
public cause of humanity and justice. Once and
again and a third time had the Southern Netherlands
manifested this blindness to the mighty perils that
menaced them on the side of Spain, and remained
deaf to the call of patriotism and religion. When
the standards of William first approached theii- fron-
tier, they were unable to see the door of escape from
the yoke of a foreign tyrant thus opened to them.
A tithe of the treasure and blood which were lost
in the " Antwerp Fury " would have carried the
banner of William in triumph from Valenciennes to
the extreme north of Zealand ; but the Flemings
cared not to think that the hour had come to
strike for liberty. A second time the Deliverer
approached them, but the ease-lo\-ing Netherlanders
understood not the offer now made to them of
redemption from the Spanish yoke. When Alva
and his soldiers — an incarnated ferocity and bigotry
— entered the Low Countries, they sat still : not
a finger did they lift to oppose the occupation.
When the cry of Naarden, and Zutphen, and
Haarlem was uttered, Antwerp was deaf. Wrapt
in luxury and ease, it had seen its martyrs
burned, the disciples of the Gospel driven away,
and it returned to that faith which it had been
on the point of abandoning, and which, by
retaining the soul in vassalage to Rome, per-
petuated the serfdom of the Spanish yoke ;
and yet Antwerp saw no immediate evil effects
follow. The .ships of all nations continued to
sail up its river and discharge their cargoes on
its wharves. Its wealth continued to increase, and
its palaces to gi-ow in splendour. The tempests
tliat smote so terribly the cities ai'ound it rolled
harmlessly past its gates. Antwerp believed that
it had chosen at once the easier and the better part ;
that it was vastly preferable to have the Romish
faith, with an enriching commerce and a luxurious
ease, than Protestantism with battles and loss of
goods ; till one day, all suddenly, when it deemed
calamity far away, a lilow, terrible as the bolt of
heaven, dealt it by the cham])ions of Romanism,
laid it in the dust, together with the commerce,
the wealth, and the splendour for the sake of which
it had parted with its Protestantism.
JE MAIMTIE
WILLIAM THE SILENT, misCE OF OUASGE. (From the Portrait in Joannis ileursii Ather,,^.)
116
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE " PACIFICATION OF GHENT," AND TOLERATION.
William of Orango more than King of Holland— The "Father of the Country"— Policy of the European Powers—
Elizabeth— France— Germany— Coldness of Lutheranism — Causes— Hatred of German Lutherans to Dutch
Calvinists — Instances— William's New Project— His Appeal to aU the Provinces to Unite against the Spaniards
—The "Pacification of Ghent"— Its Articles— Toleration— Services to Toleration of John Calvin and William
the Silent.
The gi'eat struggle which William, Prince of
Orauge, was maintaining on this foot-breadtli of
territory for the religion of Refox-med Christendom,
and the liberty of the Nethei-lands, had now reached
a well-defined stage. Holland and Zealand were
united under him as Stadtholder or virtual
monarch. The fiction was still maintained that
Philip, as Count of Holland, was the nominal
monarch of the Netherlands, but this was nothing
more than a fiction, and to Philip it must have
appeared a bitter satire ; for, according to this
fiction, Philip King of the Netherlands was making
war on Philip King of Spain. The real monarch
of the United Provinces of Holland and Zealand
was the Prince of Orange. In his hands was
lodged the whole administrative power of the
country, as also wellnigh the whole legislative
functions. He could make peace and he could
make war. He appointed to all oflices ; he disposed
of all afiairs ; and all the revenues of the kingdom
were paid to him for national uses, and especially
for the prosecution of the gi'eat struggle in which
he was engaged for the nation's independence.
These revenues, given spontaneously, were larger
by far than the sums which Alva by all his taxa-
tion and terror had been able to extort from the
Provinces. William, in fact, possessed more than
the powers of a king. The States had unbounded
trust in his wisdom, his patriotism, and his
uprightness, and they committed all into his hands.
They saw in him a sublime example of devotion to
his country, and of abnegation of all ambitions,
save the one ambition of maintaining the Pro-
testant religion and tlie freedom of Holland. They
knew that he sought neither title, nor power,
nor wealth, and that in him was perpetuated that
order of men to whicli Lutlier and Calvin belonged
— men not merely of prodigious talents, but what is
infinitely more rare, of heroic faith and magnani-
mous souls; and so "King of Holland" appeared
to them a weak title — they called him the " Father
of their Country."
The gi'eat Powers of Europe watched, with an
interest bordering on amazement, this gigantic
struggle maintained by a handful of men, on a
diminutive half-submerged territory, against the
greatest monarch of his day. The heroism of the
combat challenged theii- admiration, but its issues
awakened their jealousies, and even alarms. It
was no mere Dutch quarrel ; it was no question
touching only the amount of liberty and the kind
of religion that were to be established on this sand-
bank of the North Sea that was at issue ; the cause
was a world-wide one, and yet none of the Powers
interfered either to bring aid to that champion who
seemed ever on the point of being overborne, or to
expedite the victory on the powerful side on which
it seemed so sure to declare itself ; all stood aloof
and left these two most unequal combatants to
fight out the matter between them. There was, in
truth, the same play of rivalries around the little
Holland which there had been at a former era
aroxmd Geneva. This rivalry reduced the Pro-
testant Powers to inaction, and prevented theii"
assisting Holland, just as the Popish Powers had
been restrained from action in presence of Geneva.
In the case of the little city on the shores of the
Leman, Providence plainly meant that Protest-
antism should be seen to triumph in spite of the
hatred and opposition of the Popish kingdoms ;
and so again, in the case of the little country on
the shores of the North Sea, Providence meant
to teach men that Protestantism could triumph
independently of the aid and alliance of the Powers
friendly to it. The great ones of the earth stood
aloof, but WOliam, as he told his friends, had con-
tracted a firm alliance with a mighty Potentate,
with him who is King of kings ; and seeing this
invisible but omnipotent Ally, he endured in the
awful conflict till at last liis faith was crowned
with a glorious victory.
In England a crowd of statesmen, divines, and
private Christians followed the banners of the
Prince of Orange with theii' hopes and their
prayers. But nations then had found no channel
for the expression of their sympathies, other than
the inadequate one of the policy of their sove-
reign ; and Elizabeth, though secretly friendly to
LUTHERAN LUKEWARMNESS.
117
William and the cause of Dutch independence,
had to sliape hei" conduct so as to balance con-
flicting interests. Her throne was surrounded
with intrigues, and her person with perils. She
had to take account of the pretensions and par-
tisans of the Queen of Scots, of the displeasure of
Philip of Spain, and of the daggers of the Jesuits,
and these prevented her supporting the cause of
Protestantism in Holland with arms or, to any
adequate extent, with money. But if she durst not
accord it public patronage or protection, neither
could she ojienly declare against it; for in that
case France would have made a show of aiding
"William, and Elizabeth would have seen -with envy
the power of her neighbour and rival consider-
ably extended, and the influence of England, as
a Protestant State, proportionately curtailed and
weakened.
France was Roman Catholic and Protestant by
turns. At this moment the Protestant fit w;is upon
it : a peace had been made with the Huguenots
which promised them everything but secured them
nothing, and which was destined to reach the term
of its brief ciuTency within the year. The protean
Mcdici-Valois house that ruled that counti-y was
ready to enter any alliance, seeing it felt the
obligation to fidelity in none ; and the Duke
of Anjou, to spite both Philip and Elizabeth,
might have been willing to have taken the title of
King of the Netherlands, and by championing the
cause of Dutch Protestantism for an hour ruined
it for ever. This made France to William of
Orange, as well as to Elizabeth, an object of both
hope and fear ; but happily the fear predominating,
for the horror of the St. Bartholomew had not j^et
left the mind of William, he was on his guard
touching oSers of help from the Court of the
Louvre.
But what of Germany, with which the Prince of
Orange had so many and so close relationships, and
wliich lay so near the scene of the great conflict,
whose issues must so powerfully influence it for
good or for ill t Can Germany fail to sec that it is
its own cause that now stands at bay on the
extreme verge of the Fatherland, and that could
the voice of Liithcr speak from the tomb in the
Schloss-kirk of Wittemberg, it would summon the
German princes and knights around the banner of
William of Orange, as it formerly summoned them
to the standard of Frederick of Saxony t But
since Luther was laid in the gi'ave the gi'eat heart
of Gennany had waxed cold. Many of its princes
seemed to be Protestant for no other end but to be
able to increase their revenues by appropriations
from the lands m\d hoards of the Roman establish-
ment, and it was liardly to be- expected that
Protestants of this stamp would feel any lively
interest in the gi-eat struggle in Holland. But the
chief cause of the coldness of Germany was the
unhappy jealousy that divided the Lutherans from
the Reformed. That difl'erence had been widening
since the evil day of Marburg. Luther on that
occasion had been barely able to receive Zwingle
and his associates as brethren, and many of the
smaller men who succeeded Luther lacked even
that small measure of charity ; and in the times of
William of Orange to be a Calvinist was, in the
eyes of many Lutherans, to be a lieretic. AVhen
the death of Edward VI. compelled the celebrated
John Alasco, with his congregation, to leave
England and seek asylum in Denmark, West-
phalus, a Lutheran divine, styled the wandering
congregation of Alasco " the martyrs of the
devil;" whilst another Lutheran, Bugenhagius,
declared that " they ought not to be considered as
Christians ; " and they received intimation from
the king that he would " sooner suffer Papists than
them in his dominions ;" and they were compelled,
at a most inclement season, to embark for the
north of Germany, where the same persecutions
awaited them, the fondness for the dogma of con-
substantiation on the part of the Lutheran ministers
having almost stifled in their minds the love of
Protestantism.' But William of Orange was an
earnest Calvinist, and the opinions adopted by the
Church of Holland on the subject of the Sacra-
ment were the same with those received by the
Churches of Switzerland and of England, and hence
the coldness of Germany to the great battle for
Protestantism on its borders.
WUliam, therefore, seeing England irresolute,
France treacherous, and Germany cold, withdrew
his eyes from abroad, in seeking for allies and aids,
and fixed them nearer home. Might he not make
another attempt to consolidate the cause of Pro-
testant liberty in the Netherlands themselves'!
The oft-recuri-ing outbreaks of massacre and rapine
were deepening the detestation of the Spanish rule
in the minds of the Flemings, and now, if he should
try, he might find them ri])e for joining with their
brethren of Holland and Zealand in an effort to
throw off" the yoke of Philip. The chief difficulty,
he foresaw, in the way of such a confederacy was
the difference of religion. In Holland and Zealand
the Reformed faith wa.s now tlio established re-
ligion, whereas in the other fifteen Provinces the
Roman was the national faith. Popery had had a
marked revival of late in the Netherlands, the date
• Krasinski, Ulavonia, p. 213.
118
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
of this second growth being that of their submission
to Alva ; and now so attached were the great body
of the Flemings to the Church of Rome, that they
were resolved " to die rather than renounce their
faith." This made the patriotic project which
William now contemplated the more difficult, and
the negotiation in favour of it a matter of great
delicacy, but it did not discoiu-age him from
attempting it. The Flemish Papist, not less than
the Dutch Calvinist, felt the smart of the Spanish
steel, and might be roused to vindicate the honour
of a common country, and to expel the massacring
hordes of a common tyrant. It was now when
Eequesens was dead, and the government was for
the time in the hands of the State Council, and the
fresh atrocities of the Spanish soldiers gave added
weight to his energetic words, that he wrote to the
people of the Netherlands to the effect that " now
was the time when they might deliver themselves
for ever from the tyranny of Spain. By the good
pro^'idence of God, the government had fallen into
theii' own hands. It ought to be their unalterable
resolve to hold fiist the power which they possessed,
and to employ it in delivering their fellow-citizens
from that intolerable load of misery under which
they had so long gi-oaned. The measure of the
calamities of the people, and of the iniquity of the
Spaniards, was now full. There was nothing worse
to be dreaded than what they had akeady suffered,
and nothing to deter them from resolving either to
expel their rapacious tyrants, or to perish in the
glorious attempt."' To stimulate them to the effort
to which he called them, he pointed to what Holland
and Zealand single-handed had done ; and if " this
handful of cities " had accomplished so much, what
might not the combined strength of all the Pro-
vinces, with their powerful cities, achieve ?
This appeal fell not to the ground. In November,
1576, a congress composed of deputies from all the
States assembled at Ghent, which re-echoed the
patriotic sentiments of the prince ; the deliberations
of its members, quickened and expedited by the
Antwerp Fury, which happened at the veiy time
the congi-ess was sitting, ended in a treaty termed
the "Pacification of Ghent." This "Pacification"
was a monument of the diplomatic genius, as well
as patriotism, of William the Silent. In it the
prince and the States of Holland and Zealand on
the one side, and the fifteen Provinces of the
Netherlands on the other, agreed to bury all past
differences, and to unite their arms in order to
effect the expulsion of the Spanish soldiers from
' Watson, Philip II., toI. ii., p. 180. See also Letter to
States of Brabant, in Bor, lib. ix., p. 685.
their country. Their soil cleared of foreign troops,
they were to call a meeting of the States-General on
the plan of that gi-eat assembly wliich had accepted
the abdication of Charles V. By the States-
General all the affair's of the Confederated Provinces
were to be finally regulated, but till it should meet
it was agi-eed that the Inquisition should be for
ever abolished ; that the edicts of Philip touching
heresy and the tumults should be suspended ; that
the ancient forms of government should be revived ;
that the Reformed faith should be the i-eligion of
the two States of Holland and Zealand, but that no
Romanist should be oppressed on account of his
opinion ; while in the other fifteen Provinces the
religion then professed, that is the Roman, was
to be the established worship, but no Protestant
was to sufler for conscience sake. In short, the
basis of the treaty, as concerned religion, was
toleration.'
A great many events were crowded upon this
point of time. The Pacification of Ghent, which
united all the Provinces in resistance to Spain, the
Antwerp Fury, and the recovery of that portion
of Zealand which the Spaniards by their feats of
daring had wrested from William, all arri^■ed
contemporaneously to signalise this epoch of the
struggle.
This was another mile-stone on the road of the
Prince of Orange. In the Pacification of Ghent he
saw his past eflbrts beginning to bear fruit, and he
had a foretaste of durable and glorious triumphs to
be reaped hereafter. It was an hoiu- of exquisite
gladness in the midst of the soitow and toil of his
great conflict. The Netherlands, participating in
the prince's joy, hailed the treaty with a shout of
enthusiasm. It was read at the market-crosses of
all the cities, amid the ringing of bells and the
blazing of bonfires.
But the greatest gain in the Pacification of
Ghent, and the matter which the Protestant of the
present day will be best pleased to contemplate, is
the advance it notifies in the march of toleration.
Freedom of conscience was the basis on which this
Pacification, which foreshadowed the future Dutch
Republic, was formed. Cah-in, twenty years be-
fore, had laid down the maxim that no one is to
be disturbed for his religious opinions unless they
are expressed in words or acts that are inimical to
the State, or prejudicial to social order. William
of Orange, in laying the first foundations of the
Batavian Republic, placed them on the principle of
= Bor, lib. ix. , pp. 738—741 . Brandt, vol. i., pp. 327, 328.
Sir William Temple, United Provinces of the Netherlands,
p. 33; Edin., 1747. Watson, Philip II., vol. ii., pp. 193—195.
FNEQUAL YOKEFELLOWS.
119
toleration, as his master Calvin liad defined it. To
these two great men — John Calvin and William the
Silent — we owe, above most, this great advance on
the road of progress and human freedom. The first
liad defined and inculcated the principle in his
•wi-itmgs ; the second had embodied and given
practical eflect to it in the new State which his
genius and patriotism had called into existence.
CHAPTER XXIV.
ADMINISTRATION OF DON JOH^•, AND FIRST SYNOD OF DORT.
Little and Great Countries— Their respective Services to Eeligion and Liberty— Tlie Pacification of Ghent brings
with it an Element of Weakness— Divided Counsels and Aims — Union of Utrecht— The new Governor Don John of
Austria— Asked to Eatify the Pacification of Ghent— Refuses— At last Consents— " The Perpetual Edict"—
Perfidy meditated — A Martyr— Don John Seizes the Castle of Namur — Intercepted Letters — William made
Governor of Brabant — His Triumplial Progress to Brussels— Splendid Opportunity of achieving Independence—
Eomau Catholicism a Dissolvent — Prince Mattliias — His Character— Defeat of the Army of the Netherlands —
Bull of the Pope — Amsterdam — Joins the Protestant Side — Civic Revolution — Progress of Protestantism in
Antwerp, Ghent, &c. — First National Synod — Their Sentiments on Toleration — " Peace of Eeligion " — The
Provinces Disunite— A Great Opportunity Lost— Death of Don John.
The gi'eat battles of religion and liberty have, as a
rule, been fought not by the gi-eat, but by the
little countries of the world. History supplies us
witli many strikmg examples of this, both in
ancient and in modern times. The Pacification
of Ghent is one of these. It defined the territory
which was to be locked in deadly straggle -with
Spain, and greatly enlarged it. By the side of the
little Holland and Zealand it placed Brabant and
Flanders, with their populous towns and their
fertile fields. With this vast accession of strength
to the liberal side, one would have expected that
henceforth the combat would be waged with gi-eater
vigour, promptitude, and success. But it was not
so, for from this moment the battle began to
languish. William of Orange soon found that if
lie had widened the area, he had diminished the
power of the liberal cause. An element of weak-
ness had crept in along with the new ten'itories.
How this happened it is easy to explain. The
struggle on both sides was one for religion. Philip
had made ^■oid all the charters of ancient freedom,
and abolished all the privileges of the cities, that he
might bind down upon the neck of the Netherlands
the faith and worship of Rome. On tlie other
hand, William and the States that were of his
mind strove to revive these ancient charters, and
innnemorial privileges, that under their shield they
might enjoy freedom of conscience, and he able to
profess the Protestant religion. None but Pro-
testants could be hearty combatants in such a
battle ; religion alone could kindle that heroism
which was needed to bear the strain and face the
perils of so great and so prolonged a conflict. But
the fifteen Provinces of the Southern Netherlands
were now more Popish than at the abdication of
Charles V. The Protestants whom they contamed
at that era had since been hanged, or burned, or
chased away, and a reaction had set in which had
supplied their places with Romanists ; and there-
fore the Pacification, which placed Brabant
alongside of Holland in the struggle against Spain,
and which gave to the Dutch Protestant a-s his
companion in arms the Popish Fleming, was a
Pacification that in fact created two armies, by
proposing two objects or ends on the liberal side.
To the Popish inhabitants of the Netherlands the
yoke of Spain would in no long time be made easy
enough ; for the edicts, the Inquisition, and the
bishops were things that could have no great
terrors to men who did not need their coercion
to believe, or at least profess, the Romish dogmas.
The professors of the Romish creed, not feeling
that. wherein lay the sting of the Spanish joke,
could not be expected therefore to make other
than half-hearted efforts to throw it ofl'. But
far different was it with the other and older com-
batants. They felt that sting in all its force, and
therefore could not stop half-way in their great
struggle, but must necessarily press on till they had
plucked out that which was the root of the whole
Spanish tjTanny. Thus William found that the
Pacification of Ghent had introduced aniong the
Confederates divided counsels, dilatory action, and
uncertain aims; and tlu-ee yeai-s after (1579) the
Pacification had to be rectified by the '■ Union
120
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
of Utrecht," which, without dissolvmg the Con-
federacy of Ghent, created an inner alliance of
seven States, and thereby vastly quickened the
working of the Confederacy, and presented to the
world the original framework or first constitution
of that Commonwealth which has siiice become
so renowned under the name of the " United
Provinces."
Meanwhile, and before the Union of Utrecht
had come into being, Don John of Austria, the
newly-appointed go^■el•nor, arrived in the Low
Countries. He brought with him an immense
prestige as the son of Charles V., and the hero of
Lepanto. He had made the Cross to triumph over
the Crescent in the bloody action that reddened the
waters of the Lejiantine Gulf ; and he came to the
Netherlands with the puqwse and in the hope of
making the Cross triumphant over heresy, although
it should be by dyeing the plains of the Low
Countries with a still greater caniage than that
■with which he had crimsoned the Greek seas. He
an-ived to find that the seventeen Provinces had
just banded themselves together to drive out the
Spanish anny, and to re-assert theii' independence ;
and before they would permit him to enter they
demanded of him an oath to execute the Pacification
of Ghent. This was a preliminary which he did not
relish ; but finding that he must either accejit the
Pacification or else return to Spain, he gave the
promise, styled the "Perpetual Edict," demanded of
him (17th February, 1577), and entered upon his
government by dismissing all the foreign troops,
which now returned into Italy.' With the depar-
ture of the soldiers the brilliant and ambitious
young governor seemed to have abandoned all the
great hopes which had lighted him to the Nether-
lands. There were now gi-eat rejoicings in the
Pro\-inces : all their demands had been conceded.
But Don John trusted to recover by intrigue
what he had surrendered from necessity. No sooner
was he installed at Brussels than he opened nego-
tiations with the Prince of Orange, in the hope
of dl•a^ving him from " the false jjosition " in which
he had placed himself to Philip, and winning him to
his side. Don John had hatl no experience of such
lofty spirits as William, and coidd only see the
whims of fanaticism, or the aspirings of ambition, in
VIEW ON THE CAN'AL, GHENT.
the profound piety and grand aims of William.
He even attemjited, througli a malcontent party
that now arose, headed by the Duke of Aerschot, to
> Strada, bk. iz., p. 32.
DON JOHN'S DESIGNS.
121
work the Pacification of Ghent so as to restore
the Roman religion in exclusive dominancy in
Holland and Zealand, as well as in the other
Provinces. But these attempts of Don John were
utterly futile. William had no difficulty in ])ene-
tratiiif' the true character and real design of the
a tailor by trade, and a man of most exemplary lite,
and whose only crime had been that of hearing a
sermon from a Reformed minister in the neighbour-
hood of Mechlin. The Prince of Orange made
earnest intercession for the martyr, imploring the
governor " not again to open the old theatres of
\iceroy. He knew that, although the Spanish
troops liad been sent away, Philip had still some
15,000 German mercenaries in the Provinces, and
held in his hands all the great keys of the country.
William immovably maintained his attitude of
opposition despite all the little arts of the viceroy.
Step by step Don John advanced to his design,
which was to restore the absolute dominancy at
once of Philip and of Rome over all the Provinces.
His first act was to condeuni to death Peter Panis,
116
tyranny, which had occasioned the shedding of
rivers of blood;"' notwithstanding the poor man
was beheaded by the order of Don John. The
second act of the viceroy, which was to seize on the
Castle of Namur, revealed his real purpose with
even more flagrancy. To make himself master of
that stronghold he hatl recourse to a stratagem.
Setting out one morning with a band of followei"s.
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 333.
122
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
attired as if for the chase, but with arms concealed
under their clothes, the governor and his party took
their way by the castle, which they feigned a great
desire to see. No sooner were they admitted by
the castellan than they drew their swords, and Don
John at the same instant winding his horn, the
men-at-arms, who lay in ambush in the surrounding
woods, nished in, and the fortress was captured.'
As a frontier citadel it was admirably suited to
receive the troops which the governor expected
soon to return from Italy ; and he remarked, when
he found himself in possession of the castle, that
this was the first day of hLs regency : it might with
more propriety have been called the first day of
those calamities that pursued him to the gi-ave.
Intercepted letters from Don John to Philip II.
fully unmasked the designs of the governor, and
completed the astonishment and alarm of the
States. These letters m-ged the speedy return of
the Spanish troops, and dilating on Ihe inveteracy
of that disease which had fastened on the Nether-
lands, the letters said, " the malady admitted of
no remedies but fire and sword." This discovery of
the viceroy's baseness raised to the highest intch
the admiration of the Flemings for the sagacity of
William, who had given them early warning of the
duplicity of the governor, and the cniel designs he
was plotting. Thereupon the Provinces a third
time thi-ew off their obedience to Philip II., de-
claring that Don John was no longer Stadtholder
or legitimate Governor of the Provinces.- Calling
the Prince of Orange to Brussels, they installed
him as Governor of Brabant, a dignity which had
been bestowed hitherto only on the Viceroys of
Spain. As the prince passed along iu his barge
from Antwerp to Brussels, thousands crowded to
the banks of the canal to gaze on the great patriot
and hero, on whose single shoulder rested the
weight of this struggle with the mightiest empire
then in existence. The men of Antwerp stood on
this side of the canal, the citizens of Bnissels lined
the opposite bank, to ofier their respectful homage
to one gi-eater than kings. They knew the toils he
had borne, the dangers he had braved, the jirincely
fortune he had sacrificed, and the beloved brothers
and friends he had seen sink around him in the
contest ; and when they saw the head on which all
these storms had burst still erect, and prepared to
brave tempests not less fierce in the future, rather
than permit the tyranny of Spain to add his native
country to the long roll of unhappy kingdoms
which it had already enslaved and ci-ushed, their
' Bentivoglio, lib. x., pp. 192—165.
- Bor, lib. xi., p. 916.
admiiution and enthusiasm knew no bounds, and
they saluted him with the glorious appellations
of the Father of his Country, and the guardian of its
liberties and laws.''
This was the thii'd time that liberty had oflered
herself to the Flemings ; and as this was to be the
last, so it was the fiiirest opportunity the Provinces
ever had of placing their independence on a firm
and permanent foundation, in .spite of the despot of
the Escorial. The Spanish soldiers were ^vith-
dra^^'n, the king's finances were exhausted, the
Provinces were knit together in a bond for the
jirosecution of their common cause, and they had
at their head a man of consummate ability, of
incorruptible patriotism, and they lacked nothing
but hearty co-operation and union among themselves
to guide the straggle to a glorious issue. With
liberty, who could tell the gloi-ies and prosperities
of that future that awaited Pro^■inces so populous
and rich 1 But, alas ! it began to be seen what a
solvent Romanism was, and of how little account
were all these great opportunities in the presence
of so disuniting and dissolving a force. The Roman
Catholic nobles grew jealous of William, whose great
abilities and pre-eminent influence threw theirs into
the shade. They affected to believe that liberty was
in danger from the man who had sacrificed all to
■vindicate it, and that so zealous a Calvinist must
necessarily persecute the Roman religion, despite
the eflbrts of his whole life to secure toleration for
all creeds and sects. In short, the Flemish
Catholics would rather wear the Spanish yoke, with
the Pope as their spiritual father, than enjoy free-
dom under the banners of William the Silent.
Sixteen of the grandees, chief among whom was the
Duke of Aerschot, opened secret negotiations with
the Archduke Matthias, brother of the reigning
emperor, Rudolph, and invited him to be Governor
of the Netherlands. ]Matthias, a weak but ambi-
tious youth, gi'eedUy accepted the invitation ; and
without reflecting that he was going to mate liimself
with the first politician of the age, and to conduct
a struggle against the most powerful monarch in
Christendom, he departed from Vienna by night,
and arrived in Antwer]), to the astonishment of
those of the Flemings who were not in the intrigue. '
The archduke owed the permission given him to
enter the Provinces to the man he had come to
supplant. William of Orange, so far from taking
oflcnce and abandoning his post, continued to con-
secrate his gi-eat powers to the liberation of his
country. He accepted Matthias, though forced upon
' Watson, Philip II., vol. ii., p. 221.
•• Bor, lib. si., p. 900. Strada, bk. is., p. 38.
NEW PAPAL BULL.
123
him by an intrigue ; he prevailed upon the States
to accept him, and install him in the rank of
Governor of the Netherlands, he himself becoming
his lieutenant-general. Matthias remained a puppet
by the side of the great patriot, nevertheless his
presence did good ; it sowed the seeds of enmity
between the German and Spanish branches of the
House of Austria, and it made the Roman Catholic
nobles, whose plot it was, somewhat obnoxious in
the eyes both of Don John and Philip. The
cause of the Netherlands was thus rather bene-
fited by it. And moreover, it helped William to
the solution of a problem which had occupied his
thoughts for some time past — namely, the pemia-
nent form which he should give to the government
of the Provinces. So far as the matter had
shaped itself in his mind, he purposed that a
head or Governor should be over the Netherlands,
and that under this vii-tual monarch should be
the States-General or Parliament, and under it a
State Council or Executive ; but that neither the
Governor nor the State Council should have power
to act without the concurrence of the States-General.
Such was the programme, essentially one of consti-
tutionalism, that William had sketched in his own
mind for his native land. Whom he should make
Governor he had not yet determined : most certainly
it would be neither himself nor Philip of Spain; and
now an intrigue of the Roman Catholic nobles had
]>laced Matthias of Austria in the post, for which
William knew not where to find a suitable occupant.
But first the country had to be liberated ; every
other work must be postponed for this.
The Netherlands, their former Confedei'acy rati-
fied (December 7th, 1577) in the "New Union" of
Brussels — tlie last Confederacy that was ever to be
formed by the Provinces — had thi'own do'wn the
gauntlet to Philip, and both sides prej)ared for war.
The Prince of Orange strengthened himself by an
alliance with England. In this treaty, formed
through the Marquis of Havree, the States ambas-
sador, Elizabeth engaged to aid the Netherlanders
with the loan of 100,000 j)ounds sterling, and
a force of 5,000 infantry and 1 ,000 ca\alry, then-
commander to have a seat in the State Council.
Nor was Don John idle. He hud collected a con-
siderable army from the neighbouring Provinces,
and these were joined by veteran troops from Italy
and Spain, which Philip had ordered Alexander
Farnese, Duke of Parma, to lead back into tlie
Netherlands. The States army amounted to about
10,000; that of Spain to 1.5,000; the latter, if
superior in numbe^rs, were still more superior in
discipline. On joining battle at Gemblours the
army of the Netherlands encountered a terrible
overthrow, a result which the bulk of the nation
attributed to the cabals and intrigues of the Roman
Catholic nobles.
At this stage the two great antagonistic princi-
ples which were embodied in the respective policies
of Philip and William, and whose struggles with
one another made themselves audible in this clash
of arms, came again to the front. The world was
anew taught that it vas a mortal combat between
Rome and the Reformation that was proceeding on
the theati'e of the Netherlands. Tlie torrents of
blood that were being poured out were shed not to
i-ev'-"e old charters, but to rend the chains from
conscience, and to transmit to generations unborn
the heritage of religious freedom. In this light did
Pope Gregory XIII. show that he regarded the
struggle when he sent, as he did at this time, a bull
in favour of all who should fight under the banner
of Don Jolm, " against heretics, heretical rebels,
and enemies of the Romish faith." The bull was
drafted on the model of those which his predecessors
had been wont to fulminate when they wished to
rouse the faithful to slaughter the Saracens and
Turks ; it offered a plenar}' indulgence and remis-
sion of sins to all engaged in this new crusade in
the Low Countries. The bull further authorised
Don John to impose a tax upon the clergy for the
support of the war, " as undertaken for the defence
of the Romish religion." The banners of the
Spanish general were blazoned with the sign of the
cross, and the following motto : In hoc signo vici
Turcos: in hoc siyno vincam hereticos (" Under
this sign I have vanquished the Turks : under this
sign I will vanquish the heretics "). And Don
John was reported to have said that " the king
had rather be lord only of the ground, of the trees,
shrubs, beasts, wolves, waters, and fishes of this
country, than sufier one single person who has taken
up amis against him, or at lea.st who has been
jiolluted with heresy, to live and remain in it."'
On the other side Protestantism also lifted itself
up. Amsterdam, the capital of Protestant Holland,
still remained in the hands of the Romanists. This
state of matters, which weakened the religious
power of the Northern States, was now rectified.
Mainly by the mediation of Utrecht, it was agreed
on the 8th of February, 1578, that Amsterdam
should enroll itself with the State.s of Holland, and
swear allegiance to tin; Prince of Orange as its
Stadtholdcr, on condition that the Roman faith
were the only one pi;blicly professed in the city,
with right to all Protestants to jiractise their
ovn\ worshiji, without molestation, outside the
1 Brandt, vol. i., p. 333.
I2i
HISTOKY OF PiluTESTANTlriM.
walls, and privilege of burying their dead in
uuconsecratcd but conveuieut ground, provided
that neither was psalm sung, nor pi'ayer offered,
nor any religious act performed at the grave, and
that tlie corpse was followed to the tomb by not
more than twenty-six persons. To this was added
a not less important concession — namely, that all
who had been driven away on account of difference
of religious opinion should have liberty to return to
Amsterdam, and be admitted to their former rights
and privileges.' This last stipulation, by attracting
back crowds of Protestant exiles, led to a revolution
in the government of the city. The Reformed faith
had now a vast majoi-ity of the citizens — scarcely
were there any Romanists in Amsterdam save the
magistrates and the friars — and a plot was laid, and
very cleverly executed, for chauging the Senate and
putting it in harmony with the popular sentiment.
On the 26th May, 1578, the Stadthouse was sur-
i-ounded by armed citizens, and the magistrates were
made prisoners. All the monks were at the same
time secured by soldiers and others dispersed
through the city. The astonished senators, and
the not less astonished friars, were led through the
streets by their captors, the crowd following them
and shouting, " To the gallows ! to the gallows with
them, whither they have sent so many better men
before them!" The prisoners trembled all over,
believing that they were being conducted to execu-
tion. They were conveyed to the river's edge,
the magistrates were put on board one boat, and
the friars, along with a few priests who had also
been taken into custody, were embarked in another,
and both were rowed out into deep water. Their
pallid faces, and despairing adieus to their relations,
bespoke the apprehensions they entertained that the
voyage on which they had set out was destined to
be fatal. The vessels that bore them would, they
believed, be scuttled, and give them burial in the
ocean. No sucii martyrdom, however, awaited
them ; and the worst infliction that befell them was
the terror into which they had been put of a water}'
death. They were landed in safety on St. Anthony's
Dyke, and left at liberty to go wherever they would,
with this one limitation, that if ever again they
entered Amsterdam they forfeited their lives.
Three days after these melo-dramatic occurrences a
body of new senators was elected and installed in
office, and all the churches were closed during a
week. They were then opened to the Reformed by
the magisti'ates, who, accompanied by a number of
carpenters, had previously visited them and removed
all their images. Thus, without the effusion of a
1 Brandt, vol. i., p. 334.
drop of blood, was Protestantism established in
Amsterdam. The first Reformed pastors in that
capital were John Reuolielin and Peter Hardenberg.-
The Lutherans and Anabaptists were permitted to
meet openly for their worship, and the Papists were
allowed the private exercise of theirs.
With this prosperous gale Protestantism made
way in the other cities of Holland and of Brabant.
This progress, profoundly peaceful in the majority
of cases, was attended with trunult in one or two
instances. In Haarlem the Protestants rose on a
Communion Sunday, and coming upon the priests
in the cathedral while in the act of kindling then-
tapers and unfurling then- bamiers for a grand
procession, they dispossessed them of their church.
In the tumult a priest was slain, but the soldier who
did the deed had to atone for it with his life ; the
other rioters were summoned by tuck of drum to
restore the articles they had stolen, anol the Papists
were assui-ed, by a public declaration, of the free
exercise of their religion.^ The jiresence of the
Prince of Orange in Brussels, and the Pacification
of Ghent, wliich shielded the Protestant worship
from violence, had infused new courage into the
hearts of the Reformed in the Southern Netherlands.
From their secret conventicles in some cellar or
dark alley, or neighbouring wood, they came foi'th
and practised their worshijj in the light of day.
In Flanders and Brabant the Protestants were
increasing daily in numbers and courage. On
Sunday, the 16th of ]\Iay, in the single city of
Antwerp, Protestant sermons were preached in not
less than sixteen places, and the Sacrament dispensed
in fourteen. In Ghent it was not uncommon for
Protestant congregations to convene in several
places, of four, five, and six hundred persons, and
all this in spite of the Union of Brussels (1577),
which trenched upon the toleration accorded in the
Pacification of Ghent. ■*
The first National Synod of the Dutch Reformed
Church met at Dort on the 2nd of June, 1578.
This body, in a petition equally distinguished for
the strength of its reasonings and the liberality of
its sentiments, urged the States-General to make
provision for the free exercise of the Reformed
i-eligion, as a measure righteous in itself, and the
surest basis for the peace of the Provinces. How truly
catholic were tlie Dutch Calvuiists, and how much
the cause of toleration owes to them, can lie seen only
from their own words, addressed to the Archduke
Matthias and the Council of State. After having
proved that the cnielties practised upon them had
led only to an increase of their numbers, with the
= Brandt, vol. i., p. 338. ■'' Hid., p. 3;!9. •" Hid., p. 339.
THE "PEACE OP RELIGION."
125
loss nevertheless of the nation's welfare, the desola-
t ion of its cities, the banishment of its inhabitants,
and the ruin of its trade and prosperity, they go on
to say that the refusal of the free exercise of their
religion reduced them to this dilemma, " either that
they must live mthoiit any religion, or that they
themselves mxist force a way to the public exercise
of it." They object to the fir.st alternative as leading
to an epicurean life, and the contempt of all laws
liuraan and divine; they dread the second as tending
to a breach in the union of the Provinces, and pos-
siljly the dissolution of the present Government. But
do they therefore ask exclusive recognition or supre-
macy '( Far from it. " .Since the experience of past
years had taught them," they .say, " that by reason
of their sins they could not all be reduced to one
and the same religion, it was necessary to consider
how both religions could be maintained without
damage or prejudice to each other. As for the ob-
jection," they continue, " that two religions are in-
compatible in the same country, it had been refuted
by the experience of all ages. The heathen emperors
had found their account more in tolerating the
Christians, nay, even in using their service in their
wars, than in persecuting them. The Christian
emperors had also allowed public churches to those
who were of a quite different opinion from them in
religious matters, as might be seen in the history
of Constantine, of his two sons, of Theodosius, and
others. The Emperor Charles V. found no other
expedient to extricate himself from the utmost
distress than by consenting to the exercise of both
religions." After citing many other examples they
continue thus : " France is too near for us to be
ignorant that the rivers of blood with which that
kingdom is overflowed can never be dried up but by
a toleration of religion. Such a toleration formerly
produced peace there ; whereas being interrupted
the said kingdom was immediately in a flame,
and in danger of being cpiite consumed. We may
likewise learn from the Grand Seignior, who knows
how to tyrannise as well as any prince, and yet
tolerates both Jews and Christians in his dominions
without ap])rchending either tumults or defections,
though there be more Christians in liLs territories
who laevcr owned the authority of the Pope, than
tliero are in Europe that sicknowledge it." And
tliey concluded by cra^^ng "that both religions
might bo equally tolerated till God should be pleased
to reconcile all the opposite notions that reigned in
the land." '
' Brandt, vol. i., pp. 339— S-tl.— Motley in his great
hi.story. The Rise of the Dutch Republic, when speak-
ing of the intolerance and bigotry of the religious
bodies of the Netherlands, specially emphasises tho
In accordance with the petition of the Synod of
Dort, a scheme of " Religious Peace," drafted bv
the Prince of Orange and signed by Matthias, was
presented to the States-General for adopticHi. Its
general basis was the equal toleration of bolli
religions throughout the Netherlands. In Holland
and Zealand, where the Popish worship had been
suppressed, it was to be restored in all places where
a Imndred resident families desired it. In the
Popish Provinces an equivalent indulgence was to
be granted wherever an equal number of Protestant
families resided. Nowhere was the private exercise
of either faith to be obstructed ; the Protestants
were to be eligible to all oflices for which they were
qualified, and were to abstain from all trade and
labour on the great festivals of the Roman Church.
This scheme was approved by the States-General,
under the name of the " Peace of Religion."
William was overjoyed to behold his most ardent
hopes of a united Fatherland, and the vigorous
prosecution of its great battle again.st a common
tyranny, about to be crowned.
But these bright hopes were only for a moment.
The banner of toleration, bravely uplifted by WUUam,
had been waved over the Netherlands only to be
fiu'led again. The Roman Catholic nobles, with
Aerschot and Champagny at their head, refused to
accept the " Peace of Religion." In theii- immense
horror of Protestantism they forgot their dread of
the Spaniard, and rather than that heresy should
defile the Fatherland, they were 'svilling that the
yoke of Philip should Ije bound do'wn upon it.
Tumults, violences, and conflicts broke out in many
of the Pro\'inces. Revenge begat revenge, and
animosity on the one side kindled an equal animo-
sity on the other. Something like a civil war
raged in the Southern Netherlands, and the sword
that ought to have been drawn against the common
foe was turned against each other. These strifes
and bigotries wi'ought at length the separation of
the Walloon Provinces from the rest, and in the
issue occasioned the loss of the greater ])art of the
Netherlands. The hour for achieving liberty had
passed, and for three centuries nearly these unwise
and uidiappy Provinces were not to know inde-
pendence, but were to be thrown about a.s mere
political make-weights, and to be the property now
of this master and now o' that.
Meanwhile the two armies lay inactive in th«
presence of each other. Both sides had recently
intolerance of the Calvinists. It is strange, with the
above document and simihar proofs before him. tlxat
the historian should bo unable to see that the French
Huguenots and the Dutch Calvinists were the only
champions of toleration then in Christendom,
126
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
receivi'd an aiigiiR'ntation of strength. The Nother-
land.s army liad been increa.sed to sometliing like
30,000, first by an English levy led by John
Casimir, and next Ijy a French troop under the
command of the Duke of Aleni^on, for the Nether-
lands had become the pivot on which the rival
jKjlicies of England and France at this moment
revolved. The sinews of war were lacking on both
.suddenly changed its splendoui's into blackness, and
transformed the imagined theatre of triumph into
one of misfortune and defeat. Fortune forsook her
favourite the moment his foot touched this charmed
soil. Withstood and insulted by the obstinate
Netherlanders, outwitted and baffled by the great
William of Orange, suspected by his jealous brother
Pliiliji II., by whom he was most inadequately
HON JOHN OF ArSTRIA.
Ihe Fortran hu Jfassarcl in (lie Galcric Uistoriqnr, T'lrsnillfs.)
sides, and hence the pause in hostilities. The scenes
were about to shift in a way that no one anticipated.
Struck down by fever, Don John lay a corpse in the
Castle of Namur. How different the destiny he
had pictured for himself when he entered this fatal
land ! Young, biilliant, and ambitious, he had
come to the Netherlands in the hope of adding to
the vast renown he had already won at Lepanto,
and of making for himself a gi-eat place in Christen-
dom— of mounting, it might be, one of its thrones.
But a mysterious finger had touched the scene, and
supported with men and money, all his hours were
onil)ittere(l l;y toil, disappointment, and chagrin.
The constant dread in which he was kept by the
perUs and pitfalls that surrounded him, and the
continual circumspection which he was compellec
to exercise, furrowed his brow, dimmed his eye
sapped his strength, and broke his spii-it. At last
came fever, and fever was followed by delirium.
He imagined himself upon the battle - field : he
shouted out his orders : his eye now bi-ightened,
now faded, as he fancied victory or defeat to be
128
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
attending his arms. Again came a lucid interval,' his thii'tieth year. Another hammer, to use Beza's
b\it only to fade away into the changeless dark- metaphor, had been worn out on the anvil of the
ness of death. He died before he had reached Chui-ch.-
CHAPTER XXV.
ABJURATION OP PHILIP, AND RISE OF THE SEVEN UNITED PROVINCES.
Alosantler, Duko of Parma — His Character — Divisions in the Provinces — Siege of Maestricht — Defection of tlio
Walloons— Union of Utrecht — Bases of Union — Germ of the United Provinces — Their Motto— Peace Congress at
Cologne— Its Grandeur — Pliilip makes Impossible Demands — Pailiu'e of Congress — Attempts to Bribe William —
His Incorruptibility — Ban Fulminated against liim — His "Apology " — Arraignment of Phihp — The Netherlands
Abjure Philip II. as King — Holland and Zealand confer their Sovereignty on WiUiam — Greatness of the Kevolu-
tion — Its Place in the History of Protestantism.
Don John having on his death-bed nominated
Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, to succeed
him, and the choice having soon afterwards been
ratified by Philip II., the duke immediately
took upon him the burden of that terrible
struggle which had crushed his predecessor. If
brilliant abilities could have commanded cor-
responding success, Parma would have speedily
re-established the dominion of Spain throughout the
whole of the Netherlands. His figure was finely
moulded, and his features were handsome, despite
that the lower part of his face was biuied in a bushy
beard, and that his dark eye had a scjuint wlucli
warned the spectator to be on his guard. His round
compact head was one which a gladiator might have
envied; his bearing was noble ; he was temperate,
methodical in business, but never pei-mitted its
pressure to prevent his attendance on morning mass ;
his coolness on the battle-field gave confidence
to his soldiers ; and while his courage and skill
fitted him to cope with his antagonists in war, his
wisdom, and cunning, and patience won for him not
a few victories in the battles of diplomacy. His
conduct and valour considerably retrieved at the
beginning the affairs of Philip, but the mightier
intellect with which he was confronted, and the
destinies of the cause against which he did battle,
attested in the end their superiority over all the
gi-eat talents and dextero\is arts of Alexander of
PaiTna, seconded by the powerful armies of Spain.
After the toil and watchfulness of years, and .after
victories gained with much blood, to yield not fruit
but ashes, he too had to retire from the scene dis-
appointed, baffled, and vanquished.
A revived bigotry had again split up the lately
• Strada, bk. x., p. 16.
united Fatherland, and these divisions opened an
entrance for the arts and the arms of Parma.
Gathering up the %vreck of the army of Don John,
and reinforcing the old battalions by new recruits,
Parma set vigorously to work to reduce the Pro-
vinces, and restore the supremacy of both Philip
and Rome. Sieges and battles signalised the open-
ing of the camjjaign ; in most of these he was
successful, but we cannot stay to give them indivi-
dual narration, for oiir task is to follow the footsteps
of that Power which had awakened the conflict, and
which was marching on to victory, although through
clouds so dark and tempests so fierce that a few only
of the Netherlanders were able to follow it. The
first success that rewarded the arms of Parma was
the capture of Maestricht. Its massacre of three
days renewed the horrors of former sieges. The cry
of its agony was heard three miles off; and when
the sword of the enemy rested, a miserable remnant
(some three or four hundred, say the old chroniclers)^
was all that was spared of its thirty-four thousand
- Of the transport of his body through France, and its
presentation to Pliilip II. in the Escorial, Strada (bk. s.)
gives a minute but horrible account. "To .avoid those
vast expenses and ceremonious contentions of magistrates
and priests at city gates, that usually waylay the progress
of princes whether alive or dead, he caused liim to be
taken in pieces, and the bones of his arms, thighs, legs,
breast, and head (the brains being taken out), with other
the severed parts, filling three mails, were brought
safely into Spiiin ; where the bones being set again, with
small wires, they easily rejointed all the body, wliieh
being filled with cotton, armed, and richly habited, they
presented Don John entire to the king as if he stood only
resting himself upon his commander's-staff, looking as if
he lived and bi-eathed." On presenting himself thus
before Philip, the monarch was graciously pleased to
permit Don John to retire to liis grave, whicli he had
wished might be beside that of his father, Charles V., in
the Escorial.
3 Bor, lib. xiii., p. 65; Hooft, lib. xv., p. 633.
THE CONGRESS AT COLOGNE.
129
inhabitants. Crowds of idlers from tlie Walloon
countiy flocked to the empty city ; but though it
was easy to repeople it, it was found impossible to
revive its industry and prosperity. Nothing be-
sides the grass that now covered its streets woidd
flourish in it but vagabondism. The loss which the
cause of Netherland liberty sustained in the fall of
Maastricht was trifling, compared with the injury
inflicted by another achievement of Parma, and
which he gained not by arms, but by diplomacy.
Knowing that the Walloons were fanatically at-
tached to the old religion, he opened negotiations,
and ultimately prevailed with them to break the
bond of common brotherhood and form themselves
upon a separate treaty. It was a masterly stroke.
It had separated the Roman from the Batavian
Netherlands. William had sought to unite the
two, and make of them one nationality, placing
the key-stone of the arch at Ghent, the capital of
the SouSheru Provinces, and the second city in the
Netherlands. But the subtle policy of Parma had
cut the Fatherland in twain, and the project of
William fell to the ground.
The Piince of Orange airxiously considei'ed how
best to parry the blow of Parma, and neutralise
its damagmg efiects. The master-stroke of the
Spaniard led William to adopt a policy equally
masterly, and fruitful beyond all the measures
he had yet employed ; this was the " Union of
Utrecht." The alliance was formed between the
States of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Guelder-
land, Zutphen, Overyssel, and Groniugen. It
was signed on the 23rd of January, 1579, and
.six days thereafter it was proclaimed at Utrecht,
and hence its name. This " Union" constituted the
iirst foundation-stone in the subsequently world-
renowned Commonwealth of the United Provinces of
the Low Countries. The primary and main object
of the Confederated States was the defence of then-
common liberty ; for this end they resolved to remain
hereafter and for ever united as one Province —
\vitho\it prejudice, however, to the ancient privileges
and the peculiar customs of each several State. As
i-cgarded the business of religion, it was resolved
that each Province should determine that question
for itself — with this provi.ro, that no one should be
molested for his opinion. The toleration previously
enacted by the Pacification of Ghent was to rule
throughout the bounds of the Confederacy.^ When
the States contrasted their own insignificance with
*lu> might of then- gi-eat enemy, seven little Pro-
vinces banding themselves against an aggregate of
• See Articles of TTnion in full in Brandt; Sir W.
Temple ; "Watson, Philip II. ; Motley, Dutch liepuhUc, &c.
nearly twice that number of powerful Kingdoms, they
chose as a fitting representation of thcii- doubtful
fortimes, a ship labouring amid the waves without
sail or oars, and they stamped this device upon
theii- first coins, with the words Incertum quo fata
ferant " (" We know not whither the fates shall bear
us"). Certamly no one at that hour was sanguine
or bold enough to conjecture the splendid future
awaiting these seven adventui-ous Provinces.
This attitude on their part made the King of
Spain feign a desire for conciliation A Congi-ess
was straightway assembled at Cologne to make
what was represented as a hopeful, and what was
certainly a laudable, attempt to heal the breach.
On the Spanish side it was nothing more than a
feint, but on that account it wore externally aU
the gi-eater pomp and stateliness. In these respects
nothing was lacking that could make it a success.
The first movers in it were the Pope and the emperor.
The deputies were men of the first rank in the State
and the Chm-ch ; they were princes, dukes, bishops,
and the most renowned doctors in theology and law.
Seldom indeed have so many mitres, and princely
stars, and ducal coronets gi-aced any assembly as
those that shed their brilliance on this ; and many
persuaded themselves, when they beheld this union
of rank and oflice with skill in law, in art, and
diplomacy, that the Congress would give birth to
something correspondingly magnificent. It met in
the begimiing of May, 1579, and it did not separate
till the middle of November of the same year. But
the six mouths during which it was in session were
all too short to enable it to solve the problem which
so many conventions and conferences since the
breaking out of the Reformation had attempted to
solve, but had faUed — namely, how the absolute de-
mands of authority are to be reconciled with the
equally inflexible claims of conscience. There were
only two ideas promulgated in that assembly ; so
far the matter was simple, and the prospect of a set-
tlement hopeful ; but these two ideas were at opposite
poles, and all the stars, coronets, and mitres gathered
there could not bridge over the gulf between them.
The two ideas wei-e those to which we have already
referred — Prerogative and Conscience.
The envoys of the Netherland States presented
fourteen articles, of which the most imj)ortant was
the one referring to religion. Theii- proposal wiis that
"His Majesty should be pleased to tolerate the
exercise of the Reformed religion and the Confession
of Augsburg in such towns and places where the
same were at that time publicly professed. That
the States should also on their part, presently after
- Temple, United Province!, &c., chap, i., p. 88.
130
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the peace was declared, restoi-e the exercise of tlie
Roman Catholic religion in all the aforesaid towns
and places, upon certain equitable conditions wliich
should be inviolably preserved." " The Chiistian
religion," said the envoys in supporting their pro-
posal, " was a great mystery, in promoting of which
God did not make use of impious soldiere, nor of
the sword or bow, but of his own Spirit and of the
ministry of pastors, or shepherds sent by him.
That the dominion over sovils and consciences
belonged to God only, and that he only was the
righteous Avenger and Punisher of the abuses
committed in matters of religion. They insisted
particularly upon the free exercise of religion." '
The deputies on the king's side refused to listen
to this proposal. They would agree to nothing
as a basis of peace, save that the Roman Catholic
religion — all others excluded — should be professed
in aU the Provinces ; and as regarded such as
might refuse to return to the Roman faith, time
would be given them to settle their aflaii-s, and
retire from the countiy." Half the citizens well-
nigh would have had to exile themselves if this
condition had been accepted. Where so large a
body of emigrants were to find new seats, or
how the towns left empty by their departure
were to be re-peopled, or by what hands the arts
and agi'iculture of the country were to be carried
on, does not seem to have been provided for, or
even thought of, by the Congress.
William of Orange had from the first expected
nothing from this Conference. He knew Philip
never would grant what only the States could
accept — the restoration, namely, of their chartei's,
and the free exercise of then- Protestant faith ; he
knew that to convene such an assembly was only
to excite hopes that could not possibly be fulfilled,
and so to endanger the cause of the Provinces ;
he knew that mitres and ducal coronets were not
argimients, nor could render a whit more legiti-
mate the claims of prerogative ; that ingenious
and quirky expedients, and long and wordy dis-
cussions, would never bring the two parties one
hair'sbreadth nearer to each other ; and as he had
foreseen, so did it turn out. When the Congress
ended its sitting of six months, the only results
it had to show were the thousands of golden
guilders needed for its expenses, and the scores of
hogsheads of Rhenish wine which had been con-
sumed in moistening its dusty delibei-ations and
debates.
Contemporaneously with this most august and
' Brandt, vol. i., p. 36G.
2 Bor. lib. liii., pp. 58, 59. Brandt, vol. i., p. 366.
most magnificent, yet most resultless Congress,
attempts were made to detach the Prince of Orange
from his party and win him over to the king's
side. Private overtures were made to him, to the
eftect that if he would forsake the cause of Nether-
land independence and retu-e to a foreign land, he
had only to name his " price " and it should be
instantly forthcoming, in honour, or in money,
or in both. More particularly he was promised
the payment of his debts, the restitution of his
estates, reimbm-sement of aU the expenses he had
incuiTed in the war, compensation for his losses,
the liberation of his son the Count of Buren,
and should William retire into Germany, his son
would be placed in the Government of Holland
and Utrecht, and he himself shoidd be indemnified,
^vitli a million of money as a gratuity. These
oifers were made in Philip's name by Coimt
Schwartzenbui'g, who pledged his faith for the
strict performance of them.
This was a mighty sum, but it could not buy
William of Orange. Not all the honours which
this monarch of a score of kingdoms could bestow,
not all the gold which this master of the mines of
Mexico and Peru could ofier, could make William
sell himself and betray his country. He was not
to be turned aside from the lofty, the holy object
he had set before him, the glory of redeeming
from slavery a people that confided in him, and of
kindling the lamp of a pure faith in the land
which he so dearly loved. If his presence were
an obstacle to peace on the basis of his country's
liberation, he was ready to go to the ends of the
earth, or to his grave ; but he would be no party
to a plot which had only for its object to deprive
the country of its head, and twine round it the
chain of a double slaveiy.^
The gold of Philip had failed to cori-upt the
Patriot : the King of Spain next attempted to
gain his end by another and a diSerent stratagem.
The dagger might rid him of the man whom armies
could not conquer, and whom money could not buy.
This " evil thought " was first suggested by Car-
dinal Granvelle, who hated the prince, iis the vile
hate the upriglit, and it was eagerly embraced by
Philip, of whose policy it was a radical pi-inciple
that " the end justifies the means." The King of
Spain fubninated a ban, dated 15th March, 1580,
against the Prince of Orange, in which he oflered
" thirty thousand crowns, or so, to any one who
should deliver liim, dead or alive." The preamble
of the ban set forth at great length, and with due
■■' Reidanus, ann. ii., 29. Grachard, Covrespondance de
Ouillawme le Tacit, vol. iv.. Preface. Bor, lib. liii., p. 95.
THE "APOLOGY" OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE.
L31
formality, the " crimes," iii other words the sei-vices
to liberty, which had induced his patient aud
loving sovereign to set a price upon the head of
William, and make him a mark for all the mvir-
derers in Christendom. But the indignation of the
\irtuous king can be adequately understood only by
perusing the words of the ban itself. " For these
causes," said the documeut, " we declare him traitor
and miscreant, enemy of ourselves and of the
country. As such we banish him perpetually from
all our realms, forbidding all our subjects
to administer to him victuals, drink, lire, or other
necessaries We expose the said William ;is
an enemy of the human race, giving his property
to all who may seize it. And if any one of our
subjects, or any stranger, should be found suffi-
ciently generous of heart to rid us of this liest,
delivering him to us, dead or alive, or taking his
life, we will cause to be furnished to him, imme-
diately after the deed shall have been done, the
sum of twenty-live thousand crowns of gold. If
he have committed any crime, however heinous, we
promise to pardon him; and if he be not already
noble we will ennoble him for his valour."
The dark, revengeful, cowardly, and bloodthirsty
nature of Philip II. appears in every line of this
jiroclamation. In an evil hour for himself had the
King of Spain lamiched this fulminatiou. It tLxed
the eyes of all Europe upon the Prince of Orange,
it gave him the audience of the whole world for his
justification; and it compelled him to bring forward
facts which remain an eternal monument of Philip's
inhumanity, infamy, and crime. The Vindication
or "Apology" of William, addressed to the Con-
federated States, and of which copies were sent
to all the courts of Europe, is one of the most
l)recious documents of history, for the light it
throws on the events of the time, and the expo-
sition it gives of the character and motives of the
actors, and more especially of himself and Philip.
It is not so much a Defence an an Arraignment,
which, breaking in a thunder-peal of moral indig-
nation, must have made the occupant of the throne
over which it rolled to shake and tremble on his
lofty seat. After detailing his own efforts for the
emancipation of the down-trodden Provinces, he
turns to review the acts, the policy, and the
character of the man who had fulminated against
him this ban of assassination and murder. He
charges Philij) witlx the destnictiou, not of one
nor of a few of thoie liberties which he had sworn
to maintain, but of all of them ; and that not once,
but a thousand times ; he ridicules the idea that
a people remain bound while the monarch has re-
leased himself from every promise, and oath, and
law; he hurls contempt at the justification set up for
Philip's perjuries — namely, that the Pope had loosed
him from his obligations — branding it as adding
blasphemy to tyranny, and adopting a principle
which is subversive of faith among men; he accuses
him of having, through Alva, concerted a plan
wth the French king to extirpate from France and
the Netherlands all who favoured the Reformed
religion, giving as his informant the French king
himself. He pleads guilty of having disobeyed
Philip's orders to put certain Protestants to death,
and of having exerted himself to the utmost to
prevent the barbarities and cruelties of the
'■ edicts." He boldly charges Philip with living
in adultery, with having contracted an incestuous
marriage, and opening his way to this foul couch
by the murder "of his former wife, the mother of
his children, the daughter and sister of the kings
of France." He crowns this list of crimes, of
which he accuses Philip, with a yet more awful
deed — the murder of his son, the heir of his vast
dominions, Don Carlos.
With withering scorn he speaks of the King
of Spain's attempt to frighten him by raising
against liim " all the malefactors and criminals in
the world." " I am in the hand of God," said
the Christian patriot, " he will dispose of me as
seems best for his glory and my salvation." The
jjiince concludes his Apology by dedicating afresh
what remained of his goods and life to the service
of the Stiites. If his departure from the country
would remove an impediment to a just peace, or it'
his death could bring an end to their calamities,
Philip should have no need to hire assassins and
poisoners : exUe would be sweet, death would be
welcome. He was at the disposal of the States.
They had only to speak — to issue their orders,
and he would obey ; he would depart, or he would
remain among them, and continue to toil in their
cause, till death should come to release him, or
liberty to crown them with her blessings.'
This Apology was read in a meeting of the
Confederated Estates at Delft, the 13th of De-
cember, 1580, and their mind respecting it was
sufficiently declared by the step they were led soon
thereafter to adopt. Abjuring their- allegiance to
Philip, they installed the Prince of Orange in his
room. Till this time Philip had remained nominal
sovereign of the Netherlands, and all edicts and
deeds were passed in his name, but now this for-
mality was dropped. The Prmce of Orange had
before this been earnestly entreated by the States
' The Apology is given at nearly full length in "Watsou,
Philip II., vol. iii.. Appendix.
132
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
to assume the sovereignty, but he had persistently
declined to allow himself to be clothed with this
office, saj-ing that he would give no ground to
Philip or to any enemy to say that he had begun
the war of independence to obtain a crown, and
that the aggrandisement of liis family, and not the
liberation of his country, was the motive which had
prompted him in all his efforts for the Low Coun-
tries. Now, however (5th July, 1581), the dignity
so often put aside was accepted conditionally, the
prince assuming, at the solemn request of the States
of Holland and Zealand, the " entire authority, as
sovereign and chief of the land, us long as the war
should continue."'
This step was finally concluded on the 26th of
July, 1581, by an assembly of the States held at
tlie Hague, consisting of deputies from Brabant,
Guelderland, Zutphen, Flanders, Holland, Zealand,
Utrecht, Overy.ssel, and Friesland. The terms of
their "Abjuration" show how deeply the breath
of modern constitutional liberty had entered the
Low Countries in the end of the sixteenth century;
its preamble enunciates tniths which must have
shocked the adherents of the doctrine of Divine
right. The "Abjuration" of the States declai-ed
" that the people were not created by God for the
sake of the prince, and only to submit to his com-
mands, whether pious or impious, right or wrong,
and to serve him and his slaves ; but that, on the
contrary, the j)rince was made for the good of the
people, in order to feed, preserve, and govern them
according to justice and eqtiity, as a father his chil-
dren, and a shepherd his flock : that whoever in
opposition to these principles pretended to nde his
subjects as if they were his bondmen, ought to be
deemed a tjTant, and for that reason might be
rejected or deposed, especially by virtue of the re-
solution of the States of the nation, in case the
subjects, after having made use of the most humble
supplications and prayers, could lind no other means
to divert him from his tyrannical purposes, nor to
secure theii- own native rights. "-'
They next proceed to apply these principles.
They till column after column with a history of
Philip's reign over the Low Countries, in justifi-
cation of the step they had taken in deposing him.
The document is measured and formal, but the
horrors of these flaming years shine through its
di-y technicalities and its cold phraseology. If ever
there was a tp-ant on the earth, it was Philip II.
of Spain ; and if ever a people was warranted in
renouncing its allegiance, it was the men who
• Uor, lib. XV., pp. 181—185.
- Br.andt, vol. i., p. 383.
now came forward ^nth this terriljle tale of vio-
lated oaths, of repeated perfidies, of cruel wars, of
extortions, banishments, executions, martyrdems,
and massacrings, and who now renounced solemnly
and for ever their allegiance to the piince who was
loaded with all these crimes.
The act of abjuration was carried into immediate
execution. Philip's seal was broken, his anus were
torn down, his name was forbidden to be used in
any letters-patent, or public deed, and a new oath
was administered to all persons in pulilic otfice and
emploj'uient.
This is one of the great revolutions of history.
It realised in fact, and exhibited for the first time
to the world. Representative Con.stitutional Govern-
ment. This revolution, though enacted on a small
theatre, exemplified principles of univereal applica-
tion, and furnished a precedent to be followed in
distant realms and by powerful kingdoms. It is im-
portant to remark that this is one of the mightiest
of the bu-ths of Protestantism. For it was Pro-
testantism that inspii'ed the struggle in the Low
Countries, and that maintained the martyr at the
stake and the hero in the field till the conflict was
crowned with this ever-memorable victory. The
mere desii-e for liberty, the mere reverence for old
charters and municipal privileges, would not have
carried the Netherlanders through so awful and
protracted a combat ; it was the new force
awakened by religion that enabled them to struggle
on, sending relay after relay of martyrs to die
and heroes to fight for a free conscience and a
scriptural faith, without which life was not worth
ha\ing. In this, one of the greatest episodes of
the gi'eat drama of the Reformation, we l^ehold
Protestantism, which had been proceeding step
by step in its great work of creating a new society
— a new world — making another great advance.
In Germany it had produced disciples and churches ;
in Geneva it had moulded a theocratic republic ;
in France it had essayed to set up a Reformed
throne, but, fiiUing in this, it created a Reformed
Church so powerful as to include well-nigh half
the nation. Making yet another essay, we see
it in the Netherlands dethroning Philip of Spain,
and elevating to his place William of Orange.
A constitutional State, simimoned into being by
Protestantism, is now seen amid the despotisms of
Christendom, and its appearance was a presage that
in the centuries to follow. Protestantism would, in
.some cases by its direct agency, in others by its
reflex influence, revolutionise all the governments
and effect a transference of all the cro\ras of
Europe.
THE UNITED PROVINCES.
133
ALEXAXIlKr, lAKXESE, DUKE OF I'AIIMA.
(I'mn a Portrait 0/ Ihc perM in the Gallcr-'j 0/ I'crsaiUciiJ
CHAPTER XXVI.
ASSASSINATION OF WILLIAM THE SILENT.
WTiat the United Provinces are to boeome— The Walloons Return to Philip— William's Sovereignty— Brabant and
the Duke of Anjou— His Entry into the Netherlands— His Administration a Failure— Matthias Departs— Tho
Netherlands o£fer their Sovereignty to William— He Declines- Defection of Flanders— Attempt on William's
Life— Anastro, the Spanish Banker— The Assassin— He Wounds the Prince— Alarm of the Provinces- Recovery
of William— Death of his Wife-Another Attempt on William's Life— Balthazar Gerard- His Project of
Assassinating the Prince— Encouraged by the Spanish Authorities— William's Murder— His Character.
number of their inhabitants, the splendour of their
The Seven United Provinces — the foir flower of
Netherhmd Protestantism — had come to the birth.
The clouds and tempests that overhung the cradle
of the infant States were destined to roll away, the
sun of pi'osperity and power was to shine forth
upon them, and for the space ef a full centui-y the
116
cities, the beauty of their country, the vastness of
their commerce, the gi-owth of their wealth, the
number of their ships, the strength of their ai-mies,
and the gloiy of their lettere and arts, were to
make them the admiration of Europe, and of the
134
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
world. Not, however, till that man who had helped
above all others to find for Protestantism a seat
wher'e it might expand into such a miiltifonn mag-
nificence, had gone to his gi'ave, was this stupendous
growth to be beheld by the world. We have now
to attend to the condition in which the dissolution
of Philip's sovereignty left the Netherlands.
In the one land of the Low Countries, there
were at tliis moment three commimities or nations.
The Walloons, yielding to the influence of a
common faith, had returned under the j'oke of
S}iain. The Central Pro\'inces, also mostly Popish,
had ranged themselves under the sovereignty of the
Duke of Anjou, brother of Henry III. of France.
The Pro\'inces of Holland and Zealand had elected
(1581), as we have just seen, the Prince of Orange
as theii- king.' His acceptance of the dignity was
at first provisional. His tenure of sovereignty was
to last only during the war ; but afterwards, at the
earnest entreaty of the States, the priace consented
that it should be perpetual. His lack of ambition,
or his exceeding sense of honoui-, made him decline
the sovereignty of the Central Provinces, although
this dignity was also repeatedly pressed upon him ;
and had he accepted it, it may be that a happier
destiny would have been in store for the Nether-
lands. His persistent refusal made these Provinces
cast theii- eyes abroad in search of a chief, and in
an evil hour their choice lighted upon a son of
Catheiine de Medici. The Duke of Anjou, the
elect of the Pro\T.nces, inherited all the vices of the
family from which he was .spinmg. He was trea-
cherous in principle, cruel in disposition, jirofuse
in liis habits, and deeply superstitious in his faith ;
but his true character had not then been revealed ;
and the Prince of Orange, influenced by the hope
of enlisting on the side of the Netherlands the
powerful aid of France, supported his candidature.
France had at that moment, with its habitual
vacillation, withdrawn its hand from Philip II.
and given it to the Huguenots, and this seemed to
justify the prmce in indulging the hope that this
gi-eat State would not be unwilling to extend a
little help to the feeble Protestants of Flanders. It
was rumoured, moreover, that Anjou was aspiring to
the hand of Elizabeth, and that the English queen
favoured his suit ; and to have the husband of the
Queen of England as King of the Netherlands, was
to have a tolerable bulwark against the excesses
of the Spanish Power. But all these prudent
calculations of bringing aid to Protestantism were
destined to come to nothing. Tlie duke made his
entry (February, 1582) into the Netherlands amid
> Bor, lib. IV., pp. 185, 18G.
the most joyous demonstrations of the Provinces ;-
and to gi-atify Jiim, the public exercise of the
Popish religion, which for some time had been
prohibited in Antwerjj, was restored in one of the
churches. But a cloud soon overcast the fair
morning of Anjou's sovereignty in the Netherlands.
He quickly showed that he had neither the prin-
ciple nor the ability necessary for -so lUthcult a task
as he had undertaken. Bitter feuds sprang up
between him and his subjects, and after a short
administration, which neither reflected honour on
himself nor conferred benefit on the Provinces, he
took his departure, followed by the reproaches and
accusations of the Flemings. The cause of Pro-
testantism was destined to owe nothing to a son of
Catherine de Medici. Matthias, who had dwindled
in William's overshadowing presence into a non-
entity, and had done neither good nor evO, had gone
home some time before. Thi'ough neither of these
men had the intrigues of the Romanists borne
fruit, except to the prejudice of the cause they
were intended to further.
The Duke of Anjou being gone, the States of
Brabant and Flanders came to the Prince of
Orange (August, 1583) with an offer of then- crown ;
but no argument could induce him to accept the
sceptre they were so anxious to thrust into his
hand. He took the opportunity, however, which
his declinature oflered, of tendering them some
wholesome advice. They must, he said, bestir
themselves, and contribute more generously, if they
wished to speed in the great conflict in which they
had embarked. As for himself, he had nothing
now to give but his services, and his blood, should
that be required. All else he had already parted
with for the cause : his fortune he had given ; his
brothers he had given. He had seen with pleasure,
as the fruit of his long struggles for the Fatherland
and freedom of conscience, the fan- Provinces of
Holland and Zealand redeemed from the Spanish
yoke. And to think that now these Pro\THces
were neither oppressed by Philip, nor darkened
by Rome, was a higher rewai'd than would be ten
cro'wns, though they could place them upon his
head. He would never put it in the power of
Phili]) of Spain to say that William of Orange had
sought other recompense than that of rescuing his
native land from slavery.''
William, about this time, was dee] ily wounded by
the defection of some friends in whom he had
reposed confidence as sincere Protestants and good
- Bor, lib. xvii., pp. 297-301. Hooft, lib. six., p. 295.
3 Message of William to tbo States-Genoral, MS.— apud
Motley, vol. ii., p. 437.
ATTEMPTS TO ASSASSINATE WILLIAM.
135
patriots, and he was not less mortified by the
secession of Flanders, with its powerful capital,
Ghent, from the cause of Netherland independence
to the side of Parma. Thus one by one the Pro-
vinces of the Netherlands, whose hearts had gi'own
faint in the struggle, and whose "strength was
weakened Ln the way," crejDt back under the shadow
of Spain, little dreaming what a noble heritage they
had forfeited, and what centuries of insignificance,
stagnation, and serfdom .spiritual and bodily
awaited them, as the result of the step they had
now taken. The rich Southern Provinces, so
stocked with cities, so finely clothed, so full of men,
and so replenished \vith commercial wealth, fell to
the share of Rome : the sand-banks of Holland
and Zealand were given to Protestantism, that it
might convert the desert into a garden, and rear on
tills naiTOw and obscure theatre an empire which,
mighty in arms and resplendent in arts, should fill
the world with its light.
The ban which PhiUp had fulminated against the
prince began now to bear fruit. Wonderful it
would have been if there had not been found among
the malefactoi's and murderers of the world some
one bold enough to risk the pei-il attendant on
gi-asping the golden prize which the King of Spain
held out to them. A year only had elapsed since
the publication of the ban, and now an attempt was
made to destroy the man on whose head it had set
a price. Gaspar Anastro, a Spanish banker in
Antwerp, finding himself on the verge of bank-
ruptcy, bethought him of earning Philip's reward,
and doing the world a service by ridding it of so
great a heretic, and helping himself, at the same
time, by retrieving his iiiined fortimes. But lack-
ing courage to do the bloody deed with his own
hand, he hired his servant to execute it. This man,
having received from a priest absolution of his sins,
and the assurance that the dooi-s of paradise stood
open to him, repaii-ed to the mansion of the prince,
and waited an opi)ortunity to commit the horrible
act. As Orange was crossing the hall, from the
dinner-table, the miscreant approached him on pre-
tence of lianding him a petition, and putting his
pistol, loaded with a single bullet, close to his head,
dischai-ged it at the prince. The ball, entering a
little below the right ear, passed out through the
left jaw, carrying with it two teeth. The wound
bled profusely, and for some weeks the prince's life
was despaired of, and vast crowds of grief-stricken
citizens repaired to the churches to beseech, ^^dth
supplications and tears, the Great Disposer to inter-
pose his power, and save from death the Father of
his Country. Tlie prayer of the nation was heard.
William recovered to resume his liurden, and con-
duct another stage on the road to freedom the two
Provinces wliich he had rescued from the paws of
the Spanish bear. But if the husband survived,
the wife fell by the mm-derous blow of Philip.
Charlotte de Bourbon, so devoted to the prince,
and so tenderly beloved by him, worn out with
watcliing and anxiety, fell ill of a fever, and
died. William sorely missed from his side that
gentle but heroic spii-it, whose words had so often
revived him in liis hours of darkness and sorrow.
The two years that now followed witnessed the
progressive disorganisation of the Southern Nether-
lands, under the combined influence of the mis-
management of the Duke of Anjou, the intrigues
of the Jesuits, and the diplomacy and arms of
the Duke of Parma. Despite all warnings, and
their own past bitter experience, the Pro^dnces of
Brabant and Flanders again opened their ear to
the " cunning charmers " of Spain and the " sweet
singers " of Rome, and began to think that the
yoke of Philip was not so heavy and galling as
they had accoimted it, and that the pastures of
" the Church " were richer and more pleasant than
those of Protestantism. Many said, " Beware ! "
and quoted the maxim of the old Book : " They
who wander out of the way of understanding shall
remain in the congregation of the dead." But the
Flemings turned away from these counselloi-s. Divi-
sions, distractions, and perpetual broils made them
fain to have peace, and, to use the forcible metaphor
of the Burgomaster of Antwerp, " they confessed to
a wolf, and they had a wolf's absolution."
It was in the Northern Provinces only, happily
under the sceptre of William, who had rescued them
from the general shipwreck of the Netherlands,
that order prevailed, and that anything like steady
progi-ess could be traced. But now the time was
come when these States must lose the wisdom and
courage to which they owed the freedom they
already enjoyed, and the yet greater degi-ee of
prosperity and power in store for them. TSventy
years had William the SUent "judged " the Low
Countries : now the tomb was to close over him.
He had given the labours of his life for the cause
of the Fatherland : he was now to give his blood
for it. Not fewer than five attempts had been
made to assassinate him. They had failed ; but the
sixth was to succeed. Like all that had preceded
it, this attempt was directly instigated by Philip's
proscription. In the summer of 1584, William
was residing at Delft, liaving married Louisa de
Coligny, the daughter of the admiral, and the
widow of Teligny. who perished, as we have seen,
in the St. Bartholomew. A yoimg Burgimdian,
who hid great duplicity and some talent under a
13b
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
mean and insignificant exterior, had that spring
been introduced to tlie prince, and liad Leen em-
ployed by liiiu in some business, though of small
moment. This stranger professed to be a zealous
Calvinist, the son of a French Protestant of the
name of Guion, who had died for his faith. His real
name was Balthazar Gerard, and being a fanatical
Papist, he had long wished to " serve God and the
king" by taking off the arch-heretic. He made
known his design to the celebrated Franciscan,
Father Gery of Tournay, by whom he was " much
comforted and strengthened in his determination."
He revealed his project also to Philip's Governor
of the Low Countries. The Duke of Parma, who
had at that time four ruffians lurking in Delft on
the same business, did not dissuade Gerard from
his design, but he seems to have mistrusted his
fitness for it ; although afterwards, being assm-ed
on this point, he gave him some encouragement
and a little money. The risk was great, but so
too were the inducements — a fortune, a place in
the peerage of Spain, and a crown in paradise.
It was Tuesday, the 10th of July, 1584. The
prince was at dinner with his wife, his sister (the
Princess of Schwartzenberg), and the gentlemen of
his suite. In the shadow of a deep arch in the wall
of the vestibule, stood a mean-looking personage
with a cloak cast round him. This was Balthazar
Gerard. His figure had caught the eye of Louisa
de Coligny as, leaning on her husband's arm, she
passed thi-ough the hall to the dining-room, and his
pale, agitated, and darkly sinister countenance smote
her with a presentiment of evil. " He has come
for a passport," said the prmce, calming her alarm,
and passed into the dining-hall. At table, the
pidnce, thinking nothing of the muffled spectre in
the ante-chamber, was cheerful as usual. The
Burgomaster of Leeuwarden was present at the
family dinner, and William, eager to inform himself
of the religious and political condition of Friesland,
talked much, and with great animation, mth his
guest. At two o'clock William rose from table,
and crossed the vestibule on his way to his private
apartments .above. His foot was ah-eady on the
second step of the stairs, which he was ascending
leisurely, when the assassin, i-ushing from his hiding-
place, fired a pistol loaded with three balls, one of
wliich passed tlu'ough the p)-inco's body, and struck
the wall opposite. On receiving the shot, William
exclaimed : " O my God, have mercy on my soul !
O my God, have mercy on this poor people!"'
He was carried into the dining-room, laid u]ion a
' " Mon Dieu, ayez pltiC- ilc luou ilmu ! mou Ditu, ;i,m
pitifi de ce pauvre peuple ! "
couch, and in a few minutes he breathed his last.
He had lived fifty-one years and sixteen days. On
the 3rd of August he was laitl in his tomb at Delft,
mourned, not by Holland and Zealand oidy, but
by all the Netherlands — the Walloons excepted —
as a father is mourned. -
So closed the great career of William the Silent.
It needs not that we paint his character : it has
portrayed itself in the actions of his life which we
have narrated. Historians have done ample justice
to his talents, so various, so hannonious, and each
so colossal, that the combination presents a cha-
racter of surpassing intellectual and moral grandem-
such as has rarely been equalled, and yet more
rarely excelled. But as the ancient tree of Nether-
land liberty never could have borne the goodly
fruit that clothed its boughs in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries unless the shoot of Protest-
antism had been gi'afted upon it, and new sap
infused into the old decaying charters, so the talents
of William of Orange, vai'ied, beautiful, and biillijuit
though they wei-e, unless linked with something
diviner, could not have evolved that noble character
and done those great deeds which have made the
name of William the Silent one of the brightest on
the page of history. Humanity, however richly en-
dowed with genius, is a weak thing in itself ; it needs
to be grafted with a higher Power in order to reach
the full measure of greatness. In the case of William
of Orange it was so gi-afted. It was his power of
realising One unseen, whose will he obeyed, and on
whose arm he leaned, that constituted the secret
of his strength. He was the soldier, the statesman,
the patriot; but before aU he was the Christian.
The springs of his gi'eatness lay in his faith. Hence
his lofty aims, which, rising high above fame, above
power, above all the ordinary objects of ambition,
aspii-ed to the only and supreme good. Hence, too,
that inflexible principle wliich enabled him, without
turning to the right or to the left, to go straight on
through all the intricacies of his path, making no
compromise ^\•ith falsehood, never listening to the
solicitations of self-interest, and alive only to the
voice of duty. Hence, too, that luifaltering perse-
verance and midying hope that upheld lum in the
darkest hoiu', and amid the most terrible calamities,
and made him confident of ultimate victory where
- The original authority from which the liistorians Bor,
Meteren, Hooft, and others have di-awn their details of
the assassination of William of Orange is the " Official
Statement," compiled by order of the States-General, of
which there is a copy in the Royal Library at the Hague.
Tho basis of this "Statement" is the Confession of
balthazar Gerard, written by liimself. There is a recent
edition of tliis Confession, printed from an ohl MS. copy,
and published by M. Gachaid.
PROTESTANTISM IN THE NETHERLANDS.
137
another would Imvc abanrloncd tlio conflict as
hopeless. William of Orange persevered and
triiiinjihed where a Cassar or a Napoleon would
liave despaii-ed and lieen defeated. Tlie man and
the country are alike : both ai-e an epic. (Supremely
tragic outwardly is the history of both. It is defeat
.succeeding defeat ; it is disaster heaped upon dis-
aster, and calamity piled upon calamity, till at last
there stands jiersonified before us an lUad of woes.
But by some marvellous touch, by some transform-
ing fiat, the whole scene is suddenly changed : the
blackness kindles into glorious hght, the roar of the
tempest subsides into sweetest music, and defeat
grows into victory. The man we had expected
to see prostrate beneath tlie ban of Philip, rises
up greater than kings, crowned wth the wreath
of a deathless sovereignty ; and the little State
which Spam had thought to consign to an eternal
slavery, rends the chain from her neck ; and from
her seat amid the seas, she makes her light to
cii'culate along the shores of the islands and con-
tinents of the deep, and her power to be felt, and
her name reverenced, by the mightiest kingdoms
on the earth.
CHAPTER XXVII.
ORDER AND GOVERNMENT OF THE NETHERLAND CHURCH.
Tlie Spiritual Movement beneath the Armed Struggle — The Infant Springs — Gradual Development of the
Chm'ch of the Netherlands— The "Forty Ecclesiastical Laws "—Their Enactments respecting the Election of
Ministers — Examination and Admission of Pastors— Care for the Purity of the Pulpit — The "Fortnightly
Exercise "— Yeai-ly Visitation— Worship and Schools— Elders and Deacons— Power of the Magisti-ate in the
Church— Controversy respecting it— Efforts of the States to Compose these Quarrels— Synod at Middelburg— It
Completes the Constitution of the Dutch Church.
The development of the religiovis pi-inciple is some-
what overshadowed by the sti-uggle in arms which
Protestantism had to maintain in the Low Coun-
tries. But the well-defined landing-place at which
we have anived, permits lis to pause and take a
closer view of the iimer and sjimtual conflict.
Amid the ai-mies that are seen marching to and
fro over the soil of the Netherlands ; amid the
liattles that shake it from side to side ; amid the
blaze of cities kindled by the Spaniard's torch, and
fields drowned in blood by the Spanish sword, wc
can recognise the silent yet not inefficacious pre-
sence of a great power. It Is here that wc find the
infant springs of a movement that to the outward
eye seems so very martial and complex. It is in
closets where the Bible is being read ; it is in little
a.ssemblies gathered in cellar or tliicket or cave,
where prayer is being offered up and the Scriptures
are being searched ; it is in the prison where the
confessor languishes, and at the stake whei-e the
martyr is expu-ing, that we fijid the beginnings of
that imjndse which brought a nation into the field
with arms in its hands, and raised up William of
Orange to withstand the power of Spain. It was
not the old charters that kindled the fire in the
Netherlands. These were slowly and silently re-
turning to dust, and the Provinces were sinking
with them into slavery, and both would have con-
tinued uninterruptedly theii- quiescent repose had
not an old Book, which claims a higher than human
authorship, awakened conscience, and made it more
indispensable to the men of the Netherlands to
have freedom of worsliip than to enjoy goods or
estate, or even life itself. It was this inexorability
that brought on the conflict.
But was it not a misfortmic to transfer such
a controversy to the arena of the battle-field ?
Doubtless it was; but for that calamity the dis-
ciples of the Gospel in the Netherlands are not to
blame. Thoy waited long and endured much before
they betook them to arms. Nearly half a cen-
tury passed away after the burning of the fu-st
martyrs of Protestantism in Brussels till the first
sword was unsheathed in the war of independence.
During that period, speaking generally — for the
exact number never can be ascertained — from
50,000 to 100,000 men and women had been
])ut to death for religion. And when at last
war came, it came not from the Protestants,
but from the Spaniards. We have seen the power-
ful army of soldiers which Alva led across the
Alps, and we have seen the terrible work to which
they gave themselves when they entered the coim-
try. The Blood Council was set uj), the preacliing
of the Gospel was forbidden, the ministers were
hanged, whole cities were laid in ashes, and, the
gibbets being full, the trees of the field were con-
verted into gallows, and their boughs were seen
138
HISTORY OP PROTESTANTISM.
laden with tlie corpses of men ;inil women whose
only crime was that they were, or were suspected of
being, convei-ts to Protestantism. As if this were
not enough, sentence of death was ])assed upon all
the inhabitants of the Netherlands. Not even
yet had a sword been drawn in opposition to a
tp-anny that had converted the Provinces, recently
so floiu-ishing, into a slaughter-house, and that
threatened speedily to make them as silent as a
gi-aveyard. Nor did Philip mean that his strang-
lin^s, bumings, and massacrings should stoji at the
Netherlands. The orders to liis devastating hordes
were to follow the steps of Protestantism to
every land where it had gone ; to march to the
shores of the Leman ; to the banks of the Thames ;
to France, should the Guises fail in the St. Bar-
tholomew they were at that moment plotting :
every^vhere " extennination, utter extermination,"
was to be inflicted. Protestantism was to be torn
up by the roots, although it should be necessaiy to
tear up along with it all human rights and liberties.
It is not the Netherlands, with William at their
head, for whom we need to offer vindication or
apology, for coming forward at the eleventh hour
to save Chiistendom and the world from a cata-
strophe so imminent and so tremendous ; the parties
that need to be defended are those more powerful
States and princes who stood aloof, or rendered but
inadequate aid at this supreme crisis, and left the
world's battle to Ije fought by one of the smallest
of its kingdoms. It is no doubt true, as we are
often reminded, that the great Defender of the
Church is her heavenly King ; but it is equally true
that he saves her not by miracle, but by blessing the
counsels and the arms, as well as the teacliing and
the blood of her disciples. There is a time to die
for the truth, and there is a time to fight for it ;
and the part of Christian wisdom is to discern the
" times," and the duty which they call for.
Leaving the armed struggles that are seen on the
surface, let us look at the under-current, which,
from one houi' to another, is waxing in breadth and
power. Protestantism in the Nethei'lands does not
form one great river, as it did in some other coun-
tries. For half a century, at least, it is a congeries
of fountains that bin-st out here and there, and
send forth a multitude of streamlets, that are seen
flowing through the country and refreshing it with
li\-ing water. The course of Netherland Protest-
antism is the exact reverse of that of the great river
of the land, the Rhine, which long keeping its floods
united, divides at last into an infinity of streams,
and falls into the ocean. Netherland Protestantism,
long parted into a multitude of courses, gathers at
length its waters into one chamiel, and forms hence-
forth one gi'eat river. This makes it somewhat
diflicult to obtaiii a clear view of the Netherland
Protestant Church. That Church is first seen in
her martyrs, and it may be truly said that her
martyrs are her glory, for they are excelled in
numbers, and in holy heroism, by those of no
Church in Christendom. The Netherland Church
is next seen in her individual congi'egations, scat-
tered through the cities of Flanders, Brabant, and
Holland ; and these congregations come into view,
and anon disappeai", according as the cloud of per-
secution now rises and now falls ; and last of all,
that Church is seen in her Synods. Her days of
battle and martyrdom come at length to an end ;
and under the peaceful sceptre of the princes of the
House of Orange, her courts regularly convene, her
seminaries flourish, her congregations fill the land,
and the writings of her theologians are diSiised
through Christendom. The schools of Germany
have ceased by this time to be the crowded resort
of scholare they once were ; the glory of the French
Huguenots has waxed dim ; and the day is going
away in Geneva, where in the middle and end of
the sixteenth century it had shone so brightly ; but
the light of Holland is seen burning purely, form-
ing the link between Geneva and the glory destined
to illuminate England in the seventeenth century.
The order and government established in the
Church of Holland may be clearly ascertamed from
the " Forty Ecclesiastical Laws," which in the year
1577 were drawn up and published in the name of
the Prince of Orange as Stadtholder, and of the
States of Holland, Zealand, and their aJlies. The
preamble of the Act indicates the great principle
of ecclesiastical jurisprudence entertained by the
framers, and which they sought to embody in the
Dutch Church. " Haraig," say they, " nothing
more at heart than that the doctrine of the holy
Gospel may be propagated in its utmost purity
in the towns and other places of our jurisdiction,
we have thought tit, after mature deliberation, to
make the following rules, which we will and require
to be inviolably preserved ; and we have judged it
necessary that the said rules should chiefly relate
to the administration of Church government, of
which there are to be found in Holy Scripture
four principal kinds : 1. That of Pastors, who are
likewise styled Bishops, Presbyters, Ministers in
the Word of God, and whose office cliiefly consists
in teaching the said Word, and in the administra-
tion of the Sacraments. 2. That of Doctors, to
whose ofiice is now substituted that of Professors of
Divinity. 3. That of Elders, whose main business
is to watch over men's morals, and to bring
transgressors again into the right way by friendly
140
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
admonitions ; and 4. That of Deacons, who have
tlie care of the sick."
According to tliis programme of Chm-ch govern-
ment, or body of ecclesiastical canons, now enacted
by tlie States, the appointment of ministers was
lodged in the hands of the magistrates, who were to
act, however, upon " the information and with the
advice of the ministers." Towns whose magis-
trates had not yet embraced the Reformed religion,
were to be supplied with pastors from a distance.
No one was to assume at his own hands an office so
sacred as the ministry : he must receive admission
from the constituted authorities of the Church.
The minister " elect " of a city had iirst to vmdergo
exammation before the elders, to whom he must
give proofs that his learning was competent, that
his pulpit gifts were such as might enable him
to edify the people, and, above all, that his life
was pure, lest he should dishonour the pulpit,
and bring reproach upon "the holy office of the
ministry." If found qualified in these three par-
ticulars, " he shall be presented," say the canons,
" to the magistrate for his approliation, in order
to his preaching to the people," that they, too,
may be satisfied as to his fitness to instruct them.
There still awaits him another ordeal befoi'e he can
enter a pulpit as pastor of a flock. He has been
nominated by the magistrate with advice of the
ministers ; he has been examined by the elders ;
he has been accepted by the people ; and thus has
given guarantees as to his learning, his life, and
his power of communicating insti-uction ; but before
being ordained to the office of the ministry, " his
name shall be published from the pulpit," say the
canons, " three Sundays successively, to the end
that if any man has aught to object against liim,
or can show any cause why he should not be
admitted, he may have time to do it." We shall
suppose that no objections have been ofiered — at
least none such as to form a bar to his admission —
the oath of allegiance is then administered to him.
In that oath he swears obedience to the lawful
authorities " in all things not contrary to the will
of God." To this civil oath was appended a solemn
vow of spii-itual fidelity, in these words : " More-
over, I swear that I will preach and teach the
Word of God after the jnirest manner, and with
the gi-eatest diligence, to the end it may biing
forth much fniit in this congi-egation, as becomes
a true and faithful shepherd Neither
will I forsake this ministry on account of any
advantage or disadvantage." It was to the eccle-
siastical authorities that this promise was commonly
given in other Presbyterian Churches, but in Hol-
land it was tendered to the nation through the
magistrate, the autonomy of the Church not being
as yet complete. The act of ordinatien was to
be preceded by a sermon on the sacred function,
and followed by prayers for a blessing on the
pastor and his flock. So simple was the ritual,
in studied contrast to the shearings, the anoint-
ings, and the investitures of the Roman Church,
which made the entrance into sacred orders an afl'air
of so much mystic pomp. "This," the canons
add, " we think sufficient, seeing that the ancient
cei-emonies are degenerated into abominable insti-
tutions," and they might have added, had failed to
guard the piu-ity of the priesthood.'
In these canons we see at least an earnest desire
evinced on the part of the civil authorities of
Holland to secure learned and pious men for its
pulpits, and to provide guarantees, so far as himaan
foresight and arrangement could do so, against the
indolent and unfaithful discharge of the office on
the pai-t of those entrusted with it. And in thi.s
they showed a wise care. The heart of a Protes-
tant State is its Church, and the heart of a Church
is its pulpit, and the centuries wliich have elapsed
since the era of the Reformation furnish us ■with
more than one example, that so long as the pulpit
retains its purity, the Church will preserve her
vigour ; and while the Church pi-eserves her vigom-,
the commonwealth will continue to flourish ; and
that, on the other hand, when languor invades the
pidpit, corruption sets-in in the Church, and from
the Church the leprosy quickly extends to the
State ; its pillars totter, and its bulwarks fall.
Following an example fii-st originated at Geneva,
the ministei-s of a city and of the parishes aroimd
met every fortnight to confer together on religious
matters, as also on their studies, and, in short, on
whatever concerned the welfare of the Chiu'ch and
the efficiency of her pastors. Every minister, in
his turn, preached before his brethren ; and if hi ■
sermon was thought to contain anytliing contrary
to sound doctrine, the rest admonished him of his
error. In order still more to guard the purity aird
keep awake the vigilance of the ministry, a com-
mission, consisting of two elders and two ministers
of the chief town, was to make a yearly circuit
through the dependent Provinces, and report the
state of matters to the magistrate on their retm-n,
" to the end," say the canons, " that if they find
anything amiss it may be seasonably redi-essed."
Not fewer than three sermons a week were to be
preached " in all public places," and on the after-
noon of Sunday the Heidelberg Catechism was to
be expounded in all the chiu-ches. Baptism was to
1 Brandt, vol i., pp. 318, 319.
THE NETHERLAND REFORMED CHURCH.
141
\»' adminLstered by a minister only ; it was not
to be denied to any infant ; it was " pious and
jjraiseworthy " for the parent himself to bring the
chUd to be baptised, and the celebration was to
take place in the chiu-ch in presence of the con-
gregation, unless the child were sick, when the
ordinance might be dispensed at home " in pre-
sence of some godly persons." The Lord's Supper
was to be celebrated foiu- times yearly, care being
taken that all who approached the table were
well instructed in the faith. The canons, more-
over, prescribe the duty of ministers touching the
■visitation of the .sick, the care of prisoners, and
attendance at funerals. A body of theological pro-
fessors was provided for the University of Leyden ;
and the magistrates planted a school in every town
under theii- jurisdiction, selecting as teachera only
those who professed the Reformed faith, " whose
business it shall be to instU into them principles of
true religion as well as leai'ning."
The ciders were chosen, not by the congre-
gation, but by the magistrates of the city. They
were to be .selected from then' own body, "good
men, and not inexperienced in the matters of reli-
gion ; " they were to sit wth the pastors, consti-
tuting a court of morals, and to rejjort to the
Government such decisions and transactions as it
might concern the Government to know. To the
deacons was assigned the care of the poor. The
Htate aiTangements in Holland for this class of
the community made the office of deacon well-
nigh superfluous ; nevertheless, it was instituted as
being an integral part of the Church machinery ;
and so the canons bid the magistrates take care
" that fit and godly stewards be appointed, who
understand how to assist the poor according to
their necessities, by which means the trade of beg-
ging may be prevented, and the poor contained
within the bounds of theii- duty ; this will be easily
brought about as soon as an end shall be put to
oiu' miseries by peace and public tranquillity."'
This firet framework of the Netherland Refoi-med
Church left the magistrate the highest functionary
in it. The final decision of all matters lay -with
him. In matters of administration and of disci-
]>line, in questions of morals and of doctrine, he
was the colu^; of last appeal. This presents us
wth a notable difference between the Protestant
Church of the Netherhmds and the Chiu-ches of
Geneva and France. Calvin aimed, as wc have
seen, at a complete separation of the civil and the
spiritual domain ; ho sought to exclude entirely the
power of the magistrate in things purely spiritual.
and he eflected this in the important point of
admission to the Communion-table ; but in Geneva
the Cliui-oh being the State, the two necessarily
touched each other at a gi-eat many points, and
the Reformer failed to make good the perfect
autonomy which he aimed at conferiing on the
Church. In France, however, as we have also seen,
he realised his ideal fully. He established in that
country an ascending gi-adation of Church courts,
or spiritual tribunals, according to which the final
legislation and administration of all spiritual affaii-s
lay within the Church herself. We behold the
French Protestant Church taking her place by the
side of the French Government, and exliibiting a
scheme of spiritual administration and i-ule as
distinct and complete as that of the civil govern-
ment of the country. But in the Netherlands we
fail to see a marked distinction between the spiritual
and the civil power : the ecclesiastical courts merge
into the magistrate's tribunal, and the head of the
State is to the Church in room of National Synod
and Assembly. One reason of the difference is to
be found in the fact that whereas in France the
magistrate was hostile, in the Low Countries he
was friendly, and was oftener found in the van
than in the rear of the Refoi-m. Moreover, the
magistrates of Holland could plead a very vener-
able and a vei-y unbroken precedent for theii-
interference in the affairs of the Church : it had
been, they affirmed, the practice of princes from
the days of Justinian downwards. -
This was one source of the troubles which after-
wards afflicted the States, and which we must not
pass wholly wthout notice. Peter Cornelison and
Gaspar Koolhaes, ministers in Leyden, were (1579)
the fii'st to begin the war which raged so long
and so fiercely in Holland on the question of the
authority of the Civil Government in Ecclesiastical
mattei-s. Peter Cornelison maintained that elders
and deacons ought to be nominated by the Con-
sistory and proposed to the congi-egation without
the intervention of the miigistrate. Gaspar Kool-
haes, on tho contrary, maintained that elders imd
deacons, on being nominated by the Consistory,
should be approved of by the magistrates, and
afterwards presented to the congregation. TIic
dispute came before the magistrates, and decision
was given in favour of the latter method, that
elders and deacons elect should receive the ap-
jiroval of the magistnitc before being presented
to the people. The States of Holland, with the
view of preserving the public peace and putting
> Brandt, vol. i., pp. 321, 32-J.
^ See "Reasons of prescribing these Ecclesiastical
Laws "—Brandt, vol. i., p. 322.
142
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
an end to these quarrels, appointed certain divines
to deduce from Scripture, and embody in a concise
treatise, the Relations of the Civil and Ecclesiastical
Powers — in other words, to give an answer to the
question, what the magistrate may do and what
he may not do in tlie Churcli. It is almost un-
necessary to say that theii- dissertation on this
difficult and delicate question did not meet the views
of all parties, and that the tempest was not allayed.
The worthy divines took somewhat decided views
on the magistrate's functions. His duty, they
said, was " to hinder those who corrupt the Word
of God from disturbing the external peace of the
Church, to fine and imprison them, and inflict cor-
pora] punishments upon them." As an illustration
Peter Comelison, the champion of the Consistorial
rights, was dismissed from his charge in Leyden,
an apology accompanying the act, in which the
magistrates set forth that they " did not design to
tyrannise over the Church, but to rid her of violent
and seditious men," adding "that the Church ought
to be governed by Christ alone, and not by minis-
ters and Consistories." This looked like raising
a false issue, seeing both parties admitted that
the government of the Church is in Christ alone,
and only disputed as to whether that government
ought to be administered through magistrates, or
through ministers and Consistories.'
The National Synod which met at Dort in 1578,
and which issued the famous declaration in favour
of toleration, noticed in a previous chapter, agreed
that a National Synod should be convened once
every three years. In pursuance of that enact-
ment, the Churches of Antwerp and Delft, to whom
the power had been given of convoking the as-
sembly, issued circular letters calling the SjTiod,
which accordingly assembled in 1581 at Middelburg
in Zealand. The constitution of the Netherland
Refonned Church — so ftir framed by the " Eccle-
sia.stical Laws " — this Synod completed on the
French model. The Consistories, or Kirk-sessions,
it placed under classes or Presbyteries ; and the
Presbyteries it placed imder particular Synods.
The other regulations tended in the direction of
curtailing the power of the magistrate in Chui'ch
matters. The Synod entii-ely shut him out in the
choice of elders and deacons, and it permitted him
to interfere in the election of ministers only so
far as to approve the choice of the people. The
Synod likewise decreed that all ministers, elders,
deacons, and professors of divinity should subscribe
the Confession of Faith of the Netherland Church.
In the case of KooLhaes, who had maintained
against Cornelison the right of the magistrate to
intervene in the election of elders and deacons,
the Synod found his doctrine erroneous, and or-
dained him to make a public acknowledgment.
Nevertheless, he refused to submit to this judgment,
and though excommunicated by the Synod of Haar-
lem next year, he was sustained in the spiritual
functions and temporal emoluments of his office by
the magistrates of Leyden. The matter was abun-
dantly prolific of strifes and divisions, which had all
but ruined the Church at Leyden, until it ended
in the recalcitrant resigning his ministry and
adopting the trade of a distUler.-
CHAPTER XXVIIL
DISORGANISATION OF THE PROVINCES.
Vessels of Honour and of Dishonour— Memorial of the Magistrates of Leyden— They demand an Undivided Civil
Authority— The Pastors demand an Undivided Spiritual Authority— The Popish and Protestant Jurisdictions
—Oath to Observe the Pacification of Ghent Refused by many of the Priests— The Pacification Violated— Dis-
orders—Tumults in Ghent, etc.— Dilemma of the Eomanists— Tlieii- Loyalty— Miracles— The Prince obliged to
Withdraw the Toleration of the Roman Worship— Priestly Charlatanries in Brussels— William and Toleration.
In projiortion as the Reformed Cliurch of the
Netherlands rises in power and consolidates her
order, the Provinces around her foil into dis-
organisation and weakness. It is a process of selec-
tion and rejection that is seen going on in
' Abridgment of Brandfs History, vol. i., pp. 200—202.
the Low Countries. All that is valuable in the
Netherlands is drawn out of the heap, and gathered
round the gi'eat principle of Protestantism, and set
apart for liberty and glory ; all that is worthless is
thrown away, and left to be burned in the fii-e of
2 Brandt, vol. i., pp. 381, 382.
MAGISTRATES AND MINISTERS.
143
despotism. Of the Seventeen Provuices seven are
taken to be fashioned into a "vessel of honour,"
ten are left to become a " vessel of dishonour."
The first become the "head of gold," the second are
the " legs and feet of clay."
Notwithstanding the efforts of the Synod of
Middelburg, the peace at large was not restoi-ed;
there was still war between the jjastors and some
of the municipalities. The next move in the battle
came from the magistrates of Leyden. Their pride
Iiad been hiu-t by what the Synod of Middelburg
had done, and they presented a complaint against it
to the States of Holland. In a Synod vested with the
power of enacting canons, the magistrates of Leyden
saw, or professed to see, another Papacy rising up.
The fear was not unwan-anted, seeing that for a
thousand years the Church had tyrannised over the
State. " If a new National Synod is to meet every
three years," say the magistrates in theii- memorial
to the States, " the number of ecclesiastical decrees
\vill be so great tliat we shall have much ado to find
the beginning and the end of that link." It was
a second canon law which they dreaded. " If we
receive the decrees of Synods we shall become their
vassals," they reasoned. "We demand," said they
in conclusion, " that the civil authority may stOl
reside in the magistrates, whole and undivided ; we
dcsii-e that the clergy may have no occasion to usurp
:i new jurisiUction, to raise themselves above the
Government, and rule over the subjects."
The ministers and elders of the Chiu-ches of Hol-
liind met the demand for an undivided civil autho-
rity on the part of the magistrates by a demand for
an undivided spiritual authority on the part of the
Church. They asked that " the govei-nment of the
Church, which is of a spiritual nature, should still
reside, whole and undivided, in the pastors and
overseers of the Chiu-ches, and that politicians, and
jjarticularly those who plainly showed that they
were not of the Reformed religion, should have no
occasion to exercise an luu-easonable power over the
Church, which they could no more endure than the
yoke of Popery." And they add, " that having
escaped from the Poiiish tyranny, it behoved them
to see that the people did not fall into unlimited
lit^entiousness, or libertinage, tending to nothing but
disorder and confusion. The bhmted rod should
not bo thrown away lest peradventurc a sharper
should grow up in its room." ' It is true that both
tlio Popish and the Protestant Churches claim a
spiritual jurisdiction, but there is this essential dif-
ference between the two powers claimed — the former
is lawless, the latter is regulated by law. Tlie Popish
juiisdiction cannot be resisted by conscience, because,
claiming to be infallible, it is above conscience. The
Protestant jurisdiction, on" the contrary, leaves con-
science free to resist it, should it exceed its just
powers, because it teaches that God alone is Lord of
the conscience.
But to come to the root of the unhappy strifes
that now tore up the Netherlands, and laid the
better half of the Provinces once more at the feet
of Rome — there were two nations and two faiths
struggling in that one country. The Jesuits had
now had time to bring their system into full
operation, and they succeeded so far in thwarting
the measures which were concerted by the Prince
of Orange ^vith the view of uniting the Pi'ovinces,
on the basis of a toleration of the two faiths, in a
common struggle for the one liberty. Led by the
discijiles of Loyola, the Romanists in the Nether-
lands would neither be content with equality for
themselves, nor would they grant toleration to the
Protestants wherever they had ^he power of re-
fusing it ; hence the failure of the Pacification of
Ghent, and the Peace of Religion. The Fathers
kept the populations in contiinial agitation and
alarm, they stiri-ed up seditions and tumults, they
coerced the magistrates, and they provoked the
Protestants in many jilaces into acts of imprudence
and violence. On the framing of the Pacification of
Ghent, the Roman Catholic States issued an order
requii-ing all magistrates and priests to swear to
observe it. The secular priests of Antwerp took
the oath, but the Jesuits refused it, " because they
had sworn to be faithful to the Pope, who favoured
Don John of Austria."^ Of the Franciscan monks
in the city twenty swore the oath, and nineteen
refused to do so, and were thereupon conducted
peaceably out of the town along with the Jesuits.
The Franciscans of Utrecht fled, as did those of
other towns, to avoid the oath. In some places
the Peace of Religion was not accepted, and in
others where it had been formally accepted, it was
not only not kept, it was flagrantly violated bj^ the
Romanists. The basis of that treaty was the tolera-
tion of both worsliips all over the Netherlands.
It gave to the Protestants in the Roman Catholic
Provuices — in all places where they numbered a
Inindred — the right to a chapel in which to colc-
Inate their worship ; and wliero their numbers did
not enable them to claim this privilege, they were
nevertheless to be jiermittcd the unmolested exer-
cise of their worship in private. But in many
places the rights accorded by the treaty were
denied them : they could have no chapel, and even
> Brandt, vol. i., pp. 384—386.
' Abridgment of Brandt's Sistory, vol. i., p. 185.
144
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tlie private exercise of their worship exposed them
to molestations of various kinds. The Protestants,
incensed b_v this anti-national spirit and bad faith,
and emboldened moreover by theii' own grov\dng
numbers, seized by force in many cities the rights
which they could not obtain by peaceable means.
Disorders and seditions were the consequence.
Ghent, the city which had given its name to the
Pacification, led the van in these disgraceful
them into cannon, and having fortified the town,
and made themselves masters of ii, they took
several villages in the neighbourhood and en-
acted there the same excesses.' These deplorable
disorders were not confined to Ghent ; they ex-
tended to Antwerp, to Utrecht, to Mechlin, and to
other towns — the Protestants taking the initiative
in some pliices, and the Romanists in othei-s ; but
all these \'iolences grew out of the rejection of the
VIEW IN HAARLEM : THE COKX M.VP.KET.
tumults; and it was remarked that nowhere was the
Pacification worse kept than in the city where it
had been framed. The Reformed in Ghent, excited
by the harangues delivered to them from the
pulpit by Peter Dathenus, an ex-monk, and now a
Protestant high-fiicr, who condemned the toleration
granted to the Romanists as impious, and styled the
prince who had framed the treaty an atheist, rose
vipon the Popish clergy and chased them away,
voting them at the same time a yearly pension.
They pillaged the abbeys, pulled do^vn the con-
vents, broke the images, melted the bells and cast
Peace of Religion, or out of the flagrant violation
of its articles.- The commanding influence of the
Prince of Orange succeeded in pacifying the citizens
in Ghent and other towns, but the tumults stOled
for a moment broke out afresh, and raged with
greater violence. The coimtry was torn as by a
civil war.
This state of matters led to the adoption of
other measures, which still more complicated and
1 Brandt, vol. i., p. 342.
- Abridgment of Brandt's History, vol. i., p. 196.
THE FLEMISH EOMAN CATHOLICS.
145
embarrassed the movement. It was becoming
evident to William that his basis of operations
must be narrowed if he would make it stable ; tliat
tlie Pacification of Ghent, and the Peace of Re-
ligion, in themselves wise and just, embraced
peoples that were diverse, and elements that were
irreconcilable, and in consequence wei-e failing of
their ends. A few Romanists were staunch
l)atriots, but the great body were showing them-
selves incapable of symjiathising with, or heartily
and danger. There came a sudden outburst of
propagandist zeal on the part of the priests, and of
miraculous vii-tue on the part of statues and relics.
Images began to exude blood, and from the bones
of the dead a healing power went forth to cure the
diseases of the living. These prodigies gi'eatly edified
the piety of the Roman Catholics, but they inflamed
then" joassions against their Protestant fellow- sub-
jects, and they rendered them decidedly hostile to
the cause of then- country's emancipation. The
viE'w or rLisiii
co-operating in, the great sti-uggle for the libera-
tion of their native land. Their consciences, in the
guidance of the Jesuits, stifled tlieii- patriotism.
They were awkwardly jilaced between two altema-
ti\cs : if Philip should conquer in the war they
would lose their country, if victory should declare
for the Prince of Orange they would lose their faith.
From this dilemma they co\dd be delivered only by
becoming Protestants, and Protestants they were
determined not to become ; they sought escape by
the other door — namely, that of perauading or com-
pelling the Protestants to become Romanists.
Their desire to solve the difficidty by this issue
introduced still another element of disorganisation
117
jirince had always stood up for the full toleration
of their worship, but he now began to perceive
tliat what the Flemish Romanists called worship
was what otlier men called political agitation ; antl
though still holding by the truth of his great
maxim, and as ready to tolerate all religions as
ever, he did not hold himself bound to tolerate
charlatanry, especially when practised for the over-
throw of Netherland liberty. He had proclaimed
toleration for the Roman worship, but he had not
bound himself to tolerate everything which the
Romanist might substitute for worship, or whicli it
might please liim to call worsliip. The prince came
at length to the conclusion that he had no altema-
146
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
tive but to withdraw by edict the toleration which
he had pi-ochiimed by edict ; nor in doing so did he
feel that he was trenching on the rights of con-
science, for he recognised on the pai-t of no man, or
body of men, a right to plead 'conscience for feats
of jugglery and tricks of legerdemain. Accord-
ingly, on the 26th of December, 1581, an edict
was published by the prince and the States of
Holland, forbidding the public and private exercise
of the Roman religion, but leaving opinion free, by
forbidding inquisition into any man's conscience.'
This was the first " placard " of the sort published
in Holland since the States had taken up arms for
their liberties ; and the best j'roof of its necessity
is the fact that some cities in Brabant, where the
bulk of the inliabitants were Romanists — Antwerp
and Brussels in particular — were compelled to have
recoiu-se to the same measure, or submit to the
humiliation of seeing their Government bearded,
and their public peace hopelessly embroiled.
Antwerp chose six " discreet ecclesiastics " to
baptise, marry, and visit the sick of then- own
commiinion, gi-anting them besides the use of two
little chapels ; but even these functions they were
not pennitted to luidertake till first they had
sworn fidelity to the Government. The rest of the
priests were requii'ed to leave the town within
twenty-four hoiu's under a penalty of 200
crowns.- In Brussels the suppression of the Popish
worship, which was occasioned by a tumult raised
by a seditious ciu'ate, brought with it an exposure
of the arts which had rendered the edict of sup-
pression necessary. " The magistrates," says the
edict, " were convinced that the thi'ee bloody Hosts,
which were sho-svn to the people by the name of the
Sacrament of Mii'acles, were only a stained cloth ;
that the clergy had exposed to the people some
bones of animals as relics of saints, and deceived
the simple many other ways to satisfy theii-
avai'ice ; that they had made them worehip some
pieces of alder-tree as if they had been a pai-t of
oiu- Saviour's cross ; that ra some statvies several
holes had been discovered, into which the priests
poured oil to make them sweat ; lastly, that in
other statues some sjarings had been found by which
they moved several parts of tlieu- bodies."^
These edicts, unlike the terrible placards of
Philip, erected no gibbets, and dug no gi'aves for
living men and women ; they were in aU cases
temporary, "till public tranquillity should be re-
stored ; " they did not proscribe opinion, nor did
they deny to the Romanist the Sacraments of his
Chiu-ch ; they suppressed the public assembly only,
and they sujjpressed it because a himdred proofs
had demonstrated that it was held not for worship
but sedition, and that its fruits were not piety but
tumults and distiu'bances of the public peace.
Most unwilling was the Prince of Orange to go
even this length; it placed him, he saw, in ap-
parent, not real, opposition to his formerly declared
views. Nor did he take tliis step till the eleventh
horn-, and after being perfectly persuaded that
■without some such measure he could not preserve
order and save libei-ty.
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE SYNOD OP DORT.
First Moments after William's Death— Defection of the Southern Provinces— Courage of Holland— Prince Maurice —
States offer their Sovereignty to Henry III. of Prance— Treaty with Queen Elizabeth— Earl of Leicester— Retires
from the Government of the Netherlands— Growth of the Provinces- Dutch Reformed Church— Calvinism the
Common Theology of the Reformation— Arminius— His Teaching— His Party— Renewal of the Controversy
touching Grace and Free-will— The Five Points— The Remonstrants— The Synod of Dort— Members and
Delegates— Remonstrants Summoned before it — Tlieir Opinions Condemned by it— Remonstrants Deposed and
Banished— The Reformation Theology of the Second Age as compared with that of the Fii'st.
William, Prince of Orange, had just fallen, and
tlie murderous blow that deprived of life the gi'eat
foimder of the Dutch Republic was as much the
act of Philip of Sjiain as if his own hand had fii-ed
1 Brandt, vol. i., p. 383.
2 Ibid., p. 382.
the bidlet that passed through the prince's body,
and laid him a corpse in the hall of his own
dwelling-house. Grief, consternation, despaii- over-
spread the Provinces. The very cluldren cried in
2 Abridgment of Brandt, vol. i., p. 207.
THE UNITED PROVINCES AND ELIZABETH.
147
the streets. Father William had fallen, and the
Netherlands had fallen with hini ; so did men
believe, and for a time it verily seemed as if the
calamity had all the frightful magnitude in which
it presented itself to the nation in the fii'st mo-
ments of its surprise and terror. The geni^ls,
wisdom, courage, and patriotism of which the
assassin's shot had deprived the Low Countries
could not possibly be replaced. William could
have no successor of the same lofty stature as
himself. While he lived all felt that they had a
bulwark between them and Spanish tyranny ; but
now that he was dead, the shadow of Rome and
Spain seemed again to approach them, and all
trembled, from the wealthy merchant on the ex-
changes of Antwerp and Brussels, to the rude
fisherman on the solitary coast of Zealand. The
gloom was imiversal and tragical. The diplomacy of
Parma and the ducats of Spain wei-e instantly set
to work to corrupt and seduce the Provinces. The
faint-hearted, the lukewarm, and the secretly hostile
were easily drawn away, and induced to abandon
the gi'eat struggle for Netherland liberty and the
Protestant faith. Ghent, the key-stone of that
arch of which one side was Roman Catholic and
the other Protestant, reconciled itself to Philip.
Bruges, Brussels, Antwerp, Mechlin, and other
towns of Brabant and Flandei-s, won by the
diplomacy or vanquished by the arms of Pai-ma,
returned under the yoke. It seemed as if the free
State which the laboiu's and sacrifices of William
the Silent had called into existence was about to
disappear from the scene, and accompany its
founder to the tomb.
But the work of WUliam was not so to vanish ;
its root was deeper. When the first moments of
panic were ovei-, the .spu'it of the fallen hero
asserted itself in Holland. The Estates of that
Province passed a resolution, the very day of his
murder, "to maintain the good cause, by God's
help, to the uttermost, without sparing gold or
blood," and they communicated their resolve to all
commanders by land and sea. A State Council, or
provisional executive board, was established for the
Seven Provinces of the Union. At the head of it
was placed Prince Maurice, William's second son,
a lad of seventeen, who already manifested no
ordinary decision and energy of character, and who
in obedience to the summons of the States now
quitted the University of Leyden, where he liad
been pursiiing his studies, to be invested with
many of his father's commands and honours. The
blandishments of the Duke of Panna the States
strenuously repelled, decreeing that no overture of
reconciliation should be received from "the tyrant;"
and the city of Dort enacted that whoever should
bring any letter from the enemy to any private
pei-son " should forthwith be hanged."
It was Protestantism that had fired Holland and
her six sister Provinces with this great resolve ;
and it was Protestantism that was to build up theii'
State in the face of the powerful enemies that sur-
roimded it, and in spite of the reverses and disasters
to which it still continued to be liable. But the
Hollanders were slow to understand this, and to
see wherein their great strength lay. They feared
to trust their future to so intangible and invisible
a protector. They looked abroad in the hope of
finding some foreign prince who might be willing to
accept their crown, and to employ his power in
their defence. They hesitated some time between
Henry III. of France and Elizabeth of England,
and at last their choice fell on the former. Heniy
was nearer them, he could the more easily send
them assistance ; besides, they hoped that on his
death his crown would devolve on the King of
Navarre, the futui-e Henry IV., in whose hands
they believed their religion and liberty would be
safe. Willingly would Henry III. have enlianced
the splendoiir of his cro'vvn by adding thereto the
Seven United Provinces, but he feared the wi-atli
of the League, the intrigues of Philip, and the ban
of the Pope.
The infant States next repau'ed to Elizabeth
with an offer of their sovereignty. This ofler the
Protestant queen felt she could neither accept nor
decline. To accept was to quarrel with PhUip; and
the state of Ireland at that moment, and the num-
bers and power of the Roman Catholics in England,
made a war mth Spain dangerous to the stability
of her own throne ; and yet should she decline,
what other resource had the Provinces but to throw
themselves into the arms of Philip? and, reconciled
to the Netherlands, Spain would be stronger than
ever, and a stage nearer on its road to England.
The prudent queen was in a strait between the
two. But though she could not be the sovereign,
might she not be the ally of the Hollanders 1 This
she resolved to become. She concluded a treaty
with them, "that the queen should furnish the
States with f),000 foot and 1,000 horse, to be com-
manded by a Protestant general of her appointment,
and to be paid by her during the continuance of
the war; the to\vns of Brill and Flushing being
meanwjiilc put into her possession as security
for the reimbui-sement to her of the war expenses."
It was further stipulated " that should it be found
expedient to employ a fleet in the common cause, the
States should furnish the same number of ships as
the queen, to be coumianded by an English admiral."
148
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
The force agreed upon was immediately des-
patched to Holland under the command of Robert
Dudley, Earl of Leicester. Leicester posses.sed but
few qualities fitting him for the weighty business
now put into his hands. He was vain, frivolous,
gi'cedy, and ambitious, but he was an immense
favourite with the queen. His showy accomplish-
ments blmded at the first the Hollanders, who
entertained him at a series of magnificent banquets
(December, 1585), loaded him with honoiu-s and
j)Osts, and treated him more as one who had already
achieved theii- deliverance, than one who was only
beginning that difficult and doubtful task. The
Provincas soon began to see that their independence
was not to come from the hand of Leicester. He
proved no match for the genius and address of the
Duke of Parma, who was daily winning victories
for Spain, while Leicester could accomplish nothing.
His pnidence failing him, he looked askance on the
grave statesmen and honest patriots of Holland and
Zealand, while he lavished his smiles on the artful
and the designing who .submitted to his caprice and
flattered his vanity. HLs ignorance imposed re-
strictions on their commerce which greatly fettered
it, and would \iltimately have ruined it, and he
gave still deeper offence by expressing contempt
for those ancient charters to which the Dutch were
unalterably attached. Misfortune attended all that
he undertook in the field. He began to intrigue to
make himself master of the coimtry. His designs
came to light, the contempt of the Provinces
deepened into disgust, and just a year after his
first arrival in Holland, Leicester retiu-ned to Eng-
land, and at the desh-e of EUzabeth resigned his
govei-nment.
The distractions which the incapacity and
treachery of the earl had occasioned among the
Dutch themselves, offered a most inviting oppor-
tunity to Parma to invade the Provinces, and
doubtless he would have availed himself of it
but for a dreadful famine that swept over the
Southern Netherlands. The famine was followed
by pestOence. The number of the deaths, added
to the many bauLshments which had previously
taken place, nearly emptied some of the gi-eat
towns of Brabant and Flanders. In the country
the peasants, owing to the ravages of war, had
neither horses to plough their fields laor seed
wherewith to sow them, and the harvest was a
comjjlete fiiilure. In the ten-ible desolation of the
country the beasts sf prey so multiplied, that within
two miles of the once populous and wealthy city of
Ghent, not fewer than a hundred persons were de-
vom'ed by wolves.
Meanwhile Holland and Zealand presented a
pictiu'e which was in striking contrast to the
desolation and ruin that overspread the Southern
and rieher Provinces. Although torn by factions,
the residt of the intrigues of Leicester, and bur-
dened with the expense of a war which they wei'e
compelled to wage wth Parma, their inhabitants
contmued daily to multiply, and their wealth,
comforts, and power to grow. Crowds of Protes-
tant refugees flocked into the Northern Provinces,
which now became the seat of that industry and
manufacturing skill wliich for ages had enriched
and embellished the Netherlands. Ha^•ing the
command of the sea, the Dutch transported then-
products to foreign markets, and so laid the
foundation of that world-wide commerce which
was a source of greater riches to Holland than
were the gold and silver mines of Mexico and
Peru to Spain.'
We have seen the thi-oes and agonies amid which
the Dutch Republic came to the bu-th, and before
depicting the prosperity and power in wliich the
State cidmmated, it is necessary to glance at the
condition of the Dutch Church. From and after
1603, dissensions and di\'isions broke out in it,
which tended to weaken somewhat the mightj''
influences springmg out of a free conscience and a
pure faith, which were liftmg the United Provinces
to prosperity and renown. Up till the year we
have named, the Church of the Netherlands was
strictly Calvinistic, but now a party in it began to
divei'ge from what liad been the one common
theology of the Reformation. It is an error to
suppose that Calvin held and propagated a doctrine
peculiar to himself or difl'erent from that of his
fellow-Reformei's. His theology contained nothing-
new, being essentially that of the gi'eat Fathers of
the early Christian Chiu-ch of the West, and agi-ee-
ing very closely with that of his illustrious fellow
labourers, Luther and Zwingle. Our readers will
remember the battles which Luther waged with the
champions of Rome in defence of the Paulme
teaclmig imder the head of the corruption of man's
whole nature, the moral inability of his will, and
the absolute sovereignty of God. It was on the
same great lines that Calvin's views developed
themselves. On the doctrine of Di^ane sovereignty,
for instance, we find both Luther and Zwingle
expressing themselves in terms fully stronger than
Calvin ever employed. Calvin looked at both sides
of the tremendous subject. He mamtained the
free agency of man not less strenuously than he
did God's eternal fore-ordination. He felt that
both were gi-eat facts, but he doubted whether it
1 Meteren, lib. iv., p. 434.
THE "FIVE POINTS."
149
lay within the power of created intelligence to
reconcile the two, and he confessed that he was
not able to do so. Many, however, have made this
attempt. There have been men who have denied
the doctrine of God's eternal fore-ordination, think-
ing thereby to establish that of man's free agency ;
and there have been men who have denied the
doctrine of man's free agency, meaning thereby to
strengthen that of the eternal fore-ordination of all
things by God ; but these reconcilements are not
solutions of this tremendous question — they are
only monuments of man's inability to grapple with
it, and of the folly of expending .strength and
wasting time in such a discussion. Heedless of the
warnings of past ages, there arose at this time in
the Eeformed Church of Holland a class of di\'ines
who renewed these discussions, and attempted to
solve the awful problem by attacking the common
theology of Luther, and Zwingle, and Calvin^ on the
doctrines of grace and of the eternal decrees.
The controversy had its begimiing thus : the
famous Francis Junius, Professor of Divinity at
Leyden, died of the plague in 1602; and James
Arminius, who had studied theology at Geneva
under Beza, and was pastor at Amsterdam, was
appointed to succeed liim.- Arminius was op-
posed by many ministers of the Dutch Church,
on the ground that, although he was accounted
learned, eloquent, and pious, he was suspected of
holding views inconsistent with the Belgic Con-
fes.sion and the Heidelberg Catechism, which since
l.'iTO had possessed authority in the Church.
Promulgating his views cautiously and covertly
from his chaii-, a controversy ensued between him
and his learned colleague, Gomarus. Arminius
rested God's predestination of men to eternal Hfe
on his foresight of theii" piety and virtue ; Gomarus,
on the other hand, taught that these were not the
causes, but the fruits of God's election of them to
life eternal. Arminius accused Gomarus of instil-
ling the belief of a fatal necessity, and Gomarus
i-eproached Arminius with making man the author
of his o^vn salvation. The controversy between
the two lasted till the death of Armmius, which
took place in 1609. He died in the full hope of
everlasting life. He is said to have chosen for liis
motto. Bona conscieniia Paradisus."
After his death, his disciple Simon Episcopius
became the head of the party, and, as usually
happens in such cases, gave fuller development to
the views of his master than Ainiinius himself had
1 See Calv.. Tnst, lib. iii., cap. 21, 22, &c.
- Brandt (abridg.), vol. i., bk. xviii., p. 267.
2 Brandt—" A good couacience is Pai-adise."
done. From the university, the controversy passed
to the pulpit, and the Chm-ch was divided. In 1610
the followers of Ai-minius presented a Piemonstranco
to the States of Holland, complaining of being
falsely accused of seeking to alter the faith, but at
the same time craving revision of the standard
books of the Dutch Church — the Belgic Confession
and the Heidelberg Catechism — and demanding
toleration for their views, of which they gave a sum-
mary or exhibition in five points, as follow — I. That
the deci-ee of election is gi-ounded on foreseen good
works. II. That Christ died for all men, and pro-
cured remission of sins for all. III. That man cannot
acquire saving faith of himself, or by the strength
of his free-will, but needs for that purpose the
grace of God. IV. That, seeing man cannot believe
at first, nor continue to believe, without the aid of
this co-operating grace, his good works are to be
ascribed to the grace of God in Jesus Chi-ist.
V. That the faithful have a sufiicient strength,
through the Divine grace, to resist all temptation,
and finally to overcome jt. As to the question
whether those who have once believed to the sa\-ing
of the soul can again fall away from faith, and lose
the grace of God, the authors of the Remonstrance
were not prepared to give any answer. It was a
point, they said, that needed further examination ;
Ijut the logical train of the previous propositions
clearly pointed to the goal at which theii- views
touching the " perseverance of the saints " must
necessarily arrive ; and accordingly, at a subsequent
stage of the controversy, they declared, " That those
who have a tnie faith may, nevertheless, fall by
theii' own fault, and lose faith wholly and for ever."''
It is the fii'st receding wave witliiii the Protestant
Church which we are now contemplating, and it is
both instructive and curious to mark that the ebb
from the Pieformation began at what had been the
starting-point of the Reform movement. We have
remarked, at an early stage of our history, that the
que.stion touching the Will of man is the deepest in
theology. Has the Fall left to man the power of
willing and doing what is spiritually good ? or has
it deprived him of that power, and inflicted upon
his will a moral inability ? If we answer the first
question affii-matively, and maintain that man still
retains the power of willing and doing what is
spiritually good, we advance a proposition from
which, it might be argued, a whole system of
Roman theology can be worked out. And if wo
answer the second question affirmatively, we lay
a foundation from which, it might be contended
on the other hand, a whole system of Protestant
* Brandt (abridg.), vol. i., bk. xix., pp. 307, i
150
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM,
theology can be educed. Pursuing the one line of
reasoning, if man still has the power of willing and
doing actions spiritually good, he needs only co-
operating grace in the matter of his salvation ; he
needs only to be assisted in the more difficult parts
of tliat work which he himself has begun, and
which, uuiinly in the exercise of his own powers,
to life eternal. The point, to an ordinaiy eye, seems
an obscure one — it looks a purely speculative point,
and one from which no practical issues of moment
can flow ; nevertlieless, it lies at the foundation of
all tlieology, and as such it was the fii-st great
battle-ground at the period of the Reformation.
It was tlip question so keenly contested, as we ha^-e
0.
(Frt
JAMI.S .\IlMINns.
I oJil Eivjmrino ni (he BiUioUiiim: Nalionale.)
lie himself carries on to the end. Hence the
doctrine of good works, with all the dogmas, rites,
penances, and merits that Rome has built ujion
it. But, following the other lino of reasoning, if
man, by his fall, lost the power of doing what is
si)iritually good, then he must be entirely dependent
\ipon Divine gj-ace for his recovery — he must owe
all to God, from whom must come the beginning,
the continuance, and the end of his salvation ; and
hence the doctrines of a sovereign election, an effec-
tual calling, a free justification, and a perseverance
already narrated, between Dr. Eck on the one side,
and Carlstadt and Luther on tlie otlier, at Leipsic'
This question is, in f\ict, the dividing line between
the two theologies.
Of the fi^c points stated above, the third,
fourth, and fifth may be viewed as one ; they
teach the same doctrine — namely, that man fallen
still possesses such an amount of spiritual strength
as that he may do no inconsiderable \>art of
' See ante, vol. i., bk. v., chap. 15.
152
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the work of his salvation, and needs only co-
operating gi-ace ; and had the authors of the Re-
monstrance been at Leipsic, they must liave
ranged themselves on the side of Eck, and done
battle for the Roman theology. It was this which
gave the affaii- its gi'ave aspect in the eyes of
the majority of the pastors of the Church of Hol-
land. They saw in the doctrine of the " Five Points "
the gi'Oiind surrendered which had lieen won at
the beginning of the Reformation ; and they saw
seed anew deposited from which had sprung the
great tree of Romanism. This was not concealed
on either side. The Remonstrants — so called from
the Remonstrance given in by them to the States
— put forward their views avowedly as intermediate
between the Protestant and Roman systems, in the
hope that they might conciliate not a few members
of the latter Church, and lead to peace. The
orthodox party could not see that these benefits
would flow from the course their opponents were
pursuing ; on the contrary, they believed that they
could not stop where they were — that their views
touching the fixll and the power of free-will must
and would find theii' logical development in a
greater divergence from the theology of the Pro-
testant Churches, and that by remo\T:ng the great
boundaiy-line between the two theologies, they were
opening the way for a return to the Church of
Rome ; and hence the exclamation of Gomarus one
day, after listening to a statement of his views by
Arminius, in the University of Leyden. Rising up
and leaving the hall, he uttered these words :
" Henceforward we shall no longer be able to
oppose Popery."'
Peace was the final goal which the Remonstrants
sought to reach ; but the first-fruits of theii- labours
were schisms and dissensions. The magistrates,
sensible of the injury they were doing the State,
strove to put an end to these ecclesiastical wars,
and with this view they summoned certain pastors
of both sides before them, and made them discuss
the points at issue in their presence; but these
conferences had no effect in restoring harmony.
A disputation of this sort took place at the Hague
in IGll, but like all that had gone before it, it
failed to reconcile the two parties and establish
concord. The orthodox pastors now began to
demand the assembling of a National Synod, as a
more legitimate and competent tribunal for the
examination and decision of such matters, and a
more likely way of putting an end to the dissen-
sions that prevailed ; but the Remonstrant clergy
opposed this proposal. They had influence enough
' Brandt (abridg.), vol. i., bk. xviii., p. 285.
with the civil authorities to prevent the calling of a
Synod for several years; but the war waxing louder
and fiercer every day, the States-General at last
convoked a National Synod to meet in November,
1G18, at Dort.
Than the Synod of Dort there is perhaps no
more remarkable Assembly in the annals of the
Protestant Church. It is alike famous whether we
regard the numbers, or the leai-ning, or the eloquence
of its members. It met at a great crisis, and it
was called to review, re-examine, and authenticate
over again, in the second generation since the rise
of the Reformation, that body of tiiith and system
of doctrine which that great movement had pub-
lished to the world. The States-General had agreed
that the Synod .shoidd consist of twenty-six di-
vines of the United Provinces, twenty-eight foreign
divines, five theological professors, and sixteen lay-
men. The sum of 100,000 florins was set apart to
defray its estimated expenses. Its sessions lasted
six months.
Learned delegates were present in this Assembly
from almost all the Reformed Churches of Europe.
The Churches of England, Scotland, Switzerland,
Geneva, Bremen, Hesse, and the Palatinate were
represented in it. The French Church had no
delegate in the Synod. That Chm-ch had deputed
Peter du Moulin and Andrew Rivet, two of the
most distinguished theologians of the age, to repre-
.sent it, but the king forbade theii' attendance.
From England came Dr. George Carleton, Bishop
of Llandafi'; Joseph Hall, Dean of Worcester;
John Davenant, Professor of Theology and Master
of Queen's College, Cambridge ; and Samuel Ward,
Archdeacon of Taunton, who had been appointed
to proceed to Holland and take part in the pro-
ceedings at Doi't, not indeed by the Church of
England, but by the King and the Archbishop of
Canterbury. Walter Balcanqual represented Scot-
land in the Synod."
The Synod was opened on the 16th of November,
1618, with a sermon by Balthazar Lydius, minister
of Dort. Thereaftei-, the members repau-ed to the
hall appointed for then- meeting. Lydius oflered a
pi-ayer in Latin. The commissioners of the States
sat on the right of the president, and the English
divines on his left. An empty seat was kept for
the French deputies. The rest of the delegates took
their places according to the rank of the country
from which they came. John Bogennan, minister
of Leeuwarden, was cho.sen president ; Daniel
Heinsius was appointed secretary. Heinsius was
an accomplished Latin scholar, and it had been
- B.andt (abridg.), vol. ii., bk. xxiii., p. 394.
THE SYNOD OF DORT.
153
agi-eed thiit that language should he used iii all the
transactions of the Assembly, for the sake of the
foreign delegates. There came tliii-ty-six ministers
and twenty elders, instead of the twenty -six pastors
and sixteen laymen which the States-General had
appointed, besides deputies from other Provinces,
thus swelling the roll of the Synod to upwards of
a hundred.
The Synod summoned thirteen of the leading
Remonstrants, including Episcopius, to appear
within a fortnight. Meanwhile the Assembly occu-
j)ied itself with an-angements for a new translation
of the Bible into Dutch, and the framing of rules
about other matters, as the catechising of the young
and the training of students for the ministry. On
the 5th of December, the thirteen Remonstrants
who had been summoned came to Dort, and next
day presented themselves before the Assembly.
They were saluted by the moderator as " Reverend,
famous, and excellent brethren in Jesus Clu'ist,"
and accommodated with seats at a long table in
the middle of tlie hall. Episcopius, their spokes-
man, saluting the Assembly, craved more time,
that himself and his brethren might prepare them-
selves for a conference with the Synod on the
disputed points. They were told that they had
been sunmioned not to confer with the Spiod, but
to submit their opinions for the Synod's decision,
and were bidden attend next day. On that day
Episcopius made a speech of an hour- and a half's
length, in which he discovered all the art and
power of an orator. Thereafter an oath was ad-
ministered to the members of Synod, in which they
swore, in all the discussions and determinations of
the Synod, to "use no human ^VTiting, but only
the Word of God, which is an infallible rule of
faith," and " only aim at the glory of God, the peace
of the Church, and especially the preservation of the
purity of doctrine."
The Remonstrants did battle on a gi-eat many
preliminaiy points : the jurisdiction of the court,
the manner in which they were to lay their opinions
before it, and the extent to which they were to be
permitted to go in vindicating and defending their
five points. In these debates much time was wasted,
and the patience and good temper of the Assembly
were severely tried. When it was found that
the Remonstrants persisted in declining the au-
thority of the Synod, and would meet it only to
discuss and confer with it, but not to be judged by
it, the States-General was iufoi-med of the dead-
lock into which the aflair had come. The civil
authority issued an order requiring the Remon-
strants to submit to the S}Tiod. To this order
of the State the Remonstrants gave no more
obedience than they had done to the authority of
the Church. They were willing to argue and
defend then- opinions, but not to submit them for
judgment. After two months spent in fruitless
attempts to bring the Remonstrants to obedience,
the Assembly resolved to extract their \'iews from
their writings and speeches, and give judgment
upon them. The examination into theii' opinions,
and the deliberations upon them, engaged the
Assembly till the end of April, by which time
they had completed a body of canons, that was
signed by all the members. The canons, which
were read in the Cathedi-al of Dort with gi-eat
solemnity, were a summing-up of the doctrine of
the Reformation as it had been held by the first
Reformers, and accepted in the Protestant Churches
■without division or dissent, the article of the
Eucharist excepted, until Ai-minius arose. The
decision of the Synod condemned the ojjinions of
the Remonstrants as innovations, and sentenced
them to deprivation of all ecclesiastical and
academical functions.' The States-General followed
up the spiritual part of the sentence by banishing
them from theii- country. It is clear that the
Government of the United Provinces had yet a
good deal to learn on the head of toleration ; but it
is fair to say that while they punished the disciples
of Ai'minius ^vith exile, they would permit no
inquisition to be made into theii' consciences, and
no injiuy to be done to their persons or property.
A few years thereafter (1626) the decree of banish-
ment was recalled. The Remonstrants returned to
theii- country, and were permitted freely to exercise
their worship. They established a theological semi-
nary at Amsterdam, which was adoraed by some
men of great talents and emdition, and became a
renowned fountain of Arminian theology.
The Synod of Dort was the first great attempt
to arrest the begun decline in the theology of the
Reformation, and to restore it to its pristine purity
and splendour. It did -this, but not with a perfect
success. The theology of Protestantism, as seen in
the canons of Dort, and as seen in the writings of
the first Reformers, does not api)ear quite the same
theology : it is the same in dogma, but it lacks, as
seen in the canons of Dort, the warm hues, the
freslmess, the freedom and breadth, and the stii-ring
spiritual vitalities it possessed as it flowed from
the pens, or was tlumdered from the pulpits, of the
Reformers. The second generation of Protestant
divines was much inferior, both ui intellectual
endowments and in spii-itual gifts, to the firet. In
the early days it was the sun of genius that
' Biandt (abridg.)> vol. u., bks. zxiii.-xzTili., pp. 397-504.
154
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
irradiated the heavens of the Chui'ch : now it was
the moon of culture that was seen in her waning
skies. And in proportion to the more restricted
faculties of the men, so the theology was narrow,
stinted, and cold. It wa.s formal and critical.
Turning away somewhat from the grander, objec-
tive, soul-inspii-ing truths of Christianity, it dealt
much with the abstruser questions, it searched into
deep and hidden things ; it was quicker to discern
the apjjarent antagonisms than the real harmonies
between truth and ti-uth ; it was prone to look
only at one question, or at one side of a question,
forgetful of its balancings and modifications, and
so was in danger of distortmg or even caricatuiing
truth. The empiiical treatment wliich the doctrine
of predestination received — perhaps we ought to
say on both sides — is an examjile of tliis. Instead
of the awe and reverence with which a question
involving the character and government of God,
and the eternal destinies of men, ought ever to
inspii'e those who undertake to deal with a subject
so a\vful, and the solution of which so far trans-
cends the human faculties, it was approached in a
proud, self-sufficient, and flippant spirit, that was
at once imchristian and unphilosophical. Election
and reprobation were singled out, separated from
the great and surpassingly solemn subject of which
they are only parts, looked at entu'ely dissociated
from their relations to other necessary truths,
subjected to an iron logic, and compelled to yield
consequences which were impious and revolting.
The very interest taken in these questions marked
an age more erudite than religious, and an intellect
which had become too subtle to be altogether
sound ; and the prominence given them, both in the
discussions of the schools and the ministrations of
the pulpit, reacted on the nation, and was jiroduc-
tive of animosities and dissensions.
Nevertheless, these evils were sensibly abated
after the meeting of the Synod of Dort. The
fountains of truth were again purified, and peace
restored to the churches and tlie schools. The
nation, again reunited, resumed its onward march
in the path of progress. For half a centm-y the
imiversity and the pulpit continued to be mighty
powei-s in Holland — the professors and pastors
took their place in the firet rank of theologians.
Abroad the canons of the Synod of Dort met with
a very general acquiescence on the part of the
Protestant Churches, and continued to regulate the
teaching and mould the theology of Christendom.
At home the people, imbued with the spii'it of the
Bible, and impregnate with that love of liberty,
and that respect for law, wliich Protestantism ever
engenders, made their homes bright with vii'tue
and their cities resplendent with art, while their
land they taught by their industry and frugality to
bloom in beauty and overflow with riches.
CHAPTER XXX.
GRANDEUR OF THE UNITED PROVINCES.
The One Source of Holland's Strength— Prince Maurice made Governor— His Character— Dutch Statesmen- Spanish
Power Sinking— Philip's Many Projects— His Wars in Franco— Successes of Maurice— Death of the Duke of
Parma— Mighty Growth of Holland— Its Vast Commerce— Its Learning— Desolation of Brabant and Flanders-
Cause of the Decline of Holland— The Stadtholder of Holland becomes King of England.
We have narrated the ill success that attended the
government of the Earl of Leicester in the Low
Countries. These repeated disappointments re-
buked the Provinces for looking abroad for defence,
and despising the mightier source of strength which
existed within themselves ; and in due time they
came to see that it was not by the arm of any
foreign prince that they were to be holden up
and made strong, but by the nurturing vii-tue of
that gi'eat principle which, rooted in theii- land by
the blood of their martyrs, had at last found for
their nation a champion in William of Orange.
This principle had laid the foundations of their
free Commonwealth, and it alone could gi\'e it
stability and conduct it to greatness.
Accordingly, after Leicester's departure, at a
meeting at the Hague, the 6th of February, 1587,
the States, after asserting then- own supremfe
authority, xmanimously chose Prince Maurice as
their governor, though still ■\vith a reservation to
Queen Elizabeth. It was not respect alone for the
memory of his gi'eat father which induced the
States to repose so great a trust, at so momentous
a period of theii- existence, in one who was then
DECLENSION OF THE SPANISH POWER.
155
only twenty-one years of age. From his earliest
jouth the prince had given proof of his superior
prudence and capacity, and in the execution of his
iiigh command he made good the hopes entertained
f)f liim when he entered upon it. If he possessed
in lower degree tlian liis illustrious sire the faculty
of governing men, lie was nevertheless superior to
him in the military art, and this was the science
Jiiost needed at this moment by the States. Maurice
liecame the greatest captain of his age : not only
was he famous in the discipline of his armies, but
his genius, rising above the maxims then in vogue,
enabled him to invent or to perfect a system of
fortification much more complete, and which soon
liccame common.' The marvellous political ability
of William, now lost to the States, was supplied in
some sort by a school of statesmen that arose after
his death in Holland, and whose patriotic honesty,
allied with an uncommon amount of native sagacity
and .shrewdness, made them a match for the Machia-
vellian diplomatists with wluch the age abounded.
Philip II. was at that time getting ready the
Ai-mada for the subjugation of England. The
Duke of Parma was required to furnish his con-
tingent of the mighty fleet, and while engaged in
this labour he was unable to undertake any opera-
tion in the Netherlands. Holland had rest, and
the military genius of Prince Maurice found as yet
no opportunity of displaying itself. But no sooner
had Philip's " invincible " Armada vanished in the
North Sea, pursued by the English admiral and
the tempests of heaven, than Parma made haste to
renew the war. He made no acquisition of mo-
ment, however — the gains of the campaign remained
with Prince Mamice ; and the power of Spain in
the Low Countries began as visibly to sink as that
of Holland to rise.
From this time foi-ward blow after blow came
upon that colossal fabric wliich for so long a period
had not only darkened the Netherlands, but had
overshadowed all Christendom. Tlie root of the
Spani.sh Power was dried up, and its branch began
to wither. Philip, aiming to be the master of the
world, plunged into a multitude of schemes which
drained liis resources, and at length broke in pieces
that mighty empire of which he was the monarch.
As Ms years gi'ew his projects multiplied, tUl at
last he found himself warring with the Turks, the
Morescoes, the Portuguese, the French, the English,
and the Netherlandere. The latter little comitry
he would most certainly have subdued, had liis
ambition pei-mitted him to concentrate his power
' Miiller, fJniversa; Histoi'v, iii. 67. Sir William Temple,
United Provinces, chap, i., p. 48 ; Edin., 1747.
in the attempt to crash it. HappUy for the Low
Countries, Philip was never able to do this. And
now another dream misled him — the hope of seizing
tlie crown of Fi'ance for himself or his daughter,-
Clara Eugenia, during the troublous times that
followed the accession of Henry of Navarre. In
this hope he ordered Pai'ma to withdraw the
Spanish troops ft-om the Netherlands, and help the
League to conquer Henry IV. Parma remon-
strated against the madness of the scheme, anil
the danger of taking away the army out of the
country ; but Philip, blinded by his ambition,
refused to listen to the prudent counsels of his
general. The folly of the King of Spain gave a
breathing-space to the young Republic, and enabled
its governor. Prince Mam-ice, to display that re-
som-ce, prudence, and promptitude which gained
him the confidence and esteem of his subjects, and
wliich, shining forth yet more brilliantly in future
campaigns, won for him the admiration of Europe.
When Parma returned from France (1590) he
foimd Holland greatly stronger than he had left it :
its frontier was now fortified; several towns beyond
the boundary of the United Provinces had been
seized by their army ; and Parma, with a treasuiy
drained by his campaign, and soldiers mutinous
because ill-paid, had to undertake the work of
recovei-ing what had been lost. The campaign now
opened was a disastrous one both for himself and
for Spain. After many battles and sieges he found
that the Spanish Power had been compelled to
retreat before the arms of the infant Republic, and
that his own prestige as a soldier had been eclipsed
by the renown of his opponent, acquired by the
prudence with which his enterprises had been
concerted, the celerity with which they had been
executed, and the success with which they had
been crowned. The Duke of Parma was a second
time ordered into France to assist the League, and
pave Philip's way for moiuiting the throne of that
country ; and foolish though he deemed the order,
he had nevertheless to obey it. He returned
broken in health, only to iind that in his absence
the Spanish Power had sustained new losses, that
the United Provinces had acquired additional
strength, and that Prince Maurice had suiromided
his name with a brighter glory than ever. In
short, the affairs of Spain in the Low Countries he
perceived were becoming hopeless. Worn out with
cares, eaten up -wnith vexation and chagi-in, and
compelled the while to strain every nerve in the
execution of projects which his judgment con-
demned as chimerical and ruinous, his sickness
3 Mttller, iii. 68.
156
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
increased, and on the 3rd of December, 159:2, he
expired in the forty-seventh year of his age, and the
fourteenth of Ids government of the Netherlands.
" Witli the Duke of Parma," says Sir William
Temple, " died all tlie discipline, and with that all
the fortunes, of the Spanish arms in Flanders."'
There now oj)eued to the United Provinces a
career of prosperity that was as uniform and un-
interrupted iva their previous period of distress and
calamity had been continuous and unbroken. The
success that attended the arms of Prince Maurice,
the vigour with which he extended the dominions
of the Republic, the prudence and wisdom -with
which he administered alfaii's at home, the truce
with Spain, the League with Henry IV. of France,
and the various circumstances and methods by which
the prince, and the upright and wise counsellors that
surrounded him, advanced the credit and power of
the United Provinces, belong to the civil history of
the country, and hardly come within the scope of
our special design. But the mighty growth of the
United Provinces, which was the direct product of
Protestantism, is one of the finest proofs wliich
history furnishes of the spirit and power of the
Reformation, and affords a lesson that the ages
to come will not fail to study, and an example
that they will take care to imitate.
On the face of all the earth there is not another
such instance of a nation for whom nature had
done literally nothing, and who had all to create
fiom their soil upwards, attaining such a pitch
of greatness. The Dutch received at the be-
ginning but a sand-bank for a country. Then-
patience and laborious skill covered it with verdure,
and adorned it with cities. Theii- trade was as
truly their own creation as their soD. The narrow
limits of their land did not furnish them -with the
materials of their manufactures ; these they had to
import from abroad, and having worked them up
into beautiful fabrics, they carried them back to
the countries whence they had obtained the raw
materials. Thus their land became the magazine
of the world. Notwithstanding that their country
was washed, and not unfrequently inundated, by the
ocean, nature had not given them harboure ; these,
too, they had to create. Their scanty territory led
them to make the sea their country; and their wars
with Spain compelled them to make it still more
their home. They had an infinity of ships and
sailors. They sent their merchant fleet over every
sea — to the fertile islands of the West, to the rich
continents of the East. They erected forts on pro-
montories and creeks, and their settlements were
• The United Provinces, chap, i., p. 49.
dispersed throughout the world. They fonned com-
mercial treaties and political alliances with the most
powerful nations. The various wealth that was
wafted to theii' shores was even greater than that
which had flowed in on Spain after the discovery of
the mines of Mexico and Peru. Theii- land, wliich
yielded little besides mUk and butter, overflowed
with the necessaries and luxuries of all the earth.
The wheat, and wine, and oil of Southern Euroi)e ;
the gold and silver of Mexico ; the spices and
diamonds of the East ; the furs of Northern Europe ;
silk, cotton, precious woods, and marbles — every-
thing, in short, which the earth produces, and which
can contribute to clothe the person, adorn the
dwelling, supply the table, and enliance the comfort
of man, was gathered into Holland. And while
every wind and tide were bringing to their shores
the raw materials, the persecutions which raged in
other countries were daily sending crowds of skilful
and industrious men to work them nj). And with
every increase of their population came a new
expansion of then- trade, and by consequence a new
access to the wealth that flowed from it.
With the rapid gro'wth of material riches, their
I'espect for learning, theii' taste for intellectual
pursuits, and their love of independence still con-
tinued with them. They were plain and frugal in
habit, although refined and generous in disposition.
The sciences were cultivated, and theii' universities
flourished. To be learned or eloquent inferred
as great eminence in that country as to be rich or
high-born did in others. All this had come out of
theii' great struggle for the Protestant faith.
And, as if to make the lesson still plainer and
more striking, by the side of this little State, so
illustrious for its virtue, so rich in all good tilings,
and so powerful among the nations of the world,
were seen those unhappy Provinces which had re-
treated within the jiale of Rome, and submitted to
the yoke of Philip. They were fallen into a condition
of poverty and slavery which was as complete as it
was deplorable, and which, but a few years before,
any one who had seen how populous, industrious, and
opulent they were, would have deemed impossible.
Commerce, trade, nay, even daily bread, had fled
from that so recently prosperous land. Bankers,
merchants, farmers, artisans — all were sunk in one
gi'eat iiiin. Antwerp, the emporium of the com-
merce of Europe, with its river closed, and its
harbour and wharves forsaken, was reduced to
beggary. The looms and forges of Ghent, Bruges,
and Namur were idle. The streets, trodden erewhile
by armies of workmen, were covered with grass ;
fail' mansions were occupied by paupers ; the fields
■were falling out of cultivation ; the farm-houses
KISE AND FALL OF THE UNITED PROVINCES.
157
were sinking into ruins ; and, in the absence of
men, the beasts of the field were strangely multi-
plying. To these evils were added the scourge of
a mutinous soldiery, and the incessant rapacious
demands of Philip for money, not knowing, or not
cai-ing to know, into what a plight of misery and
1666 we find Holland and her sLster States at the
acme of theii- jirosperity. They are populous in
men; they have a revenue of 40,000,000 florins ;
they possess a land army of 60,000 men, a fleet of
above 100 men-of-war, a countless mei'cantile navy,
a world-wide commerce, and, not content with being
rniNCE MAiiucE or
, Versailles).
penury his tyranny had ah-eady sunk them. Spain
itself, towards the close of the ninetoonth centui y,
is still a.s gi-eat a wreck ; but it required three
hundred years for despotism and Popery to ri|icn
their fruits in the Iberian Peninsula, whereas in
the Southern Netherlands their work was consum-
mated in a very few years.
We turn once more to tlioir northern sister. The
era of the flourishing of the United Provijiccs was
from 1.J79, when the Union of Utrecht was formed,
till 1C72— that is, ninety-three years. In the year
118
one of the great Powers of Europe, they are con-
testing with England the supremacy of the seas.'
It is hardly j)0Rsiblc not to ask what led to the
decline and fall of so groat a Power 1 Sir William
Temple, who had studied with the breadth of a
statesman, and the insight of a philosopher, both
the rise and the fall of the United Provinces, lays
their decay at the door of the Amiinian con-
troversy, wliich had parted the nation in two.
' Sir William Temple, chap. 7, p. 174.
158
HISTOKY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
At least, this he makes the primaiy cause, and
the oue that led on to others. The Prince of
Orange or Oalvinist fection, he tells ns, contended
for the purity of the faith, and the Anuinian
faction for the liberties of the nation ; and so far
this was true, but the historian forgets to say that
the contest for the purity of the foith coTered the
nation's liberties as well, and when the sacred fire
•wliich had kindled the conflict for liberty was
permitted to go out, the flame of freedom sunk
down, the nation's heart waxed cold, and its hands
grew feeble in defence of its independence. The
decay of Holland became marked from the time the
Arminian party gained the ascendency. ' But
though the nation decayed, the line of William of
Orange, the great founder of its liberties, continued
to flourish. The motto of Prince INIanrice, Tandem
Jit surculas arbor (" The twig will yet become a
tree"); was made good in a higher sense than he had
dreamed, for the epics of history are gi-ander than
those of fiction, and the Stadtholder of Holland,
in due tune, mounted the throne of Great Britain.
PROTESTANTISM IN POLAND AND BOHEMIA.
CHAPTER I.
RISE AND SPREAD OF PROTESTANTISM IN POLAND.
The '■'Catholic Eostoration" — First lutroduction of Christianity into Poland — Influence of TVicIiffe and Huss—
Luther— The Light Shines on Dantzic — The Ex-Monk Knade— Eashness of the Dantzic Eeformers— The Movement
thrown back — Entrance of Protestantism into Thorn and other Towns — Cracow — Secret Society, and Queen Bona
Sforza— Efforts of Eomish Synods to Arrest the Truth— Entrance of Bohemian Pi-otestants into Poland — Their
great Missionary Success — Students leave Cracow : go to Protestant Universities — Attempt at Coercive Measures
—They Fail— Cardinal Hosius— A Martyr— The Priests in Conflict with tlie Nobles— National Diet of 1552—
Auguries— Abolition of the Temporal Jurisdiction of the Bishops.
We are now appi'oaching the era of that gi'eat
" Catholic Restoration " which, cumiingly devised
and most perseveringly carried on by the Jesuits,
who had now perfected the organisation and
discipline of their corps, and zealously aided by the
arms of the Popish Powers, scourged Germany with
a desolating war of thiity yeai's, trampled out
many flourishing Protestant Churches in the east
of Europe, and nearly succeeded in rehabilitating
Rome in her ancient dominancy of all Christendom.
But before entering on the history of these events,
it is neces.sary to follow, in a brief recital, the rise
and progi'css of Protestantism in the countries of
Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, and parts of Austria,
seeing that these were the Churches which fell
before the spiritual cohorts of Loyola, and the
militaiT' hoi'des of Au.stria, and seeing also that
these were the lands, in conjunction with Germany,
which became the seat of that great struggle which
seemed as though it wei-e destined to overthrow
Protestantism wholly, till all suddenly, Sweden
sent forth a champion who rolled back the tide of
Popish success, and restored the balance between
the two Churches, which has remained much as it
was then settled, down to almost the present hour.
We begin with Poland. Its Reformation opened
with biilliant promise, but it had hardly reached
what seemed its noon when its light was overcast,
and since that disastrous hour the farther Poland's
stoiy is pursued, it becomes but the sadder and
more melancholy ; nevertheless, the historj^ of Pro-
testantism in Poland is franght with great lessons,
specially applicable to all free countries. Chris-
tianity, it is believed, was introduced into Poland
by missionaries from Great Moravia in the ninth
century. In the tenth we find the sovereign of the
country receiving baptism, from which we may
infer that the Christian faith was still spreading in
Poland. - It is owing to the simplicity and apostolic
zeal of Cyi-illus ' and Methodius, two pastors from
' Sir 'William Temple. Compare chap, i., p. 59, with
chap, viii., p. 179.
- Krasinski, History Reform, in Polam.l, vol. i., p. 2;
Lond.; 1838.
^ A remaiiable man, the inventor , of the Slavonic
alphabet .
THE POLISH REFOEMERS.
159
Thessalonica, that the nations, the Shivoiiiaus
.among the rest, who iiiliabited the wide temtories
lying between the Tp-ol and the Danube on the
one side, and the Baltic and Vistula on the other,
were at so early a period visited with the light of
the Gospel.
Their first day was waxing dim, notwithstanding
that they were occasionally visited by the Wal-
denses, when Wiclifle arose in England. This
splendour which had biu'st out in the west,
travelled, as we have already narrated, as far as
Bohemia, and from Bohemia it passed on to Poland,
where it came in tune to arrest the return of the
pagan night. The voice of Huss was now resound-
ing through Bohemia, and its echoes were heard in
Cracow. Poland was then intimately comiected
with Bohemia ; the language of the two countries
was almost the same ; numbers of Polish youth
resorted to the University of Prague, and one of
the first martyrs of Huss's Reformation was a Pole.
Stanislav Pazek, a shoemaker by trade, suffered
death, along wth two Bohemians, for opposing the
indulgences which were pr'eached in Prague in
1411. The citizens interred their bodies with
gi-eat respect, and Huss preached a sermon at their
funeral.' In 1431, a conference took place in
Craeow, between certain Hussite missionaries and
the doctors of the university, in presence of the
king and senate. The doctors did battle for the
ancient faith against the " novelties " imported
from the land of Huss, which they described as doc-
trines for which the missionaries could plead no
better authority than the Bible. The disputation
lasted several days, and Bishop Dlugosh, the his-
torian of the conference, complains that although,
" in the opinion of all present, the heretics were
vanquished, they never acknowledged then- defeat." -
It Ls interesting to find these three countries —
Poland, Bohemia, and England — at that early
period turning their ftices toward the day, and
hand-in-hand attempting to find a path out of
the darkness. How nuich less happy, one cannot
help reflecting, the fate of the first two countries
than that of the last, yet all three were then
directing their steps into the same road. ]Nrany of
the first fiuuilies in Poland embraced openly the
Bohemian doctruies ; and it is an interesting fact
that one of the professors in the univei-sity, Andrea.s
Galka, exjjounded the works of Wiclifle at Cr.acow,
and wi-oto a poem in honour of the English Ee-
foiTiier. It is the earliest production of the Polish
muse in existence, a jxiem in praise of the Virgin
' Krasinski, Hist. Reform. PoUmd, vol. i., p. 61.
2 Krasinski, Slavonia, p. 174.
excepted. The author, addressing "Poles, Gcrmaiw,
and all nations," says, " Wiclifle speaks the truth !
Heathendom and Christendom have never had a
gi-eater man than he, and never will." Voice after
voice is heard in Poland, attesting a growing
opposition to Rome, till at last in 1515, two years
before Luther had spoken, we find the seminrd
principle of Protestantism proclaimed by Bernard
of Lublin, in a work wliich he published at Cracow,
and in which he says that " we must believe the
Scriptures alone, and reject human ordinances." •*
Thus was the way prepared.
Two years after came Lutlier. The lightnings of
his Theses, which flashed through the skies, of all
countries, lighted up also those of Polish Prussia.
Of that flourishing province Dantzic was the
capital, and the chief emporium of Poland with
Western Europe. In that city a monk, called
James Knade, threw off" his habit (1518), took a
wife, and began to preach publicly against Rome.
Knade had to retire to Thorn, where he continued
to diff'use his doctrines under the protection of a
powerful nobleman ; but the seed he had sown in
Dantzic did not perish ; there soon arose a little
band of j)reachers, cemposed of Polish youths who
had sat at Luther's feet in Wittemberg, and of
pi-iests who had found access to the Reformer's
wi-itings, who now proclaimed the truth, and made
so numerous converts that in 1524 five churches
in Dantzic were given up to their use.
Success made the Reformers rash. Tlie town
council, to whom the king, Sigismund, had hinted
his dislike of these innovations, lagged behind in
the movement, and the citizens resolved to replace
that body with men more zealous. They sur-
rounded the council, to the number of 400, and
with arms in their hands, and cannon pointed on
the coimcU-hall, they demanded the resignation of
the members. No sooner had the council dis-
solved itself than the citizens elected another from
among themselves, The new council proceeded to
complete the Reformation at a stroke. They sup-
pressed the Roman Catholic worship, they closed
the monastic establishments, they ordered that the
convents and other ecclesiastical edifices should bo
converted into schools and hospitals, and declared
the goods of the " Church " to be public property,
but left them initouched.* This violence only
threw back the movement ; the majority of the in-
habitants were still of the old faith, and had a right
to exercise its worship till, enlightened in a better
way, they should be pleased voluntarily to abandon it.
5 Krasinski, Slavonia, p. 182 ; Lond., 1849.
* Ki-asinski, Hist. Reform. Poland, vol. i., pp. 115, 116,
160
HISTORY OF mOTESTANTISM.
Tlic dei)0scd coiuicilloi-s, seating themselves in
carriages liung in black, and encircling their heads
■with crape, set out to appear before the king. They
implored him to interpose his authority to save
his city of Dantzic, which was on the point of being
d^■o^^^led in liQi-csy, and re-establish the old order
of things. The king, in the main upright and
tolerant, at first temporised. The members of
council, by whom the late changes had been made,
were summoned before the king's tribunal to justify
then- doings ; but, not obej-ing the summons, they
were outlawed. In April, 152G, the king in per-
son visited Dantzic ; the citizens,' as a precaution
against change, received the monarch in arms ; but
the royal troops, and the anned retainere of the
Popish lords who accompanied the king, so greatly
outnumbered the Reformers that they were over-
awed, and submitted to the court. A royal decree
restored the Roman Catholic worship ; fifteen of
the leading Reformers were beheaded, and the rest
banished ; the citizens were ordered to return within
the Roman pale or quit Dantzic ; the priests and
monks who had abandoned the Roman Church were
exiled, and the churches aj^propriated to Protestant
worship were given back to mass. This was a sharp
castigation for leaving the peaceful jjath. Never-
theless, the movement in Dantzic was owly arrested,
not destroyed. Some years later, there came an
epidemic to the city, and amid the sick and the
dying there stood up a pious Dominican, called
Klein, to preach the Gospel. The citizens, awakened
a second time to eternal things, listened to him.
Dr. Eck, the fiimous opponent of Luther, impor-
tuned King Sigismund to stop the preacher, and
held up to him, as an example wortliy of imitation,
Henry VIII. of England, who had just published a
book against the Reformer. "Let King Hemy
write against Martin," i-eplied Sigismund, " but,
with regard to myself, I shall be king eqiially of
the sheep and of the goats.'" Under the following
reign Protestantism triumphed in Dantzic.
About the same time the Protestant doctrines
began to take I'oot in other towns of Polish Prussia.
In Thorn, situated on the Vistula, these doctrines
appeared in 1520. There came that year to Thorn,
Zacharias Fereira, a legate of the Pope. He took
a truly Roman way of warning the inhabitants
against the heresy which had invaded their town.
Kindling a gi-ewt fire before the Church of St. John,
he solemnly connnitted the eftigies and VTitings of
Lutlier to the flames. The fixggots had hardly begun
to lilaze when a shower of stones from the towns-
men saluted the legate and his ti'ain, and they were
' Krasinski, Slavonia, p. 185.
forced to flee, before they had had time to con-
summate theii- auto-da-fe. At Bi-aunsberg, the seat
of the Bishop of Ermeland, the Lutheran woi-ship
was publicly introduced in 1520, without the
bishop's taking any steps to prevent it. When re-
proached by Ms chapter for his supLneness, he told
his canons that the Reformer foimded all he said
on Scripture, and any one among them who deemed
himself competent to refute him was at liberty to
do so. At Elbing and many other towns the light
was spreading.
A secret society, composed of the first scholars of
the day, lay and cleric, was formed at Cracow, the
university seat, not so much to projiagate the Pro-
testant doctrines as to investigate the grounds of
their truth. The queen of Sigismund I., Bona
Sforza, was an active member of this society. She
had for her confessor a learned Italian, Father
Lismanini. The Father received most of the Pro-
testant publications that appeared in the vai-ious
countries of Em'ope, and laid them on the table of
the society, with the view of their being read and
canvassed by the members. The society at a future
jjeriod acquired a greater but not a better reuo\vn.
One. day a priest named Pastoiis, a native of Bel-
gium, rose in it and avowed his disbelief of the
Ti'init}', as a doctrine inconsistent ^^'ith the imity of
the Godhead. The members, who saw that this
was to ovei'throw revealed religion, were mute with
astonishment ; and some, believing that what they
had taken for the path of reform was the path of
destruction, drew back, and took final refuge in
Romanism. Others declared themselves disciples
of the priest, and thus were laid in Poland the
foundations of Socinianism.^
The rapid dittusion of the light is best attested
by the vigorous eftbrts of the Romish clergy to
suppress it. Numerous books appeared at this
time in Poland against Luther and his doctrines.
The Synod of Lenczyca, in 1527, recommended the
re-establishment of the " Holy Inquisition." Other
Synods drafted schemes of ecclesiastical reform,
which, in Poland as in all the other countries
where such projects were broached, were never
realised save on papei-. Others recommended the
appointment of popular preachers to instnict the
ignorant, and guide their feet past the snares which
were being laid for them in the writings of the
heretics. On the principle that it would be less
troublesome to prevent the planting of these snares,
than after they were set to guide the unwary past
them, they prohibited the introduction of such
works into the country. The Synod of Lenczyca,
- Krasinski, Hlsi. Reform. Poland, vol. i., pp. 138—140.
THE BOHEMIAN TILGEIMS.
161
in 1532, went a step foitlier, and in its zeal to
preserve the "sincere faith" in Pohiud, recom-
mended the banishment of " all heretics beyond the
bounds of Sannatia."' The Synod of Piotrkow, in
15i2, i)ublislied a decree prohibiting all students
from resorting to universities conducted by heretical
professors, and threatening with exclusion from all
offices and dignities all who, after the passing of
the edict, should repair to such universities, or who,
being already at such, did not instantly return.
This edict had no force in law, for besides not being
recognised by the Diet, the ecclesiastical jurisdiction
was carefully limited by the constitutional liberties
of Poland, and the nobles still continued to send
their sons to interdicted miiversities, and in par-
ticular to Wittemberg. Meanwhile the national
legislation of Poland began to flow in just the
opposite channel. In 1539 a royal ordinance esta-
blished the liberty of the press; and in 1513 the
Diet of Cracow gi-anted the freedom of studying at
foreign univereities to all Polish subjects.
At this period an event fell out which gave an
additional impulse to the diii'usiou of Protestantism
in Poland. In 1518, a severe persecution, which
vriW come under our notice at a subsequent stage
of our history, arose against the Bohemian brethi-en,
the descendants of that valiant host who had com-
bated for the faith under ZLska. In the year
above-named Ferdinand of Bohemia published an
edict shutting up their churches, imprisoning theii-
ministei-s, and enjoining the brethren, under severe
penalties, to leave the country within forty-two
days. A thousand exiles, marshalling themselves in
three bands, left their native villages, and began
their march westward to Prussia, where Albert of
Brandenburg, a zealous Reformer, had promised
them asylum. The pilgrims, who were under the
conduct of Sionius, the chief of their community —
"the leader of the people of God," as a Polish
historian styles him — had to pass through SUesia
and Poland on their way to Prussia. Arriving
iu Posen in Jmie, 1518, they were welcomed
by Andreas Gorka, first magistrate of Grand
Poland, a man of vast possessions, and Pro-
testant opinions, and were offered a settlement iii
his States. Here, meanwhile, their journey ter-
minated. The pious wanderers erected churches
and celebrated their worship. Their Iiymns chanted
in the Bohemian language, and their sermons
preiiched in the same tongue, drew many of the
Polish iuliabitants, who.se speech was Slavonic, to
listen, and ultimately to embrace their opinions. A
Eiissionai-y army, it looked to them as if Providence
had guided their steps to this spot for the conver-
sion of all the provinces of Gi-and Poland. The
Bishop of Posen saw the danger that menaced his
diocese, and rested not till he had obtained an order
from Sigismund Augustus, who had just succeeded
his father (1518), enjoining the Bohemian emigrants
to quit the territory. The order might possibly
have been recalled, but the brethren, not wishing
to be the cause of trouble to the grandee who had
so nobly entertained them, resumed their journey,
and arrived in due time in Prussia, where Duke
Albert, agreeably to his promise, accorded them the
rights of naturalisation, and full religious liberty.
But the seed they had sown in Posen remained
behind them. In the following year (1519) many
of them returned to Poland, and resumed their
propagation of the Reformed doctrines. They pro-
secuted their work without molestation, and with
great success. IMany of the principal families
embraced theii- opinions; and the ultimate result
of their labours was the formation of about eighty
congregations in the provinces of Grand Poland,
besides many in other parts of the kingdom.
A quarrel broke out between the students and
the university authorities at Cracow, which, al-
though originating in a street-brawl, had important
bearings on the Protestant movement. The breach
it was found impossible to heal, and the students
resolved to leave Cracow in a body. " The schools
became silent," says a contemporary writer, "the
halls of the university were deserted, and the
churches were mute."^ Nothing but farewells,
lamentations, and groans resounded through Cracow.
The pilgrims assembled in a suburban church, to
hear a farewell mass, and then set forth, singing a
sacred hymn, some taking the road to the College
of Goldbei'g, in Silesia, and others going on to the
newly-erected University of Konigsberg, iu Prussia.
The first-named school wixs under the direction of
Frankeudorf, one of the most eminent of Melanc-
thon's jmpils; Konigsberg, a creation of Alljert,
Duke of Prussia, was already fulfilling its founder's
intention, which was the diffusion of scriptural
knowledge. In both seminaries the predominating
influences were Protestant. The consetpience was
that almost all these students returned to then-
homes imbued with the Reformed doctrine, and
powerfully contributed to spread it in I'oland.
So stood the movement when Sigismund Augustus
a-scended the throne in 1548. Protestant truth was
widely spread throughout the kingdom. In the
towns of Polish Prussia, wkerc many Germans re-
Conslitutioncs Sitjnodorum—apud Krasiuski.
= Zalaszowski, Jus Puhlicum Regni PoZoii«s— Krasiuski,
Hist. Ecfoi-m. Poland, vol. i., p. 157.
1G2
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
sided, the Reformation was received in its Lutheran
expression ; in the rest of Poland it was embraced
in its CalvinLstic form. Many powerful nobles had
abandoned Romanism ; nimibere of priests taught
the Protestant faith ; but, as yet, there existed no
organLsation — no Church. This came at a later
period.
The priesthood had as yet erected no stake. They
thought to stem the torrent by violent denxmcia-
tions, thundered from the pulpit, or sent abroad
over the kingdom through the press. They raLsed
their voices to the loftiest pitch, but the torrent
continued to flow broader and deeper every day.
They now began to make trial of coercive measiu-es.
Nicholaiis Olesnicki, Lord of Pinczov, ejecting the
images from a church on hLs estates, established
Protestant woi"sliip in it according to the forms of
Geneva. This wa-s the first oj^en attack on the
ancient oi'der of things, and Olesnicki was sum-
moned before the ecclesiastical tribunal of Cracow.
He obeyed the summons, but the crowd of friends
and retainers who accompanied him was such that
the court was ten-ified, and dared not open its
sittings. The clergy had taken a first step, but had
lost ground thereby.
Tlie next move was to convoke a Synod (1552)
at Pioti'kow. At that Convocation, the afterwards
celebrated Cardinal Hosius produced a summary
of the Roman fiiith, which he proposed all priests
and all of senatorial and eqviestrian degi-ee should
be made to subscribe. Besides the fundamental doc-
trines of Romanism, tliLs creed of Hosius made the
subscriber express his belief in purgatory, in the
wonshij) of saints and images, in the eflicacy of
holy water, of fasts, and similar rites.' The sugges-
tion of Hosius was adopted ; all priests were
ordered to subscribe this test, and the king was
petitioned to exact subscription to it from all the
oflicci-s of his Government, and all the nobles of
his realm. The Synod further resolved to set on
foot a vigorous war against heresy, to support
which a ta.x was to be levied on the clergy. It was
sought to i)urchase the a.ssistance of the king by
offei-ing him the confiscated property of all con-
demned heretics.- It seemed as if Poland was
about to be lighted up with martyi-piles.
A beginning was made with Nicholaus, Rector of
Kurow. This good man began in 1550 to preach
the doctrine of salvation by grace, and to give the
' Vide Hosii Opera, Antverpise, 1571 ; and Stanislai
Hosii Vita autore Roscio, Romse, 1567. Subscription to the
above creed by the clergy was enjoined because many of
the bishops were suspected of heresy — "quod multi inter
episcopos erant suspecti."
- Bzovius, ann. 1551.
Communion in both kinds to his parishionei-s. For
these offences he was cited before the ecclesiivstical
tribunal, where he coui'ageously defended himself.
He was afterwards thrown into a dungeon, and
deprived of life, but whether by starvation, by
poison, or by methods more violent still, cannot
now be known. One victim had been offered to
the insulted majesty of Rome in Poland. Con-
temporaiy ckroniclers speak of others who were
immolated to the intolerant genius of the Papacy,
but their execution took place, not in open day, but
in the secresy of the cell, or in the darkness of the
prison.
The next move of the priests landed them in
open conflict with the popular sentiment and the
chartered rights of the nation. No country in
Europe enjoyed at that hour a gi-eater degree of
liberty than did Poland. The towns, many of
which were flourishing, elected their own magis-
trates, and thus each city, as regarded its internal
afl'au's, was a little republic. The nobles, who
formed a tenth of the population, were a peculiar
and privileged class. Some of them were owners
of vast -domains, i^abited castles, and lived in
gi-eat magnificence. Others of them tilled their
O'vvn lands ; but all of them, grandee and husband-
man aUke, were equal before the law, and neither
their persons nor property could be disposed of, save
by the Diet. The king himself was subject to the
law. We find the eloquent but versatile Orichovius,
who now thundered against the Pope, and now
threw himself prostrate before him, saying in one
of his philippics, " Your Romans bow their knees
before the crowd of your menials; they bear on
their necks the degi-ading yoke of the Roman
scribes ; but such is not the case -svith us, where
the law lilies even the throne." The free consti-
tution of the country was a shield to its Protes-
tantism, as the clergy had now occasion to experience.
Stanislav Stadnicki, a nobleman of large estates
and great influence, having embraced the Reformed
opinions, established the Protestant worshii) accord-
ing to the forms of Geneva on his domains. He
was summoned to answer for his conduct before
the tribunal of the bishop. Stadnicki replied that
he was quite ready to justify both his opinions
and his acts. The court, however, had no wish to
hear what he had to say in behalf of his faith,
and condemned him, by default, to civil death and
loss of property. Had the clergy wished to raise a
flame all o^'er the kingdom, they coidd have done
nothing more fitted to gain their end. Stadnicki
assembled his fellow-nobles and told them what the
priests had done. The Polish grandees had ever
been jealous of the throne, but here was an eccle-
PEOTEST AGxUNST ECCLESIASTICAL TYUANNY.
163
MEW OF THE COl KT 01 THE l,M\tK>.IT\ 01 tUVC)W
siastical body, acting under an irresponsible foreign
cliief, a-ssuming a power which the king had never
ventured to exercise, disposing of the lives and
properties of the nobles without reference to any
will or any tribunal save their own. The idea waij
not to bo endiux'd. There rung a loud outcry
164
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
against ecclesiastical tyranny all througliout Poland;
and the indignation was brought to a height by
numerous apprehensions, at that same time, at the
instance of the bishops, of influential persons —
among otliei's, priests of blameless life, who had
olfeuded iigainst the law of clerical celibacy, and
whom the Roman clergy sought to put to death,
but could not, simply from the cii-cumstance that
they could find no magistrate willing to execute
their sentences.
At this juncture it happened that the National
Diet (1.552) assembled- Unmistakable signs were
apparent at its opening of the strong anti-Papal
feeling that animated many of its members. As
usual, its sessions were inaugurated by the solemn
performance of high mass. Tlie king in Ids robes
was present, and with him were the ministers of
liis council, the officers of liis household, and the
generals of his army, bearing the symbols of their
office, and wearing the stars and insignia of their
rank; and there, too, were the senators of the
Upper Chamber, and the members of the Lower
House. All that could be done by chants and
iiicense, by sjilendid vestments and priestly rites, to
make the service impressive, and revive the decay-
ing veneration of the worshippers for the Roman
Church, was done. The great words which efl'ect
the prodigy of transubstantiation had been spoken ;
the trumpet blared, arid the clang of grounded arms
rung thi'ough the building. The Host was being
elevated, and the king and his court fell on theii-
knees ; but many of the deputies, instead of pros-
trating themselves, stood erect and turned away
their faces. Raphael Leszczynski, a nobleman of
high character and great possessions, expressed his
ilissent from Rome's gi-eat mystery in mamier even
more marked : he wore his hat all throngh the
performance. The priests saw, but dared not re-
prove, this contempt of theii- rites.'
The auguries with which tjie Diet had opened
did not fail of finiling ample fulfilment in its sub-
sequent proceedings. The assembly chose as its
president Leszczynski — the nobleman who had
remained uncovered during mass, and wlio had
previously resigned liis senatorial dignity in order
' Krasinskij Hist. Reform. Poland, vol. i., pp. 186 — 188.
to become a member of the Lower House.- The
Diet immediately took into consideration the juris-
diction wielded by the bishops. The question put
in debate was this — Is such jurisdiction, carryuig
civil eftects, compatible with the rights of the
crown and the freedom of the nation ] The Diet
decided that it was consistent with neither the pre-
rogatives of the sovereign nor the liberties of the
people, and resolved to abolish it, so far as it had
force in law. King SigLsmund Augustus thought
it very possible that if he were himself to mediate
in the matter he would, at least, succeed in softening
the fall of the bishops, if only he could persuade
them to make certain concessions. But he was
mistaken : the ecclesiastical dignitaries were per-
verse, and resolutely refused to yield one iota of
of their powers. Thereupon the Diet issued its
decree, wliich the king ratified, that the clergy
should retain the power of judging of heresy, but
have no jiower of intiictmg civil or criminal punish-
ment on the condemned. Their spiritual sentences
were henceforward to carry no temporal effects
whatever. The Diet of 1553 may be regarded as
the epoch of the downfall of Roman Catholic pre-
dominancy in Poland, and of the establishment in
that country of the liberty of all religious confes-
sions."'
The anger of the bishops was inflamed to the
utmost. They entered their- solemn protest against
the enactment of the Diet. The mitre was shorn
of half its splendour, and the crozier of more than
half its power, by being disjoined from the swonL
They left the Senate-hall in a body, and threatened
to resign their senatorial dignities. The Diet
heard then- threats unmoved, and as it made not
the slightest efl'ort either to prevent their departure
or to recall them after they were gone, but, on the
contraiy, went on with its busmess as if nothing
miusual had occurred, the bishops returned and
took their seats of their own accord.
- This nobleman was the descendant of that Wences-
laus of Leszna who defended Jolrn Huss at the Council
of Constance. He had adopted for his motto, Malo jien-
culosam Ubcrtatem quam tutam scrvitium — "Better tho
dangers of liberty than the safeguards of slavery."
3 Vide Krasinski, Hist. Reform. Poland, vol. i.. pp. 188,
189, where the original Polish authorities are cited.
KING SIGISMUND AUGUSTUS.
1C3
CHAPTER II.
JOHN ALASCO, AND REFORMATION OF EAST FRIESLAND.
No One Loader— Many Secondary Ones— King Sigismiind Augustus— His Cliaracter— Favourably Disposed to Pro-
testantism—His Vacillations— Project of National Reforming Synod— Opposed by the Roman Clergy— John
Alasco— Education— Gfoes to Louvain — Visits Zwingle — His Stay with Erasmus— Recalled to Poland — Purges
himself from Suspicion of Heresy — Proffered Dignities— He Severs himself from the Roman Church — Leaves
Poland — Goes to East Friesland — Begins its Reformation — Difficulties — Triumi)h of Alasco — Goes to England
— Friendship wltli Cranmer — Becomes Superintendent of the Foreign Church in Loudon— Retires to Denmark
on Death of Edvrard VI.— Persecutions and Wanderings— Returns to Poland— His Work there— Prince Rad-
ziwill— His Attempts to Reform Poland— His Dying Charge to liis Son— His Prophetic AVords to Sigismund
Augustus.
We sec the movement marching on, but we can see
no one leader going before it. The place filled )jy
Lnther in Germany, by Calvin in Geneva, and by
men not dissimilarly endovced in other countries, is
vacant in the Keformation of Poland. Here it is a
^^'aldensian missionaiy or refugee who is quietly
sowing the good seed wliiuli he has drawn from the
gamer of some manuscript copy of the New Te.stix-
ment, and there it is a little band of Bohemian
brethren, who liave pi'eserved the traditions of John
Huss, and ai'e trying to plant them in tliis new sod.
Here it is a university doctor who is expounding
the writings of Wicliffe to his pupils, and there it is
a Polish youth who has just returned from Wittem-
berg, and is anxious to communicate to his country-
men the knowledge which he has there learned, and
which has been so sweet and refreshmg to himself.
Nevertheless, although amid all these labourers we
can discover no one who first gathers all the forces
of the new life into himself, and agam sends them
forth over the land, we yet behold the darkness
vanis4ung on every side. Poland's Reformation is
not a sunrise, but a daybreak : the first dim streaks
are succeeded by others less doubtful ; these are
followed by brighter shades still ; till at la.st some-
thing like the clearness of day illuminates its skj'.
The truth has visited some nobleman, as the light
will strike on some tall mountain at the morning
liour, and straightway his I'ctainei'S and tenantrj-
licgin to worsliip as their chief worships ; or some
cathedral abbot or city priest has embraced tlio
fJospel, and their flocks follow in the stops of
their shepherd, and find in the doctrine of a free
salvation a peace of soul which they never expe-
rienced amid the burdensome rites and meritorious
seiwices of tlio Church of Rome. There are no
combats; no stakes; no mighty hindrances to
be vanr|uished ; Poland seems destined to enter
without struggle or bloodshed into possession of
that precious inheritance which other nations are
content to buy with a great price.
But althougli thei'e is no one who, in intellectual
and spiritual statiu'e, towers so far above the other
workers in Poland as to be styled its Reformer
there are three names connected with the history
of Protestantism in that country so outstanding as
not to be passed without mention. The fii'st is
that of King Sigismund Augustus. Tolerant, ac-
complished, and pure in life, this monarch had
read the Institutes, and was a correspondent of
Calvm, who sought to inflame him with the ardour
of making his name and reign glorious by labouring
to eftect the Reformation of his dominions. Sigis-
mund A\igustus was favourably disposed toward
the doctrines of Protestantism, and he had nothing
of that abhorrence of heresy and teiTor of revolu-
tion which made the kings of France drive the
Gospel from then- realm with fire and sword ; but
he vacillated, and could never make up his mind
between Rome and the Reformation. The Polisli
king would fain have seen an adjustment of the
differences that divided his subjects into two great
parties, and the dissensions quieted that agitated
his kingdom, but he feared to take tlie only eflectual
steps that could lead to that end. He was sur-
rounded constantly with Protestants, who cheiished
the hope that he would yet abandon Rome, and
declare himself openly in favour of Protestantism,
but he always drew l)ack when the moment came
for deciding. We have seen him, in conjunction
with the Diet of 15.53, pluck the sword of persecu-
tion from the hands of the bishops ; and he was
willing to go still further, and make trial of any
means that promised to amend the administration
and reform the doctrines of the Roman Church.
He was exceedingly fa^•ourable to a project nuieh
talked of in his reign — namely, that of convoking a
National Synod for reforming the Church on tlie
166
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
basis of Holy Scnpture. Tlie necessity of such an
assembly had been mooted in the Diet of 1552 ; it
was revived in the Diet of 1555, and more earnestly
pressed on the king, and thus contemporaneously
with the abdication of the imperial sovereignty by
Charles V., and the yet unfinLshed sittings of the
great Council of Trent, the probability was that
Christendom would behold a truly Oecumenical
Council assemble in Poland, and put the topstone
upon the Reformation of its Church and kingdom.
The projected Polish assembly, over which it was
proposed that King Sigismund Augustus should
preside, was to be composed of delegates from all
the religious bodies in the kingdom — Lutherans,
Calvinists, and Bohemians — who were to meet and
deliberate on a perfect equality with the Roman
clergy. Nor was the constituency of this Synod to
be confined to Poland ; other Churches and lands
were to be represented in it. All the living Re-
formers of note were to be invited to it ; and,
among others, it was to include the great names
of Calvin and Beza, of Melancthon and Vergei'ius.
But this Synod was never to meet. The clergy
of Rome, kno^ving that tottering fabrics can stand
only in a calm air, and that their Church was in a
too shattered condition to sur\'ive the shock of free
discussion conducted by such powerful antagonists,
threw every obstacle in the way of the Synod's
meeting. Nor was the king very zealous in the
affair. It is doubtful whether Sigismund Augustus
was ever brought to test the two creeds by the
gi-eat question which of the twain was able to
sustain the weight of his soul's salvation; and so,
with convictions feeble and ill-defined, his purpose
touching the reform of the Church never ripened
into act.
The second name is that of no vacillating man
— we have met it before — it is that of John
Alasco. John Alasco, born in the last year save
one of the fifteenth century,^ was sprung of one of
the most illustrious families in Poland. Destined
for the Church, he received the best education
which the schools of his native land could bestow,
and he afterwards visited Germany, France, Italy,
and Belgium in order to enlarge and perfect his
studies. At the University of Louvain, renowned
for the purity of its orthodoxy, and whither he
resoi'ted, probably at the locoramendation of his
uncle, who was Primate of Poland, he contracted a
close friendship with Albert Hardenberg.- After a
short stay at Louvain, finding the air murky with
' Gerdesius, Hist. Reform., vol. iii., p. 146.
- Tbid. Tliis is the (late (1523) of their friendship as
given by Gerdesius ; it is doubtful, however, -wlietlicr it
began so early.
scholasticism, he turned his steps in the direction
of Switzerland, and aniving at Zurich, he made
the acquaintance of Z^vingle. " Search the Scrip-
tures," said the Reformer of Zurich to the young
Polish nobleman. Alasco turned to that great light,
and from that moment he began to be delivered
from the darkness which had till then encompassed
him. Quitting Zurich and crossing the Jura, he
entered Basle, and presented himself before Erasmus.
This great master of the schools was net slow to
discover the refined grace, the beaiitiful genius, and
the many and great acquirements of the stranger
who had sought his acquaintance. Erasmus was
charmed with the young Pole, and Alasco on his
part was equally enamoured of Erasmus. Of all
then living, Erasmus, if not the man of highest
genius, was the man of highest culture, and doubt-
less the young scholar caught the touch of a yet
greater suavity from this prince of lettei-s. as
Erasmus, in the enthusiasm of liis friendship, con-
fesses that he had growii young again in the society
of Alasco. The Pole lived about a year (1525)
under the roof," but not at the cost of the great
scholar ; for Ms disposition being as generous .as
liis means were ample, he took upon hhnself the
expenses of housekeeping ; and in other ways he
ministered, with equal liberality and delicacy, to
the wants of his illustrious host. He purchased
his library for 300 golden crowns, leaving to
Erasmus the use of it during his life-time.'' He
formed a friendship with other eminent men then
living at Basle ; in particulai-, with Qicolampadius
and Pellicanus, the latter of whom initiated him
into the study of the Hebrew Scriptures.
His uncle, the primate, hearing that his nephew
had fallen into " bad company," recalled him by
urgent letters to Poland. It cost Alasco a pang
to tear himself from his friends in Basle. He
carried back to his native land a heart estranged
from Rome, but he did not dissever himself from
her communion, nor as yet did he feel the necessity
of domg so ; he had tested her doctrines by the
intellect only, not by the conscience. He was
received at court, where his youth, the refinement
of his mamiers, and the brilliance of his talents
made him a fivvouritc. The pomps and gaieties
amid which he now lived weakened, but did not
wholly eflace, the impressions made upon him at
Zurich and Basle. Destined for the highest offices
in the Church of Poland, his uncle demanded that
he shoidd purge himself by oath from the suspicions
^ " Is in iisdem cum Erasmo jedibus vixerat Basilese.'
(Gerdesius, vol. iii-, p. 146.)
■* Krasinski, Hist. R^orm. Poland, vol. i., p. 247.
ALASCO'S LABOURS IN FEIESLAND.
167
of heresy wliicli had hung about him ever since his
return from Switzerhind. Alasco complied. The
document signed by him Ls dated in 1526, and in it
Alasco promises not to embrace doctrines foreign
to those of the Apostolic Roman Church, and to
submit in all lawful and honest things to the
authority of the bishops and of the Papal See.
" This I swear, so help me, God, and his holy
Gospel.'"
This fall was meant to be the first step towards
the primacy. Ecclesiastical dignities began now
to be showered upon him, Init the duties which
these imposed, by bringing him into close contact
with clerical men, disclosed to him more and more
every day the corruptions of the Papacy, and the
need of a radical reform of the Church. He re-
sumed his readings in the Bible, and renewed his
correspondence with the Reformers. His spiritual
life revived, and he began now to try Rome by the
only infallible touch-stone — " Can I, by the per-
fonuance of the works she prescribes, obtain peace
of conscience, and make myself holy in the sight
of God?" Alasco was constrained to confess that
he never should. He must therefore, at whatever
cost, separate himself from her. At this moment
two n^itres — that of Wesprim in Himgary, and that
of Cujavia in Poland — were jjlaced at his accept-
ance." The latter mitre opened his way to the
jirimacy in Poland. On the one side were two
kings proffering him golden dignities, on the other
wa.s the Gospel, with its losses and afflictions.
\^^lich shall he choose t " God, iir his goodness,"
said he, writing to Pellicanus, " has brought me to
myself" He went straight to the king, and
frankly and boldly avowing his convictions, de-
clined the Bishopric of Cujavia.
Poland was no place for Alasco after such an
avowal. He left his native land in l.')3G, uncertain
in what country he should spend what might yet
remain to him of life, which was now wholly
devoted to the cause of the Reformation. Sigis-
mund, who knew his worth, would most willingly
have retained Alasco the Romanist, but perhaps
he was not sony to see Alasco the Protestant leave
his dominions. The Protestant jtrinces, to whom
his illustrious birtli and great parts had made him
known, vied with each otlicr to seoire his ser\ices.
The Countess Regent of East Friesland, where the
Reformation had been commenced in lo28, urged
him to come and complete the work by assinning
the .superintendence of the churches of that jiro-
vince. After long deliberation he went, but the
' Alasco, Opp., vol. ii., p. 548— aputJ D'AubignC-, vii. 5-10.
^ Gerdesius, Hist. Reform., vol. iii., p. U7.
task was a difficult one. The country had become
the battle-ground of the sectaries. All things were
in confusion ; the churches were full of images, and
the worship abounded in mummeries ; the people
were nide iii manners, and many of the nobles
dissolute in life ; one less resolute might have been
dismayed, and retired.
Alasco made a commencement. His quiet,
yet persevering, and powerful touch was telling.
Straightway a tempest arose around him. The
wrangling sectaries on the one side, and the monks
on the other, united in assailing the man in whom
Ijoth recognised a common foe. Accusations were
carried to the court at Brussels against him, and
soon there came an impei-ial order to expel " the
fii-e-brand" from Friesland. "Dost thou hear the
gi-owl of the thunder?"^ said Alasco, writing to
his friends ; he expected that the bolt would
follow. Anna, the sovereign princess of the king-
dom, terrified at the threat of the emperor, began
to cool in her zeal toward the supermtendent and
his work; but in proportion as the clouds grew
black and danger menaced, the courage and resolu-
tion of the Reformer waxed strong. He addressed
a letter to the princess (1543), in which he deemed
it " better to be unpolite than to be unfoithful,"
warning her that should she " take her hand from
the plough" she would have to "give account to
the eternal Judge." " I am only a foreigner," he
added, "burdened with a family,'' and having no
home. I wish, therefore, to be friends with all,
but .... as fiir as to the altar. This barrier I
cannot pass, even if I had to reduce my family to
beggary. "■■
This noble appeal brought the princess once more
to the side of Alasco, not again to withdraw her
support from one whom she had found so devoted
and so courageous. Prudent, yet resolute, Alasco
went on steadily in his work. Gradually the rem-
nants of Romanism were weeded out ; gradually
the images disappeared from the temples ; the
order and discipline of the Church were reformed
on the Genevan model ; the Sacrament of the
Lord's Supper was established according to the
doctrine of Calvin;" and, as regarded the monks,
they were permitted to occujiy their convents in
peace, but were forbi<lden the public jiei-formance
of their woiship. Not liking tliis restraint, the
Fathers quietly withdrew from the kingdom. In
six yeare John Alascohad completed the Refoi-mation
' Alasco, Opj>., vol. ii., p. 558.
■' In 15t0, Alasco had married at Mainz, to put an in-
Burmoimtable ban-ior between himself and Rome.
•'■ Alasco, OpiK, vol. ii., p. 5G0.
" Gerdesius, Hist. Reform., vol. iii., p. 14S.
JOHN ALAbCU i^■LI lllb CO.M..1.J.UA IIU.N L1.AVI.NU E-NOL.LND.
ALASCO'S WANDERINGS.
169
of the Church of East Friesland. It was a great
service. He had prepared an asylum for the
Protestants of the Netherlands during the evil
days that were about to come upon them, and he
)iad helped to pave the way for the appearance of
William of Orange.
The Church order established by AJasco in
Friesland was that of Geneva. This awoke against
him the hostility of the Lutherans, and the ad-
herents of that creed continuing to multiply in
Friesland, the troubles of Alasco multiplied along
with them. He resigned the general direction
of ecclesiastical aflairs, which he had exercised as
superintendent, and limited his sphere of action to
the ministry of the single congi'ogation of Emden,
the capital of the country.
But the time was come when John Alasco was
to be removed to another sphere. A pressing letter
now reached him from Archbishop Cranmei', in-
viting him to take part, along with other distin-
guished Continental Reformer.s, in completing the
Reformation of the Church of England.' The
Polish Reformer accepted the invitation, and tra-
versing Brabant and Flanders in disguise, he
arrived in London in September, 1548. A six
motiths' residence with Cranmer at Lambeth satis-
fied him that the archbishop's views and his own,
touching the Reformation of the Church, entirely
coincided; and an intimate friendship sprang up
between the two, which bore good fiuits for the
cause of Protestantism in England, where Alasco's
noble character and great learning soon won him
high esteem. After a short visit to Friesland, in
L^IO, he returned to England, and was nominated
by Edward VI., in 1550, Superintendent of the
German, French, and Italian congi-egations erected
in London, numbering between 3,000 and 4,000
persons, and which Cranmer hoped would yet prove
a seed of Reformation in the vaiious countries from
which persecution had driven them,- and woidd also
excite the Church of England to pursxie the path of
Protestantism. And so, doubtless, it would have
been, had not the death of Edward VI. and the ac-
' GerdesiuB, Hist. Reform., vol. iii., p. 150.
' Strype, Cranmer, pp. 234—2-10. The young king
granted him letters patent, erecting Alasco and the other
ministers of the foreign congregations into a body cor-
porate. Tlie affairs of each congregation were managed
by a minister, ruling elders and deacons. Tlie oversight
of all was committed to Alasco as s\ipcrintendent. He
had greater trouble but no more authority than tho
others, and was subject equally with them to the disci-
pline of tho Church. Although he allowed no superiority
of ofliee or authority to superintendents, ho considered
that they were of Divine appointment, and that Peter
held this rank among t)i9 apostles. (Vide M<:Crie, Life oj
Knox, vol. i., f. 407, notes.)
119
cession of Mary suddenly changed the whole aspect
of affairs in England. The Friesian Reformer and
his congregation had now to quit our shore. They
embarked at Gravesend on the 15th of September,
1553, in the presence of thousands of English Pro-
testants, who crowded the banks of the Thames,
and on bended knees supplicated the blessing and
pi-otection of Heaven on the wanderers.
Setting sail, their little fleet was scattered by
a storm, and the vessel which bore John Alasco
entered the Danish harbour of Elsinore. Chris-
tian III. of Denmark, a mild and pious prince,
received Alasco and his fellow-exiles at first with
gi-eat kindness ; but soon their asylum was invaded
by Lutheran intolerance. The theologians of the
court, Westphal and Pomeranus (Bugenliagen),
poisoned the king's mind against the exiles, and
they were compelled to re-embark at an inclement
season, and traver.se tempestuous seas in quest of
some more hospitable shore.' This shameful breach
of hospitality was afterwards repeated at Lubeck,
Hamburg, and Rostock ; it kindled the indigna-
tion of the Churches of Switzerland, and it drew
from Calvin an eloquent letter to Alasco, in which
he gave vent not only to his deep sympathy with
him and his companions in suffering, but also to his
astonishment " that the barbarity of a Christian
people should exceed even the sea in savageness."'
Driven hither and thither, not by the hatred of
Rome, but by the intolerance of brethren, Gustavus
Vasa, the reforming monarch of Sweden, gave a
cordial welcome to the pastor and his flock, should
they choose to settle in his dominions. Alasco,
however, thought better to repair to Friesland, the
scene of his former labours ; but even here the
Lutheran spirit, which had been growing in his
absence, made his stay unpleasant. He next
sought asylum in Frankfort-on-the-Maine, where
he established a Church for the Protestant refugees
from Belgium.'' During his stay at Frankfort he
essayed to heal the breach between the Lutheran
and the Calvinistic branches .of the Reformation.
The mischiefs of that division he had amply expe-
rienced in his own person; but its noxious influeuco
was felt far beyond tho little comnuiuity of which
he was the centre. It was the grent scandal of
Protest<rntism ; it disfigured it with dissensions
and hatreds, and divided and weakened it in the
presence of a powerful foe. But his eflbits to heal
this deplorable and scandalous schism, although
3 Gerdesius, vol. iii.. p. 151. Krasinski, Hist. Reform.
Poland, vol. i., pp. 264—266.
■• ride Letter of Calvin to John Alasco— Bonnet, vol. ii.,
p. 432.
* Gerdesius, vol. iii., p. 151.
170
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTIS.AI.
secoiuled by the Senate of Fi-ankfoit and several
CJerraan princes, were in vain.'
He ne^■er lost sight of his native land ; in all his
wanderings he cherished the hope of returning to it
at a future day, and aiding in tlie Reformation of its
Church; and now (1555) he dedicated to Sigismimd
Augustus of Poland a new edition of an account he
had formerly published of the foreign Churches in
London of which he had acted as superintendent.
He took occasion at the same time to explain in
full his o^\■n sentiments on the subject of Church
Reformation. With gi'eat calmness and dignity, but
mth gi'eat strength of argument, he maintained
that the Scriptures wei-e the one sole basis of Re-
formation ; that neither from tradition, however
venerable, nor from custom, however long estab-
lished, were the doctrines of the Church's creed
or the order of her government to be deduced; that
neither Councils nor Fathers coiild infaUibly deter-
mine anything ; that apostolic practice, as recorded
in the inspii'ed canon — that is to say, the Word
of God — alone possessed authority in this matter,
and was a sure guide. He also took the liberty of
urging on the king the necessity of a Reformation
of the Church of Poland, " of which a prosperous
beginning had already been made by the gi-eatest
and best part of the nation;" but the matter, he
added, was one to be prosecuted " with judgment
and care, seeing every one who reasoned against
Rome was not orthodox ; " and touching the
Euchaiist — that vexed question, and in Poland, as
elsewhere, so fertile in divisions — Alasco stated
" that doubtless believers received the flesh and
blood of Christ in the Communion, but by the lip
of the soul, for there was neither bodily nor per-
sonal presence in the Eucharist." ^
It is probable that it was this publication that
led to his recall to Poland, in 1556, by the king and
nobles.' The Roman bishops heralded his coming
with a shout of teiTor and wr-ath. " The 'butcher'*
of the Church has entered Poland!" they cried.
" Diiven out of eveiy land, he retin-ns to that one
that gave him birth, to afflict it mth troubles and
commotions. He is collecting troops to wage war
against the king, root out the Chuiches, and spread
riot and bloodshed over the kingdom." Tliis clamour
had all the effect on the royal mind which it de-
served to have — that is, none at all. ^
Alasco, soon after his return, was appointed
superintendent of all the Reformed Churches of
Little Poland." His long-cherished object seemed
now within his reach. That was not the tiara
of the pnmacy — for, if so, he needed not have
become the exile ; his ambition was to make the
Church of Poland one of the brightest lights in
the galaxy of the Reformation. He had ariived
at his gi-eat task with fully-ripened powei-s. Of
illustrious birth, and of yet more illustrious learning
and piety, he was nevertheless, from i-emembrance
of his fall, humble as a child. Presiding over
the Churches of more than half the kingdom. Pro-
testantism, under his fostering care, waxed stronger
eveiy day. He held Synods. He actively assisted
in the translation of the first Protestant Bible in
Poland, that he might give his countiymen duect
access to the fountain of truth. He laboured
unweai'iedly in the cause of union. He had espe-
cially at heart the healing of the great breach
between the Lutheran and the Reformed — the sore
through which so much of the vital force of Pro-
testantism was ebbing away. The final goal which
he kept ever in eye, and at which he hoped one
day to arrive, was the erection of a national Chiu'ch,
Reformed in doctrine on the basis of the Word of
God, and constituted in government as similarly
to the Churches over which he had presided in
London as the cii'cumstances of Poland would allow.
Besides the opposition of the Roman hierarchy,
which was to be looked for, the Reformer fomid
two main hindrances obstructing his path. The
first was the gi-owth of anti-Trinitarian doctrines,
first broached, as we have seen, in the secret
society of Cracow, and which continued to spread
■widely among the Chm'ches superintended by
Alasco, in .sjjite of the polemical war he constantly
maintained against them. The second was the
vacillation of King Sigismund Augustus. Alasco
urged the convocation of a National Synod, in order
to the more speedy and imiversal Reformation of
the Polish Chm-ch. But the king hesitated. Mean-
while Rome, seemg in the measures on foot, and
more especially in the projected Synod, the impend-
ing overthrow of her power in Poland, dispatched
Lippomani, one of the ablest of the Vatican diplo-
matists, with a promise, sealed with the Fisherman's
ring, of a General Coxuicil, which should reform the
Church and restore her miity. What need, then,
for a National Council ? The Pope would do, and
' Krasinski, Slavonia, pp. 214, 215.
- Krasinski, Slavonia, p. 217 ; and Hist. Reform. Poland,
vol. i., pp. 272, 273.
^ Oerdesius, vol. iii., p. 151.
■• " Camifei."
' Krasinski, Slavonia, pp. 217, 218.
" Poland was divided politically into Great and Little
Poland. The first comprehended the western parts, and
being the original scat of the Polish power, was called
Great Poland, although actually less than the second
division, which comprehended the south-eastern pro-
vinces, and was styled Little Poland.
PRINCE RADZIWILL.
171
witli more oi-der and quiet, what the Poles wished
to have done. How many score of times had this
promise been made, and when had it proved aught
save a dehision and a snare 1 It served, liowever,
as an excuse to the king, who refused to convoke
tJie Synod which Alasco so much desired to see
assemble. It was a great crisis. The Reformation
had essayed to crown her work in Poland, but she
was hindered, and the fabric remained unfinished :
a melancholy monument of the egregious eiTor of
letting slip those golden opportunities that are
given to nations, which " they that are wise "
embrace, but they that are void of wisdom neg-
lect, and bewail then- folly with floods of tears and
toi'i'pnts of blood in the centuries that come after.
In January, 1.5G0, John Alasco died, and was
bviried with gi-eat pomp in the Church of Pintzov.'
After him there arose in Poland no Reformer of
like adaptability and power, nor did the nation
ever again enjoy so favourable an opportunity of
jilanting its liberties on a stable foundation by
completing its Reformation.'
After John Alasco, but not equal to him, arose
Prince Radziwill. His i-ank, his talents, and his
zealous labours in the cause of Protestantism give
him a conspicuous place in the list of Poland's
Reformere. Nicholas Radziwll was sprung of a
wealthy family of Lithuania. He was brother to
Barbara, the fii-st queen of Sigismund Augustus,
whose unlimited confidence he enjoyed. Appointed
aml)assador to the courts of Charles V. and Fer-
dinand I., the grace of his manners and the charm
of his discourse so attracted the regards of these
inonarchs, that he received from the Emperor
Charles the dignity of a Piince of the Empire.
At the same time he so acquitted himself in the
many affairs of importance in which he wsvs em-
ployed by his own sovereign, that honours and
wealth flowed upon him in his native land. He
was created Chancellor of Lithuania, and Palatine
of Vilna. Hitherto politics alone had engi-ossed
him, but the time was now come when something
nobler than the pomp of courts, and the prizes of
earthly kingdoms, was to occupy his thoughts and
call forth his energies. About 1.5.'5.3 he was brought
into intercourse with some Bohemian Protestants
at Prague, who instructed him in the doctrines of
the Reformation, which he embraced in the Grenevan
' Gerdesius, vol. iii., p. 152.
- Krasinski saya that but scanty materials exist for
illustrating the Lost four years of John Alasco's life.
Tliis the count eiplains by the fact that his descendants
returned into the bosom of the Eoman Church after his
death, and that all records of his labours for the Reforma-
tion of liis native land, as well as most of his published
works, were destroyed by the Jestiits.
form. From that time his influence and wealth
— both of which were v;ist — were devoted to the
cause of his country's Reformation. He summoned
to his help Vergerius^ from Italy. He suppoi-ted
many learned Protestants. He defrayed the ex-
pense of the printing of the fir.st Protestant Bible
at Brest, in Lithuania, in 1563. He diffused works
written in defence of the Reformed faith. He
erected a magnificent church and college at Vilna,
the capital of Lithuania, and in many other ways
fostered the Reformed Church in that powerful
province where he exercised almost royal authority.
Numbers of the priests now embraced the Protes-
tant faith. " Almost the whole of the Roman
Catholic nobles," says Krasin.ski, " including the
first families of the land, and a gi-eat number of
those who had belonged to the Eastern Church,
became Protestants ; so that in the diocese of
Samogitia thei-e were only eight Roman Catholic
clergymen remaining. The Reformed worship was
established not only in the estates of the nobles,
but also in many towns." ■• On the other side,
the testimony to Radziwill's zeal as a Refoinner
is equally emphatic. We find the legate, Lippo-
mani, reproaching him thus: — "Public I'umour
says that the Palatine of Vilna patronises all
heresies, and that all the dangerous innovators are
gathei-ing under his protection ; that he erects,
whei-ever his influence reaches, sacrilegious altars
against the altar of God, and that he establishes
pulpits of falsehood against the pulpits of truth."
Besides these scandalous deeds, the legate charges
Radziwill with other heinous transgressions against
the Papacy, as the casting down the images of the
saints, the forbidding of prayers to the dead, and
the giving of the cup to the laity ; by all of which
he had greatly ofl'ended against the Holy Father,
and put his own salvation in peril.
Had the life of Prince Radziwill been prolonged,
so great was liis influence with the king, it Ls just
jiossible that the vacillation of Sigismund Augustus
might have been overcome, and the throne perma-
nently won for the cause of Poland's Reformation ;
but that possibility, if it ever existed, was suddenly
' There were two brothers of that name, both zealous
Protestants. The one was Bishop of Capo d'lstria, and
set about writing a work against "tlie apostates of Ger-
many," which resulted in his own conversion to Protes-
tantism. Ho communicated his change of mind to his
brother, Bishop of Pola, who at first opposed, and at Last
embraced his opinions. Tlie Bishop of Pola soon after
met his fate, though how is shrouded in mystery. The
Bishop of Capo d'lstria wa.s witness to the horrors of
the death-bed of Francis Spira, and was so impressed by
them that he resigned his bishopric and left Italy. He it
was that now came to Poland. (Sec MiCrie, Italy.)
* Krasinski, Slavonia, p. 227.
172
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
extingiiishe<l. In 150"), while yet iii the prime of
life, and in the midst of his lahoui-.s for tlie eman-
cipation of liis native land from tlie Papal yoke, the
prince died. When he felt his last hour approach-
ing he summoned to his bed-side his eldest son,
Nichola.s Christopher, and solemnly charged him to
abide constant in the profession of his father's
creed, and the service of his father's Clod ; and to
employ the illustrious name, the vast possessions,
and the great influence which had descended to him
for the cause of the Reformation.
So ill did that son fulfil the charge, delivered to
him in circumstances so solemn, that he returned
into the l>osoni of the Roman Church, and to repair
to the utmost of his power the injury his father had
done the Papal See, he expended .5,000 ducats in
purchasing copies of his father's Bible, which he
burned publicly in the market-place of VUna. On
the leaves, now sinking in ashes, might be read the
following words, addressed in the dedication to the
Polish monarch, and which we who are able to
compare the Poland of the nuieteenth century with
the Poland of the sixteenth, can hardly help re-
garding as prophetic. •' But if your Majesty
(which may God avert) continiung to be deluded
by this world, unmindful of its vanity, and fearing
still some hypocrisy, will persevere in that error
which, according to the prophecy of Daniel, that
impudent priest, the idol of the Roman temple, has
made abundantly to grow in his infected \'ineyard,
like a true and real Antichrist ; if your Majesty
wUl follow to the end that blind chief of a genera-
tion of vipers, and lead us the faithful people of
God the same way, it is to be feared that the Lord
may, for such a rejection of his tnith, condemn us
all ^viiil your ]\Iajesty to shame, humiliation, and
destruction, and afterwards to an eternal pci--
dition." '
CHAPTER III.
ACME OF PROTESTANTISM IX POLAND.
Arts of the Pope's Legate — Popish Synod — Judicial Murder — A Miracle— The King asks the Pope to Eeform the
Churcli— Diet of 1563 — National Synod craved — Defeated by the Papal Legate — His Representations to the King —
Tlie King Gained over — Project of a Religious Union — Conference of tlie Protestants — Union of Sandomir — Its
Basis— The Encharistic Doctrine of the Polish Protestant Church — Acme of Protestantism in Poland.
In following the labours of those eminent men
whom God inspired with the wish to emancipate
their native land from, the yoke of Rome, we have
gone a little way beyond the point at which we had
an-ivcd in the history of Protestantism in Poland.
We go back a stiige. We have seen the Diet of
1.5.52 inflict a great blow on the Papal power in
Poland, by abolishing the civil jurisdiction of the
bishops. Four years after this (1556) John
Alasco returned, and began his labours in Poland ;
the.se he was prosecuting with success, when Lip-
pomani was sent from Rome to undo his woi'k.
Lippomani's mission bore fniit. He revived the
fainting spirits and rallied the wavering coui-agc of
the Romanists. He sowed -sWth subtle art sus-
picions and dissensions among the Protestants ; he
stoutly promised in the Pope's name all necessary
ecclesiastical reforms ; this fortified the king in liis
vacillation, and furnished those within the Roman
Church who had been demanding a reform, witli an
excuse for relaxing their- eflbrts. They would wait
"the good time coming." The Pope's managei-
with skilful hand lifted the veU, and the Romanists
saw in the future a purified, imited, and Catholic
Church as clearly as the traveller sees the mirage
in the desert. Vergerius laboured to convince
them that what they saw was no lake, but a shim-
mering vapour, floating above the burning sands,
but the phantasm was so like that the king and
the bulk of the nation chose it in preference to the
reality which John Alasco would liave given them.
Sleanwhile the Diet of 1552 had left the bLshops
crippled; their temporal arm h.ad been broken,
and their care; now was to restore this most im-
portant branch of their jurisdiction. Lippomani
assembled a General Synod of the Popish clergy at
Lowicz. This Synod passed a resolution declaring
that heretics, now springing up on every side,
ought to be visited with pains and penalties, and
then proceeded to make trial how far the king and
' Krasinski, Hist. Reform . Poland, vol. i., p. 309, foot-note.
A ROMAN CATHOLIC! MIRACLE.
173
nation would permit them to go in restormg their
punitive power. Tliey summoned to theii- bar the
Canon of Przemysl, Lutomirski by name, on a sus-
picion of here.sy. The canon appeared, but with
liim came his friends, all of them provided with
Bibles — the best weapons, they thouglit, for such a
battle as that to which they were advancing ; but
when the bishops saw how they were armed, they
closed the dooi-s of their judgment-hall and shut
them out. The fii'st move of the prelates had not
improved their position.
Theu- second was attended with a success that
was more disastrous than defeat. They accused a
l)Oor girl, Dorotliy Lazecka, of having obtained a
consecrated wafer on pretence of communicating,
and of selling it to the Jews. The Jews carried
the Host to their sjTiagogue, where, being pierced
v\ith needles, it emitted a quantity of blood. The
miracle, it was said, had come opportunely to show
how unnecessary it was to give the cup to the
laity. But further, it was made a criminal charge
agaiiLst both the girl and the Jews. The Jews
pleaded that such an accusation was absurd ; that
they did not believe in transubstantiation, and
woidd never thuik of doing anything so prepos-
terous as experimenting on a wafer to see whether
it contained blood. But in spite of theii' defence,
they, as well as the unfortunate gu-1, were con-
demned to be burned. This atrocious sentence
could not be carried out without the royal exe-
quatur. The king, when applied to, refused hLs
consent, declaring that he could not believe such an
absiu-dity, and dispatched a messenger to Sochaczew,
where the parties were confined, with orders for
their release. Tlie Synod, however, was deter-
mined to complete its work. Tlie Bishop of Chelm,
who was Vice-Chancellor of Poland, attached the
royal seal without the knowledge of the king, and
immediiitely sent ofi" a messenger to have the sen-
ti'uce instantly executed. The king, upon being
informed of the forgery, sent in haste to counteract
the nefarious act of his minister ; but it was too
late. Before the royal messenger arrived the stake
had been kindled, and the innocent persons con-
sumed m the flames.'
This deed, combining so many crimes in one,
filled all Poland with horror. The legate, Lip-
l>omani, disliked before, was now detested tenfold.
Assailed in pamphlets and caricatures, he quitted
the kingdom, followed by the execration of the
nation. Nor was it Lippomani alone who was
struck by the recoil of this, in eveiy way, unfor-
' Baynaldus, ad ann. 1556. StarowolsM, Epitoma: Syno-
dov.—apud Kraeinski, Hist. Reform. Poland, voL i., p. 305.
tunate success ; the Polish hierarchy suffered lUs-
grace and damage along with him, for the atrocity
showed the nation what the bishops were prepared
to do, should the sword which the Diet of 1552
had plucked from their hands ever agam be gra,sped
by them.
An attempt at miracle, made about this time,
also helped to discredit the chai-acter and weaken
the influence of the Roman clergy in Poland.
Christopher Radziwill, cousm to the famous Prince
Radziwill, grieved at Ids relative's lapse iuto what
he deemed heresy, made a pilgi image to Rome, in
token of his own devotion to the Papal See, and
was rewarded v,-ith a box of precious relics from
the Pope. One day after his retiu-n home with his
inestimable treasure, the friars of a neighbouring
convent waited on him, and telling him that they
had a man possessed by the deyH under theit- care,
on whom the ordinary exorcisms had failed to
eflect a cure, they besought him, in pity for the
poor demoniac, to lend them his box of relics,
whose vii'tue doubtless would compel the foul
spirit to flee. The bones were given with joy. On
a certain day the box, with its contents, was placed
ou the high altar; the demoniac was brought for-
ward, and in presence of a vast multitude the relics
were applied, and with complete success. The evU
spirit, departed out of the man, ydih the usual con-
tortions and grimaces. The spectators shouted,
"Miracle!" and Radziwill, overjoyed, lifted eyes
and hands to heaven, in wonder and gi'atitude."
In a few days thereafter his servant, smitten in
conscience, came to him and confessed that on their
journey from Rome he had carelessly lost the true
relics, and had replaced them with common bones.
This intelligence was somewhat disconcerting to
Radziwill, but greatly moi'e so to the friars, seeing
it speedily led to the disclosui'e of the impostiu-e.
The pretended demoniac confessed that he had
simply been playing a part, and the monks like-
wise were constrained to acknowledge their share in
the pious fraud. Great scandal arose ; the clergy
bewailed the day the Poi)e's box had crossed tlie
Alps ; and Christopher Radziwill, receiving from the
relics a virtue he had not anticipated, was led to
the perusal of the Scriptures, and finally embraced,
with his whole fiimHy, the Protestant faith. "When
his great relative. Prince Radziwill, died in 1565,
Chi-istopher came forward, and to some extent
supplied his loss to the Protestant cause.
The king, still pursuing a middle coui-se, solicited
from the Pope, Paul IV., a Refoi-mation which he
- Kjasiuski, HUl. Reform. Poland, vol. i., pp. 310, 311.
Bayle, art. "Kadziwill."
174
HISTOBY OF PROTESTANTISM.
might have had to better effect from liis Protestant
clergy, if only he would have permitted them to
meet and begin the work. Sigismiind Augustus ad-
dressed a letter to the Pontiff at the Council of Trent,
demanding the five following things : — 1st, the
performance of mass in the Polish tongue; 2ndly,
Communion in both kinds ; 3rdly, the marriage of
priests; -ithly, the abolition of annats ; 5thly, the
convocation of a National Council for the reform
of abuses, and the reconcilement of the various
opinions. Tlie effect of these demands on Paul IV.
was to in-itate this very haughty Pontiff; he fell
into a fume, and expuessed in animated terms liis
amazement at the arrogance of his Majesty of
Poland ; but gradually cooling down, he declined
civilly, as might have been foreseen, demands which,
though they did not amount to a veiy gi-eat deal,
were more than Eome coidd safely grant.'
This rebuff taught the Protestants, if not the
king, that from the Seven Hills no help would come
— that their trust must be in themselves ; and they
grew bolder eveiy day. In the Diet of Piotrkow,
1.559, an attempt was made to deprive the bishops
of theu- seats in the Senate, on the gi-ound that
their oath of obedience to the Pope was wholly
in-econcilable to and subversive of their allegi-
ance to their sovereign, and their duty to the
nation. The oath was read and commented on,
and the senator who made the motion concluded
his speech in support of it by saying that if the
bishops kept their oath of spiritual obedience, they
must necessarily violate their vow of temporal
allegiance; and if they were faithful siibjects of the
Pope, they must necessarily be traitore to their
king. ^ The motion was not carried, probably be-
cause the vague hope of a more sweeping measure
of reform still kept possession of the minds of
men.
The next step of the Poles was in the direction
of realising that hope. A Diet met in 1563, and
passed a resolution that a General Synod, in which
all the religious bodies in Poland would be rejjre-
sented, should be a.ssembled. The Pi'imate of Poland,
Archbishop Uchanski, who was known to be secretly
inclined toward the Reformed doctrines, was favour-
able to the proposed Convocation. Had such a
Council been convened, it might, as mattei-s then
stood, with the first nobles of the land, many of
the gi-eat cities, and a large portion of the nation,
all on the side of Protestantism, have had the most
decisive effects on the Kingdom of Poland and its
future destinies. " It would have upset," saya
Kra.sinski, " the dominion of Rome in Poland for
ever."' Rome saw the danger in all its extent,
and sent one of her ablest diplomatists to cope with
it. Cardinal Commendoni, who had given efficient
aid to Queen Mary of England in 1553, in her
attempted restoration of Popery, was sti'aightway
dispatched to employ his great abilities in arrest-
ing the triumph of Protestantism, and averting
ruin from the Papacy in the Kingdom of Poland.
The legate put forth all his dexterity and art in his
important mission, and not without effect. He
directed his main efforts to influence the mind of
Sigismund Augustus. He drew with masterly
hand a frightfid pictme of the revolts and seditions
that were sure to follow such a Council as it was
contemplated holdmg. The warring winds, once
let loose, would never cease to rage till the vessel of
the Polish State was di-iven on the rocks and ship-
wrecked. For every concession to the heretics and
the blind mob, the king would have to part with as
many rights of his own. His laws contemned, his
throne in the dust, who then would lift him up and
give hiin back liis crown t Had he forgotten the
Colloquy of Poissy, which the King of France, then
a child, had been pei-suaded to permit to take jilace ]
What had that disputation proved but a trumpet
of revolt, wliich had banished peace from France,
not since to return ? In that unhappy coimtry,
whose iiiliabitants were parted by bitter feuds and
contending factions, whose iields were reddened by
the sword of civil war, whose throne was being
continually shaken by sedition and revolt, the king
might see the picture of what Poland would become
should he give his consent to the meeting of a
Council, where all doctrines would be brought into
question, and all things reformed without reference
to the canons of the Church, and the authority of
the Pope. Commendoni was a skilful limner ; he
made the king hear the roar of the tempest which
he foretold ; Sigismund Augustus felt as if his
throne were already rocking beneath him ; the
peace-loving monarch revoked the permission he
had been on tlie point of giving ; he would not
permit the Council to convene.''
If a National Council could not meet to essay the
Reformation of the Church, might it not be possible,
some influential persons now asked, for the three
Protestant bodies in Poland to unite in one
Church 1 Such a union woidd confer new strength
' Pietro Soave Polano, Hist. Counc. Trent, lib. r., p. 399 ;
Loud., 1629.
- " Episcopi sunt non custodes sed proditores reipub-
licK." (Krasinski, Hist. Ueform. Poland, vol. i., p. 312.)
^ Krasinski, Slavonia, p. 232, foot-uo*-n.
■• Yie de Commendoni, par Gratiani, Fr. Trans., p. 213
et seq, — apud Krasinski, Ulavonia, pp. 232—234.
176
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
on Protestantism, would remove the scamlal oflered
by the dLsseusions of Pi-otestants among themselves,
and would enable them in the day of battle to unite
their arms against the foe, and in the hour of peace
to conjoin their labours in building \ip their Zion.
The Protestant communions in Poland were — 1st,
the Bohemian ; 2ntlly, the Reformed or Calvinistic ;
and 3rdly, the Lutheran. Between the first and
second there was entire agreement in point of
doctrine ; only inasmuch as the first pastors of the
Bohemian Church had received ordination (1467)
from a Waldensian superintendent, as we have
pre\-iously narrated,' the Bohemians had come to
lay stress on this, as an order of succession j^ecu-
liarly sacred. Between the second and third there
was the important divergence on the subject of the
Eucharist. The Lutheran doctrine of consubstantia-
tion approached more nearly to the Roman doctrme
of the mass than to the Reformed doctrine of the
Lord's Supper. If change there had been since the
daj-s of Luther on the question of consubstantiation,
it was in the du-ection of still greater rigidity and
tenacity, accompanied with a gi'owing intolerance
toward the other branches of the great Protestant
family, of which some melancholy proofs have come
before us. How much the heart of John Alasco
was set on healing these divisions, and how small
a measure of success attended his eflbrts to do so,
we have already seen. The project was again
revived. The main opposition to it came from the
Lutherans. Tlie Bohemian ChTirch now numbered
upwards of 200 congregations in Moravia and
Poland,- but the Lutherans accused them of
heing heretical. Smaiting from the reproach, and
judging that to clear their orthodoxy would pave
the way for union, the Bohemians submitted their
Confession to the Protestant princes of Germany,
and all tlie leading Reformers of Europe, including
Peter Martyi- and Bullinger at Zurich, and
Calvin and Beza at Geneva. A unanimous verdict
was returned that the Bohemian Confession was
" conformable to the doctrines of the Gospel." This
judgment silenced for a time the Lutheran attacks
on the purity of the Bohemian creed ; but this good
understanding being once more disturbed, the
Bohemian Church in 1.568 sent a delegation to
Wittemberg, to submit their Confession to the
theological faculty of its university. Again their
creed was fully approved of, and this judgment
carrying great weight with the Lutherans, the at-
tacks on the Bohemians from that time ceased, and
the negotiations for union went prosperously forward.
At last the negotiations bore fruit. In 1.569,
the leading nobles of the three communions, having
met together at the Diet of Lublin, I'esolved to
take measures for the consummation of the union.
They were the more incited to this by the hope that
the king, who had so often expressed his desii-e to
see the Protestant Chiu-ches of hLs realm become
one, would thereafter declare himself on the side
of Protestantism. It was resolved to hold a Sjaiod
or Conference of all three Churches, and the town
of Sandomu- was chosen as the place of meeting.
The Synod met in the beginning of April, 1570,
and was attended by the Protestant grandees and
nobles of Poland, and by the ministers of the
Bohemian, Reformed, and Lutheran Churches.
After several days' discussion it was found that the
assembly was of one heart and mind on all the
fundamental docti-ines of the Gospel ; and an agi-ee-
ment, entitled " Act of the Religious LTnion
between the Churches of Great and Little Poland,
Russia, Lithuania, and Samogitia," was signed on
the 14th of April, 1570.'
The subscribers place on the front of their famous
document their unanimity in " the doctrines about
God, the Holy Trinity, the Incarnation of the Son
of God, Justification, and other princijial points of
the Christian religion." To give eflect to this
unanimity they " enter into a mutual and sacred
obligation to defend unanimou.sly, and according to
the injunctions of the "Word of God, this theii-
covenant in the true and pure religion of Christ,
against the followei-s of the Roman Church, the
sectaries, as well as all the enemies of the truth and
Gospel."
On the vexed qiiestion of the Saci-ament of the
Lorfl's Supper, the United Church agreed to
declare that " the elements are not only elements
or vain sjnnbols, but are sufficient to believers,
and impart by faith what they signify." And
in order to express themselves with still gi-eater
clearness, they agreed to confess that " the substan-
tial presence of Christ is not only signified but really
represented in the Communion to those that receive
it, and that the body and blood of our Lord are
really distributed and given with the sj'mbols of
the thing itself ; which according to the nature of
Sacraments are by no means bare signs."
" But that no disputes," they add, " shoiild
originate from a diS"erence of expi-essions, it Las
been resolved to add to the articles inserted into our
Confession, the article of the Confession of the Saxon
Churches relatuig to the Lord's Supper, which was
' See anie, bk. iii., chap. 19, p. 212.
= Krasinski, ilisf. Reform. Poland, vol. i., p. 368.
' This union is known in history as the Consensus
Saiidomiricnsis,
THE UNION OF SANDOMIR.
177
scut ill 1551 to the Council of Trent, and whicli wc
acknowledge as pious, and do receive. Its expres-
.sicms are as follows : ' Baptism and the Lord's Supper
are signs and testimonies of gi'ace, as it has been said
before, which remind us of the promise and of the
rodemption, and show that the benefits of the Gospel
belong to all those that make use of these rites. . . .
In the established use of the Communion, Christ is
sub.stantially present, and the body and blood of
Christ are tiidy given to those who receive the
Communion.'" ^
Ttie confedei-ating Churclies further agreed to
" abolish and bury in eternal oblivion all the conten-
tions, troubles, and dissensions which have hitherto
impeded the progress of the Gospel," and leaving
free each Church to administer its own discipline
and practise its own rites, deeming these of " little
importance " provided " the foundation of our faith
and salvation remain pure and unadulterated," they
say : " Having mutually given each other our hands,
we have made a sacred promise faithfully to main-
tain the peace and faith, and to promote it every
day more and more for the edification of the Word
of God, and carefully to avoid all occasions of dis-
sension." '
There follows a long and brOliant list of palatines,
nobles, superintendents, pastors, elders, and deacons
belonging to all the three communions, who, forget-
ting the party-questions that had divided them,
gathered round this one standard, and giving their
hands to one another, and lifting them up to
heaven, vowed liencefoi"\vard to be one and to con-
tend only against the common foe. Tliis was one
of the triumphs of Protestantism. Its spirit now
gloriously prevailed over the pride of church, the
rivali-y of party, and the naiTOwness of bigotry, and
in this victory gave an auguiy — alas ! never to be
fulfilled — of a yet greater triumph in days to come,
by which this was to be completed and crowned.
Tlu-ee years later (1573) a gi-eat Protestant Con-
vocation was held at Cracow. It was presided
' These articles are a compromise betweeurthe Lutheran
and Calvinistic theologies, on tho vexed question of the
Eucharist. Tlie Lutherans soon began loudly to complain
that though their phraseology was Lutheran their sense
was Calviuistic, and the union, as shown in the text, was
shoi-t-lived.
'- Ki-asinski, Hist. Reform. Poland, vol. i., chap. 0.
oxer by John Firley, Grand Mai-shal of Poland,
a leading member of the Calviuistic communion,
and the most influential grandee of tlie kingdom.
The regulations enacted by this Synod sufficiently
show the goal at which it was anxious to arrive.
It aimed at refonning the nation in life as well as
in creed. It forbade " all kinds of wickedness and
luxuiy, accursed gluttonj- and inebiiety." It pro-
hibited lewd dances, games of chance, profane oaths,
and night assemblages in taverns. It enjoined
lando\vners to treat then- peasants with " Christian
charity and humanity," to exact of them no op-
pressive labour or hea\'y taxes, to permit no
markets or faii-s to be held upon their estates
on Sunday, and to demand no service of their
peasants on that day. A Protestant weed was but
the means for creating a virtuous and Christian
people.
There is no era like this, before or since, in the
annals of Poland. Protestantism had reached its
acme in that country. Its churches numbered
upwards of 2,000. They were at jjcace and floui-Lsli-
ing. Theii- membership included the firet dignitaries
of the cro'wii and the first nobles of the land. In
some parts Romanism almost entirely disappeared.
Schools were planted througliout the country, and
education flourished. The Scriptures were trans-
lated into the tongue of the people, the reading of
them was encouraged as the most efficient weapon
against tlie attacks of Rome. Latin was already
common, but now Greek and Hebrew began to be
studied, that dii-ect access might be had to the
Divine fountains of truth and salvation. The
national intellect, invigorated by Protestant tiiith^
began to expatiate in fields that had been neglected
hitherto. The printing-press, which rusts unused
wherePopery dominates, was vigorously wi'ought,
and sent forth works on science, jurisprudence,
theology, and general literature. This was tho
Augustan era of letters in Poland. The toleration
which was so freely accorded in that country di-ew
thither crowds of refugees, whom persecution had
driven from their homes, and who, can-ying with
them the arts and manufactures of their own lands,
enriched Poland with a material pro.sperity which,
added to the political power and literary glory that
already encompassed her, raised her to a high jjitch
of rfrcatncss.
178
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER IV.
ORGANISATION OF THE PROTESTANT CHURCH OF POLAND.
Several Clmrch Organisations in Polanel— Causes — Church Government in Poland a Modified Episcopacy— Tlie
Superintendent— His Powers — The Senior, &c. — The Civil Senior— Tlie Synod the Supreme Authority— Local and
Provincial Synods — General Convocation— Two Defects in this Organisation — Death of Sigismund Augustus—
"Who shall Succeed him ? — Coligny proposes the Election of a French Prince — Montluc sent as Ambassador to
Poland— Duke of Anjou Elected— Pledges — Attempted Treaclieries— Coronation — Henry Attempts to Evade the
Oath — Firmness of the Polish Protestants— The King's Unpopularity and Flight.
The shoi-t-livecl golden age of Poland was now
waning into the silver one. But before recording
the slow gathering of the shadows — the paissing of
the day into twilight, and the deepening of the
t\\'ilight into night — we must cast a momentaiy
glance, first, at the constitution of the Polish Pro-
testant Church as seen at this the period of her
fullest development ; and secondly, at certain poli-
tical events, which bore with powerful effect upon
the Protestant character of the nation, and sealed
the fate of Poland as a free country.
In its imperfect unity we trace the absence of
a master-hand in the construction of the Protestant
Church of Poland. Had one great mind led in
the Reformation of that country, one system of
ecclesiastical government would doubtless from
the first have been given to all Poland. As it
was, the organisation of its Church at the be-
ginning, and in a sense all throughout, differed
in different provinces. Other causes, besides the
want of a gi-eat leader, contributed to this diver-
sity in i-espect of ecclesiastical government. The
nobles were allowed to give what order they
pleased to the Protestant churches which they
erected on their lands, but the same liberty
was not extended to the inhabitants of towns,
and hence very considerable divei-sity in the eccle-
siastical an-angements. Tliis diversity was still
farther increased by the circumstance that not
one, but three Confessions had gained gi-ound in
Poland — the Bohemian, the Genevan, and the
Lutheran. The necessity of a more perfect organ-
isation soon came to be felt, and repeated attempts
were made at successive Synods to imify the Chm-ch's
government. A gi-eat step was taken in this
direction at the Sjmod of Kosmin, in 15.').'), when
a union was concluded between the Bohemian and
Genevan Confessions ; and a still greater advance
was made in 1.570, as we h.ave naiT.ated in the
preceding chapter, when at the Sjmod of Sandomir
the three Protestant Cliurches of Poland — the
Bohemian, the Genevan, and the Lutheran — agreed
to merge all theii- Confessions in one creed, and com-
bine their several organisations in one government.
But even this was only an approximation, not
a full and complete attainment of the object aimed
at. All Poland was not yet iided spiritually from
one ecclesiastical centre ; for the three great poli-
tical divisions of the comitry — Great Poland, Little
Poland, and Lithuania — had each its independent
ecclesiastical establishment, by which all its religious
affairs were i-egidated. Nevertheless, at intervals,
or when some matter of gi-eat moment arose, all
the pastore of the kingdom came together in Synod,
thus presenting a gi-and Convocation of all the
Protestant Churches of Poland.
Despite this tri-partition in the ecclesiastical
authority, one form of Church government now
extended over all Poland. That form was a modi-
fied episcopacy. If any one man was entitled
to be styled the Father of the Polish Protestant
Church it was John Ala.sco, and the organisation
which he gave to the Reformed Church of his
native land was not unlike that of England, of
which he was a great admii-er. Poland was on a
gi-eat scale what the foreign Church over which
John Alasco presided in London was on a small.
First came the Superintendent, for Alasco pre-
ferred that term, though the more learned one of
Senior Primarins wa-s sometimes used to designate
this dignitary. The Superintendent, or Senioi-
Primarnis, corresponded somewhat in rank and
powers to an archbishop. He convoked Synods,
presided in them, and executed their sentences ; but
he had no judicial authority, and was subject to
the Synod, which could judge, admonish, and depose
him.'
Over the Churches of a disti-ict a Sub-Super-
intendent, or Senior, presided. The Senior corre-
sponded to a bishop. He took the place of the
Superintendent in his absence ; he convoked the
Synods of the district, and possessed a certain
' Krasinski, Hist. Reform. Po}an<l, vol. ii.
,,p. 294
THE POLISH PROTESTANT CHURCH.
179
limited jurisdiction, thougli exclusively spii-itual.
The other ecclesiastical functionaries were tlie
Minister, the Deacon, and the Lecturer. The Polish
Protestants eschewed the fashion and order of the
Roman hierarchy, and strove to reproduce as far
as the circumstances of their times would allow, or
as thoy themselves were able to trace it, the model
cxldbited in the primitive Chiirch.
Besides the Clerical Senior each district had a
Civil Senior, who was elected exclusively by the
nobles and landowners. His duties about the
Clmrcli were mainly of an external nature. All
things appertaming to faith and doctrine were left
entu'ely in the hands of the ministers ; but the
Civil Senior took cognisance of the morals of
ministers, and in certain cases could forbid them
the exercise of their functions till he had reported
the case to the Synod, as the supreme authority
of the Church. The support and general welfare
of churches and schools were entrusted to the Civil
Senior, who, moreover, acted as advocate for the
Cluirch before the authorities of the country.
The supreme authority in the Polisli Protestant
Cliurch was neither the Superintendent nor the
Civil Senior, but the Synod. Four times every
year a Local Synod, composed not of ministers
only, but of all the members of the congi-egations,
was convened in each district. Although the
members sat along -with the pastors, all questions
of faith and doctrine were left to be determined
exclusively by the latter. Once a year a Pro-
vincial Synod was held, in which each disti'ict was
represented by a Clerical Senior, two Con-Seniors,
or assistants, and fotir Civil Seniors ; thus gi^^ilg
a slight predominance to tlie lay element in the
Synod. Nevertheless, ministers, although not dele-
gated by the Local SjTiods, could sit and vote on
equal terms with others in the Provincial Synod.
The Grand Synod of the nation, or Convocation
of the Polish Church, met at no stated times. It
assembled only when the emergence of some great
question called for its decision. These gi'eat gather-
ings, of coui-se, could take place only so long as tlie
Union of Sandomir, which bound in one Church
all the Protestant Confessions of Poland, existed,
and that unhappily was only from 1.570 to 1.59.5.
After the expiry of these twenty-five years those
gi'cat national gatheiings, which had so impressively
attested the strength and grandeur of Protestantism
in Poland, were seen no more. Such in outline
was the constitution and government of the Pro-
testant Church of Poland. It wanted only two
things to make it complete and perfect — namely,
one supreme court, or centre of authority, with
jurisdiction covering the whole country; and a
permanent body or " Board," having its seat in the
capital, through which the Chm'ch might take in-
stant action when great dilEcidties called for united
councils, or sudden dangers necessitated united
arms. The meetmgs of the Grand Synods were
intermittent and ii'regular, whereas their enemies
never failed to maintain union among themselves,
and never ceased theii- attacks upon the Protestant
Church.
We must now turn to the course of political
afiaii-s subsequent to the death of King Sigismund
Augustus, of which, however, we shall treat only
so far as they gi-ew out of Protestantism, and
exerted a reflex influence upon it. The amiablej
enlightened, and tolerant monarch, Sigismund Au-
gustus, so often almost persuaded to be a Protestant,
and one day, as his coui-tiers fondly hoped, to be-
come one in reality, went to his grave in 1572,
without having come to any decision, and without
leaving any issue. The Protestants were naturally
desirous of placing a Protestant upon the throne ;
but the intrigues of Cardinal Commendoni, and the
jealousy of the Lutherans against the Reformed,
which the Union of Sandomir had not entirely
extinguished, rendered all efibrts towards this
efiect in vain. Meanwhile Coligny, whom the
Peace of St. Germains had i-estored to the court
of Paris, and for the moment to influence, came
forward 'svith the proposal of placing a French
prince upon the throne of Poland. The admiral
was revolving a gigantic scheme for humbling
Romanism, and its gi'eat champion, Spain. He
meditated bringing together in a political and re-
ligious alliance the two gi-eat countries of Poland
and France, and Protestantism once triumphant in
both, an issue which to Coligny seemed to be near,
the vmited arms of the two countries would soon
put an end to the dommancy of Rome, and lay
in the dust the overgro^v^l power of Austria and
Spam. Catherine de Medici, who saw in the pro-
ject a new aggrandisement to her family, warmly
favoured it ; and Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was
dispatched to Poland, fm-nished with ample in-
structions from Coligny to prosecute the election of
Henry of Valois, Duke of Anjou. Montluc had
hardly crossed the frontier when the St. Bartho-
lomew WiW struck, and among the many victims
of that dreadful act was the author of that very
scheme which Montluc was on his way to advo-
cate and, if possible, consummate. The bishop, on
receiving the tenible news, thought it useless to
continue his journey ; but Catherine, feeling the
necessity of following the line of foreign jwlicy
which had been originated by the man she had
murdered, sent ordei-s to Montluc to go forward.
VIEW OF THE MAKKET-I'LACE OF CliACUW.
120
182
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
Tlic ambassador had immense difficulties to over-
come in the prosecution of his mission, for the
massacre had inspired universal horror, but by dint
of stoutly denying the Duke of Anjou's participa-
tion in the crime, and promising that the duke
would subscribe every guarantee of political and
religious liberty which might be required of him,
he finally carried his object. Firlej^, the leader of
the Protestant;;, drafted a list of jorivileges which
Anjou was to grant to the Protestants of Poland,
and of concessions which Charles IX. was to make
to the Protestants of France ; and Montluc was
required to sign the.se, or see the rejection of
his candidate. The ambassador promised for the
monarch.
Henry of Valois ha\"ing been chosen, four am-
bassadors set out from Poland with the diploma of
election, which was presented to the duke on the
10th September, 1.573, in Notre Dame, Paris. A
Romish bishoj), and member of the embassy, entered
a protest, at the beginning of the ceremonial,
agamst that clause in the oath which .secured re-
ligious liberty, and which the duke was now to
swear. Some confusion followed. The Protestant
Zborowski, interruptmg the proceedings, addressed
Montluc thus : — " Had you not accepted, in the
name of the duke, these conditions, we should not
have elected him as our monarch." Henry feigned
not to understand the subject of dispute, but
Zborowski, advancing towards him, said — "I repeat,
sire, if your ambassador had not accepted the con-
dition securing religious liberty to us Protestants,
we would not have elected you to be our king, and
if you do not confirm these conditions you shall
not be our king." Thereupon Henry took the
oath. When he had sworn, Bishop Karnkowski,
who had protested against the religious liberty pro-
mised in the o.ath, stepped forward, and again
protested that the clause should not prejudice the
authority of the Church of Kome, and he received
from the king a \nitten declaration to the effect
that it would not.'
Although the sovereign-elect had confirmed by
oath the religious liberties of Poland, the su.spicions
of the Protestants were not entirely allayed, and
they resolved jealously to watch the proceedings
at the coronation. Their distnist was not without
cause. Cardinal Hosius, who had now begun to
exercise vast influence on the affaii-s of Poland,
reasoned that the oath that Henry had taken iii
Paris was not binding, and he sent his secretary to
meet the new monarch on the i-oad to his new
dominions, and to assure him that he did not even
need absolution from what he had sworn, seeing
what was unlawful was not binding, and that as
soon as he should be crowned, he might proceed,
the oath notwithstanding, to diive from his kmg-
dom all religions contrary to that of Rome." The
bishops began to teach the same doctrine and to
instruct Henry, who was approaching Poland by
slow stages, that he would mount the throne as an
absolute sovereign, and reign wholly imfettered and
unconti'olled by either the oath of Paris or the
Polish Diet. The kingdom wa.s in dismay and
alarm ; the Protestants talked of annulling the
election, and refusing to accept Henry as their
sovereign. Poland was on the brink of civil war.
At the coronation a new treachery was at-
tempted. Tutored by Jesuitical councillors, Henry
proposed to assume the crown, but to evade the oath.
The ceremonial was proceeding, intently watched
by both Protestants and Romanists. The final act
was about to be performed ; the crown was to be
placed on the head of the new sovereign ; but the
oath guaranteeing the Protestant liberties had not
been administered to him. Fii'ley, the Grand
Marshal of Poland, and first grandee of the kmg-
dom, stood forth, and stopping the proceedings,
declared that unless the Duke of Anjou should
repeat the oath which he had sworn at Paris, he
would not allow the coronation to take place.
Henry was kneeling on the steps of the altai', but
startled by the words, he rose up, and looking
round him, seemed to hesitate. Firley, seizing the
cro^Ti, said in a firm voice, " Si non jurabis, non
regnabis " (If you will not swear, you shall not
reign). The courtiers and spectators wei-e mute
with astonishment. The king was awed ; he read
iu the crest-fallen countenances of his advisers that
he had but one alternative — the oath, or an igno-
minious return to France. It was too soon to go
back ; he took the copy of the oath which was
handed to him, swore, and was crowned.
The courageous act of the Protestant grand mar-
shal had dispelled the cloud of civil war that hung
above the nation. But it was only for a moment
that confidence was restored. The first act of the
new sovereign had revealed him to his subjects as
both treacherous and cowardlj' ; what trast could
they repose in him, and what affection could they feel
for him? Henry took into exclusive favour the
> Krasinski, Uisl. Jtefonii. Poland, vol. ii., pp. 15— 3t.
' Hosius wrote in the same terms from Rome to the
Archbishop and clergy of Poland : "Que co que le Eoi
avait promis h Paris n'etait qu'une feinte et dissimula-
tion ; et qu'aussitfit qu'il serait eouronn^, il chasserait
hers dii I'oyaume tout cxevcice de religion autre que la
Komainc." (MS. of Dupuis in the Library of Eiehelicu
at Paris — apud Krasinski, Hist. Reform. Poland, vol. ii.,
p. 39.)
STEPHEN BATHORY, KING OF POLAND.
183
Popish bishops ; and, emboldened by a patronage
unkno\\n to tiieni during former reigiis, they boldly
declared the designs they had long harboured, but
whieh they had hitherto only whispered to their most
trusted confidants. The great Protestant nobles
were discountenanced and discredited. The king's
shameless profligacies consummated the discontent
and disgust of the nation. The patriotic Firley
was dead — it was believed in many quartei-s that
he had been poisoned — and civil war was again on
the point of breaking out when, fuituuutely for
the unhapjiy country, the flight of tlie monarch
saved it from that great calamity. His brother,
Charles IX., had died, and Anjoii took his seci-et
and quick departure to succeed liim on the throne
of France.
CHAPTER V.
TURNING OF THE TIDE OP PROTESTANTISM IN POLAND.
Stephen Bathory Elected to the Throne— His Midnight Interview — Abandons Protestantism, and becomes a Eomanist
—Takes the Jesuits under his Patronage- Builds and Endows Colleges for them— Eoman Synod of Piotrkow—
Subtle Policy of the Bishops for Recovering their Temporal Jurisdiction— Temporal Ends gained by Spiritual
Sanctions— Spiritual Terrors versus Temporal Punishments — Begun Decadence of Poland — Last Successes of its
Arms— Death of King Stephen— Sigismund III. Succeeds—" The King of the Jesuits."
After a year's iuteiTegnum, Stephen Bathory, a
Transylvanian prince, who had married Anne
Jagellon, one of the sisters of the Emperor Sigis-
mund Augustus, was elected to the crown of
I'oland. His worth was so great, and his popu-
larity so high, that although a Protestant the
Roman clergy dared not oppose his election. The
Protestant nobles thought that now their cause
was gained ; but the Romanists did not despair.
Along with the delegates commLssioned to announce
his election to Bathory, they sent a prelate of emi-
nent talent and learning, Solikowski l)y name, to
conduct their intrigue of bringing the new king
over to their side. The Protestant deputies,
guessing Solikowski's errand, were careful to give
him no opportunity of conversing with the new
sovereign in private. But, eluding their vigilance,
lie obtauied an interview by night, and succeeded
in jKjrsuading Bathory that he should never be able
to maintain himself on the throne of Poland unless
he made a public jjrofession of the Roman faith.
The Protestant deputies, to their dismay, next
morning beheld Slei)hen Bathory, in whom they
had placed their hoi>es of triumph, devoutly kneel-
ing at niiuss.' The new reign had opened with no
auspicious omen !
' The fact that Bathory before his election to the throne
of Poland was a Protestant, and not, as historians
commonly assert, a Romanist, was first published by
Kraslnski, on the authority of a MS. history now in the
Library at St. Petersburg, written by Orsolski, a con-
temporary of the events. (Krasinski. Hist, neform. PoJaml,
Tol. ii., p. 48.)
Nevertheless, although a pervert, Bathory did
not become a zealot. He repressed all attempts
at persecution, and tried to hold the balance wntli
tolerable impartiality between the two pai'ties.
But he sowed seeds destined to yield tempests in
the future. The Jesuits, as we shall afterwards
see, had already entered Poland, and as the Fathers
were able to persuade the king that they were the
zealous cultivators and the most efficient teachers
of science and letters, Bathory, who was a patron
of literature, took them under his patronage, and
built colleges and seminaries for theii' use, endow-
ing them with lands and heritages. Among other
institutions he founded the University of Vilna,
which became the chief seat of the Fathers in
Poland, and whence they spread themselves o\er
the kingdom. -
It was during the reign of King Stephen that
the tide began to turn in the fortunes of this
great, intelligent, and free nation. The ebb (ii'st
showed itself in a piece of subtle legislation wliich
was achieved by the Roman Synod of Piotrkow,
in 1577. That Synod decreed excommunication
against all who held the doctrine of religious
toleration.' But toleration of all religions was one
of the fundamental laws of the kingdom, and the
enactment of the Synod wa.s levelled against this
law. True, they coidd not blot out the law of the
State, nor could they corai)el the tribunals of the
nation to enforce their own ecclesiastical edict;
- Krasinski, Hist. Eeform. Poland, vol. ii., p. 53.
» Ihid., vol. ii., pp. *), 50.
18i
HISTOKY Oh' PROTESTANTISM.
nevei-theless tbeiv sentence, though spiritual iii its
form, was very decidedly temporal in both its
substance and its issues, seeing excommunication
carried with it many grievous civil and social in-
flictions. This legislation was the commencement
of a stealthy policy which had for its object tlie
recovery of that temporal jurisdiction of which, as
we have seen, the Diet had stripped them.
This first encroachment being permitted to pass
unchallenged, the Roman clergy ventured on other
njid more violent attacks on the laws of the State,
and the liberties of the people. The Synods of the
diocese of Warmia prohibited mixed marriages;
they forbade Romanists to be sponsors at the
baptism of Protestant chilcb-en; they interdicted the
use of books and hymns not sanctioned by eccle-
siastical authority; and they declared hei'etics
incajDable of inheriting landed property. All these
enactments wore a spiritual guise, and they could
be enforced only by spii'itual sanctions; but they
were in antagonism to the law of the land, and by
implication branded the laws with which they
conflicted as immoral; they tended to widen the
breach between the two great parties in the nation,
and they disturbed the consciences of Romanists,
by subjecting them to the alternative of incurring
certain disagi'eeable consequences, or of doing what
they were taught was nnIa^vful and sinful.
Sti-etching their powers and prerogatives still
farther, the Roman bishops now claimed joayment
of their tithes from Protestant landlords, and
attempted to take back the churches which had
been converted from Romanist to Protestant uses.
To make trial of how far the nation was disposed
to yield to these demands, or the tribunals pre-
pared to endoi'se them, they entered pleas at law to
have the goods and possessions which they claimed
as theii-s adjudged to them, and in some instances
the courts gave decisions in their favour. But the
hierairchy had gone farther than meanwhile was
prudent. These arrogant demands roused the
alai-m of the nobles; and the Diets of 1.581 and
l.')S2 administered a tacit rebuke to the hierarchy
liy annulling the judgments which had been pro-
nounced in their favour. The bishops had learned
that they must walk slowly if they would walk
safely ; but they had met with nothing to convince
them that their course was not the right one, or
that it would not succeed in the end.
Nevertheless, under the appearance of having
sufi'ered a rcbuft', the hierarchy had gained not a
few substantial advantages. The more extreme of
their demands had been disallowed, and many
thought that the contest between them and the
civil coiu-ts was at an end, and that it had ended
adversely to the spiritual authority; but the
bishops knew better. They had laid the founda-
tion of what would grow with every successive
Synod, and each new edict, into a body of law,
divei-se from and in opposition to the law of the
land, and which presenting itself to the Romanist
with a higher moral sanction, would ultimately, in
his eyes, deprive the civil law of all force, and
transfer to itself the homage of his conscience and
the obedience of his life. The coercive power
wielded by this new code, which was being
stealthily put in operation in the hfeart of the
Polish State, was a power that could neither be
seen, nor heai'd ; and those who were accustomed
to execute theii' behests through the force of ai'mies,
or the majesty of tribimals, were apt to contemn it
as utterly unable to cope with the power of law ;
nevertheless, the result as wrought out in Poland
showed that this infliience, apparently so weak,
j'et jienetrating deeply into the heart and soul, had
in it an omnipotence comjiared with which the
power of the sword was but feebleness. And
farther there was this danger, jiei'haps not foreseen
or not much taken into account in Poland at the
moment, namely, that the Jesuits were busy manipu-
lating the youth, and that whenever public opinion
should be ripe for a concordat between the bishops
and the Government, this .S2Jiritual code would
start xq> into an undisguisedly temporal one, having
at its service all the powers of the State, and
enforcing its commands with the sword.
What was now introduced into Poland was a
new and more refined policy than the Church of
Rome had as yet employed in her battles with Pro-
testantism. Hitherto she had filled her hand with
the coarse weapons of material force — the armies
of the Empire and the stakes of the Inquisition.
But now, appealing less to the bodily senses, and
more to the faculties of the sold, she began at
Trent, and continued in Poland, the plan of
creating a body of legislation, the pseudo-divine
sanctions of which, in many instances, received
submission where the teiTors of punishment would
have been withstood. [The sons of Loyola came
first, moulding opinion'; and the bishojjs came after,
framing canons in conformity with that altered
opinion — gathering where the others had strewed
— and noiselessly achieving victory where the
swords of their soldiers would have Init sustained
defeat. No doubt the liberty enjoyed in Poland
necessitated this alteration of the Roman tactics ;
but it was soon seen that it was a more efiectual
method than the vulgar weapons of force, and that
if a revolted Christendom was to be brought back
to the Papal obedience, it must be mainly, though
CARDINAL HOSIUS.
185
not exclusively, by the means of this sijii-itual
artillery.
It was under the same reign, that of Stephen
Bathory, that the political influence of the Kingdom
of Poland began to wane. The ebb in its national
prestige was almost immediately consequent on the
ebb in its Protestantism. The victorious wars
which Bathory had carried on with Russia were
ended, mainly through the counsels of the Jesuit
Posscvinus, by a peace which stripped Poland of
the advantages she was entitled to expect from her
victoi-ies. This was the last gleam of military
success that shone upon the country. Stephen
Bathory died in 1586, ha\'ing reigned ten years, not
without glory, and was succeeded on the throne of
Poland by Sigismund III. He was the son of
John, King of Sweden, and grandson of the re-
nowned Gustavus Vasa. Nurtui-ed by a Romish
mother, Sigismund III. had abandoned the faith
of his famous ancestor, and during his long reign of
well-nigh half a century, he made the grandeur of
Rome his first object, and the power of Poland only
his second. Under such a prince the fortunes of
the nation continued to sink. He was called " the
King of the Jesuits," and so far was he from being
ashamed of the title, that he gloried in it, and strove
to prove himself worthy of it. He surrounded him-
self with Jesuit councillors ; honours and riches he
showered almost exclusively upon Romanists, and
especially upon those whom interest had converted,
but argument left unconvLnced. No dignity of the
State and no post in the public service was to be
obtained, unless the aspirant made friends of the
Fathers. Their colleges and schools midtiplied,
their hoards and territorial domains augmented
from year to yeai". The education of the youth,
and especially the sons of the nobles, was almost
wholly ill their hands, and a generation was being
created brimful of that "loyalty" which Rome so
highly lauds, and which makes the understandings
of her subjects so obdurate and their necks so
supple. The Protestants were as yet too powerful
in Poland to permit of direct persecution, but the
way was being prepared in the continual decrease
of their numbers, and the systematic diminution of
their influence ; and when Sigismund III. went to
his grave in 1632, the glory which had illuminated
the country during the short reign of Stephen
Bathory had departed, and the night was fiist
closing in around Poland.
CHAPTER VI.
THE JESUITS ENTER POLAND — DESTRUCTION OF ITS PROTESTANTISM.
Cardinal Hosius— His Acquirements— Prodigious Activity— Brings the Jesuits into Poland— Tlicy rise to vast Influence
—Their Tactics- Mingle in all Circles— Labour to Undermine the Influence of Protestant Ministers— Extra-
ordinary Methods of doing this — Mob Violence— Churches, &c., Burned— Graveyards Violated— The Jesuits in
the Saloons of the Great— Their Schools and Method of Teaching— They Dwarf the National Mind— They
Extinguish Literature— Testimony of a Popish Writer — Eeign of Vladislav — John Casimir, a Jesuit, ascends the
Throne — Political Calamities— Eevolt of the Cossacks — Invasion of the Eussians and Swedes— Continued Decline
of Protestantism and Oppression of Protestants— Erhaustion and Euin of Poland — Causes which contributed
along with the Jesuits to the Overthrow of Protestantism in Poland.
The Jesuits had been introduced into Poland, and
the turning of the Protestant tide, and the begun
decadence of the nation's political power, which was
almost contemporaneous with the retrogression in
its Protestantism, was mainly the work of the
Fathers. The man who opened the door to the
disciples of Loyola in that country is worthy of a
longer study than we can bestow ujion him. His
name was Stanislaus Hosen, better known as
Cardinal Hosius. He was born at Cracow in 1504,
and thus in bii-th was nearly contemporaneous with
Knox and Calvin. He was sprung of a family of
German descent which l^ad been engaged in trade.
and become rich. His great natural powers had
been perfected by a finished education, first in the
schools of his own country, and afterwai-ds in the
Italian universities. He was unwearied in liis
apiflication to business, often dictating to .several
secretaries at once, and not unfrequently dis-
patching important matters at meals. He was at
home in the controversial literature of the Refonna-
tion, and knew how to employ in his own cause
the arguments of one Protestant polemic against
another. He took care to inform himself of eveiy-
thing about the life and occupation of the leading
Refoi-mers, his contemporaries, wliich it was im-
186
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
portant for him to know. His works are numerous;
they are in various languages, written with equal
elegance in all, and with a wonderful adaptation in
their style and method to the genius and habit of
thought of each of the various peoples he addressed.
The one grand object of liis life was the overthrow
of Protestantism, and the restoration of the Roman
Church to that place of power and glory from which
the Reformation had cast her down. He brought
the concentrated forces of a vast knowledge, a
gigantic intellect, and a strong will to the execution
of that task. History has not recorded, so far as
we are aware, any immorality in his life. He
could boast the refined manners, liberal sentiments,
and humane disposition which the love and culti-
vation of letters usually engender. Nevertheless
the marvellous and mysterious power of that
system of which he was so distinguished a cham-
pion asserted its superiority in the case of this
richly endowed, highly cultivated, and noble-minded
man. Instead of imijai-ting his virtues to his
Church, she transferred her vices to him. Hosius
always urged on fitting occasions that no faith
should be kept with heretics, and although few
could better conduct an argument than himself,
he disliked that tedious process with heretics,
and recommended the more summary one of the
lictor's axe. He saw no sin in spilling heretical
blood ; he received with joy the tidings of the St.
Bartholomew Massacre, and writing to congi-atulate
the Cardinal of Lorraine on the slaughter of Coligny,
he thanked the Almighty for the great boon be-
stowed on France, and implored him to show equal
mei'cy to Poland. His great understanding he
pi-ostrated at the feet of his Church, but for whose
authority, he declared, the Scriptures would have
no more weight than the Fables of JEsoj). His
many acquirements and great learning were not
able to emancipate him from the thrall of a gloomy
asceticism ; he grovelled in the observance of the
most austere performances, scourging liimself in the
belief that to have his body streaming with blood
and covered with wounds was more pleasing to the
Almighty than to have his soul adorned with virtues
and replenished wth graces. Such was the man
who, to use the words of the historian Krasinski,
" (leseiwed the eternal gratitude of Rome and the
curses of his own country," l)y introducing the
Jesuits into Poland.'
Returning from the Council of Trent in 1.564,
Hosius saw with alarm the advance which Protes-
' See his Life by Resoius (Roszka), Rome, 1587. Nu-
merous editions have been published of his works ; the
best is that of Cologne, 1584, containing his letters to
many of the more eminent of his contempor.iries.
tantism had made in his diocese during his absence.
He immediately addressed himself to the general of
the society, Lainez, requesting him to send him some
members of his order to aid him in doing what he
despaired of accomplishing by his own single arm.
A few of the Fathers were dispatched from Rome,
and being joined by others from Germany, they
were located in Braunsberg, a little town in the
diocese of Hosius, who richly endowed the infant
establishment. For six years they made little
progress, nor was it till the death of Sigismund
Augustus and the accession of Stephen Bathory that
they began to make then- influence felt in Poland.
How they ingi-atiated themselves with that monarch
by their vast pretensions to learning we have
already seen. They became gi-eat fixvourites with
the bishops, who finding Protestantism increasing
in their dioceses, looked for its repression rather
from the intrigues of the Fathers than the labours
of their own clergy. But the golden age of the
Jesuits in Poland, to be followed by the iron age
to the people, did not begin until the bigoted
Sigismund III. mounted the throne. The fiivours
of Stephen Bathory, the colleges he had founded,
and the lands with which he had endowed them,
were not remembered in comparison with the far
higher consideration and vaster wealth to which
they were admitted under his successor. Sigis-
mund reigned, but the Jesuits governed. They
stood by the fountain-head of honours, and they
held the keys of all dignities and emoluments.
They took care of their friends in the distribution
of these good things, nor did they forget when
enriching others to enrich also themselves. Con-
versions were numerous ; and the wanderer who
had returned from the fatal path of heresy to the
safe fold of the Church was taught to express his
thanks in some gift or service to the order by
whose instructions and prayei-s he had been rescued.
The son of a Protestant father commonly expressed
his penitence by building them a college, or be-
queathing them an estate, or expelling from his
lands the confessors of his father's faith, and re-
j)lacing them with the adherents of the Roman
creed. Thus all things were prospering to their
wish. Every day new doors were opening to them.
Their missions and schools were springing up in all
corners of the land. They entered all houses, from
the baron's do^vnward ; they sat at .all tables, and
listened to .all conversations. In .all assemblies,
for whatever purpose convened, whether met to
mourn or to make merry, to trans.act business or
to seek amusement, there were the Jesuits. They
were present at baptisms, at marriages, at funei-als,
and .at foirs. While their learned men taught
Ml \ 01 r 11 lUMl Ul V NL \ UN IN 1
188
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISJI.
the young noliles in tlic universities, they hivcl
their itinerant orators, who visited villages, fre-
quented markets, and erecting their stage in
public exhibited scenic representations of Bible
histories, or of the combats, martyrdoms, and
canonisations of the saints. These wandering
apostles were furnished, moreover, with store of
relics and wonder-working charms, and by these as
well as by pompous processions, they edified and
awed the crowds that gathered round them.
They strenuously and systematically laboured to
destroy the influence of Protestant ministei-s.
They strove to make them odious, sometimes by
malevolent whispei-ings, and at other times by open
accusations. The most blameless life and the most
venerated character afforded no protection against
Jesuit calumny. Volanus, whose ninety years bore
witness to his abstemious life, they called a dnuikard.
Sdrow.ski, who had incurred then- anger by a work
written against them, and whose learning was not
excelled by the most erudite of their order, they
accused of theft, and of having once acted the
pai-t of a hangman. Adding ridicule to calumny,
they strove in every way to hold up Protestant
sermons and assemblies to laughter. If a Synod
convened, there was sure to appear, in no long
time, a letter from the devil, addressed to the
members of court, thanking them for their zeal, and
instructing them, in familiar and losing phrase,
how to do then- work and his. Did a minister
marry, straightway he was complimented with an
epithalamium from the ready pen of some Jesuit
scribe. Did a Protestant pastor die, before a few
days had passed by, the leading members of his
flock were favoured with letters from their de-
ceased minister, duly dated from Pandemoiiixun.
These effusions were comjiosed generally in doggerel
verse, but they were barbed with a venomous wit
and a coarae humour. The multitude read, laughed,
and believed. The calumnies, it is true, were
refuted by those at whom they were levelled ; but
that signified little, the falsehood was repeated
again and again, till at last, by dint of perseverance
and audacity, the Protestants and thcu' worship
were brought into general hatred and contempt.^
The defection of the sons of Radziwill, the zea-
lous Reformer of whom we have previously made
mention, was a groat blow to the Protestantism of
Poliwid. That family became the chief support,
after the crown, of the Papal reaction in the Polish
' Lukaszewicz (a Popish author). History of the Hel-
veHan Churches of Lilhuania, vol. i., pp. 47, 85, and vol. ii.,
p. 102 ; Posen, 1842, 184S—apud Krasmsld, Slavonia,
pp. 289, 294.
dominions. Not only were their influence and
wealth freely employed for the spread of the
Jesuits, but all the Protestant churches and schools
which their father had built on hLs estates were
made over to the Church of Rome. The example
of the Radziwills was followed by many of the
Lithuanian nobles, who i-eturned within the Roman
pale, bringing with them not only the edifices on
their lands formerly used in the Protestant service,
but their tenants also, and expelling those who
refused to conform.
By this time the populace had been sufficiently
leavened with the spirit and principles of the
Jesuits to be made theii- tool. Mob violence is
commonly the fu'st form that persecution assumes.
It was so in Poland. The caves whence these
popular tempests issued were the Jesuit colleges.
The students inflamed the passions of the multitude,
and the public peace was bi-oken by tumult and
outrage. Protestant worshipping assemblies began
to be assailed and dispersed, Protestant chin-ches
to be wrecked, and Protestant libraries to be
given to the flames. The churches of Cracow,
of Vilna, and other towns were pillaged. Pro-
testant cemeteries were violated, their monuments
and tablets destroyed, the dead exhumed, and their
remains scattered about. It was not possible at
times to cari-y the Protestant dead to theii- gi-aves.
In June, 1578, the funeral procession of a Protes-
tant lady was attacked in the streets of Cracow by
the pujiils of All-hallows College. Stones were
thrown, the attendants were driven away, the body
was torn from the coffin, and after being dragged
through the streets it "was thro^^^^ into the Vistula.
Rarely indeed did the authorities interfere; and
when it did happen that punishment followed these
misdeeds, the infliction fell on the wretched tools,
and the guiltier instigators and ringleaders were
sirfFered to escape.''
While the Jesuits were smiting the Protestant
mmisters and members ^^•ith the arm of the mob,
they were bowing the knee in adulation and flattery
before the Protestant nobles and gentry. In the
saloons of the gi'cat, the same men who sowed from
their chairs the jninciples of sedition and tumult,
or vented in doggerel rhyme the odious calumny,
were transformed into paragons of mildness
and inoffcnsiveness. Oh, how they loved order,
aliominated coarseness, and anathematised all im-
charitableness and violence ! Having gained access
into Protestant fiimilies of rank b^^ their whining
manners, their showy accomplishments, and some-
times by important services, they strove by every
- Albert Wengiersi.
JESUIT INTRIGUES IN POLAND.
means— by argument, by wit, by insinuation — to
convert them to the Roman faith ; if tliey failed to
pervert tlie entire family they generally succeeded
with one or more of its members. Thus they
established a foothold in the household, and had
fatally broken the peace and confidence of the
family. The anguish of the perverts for their
parents, doomed as they believed to perdition,
often so alfected these parents as to induce them to
follow their children into the Roman fold. Rome,
as is well kno\vn, has made more victories by
touching the heart than by convincing the reason.
But the maiia arai with which the Jesuits
operated in Poland was the school. They had
among them a few men of good talent and gi-eat
erudition. At the beginning they were at pains
to teach well, and to send foi-tli fi-om theii- semi-
)iaries accomplished Latin scholars, that so they
might establish a reputation for efficient teaching,
and spread theii- educational institutions over the
kingdom. They were kind to their pupils, they gave
their instructions without exacting any fee ; and
they were thus able to compete at great advantage
with the Protestant schools, and not unfrequently
did they succeed in extinguishing theii- rivals, and
drafting the scholars into their own seminaries.
Not only so : many Protestant parents, attracted
by the high repute of the Jesuit schools, and the
brilliant Latin scholars whom they sent forth from
time to time, sent their sons to be educated in the
institutions of the Fathers.
But the national mind did not grow, nor did the
national literature flourish. This was the more
remarkable from contrast with the brilliance of the
era that had preceded the educational efforts of the
Jesuits. The half-century during which the Pro-
testant influence was the predominating one was
" the Augustan age of Polish literature ;" the half-
century that followed, dating from the close of the
sixteenth century, showed a marked and most
melancholy decadence in every department of mental
exertion. It was but too ob\'ious that decrepitude
had smitten the national intellect. The press sent
forth scarcely a single work of merit ; capable
men were disappearing from professional life ;
Poland ceased to have statesmen fitted to counsel
in the cabinet, or soldiers able to lead in the field.
The sciences were neglected and the arts lan-
guished ; and even the veiy language was becoming
corrupt and feeble ; its elegance and fire ^vei'e sink-
ing in the ashes of formalism and barbarism. Nor
is it difficult to account for tliis. Without
freedom there can bo no vigour ; but the Jesuits
dared not leave the mind of their jmpils at liberty.
That the intellect should make fv\ll jiroof of its
powers by ranging freely over all subjects, and in-
vestigating and discussing unfettered all questions,
was what the Jesuits could not allow, well knowing
that such freedom would overthrow their own autho-
rity. They led about the mind iir chains as men
do wild beasts, of whom they fear that should
they slip their fetters, they would turn and rend
them. The art they studied was not how to edu-
cate, but how not to educate. They intrigued to
shut up the Protestant schools, and when thej' had
succeeded, they collected the youth into their own,
that they might keep them out of the way of that
most dangerous of all things, knowledge. They
taught them words, not things. They shut the page
of history, they barred the avenues of science and
philosophy, aiad they drilled their pupils exclusively
in the subtleties of a scholastic theology. Is it
wonderful that the eye kejit perpetually poring on
such objects should at last lose its power of vision ;
that the intellect confined to food like this should
pine and die ; and that the foot-prints of Poland
ceased to be visible in the fields of literature, in the
world of commerce, and on the ai-ena of politics l
The men who had taken in hand to educate the
nation, taught it to forget all that other men strive
to remember, and to remember all that other men
strive to forget ; in short, the education given to
Poland by the Jesuits was a most ingemous and
successful plan of teaching them not how to think
right, but how to think -svi-ong ; not how to reason
out truth, but how to reason out falsehood ; not how
to cast away prejudice, break the shackles of autho-
rity, and rise to the independence and noble freedom
of a rational being, but how to cleave to error,
hug one's fetters, hoot at the light, and yet to be
all the while filled with a proud conceit that this
darkness is not darkness, but light ; and this folly
not folly, but wisdom. Thus metamorphosed this
once noble nation came forth from the schools of
the Jesuits, the light of their eye quenched, and tJio
strength of then- arm dried up, to find that they
were no longer able to keep their place in the
sti-uggles of the world. They were p\it aside, they
were split up, they were trampled down, and at
last thoy perished as a nation ; and yet their re-
mains were not put into the sepulchre, but wei-c
left lying on the fiice of Euroi>e, a melancholy
monument of what nations become when they take
the Jesuit for their schoolmaster.
This estimate of Jesviit teaching is not more
severe than that whicli Popish authors themselves
have expressed. Their system was admu-ably de-
scribed by Broscius, a zealous Roman Catholic clergy-
man, professor in the University of Cracow, and one
of the most learned men of his time, in a work pul>
190
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
lished originally in Polish, in the beginning of the
seventeenth century. He says : " The Jesuits teach
chiUlion the grammar of Alvar,' which it is very
(lillicult to umlerstaml and to learn; and much
time is spent at it. This they do for many reasons :
first, that by keeping the child a long time in the
school they may receive in gifts from the parents
of the children, whom they pretend gratuitously to
educate, much more than they would have got had
there been a regular payment; second, that by
keeping the children a long while in the school
they may become well acquainted with their minds ;
third, that they may train the boy for their o\vn
plans, and for their own purposes ; fourth, that in
case the friends of the boy wish to have him from
them, they may have a pretence for keeping him,
saying, give him time at least to learn grammar,
which is the foundation of every other knowledge ;
fifth, they want to keep boys at school till the age
of manliood, that they may engage for their order
those who show most talent or expect large in-
heritances ; but when an individual neither pos-
sesses talents nor has any expectations, they \vill
not retain liim."-
Sigismund III., in whose reign the Jesuits had
become firmly rooted in Poland, died in 1632,
and was succeeded by his eldest son Vladislav IV.
Vladislav hated the disciples of Loyola as much as
his father had loved and courted them, and he
sti-ove to the utmost of his power to counteract the
evil effects of his father's partiality for the order.
He restrained the persecution by mob riots ; he
was able, in some instances, to visit with punish-
ment the ringleaders in the burning down of Pro-
testant churches and schools ; but that spirit of
intolerance and bigotry which was now diffused
throughout the nation, and in wliich, with few ex-
ceptions, noble and peasant shared alike, he could
not lay ; and when he went to his grave, those
bitter hatreds and evil passions which had been
engendered during his father's long occupancy of
the thi'one, and only slightly repressed during
his own short I'oign, broke out afresh in all their
violence.
Vladislav was succeeded by his brother John
Casimir. C;isimir was a member of the Society of
Jesus, and had attained the dignity of the Roman
' A Spanish Jesuit who compiled a grammar which the
Jesuits used in the schools of Poland.
" Dialnqve of a Landowner with a Parisli Priest. The
work, puljlishcd about 1020, excited the violent anger
of the Jesuits; but being imable to wreak their ven-
geance on the author, the printer, at their instigation,
was publicly flogged, and afterwards banished. (See
Krasiuski, Slavonia, p. 296.)
purple ; but when his brother's death opened his
way to the throne, the Pope relieved him from his
vows as a Jesuit. The heart of the Jesuit rcmain(.'d
mthin him, though his vow to the order had licen
dissolved. Nevertheless, it is but justice to say
that Casimir was less bigoted, and less the tool of
Rome, than his father Sigismrmd had been. Still
it was vain to hope that under such a monarch the
prospects of the Protestants would be materially
improved, or the tide of Popish reaction stennned.
Scarcely had this disciple of Loyola ascended the
throne than those political tempests began, which
continued at short intei'vals to burst over Poland,
till at length the nation was destroyed. The first
calamity that befell the unhappy country was a
terrible revolt of the Cossacks of the Ukraine.
The insurgent Cossacks were joined by crowds of
peasants belonging to the Greek Church, whose
passions had been roused by a recent attempt of
the Polish bishops to compel them to enter the
Communion of Rome. Poland now began to feel
what it was to have her soul chilled and her bonds
loosened by the touch of the Jesuit. If the insur-
rection did not end in the dethronement of the
monarch, it was owing not to the valour of his
troops, or the patriotism of his nobles, but to the
compassion or remorse of the rebels, who stopped
short in their victorious .career when the king was
in then- power, and the nation had been brought to
the brink of ruin.
The cloud which had thieatened the kingdom
with destruction rolled away to the half-ci%ilised
regions whence it had so suddenly issued ; but
hardly was it gone when it was again seen to
gather, and to advance against the inihappy king-
dom. The perfidy of the Romish bishops had
brought this second calamity upon Poland. The
Archbishop of Kioff, Metropolitan of the Greek
Church of Poland, had acted as mediator between
the rebellious Cossacks and the king, and mainly
through the archbishop's friendly ofliccs had that
peace been effected, which rescued from immi-
nent peril the throne and life of Casimir. One of
the conditions of the Pacification was that the
archbishop should have a seat in the Senate ; but
when the day came, and the Eastern prelate entered
the hall to take his place among the senators, the
Roman Catholic bishops rose in a body and left the
Senate-house, saying that they ne^er would sit with
a schismatic. The Archbishop of Kioff had lifted
Casimir's throne out of the dust, and now he had
his services repaid with insult.
The warlike Cossacks held themselves afl'rontcd
in the indignity done their spiritual chief ; and
hence the second invasion of the kingdom. This
THE DOWNFALL OF POLAND.
191
time the insurgents were defeated, but that only
broiiglit greater evils upon the country. The
Cossacks tlu'ew themselves into the arms of the
Czar of Muscovy. He espoused their quarrel,
feeling, doubtless, that his honour also was in-
volved in the disgrace put upon a high dignitary
of his Church, and he descended on Poland with
an immense army. At the same time, Charles
Gustavus of Sweden, taking advantage of tlie
discontent which prevailed against the Polish
monarch Ca.simir, entered the kingdom with a
chosen body of troops ; and such were his own
talents as a leader, and such the discipline and
valour of his army, that in a short time the prin-
cipal pai't of Poland was in his possession. Casimir
had, meanwhile, sought refuge in Silesia. The
crown was ofl'ered to the valorous and magnani-
mous Charles Gustavus, the nobles only craving
that before assuming it lie should permit a Diet
to assemble and formally vote it to him.
Had Gustavus ascended the throne of Poland,
it is probalile that the Jesuits would have been
driven out, that the Protestant spirit would have
been reinvigorated, and that Poland, built up into
a powerful kingdom, would have proved a protect-
ing wall to the south and west of Europe against
the barbaric masses of the north ; but this hope,
wdth all that it implied; was dispelled by the reply
of Charles Gustavus. " It did not need," he said,
" that the Diet should elect him king, seeing he
was already master of the country by his sword."
The self-love of the Poles was wounded ; the war
was renewed ; and, after a great struggle, a jieace
was concluded in 1000, under the joint mediation
and guarantee of England, France, and Holland.
Jolni Casimir returned to resume his reign over
a country bleeding from the swords of two armies.
The Cossacks had exercised an indiscriniinate ven-
geance : the Popish cathedral and the Protestant
church had alike been given to the flames, and
Protestants and Papists had been equal sufferers in
the calamities of the war.
The first act of the monarch, after his return,
was to place his kingdom under the special pro-
tection of the " Blessed Virgin." To make himself
and his dominions the more worthy of so august
a suzerainty, he i-egistered on the occasion two
vows, both well-pleasing, as he judged, to liis
celestial patroness. Casimir promised in the first
to redress the grievances of the lower orders, and
in the second to convert the heretics— in other
words, to persecute the Protestants. The first vow
it wa.s not even attempted to fulfil. All the efforts
of the sovereign, therefore, were given to the second.
But (ho shieid of Eu'daud and Hollan.l was at
that time extended over the Protestants of Poland,
who were still numerous, and had amongst them
some influential families ; the monarch's eflbrts
were, in consequence, restricted meanwhile to the
conversion of the Socinians, who were numerous
in his kingdom. They were offered the alternative
of return to the Roman Church or exile. They
seriously proposed to meet the prelates of the Roman
hierarchy in conference, and con\ince them that
there was no fundamental difference between theii-
tenets and the dogmas of the Roman Church.'
The conference was declined, and the Socinians,
with great hardship and loss, were driven out of
the kingdom. But the persecution did not stop
there. England, with Charles II. on her throne,
grew cold in the cause of the Polish Protestants.
In the treaty of the peace of 1 GOO, the rights of all
religious Confessions in Poland had been secured ;
but the guaranteeing Powers soon ceased to enforce
the treaty, the Polish Government paid but small
respect to it, persecution in the form of mol)
violeiace was still continued ; and when the reign
of John Casimir, which had been fatal to the
Protestants throughout, came to an end, it was
found that their ranks were broken up, that all the
gi-eat families who had belonged to their communion
were extinct or had passed into the Church of
Rome, that their sanctuaries were mostly in ashes,
their- congregations all dispersed, and their cause
hopeless.-
There followed a succession of reigns which oidy
furnished evidence how weak the throne had
become, and how powerful the Jesuits and the
Roman hierarchy had grown. Religious equality
was still the law of Poland, and each new sovereign
swore, at his coronation, to maintain the rights
of the anti-Romanists, but the transaction was
deemed a mere fiction, and the king, however much
disposed, had not the power to fulfil his oath. The
Jesuits and the bishops were in this matter above
the law, and the sovereign's tribunals could not
enforce their own edicts. What the law called
rights the clergy stigmatised as abuses, and de-
manded that they should be abolished. In 1732
a law was passed excluding from all public ofliccs
those who were not of the communion of the
Church of Rome.'' The public service was thus
deprived of whatever activity and cnli.i;htonmcnt of
mind yet existed in Poland. The country had no
need of this additional stimulus : it was already pur-
suing fast enough the road to ruin. For a century,
' Kiasinski, Slavonia, p. 333.
- Krasinski, Hist. Keform. Polami, vol. ii., chap.1'2.
•■• Krasinski, Slavonia, p. 350.
192
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
one disaster aftor another liad devastated its soil
and people. Its limits had been curtailed by the
lass of several provinces ; its population had been
diminished by the emigration of thou.sands of
Protestants ; its i-esources had been drained by its
efibrts to quell revolt within and ward off inviision
from without ; its intelligence had been obscured,
and well-nigh extinguished, by those who claimed
the exclusive right to instruct its youth ; for in
that laud it was a greater misfortune to be educated
than to grow np untaught. Ovei'spread by torpor,
Poland gave no signs of life save sucli as indicate
paralysis. Placed luider foreign tutelage, and sunk
in dependence and helplessness, if she was cared for
by her powerful protectors, it was as men care for
a once noble palace which they have no thought of
rebuilding, but from whose fallen masses they hope
to extract a column or a topstone that may helj)
to enlarge and embellish their own dwelling.
Justice requires that we should state, before dis-
missing this part of oiu- subject, with its many
solemn lessons, that though the fall of Protestantism
in Poland, and the consequent ruin of the Polish
State, was mainly the work of the Jesuits, other
causes co-operated, though in a less degree. The
Protestant body in Poland, from the first, was
parted into three Confessions : the Genevan in
Lithuania, the Bohemian in Great Poland, and the
Lutheran in those towns that were inhabited by a
population of German descent. This was a source
of weakness, and this weakness was aggi-avated by
the ill-will borne by the Lutheran Protestants to
the adherents of the other two Confessions. The
evil was cured, it was thought, liy the Union
of Sandoniir ; but Lutheran exclusiveuess and in-
tolerance, after a few years, again broke uj) the
united Chui'ch, and deprived the Protestant cause
of the strength which a common centre always
gives. The short lives of John Alasco and Prince
liadziwill are also to be reckoned among the causes
wliich contributed to the failure of the Reform
movement in Poland. Had their labours been pro-
longed, a deeper seat would have been given to
Protestant truth in the general population, and the
throne might have been gained to the Reformation.
The Christian chivalry and jjatriotism with which
the great nobles placed themselves at the head of
the movement are worthy of all praise, but the
people must ever be the mainstay of a religious
Reformation, and the great landowniers in Poland
did not, we fear, take this fact .sufficiently into ac-
count, or bestow the requisite pains in imbuing their
tenantry with great Scriptural principles : and hence
the conipai'ative ease with which the people were
again transferred into tlie Roman fold. But an
influence yet more hostUe to the triumph of Protes-
tantism in Poland was the rise and rajjid diffusion
of Socinian views. These sprang up in the bosom
of the Genevan Confession, and inflicted a blight
on the powerful Protestant Chiu-ches of Lithuania.
That blight very soon overspread the whole land ;
and the gi-een tree of Protestantism began to be
touched with the sere of decay. The Socinian was
followed, iis we have seen, by the Jesuit. A yet
deeper desolation gathered on his track. Decay
became rottenness, and blight deepened into death ;
but Protestantism did not perish alone. The
throne, the country, the people, all went down
with it in a catastro]>he so awful that no one
could have eHected it but the Jesuit.
CHAPTER VII.
BOHEMIA — ENTR.\NCE OF IIEFORMATION.
D.arkness Concealing Boliemiau Martyrs— John Huss— First Preachers of the Eofoi-mctl Doctrine in Bohemia- False
Brcthron — Zaliera — Passek— Tlioy Excite to rersGcutions — Martyrs— Nicolas Wrzetenarz— The Hostess Clai-a —
Martha von Porzicz— The Potter and Girdlor— Pate of tlio Persecutors— Ferdinand I. Invades Bohoiiila — Perse-
cutions and Emigrations -Flight of the Pastoi-s— John Augusta, &c. — A Heroic Sufferer — The Jesuits brought
into Boliemia— Ma.\imilian II.— Persecution Stopped— Bohemian Confession— Rudolph— The Majostats-Brief—
Full Liberty given to the Protestants.
In resuming the story of Bohemia wo re-enter a
tragic field. Our rehearsal of its conflicts and
suflcrings will in one sense be a sorrowful, in
another a truly triumphant task. What we arc
about to witness is not the victorious march of a
nation out of bondage, with banners xmfurled, and
singing the song of a recoverctl Gosjiel ; on the
contrary, it is a crowd of sufferers and martyrs that
is to pass before lis ; and when the long procession
begins to draw to an end, we shall have to confess
UNRECORDED MARTYRDOMS. 193
that tliese are but a few of that gi-eat army of partially dispelled. Their names and sufferings arc
confessors who in this land gave their lives for the locked up in the imperial arcliivcs of Vienna, iu tlie
triitli. Where are the rest, and why are not their arcliiepiscopal archives of Prague, in the liljraric;;
viKw IS I'UAnvE: the powder toweu.
deaths liere recorded I They still abide under that of Leitmeritz, Koniggi-iitz, Wittingau, and other
darkness with wliich their martjTdoms were on places. For a full revelation wo must wait (ho
purpose covered, and which as yet lias been only coming of that day when, in the eniphaUc l.iu-
121
l'J4
HISTORY OF niOTEaTANTlSM.
giiage of Scripture, " The earth also shall disclose
her blood, aud shall no more cover her slaiii."'
Ill a former book - we brought down the history
of the Bohemian Church' a century beyond the
stake of Huss. Speaking from the midst of the
flames, as we have already seen, the martyr said,
" A hundred years and there will arise a swan
whose singing you shall not be able to silence." ^
The century had revolved, and Luther, with a
voice that was rolling from east to west of Chris-
tendom, loud as the thunder but melodious as the
music of heaven, was preaching the doctrine of
justification by faith alone. We resume our history
of the Bohemian Church at the point where we
broke it ofl". Though fire and sword had been
■wasting the Bohemian confessors duiing tlie-
greater part of the century, there were about
200 of their congregations in existence when
the Reformation broke. Imperfect as was their
knowledge of Divine truth, their presence on the
soil of Bohemia helped powerfully toward the
reception of the doctrines of Luther in that
country. Many hailed his appearance as sent to
resume the work of their martyred countryman,
and recognised in his preaching the " song " for
which Huss had bidden them wait. As early as
the year 1519, Matthias, a hermit, arriving at
Prague, preached to great crowds", which assem-
bled round him in the streets and market-place,
though he mingled with the doctrines of the
Reformation certain opinions of Ins own. The
Calixtine.s, who were now Romanists in all save
the Eucharistic rite, which they received in both
kinds, said, " It were better to have our pastors
ordained at Wittemberg than at Rome." Many
Bohemian youths were setting out to sit at
Luther's feet, and those who were debarred the
journey, and could not benefit by the living voice
of the gi-eat doctor, eagerly possessed themselves,
most commonly by way of Nuremberg, of his
tracts and Ijooks ; and those accounted themselves
happiest of all who could secure a Bible, for then
they could drink of the Water of Life at its fountain-
head. In January, 1523, we find the Estates of
Bohemia and JMoravia assembling at Prague, and
having summoned several orthodox pastors to
' Isaiah xxvi. 21.
- See ante, vol. I., bk. iii.
» Wo have in the sauio place narrated the origin of the
"United Brethren," tlieir election by lot of three men
who were afterwards ordained by Stephen, associated
■with whom, in the laying on of hands, were other 'Wal-
densian pastors. Conieniiis, who relates tlie transaction,
terms Stephen a chief man or bisliop among the W.al-
denses. He afterwards suffered martyi'dom for the faith.
* See ante, vol. i., hk. iii., chap. 7, p. 1G2.
assist at their deliberations, they promulgateil
twenty articles — " the forerumiers of the Refor-
mation," as Comenius calls them — of which the
following was one : " If any man shall teach
the Gospel without the additions of men, ho shall
neither be reproved nor condemned for a heretic." ""
Thus from the banks of the Moldau was coming
an echo to the voice at Wittemberg.
" False brethren " were the first to raise the cry
of heresy against John Huss, and also the most
zealous in dragging him to the stake. So was it
again. A curate, newly returned from Wittemberg,
where he had daily taken his place in the crowd
of students of all nations who assembled around
the chair of Luther, was the fu'st in Prague to call
for the punishment of the disciples of that very
doctrine which he professed to have embraced. His
name was Gallus Zahera, Calixtme pastor in the
Church of Lieta Curia, Old Prague. Zahera joined
himself to John Passek, Burgomaster of Prague,
" a deceitful, cruel, and superstitious man," who
headed a powerful faction in the Council, which
had for its object to crush the new opinions. The
Papal legate had just arrived in Bohemia, and
he wrote in bland terms to Zahera, holding out the
prospect of a union between Rome and the
Calixtines. The Calixtine pastor, forgetting all he
had learned at Wittemberg, instantly replied that
he had " no dearer wish than to be found constant
in the body of the Churc'i by the unity of the
faith ; " and he went on to speak of Bohemia in a
style that mu.st have done credit, in the eyes of the
legate, at once to his rhetoric and his orthodoxy.
" For truly," says he, " our Bohemia, supporting
itself on the most sure foundation of the mast sure
rock of the Catholic faith, has sustained the fury
and broken the force of all those waves of error
wherewith the neighbouring countries of Germany
have been shaken, and as a beacon placed in the
midst of a tempestuous sea, it has held forth a
clear light to every voyager, and shown him a safe
harbour into which he may retreat from ship-
wreck;" and he concluded by promising to send
forthwith deputies to expedite the business of a
union between the Roman and Calixtine Churches."
When asked how he could thus oppose a faith he
had lately so zealously jirofessed, Zahera replied
that he had jilaced himself at the feet of Luther
that he might be the better able to confute him:
"An excuse," observes Comenius, " that might have
become the mouth of Judas."
' Comenius, Hisioria PcrsecuHonum Ecclesia Boheniica;
cap. 28, p. 98; Lugd. Batav., 1C47.
6 Ibid., cap. 28, p. 29.
TWO VENERABLE MARTYRS.
lys
Zaliera and Passek were uot the men to stop at
half-measures. To pave the way for a union with
the Roman Church they framed a set of articles,
which, ha\'ing obtained the consent of the king,
they required the clergy and citizens to subscribe.
Those who refused were to be banished from
Prague. Si.v pastors declined the test, and were
driven from the city. The pastors were followed
into exile by sixty-five of the leading citizens,
including the Chancellor of Prague and the fonner
burgomaster. A pretext being sought for severer
measures, the malicious ijivention was spread
abroad that the Lutherans liad conspired to mas-
sacre all the CalLxtines, and three of the citizens
were put to the rack to extort from them a con-
fession of a conspiracy which had never existed.
They bore the torment' rather than witness to
a falsehood. An agreement was next concluded
by the influence of Zahera and Passek, that no
Lutheran shoidd be taken into a workshop, or ad-
mitted to citizenship. If one owed a debt, and
wius unwilling to pay it, he had only to say the
other was a Lutheran, and the banishment of the
creditor gave him riddance from his importunities.-
Branding on the forehead, and other marks of
ignominy, were now added to exile. One day
Louis Victor, a disciple of the Gospel, happened to
be among the hearers of a certain Barbarite who
was entertaining liis audience with ribald stories.
At tlie clo.se of his sermon Louis addressed the
monk, saying to him that it were " better to in-
struct the peojile out of the Gospel than to detain
them ^\'ith such fables." Straightway the preacher
raised such a clamom' that the excited ci'owd lai<l
hold on the too courageous Lutheran, and haled
him to prison. Next day tlie city sergeant con-
ducted him out of Prague. A certain cutler, in
whose possession a little book on the Sacrament
had been found, was scourged in the market-place.
The same punishment was inflicted upon John
Kalentz, with the addition of being branded on the
foreliead, because it was said tliat thovigh a layman
he liad administered the Eucharist to liimself and
his family. John Lapatsky, who had returned
from banishment, under the impression that the
king had published an amnesty to the exiles, was
ap])rehendcd, thrown into prison, and murdered.''
The tragic fate of Nicolas Wrzetenarz deserv(^s
a more circumstantial detail. Wrzetenarz was a
learned man, well stricken in j-ears. He was accuseil
of PicardLsra, a name by which Protestant sentiments
' " Placide eipirarunt." (Comcnius, cap. 30, p. 109.)
' Comenius, cap. 29, p. 102.
=• Hid., cap. 29, p. 105.
were at times designated. He was summoned to
answer before the Senate. When the old man
appeared, Zahera, who presided on the tribunal,
asked him what he believed concerning the Sacra-
ment of the altar. " I believe," he replied, "what
the Evangelists and St. Paul teach me to believe."
" Do you believe," asked the othei-, " that Christ is
present in it, having flesh and blood i" "I
believe," replied Wrzetenarz, " that when a pious
minister of God's Word declares to a faithful. con-
gregation the benefits which are received by the
death of Christ, the bread and wine are made to
them the Supper of the Lord, wherein they are
made partakers of the body and blood of Chi-Lst,
and the benefits i-eceived by his death." After a
few more questions touching the mass, praying to
the saints, and similar matters, he was condemned
as a heretic to the fire. His hostess, Clara, a
widow of threescore years, whom he had instructed
in the truth, and who refused to deny the faith she
had received into her heart, was condemned to be
burned along with him.
They were led out to die. Being come to the
place of execution they were commanded to adore
the sign of the cross, which had been elevated in
the east. They refused, saying, " The law of God
permits us not to worship the likeness of anything
either in heaven or in earth ; we will worship only
the living God, Lord of heaven and earth, who
inhabiteth alike the south, the west, the north, the
east;" and turning their backs upon the crucifix,
and prostrating themselves toward the west, with
their eyes and hands lifted up to heaven, thsy
invoked with great ardour the name of Christ.
Having taken leave of their children, Nicolas, with
great cheerfulness, mounted the pile, and standing
on the faggots, repeated the Ai-ticles of the Creed,
and having finished, looked up to heaven and
prayed, saying with a loud voice, " Lord Jesus
Christ, Son of the living God, who was born of a
pure Virgin, and didst vouchsafe to undergo the
shameful death of the cross for me a vile sinner,
thee alone do I worshij)— to thee I coumiend my
soul. Be merciful unto me, and blot out all mine
iniquities." He then repeated in Latin the Psalm,
" In thee, O Lord, have I put my trust." Mean-
while the executioner having brought forward Clara,
and laid her on the pile, now tied down both of
them upon the wood, and heiiping over them the
books that had been found in their house, he lighted
the faggots, and soon the martyre were cn%-eloped in
the fl.imes. So died this venerable scholar and aged
matron at Prague, on the lUth December, 152G.*
* Comenius, cap. SO, pp. 105, lOfi.
19G
HISTOUY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Ill the following year Martha vou Porzicz was
burued. She was a woman heroic beyond even the
heroism of her sex. Interrogated by the doctors of
the univei-sity us well as by the councillors, she
answered intiepidly, giraig a reason of the faith
she had embraced, and upbraiding the Hussites
themselves for their stupid adulation of the Pope.
The jiresiding judge hinted that it was time she
was getting ready her garment for the fire. " My
petticoat and cloak arc both ready," she replied ;
" you may order me to be led away when you
please."' She was straightway sentenced to the
lire. The towncrier walked before her, proclaiming
that she was to die for blaspheming the holy Sacra-
ment. Raising her voice to be heard by the crowd
she said, " It is not so ; I am condemned because I
will not confess to please the priests that Christ,
with his bones, hairs, sinews, and veins, is con-
tained in the Sacrament." " And raising her voice
yet higher, she warned the people not to believe
the priests, who had abandoned themselves to
hypocrisy and every vice. Being come to the place
where she was to die, they importuned her to adore
the crucifix. Turning her back upon it, and
elevating her eyes to heaven, " It is there," she
said, "that our God dwells : thither must we direct
our looks." She now made haste to mount the
pile, and endured the torment of the flames mth
invincible courage. She was burned on the 4th of
December, 1527.
On the 28th of August of the following year, two
German artificers — one a potter, the other a girdler
— accused of Lutheranism by the monks, were con-
demned by the judges of Prague to be burned. As
tliey walked to the stake, they talked so sweetly
togetlier, reciting passages from Scripture, that
tears flowed from the eyes of many of the spectators.
Being come to the pile, they bravely encouraged
one another. "Since our Lord Jesus Clu-ist," said
the girdler, " hath for us sufJ'ered so grievous things,
let us arm ourselves to sufler this death, and let us
rejoice that wo have found so gi-eat favour with him
as to be accounted worthy to die for his Go.spel ; "
to whom the potter made answer, " I, truly, on my
marriage-day wa.s not so glad of heart as I am at
tliis moment." Having ascended the pyre, they
l)rayed with a clear voice, " Lord Jesus, v/lio in
thy suflerings didst pray for thine enemies, we also
pray, forgive the king, and the men of Prague, and
the clergy, for they know not what they do, and
their hands are full of blood." And then address-
ing the people, they said. " Dearly beloved, pray
for your king, that God would give liim the know-
ledge of the truth, for he is misled by the bishops
and clergj'." " Having ended this most penitent
exhortation," says the chronicler, " they therewith
ended their li\-es."
After this the fury of the jiersecutiou for a little
while subsided. The knot of cruel and bloodthirsty
men who had lU'ged it on was broken up. One
of the band fell into debt, and hanged himself in
despair. Zahera was caught in a political intrigue,
into which Ids ambitious spirit had drawn him,
and, being banished, ended his life miserably in
Franconia. The cruel burgomaster, Passek, was
about the same time sent into perpetual exUe, after
he had in vain thrown himself at the king's feet
for mercy. Ferdinand, who had now ascended
the throne, changed the Council of Prague, and
gave the exiles liberty to return. The year 1530
was to them a time of restitution ; their churches
multiplied ; they corresponded -ivith their brethren
in Germany and Switzerland, and wei-e thereby
strengthened against those days of yet greater trial
that awaited them.^
These days came in 15-17. Charles V., ha\ing
overcome the German Protestants in the battle of
Muhlberg, sent his brother, Ferdinand I., ^^•ith an
army of Germans and Hungarians to chastise the
Bohemians for refusing to assist him in the war
just ended. Ferdinand entered Prague like a city
taken by siege. The magisti-ates and chief barons
he imprisoned ; some he beheaded, others he scourged
and sent into exile, while others, impelled by terror,
fled from the city. " See," observed some, " what
calamities the Lutherans ha\e brought upon us."
The Bohemian Protestants were accused of dis-
loyalty, and Ferdinand, opening his ear to these
malicious chai'ges, issued an order for the shutting
up of all their churches. In the five districts in-
habited mainly by the " Brethi-en," all who refused
to enter the Church of Rome, or at least meet
her more than half-way by joining the Calixtiiies,
were driven away, and their hindlords, on various
})retexts, were arrested.
This calamity fell upon them like a tluuuler-bult.
Not a few, yielding to the violence of the persecution,
fell back into Rome; but the great body, unalter-
ably fixed on maintaining the faith for which Huss
liad died, chose rather to leave the soil of Bohemia
for ever than apostatise. In a previous chapter
we have recorded the march of these exiles, in three
' '■ Parata mihi sunt et indusium et pallium, quando
lubet duel jubete." (Comenius, p. 107.)
' " Cum ossibus, capillis, nervis et venis in Sacramento
contincri." (Comenius, p. 108.)
' Comenuis, p. 110. The Reformation and Anii-Reforma-
(ion in Bohemia (from the German), vol. i., pp. 60, 67;
Loud., 1845.
FERDINAND AND HIS JESUIT ALLIES.
197
divisions, to their new settlements in Prussia, and
the hiilt they made on their journey at Posen,
wliorp thoy kindled the light of truth in the midst
of a population sunk in darkness, and hiid tlie
foundations of that prosperity -which their Cliurcli
at a subsequent period enjoyed in Poland.
The unfilled fields and emiity dwellings of the
expatriated Bohemians awakened no doubts in the
king's mind as to the expediency of the course he
was pm-suing. Instead of pausing, there came a
third edict from Ferdinand, commanding the arrest
and imprisonment of the pastors. All except three
saved themselves by a speedy flight. The greater
part escaped to Moravia ; but many remained near
the frontier, lying liid in woods and caves, and
venturing forth at night to visit their former flocks
and to dispense the Sacrament in private houses,
and so to keep the sacred flame from going out in
Bohemia.
The three ministers who failed to make their
escape were John Augusta, James Bilke, and George
Israel, all men of note. Augusta had learned his
theology at the feet of Luther. Courageous and
eloquent, he was the terror of the Calixtines, whom
he had often vanquished in debate, and "they
rejoiced," says Comenius, " when they learned his
arrest, as the Philistines did when Samson was
delivered bound into their hands." He and liis
colleague Bilke were thrown into a deep dungeon
in the Castle of Prague, and, being accused of con-
spiring to depose Ferdinand, and place John, Elector
of Saxony, on the throne of Bohemia, they were put
to the torture, but without eliciting anything which
their pei-secutors could constnie into treason.
Seventeen solitary and son-owful years passc<l
over them in prison. Nor was it till the death of
Ferdinand, in l.'iGI, 0])cned their prison doors
that they were restored to liberty. George Israel,
by a marvellous providence, escaped from the
dungeon of the castle, and fleeing into Prussia, he
afterwards preached with great success the Gospel
in Poland, where he established not fewer than
twenty churches.'
Many of the noliles shared with the ministers in
these .sufierings. John Prostiboi-sky, a man of great
learning, beautiful life, and heroic spirit, was put to
a cruel death. On the rack he bit out his tongue
and cast it at his tormentors, that he might not, as
lie afterwards declared in writing, be led by the
torture falsely to accuse either himself or his
brethren. He cited the king and his councillors
to answer for their tjTanny at the tribunal of God.
Ferdinand, desirous if possible to save his life, sent
him a physician; but he sank under his tortures,
and died in ])rison.-
Finding that, in spite of the banishment of
pastors, and the execution of nobles. Protestantism
was still extending, Ferdinand called the Jesuits to
his aid. The fii'st to arrive was Wenzel Sturm,
who had been trained by Ignatius Loyola him.self.
Sturm was learned, coui-teous, adroit, and soon made
himself popidar in Prague, where he laboured, with
a success equal to his zeal, to revive the decaying
cause of Rome. He was soon joined by a yet more
celebrated meml)er of the order, Oanisius, and a
large and sumptuous edifice having been assigned
them as a college, they began to train priests who
might be able to take their place in the pulpit as
well as at the altar; "for at that time," says
Pessina, a Romish writer, "there were so few ortho-
dox priests that, had it not been for the Jesuits,
the Catholic religion would have been suppressed in
Bohemia."'' The Jesuits gi-ew powerful in Prague.
They eschewed public disputations; they afiected
gi'^at zeal for the instruction of youth in the
sciencas ; and their fame for learning drew a-owds
of jjupils around them. When they had filled all
their existing schools, they erected others ; and
thus their seminaries rapidly multiplied, " so that
the Catholic verity," in the words of the author last
quoted, " which in Bohemia was on the point of
Ijreathing its last, appeared to revive again, and
rise publicly."
Toward the close of his reign, Ferdinand became
somewhat le.ss zealous in the cause of Rome.
Having succeeded to the imperial crown on the
abdication of his brother, Charles V., he had wider
intei-ests to care for, and less time, as well as less
inclination, to concentrate his attention on Bohemia.
It is even said that before his death lie expressed his
sincere regret for his acts of oppi-ession against his
Bohemian subjects ; and to do the monarch justice,
these severities were the outcome, not of a natu-
rally cruel disposition, but rather of his Spanish
education, which had been conducted under the
superintendence of the stern Cardinal Ximenes.''
Under his son and successor, Maximilian II., the
sword of persecution was sheathed. This prince had
for his in.structor John Fauser, a man of decided
piety, and a lover of the Pi-otestant doctrine, the
pi-inciples of which he took care to instil into the
mind of his royal pupil. For this Fauser had neariy
paid the penalty of his life. One day Ferdinand,
in n fit of rage, burst into his chamber, and seizing
' ComeniuB, cap. 36.
' Oomenius, cap. 37.
a Reform, and Anli-Rc/orni. in Bohew., vol. i
■• Krasinski, Slamnin, p. 145.
198
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
liim by the throat, and ]5utting a drawn sword to
liis breast, upbraided Lim for seducing his son from
the true faitli. Tlio king forbore, however, from
murdering him, and was content witli command-
ing his sou no further to receive his instructions.
Maximilian was equally fortmiate in his physician,
Crato. He also loved the Gospel, and, enjoying the
friendship of the monarch, he was able at times
great distress of mind, put his hand to the hostile
mandate. " But," says the old chronicler, " God
had a watchful eye over his own, and would not
permit so good and innocent a prince to have
a hand in blood, or be burdened with the cries of
the oppressed."' Joachim, o\erjoyed, set out on
his journey homeward, the fatal missives that
were to lay waste the Bohemian Church carefully
to do service to
the " Brethren."
Under this gentle
and upright prince
the Bohemian Pro-
testants were ac-
corded full liberty,
and their Churches
flourished.
The historian
Thaunus relates a
Kiriking incident that occurred in the third year
i)f his reign. The enemies of the Bohemians,
having concocted a new plot, sent the Chancellor
>>f Bohemia, . Joachim Neuhaus, to Vienna, to
jiersuade tin? emperor to renew the old edicts
against the Protestants. The ai-tful insinuations
of the chancellor prevailed over the easy temper
of the monarch, and Maximilian, although -mth
deposited in his chest. He was crossing the bridge
of the Danube when the oxen broke loose from
his carriage, and the bridge breaking at the same
instant, the chancellor and his suite were precipi-
tated into tlie river. Six knights struck out and
swam ashore ; the rest of the attendants were
drowned. The chancellor was seized hold of by
his gold chain as he was floating on the current
of the Danube, and was kept partially above water
till some fishermen, who were near the scene of the
accident, had time to come to the rescue. He was
drawn from the water into their boat, but found
to be dead. Tlie box containing the letters patent
sank in the deep floods of the Danube, and was
never seen more — nor, indeed, \\as it ever sought
for. Thaunus says that this catastrophe happened
on the fourth of the Ides of December, 1565.
Comenius, cap. 39, pp. 126, 127.
PROTESTANT UNION IN BOHEMIA.
199
111 Maximilian's reign, a measure was passed
tli:it helped to consolidate the Pi'otestantism of
Lolicmia. In 1575, tlie king assembled a Par-
liament at Prague, which enacted that all the
Churches in the kingdom which received the
Sacrament under both kinds — that is, the Utra-
quists or Calixtines, the Bohemian Brethren, the
Lutherans, and the Calvinists or Picardines — were
at liberty to drav.' up a common Confession of their
Entirely different in disposition and character
was his son, the Emperor Rudolph II., by whom
he was succeeded. Educated at the court of his
cousin Philip II., Rudolph brought back to his
native dominions the gloomy superstitions and the
tyramiical maxims that prevailed in the Escorial.
Nevertheless, the Bohemian Churches were left
ill peace. Their sleepless foes were ever and anon
intriguing to procure some new and hostUe edict
faith, and unite into one Church. In spite of the
eftbrts of the Jesuits, the leading pastors of the four
communions consulted together and, animated by
a spu'it of moderation and wisdom, they compiled
a common creed, in the Bohemian language,
which, although never rendered into Latin, iior
jirinted till 1G19, and therefore not to be found
in the "Harmony of Confessions," was ratified l)y
the king, who promised his protection to the
subscribers. Had this Confession been universally
signed, it would have been a bulwark of strength
to the Bohemian Protestants.'
Tiie reign of the Emperor Maximilian came all
too soon to an end. lie died in 157G, leaving a
name dear to the Protestants and venerated by all
parties.
' Comenius, cap. 39. Reform, and Anti-Re/oim. in
Iiohem., vol. i., pp. 105, 107.
from the king; but
Rudolpli was too
much engrossed in
tlie study of astro-
logy and alchemy
to pursue steadily
any one line of
policy, and so these
edicts slept. His
brother Matthias -Z"
was threatening
liis throne; this made it necessary to conciliate
all cla.sscs of his subjects ; hence originated the
famous Majestiits-Brief, one object of which was
to empower the Protestants in Bohemia to open
churches and schools wliorever they pleased. This
" Royal Charter," moreover, made over to them *
- Krasinsld, Slavonia, pp. 115. 1 16.
200
HISTORY OF TROTESTANTISiM.
tlie University of Prngup, and permitted them to
appoint a piililic administrator of their affairs. It
was in vii-tue of this last very important conces-
sion that the Protestant Church of Bohemia now
attained more nearly than ever, before or since, to
a perfect union and a settled government.
CHAPTEP. VIII.
OVERTHROW OF PROTESTANTISM IN BOHEMIA.
Protestantism Flourishes— Constitution of Bohemian Church — Its Government— Concord between Eomanists and
Protestants— Temple of Janus Shut— Joy of Bohemia — Matthias Emperor — Election of Ferdinand II. as King of
Bohemia — Reaction — Intrigues and Insults — Council-chamber — Three Councillors Thrown out at the Window
—Ferdinand II. elected Emperor— "War— Battle of the White Hill — Defeat of the Protestants — Atrocities —
Amnesty — Apprehension of Nobles and Senators — Their Frightful Sentences — Their Behaviour on the Scaffold —
Their Deaths.
The Protestant Church of Bohemia, now in her
most flourishing condition, deserves some attention.
That Church was composed of the three follo'vving
bodies : the Calixtines, the United Brethren, and
the Protestants — that is, the Lutheran and Calvinist
communions. These three formed one Church under
the Bohemian Confession — to which reference has
lieen made in the pre\-ious chapter. A Consistory,
or Table of Government, was constituted, consisting
of twelve ministers chosen in the follo\ving manner :
three were selected from the Calixtines, three from
the United Brethren, and three from the Lutheran
and Calvinistic communions, to whom were added
three professors from the univei-sity. These twelve
men were to manage the affairs of their Chui'ch in
all Bohemia. The Consistory thus constituted was
entirely independent of the archiepiseopal chair in
Prague. It was even provided in the Royal
Charter that the Consistory should " du-ect, con-
stitute, or reform anything among their Churches
without hindrance or interference of his Imperial
Majesty." In case they were imable to determine
any matter among themselves, they were at liberty
to advise with his Llajesty's councillors of state, and
with the judges, or with the Diet, the Protestant
members of which were exclusively to have the
power of deliberating on and determining the
matter so referred, " without hindrance, either
from their Majesties the future Kings of Bohemia,
or the party sub una " — that is, the Romanist
members of the Diet.'
From among these twelve ministers, one was to
be chosen to fill the office of administrator. He
was chief in the Consistory, and the rest sat with
him as assessors. The duty of this body was to
determine in all matters appertaining to the doctrine
and wor.slup of the Church — the dispensation of
Sacraments, the ordination of ministers, the inspec-
tion of the clergy, the admiiristration of discipline,
to which was added the care of widows and orphans.
There was, moreover, a body of laymen, termed
Defenders, who wei'e charged with the financial
and secular affairs of the Church.
Still further to sti'engthen the Protestant Church
of Bohemia, and to secure the peace of the king-
dom, a treaty was concluded between the Romanists
and Protestants, in which these two parties bound
themselves to mutual concord, and agreed to certain
rides which wei'e to regulate their relations to one
another as regarded the possession of churches, the
right of burial in the public cemeteries, and similar
matters. This agi-eement was entered upon the
registers of the kingdom ; it was sworn to by the
Emperor Rudolph and his councillors ; it was laid
up among the other solemn charters of the nation,
and a protest taken that if hereafter any one should
attempt to disturb this arrangement, or abridge the
liberty conceded in it, he shoidd lie held to be a
disturber of the peace of the kingdom, and punished
accordingly."
Thus did the whole nation unite in closing the
doors of the Temple of Janus, in token that now
there was peace throughout the whole realm of
Bohemia. Another most significant and fitting act
signalised this happy time. The Bethlehem Chapel
— the scene of the ministry of John Huss — the
spot where that day had dawned which seemed now
to have reached its noon — was handed over to the
Protestants as a jmblic recognition that they were
' P.eform. and Anii-Rcform. in Bohem., vol. i., p. 187.
- Comenius, cap. 40. Bcfoni
Bohem., vol. i., p. VJ"> et seq.
\,rl Anii-Rr/orm. in
EENEWED PERSECUTION OF PROTESTANTS.
201
the true otispoi-Lng of the gi-eat Pioformor and mai-tjr.
Bohemia loiiy be said to be now Protestant.
'■ Religion flourished throughout the whole king-
dom," says Comenius, '• so that there was scarcely
one among a hundred who did not profess the
Reformed doctrine." The land was glad ; and
the people's joy found vent in such unsophisticated
couplets as the following, which might Ije read
upon the doors of tlie churches : —
" Oped are the temples ; joys Bohemia's lion :
What Max protected, Kudolph does maintain." ' j..
But even in the hour of triumph there were
some who felt anxiety for the future. They
already saw ominous symptoms that the tranquillity
would not be lasting. The great security which
the Church now enjoyed had brought with it a
relaxation of morals, and a decay of piety. "Alas !"
said the more thoughtful, " we shall yet feel the
mailed hand of some Ferdinand." It was a true
presage ; the little cloud was even now appearing
on the homou that was I'apidly to Idacken into the
tempest.
The Archduke Matthias renewed his claims upon
the crown of Bohemia, and supporting them by
arms, he ultimately deposed his brother Rudolph,
and seated himself upon his throne. Matthias
was old and had no son, and he bethought
him of adopting his cousin Ferdinand, Duke oi
Styria, who had been educated in a bigoted attach-
ment to the Roman faith. Him Matthias persuaded
the Bohemians to crown as their king. They knew
something of the man whom they were calling to
reign over them, but they relied on the feeble
security of his promise not to interfere in religious
matters while INIatthias lived. It soon became
apparent that Ferdinand had sworn to the Bohe-
mians with the mouth, and to the Pope with the
heart. Their old enemies no longer hung their
heads, but began to walk about with front erect,
and eyes that presaged victory. The principal
measures brought to bear against the Protestants
were the work of the college of the Jesiuts and
the cathedral. The partisans of Ferdinand oj)enly
declared that the Royal Charter, having been
extorted from the monarch, was null and void ;
that although Matthias was too weak to tear in
pieces that rag of old parchment, the j>ious
Ferdinand would make short work with this
bond. By little and little the persecution wa.s
initiated. The Protestants were forbidden to
jirint a single line except with the approbation
of the chancellor, while their opponents were
' Comenius, cap. 40, pp. 131 — 136.
circulating without let or hindiance, lar and
near, pamphlets filled with the most slanderous
accusations. The pastors were asked to produce
the original titles of the churches in their j)os-
session ; in short, the device painted upon the
triumphal arch, which the Jesuits had erected at
Olmutz in honour of Ferdinand — namely, the Bo-
hemian lion and the Moravian eagle chained to
Austria, and underneath a sleeping hare with
open eyes, and the words "I am used to it"- —
expressed the consummate craft with which the
■T suits had worked, and the criminal drowsuiess
into which the Bohemians had permitted them-
selves to fall.^
No method was left unattempted against the
Protestants. It was sought by secret intrigue
to invade their rights, and by open injury to
sting them into insurrection. At last, in 1618,
they rushed to arms. A few of the principal
barons having met to consult on the steps to be
taken in this crisis of their aflaiis, a sudden man-
date arrived forbiddmg their meeting under pain
of death. This flagrant violation of the Royal
Charter, following on tlie destruction of several of
then- churches, irritated the Reformed party beyond
endurance. Their anger was still more inflamed by
the reflection that these bolts came not fi'om Vienna,
but from the Castle of Prague, where they had
been forged by the jmito whose head-quartera were
at the Hardschin. Assembling an armed force
the Protestants crossed the Moldau, climbed the
narrow street, and presented themselves before the
Palace of Hardschin, that crowns the height on
which New Prague is built. They marched right
into the council-chamber, and seizing on Slarata,
Martiuitz, and Secretary Fabricius, whom» they
believed to be the chief authoi-s of their troubles,
they threw them headlong out of the window.
Falling on a heap of soft earth, sprinkled over with
torn papers, the councilloi-s sustained no harm.
" They have been saved by mu-acle," said their
friends. " No," replied the Protestants, " they
have been spared to be a scoiu'ge to Bohemia." This
deed was followed by one less violent, but more
w isi; — the expulsion of the Jesuits, who were for-
bidden under pain of death to return.^
The issue was war ; but the death of Matthia.s,
which happened at this moment, delayed for a little
whde its outbreak. The Bohemian States met to
- "Adsuevi." (Comenius.)
3 Comenius, cap. 42. Krasinski, Shivonia, p. 14G.
■■ Balbin assures us that some Jesuits, despite the
order to withdraw, remained in Pra^me disguised as coal-
fire men. (Reform, anil Anti-Reform, in Bohem., vol. i.,
p. 336.)
202
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
deliberate whether they sliouIJ contmue to owii
Ferdinand after Lis flagrant violation of the
Jlajestiits-Brief They voted him no longer their
sovereign. The imperial electors were then sitting
at Fmukfort on thc-Maine to choose a new emperor.
The tloliemiiins sent an amba.ssador thither to sny
that they had deposed Ferdinand, and to beg the
electors not to recognise him as King of Bohemia
by admitting him to a seat in the electoral college.
Not only did the electors admit Ferdinand as still
sovereign of Bohemia, but they conferred upon him i
the vacant diadem. The Bohemians saw that the ',
were in an evil case. The bigoted Ferdinavia,
whom they had made more then- enemy than ever
by repudiating him as theii- king, was now the head
of the " Holy Roman Empii-e."
The Bohemians had gone too far to retreat.
They could not prevent the electors conferring the
imperial diadem upon Ferdinand, bxit they wei-e
resolved that he should never wear the crown of
Bohemia. They chose Frederick, Electoi'-Palatine,
as their sovereign. He was a Calvinist, son-in-law
of James I. of England : and five days after his
arrival in Prague, he and his consort were cro\vned
with very gi-eat pomp, and took possession of the
palace.
Scarcely had the bells ceased to ring, and the
cannon to thunder, by which the coronation was
celebrated, when the nation and the new monarch
were called to look in the face the awful struggle
they had invited. Ferdinand, raising a mighty army,
was already on his march to chastise Bohemia. On
the road to Prague he took several towns inhabited
by Protestants, and put the citizens to the sword.
Advancing to the capital he encamped on the
White Hill, and there a decisive battle was fought
on the 8th of November, 1620.' The Protestant
army was completelj^ beaten ; the king, whom
the unwelcome tidings inteiTupted at his dinner,
lied ; and Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia lay
prostrated at the feet of the conqueror. The
generals of Ferdinand entered Prague, " the
conqueror promising to keep articles," says the
chronicler, " but aftei'wards performing them ac-
cording to the manner of the Council at Constance."
The ravages committed by the soldiery were
most frightful. Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia
were devastated. Villages were set on fii-e, cities
were pillaged, churches, schools, and dwellings
pulled down ; the inhabitants were slaughtered,
matrons and maidens violated ; neither the cliild in
its cradle nor the corpse in its grave was spared.
Prague was given as a spoil, and the soldiers boasted
' Comenius, cap. 41, p. 15-i.
that they had gathered some millions from the
Protestants ; nor, large as the sum Ls, is it an
unlikely one, seeing that all the valuables in the
countrj' had been collected for security into the
capital.
But by far the most melancholy result of this
battle was the overthrow, as sudden as it was
complete, of the Protestantism of Bohemia. The
position of the two parties was after this com-
pletely reversed; the Romanists were now the
masters ; aud the decree went forth to blot out
utterly Protestant Bohemia. Not by the sword,
the halter, and the wheel in the first instance. The
Jesuits were recalled, and the work was committed
to them, and so skilfully did they conduct it that
Bohemia, which had been almost entirely Protestant
when Ferdinand II. ascended the throne, was at
the close of his reign almost as entirely Popish. No
nation, perhaps, ever ruiderwent so great a change
in the short term of fifteen years as Bohemia.
Instead of settmg up the scaffold at once, the
conquerors published an amnesty to all who should
lay down theii- arms. The proclamation was as
welcome as it was unexpected, and many were
caught who otherwise would have saved theii- lives
by flight. Some came out of their hiding-places in
the neighbourhood, and some returned from distant
countries. For three months the talk was only of
peace. It was the sweet piping of the fowler till
the birds were snai-ed. At length came the doleful
20th of February, 1621.
On that evening fifty chiefs of the Bohemian
nation were seized and thrown into prison. The
capture was made at the supper-hour. The time
was chosen as the likeliest for finding every one at
home. The city captains entered the house, a
wagon waited at the door, and the prisoners were
ordered to enter it, and were driven off to the
Tower of Prague, or the prisons of the magistrate.
The thing was done stealthily and smftly ; the
silence of the night was not broken, and Prague
knew not the blow that had fallen upon it.
The men now swept off to prison were the
jjersons of deepest jiiety and highest intelligence in
the land. In short, they were the flower of the
Bohemian nation." They had passed their youth
in the study of useful ai-ts, or in the practice of
arms, or in foreign travel. Their manliood had
been devoted to the service of their country. They
had been councillors of state, ambassadors, judges,
or professors in the university. It was the wisdom,
the experience, and the corn-age which they had
brought to the defence of their nation's liberty, and
s "Lumina et columina patris." (Comenius, cap. 59.)
THE PATitlOT MAHTYiiS OF BOHEMIA.
203
tlie promotion of its Reformation, es^)ec•iulIy in tlie
recent times of trouble, which hud drawn upon
them the displeasure of the emperor. The majority
were nobles and barons, and all of them were
venerable by age.
On the day after the transaction we have recorded,
■wiits were issued summoning all now absent from
the kingdom to appear- within six weeks. When
the period expired they were again summoned by a
herald, but no one appearing, they were proclaimed
traitors, and theii- heads were declared forfeit to
the law, and their estates to the king. Their
execution was gone through in their absence by
the nailing of theii' names to the gallows. On the
day following sentence was passed on the heirs of
all who had fallen in the insurrection, and theii'
properties passed over to the royal exchequer.'
In prison the patriots were strenuously urged to
beg pardon and sue for life. But, conscious of no
crime, they refused to compromise the glory of
their cause by doing anything that might be con-
strued into a confession of guilt. Despairing of
tlieir submission, theii- enemies proceeded with their
trial in May. Count Schlik, while undergoing his
e.Kamination, became wearied out with the impor-
tunities of his judges and inquisitors, who tried to
make him confess what had never existed. Ho
tore open his vest, and laymg bare his breast,
exclaimed, " Tear this body in pieces, and examine
my heart ; nothing shall you find but what wc
have already declared in our Apology. The love of
liberty and religion alone constrained lis to draw
the sword ; but seeing God has permitted the
emperor's sword to conquer, and has delivered us
into your hands, His will be done." Budowa and
Otto Losz, two of his co-patriots, expressed them-
selves to the same efl'ect, adding, " Defeat has made
our cause none the worse, and victory has made
yours none the better." -
On Saturday, the 1 9th of June, the judges assem-
bled in the Palace of Hardschm, and the piisoners,
brought before them one by one, heard each his
sentence. The majority were doomed to die, some
were consigned to ))erpetual imp-isonment, and
otlici-s were sent into exile. Ferdinand, that he
might have an opportunity of appearing more cle-
ment and gracious than liis judges, ordered the
sentences to be sent to Vienna, where some of them
were mitigated in tlieir details by the roj-al )ien.
We take an instance : Joachim Andreas Schlik,
whose courageous reply to his examiners wc have
' Comenius, pp. 209—211. Refomi. and Anti-Reform, in
Bohem., pp. 287—290.
- Comoniiis, pp. 211, 212.
ali-eady quoted, was to have had his hand cut ofl",
then to have been beheaded and quartered, and his
limbs exjjosed on a stake at a cross-road ; but this
sentence was changed by Ferdinand to beheading,
and the affixing of his head and hand to the tower
of the Bridge of Prague. The sentences of nearly
all the rest were similarly dealt with ]>y the merciful
monai'ch.
The condemned were told that they were to die
witliin two days, that is, on the 21st of June. This
intimation was made to them that they might have
a Jesuit, or a Capuchin, or a clergyman of the
Augsburg Confession, to prepare them for death.
They were now led back to prison : the noblemen
were conducted to the Castle of Prague, and the
citizens to the prisons of the pra;tor. Some "fellows
of the baser sort," suborned for the purpose, in-
sulted them as they were being led through the
streets, crying out, " Why don't you now sing,
'The Lord reigneth"!" The ninety-ninth Psalm
was a favourite ode of the Bohemians, wherewith
they had been wont to kindle their devotion in
the sanctuary, and their courage on the battle-
field.
Scarcely had they re-entered theii- prisons when
a flock' of Jesuits and Capuchin monks, not waiting
till they were called, gathered round them, and
began to earnestly beseech them to change theii-
religion, holding out the hope that even yet theii-
Hves might be spared. Not wishing that hours so
precious as the few that now remained to them
should be wasted, they gave the intruders plainly
to imderstand that they were but losing their
pains, whereupon the good Fathers withdrew, loudly
bewailing their ob.stinacy, and calling heaven and
earth to witness that they were guiltless of the
blood of men who had put away fi-oni them the
gi-ace of God.
The Protestant ministers were next introduced.
The barons and nobles in the tower were attended
by the minister of St. Nicholas, Rosacius by name.
The citizens in the prisons of Old Prague were
waited on by Werbenius and Jakessius, and tliose
in New Prague by Clement and Hertwiz. The
whole time till the hour of execution was sjient in
religious e.xercises, in sweet converse, in earnest
prayers, and in the siuguig of psalms. " Lastly,"
says the chronicler of the persecutions of the
Bohemian Church, "they did prepare the holy
martyi-s by the administration of the Lord's Supper
for the future agony."
On the evening of Sunday, as the ])risouers shut
up in Old Prague were conversing with their pastor
3 " Ut muscic atlvolabunt." (Comeuiua.)
204
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Werbenius, the cliief gaoler entered and announced
the hour of supper. Tliey looked at each other,
and all declared that they desired to eat no more
on earth. Nevertheless, that their bodies might
not be faint when they should be led oiit to exeoxi-
tion, they agi-eed to sit down at table and partake
of something. One laid the cloth, another the
plates, a third brought water to wash, a fourth said
grace, and a fifth observed that this was their last
meal on earth, and tliat to-morrow they should sit
fellow-martyrs : " Yea, for thy sake we arc killed
all the day long ; . . . Rise, Lord, cast us not off
for ever." A great crowd, struck with consternation
at seeing their greatest and most venerated men
led to death, followed them with sighs and tears.
This night was spent as the preceding ono had
been, in prayers and psalms. They exhorted one
another to be of good courage, saying that as the
glory of going first in the path of martyrdom
had been awarded them, it behoved them to leave
Vir.W or THE I'ALACE OV THE UOHEMIAN KINGS, AND THE CATHEDRAL OF HARDSCHIK.
down and sup with Christ in heaven. The remark
was overheard by the Prefect of Old Prague. On
going out to his friends he observed jeeringly,
"What think ye? These men believe that Christ
keeps cooks to regale them in heaven ! " On these
words being told to Jakessius, the minister, he
replied that " Jesus too had a troublesome spectator
at his last supper, Judas Iscariot."
Meanwhile they were told th.at the barons and
noblemen wore passing from the tower to the court-
house, near to the market-place, where the scaffold
on which they were to die had already been erected.
They hastene<l to the windows, and began to sing
in a loud voice the forty-fourth Psalm- to cheer theii-
an example of constancy to their posterity, and of
courage to the world, by showing it that they did
not fear to die. They then joined in singing tlie
eighty-sixth Psalm. When it was ended, John
Kutnauer turned the last stanza into a prayei-,
earnestly beseeching God that he would " show
some token which might at once strengthen them
and convince their enemies." Then turning to his
companions, and spe.aking to them with great
fervour of spirit, he said, " Be of good cheer, for
God liath heard us even in this, and to-morrow he
will bear witness by some visible .sign that we
are the martyrs of righteousness." But Pastor
Werbenius, when he heard this jirotestation, bade
TUWEU 01- THE BlUDGE OF laAOUE, TO WHICH THE HE.UJS OF THE .MAU1\U> WERE AmXlil
122
206
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
them be content to have as sufficient token from
God, even this, " that that death whicli was bitter
to the world he made sweet to tliem." .
When the day liad broken tlicy Wi\slied and
changed their clothes, j)utting on clean apparel as
if they were going to a wedding, and so fitting their
doublets, and even then- frills, that they might not
iie<'d to re-arrange theu* dress on the scafibld. All
tJie while John Kntnaiicr was praying fer\'ently
that some token might be voiiclisafed them as a
testimony of their innocence. In a little the sun
rose, and the broad stream of the Moldau, as it
rolled between the two Pragucs, and the roofs and
steeples on either side, began to glow in the light.
But soon all eyes were turned up^^ai'ds. A bow of
dazzling brilliance was seen spanning the heavens.'
There was not a cloud in the sky, no rain liad
fallen for two days, yet tliere was this bow of mar-
ToUoas brightness hung in the clear aii-. Tlie
soldiers and townspeople rushed into the street to
gaze at the strange phenomenon. The martyrs,
who beheld it from their windows, called to mind
the bow which greeted the eyes of Noah when he
camo forth from the Ark. It was the ancient token
of a faithfulness more steadfast than the pillars of
eaxth;' and their feelings in witnessing it were
doubtless akin to those -with which the second great
father of the human family beheld it for the first
time in the young skies of the post-dilu-vian world.
The bow soon ceased to be seen, and the loud
discliarge of a caimon told them that the hour of
execution had arrived. The martj'rs arose, and
embracmg, they bade each other be of good
dieer, as did also the muiisters present, who
exhorted them not to faint now when about to
receive the cro^vn. The .scaffold had been erected
Lard by in the great square or market-place, and
several squadrons of caviilry and some companies of
foot wei'e now seen tiiking up their position ai'ound
it. The imperial judges and senatoi's next came
forward and took their seats on a theatre, whence
they could command a full view of the scaffold.
XJndci' a canoj)y of state s.at Lichtcnstein, the
Governor of Prague. " Vast numbers of spec-
tators," says Oomcnius, "crowded the market-place,
tlie streets, and all the ho\ises."
The martjTS were called to go forth and die one
after the other. When one had offered his life the
' "Nuntiatur formosiasiinus caelum cinxisse arcus."
(Comonius.)
' Comeniue, pp. 223, 22-1.
city officei's r'etunied and summoned the next. As
if called to a banquet they rose with alacrity, and
with faces on which shone a serene cheerfulness
they walked to the bloody stage. All of them sub-
mitted with undaunted courage to the stroke of the
headsman. Rosacius, who was with them all the
while, noted down their words, and ho tells us that
when one was called to go to the scaffold he would
addi-ess the rest as follows : " Most beloved friends,
farewell. God give you the comfort of his Spuit,
patience, and courage, that what before you con-
fessed with the heart, the mouth, and the hand, you
may now seal by your glorious death. Behold I go
before you, that I may see the glory of my Lord
Jesus Christ ! You ^\'ill follow, that we may to-
gether behold the face of om- Father. This
hour ends our sorrow, and begins our everlasting
joy." To whom those who remained behind would
make answer and say, " May God, to whom you
go, prosper your joui-ney, and gi-ant you a happy
passage from this vale of miseiy into the heavenly
countiy. May the Lord Jesus send his angels to
meet thee. Go, brother, before us to our Father's
house.; we follow thee. Presently we .shall re-
assemble in that heavenly glory of which we
are confident throiigh him in whom we have be-
lieved."''
The beaming faces and meek yet courageous
utterances of these men on the scaffold, exhibited
to the spectators a more certain token of the good-
ness of their cause than the bow which had
atti'acted their wondering gaze in the morning.
Many of the senators, as well as the soldiere who
guarded the execution, were moved to tears ; nor
could the crowd have withheld the same tribute,
had not the incessant beating of dnims, and the
loud blaruig of trumpets, drowned the words spoken
on the scaflbld.
But these words were noted down by theii- pas-
tors, who accompanied them to the block, and as
the heroism of the scaffold is a spectacle more
sublime, and one that will better repay an attentive
study, than the heroism of the Ijattle-fiold, we shall
permit these martyr-patriots to pass before ns one
by one. The clamour that di'owned their dying
words has long since been hushed ; and the voices
of the scaffold of Pi-ague, rising clear and loud
above the momentary noise, have travelled down
the years to us.
' Comenius, p. 225.
PALM-BEAEEES.
207
CHAriER IX.
AN A n 51 Y OF MARTYRS
Count Schlik — His Cruel Sentence — The B:u-oii of Biulowa — His Last Hours — Ar^es with the Jesuits — His Execu-
tion— Christopher Harant— His Travels— His Death— Baron Kaplirz — His Dream — Attires himself for the
Scaffold— Procopius Dworschezky— His Martyrdom— Otto Losz — His Sleep and Execution— Dionysius Czernin
—His Behaviour on the Scaffold— Kochan—Steffek—Jessenius— His Learning — His Interview with the Jesuits-
Cruel Death— Kliobr — Schulz— Kutnauer— His gi'eat Courage- His Death— Talents and Eank of these Martyi-s
—Their Execution the Obsequies of their Country.
Joachim Andreas Schlik, Count of Passau, and
cliief justice under Frederick, comes first in the
glorious host that is to march past us. He was
descended of an ancient and ilhistrious family. A
man of magnanimous spii-it, and excellent piety,
lie united an admirable modesty with gi-eat business
capacity. When he heard his sentence, giving his
body to be quartered, and his limbs to be exposed
at a cross-road, he said, " The loss of a sepulchre is
a small nuUter." On hearing the gun in the morn-
ing fired to announce the executions, " This," said
lie, " is the signal ; let me go first." He walked
to the soafibld, dressed in a robe of black silk,
lioldijig a prayer-book in liis hands, and attended
l>y four German clergymen.' He mounted the
scaffold, and then marking the gi'eat brightness of
the sun, he broke out, " Christ, thou Sim of
righteousness, grant that through the darkness
of death I may pass into the eternal light." He
[laced to and fro a little while upon the scaffold,
o^-idently meditating, but with a serene and dig-
nified countenance, so that the judges could scarce
icfrain from weeping. Having prayed, his page
.'issisted him to undress, and then he kneeled down
on a black cloth laid there for the purpose, and
which was removed after each execution, that the
next to die might not see the blood of the victim
who had preceded him. While engaged in sUent
pniyor, the executioner struck, and the head of
Bohemia's gi-eatest son i-olled on the scaffold. His
right hand was then stnick off and, together with
his head, wa-s fixed on a spear, and set up on the
tower of the Bridge of Prague. His body, un-
touched by the executioner, was wraiiped in a cloth,
and carried from the scaffold by four men in black
masks.
.Scarcely inferior in weight of character, and
superior in the variety of his mental acconiiilish-
ments to Count Schlik, was the second who was
called to die— Wenceslaus, Baron of Budowiu He
' The Reformation and Anti-Reforn
vol. i., p. 401.
niton til Bohemia,
was a nuan of incomparable talents and great learn-
ing, which he had further improved by travelling
through all the kingdoms of Western and Southern
Em-ope. He had filled the highest oflices of the
State under several monarch.s. Protestant writers
speak of him as " the glory of his countiy, and the
bright shining star of the Church, and as rather
the father than the lord of his dependents." T[\e
Romanist historian, Pelzel, equally extols his up-
rightness of character and his renown in learning.
When urged in prison to beg the clemency of
Ferdinand, he replied, " I will rather die than see
the ruin of my country." When one told him that
it was rumoured of him that he had died of grief,
he exclaimed, " Died of grief ! I never experienced
such happiness as now. See here," said he, point-
ing to his Bible, " this is my paradise ; never did
it regale me with such store of delicious fruits as
now. Here I daily stray, eating the manna of
heaven, and drinking the water of life." On the
third day before receiving his sentence he dreamed
that he was walking in a pleasant meadow, and
musing on the issue that might be awaiting his
affairs, when lo ! one came to him, and gave him a
Ijook, which when he had opened, he found the
leaves were of silk, white as snow, with nothing
written upon them save the fifth verse of the
thirty-seventh Psalm : " Commit thy way unto the
Lord ; trust also in him ; and he shall bring it to
pass." While he was poudeiing over these words
there came yet another, carrying a white robe,
which he cast over him. Wlien he awoke in the
moniing he told his dream to his sen'ant. Some
days after, when he moiuited the scaffold, " Now,"
said he, " I attire my.self in the white robe of my
Savioiir's rigl i tcousness. "
Early on the morning of his execution there
came two Jesuits to him. who, complimenting him
on his gi'cat learning, said that tlicy desired to do
him a work of mercy by gaining his soul.
" Would," he said, " you were as sure of your sal-
vation as I am of mine, through the blood of the
L;imb." "Good, my lord," .said they, ''but do not
208
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
presume too much ; for doth not the Scripture say,
' No man knoweth whetlicr he deserves gi-ace or
■wrath' ? " " Where find you that wTitten ? " lie
asked ; " ]iei"c is the Bible, show me the words."
" If I be not deceived," said one of them, " in the
Epistle of Paul to Timothy." "You would teach
me the way of sah'ation," .said the baron somewhat
angrily, " thou wlio knowest thy Bible .so ill. But
that the lielievcr may be sxii'e of his salvation is
proved by the words of St. Paul, ' I know whom I
Lave believed,' and also, ' there is laid up for me a
crown of lighteousness.' " " But," rejoined the
Jesuit, " Paul saj's this of himself, not of othere."
" Thou art mistaken," said Budowa, '■ for it
continues, ' not for me only, but for all them who
love his aj^eaiing.' Depart, and leave me iii
peace."
He ascended the scaftbld with undaunttd look,
and stroking his long white beard — for he was a
man of seventy — he said, " Behold ! my gi'ey haii's,
what honour awaits you ; this daj' you shall be
crowned with martyrdom." After this he diiected
Lis speech to God, praying for the Chiu-ch, for his
country, for his enemies, and ha\'ing commended
Lis soul to Christ he yielded his head to the e.xecu-
tioner's swoi'd. That head was exposed by the
side of that of his fellow patriot and martyi',
Schlik, on the tower of the Bridge of Prague.
The third who was called to ascend the scaffold
was Christopher Harant, descended from the
ancient and noble family of the Harauts of
Pohdcz and Bezdruzicz. He had travelled in
Europe, Asia, and Afiica, visiting Jerusalem and
E^ypt, and publishing in his native tongue his
travels in these various lands. He cultivated the
sciences, wrote Greek and Latin verses, and had
filled high office under several emperors. Neither
his many accomplishments nor his great seiwices
could redeem his life from the block. "VMien
called to die he said, "I have travelled in many
countries, and among many barbarous nations, I
have undergone dangers manifold by land and sea,
and now I sufl'er, though innocent, in my own
country, and by the hands of those for whose good
both my ancestors and myself have spent our
fortunes and our lives. Father, forgive them."
WLen he went forth, he prayed, " In thee, O Lord,
have I i^ut my trust; lot me not be confounded."
WLen he stejjped upon tLc scaffold Le lifted up Lis
eyes, and said, " Into thy hands, O Lord, I com-
mend my spirit." Taking off his doublet, he
stepped upon the fatal cloth, and kneeling down,
again prayed. The executioner from some c;iuse
delaying to strike, he again broke out into sup-
plication, " Jesus, thou Son of David, have mercy
upon me, and receive my spii-it." TLe sword now
fell, and Lis prayer and life ended togetlier. ■
Tlie fourtli to offer up Lis life was Caspar, Baron
Kaplirz of Sulowitz, a kniglit of eighty-six yeai-s of
age. He had faithfully served four emperors. Before
going to the scaffold he called for Rosacius, and said,
"How often Lave I entreated that God would be
pleased to take me out of this life, but instead of
granting my wi.sh, Le Las reserved me as a sacrifice
for Limself Let God's will be done." " Yester-
day," said Le, continuing his speech, " I was told
tliat if I would petition PiLiice LicLtenstein for
pardon mj' life would be spared. I never offended
tlie jirince : I will desire pardon of Him against
whom I have committed many sins. I have lived
long enough. When I cannot distinguish the taste
of meats, or relish tLe sweetness of drinks ; wLen
it is tedious to sit long, and u-ksome to lie ; wLen I
camiot walk imless I lean on a staff", or be assisted
by otLers, what profit would such a life be to
me 1 God forbid that I should be pulled from this
holy company of martyi's."
On the day of execution, when the minister who
was to attend him to the scaflbld came to him, he
said, " I laid this miserable body on a bed, but
what sleep could so old a man have 1 Yet I did
sleep, and saw two angels coming to me, who wiped
my face with fine linen, and bade me make ready
to go along with them. But I trust in my God
that I have these raigels present with ■ me, not by
a dream, but in truth, who minister to me while
I live, and shall carry my soul from the scaflbld
to the bosom of Abraham. For although I am
a sinner, yet am I purged by the blood of my
Redeemer, who was made a propitiation for our
sins."
Having put on Lis usual attire, Le made a robe
of tLe finest linen be tlu'own over him, covering
his entire person. " Behold, I put on my wedding
gai-ment," he said. Being called, he arose, put on
a velvet cloak, bade adieu to all, and went forth
at a slow pace by reason of liis great age. Fear-
ing lest ill mounting the scaffold he should fall,
and his enemies flout him, he craved permission
of the minister to lean upon him when .ascending
the steps. Being come to the fatal spot, he had
much ado to kneel down, and his head hung so
low that the executioner feared to do his office.
" My lord," said Pastor Rosacius, " as you have
commended your soul to Christ, do you now lift
up yourself toward heaven." He raised himself
up, saying, " Lord Jesus, into thy hands I com-
mend my spirit." The executioner now gave his
' Comenius, cap. 63.
LAST WORDi^.
209
stroke, his grey head sank, and hLs body lay pros-
trate on the scatibkl.'
The fiftli to fall beneath the executioner's sword
Wiis Procopius Dworschezky, of Olbraniowitz. On
receiving his sentence he said, " If the emperor
promises himself anything when my head is ofl',
let it be so." Ou passing before tlie judges ho
said, " Tell the emperor, as I now stand at his
tribunal, the day comes when he shall stand before
the juilgment-seat of God." He was procealing
in his addi-ess, when the drums beat and drowned
his words. When he had undressed for the exe-
cutioner, he took out his purse containing a
Hungarian ducat, and gave it to the minister
who attended him, saying, " Behold my last riches !
these are unprofitable to me, I resign them to
you.' A gold medal of Frederick's coronation, that
hinig round his neck, he gave to a bystander,
saying, " When my dear King Frederick shall sit
again upon his throne, give it to him, and tell
him that I wore it on my breast till the day of
my death." He kneeled down, and the sword fall-
ing as he was praying, his spiiit ascended with his
last words to God."
Otto Losz, Lord of Komarow, came next. A
man of great parts, he had travelled much, and
discharged many important offices. When he re-
ceived liis sentence he said, " I have seen barbarous
nations, but what cruelty is this ! Well, let them
send one part of me to Rome, another to Spain,
another to Turkey, and throw the fourth into the
sea, yet will my Redeemer bring my body together,
and cause me to see him with these ejes, praise him
with this mouth, and love him with this heart."
Wlien Rosacius entered to tell him that he wa.s
called to the scaflbld, " he rose hastily out of his
seat," says Comenius, " like one in an ecstacy,
saying, ' O, how I rejoice to see you, that I may
tell you what has happened to me ! As I sat here
grieving that I had not one of my own communion
[the United Brethren] to dispense the Eucharist to
me, I fell asleep, and behold my Saviour appeared
unto me, and said, ' I purify thee with my blood,'
and then infused a drop of his blood into my
heart ; at the feeling of this I awaked, and leaped
for joy : now I uudei-stand what that is. Believe,
(Did thou hast eaten. I fear death no longer."
As he went ou his way to the scaffold, Rosacius
said to him, " That Jesus who appeared to you in
your sleep, will now appear to you in hLs glory."
" Yes," replied the martyi-, " he will meet me
' Comemus, cap. 64. TJie Reformation and Anti-Rcfur-
mation in Bohernia, vol. i., pp. 41G, 417.
' Comenius, c.ip. C3.
with liLs angels, and conduct me into the banquet-
ing-chamber of an everlastincj n-.arriage." Being
come to the scaffold, he fell on hi.s face, and prayed
in silence. Then rising up, he yielded himself to
the executioner.
He was followed on the scaflfold by Dionysius
Czernin, of Chudonitz. This sufferer was a Ro-
manist, but his counsels not ])lc;ising the Jesuits,
he fell under the suspicion of heresy ; and it is
probable that the Fathers were not sorry to see him
condemned, for his death served as a pretext for
aihrming that these executions were for politiwiJ,
not religious causes. Wlicn the other prisoners
were declaring their faith, Czernin protested that
this was his faith also, and that in this faith did he
die. When the othei-s received the Lord's Supper,
he .stood by dissolved in tears, pra3ing most
fervently. He was offered the Eucharistic cup;
but smiting on his breast, and sighing deeply, he
said, " I rest in that grace which hath come imto
me." He was led to the scaflbld by a canon .and a
Jesuit, but gave small heed to their exhortationa
Declining the " kiss of peace," and turning his back
upon the crucifix, he fell on his face, and prayetl
softly. Then raising himself, and looking up into
the heavens, he said, "They can kill the body,
they camiot kill the soul ; that, O Lord Jesus, I
commend to thee," and died.
There followed other noblemen, whose behavioui-
on the scaflbld was equally courageous, and whose
dying words were equally im])ressive, but to record
them all would unnecessai-Uy prolong our naiTation.
We take a few examples from among the citizens
whose blood was mingled with that of the nobles
in defence of the religion and liberty of theii" native
land. Valentine Kochan, a learned man, a Go-
vernor of the Umvei-sity, and Secretary of Prague,
protested, when Ferdinand II. was thrust upon
them, that no king should be elected without the
consent of Moravia and Silesia. This caused him
to be marked out for vengeance. In his la.st
hours he bewailed the divisions that had prevailed
among the Protestants of Bohemia, and which had
opened a door for their calamities. " O ! " said he,
" if all the States had employed more thought and
diligence in maintaining union; if there had not
been so much hatred ou both sides ; if one had
not sought preference before another, and had not
given way to mutual suspicions ; moreover, if tlie
clergy and the laity had assisted each other witli
counsel and action, in love, unitj-, and peace, we
should never have been thus far misled."' On the
•■' The Reformation and Anti- Reformation in Bohemia,
vol. i., p. 423
210
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
scaflfold he sang the last verse of the sixteenth
Psalm : " Thou wilt show me the path of life ; in
thy presence is fulness of joy, at thy i-iglit hand
arc pleasiu-es for evenuore;" and then yielded his
head to the exeoitioner.
Tobias Steffek was a man of equal modesty and
piety. He liad been chosen to fill impoi-tant tnists
by his fellow-citizens. " Jlany a cup of blessing,"
said he, " have I received from the hand of the
Lord, and shall I not accept this cup of affliction ?
I am going by a narrow path to the heavenly king-
dom." His time in prison was mostly passed in
sighs and tears. Wlien called to go to the scafibld,
he looked up with eyes suffused with weeinng, yet
with the hope shining throngh his teai-s that the
same stroke that should sever his head from his
body wouLI wipe them away for ever. In this
hope he died.
John Jessenius, professor of medicine, and
Chancellor of the University of Prague, was the
next whose blood was spilt. He was famed for
his medical skill all over Europe. He was the
intimate friend of tlie illustrious Tycho Brahe, and
Physician in OnUnaiy to two emperors — Rudolph
ind Matthias. He it was, it is said, who intro-
luced the study of anatomy into Prague. Being
i, man of eloquent addi-ess, he was employed on an
important embassy to Hungary, and tliis made him
a marked object of the vengeance of Ferdinand II.
His sentence was a cruel one. He was fii-st to
liave his tongue cut out, then he was to be be-
headed, and afterwai'ds quartered. His head was
to be affixed to the Bridge-tower, and his limbs
were to be exposed on stakes in the four quarters
of Prague. On hearing this sentence, he said,
" You use us too cruelly ; but know that tliere
wDl not be wanting some who ^vill take dovm the
heads you thus ignominiously expose, and lay tlieni
in the grave."'
The Jesuits evinced a most lively desire to bring
this learned man over to their side. Jessenius
listened as they enlarged on the efficacy of good
works. " Aks !" replied he, "my time is so short
that I fear I shall not be able to lay up such a
"stock of merits as will suffice for my salvation."
Tlie Fathers, thinking tlie \-ictory as good as won,
exclaimed, " My dear Je.ssenius, though you should
' This anticipation was realised in 16.31. After the
victory of Gustavus Adolphus at Loipsic, Prague was
entered, and Count Thorn took down the heads from the
Bridge-tower, and conveyed them to the Tein Church,
followed by a lai-ge assemblage of nobles, pastors, and
citizens, who had returned from exile. They were after-
■w.irds buried, but the spot was concealed from the
knowledge of the Romanists. (Comenius, cap. 73.)
die this verj' moment, we promise you that yon
shall go straight to heaven." "Is it soV replied
the confessor; " then where is your Purgatory for
those who are not able to fill up the number of
tlieii' good deeds here?" Finding themselves but
befooled, they departed from him.
On mounting the scafibld, the executioner ajv
proached him, and demanded his tongue. He at
once gave it — that tongue which had pleaded the
cause of his country before princes and States. It
was drawn out with a pail- of tongs. He then
dropped on his knees, his hands tied behind his
back, and l^gan to {iray, " not siieaking, but
stuttering," says Comenius. His head was stnick
ofi", and affixed to the Bridge-tower, and his body
was taken below the gallows, and dealt with ac-
cording to the sentence. One of the lights, not of
Boliemia only, but of Europe, had been put out.
Chi-istoplier Khobr was the next whose life
was demanded. He was a man of heroic mind.
Speaking to his fellow-sufierers, he said, " How
glorious is the menaoi-y of Huss and Jerome ! And
■\vhy1 because they laid down theii- lives for the
truth." He cited the words of Ignatius — "lam
the com of God, and shall be ground with the
teeth of beasts." " We also," he added, " are the
corn of God, so^\^l in the field of the Chui-ch. Be
of good cheer, God is able to raise up a thousand
witnesses from every drop of our blood." He went
with firm step, and face elate, to the place where
he was to die. Standing on the scaffi3ld, he said,
"Must I die hei-e? No! I shall live, and declare
the works of tlie Lord in the land of the living."
Kneeling down, he gave his head to the execu-
tioner and his spirit to God.
He was followed by John Schulz, Burgomaster
of Kuttenberg. On being led out to die, he sent
a message to his friends, saying, " The bitterness
of this parting will make our reunion sweet
indeed." On mounting the scafibld, he quoted tlie
words of the Psalm, " Whj^ art tliou cast down, O
my soul V When he had gone a few paces forward,
he continued, " Tiiist in God, for I shall yet praise
him." Advancing to the spot where lie was to die,
he threw himself on his face, and spread forth his
hands in prayer. Then, rismg up, he received that
stroke which gave him at once temporal death
and eternal Kfe.
In this procession of kingly and glorious spirits
who travel by the crimson road of the scafibld to
the everlasting gates, there are others whom we
must permit to pass on in silence. One other martyr
only shall we notice ; lie is the youngest of them
all, and we have seen him liefore. He is John
Kutnauer, senator of Old Prague, tlie same whom
212
HISTORY OF mOTESTANTISM.
wo siiw praying that there might be given some
" token" to the martyi-s, and who, when the bow
apiM'iiroJ a little after sunrise spanning the heavens
al)Ove Prague, accepted it as the answer to his
ti:-iyor.' No one of all that heroic company was more
courageous than Kutnauer. When the Jesuits
came round him, he said, "Depart, gentlemen; why
slioidd you persist in labour so unprofitable to
yourselves, and so troublesome to us!" One of the
Fathers observed, "These men are as hard as rocks."
" We arc so, indeed," said the senator, " for we are
joined to that rock which is Christ."
When summoned to the scaflbld, his friends
threw themselves upon him, overwhelming him
with their embraces and tears. He alone did not
weep. " Refrain," he said, "let us be men; a little
while, and we shall meet in the heavenly glory."
And then, says the chronicler, " with the face of a
lion, as if going to battle, he set forward, singing
in his own tongue the German hymn : ' Behold
the hoiu- draws near,' &c. "
Kutnauer was sentenced to die by the rope, not
by the sword. On the scaffold he gave his purse
to the executioner, and then placed himself beneath
the beam from which he was to be suspended. He
cried, or rather, says the chronicler, " roared," if
haply he might be heard above the noise of the
di-imis and tnmipets, placed around the scaffold
on pui'pose to drown the last words of the suf-
ferers. " I have plotted no treason," he said ; " I
have committed no murder; I ha\e done no deed
worthy of death. I die because I have been
faithful to the Gospel and my country. O God,
pardon my enemies, for they know not what they
do. Lord Jesus, receive my spirit." He was then
thrown ofl' the ladder, and gave up the ghost."
We close this gi-and procession of kings, this
march of palm-bearers. As they pass on to the
axe and the halter there is no pallor on theii' coun-
tenances. Theii- step is firm, and their eye is bright.
They are the men of the greatest talents and the
most resplendent virtues in their nation. They be-
long to the most illustrious families of their country.
Tliey had filled the greatest offices and they wore
the highest honours of the State ; yet we see them
led out to die the death of felons. The day that
saw these men expire on the scaflbld may be said
to have witnessed the obsequies of Bohemia.
CHAPTER X.
SUPPRESSION OF PROTESTANTISJI IN BOHEMIA.
rolicy of Ferdinand II. — Murder of Ministers by the Troops— New Plan of Persecution— Kindness and its Effects
— Expulsion of Anabaptists from Moravia — The Pastors Banished— Sorrowful Partings- Exile of Pastors of
Kuttenberg— The Lutherans "Graciously Dismissed" — The Churches Eazud — Tlie New Clergy — Purification of the
Chiu'ches — The Schoolmasters Banished — Bibles and Religious Books Burned — Spanish Jesuits and Lichtenstein's
Dragoons — Emigration of the Nobles— Eeigu of Terror in the Towns — Oppressive Edicts— Ransom-Money —
Unprotestantising of Villages and Rural Parts— Protestantism Trampled out — Bohemia a Desert— Testimony of
a Popish Writer.
The sufferings of that cruel time were not confined
to the nobles of Bohemia. The pastors were their
companions in the horrors of the persecution.
After the first few months, during which the con-
queror lured back by fair promises all who had fled
into exile, or had hidden themselves in secret places,
the policy of Ferdinand II. and his advisers was to
crush at once the chief men whether of the nobility
or of the ministry, and afterwards to deal with the
common people as they might find it expedient.
' This how is mentioned by both Protestant and Popish
writers. The people, after gazing some time at it, admir-
ing its beauty, were seized with fear, and many rushed
in terror to their houses.
either by the rude violence of the hangman or the
subtle craft of the Jesuit. This astute policy was
pursued with the most unflinching resolution, and
the issue was the almost entire. trampling out of
the Protestantism of Bohemia and !Moravia. In
closing this sad story we must briefly narrate the
tortures and death which were inflicted on the
Bohemian pastoi's, and the manifold woes that befell
the unhappy country.
Even before the victory of the Weissenberg, the
ministers in various parts of Bohemia suflered
dreadfidly from the licence of the troop.s. No
■ Comenius, cap. 78. The Reformation and Anti-Refor-
mation in Bohemia, vol. i., pp. 429, 430.
A NEW "REFORMATION."
31S
soonci' had the Austrian array crossed the frontier,
than the soldiers began to plunder and kill as thej-
had a mind. Pastors found preaching to theii-
flocks were murdered in the pul[)it ; the sick were
shot in their beds ; some were lianged on trees,
othei'S were tied to posts, and their extremities
scorched with fire, while others wore tortured
in various cruel ways to compel them to disclose
facts which they did not know, and give up trea-
sure wliich they did not possess. To the barbarous
murder of the father or the husband wa.s sometimes
added the brutal outi-age of his family.
But when the victory of the Weis.senberg gave
Bohemia and its capital into the power of Ferdi-
nand, the persecution was taken out of the hands
of the soldiers, and committed to those who knew
how to conduct it, if not more humanely, yet more
systematically. It was the settled purpose of the
emperor to bring the whole of Bohemia back to
Rome. He was ten'ified at the spirit of liberty
and patriotism which he saw rising in the nation ;
he ascribed that spirit entii'cly to the new religion
of which John Huss had been the gi-eat apostle,
since, all down from the martyi-'s daj', he could trace
the popular con^iilsions to which it had given rise :
and he despaired of restoring quiet and order to
Bohemia till it shoiUd again be of one religion, and
that religion the Roman. Thus political were
blended with religious motives in the terrible per-
secution which Ferdinand now commenced.
It was nearly a year till the plan of persecution
was arranged; and when at last the plan was
settled, it was resolved to baptise it by the name
of " Reformation." To restore the altai-s and
images which the preachers of the new ftiith had
cast out, and again plant the old faith in the
defm-med churches, was, they affirmed, to effect a
real Reformation. They had a perfect right to the
word. Tliey appointed a Commission of Reformers,
having at its head the Archbishop of Prague and
several of the Bohemian grandees, and miited -n-ith
them was a numerous body of Jesuits, who bore
the chief burden of this new Reformation. After
the executions, which we have described, were over,
it was resolved to proceed by kincbiess and jier-
suasion. If the Reformation could not be completed
without the axe and the halter, these would not
be wanting ; meanwhile, mild measures, it was
thought, would best succeed. The monks who
dispersed themselves among the people assured
them of the emperor's favour should they embrace
the emperor's religion. The times were hard, and
such as had fallen into straits were assisted with
money or with seed-coni. Tiie Protestant poor
were, on the other hand, refused alms, and at times
could not even buy bread with money. Husbands
were separated from their wdves, and children from
their parents. DisfranchLsement, expulsion from
corporations and offices, the denial of burial, and
similar oppressions were inflicted on those who
evinced a disposition to remain steadfast in their
Protestant profession. If any one declared that he
would exile himself rather than apostatise, he wa.s
laughed at for his folly. " To what land will you
go," he was asked, " where j'ou shall find the
liberty you desire % Everywhere you shall find
heresy proscribed. One's native soil is sweet, and
you will be glad to return to yours, only, it may be,
to find the door of the emperor's clemency closed."
Numerous convei-sions were efiected before the
adoption of a single harah measure ; but wherever
the Seriptui-al knowledge of Huss's Reformation
had taken root, there the monks found the work
much more difficult.
The first gi-eat tentative measure was the expul-
sion of the Anabaptists from Moravia. The most
uubefriended, they were selected as the fii-st \'ic-
tims. The Anabaptists wei'e gathered into some
forty-five communities or colleges, where they had
all things in common, and were much i-espected
by their neighbours for their quiet and orderly
lives. Then- lands were skilfully cultivated, and
their taxes dul_y paid, but these qualities could
procure them no favour in the eyes of theii- sove-
reign. The order for their banishment arrived in
the beginning of autumn, 1622, and was all the
more severe that it mferrod the loss of the labours
of the year. Lea-\-ing their fields mireaped and
their gi-apes to rot upon the bough, they arose, and
quitted house and lands and vineyards. The chil-
dren and aged they placed in carts, and setting
forward in long and soi'ro'n'ful troops, they held on
then- way across the Moravian plains to Hungary
and Transylvania, where they fovnid new habita-
tions. The}' were happy in being the first to be
compelled to go away ; greater sevei'ities awaited
those whom they left behind.
Stop the fountains, and the streams will dry up
of themselves. Acting on this maxim, it was
resolved to banish the pastors, to shut up the
chiu'ches, and to burn the books of the Protestants.
In pursuance of this programme of pei-secution,
the ministers of Prague had si>: articles laid before
them, to which their submission was demanded,
as the condition of their remaining in the country.
The first called on them to collect among them-
selves a sum of several thousand pounds, and give
it as a loan to tlie emperor for the pajmient of the
troops employed in suppressing the rebellion. Tlie
remaining five articles amounted to an abandon-
2U
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
ment of the Pi-otestant faith. Tlie ministcr.s re-
plied imanimoxisly that " they would do nothing
against their consciences." The decree of Ixinish-
ment wa.s not long defen-ed. To pave the way for
it, an edict was issued, which threw the -whole
blame of the war upon the ministers. They were
stigmatised as "turbulent, rash, and seditious
men," who had " made a new king," and who even
now " were plotting pernicious confederacies," and
preparing new insurrections against the empei-or.
They must therefore, said the edict, be driven from
a kingdom which coidd know neither quiet nor
.safety so long as they were in it. Accordingly on
the 1.3th of December, 1621,' the decree of banish-
ment was given forth, ordering all the ministers in
Prague within three days, and all others through-
out Bohemia and the United Provinces within eight
days, to remove themselves beyond the bounds of
the kingdom, " and that for ever." If any of the
proscribed should presume to remain in the countr^y,
or should retiu-n to it, they were to suffer death,
and the same fate was adjudged to all who should
dare to harbour them, or who should in the least
favour or help them.^
But, says Comenius, " the scene of their depar-
tiu-e cannot be described," it was so overwhelmingly
soiTowful. The pastoi-s were followed by their
loving flocks, bathed in tears, and so stricken with
anguish of spirit, that they gave vent to their grief
in sighs and groans. Bitter, thrice bitter, were
their forewells, for they knew they should see
each other no more on earth. The churches of the
banished ministers were given to the Jesuits.
The same sorrowful scenes were repeated in all
the other towns of Bohemia where there were
Protestant ministers to be driven away ; and what
town was it that had not its Protestant pa.stor?
Commissaries of Reformation went from town to
town with a troop of horse, enforcing the edict.
Many of the Romanists sympathised with the exiled
pastors, and condemned the cruelty of the Govern-
ment ; the populations generally were friendly to
the ministers, and their departure took jilace amid
public tokens of mourning on the part of those
among whom they had lived. The crowds on the
streets were often so great that the wagons that
bore away then- little ones could with difficulty
move forward, while sad and tearful fiioes looked
down upon the departing troop from the windows.
On the 27th of Jidy, 1G23, the ministers of Kut-
teuberg were commanded to leave the city before
bi-eak of day, and remove beyond the bounds
of the kingdom within eight day.s. Twenty-one
ministers j);ussed out at the gates at early morning,
followed by some hundreds of citizens. After they
had gone a little way the assembly halted, and
dra^ving aside from the highway, one of the minis-
tei-s, John Matthiades, preached a farewell sermon
to the multitude, from the words, " They shall cast
you out of the synagogues." Earnestly did the
preacher exhort them to constancy. The whole
assembly was di-owned in teai-s. When the sermon
had ended, " the heavens rang again," says the
chronicler, " with their songs and their lamenta-
tions, and with mutual embraces and kisses they
commended each other to the grace of God."' The
flocks returned to the city, and their exiled shep-
herds went on their way.
The first edict of proscription fell mainly upon
the Calvinistic clergy and the ministers of the
United Brethren. The Lutheran pastors were
left unmolested as yet. Ferdinand II. hesitated to
give offence to the Elector of Saxony by driving
his co-religionists out of his dominions. But the
Jesuits took the alai-m when they saw the Cal-
vinists, who had been deprived of their own
pastors, flocking to the churches of the Lutheran
clergy. They complained to the monarch that the
work was only half done, that the pestilence could
not be arrested till every Protestant minister had
been banished from the land, and the urgencies of
the Fathers at length prevailed over the fears of
the king. Ferdinand issued an order that the Lu-
theran ministers should follow their brethren of the
Calvinistic and Moravian Communion into exUe.
The Elector of Saxony remonstrated against this
violence, and was politely told that it was very
far indeed from being the fact that the Lutheran
clergy had been banished — they had only received a
" gracious dismissal."''
The razing of the chm-ches in many places was
consequent on the expulsion of the pastors. Better
that they should be ruinous heaps than that they
should remain to be occupied by the men who were
now brought to till them. The lowest of the priests
were drafted from other places to enjoy the ^^acaui
livings, and fleece, not feed, the desolate flocks.
There could not be found so many cui'ates as there
were now empty churches in Bohemia; and two, six,
nay, ten or a dozen parishes were committed to the
care of one man. Under these hirelings the peoi)le
learned the value of that Gospel which they had,
l)erhaps too easily, permitted to be taken from them.
Comenius, cap, 51, p. 181.
3 " Tandem cantu et fletu resouante ccelo, amplexibus
ct osculis umtuis Divina; so commendarunt gratiae."
(Comenius, p. 19.5.)
■• TJte Reformalion and Anti-Rfformation in Bohemia.
vol. ii., pp. 32, 33.
GRADUAL RUIN OF BOHEMIA.
215
in tlic persons of Hieir banished pastors. Some
cliurches remained without a priest foryeare; "but
the people," says Comcnius, " found it a less afflic-
tion to lack wholesome instraction than to resort
to poisoned pastures, and become the prey of
wolves." '
A number of monks were impoi-ted from Poland,
that countiy being near, and the language similar,
but their dissolute lives were the scandal of that
Christianity which they w-ere brought to teach.
On the testimony of all historians, Popish as well
as Protestant, they were riotous livers, insatiably
gi-eedy, and so shamelessly profligate that abomin-
able crimes, unknown in Bohemia tUl then, and
not fit to be named, say the chroniclers, began
to pollute the land. Even the Pojiish historian
Pelzel says, " they led vicious lives." Many of
them had to retmni to Poland faster than they had
come, to escape the popular venge^-iuee which their
misdeeds had awakened against them. Bohemia
was doubly scourged : it had lost its pious ministers,
and it had received in their room men who were
fitter to occupy the culprit's cell than the teacher's
chair.
The cleansing of the chui-ches which had been
occupied by the Protestant ministers, before being
again taken possession of by the Eomish clei-g}-,
presents us with many tilings not only fooli.sh, but
droll. The pulpit was first whipped, next sprinkled
■with holy water, then a priest was made to enter it,
and speaking for the pulpit to say, "I have sinned."
The altars at which the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper had been dispen.sed were dealt vdth much in
the same waj'. When the Jesuits took possession of
the church in Prague which had been occupied by
the United Brethren, they first strewed gunpowder
over its floor, and then set fire to it, to disinfect the
buUding by flame and smoke from the poison of
heresy. Tlie " cup," the well-known Bohemian
symbol, erected over church portals and city gates,
was pulled down, and a statue of the Virgin put up
in its stead. If a church was not to be used,
because it was not needed, or because it was incon-
veniently situated, it was either razed or shut up.
If only shut up it was left unoonsecrated, and in
that dreadful condition the Romanists were afraid to
cuter ii. The churchyards shared the fate of the
churches. The monumental tablets- of the Protes-
ttint dcail were broken in pieces, the inscriptions
were eflticed, and the bones of the dead in many
inst.ances were dug up and burned.^
AAer the pastore, the iron hand of jiersecution
fell upon the schoolmasters. All teachei's who
refused to conform to the Church of Rome, and
teacli the new catechism of the Je.siiit Canisius,
were banished. The destiiiction of the Protestant
University of Prague followed. The non-Catholic
professors were exiled, and the building was de-
livered over to the Jesuits. The third great
raeasiire adopted for the overthrow of Protestantism
was the destruction of all religious books. A com-
mission travelled from town to town, which,
assembling the people by the tolling of the bells,
explained to them the cause of their visit, and
" exhorted them," says George Holyk, " in kind,
sweet, and gentle words, to bring all their books."
If gentle words failed to draw out the peccant
volumes, threats and a strict inquisition in every
house followed. The books thus collected were
examined by the Jesuits who accompanied the
commissioners, and while immoral works escaped,
all in which was detected the slightest taint of
heresy v.-ere condemned. They were carried away
iu baskets and carts, piled up in the market-
place, or under the gallows, or outside the city
gates, and there burned. Many thousands of
Bohemian Bibles, and countless volumes of general
literature, were thus destroyed. Since that time
a Bohemian book and a scarce book have been
.synonymous. The past of Bohemia was blotted
out ; the great writers and the illustrious warriors
who had flourished in it were forgotten ; the noble
memories of early times were buried in the ashes of
these fires ; and the Jesuits found it easy to make
their pupils believe that, previous to theu- arri\-al,
the country had been immersed Ln darkness, and
that with them came the first streaks of light in its
sky.-'
The Jesuits who were so helpful in tliLs " Refor-
mation " were Spaniards. They had brought with
them the new order of the Brethren of Mercy,
who proved their most efficient coadjutors. Of
these Brethren of Mercy, Jacobeus gives the fol-
lowing graphic Init not agi-eeable picture : — " They
■were saints abroad, but furies at home ; their dre-ss
was that of paupers, but their tables were those of
gluttons ; they had the maxims of the ascetic, but
the morals of the rake." Other allies, perhajjs even
more efficient iii promoting convei-sions to the
Roman Church, came to the aid of the Jesuits.
These were the well-known Lichtenstein dragoons.
These men hiul never faced an enemy, or leai-ned
on the battle-field to be at once brave and merciful.
Comonius, cap. 51, p. 103.
1 Anii-Bfformalion in Bohemia,
- The lUforwdiion
vol. ii., pp. 10—10.
' ComeniuB, cap. 10."). The Refomiaiion »nd Anti-Refor.
vialion in Bohcmiii, vol. ii., chap. 3.
;io
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
They wore a set of viL-Ious and cowiudly ruffians,
wlio delighted in terrifying, torturing, and mur-
dering the pious peasants. They drove them like
cattle to church with the sabre. When billeted on
Protestant families, they conducted themselves like
incarnate demons ; the members of the household
had either to declare themselves Romanists, or flee
to the woods, to be out of the reach of their violence
and the hearing of their oaths. As the Jesuits
were boasting at Rome in presence of the Pope
of having converted Bohemia, the famous Capuchin,
Valerianus Magnus, who was present, said, " Holy
Father, give me soldiers as they were given to the
Jesuits, and I will convert the whole world to the
Catholic faith."'
We have already narrated the executions of the
most illustrious of the Bohemian nobles. Those
whose lives were spared were overwhelmed by
burdensome taxes, and reiterated demands for sums
of money, on various pretexts. After they had
been tolei'ably fleeced, it was resolved to banish them
from the kingdom. On Ignatius Loyola's day, the
31st of July, in the year 1627, an edict appeared, in
which the emperor declared that, having " a fathei ly
care for the salvation of his kingdom," he would
permit none but Catholics to live in it, and he
commanded all who refused to return to the Chiuch
of Rome, to sell their estates within six months, and
depart from Bohemia. Some there were who parted
with " the treasure of a good conscience " that ihey
might remain in their native land ; but the greater
part, more steadfastly -minded, sold theii- estates for
a nominal price in almost every instance, and went
forth into exile." The decree of banishment was
extended to widows. Their sons and daughters,
being minoi-s, were taken forcible possession of by
the Jesuits, and were shut up in colleges and
convents, and their goods managed by tutors ap-
pointed by the priests. About a hundred noble
families, forsaking their ancestral domains, were
dispei^sed throughout the neighbouring countries,
and among these was the gi-ey-headed baron, Charles
Zierotin, a man highly respected throughout all
Boiiemia for his piety and courage.
The places of the banished grandees were filled
by persons of low degree, to whom the emperor
could give a patent of nobility, but to whom he
coidd give neither elevation of soul, nor dignity of
character, nor grace of niamiers. The free cities
were placed under a reign of teiroiism. New
governors ?.nd imperial jv.dges .vere appointed to
ride them ; but from what class of the popidutioa
were these oflicials drawn ? The first were selected
from the new nobility ; the second, says Comenius
— and his statement was not denied by his contem-
poraries— were taken from " banished Italians or
Germans, or apostate Bohemians, gluttons who had
squandered theii- fortimes, notorious mmderers,
bastards, cheats, fiddlers, stage-players, mutineers,
even men who were unable to read, without pro-
perty, wthout home, without conscience." * Such
were the judges to whom the goods, the liberties,
and the lives of the citizens were committed. The
less infamous of the new officials, the governors
namely, were soon removed, and the " gluttons,
murderers, fidcUers, and stage-players " were left to
tjTamiise at pleasure. No complaint was listened to;
extortionate demands were enforced by the military;
marriage was forbidden except to Roman Catho-
lics ; funeral rites were prohibited at Protestant
bui'ials; to harbour any of the banished ministers
was to incur fine and imprisonment ; to work on a
Popish holiday was punishable \vith imprisonment
and a fine of ten florins ; to laugh at a priest, or at
his sermon, inferred banishment and confiscation of
goods ; to eat flesh on prohibited days, without an
indulgence from the Pope, was to incur a fine of ten
florins ; to be absent from Church on Siuiday, or on
festival-mass days, to send one's .son to a non-
Catholic school, or to educate one's family at home,
was forbidden under heavy penalties ; non-Catholics
were not i^ermitted to make a will ; if nevertheless
they did so, it was null and void ; none were to be
admitted into arts or trades unless they first em-
braced the Popish faith. If any should speak
unbecomingly of the '• Blessed Virgin the Motlicr
of God," or of the " illustrious House of Austiia,"
" he shall lose his head, without the least favour or
pardon." The poor in the hospitals were to be con-
verted to the Roman Catholic faith before the feast
of All Saints, otherwise they were to be turned out,
and not again admitted till they had entered the
Church of Rome. So was it enacted in July, 1624,
by Charles, Prince of Lichtenstein, as " the con-
stant and unalterable will of His Sacred Majesty
Ferdinand 11."^
In the Hiuim year (1624) all the citizens of
Prague who had not renounced their Protestant
faith, and entered the Roman communion, were
informed by public edict that they had forfeited
their estates by rebellion. Nevertheless, their
' The Reformation and Anti-Reformation in Bohemia,
vol. ii., p. 114.
^ Comeniusj cap. 89.
' "Lurcones qui sua docoxerant, homicidas infames,
spurios, mangones, fiJieines, comajdos, cinifloncs, qnos-
dam etiam alphabeti igiiaros homines," lic. (Comenius,
cap. 90, p. 313.)
■■ Comenius, cap. 91.
" UNPEOTESTANTISING " VILLAGES.
217
gracious monarch was willing to admit them to
pardon. Each citizen was required to declare on
oath the amount of goods which he possessed, and
his pardon-money wa.s fixed accordingly. The
"i-ansom" varied from 100 up to G,000 guilders.
The next " thunderbolt " that fell on the non-
Catholics was the deprivation of the rights of
citizenship. No one, if not in communion
with the Church of Rome, could cany on a
trade or business in Prague. Hundreds were
and once Protestant Pra;,aie bowed its neck to the
Papal yoke.' In a similar way, and with a like
success, did the " Commissioners of the Pieforma-
tion " carry out their instructions in all the chief
cities of Bohemia.
After the same foshion were the villages and
rural parts "unprotestantised." The Emperor
Matthias, in 1610, had guaranteed the peasantry
of Bohemia in the free exercise of the Protestant
religion. This jsrivilege was now abolished.
VIEW OF THE GROSSE RING, PR.IGUE, VTUERE THE M.iRTYKS WERE EXECVTED.
sunk at once by this decree into poverty. It was
next resolved to banish the more considerable of
those citizens who still remained " unconverted."
First four leading men liad sentence of exile re-
corded against them ; then seventy othei-s were
expatriated. Soon thereafter several hundreds were
sent into banishment ; and the crafty persecutoi's
now paused to mark the effect of these sevei'ities
upon the common people. Terrified, ground down
into poverty, suflbring from impi-isonment and other
inflictions, and deprived of their leaders, they found
the people, as they had hojied, veiy ]iliant. A
small number, wlio voluntarily exiled themselves,
excepted, the citizens conformed. Thus the populous
123
beginning was made in the villages, where the flocks
were deprived of their shepherds. Theii- Bibles and
other religious books were next taken £i-om them
and destroyed, that the flame might go out when
the fuel was withdrawn. The ministers and Bibles
out of the way, the monks ajipcared on tlie scene.
They entered with soft words and smiling faces.
They confidently promised ligliter burdens and
happier times if the people would only forsake then-
heresy. They even showed them the beginning of
this golden age, by bestowing upon the more ne-
cessitoiis a few small benefactions. When the
' Comenius, cap. 92.
218
HISTOKY OF PROTESTANTISM.
con^-cv.sions did not answer tlic fond expectations
of tlic Ftitliers, tliey changed their fii-st bland
utterances into rough words, and even threats.
The peasantry were commanded to* go to mass.
A list of the parishioners was given to the clerk,
that the absentees from church might be marked,
and A^isited with fine. If one was detected at a
secret Protestant conventicle, he was punished vdth
fiagellatiou and imprisonment. Marriage and bap-
tism were next forbidden to Proteistants. The
peasants were sunnnoned to the towns to be
examined and, it might be, punished. If they
fiHed to obey the citation they were sm'prised over-
night by the soldiers, taken from their beds, and
driven into the towns like herds of cattle, where
they were thrust into prisons, towers, cellars,
and stables ; many perishing through the hunger,
thirst, cold, and stench which they thei-e endured.
Other tortures, still more horrible and disgusting,
were invented, and put in practice upon these
miserable creatures. Many renounced their faith.
Some, unwilling to abjure, and yet unable to bear
their pi-olonged tortures, earnestly begged their
pei-secutoi-s to kill them outright. "No," would
tlieir tormentors reply, "the emperor does not
thii-st for your blood, but for your salvation." Tliis
sufficiently accounts for the paucity of martyi-s unto
blood in Bohemia, notwithstanding the lengthened
and cniel persecution to which it was subject.
There were not wanting many who would have
braved death for their faith ; but the Jesuits
studiously avoided setting up the stake, and pre-
ferred rather to wear out the disciples of the Gospel
by tedious and cruel tortures. Those only whose
condemnation they could colour mtli some political
pretext, as was the case ^vith the noblemen whose
martyrdoms we have recorded, did they bring to
the scaffold. Thus they were able to suppress the
Protestantism of Bohemia, and yet they could say,
with some little plaitwibility, that no one had died
for his religion.
But in trampling out its Protestantism the
jiersecutor trampled out the Bohemian nation.
First of all, the flower of the nobles perished on the
scaffold. Of the great families that remained 185
sold their castles and lands and loft the kingdom.
Hundreds of the aristoci-atic families followetl the
nobles into exUe. Of the common people not fewer
than 36,000 families emigrated. There was hardly
a kingdom in Europe where the exiles of Bohemia
were not to bo met with. Scholars, merchants,
traders, fled from a land which was given over as a
prej^ to the disciples of Loyola, and the dragoons
of Ferdinand. Of the 4,000,000 who inhabited
Bohemia in 1020, a miserable remnant, amo^mting
not even to a fifth, were all that remained in 1 648.'
Its fenatical sovereign is reported to have said that
he would rather reign over a desert than over a
kingdom peopled by heretics. Bohemia was now a
desert.
This is not our opinion only, it is that of Popish
historians also. "Until that time," says Pelzel,
" the Bohemians appeared on the field of battle as
a separate nation, and they not unfrequently earned
glory. They were now thrust among other nations,
and their name has never since resounded on the
field of battle. . . . Till that time, the Bohemians,
taken as a nation, had been brave, dauntless,
passionate for gloi-y, and enterprising ; but now
they lost all corn-age, all national pride, all
spirit of enter^irise. They fled into forests like
sheep before the Swedes, or suffered themselves to
be trampled under foot Tlie Bohemian
language, which was used in all public transactions,
and of which the nobles were proud, fell into
contempt. ... As high as the Bohemians had
risen in science, literature, and arts, in the reigns
of Maximilian and Budolph, so low did they now
sink in all these respects. I do not know of any
scholar who, after the expulsion of the Protestants,
distinguished himself in any learning. . . . With
that period the history of the Bohemians ends, and
that of other nations in Bohemia begins." -
• Ludwig Hiiusser, Period of the Befonnatioji, vol. ii.,
p. 107 ; Lond., 1873.
- Pelzel, GeschicMe von Bohmen, p. 185 et seq. Kra-
sinski, Slavonia, p. 158.
HUNGARY AND THE REFORMATION.
219
iBook CtDfiitirtlj.
PKOTESTjV^vTISJI in HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA.
CHAPTER I.
PLANTING OF PROTESTANTISM.
Early History of Hungary— Entrance of Protestantism — Its Rapid Diffusion— Causes— First Preachers —Henkel and
Queen Mary of Hungary— Persecuting Edicts -Tlie Turk Appears— John Zapolya — Louis II.— Count Pemflinger—
Battle of Mohiicz— Slaughter of King and Nobility— Protestantism Progresses— Zapolya and Ferdinand Contest
the Sovereignty— Matthias Devay — His Zoal and Success as a Reformer— Imprisoned— The Blacksmith — Count
Nadasdy — His Efforts for the Reform of Hungary — Discussion before Ferdinand I.— Defeat and Wrath of the
Bishops — The King Protects Devay — Character of Ferdinand I.
Crossing the fiontier of Bohemia, we entei- those
far-extendiug phiins which, covered with corn and
the \'ine, watered by the Danube, the Theiss, and
other great rivei-s, and enclosed bj^ the majestic chain
of the Carpathians, constitute tlie Upper and Lower
Hungary. Invaded by the Romans before the
Christian era, this rich and magnificent territory
passed under a succession of conquerors, and was
occupied by various peoples, till finally, in the
ninth century, the Magyars from Asia took posses-
sion of it. The well-known missionaries, CyrUlus
and Methodius, ariiviug soon after this, found the
inhabitants worshipping Mars, and summoning
their tribes to the battle-field by sending round a
sword. In the tenth century, the beams of a pm-er
faith began to shine through the pagan darkness
Lhr.t covered them. The altars of the god of war
were forsaken for those of the '^Prince of Peace,"
and this warlike people, which had been wont
to cany back captives and blood-stiiined booty
from their plundering excursions into Germany
and France, now began to practise the husbandry
and cultivate the arts of Western Europe. The
Christianity of those days did not go deep into
either the individual or the national heart ; it was
a rite rather than a life; there were 1.50 "holy
places " in Hungary, but very few holy lives ;
miracles were as common as virtues were rare ;
and soon the moral condition of the nation under
the Roman was as deplorable as it had been
under tlic pagan worship. Hungaiy was in this
stiite, wlieji it was suddenly and dee])ly startled by
the echoes from Luther's hammer on the church door
at Wittemberg. To a people sunk in physical oppres-
sion and spiritual misery, the soimds appeared like
those of the silver trumpet on the day of Jubilee.
Perhaps in no country of Europe were the doc-
trines of the Reformation so instantaneously and so
widely diffused as in Hungary. Many causes con-
tributed to this. The spread of the doctrines of
Huss in that country a century previous, the number
of German settlers in Hungarian towns, the intro-
duction of Luther's tracts and hymns by the Ger-
man soldiers, who came to fight in the Hungarian
armies against the Turk, the free civil constitution
of the kingdom — all helped to prepare the soil for
the reception of the Reformation. Priests in dif-
ferent pai-ts of the land, who had gi'oaned under
the yoke of the hiei'archy, appeared all at once as
preachers of the Reformed faith. " The Living
AVord, coming from hearts warmed by con^-iction,
produced a wondrous effect, and in a short time
whole parishes, villages, and towns — yes, perhaps
the half of Hungary, declared for the Reformation."'
In 1.523 we find Giyna3us and Viezheim, both
in the Academy of Ofen (Buda-Pesth), in Hungary,
teaching the doctrines of Luther. Two years after-
wards we find them in exile — the former in Basle,
teaching philosophy ; and the latter at Wittemberg,
as professor of Greek. John Henkel, the friend of
Erasmus, and the chaplain of Queen Mary — the
sister of Charles V., and wife of Louis II. — was a
friend of the Gospel, and he won over the queen to
the same side. We have already met her at the
Diet at Augsburg, and seen her using her influence
with her brother, the emperor, in behalf of the
Protestants. She always earned about with her a
Latin New Testament, which was afterwards found
to be full of annotations in her own handwriting.
In several of the free cities, and among the Saxons
of Tran.sylvania, the reception given to the Re-
formed doctrines was instant and coixlial. Merchants
' History of the Protestant Church in Hungary, compiled
from original and authentic Documents. Translated by
the Rev. Dr. Craig, Hamburg ; with Preface by Dr. Merle
D'Aubignc. Page 33. Lond., 1854
220
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
anil hawkers brought the \mtings of Luther to
Hiniaanstadt. The eflfect which theii- perusal pro-
duccil was greatly deepened by the arrival of two
monks from Silesia, converts of Luther, who, joined
by a thii-d, John Surdaster, preached, sometimes in
the open air, at other times in the Elizabethan
church, to gi-eat crowds of citizens, including the
members of the town council. After dismissing
theii- congregations they held catechisings in the
public squares and market-places. Thus was the
tire kindled in the heart of the mountains of
Transylvania. Many of the citizens began to scoff
at the Popish ceremonies. " Do our priests suppose
God to be blind," said they, when they saw the
magnificent procession of Corpus Christi sweeping
past, '-seeing they light candles to him at midday?"
Othei-s declared that the singing of the " hoiu'S " to
Our Lady in the cathedral was folly, foi- the Lord
had taught them to pray, " Oiu- Father who art in
heaven." The priests were occasionally ridiculed
while occupied in the performance of theu-wor.ship;
some of them were turned out of office, and Protes-
tant preachei-s put in then- room ; and others, when
they came to gather in their tithes, were sent away
wthout their " ducks and geese." This cannot be
justified ; but surely it ill becomes Rome, in presence
of her coimtless crimes, to be the tiret to cast a
stone at these offenders.
Rome saw the thunder-cloud gathering above her,
and .she made haste to dispel it before it should
biu-st. At the instigation of the Papal legate,
Cajetau, Louis II. issued the terrible edict of 152.3,
which ran as follows : — " All Lutherans, and those
who favoiu" them, as well as all adherents to their
sect, shall have their property confiscated, and
themselves be punished with death, as heretics, and
foes of the most holy Vu'gin Mary." A commission
wa.s next appointed to search for Lutheran books in
the Transylvaniau moiuitains and the Hungarian
towns, and to burn hem. Many an cmto-da-fe of
heretical volumes blazed in the public squai-es ; but
these S2)ectacles did not stop the progi-ess of heresy.
" Hennanstadt became a second Wittemberg. The
Catholic ministers themselves confessed that the
new doctx'ine was not more powerful in the town
where Luther resided."' It was next resolved to
burn, not Lutheran books merely, but Lutherans
them.selves. So did the Diet of l.TS.^ command : —
'• All Lutherans shall be rooted out of the land ;
and wherever they ai-e found, either by clergymen
or laymen, they may be seized and burned. "-
' Secret History of the Austrian Government, compiled
from Official Documents, by Alfred Michaels. Page 91.
Lond., 1859.
- Baronius, Annal., art. 4, anu. 1525.
These two decrees appeared only to inflame the
courage of those whom they so terribly menaced.
The heresy, over which the naked sword was now
suspended, spread idl the faster. Yoimg men began
to resort to Wittemberg, and returned thence in
a few years to preach the Gospel in their native
land. Meanwhile the king and the piiests, who
had bent the bow and were about to let fly the
aiTOw, found other matters to occupy them than the
execution of Lutherans.
It was the Turk who suddenly stepped foi^ward
to save Protestantism in Hiuigary, though he was
all iuiawai"e of the ser\-ice wliich he performed.
Solimau the Magnificent, setting out from Constan-
tinople on the 23rd of April, 1526, at the head of
a mighty aimy, which, recei^'ing accessions as it
marched onward, was swollen at last to 300,000
Turks, was coming nearer and nearer Hungary,
like the " wasting levin." The land now shook
with terror. King Louis was without money
and without soldiere. The nobility were divided
into factions ; the priests thought only of pursuing
the Protestants ; and the common people, deprived
of their laws and then- liberty, were without spirit
and without patriotism. Zapolya, the lord of
seventy-two castles, and by far the most powerful
gi'andee in the country, sat still, expecting if the
king were overthrown! to be called to mount the
vacant throne. Meanwhile the terrible Tiu-k was
ajiproaching, and demanding of Louis that he should
pay him tribute, luider the threat of planting the
Crescent on all the churches of Hungary, and
slaughtering him and his grandees like "fat oxen."
The edict of death passed against the Protestants
still remained in foi-ce, and the monks, in the face
of the black tempest that was rising in the east,
were stirring up the peojsle to have the Lutherans
put to death. The powerful and pati'iotic Comit
Penifliuger had received a message from the king,
commanding him to put in execution his cruel
edicts against the heretics, thi-eatening him with his
severest displeasure if he should refuse, and pro-
mising him gi'eat rewards if he obeyed. Tlie comit
shuddered to execute these horrible commands, nor
could he stand silently by and see others execute
them. He set out to tell the king that if, instead
of pei-mitting his Protestant subjects to defend their
country on the battle-field, he should di-ag them to
the stake and burn them, he would bring down the
■«Tath of Heaven upon himself and his kingdom.
On the road to Buda, where the king resided,
Pemflinger was met by terrible news.
WliUe the coimt was exerting himself to shield
the Protestants, King Louis had set out to stop
the ad\ance of the powerful Soliman. On the
MATTHIAS DEVAY, EVANGELIST.
221
29tli of August his little army of 27,000 met
the multitucliuous hordes of Turkey at Mohiicz, on
the Danube. Solimau's force was fifteeu times
greater than that of the king. Louis gave the com-
aiand of his army to the Archbishop of Cologne
— an ex-FrancLscan monk, more familiar- with the
sword than the chaplet, and wlio had won some
glory in the art of war. Wlieu the king put on
his armour on the morning of the battle he was
observed to be deadly pale. All foresaw the issue.
" Here go twenty-seven thousand Himgariaus,"
exclaimed Bishop Perenyi, as the host defiled past
him, " into the kingdom of heaven, as martyrs
for the faith." He consoled himself with the
hojie that the chancellor would survive to see to
their canonisation by the Pope.'
The issue was even more terrible than the worst
anticipations of it. By evening the plain of
Mohiicz was covered with the Hungarian dead,
piled up in gory heaps. Twenty-eight prmces, five
hundi'ed nobles, seven bishops, and twenty thou-
sand warriors lay cold in death. Escaping fi-om
the scene of carnage, the king and the Papal legate
sought safety in fliglit. Louis had to cross a black
pool which lay in his course ; his horse bore liim
through it, but in climbing the opposite bank the
steed fell backward, crusliing the monarch, and
giving him burial in the marsh. The Papal nuncio,
like the ancient seer from the mountains of Aram,
was taken and slain. Having trampled down the
king and his army, the victoiious Soliman held on
his way into Hungary, and slaughtered 200,000 of
its inhabitants.
This calamity, which thrilled all Europe, brought
rest to the Protestants. Two candidates now con-
tested the sceptre of Hungary — John Zapolya,
the unpatriotic gi-andee who saw his king march
to deatli, but sat stUl in his castle, and the Arch-
duke Ferdinand of Austria. Both caused them-
selves to be crowned, and hence arose a civil war,
which, complicated with occasional appearances of
Soliman upon the scene, occupied the two rivals
for years, and left them no leisure to cany out
the persecuting edicts. In the midst of these
t)-oubles Protestantism made rapid progi'ess. Peter
Perenyi, a powerful noble, embi'aced the Gospel,
with his two sons. Many other magnates followed
his example, and settled Protestant muiisters upon
tlieii- domains, built churches, planted schools, and
sent their sons to study at Witteniberg. The gi-catcr
number of the towns of Hungary embraced the
Reformation.
At this time (1.531) a remarkable man returned
■ Hist. Prot. Church i/i Hungary, p. 40.
from Wittemberg, where he had enjoyed the inti-
macy, as well as the public instnictions, of Luther
and Melancthon. Matthias Devay was the descen-
dant of an ancient Hungarian family, and having
attained at Wittemberg to a remarkably clear and
comprehensive knowledge of the Gospel, he began
to preach it to his countrymen. He commenced
his ministry at Buda, which, connected by a bridge
with Pesth, gave him access to the population of
both cities. Only the year before (1.530) the
Augsburg Confession had been read by the Lu-
theran priaices in presence of Ferdinand of Austria,
and many Hungarian nobles;- and Devay began
his ministry at a favourable moment. Otlier
preachers, trained like Devay at Wittemberg, Mere
labouring in the surrounding districts, and nobles
and wliole villages were embracing tlie GosjjeL
Many of the priests were separatiug themselves
from Rome. The Bishops of Neutra and Wesprim
laid aside rochet and mitre to preach the Gospel^
Those who had bowed before the idol, rose up to
cast it down.
Devay, anxious to diffuse the light in other
parts, removed to Upjjer Hungary ; but soon his
eloquence and success drew upon him the wrath of
the priests. He was thrown into prison at Vienna,
and ultimately was brought before Dr. Faber, then
bishop of that city, but he pleaded liis cause in a
manner so admirable that the court dared not con-
demn liim.
On his release he returned to Buda, and again
commenced preaching. The commotion in the
capital of Hungary was renewed, and the -WTath
of the priests grew hotter than ever. They accused
him to John Zapolya, whose sway was owned in
this part of the kingdom, and the Reformer was
thrown into prison. It happened that in the same
prison was a blacksmith, who in the shoeing had
lamed the king's favourite horse, and tlie passionate
Zapolya liad sworn that if the horse died the black-
smith should pay the forfeit of Iiis life. Trembling
from fear of death, the evangelist had pity upon
him, and explained to him the way of salvation.
As the Pliilippian gaoler at the hearing of Paul,
so the blacksmith in the prison of Buda believed,
and joy took the place of tenor. The hoi-se re-
covered, and the king, appeased, sent an order to
release the blacksmith. But the man would not
leave his prison. " My fellow-sufleror," said he,
" lias made me a partaker with him in Iiis faitli,
and I will be a partaker witli him in his deatli."
The magnanimity of the blacksmith so touched
2 See ante, vol. i., bk. ix., chap. 23, p. 504'.
' Michiels, Secret Hist., p. 02.
222 HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM
that lie commandcii both to be set at
the kill
liberty.'
The powerful Count Nadasdy, whose love of
learning made him the friend of scholars, and his
devotion to the Gospel the protector of evangelists,
invited Devay to come and rest awhile in his Castle
and Melancthon, and they were not less so by
hearing the joyful news from Hungary. He passed
on to Basle, and among its learned and munificent
printers, he found the means of issuing some of his
works. He returned again to Buda, in the end
of 1537, and found his former patron, Nadasdy,
SOLIMAN THE MAGMFICEVT
of Sarvar. In the library of the count the evan-
gelist set to work and composed several polemical
pieces. He had no printing-press at his command.
This placed him at disadvantage, for his enemies
replied in print while his own wiitings slumbered
in manuscript. He went to Wittcmberg in search
of a printer. Ti-uly refreshed was he by seeing
once more in the flesh his old instructors, Luther
' Hist. I'rot. Church in Hungary, pp. 50, 51.
occupied in the reformation of the old schools,
and the erection of new ones. The Reformer asked
Nadasdy for a printing-press. The request was
at once conceded, and the press was set up by the
side of one of the schools. It was the first print-
uig-press in Hungary, and the work which Devay
now issued from it — a book for children, in wliich
he taught at once the rudiments of the language
and the rudiments of the Gospel — was the first
ever printed in the language of the country.
UOIMVMW IIV^IM-. 01 TllANSVLVANIA.
224
HISTORY OF TROTESTANTISM.
From these more private, but fundamental and
necessary labours, Devay turned to put Ins hand
once more to the work of public evangelisation.
He preached indefotigably in the district between
the right bank of tlie Danube and Lake Balaton.
Meanwhile his former field of labour, the Upper
Hungaiy, was not neglected. This post was ener-
geticixlly filled by Stephen Szantai, a zealous and
learned preacher. His success was great, and the
bishops denounced Szantai, as they had formerly
done Devay, to the king, demanding that he should
be arrested and put to death. Ferdinand, ever
since his return from Augsburg, where he had
listened to the famous Confession, had been less
hostile to the new doctrines ; and he replied, to the
dismay of the bishops, that he would condemn no
man without a hearing, and that he wished to hold
a public discussion on the disputed points. The
pi'elates looked around for one competent to main-
tain their cause against Szantai, and fixed on a
certain monk, Gregory of Grosswardein, who had
some reputation as a controversialist. The king
having appointed two umpires, who he thought
would act an enlightened and impartial part, the
confei-ence took place (1538) at SchUsburg.
It lasted several days, and when it was over the
two umpires presented themselves before the king,
to give in their report. "Sire," they said, "we are
in a great strait. All that Szantai has said, he
has pi'oved from Holy Sciipture, but the monks
have prodiiced nothing but fables. Nevertheless,
if we decide in favour of Szantai, we shall be
held to be the enemies of religion ; and if we
decide in favour of the monks, we. shall be con-
demned by our own consciences. We crave your
Majesty's protection in this difficulty ! " The king
promised to do his utmost for them, and dismissed
them. '
The king was quite as embarrassed as the
umpires. In truth, the only parties who saw their
way wei'e the priests, and they saw it vei'y clearly.
On the afternoon of that same day, the pi'elates and
monks demanded an audience of Ferdinand. On
being admitted to the presence, the Bishop of Gross-
wardein, acting as spokesman, said : " Sire, we are
the shepherds of the flock, and it behoves us to
guard fl-om wolves the sheep committed to our care.
For this reason we demanded that this heretic
should be brought here and burned, as a warning
to those who speak and write against the Church.
Instciul of this, your Majesty has gi'anted to this
wretched man a public conference, and aflbrded
• The Spanish Hunt, a rare book, gives a full account of
this discussion. See also Hist. Prot. Church in Hungai~y,
pp. 53-57.
opportunity to others to suck in his poison. What
need of such discussions ? has not the Church long
since pronounced on all mattei-s of faith, and has
she not condemned all such miserable heretics ]
Assuredly our Holy Father, the Pope, will not be
pleased by what you have done."
The king replied, with dignity, " I will put no
man to death till he has been proved guilty of a
capital crime."
" Is it not enough," cried Statilius, Bishop of
Stuhhveissenburg, " that he declares the mass to be
an invention of the de\il, and would give the cup
to the laity, which Christ meant only for priests^
Do not these opinions deserve death ? "
" Tell me, my lord bishop," said the king, " is
the Greek Church a true Church 1 " The bishop
replied in the affirmative. " Very well," continued
Ferdinand, " the Greeks have not the mass : cannot
we also do without it 1 The Greeks take the Com-
nninion in both kinds, as Chryso.stom and Cyril
taught them to do : may not we do the same 1 "
The bishops were silent. "I do not defend
Szantai," added Ferdinand, " his cause shall be ex-
amined ; I cannot punish an innocent man."
" If your Majesty do not gi'ant our i-equest," said
the Bishop of Grosswardein, " we shall find other
remedies to free us from this vidture." The bishojjs
left the royal presence in great wrath.
The king passed some anxious hours. At nine
o'clock at night he gave an audience, in presence
of two councillors, to S.'^antai, who was intro-
duced by the Burgomaster of Kaschau. " What
really is, then, the doctrine that you teach?" in-
quired the king. The evangelist gave a plain and
clear exposition of his doctrine, which he said was
not his own, but that of Christ and Iiis apostles, as
recorded in the Scriptures of truth. The king had
heard a similar doctrine at Augsburg. Had not
his confessor too, when dying, acknowledged that ho
had not led him in the right path, and that it was
the truth which Luther taught? Ferdinand M-as
visibly disturbed for some moments. At last he
burst out, " O my dear Stephen ! if we follow this
doctrine, I greatly fear that some calamity will
befall both of us. Let us commit the matter to
God. But, my friend, do not tarry in my domi-
nions. If you remain here the princes will deliver
you up to death ; and should I attempt to save you,
I would but expose myself to danger. Sell what
tliou hast, and go ; depart into Transylvania, where
you wOl have liberty to profess the truth. "-
Having given the evangelist some presents to-
wai'ds the expenses of his journey, the king turned
- The Spanish Hunt.
SPREAD OF PROTESTANTISM IN HUNGARY.
225
to the Burgomaster of Kaschau, and desii-ed him to
t^ike Szantai away secretly by niglit, aud to conduct
liiiu in safety to liis o-vm. people.
In tliis transaction all the parties paint theii- own
characters. We can read the fidelity and courage
of the humble evangelist, we see the overgrown in-
solence of the bishops, and not less conspicuous is
the weakness of Ferdinand. Of kindly disposition,
aud aiming at being upright as a king, Ferdinand I.
nevertheless, on the great question that was movmg
the world, was unable to pui'sue any but an incon-
sistent and waveiing course. Ever since the day
of Augsbm-g he had halted between Wittemberg
and Rome. He was not, however, without some
du-ection in the matter, for something within him
told him that truth was at Wittemberg ; but on
the side of Rome lie saw two lofty personages —
the Pope, and his brother the Emperor Charles —
and he never could make up hLs mind to break
with that august companionship, and join himself
to the humble society of Reformera and evangelists.
Of double mind, he was unstable in all his ways.
CHAPTER II.
PROTESTANTISM FLOURISHES IN HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA.
Chai'actcristic of the Reformation in Hungary, its Silence and Steadiness— Edition of the New Testament in
Hungarian— Eivalship between Zapolya and Ferdinand favourable to Protestantism— Death of Zapolya— His Son
proclaimed King— The Turk Returns— He Protects Protestantism— Progi-ess of Reformation- Conflicts between
the Lutherans and the Calvinists— Synod of Erdoed— Its Statement of Doctrines— The Confession of the Five
Cities- Formation of the Helvetian and Lutheran Churches— The Diet, by a Majority of Votes, declares for the
Reformation— The Preacher Szegedin— Count Petrovich— Reforms— Stephen Losonczy— The Mussulman again
Rescues Protestantism— Grants Toleration— Flourishing State of Protestantism in Transylvania and Hungary.
One vei-y remarkable characteristic of the progi-ess
of Protestantism in Himgary, was its silence and
its steadiness. No one heard the fall of the Roman
hierarchy : there was no crash as in other countries,
and yet it was overthrown. The process of its
removal was a dissolution rather than a destruction.
The uprising of the new fabric was attended with
as little noise as the falling of the old : the Bible,
the pidpit, and the school did their work; the light
waxed clearer every hour, the watera flowed wider
aroimd eveiy day, and ere men were aware, the
new verdure covered all the land. Young evan-
gelists, full of knowledge and faith, returned from
tJie Protestant schools in Germany and Switzerland,
and began to puljlish the Gospel. Some laljourcd
among the mountains of Transylvania, others evan-
gelised on the plains and amid the towns of
Hungary ; and from the foot of the Caiijathians to
the bordei-s of Turkey and the confines of Germany,
the seeds of tnith and life were being scattered.
As Luther, and Zwinglo, and Calvin had been the
teachers of these men, they in their turn became the
instructors of the curates and priests, who lacked
the opportunity or the will to ^•^sit foreign lands
and learn Divine knowledire from those who had
dra■^\^^ it from its original fountains. In proportion
as they discovered the way of life, did they begin
to make it known to theii- flocks, and thus whole
parishes and districts gradually and quietly passed
over to Protestantism, carrying \vith them church,
and parsonage, and school. In some instances
where the people had become Protestant, but the
pastor continued to be Popish, the congregation
patiently waited till his death, and then called a
preacher of the Word of God.
Three things at tliis time contributed to the pro-
gress of Protestant truth in Hungary. The first was
the conference at Schiisburg. The news spread
through the country that the priests had been unable
to maintain their cause before the evangelist Szantai,
and that the king had stood by the preacher. After
this many began to search into the truth of the
new doctrines, who had hitherto deemed inquiry a
crime. The second favourable circumstance was
the publication, in 1541, of an edition of the New
Testament in the Hungarian language. This was
the work of John Sylvester, assisted by Count
Nadixsdy, to whom Melancthon had given Syl-
\ester a letter of recommendation. The Epistles
of Paul had been published in the Hungarian ver-
226
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
naciilar, at Cracow, in 1533,' but" now the whole
New Testament was placed within reach of the
people. The third thing that favoured the Refor-
mation was the division of the country under two
rival sovereigns. This was a cahimity to the king-
dom, but .° shield to its Protestantism. Neither
Ferdinand I. nor John Zapolya dared oflend theii-
great Protestant nobles, and so their persecuting
edicts remained a dead letter.
It seemed at this moment as if the breach were
about to be closed, and the land placed under one
sovereign, whose arm, now greatly more powerful,
would perchance be stretched out to crush the
Gospel. In the same year in which the conference
was held at Schiisburg, it was arranged by treaty
between the two kings that each should continue
to sway his sceptre over the States at that moment
subject to him; but on the death of John Zapolya,
without male issue, Hungary and Transylvania
should revert to Ferdinand I. When the treaty
v,-as framed Zapolya had no child. Soon thereafter
he married the daughter of the King of Poland,
and next year, as he lay on his death-bed, word
was brought him that his queen had borne him a
son. Appointing the Bishop of Grosswardein and
Count Petrovich the guardians of his new-born
child, Zapolya solemnly charged them not to de-
liver up the land to Ferdinand. This legacy, which
was in flagrant violation of the treaty, was equally
terrible to his son and to Hungary.
The widow, not less ambitious than her deceased
husband; caused her son to be proclaimed King of
Hungary. Feeling herself unable to contend in
arms with Ferdinand I., she placed the young
prince under the protection of Soliman, whose aid
she ci-aved. This led to the reappearance of the
Turkish army in Hungary. The country endured,
in consequence, manifold calamities ; many of the
Protestant pastors fled, and the evangelisation was
stopped. But these disorders lasted only for a
little while. The Turks were wholly indifferent to
the doctrinal controversies between the Protestants
and the Papists. In truth, had they been disposed
to draw the sword of persecution, it would have
been against the Romanists, whose temples, filled
with idols, were specially abhorrent to them. The
consequence was that the evangelising agencies
were speedily resumed. The pastore returned, the
Hungarian New Testament of Sylv&ster was being
circulated through the land, the jirogress of Pro-
testantism in Hungary became greater, at least
more obvious, than ever, and under the reiga of
Islam the Gospel had greater quietness in Hun-
' Hist. P.-ot. Church in Hungary, p. 51.
gary, and flourished more than perhaps would have
been the case had the kingdom been governed
solely by the House of Austria.
A more disturbing conflict arose in the Pro-
testant Church of Hungarj' itself A visit which
Devay, its chief Reformer, made at this time to
Switzerland, led him to change his views on the
Sacrament of the Lord's Suppei'. On his return he
let his change of opinion, which was in the direction
of Zwingle, or rather of Cahdn, be known, to tlie
scandal of some of his brethren, who having drawn
their theology from Wittemberg, were naturally of
Luther's opinions. A flame was being kindled."
No greater calamity befell the Reformation than
this division of its disciples into Reformed and
Lutheran. There was enough of unity in essential
truth on the question of the Eucharist to keep
them separate from Rome, and enough, we submit,
to pre\'ent them remaining separate from one
another. Both repudiated the idea that the Sacra-
ment of the Lord's Supper was a sacrifice, or that
the elements were transubstantiated, or that they
were to be adored ; and both held that the benefit
came through the working of the Spirit, and the
faith of the recipient. The great essentials of the
Sacrament were here, and it was not in the least
necessary to salvation that one should either
believe or deny Luther's supei-added idea, wliich
he never coidd clearly explain, of consubstantiation.
The division, therefore, was without any sufficient
ground, and was productive of manifold evils in
Hungary, as in all the countiies of the Reformation.
From this time dates the formation of two Pro-
testant Churches in Hungary — the Reformed and
the Lutheran. In 1545 a synod was held in the
town of Erdoed, Comitat of Szmathmar, in the
north of Transylvania. It consisted of twenty-nine
ministers who were attached to the Helvetian
Confession, and who met under the protection of
the powerful magnate Caspar Dragfy. They con-
fessed their faith in twelve articles, of which the
headings only are known to us. The titles were —
Of God; The Redeemer; Justification of the Sinner
before God; Faith; Good Works; The Sacraments;
Confession of Sin ; Christian Liberty ; The Head of
the Church ; Church Government; The Necessity of
Separating from Rome.'' To this statement of their
views they added, in conclusion, that in other
matters they agree<l with the Augsburg Confession.
In the following year (154G) five towns of Upper
Hungary convened at Eperies for the purpose of
- Bist. Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 60.
3 Lampe, lib. ii., anno 1545, p. 93; Traj. Ehen., 1728.
Ribini, Memorahilia, p. C7.
THE CONFESSION OF THE FIVE CITIES.
dl•a^\'ing up a Confession of their faitli. Tliey
drafted sLxteen articles, the doctrine of wliich was
substantially that of the Augsburg Confession.
This document became famous in Hungary as the
Pentapolitan, or Confession of the Five Cities.
The synod added to their Confession several regu-
lations with the view of guarding the soundness of
the ministers, and the morals of the members of
the Church. A pastor who should teach doctrine
contrary to that set forth in the Pentapolitan was
to be deposed from office ; no one was to be ad-
mitted to the Communion-table without exami-
nation ; and in order to render the exercise of
church discipline, especially excommunication, the
less necessary, the magistrate was exhorted to be
vigilant in the repression of vice, and the punish-
ment of crime.
We now see two Protestant communions on the
sod of Hungary, but the separation between them
was, as yet, more in name than in reality. They
felt and acted toward one another as if still mem-
bers of the same Church, though differing in their
views on the one question of the Eucharist, and not
till an after-period did the breach widen and heats
ai'ise. This epoch is, too, that of the fonnal separa-
tion of the Protestants of Hungary from the
Church of Rome. Up to this time their clergy had
been ordained by the Popish bishop of the diocese,
or appointed by the professors at the German
universities ; but now the Himgarian Protestants
themselves chose superintendents, by whom their
ministers were ordained, and they convoked assem-
blies from time to time for the regulation of all
matters appertaining to their Church.'
The progress of Protestantism in Transylvania
was henceforward rapid indeed. The Diet of 1553
declared by a majority of votes in favour of the
Reformation. One consequence of this was that
the neighbouring free citj- of Huns, at that time
an important fortress, became entirely Protestant,
and in the follo-sving year (1554) the last PopLsh
priest left the town, as a .shepherd who had no
flock. The Palatine, ■ Thomas Nadasdy, and othei-s
of nearly as exalted a rank, were among the ac-
cessions to Protestantism at this time. Nor must
we omit to mention the impulse given to the move-
ment by the convei-sion of the powerf\d and learned
bi.shop, FrancLs Thurzo, from the Church of Rome ;
nor the yet greater aid contributed by Francis Cis,
or Szegedin, who was equally great as a theologian
' Hist. Proi. Chnrch in Hunf/ary, p. C7.
= The Palatine was the officer appointed Ijy the Diet
to execute its decrees when not in session. Ho was for
the time chief administrator.
and as an orator. His activity and success drew
upon him the wi-ath of the Romanists, and after
being set iipon and nearly beaten to death by an
officer of the BLshop of C4rosswardein's body-gtiard,
he was driven out of the country. This great
preacher was recalled, however, by Count Peter
Petrovich, a zealous friend of the Reformation,
who now governed Transylvania in the name of the
young son of King Zapolya. Petrovich, wielding
for the time the supreme power in Ti-ansylvania,
took steps for completing its Refonnation, and in
the prosecution of tliis great object he found
Szegedin a most efficient ally. The preacher pro-
claimed the faith, and the governor removed all
hindrances to the reception and profession of it.
Petrovich took away all the images from the
churches, converted the monasteries into schools,
removed the Popish priests from theii- parishes,
coined the gold and silver vessels into money, ap-
propriated the Church property in the name of the
State, and secured three-fourths of it for the salaries
of the Protestant clergy. Thus was the whole of
Transylvania, with the consent and co-operation
of the people, freed from the jurisdiction of the
Romish hierarchy,* and the vast majority of its in-
habitants passed over to the Protestant Confessions.
There came a momentary turning of the tide.
In 1557 the reforming Count Petrovich was
obliged to give way to Stephen Losonczy. The
latter, a mere man of war, and kno^ring only
enough of the Gospel to fear it as a cause of dis-
tui-bance, drove away all its preachei-s. Not only
was the eloquent and energetic Szegedin sent into
exile, but all his colleagues were banished from
the country along with him. The sequel was not
a little remarkable. Scarcely had the ministei-s
quitted the soil of Transylvania, when the Tm-ks
burst across its frontier. They marched on Temes-
war, besieged and took the fortress, and slaughtered
all the occupants, including the unhappy Losonczy
himself. The ministers would probably have
perished with the rest, had not the governor, with
the intent of ruining them, forced theni before-
hand into a place of safety.''
Again the Protestants found the sceptre of tho
Turks lighter than the rod of the Papists. The
pashas were besieged by solicitations and bribes
to put the preachei-s to death, or at least to banish
them ; but their Turkish iidei-s, more just than
their Christian opi)onents, refused to condemn till
first they had made inquiiy ; and a short interro-
3 Htst. Prot. Ch. in Hungary, p. 69. Lampe, lib. ii., p. 99.
* Scaricaus, Vita Ssegedini.—Hist . Prot. Church in Hun-
gary, p. &i.
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
gation commonly sufficed to make patent tlie fact
that, while the Romanists worshipped by images,
the Protestants bowed to God alone. This was
enough for the Mussulman governor. Without
seeking to go deeper into the points of diflerence,
he straiglitway gave orders that no hindrance
should be offered to the preaching of that Gospel
which the gi'eat Mufti of Wittemberg had (//*■-
covered ; and thus, in all the Transylvanian towns
and plains under the Moslem, the Protestant faith
continued to spread.
Scarcely less gratifying was the progress of the
truth in those portions of Hungary which were
luider the sway of Ferdinand I. In Koniorn, on
the angle formed by the junction of the Waag
with the Danube, we find Michael Szataraj' and
Anthony Plattner preaching the Gospel with dili-
gence, and laying the foundation of what was
aftei-wards the gi-eat and floiu-ishing Church of the
Helvetian Confession. In the free city of Tyrnau,
to the north of Komorn, where Simon Grynseus
and the Reformer Devay had scattered the seed,
the writings of the Reformers were employed to
water it, and the majority of the citizens embraced
the Protestant faith in its Lutheran form. In the
mining towns of the mountainous districts the
Gospel flourished greatly. These to-svns were held
as the private proitei-ty of the Protestant Queen
Mary, the mdow of Louis II., who had perished
at the battle of Mohacz, and while imder her rule
the Gospel and its preachers enjoyed perfect secu-
rity. But the queen transferred the cities to her
brother Ferdinand, and the priests thought that
they now saw how they could reach their heretical
inhabitants. Repairing to Ferdinand, they i-epre-
sented these towns as hotbeds of sectarianism and
setlition, wliich he would do well to suppress. The
accusation kindled the zeal of the Protestants; they
sent as their defence, to the monarch, a copy of
theii- Confession {Pentapoltiana), of which we have
spoken above. Ferdinand found it the echo of that
to which he had listened with so much interest at
Augsburg twenty years before, and he commanded
that those whose faith this Confession expressed
should not be molested.'
Everywhere we find the greatest ferment and
activity prevailing. We see town councils inviting
preachers to come and labour in the cities under
then- jurisdiction, and opening the churches for
their use. School-houses are rising, and wealthy
burgomastei-s are giving their gardens in free grant
for sites. We see monks throwing ofi" the cloak and
betaking themselves, some to the pulpit, others to
the school, and others to handicrafts. We find arch-
bishops launching fulminatory letters, which meet
with no response save in their own idle reverbera-
tions. The images are vanishing from the churches ;
the tapers are being extinguished at the altar ; the
priest departs, for there is no flock; processions
cease from the streets and highways ; the begging
friar forgets to make his round ; the pilgrim comes
no more to liis favourite shrine ; relics have lost
their power ; and the evening air is no longer vexed
by the clang of convent bells, thickly planted all
over the land. "Alas! alas!" cry monk and nun,
their occupation being goiie, "the gloiy is departed."
" Only three families of the magnates adhered
still to the Pope. The nobiKty were nearly all
Reformed, and the people were, nearly thirty to
one, attached to the new doctrine. "-
CHAPTER III
FERDINAND II. AND THE ERA OF PERSECUTION.
The Reformation of Hungary not Perfected— Defects— Intestine War— " Formula of Concord "—The Jesuits— Their
Show of Humility— Come to Tyrnau— Settle in Kaab — Ferdinand II. Educated by the Jesuits— His Devotion to
Mary— His Vow— His Mission— A Century of Protestantism— Tragetlies— Ferdinand II. hopes to Extinguish
Protestantism— Stephen Bethlen— Diet of Neusohl— Decrees Toleration— "War between Bethleu and Ferdi-
nand II. — Betlileu Declines the Crown of Hungary— Renews the "War— Peace— Bethlen's Sudden Death — Plan
for Extirpating Protestantism— Its Execution Postponed— Ferdinand's Death.
As the morning spreads light, and the spring ver-
dure over the earth, so Protestantism, -with its soft
breath, was diffusing light and warmth over the
torpid fields of Hungary. Nevertheless the crown
was not put upon the Reformation of that land.
The ^■ast majority of the population, It is true, had
embraced Protestantism, but they fiiilel to reach
' Ribini, Memorahilia, i., p. 78. Hist. Prot. Church in,
Hungary, pp. G5, C6.
- Hist. Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 73.
THE LATINS AND THE TEUTONS.
229
the goal of a united and thoroughly organised
Protestant Church. Short of this, the Hungarian
Protestants were hardly in a condition to resist the
ten'ible shocks to which they were about to be
exposed. The Latin nations have ever shown a
superior genius in organising — a talent which they
have received from Old Rome— and this is one
reason, doubtless, why the Protestant Chiu'ches of
bring it into play, fii'st individual congregations and
pastors, and ultimately the whole Chui-ch, succumbed
to the tire of her artillery.
Another defect cleaving to the Hungarian Church
was the want of a clear, definite, and formal line of
separation from the Romish Church. The hier-
archy of Rome was still in the land ; the bishops
claimed theii' dues from the Protestant jiastors, and
Vll-W 1 \ M1M\
IN iUANoil \ iSli
Latin Clnistendom were more perfect in theii- auto-
nomy than those of Saxon Christendom. The
moment we cross the Rhine and enter among
Teutonic peoples, we find the Protestants less firmly
marshalled, and their Chiu-ches less vigoi'ously
governed, than in Western Europe. The Protestant
Church of Hungary had a government — she was
ruled by superintendents, seniors, pastors, and
deacons — but the vigour and efficiency of this go-
vei-nment rested mainly with one man ; there was
no michinery for rallying promptly the whole force
of the body on great emergencies; and so when
Rome liad had time to constmct her opposition and
124
in most cases received them, and occasional cftbrta
on the part of Romish dignitaiics to exercise juris-
diction over the Protestants were tamely submitted
to. Tliis state of matters was owing partly to causes
beyond the control of the Protestants, and partly
to the quiet and easy manner in which the Refoi--
mation had diffused itself over the countiy. There
had been no convulsion, no jjcriod of national
agony to wrench the Hungarians, as a people, from
the communion of Rome, and to teach them the
wisdom, not only of standing apart, but of putting
theii' Church into a posture of defence against the
tempests which might aiise in the future. The
230
HISTORY OF i'i;OTESTx\.NTIS.M.
jiuu-iuer wlio lu'.s uevt-v suilod save ou calm seas, is
ai>t to leave uuitteis negligently arrauged on board,
iuul to pay tlie penalty of liis carelessness when at
last the horizon blackens, and his liark becomes the
sport of the mountainous billows.
It was a yet greater calamity that a bitter uites-
tine war was weakening the strength and destroying
the unity of the Hungarian Cluireli. In its early
days, the Lutherans and C'alvinists lia.l dwelt to-
gether in peace ; but soon the concord was broken,
not again to be restored. The tolerant Ferdinand I.
had gone to the grave : he had been followed first
on the throne, and next to the tomb, by his son
Maximilian II., the only real friend the Protestants
ever had among the king; of the Hapsburg line :
and now the throne was filled by the gloomy and
melancholy Rudolph II. Engrossed, as we have
seen, in the dark studies of astrology and alchemy,
he left the government of his kuigdom to the
Jesuits. The sky was darkening all round with
gathering storms. At Vienna, in Styria, and in
other provinces. Cardinal Hosius and the Jesuits
were initiating the persecution, in the banishment
of pastors and the closing of churches. But, as
though the violence which had begun to desolate
neighboiuing churches were to be restrained from
approaching them, the Hungarians continued to
convoke synod after synod, and discuss questions
that could only stir up strife. In 1577 the famous
"Formula of Concord" was drafted and published, in
the liope that a general concuiTcnce in it would end
the war, and bring in a lasting peace. What wa.s
that Formxda ? It made the subscriber profess his
belief in the nhiquity of Christ's human nature. So
far from healing the breach, this " Formula of Con-
cord" became the instrument of a wider division.^
The war raged more furiously than ever, and the
Protestants, alas ! inti nt on their conflict with one
another, heard not the mustering of the battalions
who were preparing to restore peace by treading
both Lutlieran and Calvinist into the dust.
These various evils opened the door for the
enti-ance of a great'- r, Ijy which the Protestantisni
of Hungary was ultimately crushed out. That
greater evil was the Jesuits, " the troops of Hades,"
as they are styled by a writer who is not a Protes-
tant.- With cpiiet foot, and down-cast eyes, the
Jesuits glided into Hungary. In a voice lowered
to the softest tones, they announc:d their mission,
in terms as beneficent as the means by which it
was to be accomplished were gentle. As the nurse
deals with her child — coaxing it, by promises which
' Hist. Frot. Chv,rh in UuHgary, chap. Ill, pp- 100, 101-
■* Alfred Michiels.
shj has no intention to fulfil, to part with some
deadly weajion which it has grasped — so the Jesuits
were to coax, gently and tenderly, the Hungarians
to abandon that heresy to which they clung so
closely, but which was destroying their souls. We
lunc already seen that when these pious men first
cjime to Vienna, so far were they, in outward show,
from seeking riches or power, that they did not care
to set up house for themselves, but were content to
share the lodgings of the Dominicans. Their rare
merit, however, could not be hid, and soon these
unambitious men were seen at coiu-t. The emperor
ere long was kneeling at the feet of their chief,
Father Bobadilla. They first entered Hungary iu
1561. Four priests and a lay brother settled in the
town of Tyrnau, where they began to build a college,
but before their edifice was finished a fire broke out
in the city, and laid their not yet completed fabric
in ashes, along with the neighbouring dwellings.
Their general. Father Borgia, not having money t«
rebuild what the fiames had consumed, or not caring
to expend his treasures in this restoration, inter
preted the catastrophe into an intimation that it
was not the will of Heaven that they should plant
themselves in Tyrnau, and the confraternity, to the
great joy of the citizens, left the place.
Thirteen years elapsed before a Jesuit was again
seen on the soil of Hungary. In 1579 the Bishop
of Raab imported a single brother from Vienna,
whose eloquence ;is a preacher made so many con-
versions that the way was paved, though not till
after seven years, for the establishment of a larger
number of this sinister community. The I'ebellion
of Stephen Botskay, the dethronement of Endolph
II., the iiccession of liis brother Matthias — mainly
by the arms of the Protestants — restrained the
action of the Jesuits for some years, and delayed
the bursting of the storm that was slowly gathering
over the Protestant Church. But at last Ferdi-
nand II., " the Tiberius of Christianity," a.s he has
been styled, mounted the throne, and now it was
that the evil days began to come to the Protestant
Churches of the emj)ire, and especially to the
Protestant Church of Hungary.
Ferdinand II. was the son of the Archduke
Charles, and grandson of Ferdinand I. After the
death of his father, he was sent in 1590 to
Ingolstadt, to be educated by the Jesuits. These
cunning artificers of human tools succeeded in
making him one of the mo.st pliant that even their
hands ever wielded, as his whole after-life proved.
From Ingolstadt, Ferdinand returned to his patri-
monial estates in Styria and Carinthia, with the
firm resolve, whatever it might cost himself or
others, that foot of Protestant should not defile the
FERDINAND'S RESOLVE.
231
temtories that called liira master. He would
rather that his estates should become the abode of
wolves and foxes than be the dwelling of heretics.
Soon thereafter he set out on a pilgi-image to Loretto,
to invoke the protection of the "Queen of Heaven,"
visiting Rome by the way to receive grace from
the " Holy Father," to enable him to fulfil his vow
of thoroughly purging his dominions. In his
fortieth year (1.517) he made a pilgrimage to a
similar slu'ine ; and as he lay prostrate before the
image of Mar}', a violent storm came on, the
lightnings flashed and the thunders rolled, but
above the roar of the elements Ferdinand heard,
distinct and clear, a voice saying to him, " Fer-
dinand, I will not leave thee." "Whose voice could
it be but Slary's 1 He rose from the earth with
a double consecration upon him. This, however,
did not hinder his subscribing, on the day of his
coronation as King of Bohemia (IGtli March, 1G18),
the article which promised full protection to the
Protestant Church, adding that " he would sooner
lose his life than break his word " — a gi-atifjdng
proof, as his former preceptors doubtless regarded
it, that he had not forgotten the lessons they hail
taught him at Ingolstadt.
On his return from the Diet at Frankfort (1G19),
elothed with the mantle of the Cresars, he held
himself as elected in the sight of Christendom to do
battle for the Church. What did the imperial
diadem, so suddenly placed on his brow, import, if
not this, that Heaven called liini to the suljlime
mission of restoring the empii'e to the pure
orthodoxy of early days, and its t\vin-institute, the
PontLtical chair, to its former peerless splendour i
Protestantism had fulfilled its century ; for it was
rather more than a hundred years since Luther's
hammer had summoned from the abyss, as Ferdi-
nand deemed, this terril)le disturber of the world —
this scourge of Rome, and terror of kings — which
no sword seemed able to slay. Charles V. had
staked empire and fame against it ; but the result
was that he had to hide his defeat in a monastery.
A life of toil had he imdcrgone for Rome, and
i-eceived as recompense — oh ! dazzling reward — a
monk's cowl. Philip II. had long battled with it,
but worn out he at last laid him down in the little
closet that looks into the cathedral-church of tlie
Escorial, juid amid a heap of vermin, which issued
from his owni body, he gave \i\) the ghost. Lea^•ing
these puissant monarchs to rot in theii- marble
sepulchres, Protestantism starts afresh on its great
career. It enters the dark cloud of the St Bar-
tholomew, but soon it emerges on the other side,
its garments dripping, but its life intact. It is
next seen holding its path amid the swimming
scatiblds and the blazing stakes of the Netherlands.
The cords with which its enemies would bind it are
but as green ^vithes npon its arm. But now its
enemies fondly think that they see its latter end
drawing nigh. From the harbom-s of Spain rides
fortii galley after galley in proud array, the
"invincible Armada," to chase from ofi" the earth
that terrible thing which has so long troubled the
nations and tlieii- monarchs. But, lo ! it is the
Armada itself that has to flee. Careering spectre-
like, it passes between the Protestant .shores of
England on the one hand, and Holland on the
other, hastening before the furious -winds to hide
itself in the darkness of the Pole.
Such are the tragedies of the fii-st century of
Protestantism. No one has been able to weave
a chain so strong as to hold it fast; but now
Ferdinand believes that he has discovered the secret
of its strength, and can speak the " hitherto, but no
farther." Tlie Jesuits have furnished him with
weapons which none of his predecessors knew, to
combat this terrible foe, and long before Pro-
testantism shall have completed the second century
of its existence, he will have set bounds to its
ravages. The nations will return to their obedience,
kings will sleep in peace, and Rome will sway her
scejrtre over a subjugated Christendom.
We have already seen after what terrible fashion
he inaugurated his attempt. The first act was the
scaffold at Prague, on which twenty-seven magnates,
the first men of the land, and some of them the
most illustrious of the age, poured out their blood.
This terrible day was followed by fifteen terrible
years, during \\hich judicial murders, secret tor-
turings, banishments, and oppressions of all kuuls
wei'e wearing out the Protestants of Bohemia, till
at last, as we have seen, the nation and its Pro-
testantism sank together. But in the other
provinces of his dominions Ferdinand did not find
the work so easy. In Austria jiroper, the States
refused to submit. The Hungarians felt that the
circle around their religious and civil lights was
being dra^vn tighter every day. The Jesuits hud
returned. Something like the Spanish Inquisition
had been set up at Tj'rnau. The Romish magnates
were carrying it with a high hand. Count Stephen
Pallfy of SchuttSomerain erected a gallows, de-
claring that he would hang on it all Protestant
clergymen called to churches ui Schutt without liis
leave. In this state of matters, the Prince of
Transylvania, Gabriel Bethlen, a zealous Protestant,
and a general of equal bravery and skill, took up
arms. In the end of 1019 he took the towns of
Kaschau and Presbing. In the castle of the latter
place he fomid the crown of Hungary, with the state
i32
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
jewels ; and luul he woni them as king, as at au
aftoi'-stagc of his career he was urged to do, the
destinies of Hungary might lia\c been happier.
Passing ou iu his \'ictorious career toward the
south-east, Bethlcn recei\ed the submission of the
tow n and castle of Oldenburg. He finally arrived
at Griitz, and here a truce was agi-eed on between
him and F-erdiuand. In the following year (1620)
a Diet was held at Neusohl. Ou the motion of the
Palatine Thurzo, the Diet unanimously resolved to
proclaim Bethlcn King of Hungary. He declined
the crown ; and the earnest entreaties of the Diet,
seconded by the exhortations of his own chaplain,
were powerless to induce him to alter his resolution.
At this Diet important measures were adopted for
the peace of Hungary. Toleration was enacted for
all creeds and confessions ; tithes and first-fruits
were to fall to the Eoman and Protestant clergy
alike; three Popish bishops were recognised as
suflicieut for the country : one at Erlau for Upper
Hungary ; a second at Neutra, for Hungary on this
side the Danube ; and a thii'd at Eaab, beyond the
river. The Jesuits were banished ; and it was
resolved to complete the organisation of the Pro-
testant Church in those districts where it had been
left amfinished. The Protestants now breathed
freelj-. They thought that they had, as the in-
fallible guarantees of their rights, the victorious
sword of the Prince Bethlen, and the upright
administration of the Palatine Thurzo, and that
they were justified in believing that an era of
settled peace had opened upon them.'
Their prosperity was short-lived. Fii-st the
Protestant Palatine, Coimt Thurzo, died suddenlj' ;
and the popidar suspicion attributed his death to
poison. Next came the cry of the tragic horrors
which had opened iu Bohemia. Prince Bethlen
again gi-asped the sword, and his bravery and
patriotism extorted a new peace from the perse-
cutor, which was arranged at Nikolsbru'g in. 1621.
On this occasion Bethlen delivered up to Ferdinand
the crown of Himgary, which had remained till
now in his possession. The jewel which Bethlen
had declined to wear passed to the head of the
spouse of Ferdinand, who wa,s now crowned Queen
of Hungary.
Scai'cely had the joy-bells ceased to ring for the
peace of Nikolsburg, when crowds of WTetched
creatures, fleeing from the renewed horrors in
Bohemia, ci'ossed the frontier. Their cries of
wrong, and their miserable appearance, excited at
once compassion and indignation. Betlilen re-
proached the king for this flagi'ant infraction of
' Hist. rrot. Church iit Hunyivij, chap, i, pp. liO, 112.
the peace, before the ink in which it was signed
Wius dry ; but finding that while the king's ear v.'as
open to the Jesuits it was closed to himself, lie
again girded on the sword, and took the field at
the head of a powerful army. He was marching
ou Vieima when the new Palatine was sent to stop
him with renewed ofl'ers of peace. The terms were
a third time accepted by the Prince of Tran-
sylvania. They seemed as satisfactory, and were
destined to be as fruitless, as on the two former
occasions. Had Bethlen cherished that "distiiist
of tyrants " which Demosthenes preached, and
AVilliam the Silent practised, he would have tm-ned
the achievements of his sword to better account for
his coiuitrymen. There was no amount of suspicion
which woidd not have been justified by the cha-
racter of the man he was transacting with, and the
councillors who surroiuided him. Nor were the
signs on the social horizon such as foreboded a
lengthened tranquillity. The Jesuits were multi-
plying theii' hives, and beguming to swarm like
wasps. Flourishing gymnasiums were being con-
verted into cow-houses. Parsonages were uni-oofed,
and if the incumbent did not take the hint, he and
his family were carted out of the district. Pro-
testant congi'egations would assemble on a Sunday
morning to find the door and windows of their
chiucli smashed, or the fabric itself razed to the
gi'omid. These were isolated cases, but they gave
sure prognostication of gi-eater ojipressions when-
ever it would be in the power of the enemy to
iuHict them.
Tliis latter peace was agreed on in 1628 at
Presburg; and Prince Bethlen bound himself
never again to take up arms against the House of
Hapsburg, on condition of religious liberty being
guaranteed. The Tliirty Yeare' War, which will
engage our attention a little further on, had by
this time broken out. The progi-ess of that great
struggle had brouglit Ferdinand's thr-one itself into
])eril, and this made him all the readier to hold
out the hand of peace to his victorious vassal. But
Ferdinand's promise was forgotten as soon as
made, and next year Prince Bethlen is said to have
been secretly preparing for ■^^■ar when he was
attacked with indisposition. Ferdinand, professing
to .show him kindness, sent him a physician chosen
by the Jesuits. The noble-minded i)rince suspected
no evil, though he daily grew woi-se. " The hero
who had taken part in thirty-two battles without
receivuig a wound," says Michiels, " soon died from
the attentions paid him." "
- Veshe, Geschichte des Oesten-eichischcn Hofcs, vol. iv-,
p. 71. Micliiels, Secret Hist., p. 101.
COMPULSOEY CONVEESIONS.
233
Tlirco yc'iu-s before this (1G2G) the plan to be
pursued in traiupling out Protestantism in all the
pi'ovinces of the empire had been discussed and
determined upon at Vienna, but circumstances too
strong for Ferdinand and his Jesuits compelled
them to jwstpone from time to time the initiation
of the project. Towards the close of 162G a small
council assembled in the palace of the Austrian
jnime minister Eggenberg, whom colic and gout
coniined to his cabinet. At the table, besides
Ferdinand II., were the ambassador of Spain, the
envoy of Florence, the privy councillor Harrack,
the gloomy Wallenstein, and one or two others.
Count Agnate, the SpauLsh ambassador, rose and
amiounced that his master had authorised him to
offer 40,000 chosen men for forty years in order
to the suppression of heresy, root and branch, in
iliingarj'. He fuither recommended that foreign
governors should be set over the Hungarians, who
should impose upon them new laws, vex and
oppress them in a thousand different ways, and so
goad them into revolt. The troo])S would then
come in and put down the rising with the strong
hand, mercilesslj' inflicting a general slaughter, and
afterwards taking ofl" at leisure the heads of the
chief jjersons. In this way the spirit of the haughty
and \\arlike Magyars would be broken, and all
resistance would be at an end. The proposal
seemed good in tlie eyes of the king and his
councillors, and it was resolved to essay a begin-
ning of the business on occasion of the approaching
great foil- at Sintau-on-thc-Waag. '
The saturnalia of slaughter were to open thus :
disguised emissai-ies were to proceed to the fair,
mingle with the crowd, pick cpiarrels with the
peasants, and manage to create a tumult. Wallen-
htein and his troops, drawn up in readiness, were
then to rush upon the multitude, sword in hand,
and cut down all above twelve years of age. It
was calculated tliat the ?«'/?/! would extend from
village to town, till the bulk of the able-ljodied
population, including all lilcely to lead in a
' For tost of tlie ambassador's speech see Cornelius,
Hi-foi-i(i Hunrjaricn; and Maelath, Geschichte dcr Miujyrcn,
vol. v., p. 161. Michiels, Hect-et Hist., p. 102.
rebellion, were exterminated. A terrible pro-
gramme truly ! but second thoughts convinced its
authors that the hour had not yet arrived for
attempting its execution. Bethlen still lived, and
the brave leader was not likely to sit still while
his countrymen were being butchered like shceii.
Ferdinand, occupied in a mortal straggle with the
north of Europe and France, had discernment
enough, blinded though he was by the Jesuits, to
see that it would be madness at this moment to
add to the number of his enemies by throwing
down the gage of battle to the Hungarians. The
Jesuits must therefore wait. But no sooner was
Prince Bethlen laid in tlie grave than persecution
was renewed. But more lamentable by far than
the vexations and sufferings to which the Pro-
testant pastors and their flocks were now subjected,
were the numerous defections that began to take
place among the nobles from the cause of the
Reformation. What from fear, what from the
hojie of preferment, or from dislike to the Pro-
testant doctrine, a stream of conversions began
to flow steadil}' in the direction of Rome, and the
number of the supporters of Protestantism among
the Hungarian magnates was daily diniinishing.
So did things continue until the year 1G.'?7. On
the 17th of Februaiy of that year Ferdinand II.
died.
" In Magdeburg," say the authors of the History
of the Protestant Ghurcli in lIinKjary, " were
twenty-six thousand corpses of men, women, and
children, who had perished under the hand of his
general, Tilly, with his hoi'des of Croatian military.
Bohemia, Moravia, and a gi'eat part of Hungary
were miserably oppressed, and morality itself almost
banished, by the manner in which the war had
been conducted. And what had he gained I A
few stone chui'ches and schools stolen from the
Lutherans and Calvinists ; a hundred tliousand
converts brought over to the Church of Rome liy
the unapostolical means of sword, prison, flne, or
Inibery ; and a depojiulation of his monarcliy
amounting to more than a million of liiimau
Ijeings." ''
- Hist. Fi-ot. Church in Hunijanj, chap. G, p. 150.
2U
HISTORY OF PROTESTAJ^TISM.
VIEW OF OLD GATE AT KOLOSVAIl, Tl'.AXSVLVAXIA
CHAPTER IV.
LEOPOLD L AND THE JESUITS.
Ferdinand III. — Pereecution — Tlie Pastor of Neustadt— Insurrection of Rakotzy— Peace of Linz — Leopold I. — His
Training— Devotion to the Jesuits— The Golden Age of the Jesuits— Plan of Persecution begins to be Acted on —
Hungary Occupied by Austrian Soldiers — Prince Lobkowitz— Bishop Szoleptsenyi— Two Monsters — Diet of
Presburg— Petition of the Protestants— Their Complaints — Robbed of their Churches and Schools— Their Pastors
.and Schoolmasters Banished — Enforced Perversion of tlie Inhabitants— Count Francis Nadasdy— A Message from
the Fire— Protestants Forbidden the Rights of Citizenship- Their Petitions to the King Neglected.
(iREAT liopes were entertained liy tlie Protestants of
renlinand'.s son and succe.ssor, Fenlinand III. He
was reputed a lover of learning, and it was expected
that he would pm-sne a wise and liberal policy.
PERSECUTION AND SPOILS.
235
Tliese expectations were realised only in part. His
reign ojiened with the appointment of two perverts
from the Protestant fiiith — the one to the palatinate,
and the other to the Popish See of Erlau. These
weie the two posts of greatest influence, civil and
ecclesiastical, in Hnngaiy, and the pei-sons now
tilling them owed their elevation to the Jesuits,
masters driven away. The Prebend of Neustadt-
ou-the-Waag, for instance, was forcibly seized by
Count Hommono, with all its heritages and fniits.
The superintendent, being an old man, was jjut in a
chair, and carried out by the soldiers. But here a,
difficulty arose. Tlie uiilioused minister was unable
to walk, and the soldiers were imwilling to trans-
LEOruLLl I
oa IK (Jo IShhotI, JVC Kalioilnh )
and were not likely to be other than subservient to
their patrons. The Protestants had been weakened
by the secession of thirty magnates to Home, and
of the nobles who still remained on their side many
had become lukewarm in the cause of the Reforma-
tion. Persecution took a stride in advance. The
powerful Romish party utterly disregarded all
promises and conijjacts. The king was unable in
niany instances to give effect to his own edicts.
The churches, schools, and manses in many places
were taken possession of, and the jiastoi-s and school-
jiort their burden to a greater distance. What was
to be done 1 They took up the aged man, earned
him back, and set him down once more at his own
hearth, consoling themselves that he had not long
to live. All the j)roperty and dues, however,
ajipertaining to the church, which comprehended
several villages with their mills, the tenth and
sixteenth of the giain grown on the lands, and a
tenth of all the fowls, were retained by the count.
Hommono's e.xamplo was followed by other noljles,
who freely made a sjwil of the Protestant pix>ix'rty
23G
HISTOUY OF niOTESTANTlHM.
on tlieir eshites, and lefi it to tlie owneis to nttcr
couiiJaints to wliicli no attention wus paiil.
From the same cpiavter from wliicli their fathera
had so often obtained help in the time of their sore
need, came a deliverer to the Protestants. Pruice
George Eakotzy of Transylvania, nnable longer to
witness in silence these cruel outrages upon his
brethren in the faith, proclaimed war against
Ferdinand III. in 16-14. He was aided by the
Swedes, wliose armies were tlien iu the field,
engaged in the Thirty Years' War. The short but
bloody campaign that ensued between Eakotzy and
Ferdinand ended witli the Peace of Linz, which
gave toleration to the Protestants of Hungary, and
brought back great part of the property of which
they had been violently dispossessed.' There re-
mained, however, 300 churches of which tliey had
been despoiled, and which nothing could induce the
Romanists to give up.
Four years afterwards (1648) came the Peace of
Westphalia. This famous arrangement ended the
Thirty Years' War, and gave the Protestants of
Germany, and of Western Europe generally, the
guarantee of public law for their civil and religious
rights. Unhappily, the Austrian Empu-e did not
share in the benefits flowing from that peace.
The Protestants whose misfortune it was to live
xrnder the House of Hapsburg were left to the
tender mercies of theii- rulex-s, who suflered them-
selves to be entirely led by the Jesuits ; and now to
the Reformed Church of Hungary there came a
bitterer cup than any she had yet drunk of, and we
have to record a sadder tale, though it must be
briefly told, than we have yet had to recount of the
suflerings of that unhappy Church and jiation.
In 1656, Ferdinand III. died in the flower of his
age, and was succeeded by his second son, Leopold I.,
then a youth of seventeen. Destined Ijy his father
to be Bishop of Passau, Leopold, till his brother's
death, had been educated for tlie Church. He had
as preceptor the Jesuit Neidhard, who, eventually
returning to his native Spain, there became Grand
InquLsitor. Leopold was titter for the confessor's
box than for the throne. Wliile yet a lad his
delight was to brush the dust from the images of
the saints, and to deck out mimic altars. In him
the Jesuits had a king after their own heart.
Every morning he heard three masses, one after the
othei-, remaining all the wliile on his knees, without
once lifting his eyes. On fete-days he insisted on
all the ambassadors at his court being present at
these services, and those who were not so young, or
' Frid. Adolph. Lampo, Hist. Eccles. Reform, in llungaria
et Ti-ansylvania, anno. lG6t, pp. 392, 393.
whose devotion was not so ardent as his own, were
in danger of succumbing under so lengthened a
performance, and were tempted to e^ade the inflic-
tion by soliciting emplojnnent at the court of some
sovereign less jiious than Leopold. The aiii)ro:ich
of Lent wiis a terror to the courtiers, for some eighty
oflices had to be gone through during that holy
season. The emperor held monk and priest in all
reverence. Did one with a shorn crown approach
him, the pious king humbly defied his hat and hekl
out his hand to be kissed. Phlegmatic as a Mussul-
man, and an equally firm believer in fate, he wa:4
on no occasion either sad or elate, but submitted to
events which he construed as omens. On one
occasion, when sitting down to dinner, the lightning
entered the apartment. Leopold coldly said, " As
Heaven calls us not to eat, but to fast and pray,
remove the di.shes." So sajTiig he retired to liLs
chapel, his suite follo'ning him with what grace
they could.
His appearance was as unkingly as it is possible
to imagine. Dbuiniitive in stature, his lower jaw
protruding horribly, his little bald head enveloped
in an immense peruke, surmounted bj- a hat shaded
with a black feather, his person wrapped in a
Spanish cloak, liLs feet thrust into i-ed shoes, and
his thin tottering legs encased Ln stockings of the
same colour," " as if," says Michiels, " he had been
walkmg up to the knees in blood," he looked more
like one of those uncouth figiires which are .seen in
booths than the living head of the Holy Roman
Enii)ire.
He had a rooted aversion to business, and the
Jesuits relieved him of that burden. He signed
wthout reading the papers brought him. Music,
the theatre, the gambling-table, the turning-lathe,
alchemy, and divination furnished him by turns
A\T.th occupation and amusement. Sooth-sayers and
miracle-mongers had never long to wait for an
audience : it was only Protestants who found the
palace-gates strait. Oftener than once a notice was
found artixed to the doors of the palace, bearing
the words, " Leopolde, sis C;e.sar et non Jesuita"
(Leopold, be an Emperor and not a Jesuit).'
A puppet on the throne, the Jesuits were the
masters of the kingdom. It was their golden age
in Austria, and they wei-e resolved not to let sli]) the
opportunity it ofiered. The odious project drawn
up thirty years ago still remained a dead letter,
but the hour for puttuig it in execution had at la.st
arrived. But they would not startle men by a too
= Carlyle calls him " The solemn little Hevr in red
stockings." {Hisiory of Fmlcriclc the Great, People's Ed.,
vol. ii., p.G7.)
3 Michiels, Secret Hist., p. 107.
THE JESUITS ALL-POWERFUL.
237
sudden zeal ; they would not set up the gullows at
ouee ; petty vexatious and subtle seductions would
gain over the weaker spii-its, and the axe and the
cord would be held in reserve for the more obstinate.
Austrian sokliers were distributed in the forts, the
cities, and the provinces of Hungary. This mili-
tary occupation by foreign troops was in \'iolation
of Hungarian charters, but the Turk served as a
convenient pretext for this treachery. " You arc
unable," said Leopold's ministers, " to repel the
Mussulman, who Ls always hovermg on your border
and lireaking into your country ; we sh.oll assist
you." It mattered little, howevei-, to keep out the
Turk while the Jesuit was allowed to enter; the
troops wei'e no sooner introduced than they began
to pillage and oppress those they had come to pro-
tect, and the Hungarians soon discovered that what
the Court of Vienna sought was not to defend them
from the fanatical Moslem, but to subjugate them
to the equally fanatical Jesuit.
When a gi-eat ciime is to be done it is often seen
that a fitting tool for its execution turns up at the
i-ight moment. So was it now. The Jesuits found,
not one, but two men every way qualified for the
atrociovis business on which they were embarking.
The first was Prince Lobkowitz, owner of an im-
mense fortune, which his father had amassed in the
Thirty Years' War. He was a proud, tyrannical,
pitiless man, and being entii-ely devoted to the
Jesuits, he was to Himgary what Lichtenstein had
been to Bohemia. At the same time that this
ferocious man stood np at the head of the
army, a man of similar character appeared in the
Church. The Sec of Gran became vacant, and the
Government promoted to it an ardent adversary of
the Picformed faith, nan>ed Szeleptsenyi. This bar-
barous name might have been held as indicative of
the barbarous nature of the man it designated.
Unscrupidous, merciless, savage, this Szeleptsenyi
was a worthy coadjutor of the ferocious Lobko-
witz. As men shudder when they behold nature
producing monsters, or the heavens teeming with
ill-omened conjunctions, so did the Hungarians
tremble when they saw these two terrible men
.ijipear together, the one in the civU and the other
in the ecclesiastical firmament of Austria. We
sh:dl meet them aftenvards. Theii- vehemence
would have vented itself at once, ancl brought on a
crisis, but the firm hand of the Jesuits, who held
them in leading-strings, checked their impetuosity,
and taught them to make a beginning with some-
thing like modei-ation.
In 15G2 a Diet was held at Presburg, and the
petition which the Hungarians presented to it
enables us to trace the progress of the pei-secution
during the thii'teen previous years. During that
term the disciples of the Go.sjjel iu Hungary had
been deprived by force of luimerous chinches,
and of a great amount of propert}% These acts
of spoliation, in open violation of the law. which
professed to gi-ant them freedom of worship, ex-
tended over seventeen counties, and fifty-three
magnates, prelates, and landowners >vere concerned
in the perpetration of them. Within the three past
yeais they had been robbed of not fewer than forty
churches;^ and when they complained, instead of
fuiding redress, the deputy-lieutenants only con-
trived to tei'rify and weary them.
To be robbed of their property was only the least
of the evils they were called to suffer ; their con-
sciences had been outraged ; dragoons were sent to
convert them to the Roman faith. The superior
iudge. Count Francis Nadasdy, harassed them in
iimumeiable ways. On one occasion he sent a
party of soldiers to a village, with orders to convert
every man in it from the Protestant faith. The
inhabitants fled on the approach of the military,
and a chase ensued. Overtaken, the entire crowd
of fugitives were summarily transferred into the
Roman fold. On another occasion the same count
sent a servant with an armed force to the village
of Szill, to demand the kej^s of the^ church. They
were given up at his summons, and some days after,
the bell began tolling. The parishioners, thinking
that worehip was about to be celebrated, assembled
iu the church, and sat waiting the entrance of the
pastor. In a few minutes a priest ajipeared, attu-ed
in canonicals, and carrvLng the requisites for mass,
which he straightway began to read, and the whole
assembly, in sjiite of their tears and protestations,
were compelled to receive the Comminiion in its
PopLsh form.
The active zeal of Nadasdy suggested to him
numerous expedients for converting men to the
Roman faith ; some of them were very extraordi-
nary, and far fi-om pleasant to those who were the
subjects of them. The Protestants who lived in
Burgois were accustomed to go to church in the
neighbouring town of Nemesker. The count
thought that he would put a stop to a practice
that displeased him. He ga\e orders to the keeper
of his forests to lie in wait, with hLs assistants, for
the Protestants on their way back. The worshippei-s
on their return from church were seized, stripped
of their clothes, and sent home in a state of perfect
nudity. Upon another occasion, having extruded
Pastor Stephen Pilarick, of Beczko, he seized all his
' Frid. Adolph.Lami^o, Hist. Ercles. Reform, in llungaria
et Transylvmna , p. 427.
238
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
books, and ti-ansporting them to Lis c<xstle, liurned
them on the hall-floor. The Bible was resei\ed for
a special auto-iho-Je. It was put upon a spit and
turned round before the fire, the count and his suite
skinding by and watching the process of its slow
combustion. A sudden gust of wind swept into the
apartment, stripped off a number of the half-burned
leaves and, swiiiing them through the hall, deposited
one of them upon the coimt's breast. Baron Ladis-
laus Revay caught at it, but the count anticipating
him took possession of it, and began to read. The
words were those iu the fortieth chapter of Isaiah :
" The gi'ass withereth, the flower fadeth, but the
Word of om- God shiUl stand for ever." The
Count Nadiisdy, turning pale, immediately retired.^
Not fewer than 200 Protestant Churches, on liis
estates, did he contrive to ruin, either partially
or wholly. " For these feats," say the historians
of the Protestant Church of Hungary, " he became
the darling of the Jesuits at the Comt of Viemia."-
His good deeds, however, were not remembered by
the Fathere in the hour of hLs calamity. When
shortly after the count was drawn into insurrection,
and condemned to die, they left him to mount the
scaffold. Before laying his head on the block, he
said, " The Lord is just in all his ways." These
words the Jesuits interpreted into an acknow-
ledgment of the justice of his sentence; but the
Protestants saw in them, with more probability, an
expression of sorrow for forsaking the faith of his
youth.^
In Eisenberg county, Coimt George ErdiJdy
turned the Pastor of Wippendorf out of doors in
the dej)th of ^vinter, and threw his furniture on the
street. All the Protestants on liis estates were
ordered to return to the Church of Rome, \inder
penalty of banishment, with only four florins for
theii- journey. When this threat failed, the nide
Wallachian soldiery were bUleted upon them ; and
such as still proved obdurate were thrown into the
dungeons of his castle, and kept there nntU, worn
out by cold and hunger and darkness, they at last
yielded.
The Jesuits finding that their plan, though it
emitted neither flame nor blood, was effectual
enough to make consciences bow, resolved to jier-
severe with it. In Neusiedel, in the county of the
Wieselburg, there went forth an order from the
landlords, John and Geoi-ge Lip[)ay, commanding
all the Protestants to wor.ship in the; Popish church,
and imposing a line of forty florins for every case of
' Mica Bui-y MS., apud Hist, Prot. Church in Hungary,
pp. 174, 175.
- Hist. I'rot. Church in Hungary, pp. 172, 173.
= Joann. Bethlen Con. Ejus .E talis 1G70.
absence. No Protestant widow was permitted to
marry. At no Protestant fmieral dare psalm or
hymn be simg. No Protestant could fill any public
otfice ; and if already in such he was to be extruded.
Foot of Protestant pastor must not enter the gates
of the now oithodox Neusiedel, and if he chose to
disregard this prohibition, he was to pay the penalty
of his presumption with his life.
The corporate trades of Raab and other towns
declared it indispensable to enrolment in a guild,
or the exercise of a craft, that the applicant should
profess the Romish faith. No Protestant could
make a coat, or weave a yard of cloth, or fiibricate
a pan- of shoes, or mould a vessel of clay, or wield
the hammer of the armourer, or execute the com-
monest piece of carpenter's work.
Jealous over the orthodoxy of their lands, and
desirous of preserving them from all taint of heresy,
the bishops drove into bam.shment their Protestant
tenantry. Nuns were very careful that neither
should Protestant plough tm-n their soils, nor
Protestant psalm be sung on their estates ; the
great magnates showed themselves equally valiant
for the Romish ftiith. They banished all Protes-
tants from their territorial fiefs ; they threw the
Protestant poi)ulation of entire villages into prison,
loaded them with chains, and kept them in dark
and filthy cells till, worn ^vith sickness and Ijroken
in spuit, they abjured their faith. Manj- churches
were razed to the ground; others were approiiriated
to the Romish worship. While Diviue service wa.s
Ijeing celebrated in the Church of Mishdorf, the
soldiers broke into it with (b'awn swords, and bar-
ricading the door, made a priest sing mass. This
sufficed to make the congregation " Catholic." Mass
had been said in their presence, and both people
aod church henceforth belonged to Rome. If a
Jesuit thought the manse of a Protestant pastor
better than his own, he had only to throw the in-
cumbent into the street and take possession of the
coveted dwelling. It mattered not if the minister
was old, or sick, or dying, he and his femily wei-e
carted across the boundary of the county and left
to shift for themselves. Similar acts of cruelty
were being enacted in Transylvania, and in those'
parts of Hiuigaiy connected with the Reformed
Church, which under Rakotzy had enjoyed some
glorious days.
The petition of the Protestants specified the acts,
named the authoi-s of them, sujiported each aver-
ment with proof, and pleaded the law which enacted
toleration, and threatened with punishment such
outrages ius those of which they complained. They
approached the throne with this complaint through
the Protestant members of the Diet of 1662. Be-
HUMBLING OF IIUiVGAEIAN NOBLES.
2:W
Iii\ iiiL,' tlic king to be ignorant of these oppressions,
tlicy tUd nut doubt tbat Leopold -would at once
grant them redress.
After waiting a week, the royal reply was coni-
niiinicated to the complainants through the prune
minister. Prince Portia. It admoiusiied tliem not
to annoy his Majesty -^Wth such complaints, and
reminded them that tlie law had arranged all re-
ligiois matters, and assigned to each transgi'ession
its proper punishment.
The hearts of the Protestants sank within them
when they read this i"eply, which reflected even
more disgrace on the thi'one than it inflicted injustice
on them. Nevertheless they again presented them-
srlves, through their deputies, in the royal presence.
They comph^ined that the law was beuig every
(lay flagrantly violated, that of the men notoi-iously
guilty of these illegal acts not one had been
punished ; and that even were sentence given
against any such, they despaired of seeing it exe-
cuted. Their hope was in the king alone. This
time they waited longer for an answer, and when at
last it came it was even more cold and cruel than
the first. Six times did the cry of the Protestants
ascend before the throne of their sovereign. Six
times were they answered by a voice as inexorably
stern as fate. They could no longer hide from
themselves that their king was their enemy.
On the ith of July, 16G2, the Palatine Vesselenyi,
president of the Diet, handed the paper containing
the king's answer to the Protestant deputies, and
accompanied it with these words : " I had rather
that the funeral-knell had tolled over mo than live
to see this day ; may the day and the hour be
covered with eternal darkness."' There is a Power
that keeps a reckoning with thrones and nations,
and notes down in sUence the days on which
great crimes are done, and stamps thorn in after-
ages with a brand of reprobation, by making them
the eras of gi-eat calamities. Two centuries after
Vejsselenyi's words were uttered, the day and kour
were darkened to Austria. On the ith of July,
1866, the fatal field of Koniggriitz was stricken,
and on that day of slaughter and blood Austria
descended from her rank as the fii-st of the GeruKin
Powers.
CHAPTER V.
B.VNISnMEN'T OF PASTORS .\ND DESOLATION OF THE CHUFX'II OF HUNGARY.
Topisli Nobles dciaana Witlidrawal of the Foreign Troops— Kef usal of the King -Projected Insurrection— Their
Message to the Vizier— Their Plot Discovered— Mysterious Deaths of Vesselenyi and Zriny— Attempt to Foitou
the King— The Alchemist Borri— Introduced to the King- Effects his Cure— Insurrection Suppressed— New'
Storm on Protestants— Kaid of Szeleptsenyi -Destruction of Churches, &c.— Martyrdom of Drahicius- Abolition
of the Ancient Charters— Banishment of the Pastors— Thirty-tliree Ministers Tried, and Resign their Charges-
Four Hnndred Ministers Condemned— Eesolvcd to Kill, not their Bodies, but their Characters— Their Treatr.ient
in Pri:!on— Banishment to the Galleys— Sufferings on tlieir .Journey— Efforts for their Eelease— Delivered from
the Galleys by Admiral de Enyter— Desolation of Hungarian Church.
The trooi)S billeted on Hungary were intended to
op]ir('ss the Protestants, but that did not hinder
their lioing almost as great an oppression to the
Pomani.sts. The soldiei-s, in their daily pillagings
and acts of violence, wei'e at little pains to dis-
tinguish between the professors of a lieretical and
the adherents of an immaculate creed, and were as
ready, on many occasions, to apjn-opriate the pro-
\yn-ty and spill the blood of the Papist as of the
Protestant.
The magnates who lielonged to the Romish faith,
seeing the country consuming in the .slow fire of a
military occupation, petitioned the Govcnnnont for
till! withdrawal of the troops. But the court of
Vicnn:', wii-s in no humour to listen to the request.
The Jesuits, who inspired the royal policy, were not
displeased to see those haughty Magyars compelled
to hold their heads a little less high, and that pro-
vince weakened in the soil of which the seeds of
heresy had been so plentifully scatt(!red. The
courtiers openly said, " How gaily do these Hun-
garian nobles strut about with their heron's jilumes
wa-i-ing in their caps, and their silken pelis.>!es clasped
with gold and silver I We shall teach them less
lofty looks. We shall replace tlieir heron's plume
witii a feather from the wing of a humbler bird ; and
instead of a pelisse, we shall nnike them content
' Fcssler, vol. is.;
Hungaitj, p. 178.
p. 110- cji!"; liisl. Pi-ot. Ch'irch in
240
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
■with a pliiin Bohemian coat \nt\i leaden buttons."
Not only were the German troops not withdrawn,
but a disgraceful peace was made with tlie Turks,
and new subsidies were demanded for building new
foi-ts and i>aying more soldiei-s. When this wa.s
seen, the wrath of the Hungarian magnates knew
no liounds. They held a .secret iissembly at Neusohl,
and deliberated on theii" course of action. They
resolved on the bold step of raising new levies,
throwing off the yoke of the Emperor Leopold, and
men who would have fought their battles, these
nobles had driven away ; and now they were doomed
to learn, by the dislisters that awaited them, what
an egregious error they had committed in the per-
secution of their Protestant countrymen. From
the first day their enterprise had to contend with
adverse fortune.
They sent a messenger to the grand vizier to
solicit assistance. They knew not that a spy in the
^■izier's suite was listening to all they said, and would
THE CHEMIST .VXD THE EMIEKOU.
placing themselves under the suzerainty of the
sultan, Mohammed IV. Tlie leaders in this pro-
jected insurrection were the Palatine A^esselenyi,
Count Francis Nada.sdy, and others, all bitter per-
secutors of the Protestants. In the circumstances
in which these magnates had placed themselves with
their countrymen, their scheme of conspiracy was
rash to infatuation. Had they unfurled their
standard a few years earlier, Protestant Hvuigary
would have i-allied round it : city and village would
have poured out soldiers in thousands to combat for
theii- religion and liberty. But it was otherwise
now. The flower of the Hungarian nation were
pining in prisons, or wandering in exile. The very
hasten to rejiort what he had heard to the coiu-t
at Vienna. This was enough. " Like a night-bird,
hidden in the darkness," Prince Lobkowitz, having
]ienetrated their secret, henceforth kept an eye on
the conspirators.' If he did not nip the rebellion
in the bud, it was because he wished to give it a
little time to ripen, in order that it might con-
duct its authors to the scaffold. Its chiefs now
began to be taken off mysteriously. The Palatine
Vesselenyi was suddenly attacked with fever, and
died in his castle in the heart of the Carjjathiaus.
' Michiels, Secret Hist., p. 115.
SUSPICIOUS ILLNESS OF LEOPOLD.
241
He was soon followed to the grave by another
powerful leader of the projected rebellion, Nicholas
Ziiny, Ban of the Croats. Tlie Ban was found
covered with woiiiids, in a forest near his own resi-
of Vienna. Leopold fell ill : his disease baffled hLs
physicians ; novenas, paternosters, and relics were
powerless to ai-rest his malady, and it began to be
suspected that a secret poison was undermining the
THE SCALA SANCTA, 01! " IIOI.Y STAIRS,'" HOME.
dence, and the report was given forth that he had
been torn by a wild boar, but the discovery of a
bullet in his head upset the story. The suspicions
awakened by these mysterious deaths were deepened
liy a tragic occurrence now in progress in the palace
125
emperor's strength. While the king was rapidly
approaching the grave, the cclebi-ated alchemist, the
Chevalier Francis Borri, of jMilan, who had been
pro.scribcd by Komc, was seized by the Papal nuncio
La Moravia, and brought to Vieruia. The king, who
242
IIISTOIIY OF PKOTESTANTISM.
was liimself aililictetl to the stiuly of iilchcmy, liearing
Borri was in liis capital, commanded his au.'ndanco.
The dicvalier was introduced after night-fall.
Indescribably gloomy was the chamber of the royal
patient : tlie c;\ndles looked as if they burned in a
tomb ; the atmosphere was mejJiitic ; the king's
face woi-e the ghastliuess of the grave ; his sallow
skin and sunken checks, with the thirst which
nothing could assuage, gave indubitable signs that
some unkno^^^l poison wiis at work upon him. The
chemist paused and looked round the room. He
marked tke red flame of the tapei-s, the white
vajjonr which they emitted, luul the deposit they
liad formed on the ceiling. " You are breathing a
poisoned air," said he to the king. The patient's
apartment was changed, other caudles were brought,
and from that hour the king began to recover.
\Vlien the lights were analysed it was found that
the wick had been steeped in a strong solution of
ai-senic. It is hard to imagine what motive the
Jesuits could have for seeking to take oft' a monarch
so obsequious to them, and the afl'air still lemains
one of the mysteries of histor}-.
The man who had saved the king's life had
earned, one would think, his own liberty. But
nothing in those days could atone for heresy, or
even the suspicion of it. Borri, having completed
the monarch's cure, was given back to the Papal
nuncio, who claimed him as his prisoner, carried
Mm to Rome, and threw him into the dungeons of
at. Angelo, where, after languisliiug fifteen years,
he died. The procurator of the Jesuits was also made
to disappear so as never to be heard of more. The
king would not have dai'ed, even in thought, to
liave suspected the Fathers, much less to have openly
accused them. But whoever were the authors of this
attempt, it was upon the Hungarians that its punish-
ment was made to fall, for Leopold being led to
believe that his Protestant subjects had been seeking
to compass his death, fear and dread of them were
now added to his foniier hatred. From this hour,
the work of crushing the conspu'ators was pushed
forward with vigour. Troops were marched on
Hungary from all sides : the insurgents were over-
whelmed by nvunbei-s, and the chiefs were arrested
before they had time to take the field. The papers
seized were of a nature to comprise half Hungary.
Lobkowitz revelled in the thought of the many
heads that would have to be taken off, and not
less delighted was he at the prospect of the rich
estates that would have to be confiscated. About
300 nobles were appi-ehended and thrown into dun-
geons. The leaders were brought to trial, and finally
executed. The magnates who thus perished on
the scafibld were nearly all Romanists, and had
been the most furious jjersecutors of the Protestant
Church of theii- native land ; but then- deaths only
opened wider the door for the Austrian Government
to come in and crush Hungarian Protestantism.
Hardly had the scafiblds of the m.agnates been
taken down when the storm buret afresh (1671)
upon the Protestants of Hungary. The ArchbLshop
of Grau — the ecclesiastic with the barbarous name
Szeleptsenyi — accompanied by other bishops, and
attended by a large following of Jesuits and
dragoons, passed, like a desolating temjiest, over
the land, seizing churches and schools, breaking
open their doors, re-consecratmg them, paintmg
red crosses upon then- pUlars, installing the priests
in the manses and livings, banishing pastors and
teachers, and if the least opposition was ofiered to
these tyrannical proceedings, those from whom it
came were cast into prison, and sometimes hanged
or imjialed alive. Cities and counties which the
activity of Archbishop Szeleptsenyi, vast as it was,
fiiiled to overtake, were visited by other bishops,
attended by a body of wild Croats. Colleges were
dismantled, and the students dispereed : in the
royal cities all Protestant councillors were deposed,
and Papists appointed in their room ; the citizens
were disarmed, the walls of towns levelled, the
pastors prohibited, under paiu of death, performing
any oflicial act ; and whenever this violence was met
by the least resistance, it was made a pretext for
hanging, or breaking on the wheel, or otherwise
maltreating and murdering the Protestant citizens.'
One of the most painful of these many tragic
scenes, was the execution of an old disciple of
eighty-four. Nicholas Drabik, or Drabicius, was
a native of Moravia, and one of the United
Brethren. Altogether unlettered, he knew only
the Bohemian tongue. He had fled from the per-
secution in Moravia in 1629, and had sijice earned
a scanty living by dealing in woollen goods. He
had cheered his age and poverty with the hope of
returning one day to his native land. He published
a book, entitled Zi(/Id out of Burhiegs, which
seems to have been another " Prophet's Roll," every
page of it being laden with lamentations and woes,
and with prophecies of evil against " the cruel and
perjured " House of Austria, which he designated
the House of Ahab. Against Papists in general he
foretold a speedy and utter desolation."
' FriJ. Adolph. Lampc, Hist. EccJes. Ecfonn. in Hiingaria
et Transylvania, p; 427; Trajocti ad Ehenuin, 1728.— A
full account of these transactions will be found in a work
by Stephen Pilarik, entitled Cuitm Jehovai Mimbili. See
also Fosselor, vol. ix., pp. 223, 228; as also Hist. Prot.
Churrh ill Hungary, cliap. 11.
- Frid. Adolph. Lampe, Hist. Ecdes. Reform, in Hungaria
PUNISHMENT OF PROTESTANT PASTORS.
243
Tlic old man was put into a cart and brouglit to
Presbui'g, where Szelcptsenyi had opened Lis court.
Unable, through intirmity of body, to stand,
Drabicius was permitted to sit on the floor. It" the
judge was lacking in dignity, the prisoner was
nearly as much so in respect ; but it was hard to feel
reverence for such a tribunal. The inteiTOgatives
and replies give us a glimjsse into the age and the
court.
" Are you the false prophet i " asked the arch-
bishop.— " I am not," replied Drabicius.
" Are you the author of the book L'ujht out of
Darkness?" — "I am," said the prisoner.
" By whose orders and for what purpose did you
write that book?" asked Szelcptsenyi. — "At the
command of the Holy Spirit," answered Drabicius.
" You lie," said the archbishop ; " the book is
from the devil." — " In this you lie," rejoined the
pi-isoner, \vith the air of one who bad no care of
consequences.
"What is your belief*?" asked the judge. — The
prisoner in reply repeated the whole Athanasian
Creed ; then, addressing Szeleptsenyi, he asked him,
" What do you believe I "
"I believe all that," replied the archbishop, "and
a gi-eat deal more wluch is also necessary." — "You
don't believe any such thing," said Drabicius ;
" you believe in your cows, and horses, and estates."
Sentence was now pronounced. His right hand
was to be cut off. His tongue was to be taken
out and nailed to a post. He was to be beheaded ;
and his book, together with his body, was to be
burned in the market-place. All this was to be
done upon him on the IGth of July, 1G71.
The Jesuits now came round him. One of them
woi'med himself into his confidence, mainly by the
promise that if he would abjure his Protestantism
he would be set at liberty, and carried Ijack to
his native Moravia, there to die in peace. He
who had been invincible before the terrible Sze-
lcptsenyi was vanquished by the soft arts of the
Jesuits. Left of God for a moment, he gave his
adherence to the Roman creed. When he saw
he had been deceived, he was filled with horror
at iis vile and cowardly act, and exclaimed that
he would die in the foith in which he had li\ed.
When the day came Drabicius endured with firm-
ness his horrible sentence.
Tlie extirpation of Protestantism in Hungary
was proceeding at a rapid rate, but not sufficiently
rapid to satisfy the vast desires of Szeleptsenyi and
et Transylvania, pp. -tW, 445. — The book translated out of
the original Bohomi;in into Latin, liy John Amos Conio-
nius, was published at Amsterdam, 1GG5, under the title,
Lux e Tcnelris novis raJiis aucta.
his coadjutors. The king, at a single stroke, had
abolished all the ancient charters of the kingdom,
declaring that henceforth but one law, his own
good pleasure, should i-ule in Hungaiy. Over the
now extinct charters, and the slaughtered bodies
of the magnates, the Jesuits had marched in, and
were appropriating cluu'ches by the score, banish-
ing pastors by the dozen, dismantling towns, plun-
dering, hanging, and impaling. But one great
comprehensive measure was yet needed to consum-
mate the work. That measure was the banisliment
of all the pastors and teachers from the kingdom.
This was now resolved on ; but it was judged wise
to begin with a small number, and if the govern-
ment were successful with these, it would next
proceed to its ulterior and final measure.
The Archbishop of Gran summoned (25tli Sejjtem-
ber, 1673), before his vice-regal coiu-t in Presburg,
thirty-three of the Protestant pastors from Lower
Hungary. They obeyed the citation, although they
viewed themselves as in no way bound, by the laws
of the land, to submit to a spiritual court, and
especially one com|)osed of judges all of whom
were their deadly enemies. Besides a number of
paltry and ridiculous charges, the indictment laid
at their door the whole guilt of the late rebellion,
which notoriously had been contrived and caiiied
out by the Popish magnates. To be placed at
such a bar was but the inevitable prelude to being
found guilty and condemned. The awards of
torture, beheading, and banishment were distri-
buted among the thirty-thi-ee pastors. But their
persecutors, instead of carrying out the sentences,
judged that their pen'ersion would serve their ends
better than their execution, and that it was subtler
policy to present Protestantism a.s a cowardly
rather than as an heroic thing. After manifold
annoyances and cajoleries, one minister apostatised
to Rome, the rest signed a partial confession of
guilt and had their lives spared. But their act
covered them with disgrace in the eyes of their
flocks, and theii- cowardice tended gi-eatly to weaken
and demoralise their brethren throughout Himgary,
to whom the attentions of the Jesuits were next
directed.
A second summons was issued by the Archbishop
of Gran on the IGth of January, 1674. Szeleptsenyi
was getting old, and was in haste to finish his
work, " as if," say the chroniclers, " the words of
our Lord at the Last Supper had been addressed to
him — ' What thou doest, do quickly.' " The arch-
bishop had spread his net wide indeed this time.
All the Protestant clergy of Hungaiy, even those
in the provinces subject to the Sultan, had he
cited to his bar. The old charge was foisted up^
244
HlSTUltY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the rebellion, namely, for which the Poj)i.sh nobles
had already been condciuned and executed. If these
pastoi-s and schoolmasters were indeed the authors
of the insurrection, the proof would have been easy,
for tlie thing had not been done in a corner ; but
nothijig was adduced in support of the charge that
deserved tlie name of proof. But if the evidence
was light, not so was tlie judgment. The tribunal
pronounced for doom beheading, confiscation, in-
famj% and outlawry.
Tlie number on whom this condemnation fell was
about 400. Again the counsel of the Jesuits
was to kill then- character and spare theii- lives,
and in this way to inflict the deadliest wound on
the cause which these men rejjresented. To shed
their blood was but to sow the seed of new con-
fessoi-s, wliereiis as dishonoured men, or even as
silent men, they might be left with perfect safety
to live in their native land. This advice was again
approved, and every art was set to work to seduce
them. Three courses were open to the Protestant
ministei'S. They might voluutarUy exile them-
selves : tliis would so far answer the ends of then-
pei'secutoi's, inasmuch as it would remove them
from the country. Or, they might resign their
office, and remain in Hungary : this would make
them equally dead to the Protestant Church, and
would disgrace them in the eyes of theii- people.
Or, retaining thcii- office, they might remain and
seize every oppoi-tunity of preaching to their former
flocks, hi spite of the sentence of death suspended
above their heads. Of these 400, or thereabouts,
236 ministei-s signed their resignation, and althougli
they acquired thereby a right to remain in Hun-
gary, the majority went into exile.' The rest,
thinking it not the part of faithful shepherds to
flee, neither resigned their office nor withdrew
into banishment, but remained in spite of manj-
thi-eatenings and much ill-usage. To the tyranny
of the Government the pastors opposed an attitude
of passive resistance.
The next attempt of their persecutors was to
teiTify them.- They were divided into small par-
ties, put into carts, and distributed amongst the
various fortresses and gaols of the country, the
dai-kest and filthiest cells being selected for their
imprisonment. Every method that could be
devised was taken to annoy and torment them.
The}' were treated woree than the greatest crimi-
nals in the gaols into which tliey were cast. Tiiey
were fed on coarae bread and water. Tliey were
loaded witli chains ; nor was any respect had, in
this particular, to difference of strength or of age
— the irons of the old being just as heavj- as those
of the young and the able-bodied The most disgivst-
ing offices of the prison they were obliged to perform.
In winter, during the intense frosts," they were re-
quired to clear away with their naked hands the
ice and snow. To see theii' friends, or to receive
the smallest assistance from any one in alleviation
of their sufierings, was a solace strictly denied
them. To unite together in singing a psalm, or
in offering a prayer, was absolutely forbidden.
Some of them were shut up with thieves and mur-
derere, and not only had they to endure their
mockeries when they bent the knee to pray, but
they were compelled to listen to their foul and
often blasphemous talk. Their sufierings grew at
last to such a pitch that they most earnestly wished
that their persecutors would lead them forth to a
scafibld or to a stake. But the Jesuits had doomed
them to a more cruel because a more lingering
martji'dom. Seeing their emaciation and desjion-
dency, their enemies redoubled their efibrts to
induce them to abjure. Not a few of them, unable
longer to endure theii' torments, yielded, and re-
nounced their faith, but others continued to bear
uj! mider their frightful sufierings.
On the 18th of March, 1675, a little trooi) of
emaciated beings was seen to issue from a secret
gatewa}' of the fortress of Komorn. An escort of
400 horsemen and as many foot closed round
them and led them away. This sorrowful band
was composed of the confessors who had re-
mained faithful, and were now beginning their
journey to the galleys of Naples. They were con-
ducted by a cii-cuitous route through Moravia to
Leopoldstadt, where their brethren, who had been
shut up in that foitress, were brought out to join
them ill the same doleful pilgrimage. They em-
braced each other and wept.
Tliis remnant of the once numerous clergy of the
Protestant Church of Hungary now began tlieii'
march from the dungeons of tlieir own land to the
galleys of a foreign shore. They walked two and
two, the right foot of the one chained to the left
ankle of the othei". Their daily provision was a
quarter of a pound of biscuit, a glass of water, i:nd
at times a small piece of cheese. They slept in
stables at night. At last they arrived at Trieste.
Here the buttons were cut ofi' their coats, their
beards shaved ofi", their heads clipped close, and
altogether they were so metamorphosed that they
' Hist. Pi-ot. Church in Hungary, p. 207.
- Frid. Adolpli. I.ampe, Hist. Eccles. Reform, in Uun-
garia, Ac, p. U'l.
^ A Hunff.arian winter is often from 40° to GO" F. below
the frecziiis-point.
RELEASE OF THE IMPRISONED PASTORS.
245
could not recognise one auotbev save by tLie
voit't'. '
So exhausted were tliey from insufficiency of
food, and heavy irons, that four of the number died
in jirison at Trieste, two others died afterwards on
the road, and many fell sick. On the journey to
Naples, one of the survivors, Gregory Hely, be-
came unfit to walk, and was mounted on an ass.
Unable through weakness to keep his seat, he fell
to the ground and died on the spot. The escort
did not halt, they dug no grave : lea^■ing him lying
unburied on the road, they held on their way.
Three succeeded in making their escape, and to one
of these, George Lauyi, who afterwards ^vi-ote a
narrative of his own and his companions' sufferings,
we are indebted for our knowledge of the par-
ticulars of their journey.
Of the forty-one who had set out from Lcopold-
stadt, dragging their chains, and superfluously
guarded by 800 men-at-arms, only thii'ty entered
the gates of Naples. This was the end of their
journey, but not of their miserj'. Sold to the
galley-masters for fifty Spanish jnastres a-piece,
they were taken on board their seAeral boats,
chained to the bench, and, in company with the
malefixctors and convicts with which the Neapolitan
capital abounds, they were compelled to work at
the oar, exposed to the burning sun by day, and
the bitter winds which, descending from the frozen
summits of the Apennines, often sweep over the
bay when the sun is below the horizon.
Another little band of eighteen, gleaned from
the gaols of Sarvar, Kupuvar, and Eberhard,
began their journey to the galleys of Naples on the
1st of July of the same yeai-. To recount their
sufferings by the way would be to rehearse the
same unspeakabl)' doleful talc we have already told.
The sun, the air, the mountains, what were they
to men who only longed for death 1 Their eyes
gi-ew dark, theii- teeth fell out, and though still
alive, their bodies were decaying. On the road,
ten of these miserable men, .succumbing to then'
load of woe, and not well knowing what they did,
yielded to the entreaties of their guard, and j)ro-
fessed to embrace the faith of Rome. Three died on
the way, and their fellow-sufferers being permitted
to scoop out a gi-ave, they were laid in it, and the
88th Psalm was sung over their lonely resting-place.
ilcanwhilo, the story of their sufferings was
spreading over Europe. Princes and statesmen,
touched by their melancholy fate, had begun to
take an interest in them, and were exerting them-
' George Lanyi, Captivitas Pap!stica—apud Hist. Prot.
Church in Hungary, p. 213.
se.lves to obtain theii- release.- Representation!;
were made in their behalf to the Imperial Court at
Vienna, and also to tlie Government of Naples.
These appeals were met with explanations, excuses,
and delays. The Hungarian pastors still continued
in theii- chains. The hopes of their deliverance
were becoming faint when, on the 12th of De-
cember, the Dutch fleet sailed into the Bay of
Naples. The vice-admiral, John de St'aen, stepped
on shore, and waiting on the crown-regent with the
proof of the innocence of the prisoners in his hand,
he begged their release. He was told that they
would be set at liberty in three days. Overjoyed,
the vice-admiral sent to the galleys to announce to
the captives their approaching discharge, and then
set sail for Sicily, whither he was called by the
war with France. The Dutch fleet being gone,
the promise of the crown-regent was forgotten.
The third day came and went, and the prisonere
were .still sighing in their fetters ; but there Was
One who heard their groans, and had numbered
and finished the days of theii- captivity.
Again the Dutch ships were .seen in the ofling.
Ploughing the bay, and sweeping past Capri, the
fleet held on its course till it cast anchor before the
city, and lay with its guns looking at the castle
and palace of St. Elmo. It ^^'as Admiral dc Ruyter
himself. He had been commanded by the States-
General of Holland to take up the case of the pui-
soners. De Ruyter sent the Dutch ambassador to
tell the king why he was now in Neapolitan watei-s.
The king quickly comprehended the admiral's
message, and made haste to renew the promise that
the Hungarian prisoners should be given up ; and
again the good news was published in the galleys.
But liberty's cup was to be dashed from the lips
of the poor prisoners yet again. The urgency of
affairs called the admiral instantly to weigh anchor
and set sail, and with the reti-eating forms of his
ships the fetters clasped themselves once more
round the limbs of the captives. But De Ruyter
had not gone far when he was met by ordcre to
delay his departure from Naples. Putting about
helm he sailed up the bay, and finding how niattera
stood with the prisoners, and not troubling himself
to wait a second time on the Nenpolitan autliorities,
he sent his officers aboard the galleys, with instruc-
tions to set free the prisoners; and the pastors, like
men who walk in their sleep, arose and followed
their liberators. On the Utli of February, 1676,
they quitted the g.alleys, singing the 46th, the
114th, and the 12.5th P.salms.
- Prid. Adolph. Laiiipe, Hist. Ecdes. Reform, in Hiingaria,
SiC, lib. ii., ann. 1G70.
DESOLATION OF THE HUNGARIAN CHURCH.
247
" Putting their lives in their hands, there were
a few pastors who either had not been summoned
to Presburg, or who had not gone ; and in lonely
glens, in woods and mountains wild, in ruined
castles and morasses inaccessible except to the
initiated, these men resided and preached the
Gospel to the foithful who were scattered over
amid the tears which oppression wrung from them
they joined their hands and looked up to Him who
bottles up the teai-s, and looked forward to a better
land beyond the grave." '
During the subsequent reigns of Joseph I.,
Charles VI., Maria Theresa, and Joseph II., down
to 1800, the Protestant Church of Hungary con-
VIEW OF PRESBURG.
the laud. From the dark cavern, scantily lighted,
arose the psalm of praise sung to those wild
melodies which to this day thrill the heart of the
worehipper. From lips jiale and trembling with
disease, arising from a life spent in constant fear
and danger, the consolations of the Gospel were
proclaimed to the dying. The Lord's Supper was
administered ; fathers held up their infants to be
devoted in baptism to Him for whom they them-
selves were willing to lay down their lives ; and
tinued to drag out a struggling existence. Brief
intervals of toleration came to vary her long and
dark night of persecution. The ceaseless object of
attack on the part of the Jesuits, her privileges
continued to be curtailed, her numbers to decrease,
and her spiritual life and power to decay, till at
last the name of Protestant almost perished from
the land.
' Hist. Prot. Church in Hungary, chap. 15, p. 220.
248
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.
CHAPTER I.
GREAT PERIODS OF THE THIRTY Y E A R S ' WAR.
Dying Utterance of Charles IX. of Sweden— Rearing of Gustavus Adolphus — Pacification of Augsburg—" Protestant
Union" and "Catholic League:" their Objects — Third Phase of Protestantism in Germany — Beginning of tlie
Tliii-ty Years' Wai- — Troubles at Prague— Insurrection — March of the Bohemians to Vienna— Their Retreat
— War — Numbers of the Host— The Leaders on Botli Sides — Oscillations of Victory — Fii-st Period of the War,
from 161S to 1630— Second Period, from 1630 to 1631— Third Period, from 1634 to 1G48.
Standing by tlic deatli-becl of Charles IX. of
Sweden (1611), we saw the monarch, as he rumi-
nated on the conflicts which he but too truly
divined the future would bring with it to Protes-
tantism, stretch out his hand, and laying it on the
golden locks of his boy, who was watching his
father's last moments, utter the prophetic words,
"He -will do it."' It was the gi-andson of the
famous Gustavus Vasa, the yet more renowned
Gustavus Adolphus, of wliom these words were
spoken. They fitly foreshadowed, in their incisive
terseness, and vague sublimity, the career of the
future hero. We are arrived at one of the most
terrible struggles that ever desolated the world — the
Thuiy Years' War.
In the education of the young Gustavus, who, as
a man, was to play so conspicuous a part in the
drama aboiit to open, there was nothing lacking
which could give him hardiness of body, bra\ery
of spirit, vigour of intellect, and largeness of
soul. Though his cradle was placed in a palace,
it was surroimded with little of the splendour
and nothing of the eiTeminacy which, commonly
attend the early lot of those who are royally
born. The father was struggling for his crown
when the son first saw the light. Around him,
from the first, were commotions and storms. These
could admit of no life but a plain and frugal
one, verging it may be on roughness, but which
brought with it an ample recompense for the incon-
veniences it imposed, in the liealth, the buoj-ancy,
and the cheerfulness which it engendered. He
gi-ew hale and strong in the pure cold air to which
lie was continually exposed. "Amid tlie starry
nights and dark forests of his fatherland, he nursinl
the seriousness which was a part of his nature." -
Meanwhile the mind of the future monarch was
developing mider influences as healthy and stirring
as those by which his bodj^ was being braced. His
father took him with him both to the senate and
the camp. In the one he learned to think as the
statesman, in the other he imbibed the spirit of the
soldier. Yet greater care was taken to develop and
strengthen his higher powers. Masters were ap-
jiointed him in the various languages, ancient and
modern ; and at the age of twelve he could speak
Latin, French, German, and Italian with fluency, and
understood Sjjanish and English tolerably." We hear
of his reading Greek with ease, but this is more
doubtful. He had studied Grotius. Tliis was a range
of accomplishment which no monarch in Northern
Europe of his time could boast. Of the prudence
and success with which, when he ascended the
throne, he set about correcting the abuses and* con-
fusions of half a century in his hereditary dominions,
and the vigour with wliich he prosecuted his first
wars, we are not here called to sjieak. The cai'eer
of Gustavus Adolphus comes into our view at the
point where it first specially touches Protestantism.
The Thii-ty Years' War had been going on .some
years before he appeared on that bloody stage, and
mingled in its awful strife.
The first grand settlenient between the Romanists
and the Protestants was the Pacification of Augs-
bui-g, in 1.5.55. This Pacification gathered np in
one great edict all the advantages which Protes-
tantism had acquired during its previous existence
of nearly forty years, and it expressed them all in
one single word — Toleration. The same word which
summed up the gains of Protestantism also summed
np the losses of the empire ; for the empire liad
begini by pronouncing its ban upon Luther and his
followers, and now at the end of forty years, and
' See ante, vol. ii., p. .33.
- Hallenberg, i., p. 22. History of Oustavus Adolphus,
by B. Chapman, M.A.; p. 47; Loud., 1&5C.
^ Geijcr, iii., p. 5—apiHl Cliapman, Hist. Gnst. Adolph.,
p. 45.
PROTESTANT UNION AND CATHOLIC LEAGUE.
24;)
after all tlie great wars of Charles V. undertaken
against the Protestants, the empire was comiielled
to say, " I tolerate you." So far had ProtestantLsni
moidded the law of Christendom, reared a barrier
around itself, and set limits to the iritoleraut and
despotic forces that assailed it from without. But
this Toleration was neither perfect in itself, nor was
it faithfully observed. It wa,s limited to Protes-
tantism in its Lutheran form, for Calvinists were
e.xcluded from it, and, not to speak of the many
jioints which it left open to opposite interpretations,
and which were continually giving rise to quarrels,
perpetual infringements were taking place on the
rights guaranteed under it. The Protestants had
long complained of these breaches of the Pacification,
but could obtain no redress ; and in the view of the
general policy of the Popish Powers, which was to
sweep away the Pacification of Aiigsburg altogether
as soon as they were strong enough, a number of
Protestant princes joined together for mutual do-
fence. On the 4th of May, 1608, was formed the
" Px'OtestiUit Union." At the head of this Union
was Frederick IV., the Elector of the Palatinate.
The answer to this was the counter-institution, in
the following year, of the " Catholic League." It
was formed on July 10th, 1609, and its chief was
Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria. Maximilian was a
fanatical disciple of the Jesviits, and in the League
now formed, and the terrible war to which it led,
we see the woi-k of the Society of Jesus. The Duke
of Bavaria was joined b}' Duke Leopold of Austria,
and the PrLnce-bishojw of Wiu'zburg, Puitisbon,
Augsburg, Constance, Strasburg, Passau, and by
several abbots. The leading object of the League
was the restoration of the Popish faith over Ger-
many, and the extirpation of Pi'otestantLsui. This
was to be accomplished by force of arms. Any
moment might bring the outbreak ; and MaximOian
had an army of Bavarians, zealots like himself,
waiting the .summons, which, as matters then stood,
could not be long deferred.
We behold Protestantism entering on its third
grand pliase in Germany. Tlie fu\st was the llli'-
miiiatHiii. From the open Biljle, unlocked by the
recovered Hebrew and Greek tongues, and from the
closets and pulpits of gi-eat theologians and scholai's,
came forth the light, and the darkness which
had shrouded the world for a thousand j^ears
began to bo dispersed. This was the beginning of
that world-overtiu'ning yet world-restoring move-
ment. The second phase was that of Confesnioa and
Martijrdum. During that period societies and States
were foiuiding th(;mselves upon the funilamental
principle of Protestantism — namely, submission to
the Word of God — and were covering Christeniluiu
with a new and higher life, individual and national.
Protestantism opens its second century with its
tliird grand phase, which is War. The Old now
begins clearly to perceive tltat the New can establish
itself oidy ui)on its ruins, and accordingly it girds
on the sword to fight. The battle-field is all Ger-
many : into that vast arena descend men of all
nations, not only of Eiu'ope, but even from parts
of Asia : the length of the day of battle is thirty
yeai-s. Some have prefen-ed this as an indictment
against Protestantism ; see, it has been said, what
convulsions it has brought on. It is true that if
Protestantism had never existed this unprecedented
conflict would never have taken place, for had the
Old been left in unchallenged possession it would
have been at peace. It is also true that neither
literature noi' philosophy ever shook the world with
storms like these. But this only proves that con-
science alone, quickened by the Word of God, was
able to render the service which the world needed ;
for the Old had to be displaced at whatever cost of
tumult and disturbance, that the New, which cannot
be shaken, might be set up.
Let us trace the first risings of this great commo-
tion. The " Catholic League " having been formed,
and Maximilian of Ba^■aria placed at the head of it,
the Jesuits began to intrigue in order to find work
for the army which tlie duke held in readiness to
strike. It needed but a spark to kindle a flame. The
spark fell. The " M.ajestiits-Brief," or Royal Letter,
granted by Rudolph II., and which was the charter
of the Bohemian Protestants, began to be encroached
upon. The privileges which that charter conceded to
the Protestants, of not only retauung the old churches
but of building new ones whei-e they were needed,
were denied to those who lived upon the Ecclesias-
tical States. The Jesuits openly said thai this
edict of toleration was of no value, seeing the king
had been terrified into granting it, and that the
time was near when it would be swept away
altogetlier. This sort of talk gave great uneasi-
ness and alarm ; alarm was speedily con\erted into
indignation by the disposition now openly evinced
by the court to overturn the Majestiits-Brief, and
confiscate all the rights of the Protestants. Count
Thum, Burgrave of Carlstein, a popular functionary,
was dismissed, and his vacant oflice was filled by two
nobles who wore siiecially obnoxious to the Pro-
testants, as prominent enemies of their faith and
noted pei-secutors of their brethren. They were
accused of hunting their Protest^mt tenantry with
dogs to mass, of forbidding them the rights of
baptism, of niftrriagc, Jind of burial, and so com-
pelling them to return to the Roman Church. The
arm of injustice began to be put forth agaiiust the
250
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Protestants on the Ecclesiastical States, wliose
rights were more loosely defined. Their church in
the town of Klostergi-ab was demolished ; that at
Braimau was forcibly shut \\\>, and the citizens who
had opposed these \-iolcnt proceedings were thrown
into prison. Count Thuru, who had been elected
by his fellow-Protestants to the office of Defender
of the Church's civU rights, thought himself called
upon to organise measures of defence. Deputies
wei-e summoned to Prague from eveiy circle of the
kingdom for deliberation. They petitioned the
emperor to set free those whom he had cast into
prison ; but the imperial I'eply, so far from opening
the doors of the gaol, justified the demolition of the
churches, branded the opposers of that act as
rebels, and dropped some significant threats against
all who should oppose the royal will. Bohemia was
in a flame. The deputies armed themselves, and
believing that this harsh policy had been dictated
by the two new members of the vice-regal Council
of Prague, they proceeded to the palace, and
forcing theii' way into the hall where the Council
was sitting, they laid hold — as we have already
narrated — on the two obnoxious members, Mar-
tinitz and Slavata, and, " according to a good old
Bohemian custom," as one of the deputies termed
it, they threw them out at the window. They
sustained no harm from their fall, but starting to
then- feet, made o3' from their enemies. This was
on the 23rd of May, 1618: the Thirty Years'
"War had begmi.
Thirty du-ectors were appointed as a provisional
government. Taking possession of all the offices
of state and the national revenues, the dii-ectors
summoned Bohemia to arms. Count Thum was
placed at the head of the army, and the entii-e
kingdom joined the insui-rection, three towns ex-
cepted— Budweis, Krununau, and PUsen — in which
the majority of the inhabitants were Eomanists.
The Emperor Matthias was terrified by thLs display
of union and courage on the part of the Bohemians.
Innumerable perils at that hour environed his
tlu'one. HLs hereditary States of Austria were
nearly as disaft'eetcd as Bohemia itself — a spark
might kindle them also into revolt : the Protestants
were numerous even in them, and, united by a
strong bond of sympathy, were not unlikely to make
common cause with their brethren. The emperor,
dreading a universal conflagration, which might
consume his dynasty, made haste to pacify the
Bohemian insurgents before they should arrive
under the walls of Vienna, and urge their demands
for redress in his own palace. Negotiations were
in progi-ess, with the best hopes of a pacific issue ;
but just at that moment tlie Emperor Matthias
died, and was succeeded by the fanatical and ster'n
Ferdinand II.
There fullowed ■with startling rapidity a succes-
sion of significant events, all adverse to Bohemia
and to the cause of Protestantism. These occur-
rences form the prologue, as it were, of that great
th'ama of horrors which we are about to nai'-
rate. Some of them have already come before us
in connection wth the history of Protestantism in
Bohemia. First of all came the accession of Silesia
and Mora\ia to the insurrection ; the deposition of
Fordinand II. as King of Bohemia, and the elec-
tion of Frederick, Elector of the Palatinate, in his
I'oom. This was followed by the victorious mai'ch
of Count Thurn and hLs army to Viemia. The
appearance of the Bohemian army under the walls
of the capital raised the Protestant nobles in
Vienna, who, while the Bohemian balls were
fallmg on the royal palace, forced their way into
Ferdinand's presence, and insisted that he should
make peace with Count Thm-u by guaranteeing
toleration to the Protestants of his emjsire. One
of the Austrian magnates was so urgent that he
seized the monarch by the button, and exclaimed,
" Fei'dinand, wilt thou sign it]" But Ferdinand
was immovable. In spite of the extremity in
which he stood, he would neither flee from his
capital nor make concessions to the Protestants.
Suddenly, and while the altercation was still going
on, a trumpet-blast was heard in the court of the
palace. Five hundred cuirassiers had arrived at
that critical moment, mider General Dampierre, to
defend the monarch. This turned the tide. Vienna
was preserved to the Papacy, and with Viemia the
Austrian domuiions and the imperial throne. There
followed the retreat of the Bohemian host from
under the walls of the capital ; the election of
Ferdinand, at the Diet of Frankfort, to the dignity
of emperor ; the equipment of an army to crush the
insurrection in Bohemia ; and, in fine, the battle of
the Weissenburg under the walls of Prague, which
by a smgle stroke brought the " winter kingdom "
of Frederick to an end, laid the provinces of
Bohemia, Silesia, and Moravia at the feet of
Ferdinand, and enabled him to inaugurate an ii-on
era of persecution by setting up the scaffold at
Prague, on which the flower of the countrj''s rank
and genius and virtue were offered up in the holo-
caust we have already described. Such was the
series of minor acts which led up to the gi-eater
ti'agedies. Though sufficiently serious in themselves,
they are dwarfed into comparative insignificance by
the stupendous horrors that tower up behind them.
Befoi'e entering on detaOs, we must fii-st of all
sketch the general features of this terrible affair.
THllEE PHASES OF GERMAN PROTESTANTISM.
251
It had long been felt that the antagonism be-
tween the old and the new faiths — which every day
j)artook more of jjassion and less of devotion, and
with which so many dynastic and national interests
had come to be bound up — would, in the issue,
bring on a bloody catastrophe. That catastrophe
came at last ; but it needed the space of a genera-
tion to exhaust its vengeance and consummate its
woes. The war was prolonged beyond all previous
precedent, mainly from tliis cause, that no one of
the parties engaged in it so far overtojjped the
others as to be able to end the strife by striking a
great and decisive blow. The conflict dragged slowly
on from ye.ar to year, bearuig down before it leaders,
soldiers, cities, and provinces, as the lava-flood,
slowly descending the mountain-side, buries vine-
yard and pine-forest, smiling village and populous
city, under an ocean of molten rocks.
The armies by which this long-continued and
fearfully destructi'se war was waged were not of
overwhelming numbers, according to our modern
ideas. The host on either side )'arely exceeded
40,000 ; it ofteuer fell below than rose above
this number ; and almost all the great battles of
the war were fought with even fewer men. It was
then held to be more than doubtful whether a
general could efficiently command a greater army
than 40,000, or could advantageously employ a
more numerous host on one theatre. Once, it is
true, Wallenstein assembled round his standard
nearly 100,000 ; but this vast multitude, in point
of strategical disposition and obedience to com-
mand, hardly desei-ved the name of an army. It was
rather a congeries of fighting and marauding bands,
scattered over gieat pait of Oermany — a scourge to
the unhappy jiroviiices, and a terror to those who
had called it into existence. Even when the army-
roll exhibited 100,000 names, it was difficult to
bring into action the half of that number of light-
ing men, the absentees were always so numerous,
from sickness, from desertion, from the necessity of
collecting ])rovisions, and from the greal of phnider.
The Bohemian army of 1620 was speedily reduced
in the field to one-half of its origuial numbers ; the
other lialf was famished, frozen, or forced to desert
l)y lack of pay, not less than four millions and a
half of guldens being owing to it at the close of
the campaign. No military chest of those days —
not even that of the emperor, and nuich less that
of any of the princes — was rich enough to pay an
army of 40,000; and few bankers could be pei--
suaded to lend to monarchs whose ordinary revenues
wore so disproportionate to then- enormous war
expenditure. The army was left to feed itself.
When one province was eaten up, tlie army changed
to another, which was devoured in its turn. The
verdant earth was changed to sackcloth. Citizens
and peasants fled in terror-stricken crowds. In the
van of the ai'my rose the wail of despair and
anguish : in its rear, famine came stalking on in
a pa\ ilion of cloud and fiu'e and vapour of smoke.
The masses that swarm and welter in the abyss
Germany now became we cannot particularise. But
out of the dust, the smoke, and the flame there
emerge, towering above the others, a few gigantic
forms, which let us name. Ernest of IMansfeld, the
fantastic Brunswicker, and Bernhard of Weimar
form one group. Arrayed against these are Maxi-
milian of Bavaria, and the generals of the League
— TUly and Pappenheim, leaders of the imperial
host ; the stern, inscrutable Wallenstein, Altringer,
and the gi-eat Frenchmen, Conde and Turenne ;
among the Swedes, Horn, Bauer, Torstensou,
Wrangel, and over all, lifting himself grandly
above the others, is the warrior-prince Gustavus
Adolphus. What a prodigious combination of
military genius, raised m each case to its highest
degree of mteusity, by the greatness of the occasion
and the wish to cope with a renowned antagonist
or rival ! The war is one of brilliant battles, of
terrible sieges, but of quick alternations of fortune,
the conqueror of to-day becoming often the van-
quished of to-morrow. The evolution of political
results, however, is .slow, and they are often as
quickly lost as they had been tediously and labo-
riously won.
This gi-eat war divides itself into three grand
periods, the first being from 1618 to 1630. That
was the epoch of the imperial victories. Almost
defeated at the outset, Ferdinand II. brought back
success to his standards by the aid of Wallensteiu-
and his immense hordes ; and in proportion as the
imperial host triumphed, Ferdinand's claims on Ger-
many rose higher and higher : his object beuig ti>
make his will as absolute and arbitrary over the
whole Fatherland as it was m his paternal estates
of Austria. In short, the emperor had revived the
project which his ancestor Charles V. had so nearly
realised in his war with the princes of the Schmal-
kald League — namely, that of making himself the
one sole master of Germany.
At the end of the first period we find that the
Popish Power has spread itself like a mighty flood
over the whole of Germany to the North Sea.
But now, with the commencement of the second
period — which extends from 16:30 to 1634 — the
opposing tide of Protestantism begins to set in,
and continues to flow, with irresistible force, from
north to south, till it has ovei'spread two-thirds
of the Fatherland. Nor does the death of its
252
HISTORY OF PROTESTAJSTTISM.
great champion arrest it. Even after the fall of
Gustavus Adolphus the Swedish wai-riors continued
for some time to ■win victories, and still farther
to extend the territorial area of Protestantism.
The thii-d and closing period of the war extend.s
from 1634 to 1648, and dm-ing this time victory
and defeat perpetually oscillated from side to side,
and shifted from one part of the field to another.
The Swedes came down in a mighty wave, which
rolled on unchecked till it reached the middle of
Germany, the good fortune which attended them
receding at times, and then again returning. The
French, greedy of booty, spread themselves along
the Rhine, hunger and pestilence traversing in their-
wake the wasted land. In the Swedish army one
general after another perished in battle, yet with
singular daring and obstinacy the army kept the
field, and whether victorious or vanquished in par-
ticular battles, always insisted on the former claim
of civil and religious liberty to Protestants. In
opposition to the Swedes, and quite as immovable,
is seen the Prince of the League, Maximilian of
Bavaria, and the campaigns which he now fought
are amongst the most brilliant which his dynasty
have ever achieved. The fanatical Ferdinand II.
had by this time gone to his grave; the soberer
and more tolerant Ferdinand III. had succeeded,
but he could not disengage himself from the ter-
rible struggle, and it went on for some time longer;
but at last peace began to be talked about. Nature
itself seemed to cry for a cessation of the awful con-
flict ; cities, to\vns, and ^^Jlages were in flames ; the
land was empty of mea ; the liigh-roads were with-
out passengers, and briars and weeds were coveiing
the once richly cultivated fields. Several States ha<l
now withdrawn from the conflict : the theatre of
war was being gradually narrowed, and the House
of Hapsburg was eventually so hedged in that it
was compelled to come to terms. The com\tries
which had been the seat of the struggle were all
but utterly ruined. Germany had lost three-fourths
of its population. ' " Over the brawling of parties
a terrible Destiny moved its wings ; it lifts up
leaders and again casts them down into the bloody
mii'e ; the greatest human power is helpless in its
hand ; at last, satisfied with murder and corpses, it
turns its face slowly from the land that is become
only a gi'eat field of the dead."-
CHAPTER II.
THE ARMY AND THE CAMP.
The Battle-fields of the Seventeenth and of the Nineteenth Centuries— All Nationalities drawn into this "War-
Motley Host around the Banners of the League— Carnage— The Camping-ground — The General's Tent-
Officers' Tents — Soldiers' Huts— Change in Method of Fortifying Camps— Sentinels and Outposts— All
Languages heard in the Camp— A Plying Plague— Plundering of the Surrounding Country— Prayers and
Divine Service- Gambling— Huts of the Sutlers— Camp Signals— Oscillation between Abundance and Famine
— Scenes of Profusion— Picture of Famine in the Camp — Superstitions— Morals— Duels.
Before narrating the successive stages of this most
extraordinaiy war, and summing up its gains to
the cause of Protestantism, and the general pro-
gress of the world, let us briefly sketch its more
prominent charactei-istics. The picture is not like
anything with wluch we are now acquainted. The
Ijjittles of our own day are on a vaster scale, and
the carnage of a modern field is far gi-eater than
was that of the battle-fields of 200 yeara ago ; but
the miseries attending a campaign now are much
less, and the destniction inflicted by war on the
country which becomes its seat is not nearly so
ten-ible as it was in the times of which we write.
Altogether, the balance of humanity is in favour
of war as carried on in modem times, though it
is still, and ever must be, one of the most ter-
rible scourges with which the earth is liable to
be visited.
The Thirty Year.s' War was not so much German
as oecumenical. Not only did individual foreign
nationalities respond to the recruiting-drum, as
crows flock to a battle-field, lured thither by the
effluvia of corpses, but all the peoples of Christian
Europe were drawn into its all-embracing vortex.
From the west and from the east, from the north
1 Frederick Schiller, The Thirty Tears' War, vol. i.,
bk. i. ; Edin., 1828. Ludwig Hiiusser, The Period of the
Reformation, vol. ii., paxt vii., chap. 31; Lond., 1873.
B. Chapman, The Hidory of Gmtavus Adolphus, and the
Thirty Years' War, chap. 5 ; Lond., 1856.
« Von Gustav Freytag, Aus dem Jahrhundcrt gnossen
Kneges, chap. 1, p. 22; Leipsic, 1867.
THE OPPOSING HOSTS.
253
and from the soutli, came men to fight on the
German pliuns, and mingle their blood with the
waters of the Rhine, the Dannbe, and the Elbe.
Englishmen and Scotchmen crossed the sea and
hastened to place themselves \inder one or other
of the opposing standards. Danes, Swedes, Finns,
ci'owding to the theatre of action, and mingling
with the Netherlanders, contended with them in
rapid, and he passed along plundering and slaugh-
tering without much distinction of friend or foe.
There came a mingling of Mohammedans in the
corps raised in the provinces which abutted on the
Turkish frontiei-. But most liated of all were
the Croats, because they were of all others the
most barbarous and the most cruel. So multiform
was the host that now covered the Fatherland ! We
MAllKET l.V NVKEMIIERO,
the bloody fray in behalf of the Protestant liberties.
The Laplander, liearing amid his snows the bruit
of this great conflict, yoked his reindeer, and hur-
ried in his sledge across the ice, bringing with him
furs for the clothing of the Swedish troops. The
imperial army was even more varied in respect of
nationality, of speech, of costume, and of manners.
A motley host of Romish Walloons, of Irish adven-
turers, of Spaniards and Italians were assembled
under the lianners of the League. Almost every
Slav race broke into the land in this day of con-
fusion. The light horseman of the Cossacks was
the object of special terror. His movements were
126
know not where in history another such assemblage
of ruffians, plunderers, and murderers is to be
beheld as is now seen settling down in Germany.
Had the slaughter been confined to the battle-field,
the carnage would have been comparatively trifling;
but all the land was a battle-field, and every day
of the thirty years was a day of battle, for not
a day but blood was shed. The times of the
Goths fumish us with no such dark picture. When
these nations descended from the North to over-
throw the Roman Enijiire, they pressed forward and
did not return on their course. The cities, the
cultivation, and the men who were trampled do%\Ti
25-t
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
in tlieir inarch rose up again when they had passed.
But tlie destroying liost whicli we now see col-
lecting from the ends of the earth, and assembling
in Germany, does not depart from the land it has
invaded. It abides for the space of a generation.
It comes to make the land a tomb, and to buiy
itself in the same vast sepulchre to which it con-
signed the Germans ; for only the merest remnant
of that mnltitudinous host ever returned home.
It drew destruction upon itself in the destruction
wliich it inflicted upon the land.
When the field-master received orders to look
out for new camping-ground, he chose a spot if
possible near a flowing stream, and one capable of
being fortified. His first care was to measure off" a
certain space in the centre of the ground. There
was pitched the general's tent. That tent rose in
the midst of the host, distinguished from the others
by its superior size and greater grandeur. Over it
floated the imperial standard, and there the general
abode as bx the heart of a fortress. Around tliis
central tent was an open space, on which other tent
must not be pitched, and which was walled in by
spikes stuck in the gi'ound, and sometimes by a
moi-e substantial rampart. Immediately outside
the space appropriated to the general and his staff"
were the tents of the officers. They were made
of canvas, and conical in form. Outside these,
running in parallel rows or streets, were the huts
of the common soldiers. They were composed of
boards and straw, and the soldiers were huddled
together in them, two and four, with their wives,
daughters, boys, and dogs. The whole formed a
gi'eat square or circle, regiment lying alongside
regiment, the encampment being strongly fortified ;
and out beyond its defences there stretched away a
wide cleared space, to admit of the enemy being
espied a long while before he could make his near
approach.
In former times it had been customaiy to utilise
the baggage wagons in fortifying an encampment.
The wagons were ranged all I'ound the tents,
sometimes in double, sometimes in treble line ; they
were fastened the one to the other by ii-on chains,
forming a rampai-t not easily to be breached by an
enemy. Such, as we have already seen, were the
fortifications within wliich the H\issites were wont
to encamp. But liy the time of which we write
this method of defence had been abandoned.
Armies in the field now sought to protect them-
selves by ditches, walls, and other field fortifica-
tions. At the outlets or portals of the camp were
posted sentinels, who stood gi-asping in the one
hand the musket, its butt-end resting on the
gi-ound, and in the other holding the burning
torch. At a gi-eater distance were troops of hoi-so-
men and pickets of sharp-shooters, to detain the
enemy should he appear, and give time to those
within the entrenchments to get \inder arms.
The camp was a city. It was a reproduction of
the ancient Babel, for in it were to bo heard all the
tongues of Europe and some of those of Asia. The
German language predominated, but it was almost
lost within the encampment by adulteration from
so many foreign sources, and especially by the
ample addition of oaths and terms of blasphemy.
Into the encampment were gathered all the pecu-
liarities, prejudices, and hates of the various
nationalities of Europe. These burned all the more
fiercely by reason of the narrow space in which
they were cooped up, and it was no easy matter to
maintain the peace between the several regiments,
or even in the same regiment, and jirevent the out-
break of war withiii the camp itself Other cities
cannot change their site, they are tied with their
wickedness to the spot on which they stand ; but
this city was a movable plague, it flitted from pro-
vince to province, thro'sving a stream of moral
poison into the air. Even in a friendly country
the camp was an insufferalile nuisance. Within its
walls was, of coTU'se, neither seed-time nor harvest,
and the provinces, cities, and villages around had
to feed it. Hardly had the ground been selected,
or the first tent set up, when orders were sent out
to all the inhabitants of the surrounding country
to bring wood, straw, meat, and jirovender to the
army. On all the roads rolled trains of wagons,
laden with provisions, for the camp. Droves of
cattle might be seen moving toward the same point.
The villages for miles around speedily vanished
from sight, the thatch was torn off" their roofs, and
theii' woodwork carried away by the soldiers for
the building of their own huts, and only the
crumbling clay walls were left, to be swept away
by the first tempest. Their former inhabitants
found refuge in the woods, or with their acquaint-
ances in some remoter village. Besides this general
sack a gi-eat deal of private plundering and stealing
went on ; soldiers were continually prowling about
in all directions, and sutlers were constantly
di'iving to and from the camp with what articles
they had been able to collect, and which they
meant to retail to the soldiei-s. While the men
lounged about in the rows and avenues of the en-
campment, drinking, gambling, or settling points of
national or indiwlual honour with their side-arms,
the women cooked, washed, mended clothes, or
quan-elled with one another, their vituperation often
happily iinmtelligible to the object of it, because
uttered in a tongue the other did not understand.
CAMP LIFE DURING THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.
255
Every moniiiig the dnun beat, and an accom-
panying herald called the soldiers to prayers.
This practice was observed even in the imperial
camp. On Sunday only did the preacher of the
regiment conduct public worship, the soldiers with
their families being assembled before him, and
seated orderly ujion the gro\ind. They were for-
bidden, during the time of Divine service, to lie
about in their huts, or to visit the tents of the
sutlers ; and the latter were not to sell drink or
food to any one during tliese hours. In the camp
of Gustavus Adolphus prayers were read twice a
day. The military discipline enforced by that gi'eat
leader was much more strict, and the moral de-
connn of his army far higher, as the comparatively
luitouched aspect of the fields and villages around
bore witness.
In the open .space within the enclosure of the
camp, near the guard-house, stood the gambling-
tables, the ground around being strewed over with
mantles, for the convenience of the players. In-
stead of the slow shuffling of the cards, the speedier
throw of the dice was often had recourse to, to
decide the stakes ; and when the dice were for-
bidden, the players hid themselves behind hedges
and there pursued theii- game, staking their food,
tlieir weapons, their horses, and their booty, when
booty they happened to possess. Behind the tent
of the upper officer, separated by a broad street,
stood the stalls and huts of the sutlei-s, butchers,
and master of the cook-shops ; the price of all foods
and drinks being fixed by a certain officer. The
luxury and profusion that prevailed in the officer.s'
tents, wliere the most expensive wines were drunk,
anil only viands prepared by a French cook were
eaten, oflered an indifferent example of economy
and carefulness to the common soldier. The mili-
tary signals of the camp were the boat of a large
drum for the foot-soldiers, and the peal of a
trumjiet for the cavalry. When any important
operation was to be undertaken on the morrow, a
herald, attired in a bright silk I'obe, embroidei-ed
before and behind with the arms of his prince, rode
through the host on the previous evening, attended
by the trumpeter, and announced the order for the
coming day. This was fotal to discipline, inas-
much as it gave warning to the lounger and the
plunderer to set out during the night in search
of booty.
The camp oscillated between overflowing abun-
dance anil stark famin6. When tlie army hail won
a battle, and victory gave them the plunder of a
city as the recompense of their braveiy, there came
a good time to the soldiei's. Food and drink were
then ))l('utiful, and of course cheap. In the la-s^
year of the war a cow might be bought in the
Bavarian host for almost literally the smallest coin.
Then, too, csune good times to the merchants in the
camp, for then they could command any amoimt of
sale, and obtain any price for their wares. The
soldiers tricked themselves out with expensive
feathers, scarlet hose, with gold lacings, and rich
sables, and they purchased showy dresses and mules
for the feruales of their establishments. Grooms
rode out dressed from head to heel in velvet. The
Croats in the winter of 1G30-31 were so amply
supplied with the precious metals that not only
were their girdles tilled and distended with the
number of their gold coins, but they wore golden
plates as breast-plates. Paul Stockman, Pastor of
Liitzen, a small town in Saxony, relates that before
the battle of Liitzen one soldier rode a horse
ailorned with gold and silver stars, and another had
his steed ornamented with 300 silver moons.' The
camp-women, and sometimes the horsemen, ar-
rayed themselves in altar-cloths, mass-robes, and
priests' coats. The topei-s pledged one another in
the most expensive wines, which they drank out of
the altar-cups ; and from their stolen gold they
fabricated long chains, from which they were accus-
tomed to wrench oft" a link when they had a
reckoning to discharge or a debt to pay.
The longer the war continued, the less frequent and
less joyous became these halcyon days. Want then
began to be more frequent in the camp than super-
fluity. " The spoiling of the provinces avenged
itself frightfully on the spoilers themselves. The
pale spectre of hunger, the forenniner of plague,
crept through the lanes of the camp, and raised its
bony hand before the door of every straw hut.
Then the supplies from the neighbourhood stopped;
neither fotted ox nor laden cart was now seen
moving towards the camp. The price of li\'ing be-
came at these times exorbitant ; for example, in
1 640 a loaf of bread could not be purchased by the
Swedish army in the neighViourhood of Gotha for a
less sum than a ducat. The sojourn in the camp
became, even for the most inured soldier, unen-
durable. Everywhere were hollow-eyed parchment
faces ; in eveiy row of huts were sick and dj'ing ;
the neighbourhood of the camp was infected by the
putrid bodies of dead hoi-ses and mides ; all around
was a desert of untilled fields, and blackened ruins
of villages, and the camp itself became a dismal city
of the dead. The accompaniments of the host, the
women and children namely, speedily vanished in
the burial-trenches ; only the most wi'etched dogs
' Gustav. rreytajr, Jahrhundert dcm grossen KHeges,
chap. 2, p. 7?.
2oG
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM,
kept themselves iilive on tlie most disgusting food ;
the otliers were killed and eaten.' At such ii time
the army melted qnickly away, and no skill of the
ablest leader coiild avert its ruin."-
There ai-ose a mingled and luxuriant crop of
Norse, Gei-man, and Roman superstitions in the
camp. The soldiers had unbounded faith in charms
and incantations, and sought bj- their use to render
their weapons powerful and themselves invulnerable.
They ha<l prayers and forms of words by which
they hoped to obtain the mastery in the fight, and
they wore amulets to protect them from the deadly
bullet and the fiital thrust of dagger. The camp
was visited by gipsies and soothsayers, who sold
secret talismans to the soldiers as infallible protec-
tions in the hour of danger. Blessings, conjm-ations,
witchcrafts, in all then- various forms abounded in
the imperial army as much as did guns and swords
and pikes. The soldiers fell all the Sivme in the
deadly breach, in the shock of battle, and in the
day of pale famine. The morals of the camp were
without shame, speaking generally. Almost every
virtue perished but that of soldierly honour and
fidelity to one's flag, so long as one served under it;
for the mercenary often changed his master, and
with him the cause for which he fought. The mood
of mind prevalent in the camp is well hit ofi' by
Schiller's Norseman's song — " A sharp sword is my
field, plunder is my plough, the earth is my bed, the
sky is my covermg, my cloak is my house, and vidue
is my eternal life." Duels were of daily occurrence,
and when at last they were forbidden, the soldiers
sought secret places beyond the lines, where they
settled their quarrels. Gustavus Adolphus punishcil
duelling with death, even in the ca.se of his highest
otlicerSj but no law could suppress the practice.
CHAPTER III.
THE MARCH AND ITS DEVASTATIOXS.
Germany before the War — Its Husbandry— Its Villages — Its Cities — Dress, &o., of the Citizens— Schools— Its Protes-
tantism— Memories of the Past — Foreign Soldiers Enter Thuringia — Their Oppressions of the Peas.ints — Exactions
— Portents — Demoralisation of Society— Villagers Driven into Hiding-places— Cruelties on Protestant Pastor.s —
Michel Ludwig— George Paber— John Otto— Andrew Pochmann— The Pastor of Stelzen.
To know the desolation to which Germany was re-
duced by the long war, it is necessary to recall the
picture of what it was before it became the theatre
of that unspeakable tragedy. In 1618, the open-
ing year of a dismal era, Germany was accounted
a rich country. Under the influence of a long
peace its towns had enlarged in size, its villages had
increased in number, and its smiling fields testified
to the excellence of its husbandry. The early dew
of the Reformation was not yet exhaled. The sweet
breath of that morning gave it a health}' moral
vigour, quickened its art and industry, and filled
the land with all good things. Wealth abounded
in the cities, and even the country people lived in
circumstances of comfort and ease.
In Thunngla and Franconia the ■\411ages were
numerous. They were not left open and without
defence. Some of them were surrounded with a
broad trench or ditch ; others were defended with
■ From the parish registers of Seebergen, near Gotha-
ajnid Gustav. Preytag.
- Gustav. Freytag, pp. 72, 73.
stone walls, in which were ojienings or gateways
ojiposite all the principal streets, with heavy doors
to shut them in at night. Nor was the churchy.ird
left unprotected ; walls enclosed the resting-places
of the dead ; and these, oftener than once, formed
the last i-efuge of the living. As a further s(!-
cui'ity against surprise or molest.ation, village and
meadow were patrolled night and day by watchmen.
The houses were built of wood or clay ; they stood
close to each other, ranged in narrow streets, and
though their exteriors were mean, within they were
not deficient in furnishings ami comfort.
Tlie fruit-trees stood round the village, peifuming
the air with their spring lilossoms, and delighting
the eye with theii- autumn fniits. At the \-illage
gates, or under the boughs of one of its embower-
ing trees, a fountain would gusli out, and pour its
crystal waters into a stone trough. Here weary
traveller might halt, and hei-e ox or horse, toiling
under the load, might drink. The quiet court-
yai'ds were filled with domestic fowls ; squadrons of
white geese sallied across the .stidible-fields, or, like
fleet at anchor, basked in the sun ; teams of horses
MEMORIES OF THE PAST;
25t
were ranged iii the stalls, ana among them might bo
some great hard-bonod descendant of the old charger.
But the special pride of the hnsbandman were the
flocks of sheep and oxen that roamed in the meadow,
or grazed on the hill-side. Besides the ordinary
cereals, cro])s of flax and hops covered his fields.
It is believed that the cultivation of Gernuuiy in
1618 was not inferior to its cultivation in 1818.
The cities were strongly fortified : theii- walls
were not unfrequcntly double, flanked by towers,
and defended by broad and deep moats. It was
observed that stono walls crumbled under the stroke
of cannon-balls, and this led to the adoption of ex-
ternal defences, formed of earthen mounds, as in the
case of the Antwerp citadel. Colleges, gymnasia,
and printing-presses flourished in the to'wns, as did
tr;Klc and commerce. The gi-eat road passing by
Nuremberg, that ancient entrepot of the commerce
of the West, diffused over Germany the merchandise
which still continued to flow, in part at least, in its
old channel. The Sunday was not honoiU'cd as it
ought to have been within their gates. When
Divine service was over, the citizens were wont to
assemble on the exchange, where amusement or
business would profane the sacred hours. They
wore much given to feasting : theii- attire was
richer than at the present day : the burghers wore
velvets, silks, and laces, and adorned themselves
with feathers, gold and silver clasps, and finelj'
mounted side-arms. The fe-'.ble of the citizen
was I'egulated by a sumptuary law : the rich were
not to exceed the number of courses prescribed
to them ; and the ordinaiy citizen was not to diiie
in plainer style than was appointed his rank.
Dancing parties were for))idden after sunset. Those
who went out at night had to carry lanterns or
torches : ultimately torches were interdicted, and a
metal basket fixed at the street-comers, filled with
blazing tar-wood, would dispel the darkness.
Since the Eeformation, a school had existed in
every town and village in which there was a churcli.
In the decline of the Lutheran Reformation, the
incumbent discharged, in many cases, the duties of
both pastor and schoolmaster. He instracted the
youth on the week-days, and preached to their
pai-ents on the Sundaj'. Sometimes there was also
a schoolmistress. A small fee was exacted from
the scholars. The capacity of reading and writing
was pretty generally diffused amongst the jieople.
Catechisms, psalters, and Bibles were common in
the houses of the Protestants. The hymns of Luther
were sung in their sanctuaries and dwellings, luid
might often be licard resounding from garden and
rural lane. The existing generation of Germans
were the grandchildren of the men who had been
the contemporaries of Luther. They lo\ed to recuU
the wonders of the olden time, when more eyes were
turned upon Wittemberg than upon Rome, and
the Reformer filled a larger space in the world's
gaze than either the emperor or the Pope. As they
sat under the shade of their linden-trees, the father
would tell the son how Tetzel came with his great
red cross ; how a monk left his cell to cry aloud that
" God only can forgive sin," and how the pardon-
monger fled at the .sound of his voice ; how the
Pope next took up the quarrel, and launched his
bull, which Luther burned ; how the emperor un-
sheathed his gi'eat sword, but instead of extinguish-
ing, only spread the contiagi-ation wider. He would
speak of the great day of Worms, of the evcr-
momorablo victory at Spires ; and how the princes
imd knights of old were wont to ride to the Diet,
or march to battle, singing Luther's hynms, and
having verses of Holy Scripture blazoned on their
banners. He would tell how in those days the
tents of Protestantism spread themselves out till
they filled the land, and how the hosts of Rome re-
treated and pitched theii- encampment afar off. But
when he compared the present with the past, he
would heave a sigh. "Alas I" we hear the aged
narrator say, "the glory is departed." The fu-e is
now cold on the national hearth ; no longer do
eloquent doctoi's and cliivalrous princes arise to do
battle for the Protestantism of the Fatherland.
Alas 1 the roll of victories is closed, and the terri-
tory over which the Eeformation stretched its
sceptre gi'ows naiTower every j'ear. Deep shadows
gather on the horizon, and through its darkness
may be seen the shapes of mustering hosts, while
dreadful sounds as of battle strike upon the car.
It is a night of storms that is descending on the
gi'andchildren of the Reformers.
At last came the gathering of foreign troops,
and their converging march on the scene of opera-
tions. Startling forms began to show themselves
on the frontiers of Thuringia, and its vast expanse
of glade and forest, of village and town, became the
scene of oft-re])eated alarms and of frightful suf-
ferings. Foreign soldiers, with the savage looks of
battle, and raiment besmeared witli blood, marcluHl
into its villages, and enteiing its thresholds, took
possession of house and bed, and terrifying the
owner and fiimily, jjcremptorily demanded ])ro-
visions and contributions. Not content with what
was supplied them for their present necessities,
they destroyed and plundered whatever their eyes
lighted upon. After 1G26, these scenes contiinied
year by year, growing only the worse each succes-
sive year. Band followed band, and more than
one army seated itself in the villages of Thuringia
258
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
for the winter. The demands of the soldiery were
endless, and compliance was enforced by blows and
cruel torturings. The peasant most pi-obably had
hidden his treasures in the earth on the approach
of the host ; but he saw with terror the foreign
man-at-arms exex-cising a power, which to him
seemed magical, of iliscovering the place where
his hoards were concealed. If it happened
that the soldier was baffled in the search, the
fate of the jjoor man was even worse, for then
he himself was seized, and by torments which it
reached their maximum. The stricter discipline
maintained by that gi'eat leader had its eflect not
only in emboldening the peasants, and giving them
some little sense of secimty in these awful times,
but also in restraining the other military corps, and
rendering theii- licence less capricious and reckless
than it otherwise would have been. There was
some system in the levying of sujiplies and the
recruiting of soldiers during the life uf GustaNiis ;
but after the fall of the Swedish king these bonds
were relaxed, and the gi'eatest sufieiings of the past
STORM ON A MOOR IS SAXOXY.
would be painful to describe, was compelled to
discover where his money and goods lay buried.
On the fate of his wife and his daughters we shall
be silent. The greatest imaginable lioiTors were so
customary that their non-perpetration was a matter
of surj)rise. Of all was the unhappy husbandman
plundered. His bondman wa.s carried ofl" to serve
in the war; his team was unyoked from the plough
to drag the baggage or the cannon ; his flocks and
herds were driven off" from the meadow to be
slaughtered and eaten by the array ; and the man
who had risen in atlluence in the morning, was
.stri])ped of all and left penniless before night.
It was luit till after the death of ftustavus
Adulphus that the sullerings of the country people
appeared tolerable in comparison with the evils
that now afflicted the Germans. In addition to
their other endurances, they were op))ressed by
superstitious terrors and forebodings. Their minds,
full of superstition, became the prey of creduloiis
fancies. They interjireted everything, if removed
in the least from the ordinary course, into a portent
of calamity. They saw ten-ible sights in the sky,
they heard strange and menacing voices speaking
out of heaven and spectres gliding past on the earth.
In the Dukedom of Hildburghausen, white crosses
lighted up the firmament when the enemy ajt-
proached. When the soldiers entered the oflice of
the town clerk, they were met by a spirit clothed
in white, who waved them back. After theii'
DEMOiiALlSATlON OF GERMANY.
259
^..^vWv
departure, there was heard during eight days, in
the choii- of the burned church, a loud snorting and
sigliing. At Gumpershausen was a girl whose
visions and revelations spread excitement over the
whole district. She had been visited, she said, liy
a little angel, who
appeared lirst in a
red and then in a
blue mantle, and
who, sitting in lier
sight upon the bed, a.
cried, " Woe !" to
the inhabitants,
and admonished
them against blas-
Jihemyand cursing,
and foretold the
most frightful shed-
ding of blood if
they did not leave
oil' theii- wicked-
ness.' After the
tciTor came de-
liauce and despair.
An utter demorali-
sation of society
folkiwed. Wives
deserted their hu.s-
liaiids, and children
their parents. The
army passed on,
but the vices and
diseases which they
had brought with
tliem continued to
lingei- in the de-
vastated and half-
peopled \illages
behind them. To
other vices, dnink-
enuess was added.
E.xce.ss in ardent
s))irits had de-
formed the German
peasantry since the
jieriod of the
Peasant-war, and
now it became a prevalent Iiabit, and regard for the
rights and jn-operty of one's neighbour soon ceased.
At the beginning of the wai-, village aided \-illage,
and mutually lightened each other's calamities so
far as was in their power. When a village was
robbed of its cattle, ami sold to the adjoining one
Qustav.Freytac, chap. 3, p. Ul.
by the marauding host, that other village returned
the oxen to then- original owners on repayment
of the price which they had paid to the soldiers.
Even ill Franconia these mutual services were fre-
quently exchanged between Popish and Protes-
tant communities.
But gradually,
theii- oppression
and their demorali-
sation advancing
stej) by stej), the
country people
began to steal and
plunder like the
soldiers. Ai'med
bands would cross
the boundaiies of
theii- connnuue,
and cai-ry ofl' from
theii- neighbours
whatsoever they
coveted. Brigand-
age was now added
to robbery. They
lurked in thewoods
and the mountain
passes, lying in
wait for the strag-
glers of the army,
and often took a
red revenge. How
sad the change !
The woodman, who
had once on a time
awakened all the
echoes of the forest
glades with his
artless songs, now
ten-ified them with
the slu'ieks of his
\ictim. A biu-ning
haired arose be-
tween the soldiers
and the peasantry,
which lasted till
the very end of
the war, and the
frightful traces of which long sui-vived the conflict.
So long as their money lasted, th(^ villagers bought
themselves oft" from the obligation of having the sol-
diers billeted upon them ; l)ut when tlieir money was
spent they were without defence. Watchmen were
stationed on the steeples and higli jilaces in the.
neighbo\irh(ii)d. wlm gave warning tiie moment
tiiey desciied on the fai'-ofi' horizon the ajipr; .".cli
iGO
HISTOKY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
of the Lest. Tlio villagers would then biiug out
their furniture and \aluabks, and convey them to
liiding-])luces selected weeks before, and themselves
li\c the while in these places a most miserable life.
They dived into the darkest pai'ts of the forests ;
they buiTowed in the bleakest moors ; thej' lurked
in old clay pits and in masses of fallen masomy ;
and to this day the people of those parts show with
much interest the retreats where then- wretched
forefathers sought refuge from the fuiy of the
soldiery. The peasant always came back to liis
village — too commonly to fiiid it only a ruin ; but
his attachment to the spot set him eagerly to work
to rebuild his overturned habitation, and sow the
little seed he had saved in the down-trodden soil.
Ho had been robbed of his horse, it may be, but he
would harness himself to the plough, and obeying
the force of habit, would continue the processes of
tilling and sowing, though he had but small hopes
of reaping. The little left him he was cai-eful to
conceal, and strove to look even poorer than he
Wiis. He taught himself to live amid dii-t and
Bqlialor raid apparent jioverty, and he even extin-
guished the fire on his hearth, lest its light, shining
through the casement, should attract to his dwelling
any straggler who might be on the outlook for a
comfortable lodging for the night. " His scanty food
he concealed in places from which even the nithless
enemy turned away in horror, such as gi-aves,
coffins, and amongst skulls."'
The clergy were the cliief consolers of the people
in these miserable scenes, and at the same time the
chief sufferers in them. The first brunt of the
imperial troops fell on the ■village pastor; his
church was first spoiled, then burned down, and his
flock scattered. He would then assemble his congre-
gation, or such as remained of them, for worship in a
gi'anary or similar place, or on the open common,
or in a wood. Not unfrequently were himself and
his family singled out by the imperial soldiers as
the special objects of rudeness and violence. His
liouse was commonly the first to be robbed, his
family the first to suffer outrage ; but generally the
pastors took patiently the spoiling of their goods
and the buffetiiigs of their persons, and by their
heroic l)ehaviour did much to support the hearts of
the people in those awful times.
We give a few instances extracted from the brief
registers of those times. Michel Ludwig was ])astor
in Sonnenfcld since 1G33. When the times of
suffciing came he ])reached in the wood, under the
open heaven, to his flock. He summoned his
congregation with the dnim, for bell he had none,
Gustav.Freytag, p. UG.
and armed men were on the outlook while he
preached. He continued these ministrations during
eight year.s, till his congregation had entirely dis-
appeared. A Swedish colonel invited the brave
man to be preacher to the regiment, and he became
at a later date president of the field consistory
near Torstenson, and superintendent at Weimar.
Instances occur of studious habits pursued
through these imsettled times. George Faber, at
Gellershausen, preached to a little flock of some
three or four at the constant peril of life. He rose
every moiTiing at tlu-ee, studied and carefully com-
mitted to memory his sermon, besides writing
learned commentaries on several books of the Bible.
John Otto, Eector of Eisfeld in 1635, just mar-
ried, in addition to the duties of his office had to
teach the jniblic school during eight year's, and sup-
ported himself by threshing oats, cutting wood,
and similar occupations. The record of these
vicissitudes is contained in jottings by liimself in
his Euclid. Forty-two years he held his office
in honour. His successor, John Schmidt, was a
famous Latin scholar, and owed his appointment to
the fact of his being found reading a Greek poem in
the guard-house, to which he had been taken by
. the soldiers.
The story of Andrew Poehmann, afterwards
superintendent, illustrates the life led in those
times, so full of deadly dangers, narrow escapes,
and marvellous interpositions, which strengthened
the belief of the men who experienced them in
a watchful Providence which protected them, while
millions were perishing around them. Poehmann
was an or^ihan, who had been carried off with two
brothers by the Croats. Escaping ■ndth his brothers
during the night, he found means of entering a
Latin school. Being a second time taken by the
soldiers, he was made quarter-master gumier. In
the garrison he continued his studies, and finding
among Iiis comrades scholars from Paris and
Loudon, he practised ynth. thdn the speaking of
Latin. Once, when sick, he lay dovra by the
watch-fire with his powder-flask, containing a pound
and a half of powder, under his sleeve. As he lay,
the fire reached his sleeve and burned a large por-
tion of it, but wthout exjiloding his ])Owder-flask.
He awoke to find himself alone in the deserted
camp, and without a farthing in his jiocket. Among
the ashes of the now extinct watch-tire he found
two thalers, and with these he set out for Gotha.
On the way he halted at Langensalza, and turned
into a small and lonely house on the wall. He was
received by an old woman, who, commiserating his
wretched ])light, as shown in his haggard looks and
emaciated frame, laid him upon a bed to rest. His
SUFFEKINGS OF THE rASTORS.
2G1
hostess chanced to be a phigiie imrse, anil the couch
on wliich lie was laid had but recently been occupied
by a plague patient. The disease was I'aging Ln the
town ; nevertheless, the poor wanderer remained
unattacked, and went on his way, to close his life
amid happier scenes than those that had marked
its ojicning.
The village and Pastor of Stelzcn will also
interest us. The spring of the Itz was a holy
place in even pagan times. It rises at the foot of
the mountains, where they sink down in terraces to
the banks of the Maine, and gushes out from the
comer of a cave, which is overshadowed by ancient
beeches and linden-trees. . Near this well stood,
befoi'B the era of the Eefoi'mation, a chapel to the
Virgin ; and at times hundreds of nobles, with an
endless retinue of servants, and troops of pilgi'ims
would assemble on the spot. In 16.32 the ^dllage
in the neighbomhood of the well was burned down,
and only the chui'ch, school-house, and a shepherd's
hut remained standing. The pastor, Nicolas
Schubert, was reduced to extreme misery. In the
ensuing winter we hud him indituig the following
heart-rending letter to the magistrate:--"! have
nothing more, except my eight small naked chil-
dren ; I live in a very old and dangerously dilapi-
dated school-house, without floors or chimneys, in
which I find it impossible to study, or to do any-
thing to help myself. I am in want of food, clothes
— in short, of everything. — Given at the place of
my misery — Sti'lzen. — Your respectful, poor, and
bumed-vip pastor."
Pastor Schubert was removed, whether to a richer
living we know not — a poorer it could not be.
His successor was also plundered, and received
in addition a blow from a dagger by a soldier. A
second successor was unable to keep himself ali\'e.
After that, foi" fourteen years the parish had no
pastor. Every thii-d Sunday the neighljouring
clergyman visited and conducted Divine service
in the destroyed village. At last, in 1G47, the
church itself was burned to the bare walls. Such
was the temporal and spiritual destitution that now
overwhelmed that land which, half a century befoi'e,
had been so full of "the bread that perisheth," and
also of that " which endures to eternal life."'
CHAPTER IV.
CONQUEST OF NORTir GEltMAW" BY FERDIN.4ND II. AND THE "CATHOLIC LEAGl'E."
FerdinandlL's Aims— Extinction of Protestantism and the German Liberties— Ban of the Empire pronounced on
Frederick V. — Apathy of the Protestant Princes— They Withdraw from the Protestant Union — Count Mans-
feld — Duke of Brunswick— The Number and Devastation of their Armies — Heidelberg Taken— The Palatinate
Occupied — James I. of England — Outwitted by Ferdinand and Philip II. — Electorate of the Rhine Given to the
Duke of Bavaria— Treaty between England, Holland, and Denmark — Christian IV. of Denmark — Leads the
Protestant Host — Ferdinand II. Eaises an Army — Wallcnstcin — His Character— Grandeur— Personal Appear-
ance—His Method of Maintaining an Army— Movements of the Campaign of 1G2G— Battle of Lutter — Victory cf
Tilly — Campaign of 1G27 — Noi-th Germany Occupied by the League— Further Projects of Ferdinand II.
From this general picture of the war, which shows
us fanaticism and rurtianism holding saturnalia in-
side the camp, and ten-or and devastation extending
their gloomy area from day to day outside of it, we
turn to follow the progress of its campaigns and bat-
tles, and the slow and gradual evolution of its moral
residts, till they issue in the Peace of Westphalia,
which gave a larger measin-e of toleration to the
Protestants than they had ever hitherto enjoyed.
The iron hand of military violence, moved l)y
the Jesuits, was at this hour cnishing out Protes-
tantism in Bohemia, in Hungaiy, in Transylvania,
in StjTia, and in Carinthia, Dragomiades, con-
fiscations, and executions were there the oVder
of the day. The nobles were dying ou the
scaffold, the ministers were shiit up in prison or
chained to the galleys, churches and school-houses
were lying in niins, and the people, driven into
exile or slaughtered by .soldiers, had disajipeared
from the land, and such as remained had fo\ind
refuge within the pale of the Church of Rome.
But the extermination of the Protestant faith in
his own dominions could not satisfy the vast zeal of
Ferdinand II. He aimed at nothing less than its
overthrow throughout all Germany. When there
vyould not be one Protestant chiu'ch or a single
Lutheran throughout that whole extent of territory
lying between tlio Gennan Sea and the Carpathian
» Gustar.Frcytag, pp. 119—12
262
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
chiiin, then, and only then, would Ferdinand have
accomplished the work for which the Jesuits had
trained him, and fulfilled the vow he made when
lie lay prostrate before the Virgin of Loretto. But
ambition was combined ■with his fanaticism. He
aimed also at sweeping away all the charters and
constitutions wliich conferred independent lights on
the German States, and subjecting both princes and
peo|)le to his own will. Hencefonvard, Germany
should know only two masters : the Church of
Rome was to reign supi-eme and uncontrolled in
things spii'itual, and he himself should exercise
an equally absolute sway in things political and
civil. It was a two-fold tide of despotism that was
about to overflow the countries of the Lutheran
Reformation.
Having inaugurated a reaction on the east of
Germany, Fertlinand now set on foot a " Catholic
restoration " on the west of it. He launched this
jiart of his scheme by fulminating against Frederick
v.. Palatine of the Rhine, the ban of the empii'e.
Frederick had oifended by assuming the crown of
Bohemia. After reigning during only one winter
he was chased from Prague, as we have seen, by
the arms of the Catholic League. But the
matter did not end there : the occasion offered a
fail" pretext for advancing the scheme of restoring
the Church of Rome once more to supreme and
universal dominancy in Germany. Ferdinand ac-
cordingly j)assed sentence on Frederick, depriving
him of liLs dominions and dignities, as a traitor to
the emperor and a dLsturber of the public peace.
He empowered Maximilian of Bavaria, as head of
the League, to execute the ban — that is, to take
military possession of the Palatinate. Now was
the time for the princes of the Protestant Union
to unsheathe the sword, and by wielding it in de-
fence of the Palatine, their confederate, who had
risked more in the common cause than any one of
them all, to prove their zeal and sincerity in the
great object for which they were associated. They
would, at the same time, shut the door at which
the tiiumjjhant tide of armed Romanism was sure
to flow in and overwhelm their own dominions. But,
unhappily for themselves and their cause, in.stead
of acting in the spiiit of their Confederacy, they
displayed an extraordinary degi'ee of pusillanimity
and coldness. The terror of Ferdinand and the
Catholic League had fallen upon them, and they
left their chief to his fate, congratulating themselves
that their superior prudence had saved them from
the disasters by which Frederick was overtaken.
The free cities of the Confederacy forsook liim ; and,
as if to mark still more their indifference to the
cause to wliich they had so lately given theii- most
solemn pledge, they \\ ithdrew from the Union, and
the example of cowardly defection thus .set by them
was soon followed by the princes. How sure a sign
of the api)roacli of evil days ! We behold zeal on
the Popish side, ami only faint-heartedness and
indifference on that of the Protestants.
The troops of the League, under Duke Maxi-
milian's famous general, Tilly, were now on theii-
march to the Palatinate ; but the Protestant princes
and free cities sat still, content to see the tail of
that powerful Protestant province, without lifting a
finger on its behalf At that moment a soldier of
fortime, whose wealth lay in his sword, assembled
an army of 20,000, and came forward to fill the
vacant place of the cities and princes. Ernest,
Count INIansfeld, oflered battle to the troops of
Spain and Ba\aria, on behalf of the Elector
Frederick. Mansfeld was soon joined by the Alar-
grave of Baden, with a sjjlendid troop. ChrLstian,
Duke of Brunswick, who had conceived a romantic
passion for Elizabeth of Bohemia, the Electress-
Palatine, whose glove he always wore in his hat,
also joined Count Mansfeld, with an army of some
20,000, which he had raised in Lower Saxony, and
which he maintained without pay, a seci'et he had
learnt from Mansfeld.
These combined hosts, which the hope of plunder,
quite as much as the desii-e of replacing Frederick V.
on his throne, had drawn together, could not be
much if at all below .50,000. Tliey were terrible
.scourges to the country wliich became the scene of
their marches and of their battles. They alighted
like a flock of vultures on the rich chapters and
bishoprics of the Rhine. During the summers of
1621 and 1622, they mai-ched backwards and for-
wards, as the fortune of battle impelled them, in
that rich valley, robbing the j)easantry, levjing
contributions upon the towns, slaughtering their
opponents, and being themselves slaughtered in turn.
When hai'd pressed they would cross the river into
France, and continue, in that new and unexhausted
field, their deva.stations and plunderings. But
ultimately the amis of Tilly prevailed. After
murderous conflicts, in which both sides sustained
tenible loss, the bands of Mansfeld retreated
northward, leaving the cities and lands of the
Palatinate to be occupied by the troops of the
League. On the 17th of September, 1622,
Heidelberg was taken, after a terrible storm ;
its magnificent palace was partially burned, its
univei-sity was closed, and the treasures of its
world-renowned library were carried away in fifty
wagon-loads to Rome. The rich city of Mannheim
was taken by the soldiers of the League in the
Noveral)ev following. Thus the gates of the Pala-
JAMES THE FIRST'S "FOEEIGN rOLICY."
2G3
tiniitc wore opened to the invading liosts, and tliej'
entered and gleaned where the trooiw of Mansfeld
and Brunswck had reaped the first rich liarvest.
T]io niiui wlioni we have seen fii'st driven from
the throne of Bohemia, and next despoiled of his
h(!reditary dominions was, as onr readers know, the
son-in-law of the King of England. It is with some
astonishment that we see James I. stiuiding by
a quiet spectator of the ruin of his daughter's
husband, Elizabeth, and the great statesmen who
gave such glory to her thi'one, would have seen in
the swelling wave, crested with victory, that was
getting in upon Germany, perd to England; and,
even though the happiness of no relation had been
at stake, would, for the safety of her throne and the
welfare of her realm, have found means of mode-
rating, if not arresting, the reaction, before it had
ovenvhelmed those princes and lands where she
must ever look for her trustiest allies. But
James I. and his minister BuokLngham had neither
the capacity to devise, nor the spirit to pursue, so
large a policy as this. They allowed themselves to
1)0 befooled by the two leading Popish Powers.
Ferdinand of Austria buoyed iip the English
mon;irch with hopes that he would yet restore liis
son-in-law to his Electorate, although he had
already decided that Frederick should see his
domudons no more ; and Philip II. took care to
amu.se the English king with the proposal of a
Spanish nian'iage for Ins son, and James was mean-
spii-ited enough to be willing to wed the heii- of his
crown to the daughter of the man who, had he been
able to compass his designs, would have left him
neither throne nor kingdom. The dupe of both
Austria and Si)ain, James I. sat stUl tUl the ruin of
the Elector Fred(^rick was almost completed. Wlien
he saw what had happened he was ml ling to give
both money and troops, but it was too late. The
occupation of Frederick's dominions by the army of
the League made the proflered assistance not only
useless — it gave it even an air of irony. The Elec-
torate of the Rhine was bestowed upon the Duke
of Bavaria, as a recompense for his services.' The
territoiy was added to the area of Romanism, the
Protestant minLstcrs were driven out, and Jesuits
and priests crowded in flocks to take possession of
the newly subjugated domains. The foi-mcr sove-
reign of these domains found asylum in a comer of
Holland. It was a bitter cup to Elizabeth, the
wif(! of Frederick, and the daughter of the King
of England, who is reported to have said that she
would rather live on bread and water as a queen
than, occujiying a lower station, inhabit the most
' Chapman, Hist, of Gustaims Adolphns, p. 151.
magnificent mansion, and sit down at the most
luxurious table."
Uther princes, besides the King of England, now
opened their eyes. The Elector of Saxony, the de-
scendant of that Maurice who had chased Charles V.
across the Alps of the Tyrol, and wrested from him
by force of arms the Treaty of Passau, wliioli ga\-e
toleration to the Lutherans, was not oidy indifferent
to the misfortunes of the Elector Frederick, but saw
without concern the cruel suppression of Protes-
tantism in Bohemia. Content to bo left in peace in
his own dominions, and not Ol-pleased, It may be, to
see his rivals the Calviiiists humbled, he refused
to act the part which his descent and his political
power made incumbent upon him. The Elector of
Brandenburg, the next in rank to Saxony, showed
himself at this crisis equally unpatriotic and short-
sighted. But now they saw — what they might
have foreseen long before, but for the blindness that
selfishness ever inflicts — that the policy of Ferdi-
nand had placed them in a new and most critical
position.^ East and west the Catholic I'eaction had
hemmed them in ; Protestantism had cUsappearod
in the kingdoms beyond the Danube, and now the
Rhme Electorate had undergone a forced conversion.
On all sides the wave of a triumphant reaction was
I'olling onward, and how soon it might sweep over
their own territories, now left almost like islands in
the midst of a ragmg sea, they could not tell. The
tremendous blunder they had committed was plain
enough, but how to remedy it was more than their
wisdom could say.
At this moment the situation of affiiii's in Eng-
land changed, and a prospect began to open up of
a European coalition against the Powers of Spain
and Austria. The " Spanish sleepmg-cup," as the
English nation termed it, had been rudely dashed
from the lip of James I., and the monarch saw
that he had been practised upon by Philip II. The
marriage with the Infanta of Spain was broken oli"
at the last moment ; there followed a ruptiu'o with
that Power, and the English king, smarting from
the insult, applied to Parliament (February, 1624)
for the means of reinstating Frederick in the Pala-
tinate by force of arms. ' The Parliament, who had
felt the nation lowered, and the Protestant eaiiso
bi'ought into peril, by the truckling of the king,
' Schiller, The Thirty Years' War, bk. ii., pp. 161—173.
Chapman, Hist, of Chistamis Adolphus, chap. 5, pp. H2—
150. Ludwig Hiiusser, The Period of the Reformaiion,
vol. ii., pp. 108. 109.
^ Schiller, The Tlnrty Tears' War, vol. i., pp. 145, lUl,
Ifi:). Ludwisj Hiiusser, The Period of tlie Refonnaiion,
vol. ii., pp. 110, 111.
* SchiUer, The Thirty Tears' War, vol. i., p. 1C5. Ludwig
Hiiusser, The Period of the Reformation, vol. ii., p. 112.
OPPOSITION TO THE HOUSE OF HAPSRITRa.
265
heartily responded to the royal request, and voted
a liberal subsidy. Mausfeld and Brunswick came
over to London, where they met with a splendid
reception. A new army w;iai provided for them,
and they sailed to begin operations on the Rhine ;
but the expedition did not pi'osper. Before they
money given them by the inhabitants, on the con-
dition of their departure with their banditti.
Charles I. having now succeeiled his father on
the throne of England, the war was resumed on a
larger scale, and with a more persistent energy.
On the 9th of December, 1625, a treaty was con-
ALBRKCHT VON WALLtNsTEIN
had struck a single blow the plague broke out in
the camp of Mausfeld, and swejit away half his
anny, amid revolting horrors. Brunswick had no
better fortune than his companion. He was over-
taken by Tilly on the Dutch frontier, and expe-
rienced a tremendous defeat. During the winter
tliat followed, the two generals wandered about with
the remains of their army, and a few new recruit.s,
whom they luul persuaded to join their banners, but
tliey accomplished nothing save the ten-or they
insj)ired in the districts which they visited, and the
127
eluded at the Hague between England, Holland,
and Denmark, for opposing by joint arms tlie
power of Hapsburg, and reinstating the Elector
Frederick.' It was a grave question wlio should
head the expedition as leader of its armies. Pro-
posals had been made to Gustavus Adolphus of
Sweden, but at that moment he liad on his hands
a war with Poland, and could not embark in
' Ludwig Hiiusser, vol. ii., p. 112. Schiller, vol i.,
pp. 172, 173.
266
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
rtuotlicr ami more onerous campaign. England
wa.s not in a condition for carrying on hostilities iii
Uorniany on her own accoimt. Holland had not
yet ended its great straggle with Spain, and dared
not expend on other oomitries the strength so much
needed within itself. Of the three contracting
Powers, Denmark was tho one ■which was most at
liberty to charge itself with the main bui'don of the
enterprise. It was ultimately arranged that tho
Danish king should conduct the campaign, and
the support of the joint enterprise was distributed
among the parties as follows : — Denmark was to
iiiiso an army of 30,000, or thereabouts; England
was to furnish ^30,000, and Holland £5,000,
month by month, as subsidy. The latter engaged,
moreovei-, should the imperial army press \;pou the
King of Denmark, to make a diversion next
summer by jilacing a fair army in the field, and by
contributing a number of ships to strengthen the
English fleet on the coast.'
Christian IV. of Denmark, who was now placed
at the head of the Protestant armies in this great
war, was one of the most courageous, enlightened,
and patriotic monarchs of his time. He hid under
a rough exterior and bluff manners a mind of great
shrewdness, and a generous and noble disposition.
He laboured with equal wisdom and success to
elevate the condition of the middle class of his
subjects. He lightened their burdens, he impi-oved
their finance, and he incited them to engage in the
piu'suits of commerce and trade. These measures,
which laid the fomidations of that material pros-
perity which Denmark long enjoyed, made him
beloved at home, and greatly raised his influence
abroad. His kingdom, he knew, had risen by the
Pi,oformation, and its standing, political and social,
was fatally menaced by the Popish reaction now in
progi-ess. As Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, he was
a jtrince of the German Empire, and might there-
fore, without wounding the self-love of others, take
a prominent position in checking a movement
which threatened the liberties of all Germany, as
well as the independence of his own dominions.
The appearance of Cluistian IV. at the head of
the army of the Protestant Confederacy makes it
necessary that we should introduce ourselves to
another — a difierent, but a very powerful figure —
that now stood up on the other side. The com-
binations on the one side rendered it advisable that
Ferdinand should make a new disposition of the
forces on his. Hitlierto he had earned on the war
with the arms of the Catholic League. Maxi-
milian of Bavaria and his general, Tilly, occupied
' Chapman, pp. 15!l, 160.
the foreground, and were the most prominent actors
in the business. Ferdinand now resolved to como
to the front in person, by raising an army of his
own, and appointing a general to lead it. But
a formidable obstacle mot him on the threshold
of his new pi'oject — his military chest was empty.
He had gathered many millions from his confisca-
tions in Bohemia, but these had Iseen .swallowed xip
l)y the Jesuits, or spent on the w-ars in Hvmgary, and
nothing remained wherewith to fight the battles of
the " Restoi'ation." In his difiiculty, he applied to
one of his generals, who had served with distinction
against the Tui'ks and Venetians, and had borne
arms nearer home in Bohemia and Hungary. This
soldier was Alhrecht von Wallenstein, a man of
undemable abilities, but questionable designs. It
was tliis gloomy personage who gave Ferdinand an
army.
Tho same war-like race which had sent forth
Zisca to fight the battles of the Hussite Reformers,
gave "Wallenstein to Rome. He was born on the
15th of September, 1583, of Protestant parents,
who had, indeed, been Calbctines through several
generations. Being early left an orphan, he was
adopted by an uncle, who sent him to the Jesuit
college at Olmiitz. The Fathers could have uo
difiiculty in discerning the genius of tlie boy, and
they would spare no pains to adapt that genius to
the purposes in which they might afterwards have
occasion to employ it. The Jesuits had already
fashioned a class of men for the war, of whom they
had every reason to be proud, and who will remain
to all time monuments of theu* skill and of the power
of tlieii" maxims in making human souls pliant
and terrible instruments of their will. Ferdinand
of Austria, Maximilian of Bavaria, and his general,
TUly, were their handiwoi-k. To these they were
about to add a fourth. With a dark soul, a reso-
lute will, and a heart which ambition had rendered
hard as the nether mill-stone, the Jesuits beheld in
Wallenstein a war-machine of their own creating,
in the presence of which they themselves at times
trembled. The same hands which had fashioned
these terrible instruments put them forth, and
moved them to and fro over the vast stage which
we see swimming in blood.
Wallenstein was now in the prime of life. He
had acquired in former campaigns gi'eat experience
in the raising and disciplining of troops. To his
fame as a soldier he now added the prestige of an
enormous fortune. An exceedingly rich old widow
had fallen in love with him, and overcome by the
philter she gave him, and not, it is to be presumed,
by the love of her gold, he married her. Next
came the confiscations of estates in Bohemia, and
ALBRECHT YON WALLENSTEIN.
267
Wallenstein bought at absiu'dly low prices not
fewer than sixty-seven estates.' Ferdinand gave
liim in addition tlie Duchy of Friedland, containing
nine towns, tifty-spven castles, and villages. After
the king, he was the richest landed proprietor in
Bohemia. Not content with these hoards, he
sought to increase his goods by trading mth
the bankers, by lending to the court, and by im-
posing taxes oir both friend and foe.
But if his revenues were immense, amoiuiting to
many millions of florins annually, his expenditure
was gi-eat. He lived surroimded by the pomp of
an Eastern monarch. His table was sumptuous,
and some hundred guests sat down at it daily. Six
gates gave entrance to his palace, which still stands
on the right bank of the Moldau, on the slope of
the Hradschin at Fragile. The pile is immense,
and similar chateaux were erected on his numerous
estates elsewhere. His chamberlains were twenty-
four, and were selected from the noblest families
in Bohemia. Sixty pages, in blue velvet dresses
bordered with gold, waited on him. Fifty men-at-
arms kept guard, day and night, in his ante-
chamber. A thousand jiersons formed the usual
complement of his household. Upwards of a
thousand horses filled the stalls of his stables, and
fed from marble mangers. When he journeyed, ten
trumpeters wth silver bugles jireceded the march ;
there followed a hundred carriages, laden with his
.servants and baggage ; sixty carriages and fifty led
horses conveyed his suite ; and last of all, suitably
escorted, came the chariot of the man who formed
the centre of all this splendour.
Wallenstein, although the champion of Rome,
neither believed her creed nor loved her clergy.
He would admit no priest into his camp, wishing,
doubtless, to be master there himself. He issued
his orders in few but peremptory words, and
exacted instant and blind obedience. The slightest
infraction of discijiline brought down swift and
severe chastisement upon the person guilty of it.
But though rigid in all matters of discipline, he
winked at the grossest excesses of his troops out-
side the camp, and shut his ear to the oft-repeated
complaints of the pillagings and murders which
they committed upon the peasantry. The most
tmbounded licence was tolerated in his camp, and
only one thing was needful — implicit submission to
his authority. He had a quick eye for talent, and
never hesitated to draw from the crowd, and reward
with promotion, those whom he thought fitted to
seiTe him in a higher rank. He was a diligent
student of the stars, and never undertook anythiim
' Alfred Miohiels, p. 60. Ludwig 'Hiiusser, vol. ii., p. 116.
of moment without first trying to discover, wth
the help of an Italian astrologer whom he kept
under his roof, whether the constellations promised
sucGess, or threatened disaster, to the project he
was meditating. Like all who have been believers
in the occult sciences, he was reserved, haughty,
inscrutable, and whether in the saloons of his
palace, or in his tent, there was a halo of mystery
around him. No one shared his secrets, no one
could read his thoughts : on his face there never
came smile ; nor did mirth ever brighten the coun-
tenances of those who stood around him. In his
palace no hea\-y footfall, no loud voices, might be
heard : all noises must be hushed ; silence and awe
must wait continually in that gi-and but gloomy
chamber, where Wallenstein sat apart from his
fellows, while the stars, as they traced their path
in the tirmajnent, were slowly workiiig out the
brilliant destinies which an eternal Fate had
decreed for him. The master-passions of his soul
were pride and ambition ; and if he served Rome
it was because he judged that this was his road to
those immense dignities and powers which he had
been born to possess. He followed his star.
We must add the picture of his jiersonal appear-
ance as Michiels has drawn it. " His tall, thin
figiu'e; his haughty attitude; the stern expre.ssion of
his pale face; his mde forehead, that seemed formed
to command; his black hair, close shorn and harsh;
his little dark eyes, in which the flame of authority
shone; his haughty and suspicious look; his thick
moustaches and tufted beard, produced, at the first
glance, a startling sensation. His usual dress
consisted of a justaucorps of elk-skin, covered by a
white doublet and cloak ; round his neck he wore a
Spanish rufl', in his hat fluttered a large and red
])lume, while scarlet pantaloons and boots of Cor-
dovan leather, carefully padded on account of the
gout, completed his ordinary attire." -
Such was the man to whom Ferdinand of Austria
api)lied for assistance in raising an army.
Wallenstein's grandeur had not as yet developed
to so colossal a pitch as to ovei-shadow his sovereign,
but his ambition was already fully gi'own, and in
the necessities of Ferdinand he saw another stage
openuig in his own advancement. He luidertook
at once to raise an army for the emjieror. " How
many does your Majesty require?" he a.sked.
"Twenty thousand," replied Ferdinand. "Twenty
thousand!" responded Wallenstein, with an aii- of
surprise. " That is not enough ; say forty thousand
or fifty thou.sand."^ The monarch hinted that there
s Alfred Michiels, p. 63.
■1 IhiJ., p. 59. Sciiiller, vol. i., pp. 178, 179.
268
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
iniglit be a difficulty iii pvovisioiiiiig so many.
" Fifty thousaiul," promptly responded Wallenstein,
"will have abundance where twenty thousantl
would starve." The calculation by which he
arrived at this conclusion was sure, but ati'ocious.
A force of oidy twenty thousand might find their
entrance barred into a rich province, whereas an
army of fifty thousand was strong enough to force
acbuission anywhere, and to remain so long as
there was anything to eat or to waste. The general
meant that the army should subsist by plunder;
and fifty thousand would cost the emperor no more
than twenty thousand, for neither would cost him
anything. The royal permission was given, and an
army wliich sjjeedily attaLned this number was
soon in the field. It was a mighty assemblage of
vai-ious nationalities, daring characters and diverse
faiths ; and, however formidable to the cities and
provinces amid which it was encamped, it adored and
obeyed the ii-on man around whom it was gathered.
In the autumn of 162-5 six armies were in the
field, prepared to resume the bloody strife, and de-
vastate the land they professed to liberate. The
winter of 1625 passed without any event of moment.
With the spring of 1626 the campaign was opened
in earnest. The King of Denmark, -vvith 30,000
troops, had passed the -n-iuter in the neighbourhood
of Bremen, and now, putting his army in motion,
he acted along the right bank of the Weser. Tilly,
with the army of the League, descended along the
left bank of the same river, in the hope of meeting
the Danish force and joiniaig battle with it. Wal-
lenstein, who did not care to share his \ictories and
divide his laiu-els with Tilly, had encamped on the
Elbe, and strongly fortified himself at the bridge of
Dessau. It would be easy for liim to march across
the country to the Weser, and fall upon the rear of
the King of Denniai'k, should the latter come to an
engagement with Tilly. Clmsti.an IV. saw the
danger, and arranged with Count Mansfeld, who
had under him a finely equipped force, to make a
diversion in his favour, by marching through Ger-
many to Hungary, joining Galiriel Bethlen, and
attacking Vieinia. This manaMme would draw ofi'
Wallenstein, and leave him to co[)0 with only tlie
troops under TUly. Duke Christian of Brunswick
had orders to enter Westphalia, and thence extenil
his operations into the Palatinate ; and Duke Jolin
Ernest of Saxe- Weimar, who was also in the field,
was to act in Saxony, and assist !Mansfeld in exe-
cuting the diversion by which Wallenstein was to
be drawn off from the theatre of war between the
Weser and the Elbe, and allow the campaign to lie
decided by a trial of strength between Christian TV.
and the general of the League.
Count Mansfeld set idjout executing his part of
the plan. He marched against Wallenstem, attacked
him in his strong position on the Elbe, but he was
I'outed witli great lo.ss. He retreated through
Silesia, pursued by Ids terrible antagonist, ;md
arrived in Hungary, but only to find a cold recep-
tion from Prince Bethlen. Worn out by toil and
defeat, he set out to return to England by way of
Venice ; it was his last journey, for falling sick, he
died by the way. He was soon followed to the
gi'ave by his two companions in anus, the Duke of
Brunswick and Ernest of Saxe-Weimar. Of the
four generals on the Protestant side, only one now
survived. Christian IV. of Denmark. The deaths
of these leaders, and the dispersion of theii' corps,
decided the fiite of the campaign. TOly, his army
reinforced by detachments which Wallenstein had
sent to his aid, now bore down on the Danish host,
which was retreating northwards. He overtook it
at Lutter, in Bernburg, and compelled it to accept
battle. The Danish monarch three times rallied his
soldiers, and led them against the enemy, but in
vain did Christian IV. contend against gi-eatly
superior numbers. The Danes were completely
routed ; 4,000 lay dead on the field ; the kUled
included many ofiicers. Artillery, ammunition, and
st-.indards became the booty of the imperialists,
and the Danish king, escaping thi'ough a narrow
defile with a remnant of liis cavalry, presented him-
self, on the evening of the day of battle, at the gates
of Wolfenbuttel.
Pursuing his victory, and driving the Danes
before him, Tilly made Idmself master of the Weser,
and the tenitories of Brunswick. Still advancing,
he entered Hanover, crossed the Elbe, and spread
the troops of the League over the territories of
Brandenburg. The year closed with the King of
Denmark in Holstein, and the League master of
great jiart of North Germany.
In the spring of next year (1627), Wallenstein
returned from Hungary, tracing a second time the
march of his troops through Silesia and Germany
in a black luie of desolation. On joining Tilly,
the combined army amounted to 80,000. The two
generals, having now no enemy in their- path capable
of opposing them, resumed their victorious advance.
Rapidly overrunning the Dukedoms of Mecklenburg,
and putting garrisons in all the fortresses, they soon
made themselves masters of the whole of CJermaiiy
to the North Sea. Wallenstein next poured his
troops into Schleswig-Holstein, and attacked Chris-
tian IV. in his own territories, and soon the Danish
king saw his dominions and sovei'eignty all but
wrested from him.
So disastrous lor the Pi-otcslant interests was the
SUCCESSES OF THE LEAGUE.
269
issue of the campaign, illustrating how questionable
in such :i controversy is the interference of the sword,
and how uncertain the results which it works out.
Not only had the Protestants not recovered the Pala-
tinate of the Rhine, but the tide of Poiiisli and
inijierialist victory had rolled on, along the course of
the Wcser and the Elbe, stopping only on the shores
of the Baltic. The Elector of Brandenburg saw the
imperial troops at the gate of Berlin, and had to
send in his submission to Ferdinand. The Dukes
of Mecklenburg had been placed under the ban of
the empire, and expelled from tlxcir territories.
The Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel had been compelled
to abandon the Danish alliance. The King of Den-
mark had lost all his fortresses in Germany ; his
army had been dispersed ; and Schleswg-Holstein
was tremblmg in the balance. Wallenstein was
master of most of the German to^vns on the shores
of the Baltic and the North Sea, but these successes
only instigated to greatei-. The duke was at that
moment revolving mighty projects, which would
vastly extend both his o\vn and the emperor's
power. He di'opped hints from which it was plain
that he meditated putting down all the German
I)rinces, with their " German liberty," and installing
one emperor and one law in the Fatherland. He
would dethrone the King of Denmark, and proclaim
Ferdinand in his room. The whole of Germany,
Denmai'k included, was to be governed from Vienna.
There was to be one exception : the Dukedoms of
Mecklenburg had become his own special princi-
pality, and as this wiis but a narrow land territory,
he proposed to add thereto the dominion of the seas.
By way of carr3dng out this dream of a vast maritim(!
empire, he iKid already assumed the title of " Admiral
of the North and Baltic Seas." He had cast his
eyes on two points of the Baltic shore, the towns of
Riigen and Stralsund, as specially adapted for being
the site of his arsenals and dockyards, where he
might fit out his ileets, to be sent forth on the
errands of peaceful commerce, or more probably on
the hostile expeditions of conquest.
Such was the -wi-etched condition of Germany when
the year 1627 closed upon it. Everywhere the League
had been triumphant, and all was gloom — nay,
darkness. The land lay beaten down and trampled
upon by its two masters, a fanatical emperor and a
dark, inscnitable, and insatiably ambitious soldier.
Its princes had been humiliated, its towns garrisoned
vvith foreign troops, and an army of banditti, now
swollen to 100,000, were marching hither and thither
in it, and in the exercise of a boundless licence
were converting its fair fields into a wilderness.
As if the calamities of the present were not enough,
its masters were revolving new schemes of confisca-
tion and oppression, which would complete the ruin
they had commenced, and plunge the Fatherland
into an abyss of misery.
CHAPTER V.
EUICT OF RESTITUTION.
Edict of Restitution— Its Injustice— Amount of Property to be Kestorod— Imperial Commissaries— Commencement at
Augsburg— Bulk of Property Seized by Ferdinand and the Jesuits — Greater Projects meditated— Denmark and
Sweden marked for Conquest — Retribution — Fffrdinand asked to Disarm — Combination against Ferdinand— Fatlior
Joseph- Outwits the Emperor- Ferdinand and the Jesuits Plot their own Undoing.
Tin; party of the LeagLie Were now masters of
(iermany. From the foot of the Tyrol and the
banks of the Danube all northwards to the shores
of the Baltic, and the coast of Denm.ark, the Jesuit
might survey the land and proudly say, " 1 am
lord of it all." Like the persecutor of early
times, he might rear his pillar, and write upon
it that once Lutheranism existed here, but now
it was extinct, and henceforth Rome resununl
lier sway. Such were the liopes confidently
entertained by the Fathers, and acconlingly the
year 1G29 was signalised by an edict which sur-
])assed in its sweeping injustice all that had gone
liefore it. Protestantism had been .slain by the
sword of Wallenstein, and the decree that was now
huniched was meant to consign it to its grave.
On the Gth of March, 1029, was issued the
famous "Edict of Restitution." This connnande<l
that all the archbishopi-ies, bishoprics, abbacies,
and monasteries, in short all the property and
goods which had belonged to the Romish Church,
and which since the Religious Peace of Passau had
been taken possession of by the Protestants, should <
be restored. This was a revolution the extent of
270
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
which it was not easy to calculate, seeing it over-
turned a state of things which had existed for now
nearly a century, and implied the transference of
an amount of property so vast as to aflect almost
every interest and person in Germany. " It was a
coup-ii'etal as furious," says Michiels, "as if the
French were now to bo asked to restore the clerical
property seized during the Revolution."'
Part of that proi)erty went to the pajTnent of the
Protestant ministers : good pai-t of it was held by
the princes; in some cases it formed the entu-e
source of their revenue ; its restitution would
beggar some of them, and irritate all of them. The
princes might j)lead that the settlement which this
edict proposed to overturn had lasted now seventy-
five years ; that it had been acquiesced in by the
silence of four preceding emperors, and that these
seculaiisations had received a legal ratification at
the Pacification of Augsbiu-g in 1555, when a
proposed clause enjoining restitution had been re-
jected. They might farther plead that they were
entitled to an equal share in those foundations
which had been contributed by their common
ancestors, and that the edict woidd disturb the
balance of the constitution of Germany, by creating
an overwhelming majority of Popish votes in the
Diet.
The hardships of the edict were still farther in-
tensified by the addition of a clause which touched
the conscience. Popish landed proprietors were
empowered to compel theu- vassals to adopt their
religion, or leave the country. When it was
objected that this was contrary to the spirit of the
Religious Peace, it was coolly rej)lied that " Catholic
proprietors of estates were no farther bound than
to allow then- Protestant subjects full liberty to
emigrate.""
Commissaries were appointed for carrying out
the edict ; and all unlawful possessors of church
benefices, and all the Protestant States without
exception, were ordered, under pain of the ban of
the empire, to make immediate restitution of their
usurjjed possessions. Behind the imperial Com-
missaries stood two powerful armies, ready with
their swords to enforce the orders of the Commis-
saries touching the execution of the edict. The
decree fell upon Germany like a thunderbolt. The
bishoprics alone were extensive enough to form a
kingdom ; the abbacies were numberless ; lands
and houses scattered throughout all Northern Ger-
many would have to be reft from their proprietors,
powerful princes would be left without a penny,
' Sfcret History of the Austrian Govefniin'nt , p.
- Schiller, vol. i., p. 193.
and thousands would have to exile themselves ; in
short, endless confusion would ensue. The Elector
of Saxony and the Duke of Brandenburg, whose
equanimity had not been disturbed so long as
religion only was in question, were now alarmed in
earnest. They could no longer hide from them-
selves that the destniction of the Protestant re-
ligion, and the ruin of the German liberties, had
been resolved on by the emperor and the Catholic
League.
A commencement was made of the edict in Augs-
burg. This was eminently a city of Protestant
memories, for there the Augustan Confession had
been read, and the Religious Peace concluded, and
that doubtless made this city a delicious conquest
to the Jesuits. Augsburg was again placed under
the government of its bishop, and all the Lutheran
churches were shut up. In all the free cities the
Romish worehip was restored by the soldiers. As
regards the richer bishoprics, the emperor, having
regard to the maxim that all well-regulated charity
begins at home, got the chapters to elect his sons
to them. His second son, Leopold William, a lad
of fifteen already nominated Bishop of Strasbiu'g,
Passau, Breslau, and Olmiitz, obtained as his share
of the spoil gathered under the edict, the Bishopric
of Halberstadt, and the Archiepiscopates of !Magde-
burg and Bremen. Wlien the ancient heritages of
the Benedictines, Augustines, and other orders came
to be distributed anew, by whom should they be
claimed but by the Jesuits, an order which had no
existence when these foundations were first created !
To benefice a youth of fifteen, and endow the new
order of Loyola, with this wealth, Ferdinand called
" making restitution to the original owners." " If
its confiscation was called plunder, it could not be
made good by fresh robbery."^
Meanwhile the camarilla at Vienna, whose coun-
sels had given birth to this Edict of Restitution,
with all the mischiefs with which it was pregnant
to its authors, but which it had not yet disclosed,
were indulging in dreams of yet greater conquest.
The tide of success which had flowed upon them
so .sudtlenly had turned theii' heads, and notldng
was too impracticable or chimerical for them to
attempt. East and west they beheld the trophies
of their- victories. The once powerful Protestant
Chui-ches of Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary were
in ruins ; the Palatinate of the Rhine, including
that second fountain of Calvinism, Heidell)Prg,
had been added to their dominions ; their victorious
arms had been carried along the Weser, the Ellie,
and the Oder, and had stopped only on the shores
Ludwig Hausser, vol. ii., p. 13&
VIEW OF THE TOWX-llAI.L 01' IIALUERSTADT.
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
of tlie Baltic. But there was no reason why the
CiJtic should be the boundary of theii- triumphs.
They would make a new departui-e. They would
cany their victories into the North Sea, and re-
cover for Rome the Kingdoms of Denmark and
Sweden. When they had reached this fui-thest
limit on the north, they would return and would
essay -n-ith their adventm-ous arms France and
England. In both of these countries Pi-otestantism
seemed on the ebb, and the thrones so lately occu-
pied by an Elizabeth and a Henry IV., were now
tilled by pedantic or senile sovereigns, and a
second jjeriod of juvenescence seemed there to be
awaiting their Chm'ch. Tliis was the moment
when the " Catholic Restoration" had reached its
height, when the House of Hapsburg was in its
glory, and when the scheme of gigantic dominion
at which Loyola aimed when he founded his order,
had apjjroached more nearly than ever before or
since its full and perfect consummation.
The dreams of aggi-ession which were now in-
flaming the imaginations of the Jesuits were
shared in by Ferdinand ; although, as was natural,
he contemplated these anticipated achievements
more from the point of liis own and his house's
aggrandisement, and less from that of the exaltation
of the Vatican, and the propagation over Europe of
that teaching which it styles Christianity. The
emj)eror viewed the contemjilated conquests as
sound in principle, and he could not see why they
shoidd not be foimd as easily practicable as they
wei-e undoubtedly right. He had a general of
consunmiate ability, and an army of 100,000
strong, that cost him nothing: might he not mth a
force so ovei-whelming walk to and fro over Europe,
as he had done over Germany, and presci'ibe to its
peoples what law they were to obey, and what
creed they were to believe? Tliis he meant as-
sm-edly to do in that vast territory which stretches
from the Balkan and the Carpathians to the
German Sea, and the northern coast of Sweden.
Tlie next conquest of his arms ho fully intended
should be the two Kingdoms of Denmark and
Sweden ; and then changing the German Con-
federacy into an absolute monarchy, sweeping away
the charters and rights of its several States, whicli
he regarded but as so much rubbish, shutting up
all its lieretical churches, and jiermitting only the
Roman religion to be pi'ofessed, the whole to the
extreme north of Sweden would be brought imder
what he accomited " the best political constitution
— namely, one king, one law, one God."'
But to the emperor, and the Jesuits, his coun-
sellors, giddy with the achievements of the past,
and yet more so with the di'eams of the future,
defeat was treading ujaon the lieels of success.
Retribution came sooner than Fei-dinimd had fore-
seen, and in a way he coiUd not calculate, inasmuch
as it gi'ew out of those veiy schemes, the success of
which seemed to giuird him against any such
reverse as that which was now approaching. The
man who had lifted him up to liis dizzy height was
to be, indu-eotly, the occasion of his dow:ifall.
The fii-st turn in the tide was visible in the jealousy
wliich at this stage sprang up between Ferdinand
and the Catholic League. The emperor had become
suddenly too powerful to be safe for Catholic in-
terests, and the Jesmts of the League resolved to
humble or to break him. So long as Ferdinand
was content to owe his ^^ctories to Maximilian of
Bavaria as head of the League, and conquer only
by the sword of Tilly, the Jesuits were -willing to
permit him to go on. He was theii- servant while
he leaned upon the League, and they could use
liim or throw him aside as they foimd it expedient.
The moment they saw liim disposed to use his
power for personal or dynastic ends in opposition
to the interests of the order, they could check him,
or even strip him of that power altogether. But
it was wholly difterent when Ferdinand separated
his military operations from those of the League,
called Wallenstein to his service, raised an army of
ovenvhelmiug numbers, and was winning victories
which, although they brought -with them the spread
of the Roman faith, brought \\-ith them still more
power to the House of Hapsburg, and glory
to its general, Wallenstein. Ferdinand was now
dangerous, and they must take measiu-es for cur-
tailing a power that was becoming formidable to
themselves. Maximilian of Bavaria summoned a
meeting of the League at Heidelberg, and after
discussing the matter, a demand was sent to the
emperor that he should disarm — that is, dismiss
Wallenstein, and dissolve his army.'-' Remove the
pedestal, thought the meetmg, and the ligiu'c will
fall.
Other parties came forward to urge the sanie de-
mand on Ferdinand. These were the piinces of
Germany, to whom the army of Wallenstein had
Iiecome a terror, a scoui'ge, and a destruction. We
can imagine, or rather we cannot imagine, the state
of that land with an assemblage of banditti, now
swollen to somewhere about 100,000,' roaming
over it, reaping the harvest of its fields, gathering
the spoil of its cities, torturing the inliabitants to
' Chapman, p. 1S4.
'- LuJwig Hiiusser, vol. ii., p. 127
' Schiller, vol. i., p. "JOS.
DISMISSAL OF WALLENSTEIK
r3
compel tlicm to disclose theii- treasui'es, causing wliok^
vilhigps on the line of their march, or in the neigh-
l)oiu-liood of their encampment, to di.sajipear, and
leaving their occupants to find a home in the woods.
The position of the princes was no longer enduralile.
It did not matter much whether they were with or
against Ferdinand. The nifiians assomhled under
Walleustein selected as the scene of their encamp-
ment not the most heterodox, but the most fertile
province, and carried away the cattle, the gold,
and the goods which it contained, ■without stopping
to mquire whether the ovviier was a Romanist
or a Protestant. ■' Brandenburg estimated its
losses at 20,000,000, Pomei-ania at 10,000,000,
Hesse-Cassel at 7,000,000 of dollars, and the rest
in i)roportion. The cry for redress was loud,
urgent, and universal ; on this point Catholics and
Protestants were agreed."'
Ferdinand for some time obstinately shut his ear
to the complaints and accusations wliich reached
him on all sides agamst his general and his army.
At last he deemed it prudent to make some con-
cession to the general outcry. He dismissed 18,000
of his soldiers. Under the standard of Wallenstein
there remained more marauders than had been .sent
away ; but, over and above, the master-gi-ievance
still existed — Walleustein was still in command, and
neither the League nor the princes would be at
rest till he too had quitted the emperor's service.
A council of the princes was held at Eatisbon
(June, 1G30), and the demand was renewed, and
again pressed upon Ferdinand. Most painful it
was to dismiss the man to whom he owed his
greatness ; but wth a singular unanimity the
demand was joined in by the whole Electoral Col-
lege, by the princes of the League, the Protestant
l)rinces, and by the ambassadors of France and of
Spain. Along with the ambassadors of France had
come a Capuchin friar. Father Joseph, whom
Eichelieu had sent as an admirable instrument for
working on the emperor. This monk has received
the credit of giving the last touch that turned
the scale in this delicate affair. " The voice of a
monk," says Schiller, " was to Ferdinand the voice
of God." Ferdinanil was then negotiating for the
election of his son as King of the Romans, -svith the
view of his succeeding him in the empire. "It will
be necessaiy," softly whispered the Capuchin, " to
gi-atify the electoi's on this occasion, and thereby
facilitate your son's election to the Roman crown.
When this object has been gained, Wallenstem will
always be ready to resume his former station." -
The argument of Father Joseph iirevaded ; Wallen-
stein's dismissal was determined on ; and when it
was intimated to him the general submitted, only
saying to the messenger who brought the unwel-
come tidings, that he had learned his errand from
the stars before his arrival. Ferdinand failed to
cany his son's election as King of the Romans ; and
when he found how he had been outwitted, he
vented his rage, exclaiming, " A rascally Capucliin
has disarmed me with his rosary, and crammed into
his cowl six electoral bonnets."''
All parties in this transaction appear as if
smitten with blindness and infatuation. We be-
hold each in turn laying the train for its own
overthrow. The cause of Protestantism seemed
eternally ruined in the land of Luther, and lo, the
emperor and the Jesuits combine to lift it up !
Ferdinand prepares the means for his own discom-
fitiire and humiliation when in the first place he
quaiTels with the League, and in the second when
he issues the Edict of Restitution. He diives both
Jesuits and Protestants from him in turn. Next it
is the Jesuits who plot their ovm. undoing. They
compel the emperor to reduce his army, and not
only so, but they also make him dismiss a general
who is more to him than an army. And what is
yet more strange, the time they select for making
these great changes is the moment when a hero,
wlio had bound victory to Ids standards by his sur-
passuig bravery and skill, was stepping upon the
shore of Northern Germany to do battle for a faith
which they had trodden into the dust, and the name
of -which would soon, they hoped, perish from tho
Fatherland.
' Schiller, vol. i., p. 200.
Schiller, vol. i., p. 204.
3 IIUI., p. 20J.
274-
HISTORY OF PROTESTAISTTISM.
CHAPTER VT.
ARRIVAL OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHIS IN GERMANY.
The Eeaction— Its Limits — Preparatory Campaigns of Gustavus— All Ready— No Alternative left to Gustavns — His
Motives— His Character — His Farewell to the Diet— His Parting Address — Embai'kation — Lands in Germany —
Contempt of Gustavns by the Court of Vienna— Marches on Stettin— Is Admitted into it— Takes Possession of
Pomerania— Imperialists Driven out of Mecklenburg — Alliance vrith Prance — Edict of Restitution— John George,
Elector of Saiony — His Project — The Convention at Leipsic — Its Failure.
The Catholic reaction, borne onwards by the force
of the imperial arm.s, liad rolled up to the borders
of Sweden, chasing befoi-e it Christian of Denmark,
and every one who had striven to stem its advancing
toiTent. But a mightier Potentate than Ferdinand
or any earthly emperor had fixed the limits of the
reaction, and decreed that beyond the line it had
now reached it should not pass. From the remote
regioixs of the North Sea a deliverer came forth, sum-
moned by a Divine voice, and guided by a Divine
hand, empowered to roll back its swelling wave, and
bid the nations it had overwhelmed stand up and
again assume the rights of free men. The cham-
pion who now arose to confront Rome was Gustavus
Adolphus, King of Sweden.
A sincere Protestant, as well as valorous sol-
dier, Gustavns Adolphus had seen with pain and
alann the troops of the League and of the emperor
overran the States of Germany, drive away the
ministers of the Reformed faith, and set up the
overturned altars of Rome. The cry of the op-
pressed peoples had reached him once and again, bat
circumstances did not pennit of lus interferLtig in
the great quarrel. On ascending the throne, he
had the disorders of half a century in his own
dominions to rectify. Tliis was a laborious task,
but it was executed with an intelligence that
replaced stagnation ^vith life and prosperity. Tlie
external relations of his kingdom next claimed liis
attention. These called him to engage, first, in a
war with Deumai-k ; and, secondly, in a war with
Russia. A third war he was compelled to wage
with Poland. His title to the throne of Sweden
had been brought into cpiestion by the Polish
sovei'eign, who maintained that the rightful heii-s
were to be fo>ind in tlie other line of Gustavus
Vasa. The Romanists sided with the King of
Poland, in the hope of beijig able to wi-est the
sovereignty from the hands of a Protes-tant, and of
bringing back the kingdom to the See of Rome ;
and thus Gustavus Adolphus found that he had to
do battle at the same time for the possession of his
crown and the Protestantism of his realm. Tliis
contest, which was completely successful, was ter-
minated in 1629, and it left Sweden mistress of
a large and important section of the Baltic coast.
These campaigns formed the preparation for the
fourth and greatest war- in which the monarch and
people of Sweden were destined to embark. The
reforms set on foot within the country had vastly
augmented its resources. The power which Gus-
tavus had acquii-ed over the Baltic, and the towns
which he held on its coast, kept open to him the
gate of entrance into Germany ; and the generals
and warriors whom he had trained in these wars
were such as had not been seen in Europe since the
decline of the Spanish school. All these i-eqiiisites,
unsuspected by himself, had been slowly preparing,
and now they were completed : he could command
the sinews of war ; he had an open road to the
great battle-field, and he had warriors worthy of
being his companions in arms, and able to act their
part in the conflict to which he was about to lead
them.
If Gustavus Adolphus was now, what he had
never been before, ready to engage in the world-
wide strife, it is not less true that that strife had
reached a stage wliich left him no alternative but to
take part in it, if ever he would do so with the chance
of success. Victory had carried the Popish arms to
the watei-s of the Baltic : the possessions he held
on the coast of that sea were in danger of being
wrested from him ; bxit his foes would not stop
there ; they woiild cross the ocean ; they would
assail him on his own soil, and extingiiish his
sovereignty and the Protestantism of his realm
togethei'. WalleiLsteLn had suggested such a
scheme of conquest to his master, and Ferdinand
would not be at rest till he had extended his sway
to the extreme north of Sweden. '
Such was the situation in which the Swedish
monarch now found himself placed. He rightly in-
terpreted that situation. He knew that lie could
not avoid war by sitting still ; that if he did not go
' Chapman, p. 19fi.
GU.STAVU« ADOLniUS ADDRESSING THE STATES.
275
to meet his enemies on tlie pUiins of Germany,
tliey would seek liim out in liis own sea-gut
kingdom, where he shouhl tight at greater dis-
advantage. Tliorcforo lio chose the boUlor and
safer course.
But tliese reasons, wise thougli they were, were
not the only, nor indeed tlie strongest motives
that influenced Gustavus Adolphus in adopting this
course. He was a devout Christian and an en-
lightened Protestant, as well as a brave wan-ior,
and he took into consideration the great crisis
which had arrived in the afl'aiis of Europe and of
Protestantism, and the part that fell to himself in
this emergency. Ho saw the religion and the
liberty of Christendom on the pohit of being trodden
out by the armed hordes of an emperor whose
councillors were Jesuits, and whoso generals were
content to sink the soldier in the ruthless banditti-
leiuler; and to whom could the oppressed nations
look if not to himself? England was indiiferent,
France was unwUiug, Holland was unable, and,
unless Protestantism was to be saved by mu-acle, he
must gird on the sword and essay the herculetui
task. He knew the slender means and the small
army with which he must confront an enemy who
had inexhaustible resources at his command, and
innumerable soldiers, with the prestige of invinci-
bility, under his banner ; but if the difficulty of
the enterprise was immense, and might well inspire
caution or even fear, it was of a nature surpassingly
grand, and might well kmdle enthusiasm, and
beget a sublime faith that He whose cause it was,
and who, by the very perils -with which He was
surrounding him, seemed to be forcing liim out into
the field of liattle, would bear him safely through
all the dangers of the great venture, and by his
hand deliver his people. It was in this faith that
Gustavus Adolphus became the champion of Pro-
testantism.
"In one respect," says Hausser, "Gustavus Adol-
phus was a unique personage in this century : lie
wa-s animated by the fresh, imbroken, youtliful
spirit of the early days of the Refomiation, like
that which characterised such men as Frederick of
Saxony and Philip of Hesse. If it can be said of
any ruler in tlie first half of the sixteenth century,
that he was filled with Protestant zeal and sincere
enthusiasm for the greatness of his cause, it may be
said of him and of him alone. To a world full of
mean artifices, miserable intrigues, and naiTOw-
minded men, ho exhibited once more the chai-acter-
istics and qualities of a true hero. This exjilains
why he called forth enthusiasm where it had been
for many decades unknown — why he succeeded in
kindling men's minds for ideas wliich had been en-
gulfed in the miseries of the times. Sawed things
■were no idle sport mth him." '
Having resolved to present himself on the great
arena, in the faith of uplifting a cause wliich already
appeared almost utterly ruined, Gustavus Adolphus,
" like a dying man," says Gfrorer, " set his house in
order," by making arrangements for the defence and
government of liLs kingdom in his absence. On
the 20th of May, 1G30, he assembled the Diet at
Stockliolm, to bid the States a solemn farewell. -
Taking in his arms his infant daughter Christina,
then only five years old,-'' he presented her to the
assembled nobles and deputies, who swore fidelity
to her as their sovereign, in the event of her royal
father falling on the battle-field. The touching
spectacle melted all present into tears, and the
emotion of the king was so great that it was some
time before he was able to proceed in his farewell
address to the States.
When at length he found words, the brave and
devoted prince assured his people that it was no
light cause which had led him to embark in this
new war. God was his witness that he had not
sought this contest. That contest exposed liimself
to great dangers, and it laid heavy burdens on
them ; but, however full of risks and sacrifices, he
dared not decline an enterprise to which he was
summoned by the cry of his perisliing brethren.
Even should he and liis subjects prefer theu' own
ease to the deliverance of the oppressed, it would
not be long till they should have abundant cause to
repent their selfishness. The same anued bigotry
which had wi'ought such desolation in Germany,
was at that hour meditating the overthi'ow of their
own throne, and the destruction of theii* o^vu
religion and independence. They must not think
to escape by abiding within their own seas and
shutting themselves out from others. Who could
toll whether Sweden had not attained her present
place among the nations for .such a time as this 1
Turning to his councillors of state, he bade them
seek to be filled with wisdom, that they might
govern with equity. Addi-essing liis nobles, he
exhorted them to emulate the bravery of " those
Gothic heroes who humbled in the dust the pride
of ancient Rome." Tlie pastors he earnestly recom-
mended to cultivate unity, and to exemplify in
their o-*vn lives the vii-tues they preached to others.
For all classes of his subjects he offered liis earnest
prayers, that order might bless their cities, fertility
clothe theii- fields, and ])lenty cheer theu* homes;
and then, with the tenderness of a father taking
' Ludwig Hausser, vol. ii., pp. 150, 151.
- .Schiller, vol. i., p. 210. ^ Oli.ipiiian, p. 205.
LANDESTG OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS AT RUGEN.
277
leave of his cliildren — for the mind of the hero-
prince was oppressed by the presentiment that he
should see them no more — he said, " I bid you all
an affectionate — it may be an eternal — farewell.'"'
A few days after this solemn parting, the king
embarked his army of 15,000 at Elfsnabhen. It
was a small host to essay so gi'eat an enterprise ;
to which he but too truly presaged he should
return no more. In a few days the opposite coast
of the Baltic rose out of the waves, and the fleet
cast anchor before the Isle of Riigen, on the coast
of Pomerania. On the 24th of June, 1630 — exactly
100 years after the presentation of the Augsburg
Confession to Charles V. — Gustavus Adolphus
orsTAVT-S ADOLPHXTs, (From a Portrait m the BihUolheiite Rationale, after that engraied by John de Leexm.)
but it was led by a great general, and the heroism
and devotion of the chief burned in the breasts of
the soldiers. Up to the water's edge the shore was
black with the crowds which had assembled to
witness the embarkation, and to take, it might be,
their last look of their beloved sovereign. Contrary
■\vind8 detained the fleet a few days, but at last tlie
breeze veered round, and bore away the magnani-
mous prince, with his chivalrous host, from a shore
1 Schiller. voL i., p. 220.
landed on the shore of Germany. The king was
the first to step on land, and advancing a few paces
before the soldiers, he kneeled down in presence of
the army, and gave thanks to God for conveying
the host in safety across the deep, and prayed that
success might crown their endeavours.
The powerfid Popish monarch who had put his
foot upon the neck of Germany, heard with easy
and haughty unconcern of the landing of Gustavus
Adolphus. The significance of tliat landing was
but little understood on either the Romish or the
128
278
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Protestant side. Ferdinand could not see that the
mighty fabric of his power could be shaken, or the
triumphant tide of his arms rolled back, by the little
host that had just crossed the Baltic. Wlien the
coiu-tiers of Vienna heard of the coming of Gustavus
" they looked in the State Almanack to see where
the country of the little Gothic king was situated."^
The princes of Germany, trodden into the dust,
were nearly as unable to understand that deliverance
had dawned for them in the advent of the northern
hero. From the powerful thrones of England and
France they might have looked for help ; but what
succour could a petty kingdom like Sweden bring
them'! They could not recognise their deliverer
coming in a guise so humble. Gustavus Adolphus
was a foreigner. They almost wished that he had
not interfered in their matters ; and greatly as they
longed to be lifted out of the mire, they were con-
tent well-nigh to be as they were, rather than owe
their emancipation to a stranger. These degenerate
princes were to be taught the power of that Protes-
tantism from which they had so greatly declined.
At what altar had Gustavus and his followers
kindled that heroism which enabled them to com-
mand victory, if not at that of the Reformed
faith 1 This it was that made them the deliverers
of those who had lost their liberty by losing their
Protestantism.
Eager to invest his arms with the prestige of a
first success, the Swedish king set out for Stettin,
and arrived under its walls before the imperial
troops had time to occupy it. Stettin was the
capital of Pomerauia ; but its importance lay in its
commanding the mouths of the Oder, and leaving
open in the rear of Gustavus a passage to Sweden,
should fortune compel him to retreat. He de-
manded that the town should receive a Swedish
ganison. The citizens, but too familiar with the
horrors of a foreign occupation, and not knowing
as yet the difierence between the orderly and dis-
ciplined soldiers of Gustavus and the marauders
who served under Tilly and Wallenstein, were
unwilling to open their gates. Still more unwilling
was their Duke Bogislaus, who added the timidity
of age to that of constitution. This prince longed
to be freed from the ten-ore and the oppressions of
Ferdinand, but he trembled at the coming of
Gustavus, fearing that the emperor would visit
with a double vengeance his comj)liance with the
Swedish monarch's wishes. Bogislaus begged to be
j)ennitted to remain neutral. But Gustavus told
him that he mu.st choose between himself and Fer-
dinand, and that he must decide at once. Influenced
by the present rather than by the remote danger,
Bogislaus opened the gates of Stettin, and the
Swedish troops entered. Instead of plundering
their houses the soldiers went with the citizens to
church, and soon established a reputation which
proved second only to theii" valour in its influence
on theii' future success. The occupation of this
town was a masterly stroke. It gave the king a
l)asis of operations on the mainland, it covered liis
rear, and it secm-ed his commimication with Sweden.
Step by step Gustavus Adolphus advanced into
North Germany. His host swelled and midtiplied
the farther his banners were borne. The soldiers
who had formed the armies of Coimt Mansfeld
and the Duke of Brunswick, and the corps dis-
banded by Wallenstein, flocked in crowds to his
standard, and exchanged their pkuidering habits
for the order and bravery of well-disciplined troops.
The capture of town after town added every day
new pledges of final success. The inequality of his
force in point of numbers was more than balanced
by his great superiority in tactics. Combining the
most determined resolution with the most con-
summate prudence, he went on driving the im-
perialists before him, and by the end of autumn
almost the whole of Pomerania was in his posses-
sion. It was on these first efibrts that the final
issue must depend, and not one f;»lse step had he
made in them. " Napoleon considered him to be
the first general of all times, chiefly because during
a dangerous and tedious campaign, from June,
1630, to the autumn of 16.31, he advanced slowly,
but surely, towai-ds the centre of Germany without
sufiering any repulse worth mentioning."^
When winter approached, the imperial generals,
wearied with then- defeats, sent plenipotentiaries
to the camp of the Swedes to sue for a cassation off
hostilities, but they found they had to do with an
enemy who, clad in sheep's-skin, felt no ^vinter in
the climate of Germany. The reply of Gustavus
to the proposal that both sides should go into winter
quarters was, " The Swedes are soldiers in winter
as well as in summer."'' The imperialist soldiers
were farther harassed by the peasantry, who now
avenged upon them the pillagings and mm-ders
they had been guilty of in their advance. Deser-
tion was thinning and disorganisation weakening
their ranks, and the imperial commander in Pome-
i-ania, Torquato Conte, took the oiiijortunity of re-
signing a command which, while adding nothing to
his wealth, was avery day lessening his reputation.
Flying before the victorious arms of Gustavus
1 Ludwig H&usser, vol. ii., p. 148.
- Ludwig Htiussei', vol. ii., p. 157.
3 SchiUer, vol. i., p. 226.
POMERANIA AND MECKLENBURG RECOVERED.
279
Adolphus, and abandoning in theii- retreat wagons
and standards,' to be gathered up by the Swedes,
the imperial troops took refuge in Brandenburg,
where they prepared for themselves future calami-
ties by oppressing and plundeiing the inhabitants,
although the subjects of a iiiler who was the ally
of their emperor. The king would have followed
the enemy into the Duchy of Brandenburg, had not
the gates of Kustrin, opened to admit the im-
perialists, been closed upon himself He now
turned his victorious arms towards Mecklenbiug,
whose dukes the Emperor Ferdinand had stripped
of their territory and driven into exile. The captui'e
of Demmin gave him entrance into this territory,
where .success continued to attend his arms. By
the end of February, 1631, the king had taken
fully eighty cities, strongholds, and redoubts in
Pomerania and Mecklenburg."
At this stage there came a little help to the
Protestant hero from a somewhat suspicious quarter,
France. Cardinal Richelieu, who w.is now supreme
in that kingdom, had revived the foreign policy of
Henry IV., which was directed to the end of
humbling the House of Austria, and his quick eye
saw in the Swedish warrior a fit instrument, as he
thought, for achieving his purpose. It was a
delicate matter for a " prince of the Church " to
enter into an alliance with a heretical king, but
Richelieu trusted that in return for the subsidy he
offered to Gustavus he would be allowed the regu-
lation and control of the war. He found, however,
in Adolphus his master. The Treaty of Balwarde
(January, 1631) secured to Gustavus a subsidy of
400,000 dollars, for the attainment of interests
common to France and Sweden, but left to the
latter Power the political and military direction.
This was a diplomatic victory of no small impor-
tance to the Swedish monarch. The capture of
two important places, Colberg and Frankfort-on-
the-Oder, which followed soon after, shed fresh
lustre on the Swedish ai-ms, and made the expedi-
tion of Gustavus Adolphus appear still more pro-
minent in the eyes of Europe.
Even the Protestant princes of Germany began
to show a little heart. They had basely truckled
to the Emperor Ferdinand ; not a finger had they
lifted to stem the toiTcnt of the Catholic reaction ;
but now, conscious that a mighty power had an-ived
in the midst of them, they began to talk of I'e-
asserting their rights. They were yet too proud to
accept of help from the stranger, but his presence
among them, and the success that was crowning his
efforts in a war which ought to have been under-
' Chapman, p. 219.
2 Ibid., p. 231.
taken by themselves, helped to rouse them from
that shameful and criminal apathy into which they
had fallen, and which indisposed them for the least
effort to recover the much of which they had been
stripped, or to retain the little that had been left to
them. At this moment Ferdinand of Austria did
his best, though all unintentionally, to stimulate
their feeble efforts, and to make them join their
arms with those of the Swedish monarch in fighting
the battle of a common Protestantism. The em-
peror issued orders to his officei's to put in execution
the Edict of Restitution. The enforcement of this
edict would sweep into the Treasury of the em-
peror and of the Roman Church a vast amount of
Protestant property in the two most powerful Pro-
testant electorates in Germany, those of Saxony
and Brandenburg, and would specially in-itate the
two most important allies whom the emperor had
among the Protestant princes. The hour was cer-
tainly ill-chosen for such a proceeding, when Wallen-
stein had been dismissed, when defeat after defeat
was scattering the imperial ai-mies, and when the
advancing tide of Swedish success was threatening
to sweep away all the fi-uits of Ferdinand's fomier
victories even more rapidly than he had achieved
them. But, the Court of Vienna believing that
its hold on Germany was too firm ever to be
loosened, and despising this assault fi-om the little
Sweden, Ferdinand, acting doubtless by the advice
of the Jesuits, gave oi'ders to proceed with tlie
plunder of his Protestant allies.
It was only now that the veil was fully lifted from
the eyes of John George, Elector of Saxony. This
prince exhibits little save contrast to the pious, mag-
nanimous, and public-spirited Electoi-s of Saxony
of a former day. His private and personal manners
were coarse ; he dressed slovenly, and fed glut-
tonously. His public policy was utterly selfish. He
liad long been the dupe of the emperor, his sottish
understanding and grovelling aims preventing him
from seeing the gulf into which he was sinking.
But now, finding himself threatened with annihila-
tion, he resolved to adopt a decisive policy. As
Elector of Saxony he was the leader of the Protes-
tant princes, and he now purposed to place himself
at their head, and form a third party in Germany,
which would oppose the emperor on the one side,
and the King of Sweden on tlie other. The Elector
of Saxony would not lower himself by joining with
Gustavus Adolphus. He did not need the hand of
the northern stranger to pull him out of the mii-e ;
he would exti-icate liimself.
Proceeding in the execution of his plans, des-
tined, he believed, to restore tlie German liberties,
the Elector of Saxony summoned a convention
280
HISTOEY OF PROTESTAJ^TISM.
of the Protestiint States, to meet at Leipsic in
Februaiy, 1631. The assemblage was brilliant, but
can hai'dly be said to have been powerful. The
princes and deputies who composed it would never
have had the courage to meet, had they not known
that they assembled under the shadow of the Swedish
arms, which they affected to despise. Theii- con-
vention lasted three months, and then- time was
divided between feasting and attempts to frame a
programme of miited action. The Jesuits jeered,
"The poor little Lutheran princes," said they, "ave
holding a little convention at Leipsic, Who is
there ? " they asked. " A princeling and a half.
What ai-e they going to do? Make a Little war."
The princes did not make a war either little or
great : they contented themselves with petitiouiug
the emperor to I'emove the grievances of which
they complained. They begged him especially to
revoke the Edict of Restitution, and to withdraw
his troops from their cities and fortresses. To'thLs
petition not the least heed was ever paid. The
princes did not even form a league among them-
selves; they thought they had done enough when
they fixed the number of soldiei-s that each was to
furnish, in the event of theii- forming a league some
other time.' This was a truly pitiable spectacle.
The priuces saw their country devastated, their
cities occupied by foreign troops, theii- religion and
then- liberties proscribed — in short, all that gave
glory and renown to Germany smitten down by the
hand of tyi-anny, yet the power and the spirit alike
were wantiug for the vindication of their rights, and
amid the ruLa of every ■\Ti'tue theii' pride alone sur-
vived; for we see them turning away with disdain
from the strong arm that is extended towards them
for the purpose of pulling them out of the gulf.
Plain it was that the hour of theii' deliverance was
yet distant.
CHAPTER VII.
FALL OF MAGDEBURG AND VICTORY OF LEIPSIC.
Magdeburg— Its Wealth and Importance— Coveted by both Parties— It declares, against the Imperialists— Its
Administratoi- — Count vou TUIy— His Career— Personal Appearance— Magdebursj Invested — Refuse a Swedish
Garrison— Subiurbs Burned — The Assault— The Defence— CouncU of Wai' — The Cannonading Ceases — False Hopes
— The City Stormed and Taken — Entry of Tilly— Horrors of the Sack— Total Destruction of the City— Gustavus
Blamed for not Raising the Siege — His Defence— The Electors of Brandenburg and Saxony now Join him — Battle
of Leipsic— Plan of Battle— Total Eout of the ImperiaUsts— All is Changed.
While the convention of Leipsic was making
boastful speeches, and the Jesuits were firing off
derisive pasquils, and Ferdinand of Austria was
maintaining a haughty and apparently an uncon-
cerned attitude in presence of the invading Swedes,
Gustavus Adolphus was adding victory to victory,
and every day marching farther into the heart of
Germany. His advance at last caused alarm to the
imperial generals, and it was resolved to trifle no
longer with the matter, but to adopt the most
energetic mea.sure.s to oppose the progress of the
northern arms. ThLs brings us to one of the most
thrilling incidents of the war — the siege and cap-
ture of Magdeburg.
This ancient :ind wealthy city .stood on the left
bank of the Elbe. It was strongly fortified, being
enclosed on its land sides by lofty walls and broad
ditches. The commerce on its river had gi'eatly
enriched the citizens, and the republican form of
their government had nourished in their breiusts a
spirit of independence and bravery. In those days,
when neither trade nor liberty was widely diffused,
Magdeburg had fewer rivals to contend -svith than
now, and it surpassed in riches and freedom most
of the cities in Germany. This made it a prize
earnestly coveted by both sides. If it should fall
into the hands of the Swedes, its situation and
strength would make it an admirable storehouse
and arsenal for the army ; and, on the other hand,
should the imperialists gain possession of it, it
would give them a basis of operations from which
to threaten Gustavus Adolphus in his rear, and
would put it into their power to close against liim
one of his main exits from Germany, should defeat
compel him to retreat towards the Baltic. Its
government was somewhat anomalous at this
moment. It was the capital of a rich bishopi-ic,
which had for some time been in possession of the
Protestant princes of the House of Brandenburg.
' Schiller, vol. i., pp. 234, 235. Ludwig Hausaer, vol. ii.,
pp. 160-102.
SIEGE OF MAGDEBUEG.
281
Its present administrator, Christian WUliam, had
made himself obnoxious to Ferdinand, by taking
pirt -ivitli the King of Denmark in his invasion of
the empii'e ; and the chapter, dreading the effects
of the emiieror's anger, deposed Christian William,
and elected the second son of the Elector of Saxony
in his room. The emperor, however, disallowed this
election, and appointed his own son Leopold to the
dignity ; but Christian William of Brandenburg,
ha\ing made friends with the magistrates and the
citizens, resumed his government of the city, and
having roused the inhabitants by pointing to the de-
vastations which the impeiial troops had committed
on their territory, and having held out to them
hopes of succour from the Swedes, whose victorious
leader was approaching nearer every day, he in-
duced them to declai'e war against the emperor.
They joined battle with small bodies of imperialists,
and succeeded in defeating them, and they had
even surprised the town of Halle, when the ad-
vance of the main army under Tilly compelled
them to fall back and shut themselves up in Magde-
burg.
Before entering on the sad story of Magdeburg's
heroic defence and tragic fidl, let us look at the
man who was destined to be the chief actor in
the scenes of carnage about to ensue. Count
von Tilly was bom in Liege, of a noble family.
He received his military education in the Nether-
laijds, then the most famous school for generals.
By nature cold, of gloomy disposition, and cherish-
ing an austere but sincere bigotry, he had sei-ved
\vith equal zeal and ability in almost all the wars of
the period against Protestantism. His sword had
been drawn on the bloody fields of the Low Coun-
tries ; he had combated against the Protestant
armies in Hungary and Bohemia, and when the
wars came to an end in these countries, because
there were no more Protestants to slay, he had
been appointed to lead the ai-mies of the League.
When Wallenstein was dismissed he was made
generalissimo of the Emperor Ferdinand, and it is
in this capacity that we now find him before the
walls of Magdeburg. Schiller has drawn his per-
sonal appearance with the power of a master.
" His strange and teiTific aspect," says he, " was
in unison with his character. Of low stature, thin,
with hollow cheeks, a long nose, a broad and
wrinkled forehead, large whiskers, and a pointed
chin ; he was generally attired iir a Spanish doiiblet
of gi-een silk, with slashed sleeves, with a small
and peaked hat upon his liead, surmounted by a
red feather, which Inuig down his back. His
whole aspect recalled to recollection the Duke of
Alva, the scourge of the Flemings, and his actions
were by no means calculated to remove the im-
pression." '
Tilly know too well the art of war to despise his
gi-eat opponent. " This is a player," said he of
Gustavus Adolphus, " from whom we gain much if
we merely lose nothing."
Magdeburg was first invested by Count Pappen-
heim, an ardent supporter of the House of Austria,
and accounted the first cavalry general of his age.
He was soon joined by Tilly at the head of his
army, and the city was more closely invested than
ever. The line of walls to be defended was exten-
sive, the garrison was small, and the citizens, when
they saw the imperialist banners on all sides of
them, began to repent having declined the offer of
Gustavus Adolphus to aid in the defence with a
regiment of his soldiers. Faction, unhappily,
divided the citizens, and they refused to admit the
Swedish garrison within their walls ; nor, wealthy
though they were, would they even advance money
enough to levy ti'oops sufficient for their defence.
The Swedish monarch was pained at the course
they chose to adopt, but the city was now shut in,
and all he could do was to send Count Falkenberg,
a brave and experienced officer, to direct the mili-
tary operations, and aid with his counsel the
Administrator Christian William.
All during the winter of 1630-31, Magdeburg
continued to be invested ; but the siege made slow
progress owing to the circumstance that the two
generals, Tilly and Pappenheim, were compelled to
withdraw, to withstand the advance of Gustavus
Adolphus, leaving inferior men to command in
their absence. But in March, 1631, the two great
leaders returned, and the operations of the siege
were resumed with vigour. After the first few
days the outposts and suburbs were abandoned,
and, being set fij'e to by the imperialists, were
reduced to ashes. The battle now advanced to the
walls and gates. During all the month of April
the storm of assault and resistance raged fiercely
round the fortifications. The citizens armed them-
selves to supplement the smallness of the gari-ison,
and day and night fought on the walls. Daily
battle thinned their numbers, want began to impair
their strength, but their frequent sallies told the
besiegers that their spirit and bravery remained
unabated. Their detestation of the tyranny of
Ferdinand, their determination to retain then-
Protestant faith, and their hopes of relief from
Gustavus Adolphus, who they knew was in their
neighbourhood, made them unanimous in theii- re-
solution to defend the place to the last.
1 Schiller, vol. i., p. 230.
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284
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
The approach of tlie Swedish hero was as gi-eatly
dreaded in the camp of Tilly, as it was longed for in
the city of ilugdeburg. A march of three days, it
was known, would bring him befoi-e the walls, and
then the imperialists would be between two fires ;
they would have the Swedes, flushed -vvith victory,
in their rear, and the besieged, armed with despair,
in their front. Tilly often directed anxious eyes
into the distance, fearing to discover the Swedish
banners on the horizon. He assembled a council of
war, to debate whether he should raise the siege, or
attempt carrying Magdeburg by storm. It was
re.solved to storm the city before Gustavus should
anive. No breach had yet been made in the walls,
and the besiegers must add stratagem to force,
would they take the place. It was resolved to
follow the precedent of the siege of Maestricht,
where a sudden cessation of the cannonading had
done more to open the gates than all the fire of the
artillery. On the 9th of May, at noon, the cannon
of Tilly ceased firing, and the besiegers removed a
few of the guns. " Ah ! " said the citizens of
Magdeburg, joyfully, " we are .saved ; the Swedish
hero is approaching, and the hoi5ts of TUly are
about to flee." All that night the cannon of the
besiegers remained silent. This confinned the
impression of the citizens that the siege was about
to be raised. The danger which had so long hung
above them and inflicted so fearful a strain on
their energies being gone, as they believed, the
weariness and exhaustion that now overpowered
them were in proportion to the foi-mer tension. The
stillness seemed deep after the nights of fire and
tempest through which they had passed. The
silver of morning appeared in the east ; still all
was calm. The sun of a May day beamed forth,
and showed the imperial encampment apparently
reposing. One-half of the garrison, by order of
Falkenberg, had been withdraAvn from the walls,
the wearied citizens were drowned in sleep, and the
few who were awake were about to repair to the
churches to ofier thanks for their deliverance, wlien,
at seven of the morning, sudden as the awakening
of a quiescent volcano, a terrific storm broke over
the city.
The roar of cannon, the ringing of the tocsin, the
shouts of assailants, lilending in one frightful
thimder-burst, awoke the citizens. Stunned and
tei-rified, they seized their arms and nished into
the street, only to find the enemy pouring into the
town over the ramparts and through two of the
gates, of which they had already gained possession.
Falkenberg, as he was hurrj'ing from post to post,
was cut down at the commencement of the assault.
His fall was fatal to the defence, for the attack
not having been foreseen, no plan of resistance had
been arranged ; and though the citizens, knowing
the horrors that were entering with the soldiei's,
fought with a desperate bravery, they were unable
— -without a leader, and without a plan — to stem
the torrent of armed men who were eveiy minute
pouring into their city. It was easy scaling the
walls, when defended by only a handful of men ; it
was equally easy forcing the gates, when the guards
had been withdrawn to fight on the ramparts.
Every moment the odds against the citizens were
becoming more overwhelming, and by twelve o'clock
all resistance was at an end, and Magdeburg was iu
the hands of the enemy.
Tilly now entered with the ai-my. He took
possession of the jji-incipal streets with his troops,
and pointing his shotted cannon upon the masses
of the citizens, compelled them to retire into theii'
houses, there to await theii- fate. Regiment after
regiment poured into Magdebiu'g. Thei'e entered,
besides the German troops, the pitiless Walloons,
followed by the yet more terrible Croats. What a
horde of ruflianism ! Although an army of wolves
or tigers had been collected into Magdeburg, the
danger would not have been half so terrible as that
which now hung over the city from this assemblage
of men, inflamed by every brutal passion, who
stood waiting the signal to spring upon their prey.
Silence was signal enough : even Tilly dared not
have withstood these men in their di-eadful purpose.
" And now began a scene of carnage," says Schiller,
" which history has no language, poetry no pencil,
to portray. Neither the innocence of childhood
nor the helplessness of old age, neither youth, sex,
rank, nor beauty could disarm the fury of the
conquerors. Wives were dishonom-ed in the arms
of their husbands, and daughters at the feet of
their- parents." Infants were murdered at the
breast, or tossed from pike to pike of the Croats,
and then flung into the fire. Fifty-three women
wore found in a single church, their hands tied and
their tlw-oats cut. Some ladies of wealth and
beauty were tied to the stiniips of the soldiers'
horses, and led away captive. It were a wickedness
even to -write all the shameful and homble things
that were done : how much greater a -wickedness
was it to do them ! Some of the ofiicers of the
League, .shocked at the a^vful sights, ventured to
approach Tilly, and beg him to put a stop to the
carnage. " Come back in an hour," was his answer,
" and I shall see what can be done. The soldier
must have some recompense for his danger and
toils." The tempest of shrieks, and waUings, and
shoutings, of murder and rapine, the rattling of
musketry and the clashing of swords, conttnued to
THE OPPOSING ARMIES AT LEIPSIC.
285
rage, wliile the general stood by, a calm spectator of
the woes aud crimes that wei-e passing around hiin.
The city had been set fire to in several places,
and a strong wind springing up, the conflagration
raged with a fui-y whicli no one sought to control.
The roar of the flames was now added to the other
sounds of terror that rose from the doomed spot.
The fire I'an along the city with great rapidity, and
swept houses, chui'ches, and whole streets before it;
but amid the smoke, the falling buUdiugs, and the
streets flowing with blood, the plunderer continued
to prowl, and the miu-derer to piu'sue his \'ictim,
till the glowing and almost burning aii- drove the
miscreants back to their camp. Magdeburg had
ceased to exist ; this fail-, populous, and wealthy
city, one of tlie finest in Germany, was now a field
of blackened ruins. Every edifice had fallen a prey
to the flames, ^vith the exception of a church and a
convent, which the soldiers assisted the monks to
save, and 150 fishermen's huts which stood on the
banks of the Elbe. " The thing is so horrible,"
says a contemporary writer, " that I am afraid to
mention it further. According to the general
belief here, above 40,000 of aU conditions have
ended their days in the streets and houses by fire
and sword."'
The same German party who had declined, with
an air of ofiended dignity, the help of Gustavus
Adolphus, now blamed him for not having extended
his assistance to Magdeburg. This made it neces-
sary for the SweiUsh monarch to explain publicly
why he had not raised the siege. He showed
conclusively that he coidd not have done so with-
out risking the whole success of his expedition, and
this he did not feel justified in doing for the sake
of a single city. He had resolved, he said, tlie
moment he heard of the danger of Magdeburg, to
march to its relief : but first the Elector of Saxony
refused a passage for his troops thi'ough his do-
minions; and, secondly, the Elector of Brandenburg
was equally unwilling to guarantee an open retreat
for his anny through his territory in case of defeat.
Tlie fate of Magdeburg was thus mainly owing to
the vacillating and cowardly policy of these two
Electors, who had, up to that moment, not made
it plain to Gustavus whether they were his friends
or his enemies, and whether they were to abide
with the League or join their arms with his in
defence of Protestantism.
But the fall of Magdeburg was helpful to the
Protestant cause. It sent a thrill of horror throiiith
' Sir Eobert Anstruther, Oerman Correspondence, Mny,
1631. Lotichius, vol. i., p. 876. Chemnitz, vol. i., p. 132.
Chapman, pp. 240-243. Schiller, vol. i., pp. 240—250.
Germany, and it alarmed the wavering Electors of
Brandenburg and Saxony, who began to see that
the end of that neutrality which they thought so
dexterous would be that they would be the last to
be devoured by the imperial arms. Accordingly,
first the Landgrave of Hesse made a firm compact
vnth Gustavus Adolphus, and ever after continued
liis staunchest friend. A raid which Tilly made
into his teri-itories after leaving Magdeburg helped
powerfully to tliis alliance %vith the Swedish king.
The next to become the ally of Gustavus was the
Elector of Brandenburg — not, however, till tlie
Swedes had marched to Berlin, and Gustavus,
pointing his camion at the palace, demanded of the
Elector that he should say whether he was for him
or against him. Last of all, the Elector of Saxony,
who had endured such distress and irresolution of
mind, and who now received a visit from TUly and
his marauders — then- track marked, as usual, by
friglitful devastation — came at length to a decision,
and joined his arms with those of Gustavus. This
opened the way for the crowning victory of the cam-
paign, which established the fortunes of Gustavus,
and broke in pieces the army of the emjieror.
Strengthened by these alliances, Gustavus crossed
the Elbe. The next day his forces were joined by
the Saxon army, 3.5,000 strong. At a council of
war which was held here, it was debated whether
the confederated host was strong enough to risk a
battle, or whether the war should be protracted.
" If we decide upon a battle," said Gustavus, " a
crown and two electorates are at stake." The die
was cast in favour of fighting. Gustavus put his
army in motion to meet Tilly, who lay encamped in
a strong and advantageous position near Leipsic.
On the evening of the 6th September, 1631,
Gustavus learned that he was witliin half a dozen
miles of the imperialists. That night he dreamed
that he had caught TUly by the hair of his head,
but that all liis exertions could not secure his
prisoner before he had succeeded in biting him on
the left arm." Next morning the two hostile
armies were in sight of each other. Gustavus had
seen the dawn of this day with deep anxiety. For
the fir.st time he was in presence of the whole
imperial host, under its hitherto imconquercd
leader, and the issue of this day's battle would
decide whether the object for which he had crossed
the Baltic was to be attained, and Germany .set
free from her chains, or wliether defeat lowered
over himself, and political and religious bondage
over the Fatherland. Cliristendom wiuted with
anxiety the issue of the event.
- Khevenhiller, vol. xi., p. 1875— op«d Chapman, p. 257.
286
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
The army of Tilly was drawn up in a single far-
extending line on a lising ground on the plain of
Breitenfeld, within a mile of Leipsic. The cannon
were planted on the heights which rose behiiid the
army, so as to sweep the plain, but making it im-
possible for the imperial troops to advance without
coming \\'ithin the I'ange of their own fire. The
infantry was placed in the centre, where Tilly
himself commanded ; the cavalry formed the wings,
with Fiirstenberg on the right, and Pappenheim on
the left. The Swedish army was arranged into
centre and wngs, each two columns in depth.
Teuffel commanded in the centre, Horn led the
left wing, and the king himself the riglit, frontmg
Pappenlieim. The Saxon troops, under the Elector,
were stationed a little in the rear, on the left, at
some distance from the Swedish main body, the king
deeming it prudent to separate Saxon from Swedish
valour ; and the event justified his forethought.
The battle was joined at noon. It began with
a cannonading, which lasted two hours. At two
o'clock Pappenheini began the attack by throwing
his cavalry upon the right wing of the Swedes,
which was commanded by the king. The wind was
blowing from the west, and the dust from the new-
ploughed land was driven in clouds in the face of
the Swedes. To avoid the annoyance the king
wheeled rapidly to the north, and the troops of
Pappenheim, ru.shing in at the void which the king's
movement had left between the right vnng and
the centre, were met in front by the second
column of the wing, and assailed in the rear by the
first column, led by the king, and after a desperate
and prolonged conflict they were nearly all cut in
pieces. Pappenlieim was driven from the field, with
the loss of his ordnance. While this struggle was
proceeding between the two confronting wings,
Tilly descended from the heights, and attacked the
left wing of the Swedish army. To avoid the
severe fire with which the Swedes received him, lie
turned off to attack the Saxons, who, mostly raw
recruits, gave way and fled, carrying the Elector
^vith them, who stopped only when he had reached
Eilenburg.' Only one division \mder Arnim re-
mained on the field, and saved the Saxon honour.
Deeming the victory won, the imperialists raised
the cry of pm-suit. Some 8,000 or 9,000 left tlie
field on the track of the flying Saxons, numbers of
' The king's letter to Oienstierna, apud Geijcr, vol. iii.,
p. 217. Chapman, p. 261.
whom were overtaken and slaughtered. Gustavug
seized the moment to fall upon the flank of the
imperial centre, and soon effectually routed it, with
the exception of two regiments concealed by the
smoke and dust.
The centre of the imperialists had been broken,
and their left wing driven from the field, when the
troops under Fiirstenberg, who had returned from
chasing the Saxons, assailed with desperate fury the
left wing of the Swedes. The conflict had almost
ceased on the other parts of the field, and the last and
most terrible burst of the tempest was here to dis-
charge itself, and the fate of the day to be decided.
Foot and horae, cuirassier, pikeman, and musketeer
were drawn hither, and mingled in feai-ful and
bloody conflict. The sun was now sinking in the
west, and his slanting beam fell on the quiet dead,
scattered over the field, but still that heaving mass
in the centre kept sm-ging and boiling ; cuirass and
helmet, pike-head and uplifted sword, darting back
the rays of the sun, which was descending lower
and lower in the horizon. The mass was growing
perceptibly smaller, as soldier and horse fell beneatli
sabre or bullet, and were trampled into the bloody
mire. Tilly and his imperialists were fighting for
the renown of a hundred battles, which was fast
vanishing. The most obstinate valour could not
long hold out against the overwhelming odds of
the Swedish warriors ; and a remnant of the im-
perialists, favoured by the dusk of evening, and the
cloud and dust that veiled the battle-field, escaped
from the conflict — the remnant of those terrible
battalions which had inflicted such devastation on
Germany.-
When Gustavus Adolphus rode out of the field,
all was changed. He was no longer " the little
Gothic king ; " he was now the powerful conqueror,
the terror of the Popish and the hope of the
Protestant princes of Germany. The butchers of
Magdeburg had been trampled into the bloody dust
of Breitenfeld. The imperialist army liad been
annihilated ; their leader, whom some called the
first captain of the age, had left his glory on the
field from which he was fleeing ; the road into
the centre of Germany was open to the conqueror ;
the mighty projects of the Jesuits were menaced
with overthrow ; and the throne of the emperor
was beginning to totter.
- Chemnitz, vol. i., p. 175. Khevenhiller, vol.ii., p.l874.
Chapman, pp. 257—265. Schiller, vol. i., pp. 266—269.
Note.- With reference to the illustrations on pp. 282,
288, we give the following particulars :— During the Thirty
Years' "War, Augsburg, which had, as we have already
seen in this history, identified itself with the cause of the
Beformation, was captured, and the inhabitants forced
to return to the Roman CathoUc religion. A few years.
LUTHERAN ENVELOPES.
287
afterwards, Gustavus Adolphus re-took the city, and Pro-
testantism was once more established in its midst. Tlu-ee
years later, liowever, Augsbui'g was again captured, and
the form of religion was again changed, though many of
the citizens preferred exile to the abandonment of their
faith. In course of time a Protestant section grew up in
the community, which celebrated the memory of past
events by festivals, and was especially anxious to propa^
gate it among tlie young. This object was partly attained
by the circulation of letters on religious and political
faitlis, which exercised a very considerable iniluence on
the people. They were sent in envelopes, wliich were
purposely made to produce a strilcing impression. These
writings, printed by hand, were addressed direct to
persons whose faith the Protestants were desirous of
strengthening, or whose return to the Reformed Church
they were eager to secure. The envelope assured the
safe carriage of the writing by trustworthy co-religionists.
The use of these little religious sheets increased, and
the times becoming more settled, they were sold, along
with their envelopes, even at the fairs. These envelopes
are now rare, and the one of which we give a fac-simile
was found among the papers of Oberlin. It is dated
1732, and is of particular interest. The reverse and ob-
verse sides are engraved, and the lines on the engravings
indicate the folds. This envelope (Figs. I. and II.) was
made in honour of Gustavus Adolphus, on the occasion
of the centenary of the deliverance of Augsburg. We
give a literal translation of the German texts in Pig. 1.,
and of the texts that occupied the blank spaces in
Fig. II.
FIG. I.
1. Psalm xiv. 7. — O that the salvation of Israel were
come out of Zion ! When the Lord bringeth back the
captivity of his people, Jacob shall rejoice, and Israel
shall be glad.
2. Tes, yes, the Highest wiU thee hear.
And answer thy request sincere.
With speedy help and sure.
Thy enemies round on every side
The Lord will scatter far and wide ;
In him thou'lt joy secure.
3. Psabn xxxiv. 3 and 4. — O magnify the Lord with
me, and let us exalt Ms name together. I sought the
Lord and he heard me, and delivered me from all my
fears.
4. Shout, Augsburg ! shout triumph and sing.
The Lord hath done a wondrous thing,
With tlianks before him stand,
That mighty deed to spread abroad.
Which in past time for thee he wrouglit,
By great Gustavus' hand.
5. Praise, Augsburg ! God's gi-eat goodness, which a
hundred years ago.
According to his faithfulness, he did through Sweden
show.
I say, praise God continually, praise him, and him
alone.
That he his holy word stdl keeps, and wUl all time
to come.
6. Gustavus Adolphus, the great King of Sweden, the
form of whose countenance was like a Hon at midnight,
made in a short time many cities subject to himself,
because God's eye watched over him continually with
help. He was in bravery a second Alexander, in wisdom
and understanding another Solomon ; justice and goodness
united with each other, and piety adorned always his
royal throne. In short, there is not to be found upon
this earth a greater hero than Gustavus Adolphus. —
A..D. 1732.
FIG. 11.
1. As the eagle in its flight turns ever toward the sun,
Gustavus turns loyally to God in Christ alone.
2. As the sunflower looks continually toward tlio
monarch of the day,
Gustavus will to God alone direct his eye alway.
3. As the compass alway in the north a resting-place
doth find,
Gustavus stiU on Jesus Christ relies with heart and
mind.
4. Gustavus' glory as in rock engraven stUl shall stand.
So long as ever there remains a Lutheran in the land.
5. Entrance into Augsburg of H.M. Gustavus Adol-
phus, which happened 24th April, a.d. 1632.
CHAPTER VIII.
CONQUEST OF THE RHINE AND B.WARI.V — B.VTTLE OF LUTZEN.
Thanksgiving— Two Eoads— Gustavus Marches to the Rhine-Submission of Erfurt, Wurzburg, Frankfort— Capture
of Mainz— Gustavus' Court— Future Arrangements for Germany— The King's Plans— Stipulations for Peace-
Terms Rejected— Gustavus Enters Bavaria— Defeat and Death of TiUy— WaUenstein Recalled- His Terms— The
Saxons in Bohemia-Gustavus at Augsburg— At Ingolstadt— His Encampment at Nuremberg- Camp of
Wallenstein-Famine and Death— Wallenstein Invades Saxony— Gustavus Follows him— The Two Armies Meet at
Liitzon— Moi-uing of the Battle— The King's Address to his Troops— The Battle— Captui-e and Recapture of
Trenches and Cannon— Murderous Conflicts— The King Woimdcd-He Falls.
When he saw how tlio day Lad gone, tlio first acfc the victory which had crowned Lis arms.^ On this
of Gustavus Adolpluis was to fall on Ids knees oil field tLe God of battles had "cast down tLe mighty,"
the blood-bespruikled plain, and to give thanks for Tgchiller^olT ^269
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and "exalted them of low degree." There was now
an end to the jeers of the Jesuits, and the super-
cilious insolences of Ferdinand. Having offered
his prayer, Gustavus rose up to prosecute, in the
mightier strength with which victory had clothed
hiiu, the great enterpiise which had brought liini
across the sea. He encamped for the night between
the city of Leipsic and the held of battle. On that
field 7,000 imperialists lay dead, and in addition
5,000 had been wounded or taken prisoners. The
loss of the Swedes did not exceed 700 ; that of the
Saxons amounted to 2,000, who had fallen on the
field, or been cut down in the pursuit. In a few
days the Elector of Saxony, who had accompanied
his soldiers in theii" flight, belie\-ing all to be lost,
returned to the camp of the king, finding him still
victorious, and a council of war was held to decide
on the measm-es to be adopted for the further pro-
secution of the war. Two roads were open to
Gustavus — one to Vienna, and the other to the
Rhine ; which of the two shall he choose 't If the
king had marched on Vienna, taking Prague on his
way, it is probable that he would have been able
to dictate a peace on liis own terms at the gates of
the Austrian capital. His renowned chancellor,
Oxenstierna, was of opinion that this was the
course which Gustavus ought to have followed.'
But the king did not then fully know the import-
ance of the victory of Breitenfeld, and the blow it
had inflicted on the imperial cause ; nor could he
expect any material succours in Bohemia, where
Protestantism was almost entii-ely trampled out ;
so, sending the Elector of Saxony southwards,
where every ojjeration against the Popish States
would help to confirm his own Protestant loyalty,
still doubtful, the Swedish monarch directed his
own march to the West, where the free cities, and
the Protestant princes, waited his coming to shake
off the yoke of Ferdinand, and rallj' round the
standard of the Protestant Liberator.
HLs progress was a triumphal march. The
fugitive Tilly had collected a few new regiments to
oppose his advance, but he had marshalled them
only to be routed by the victorious Swedes. The
strongly fortified city of Erfurt fell to the arms of
Gustavus ; Grotha and Weimar also opened their
gates to him. He exacted an oath of allegiance
fi'om their inhabitants, as he did of every town of
any importance, of which he took possession,
leaving a garrison on his departure, to secure its
loyalty. The army now entered the Thuringian
Forest, cresset lights hung upon the trees en-
abling it to thread its densest thickets in perfect
' Puffendorf, p. 53. Chapman, p. 267.
safety. On the 30th September, 1631, the king
crossed the frontier of Franconia. The cities
opened their gates to him, most of them willingly,
and a few after a fainff show of resistance. To all
of them the conqueror extended protection of their
civil rights, and liberty of worship.
The BLshops of Wurzburg and Bamberg trem-
bled when they saw the Swedes pouring like a
torrent into their territories. These two eccle-
siastics were among the most zealous members of
the League, and the most vinilent enemies of the
Protestants, and they and the towns of their prin-
cipalities anticipated the same treatment at the
hands of the conquerors which they in similar
circumstances had inflicted on others. Their for-
tresses, cities, and territories were speedily in
possession of Gustavus, but to then- glad surprise,
instead of the desecration of their churches, or the
persecution of their persons, they beheld only a brO-
liant example of toleration. The Protestant worship
was set up in their cities, but the Roman service
was permitted to be practised as before. The
Bishop of Wurzburg, however, had not remained
to be witness of this act of moderation. He had
fled to Paris at the approach of Gustavus. In the
fortress of Marienburg, which the Swedish king
carried by storm, he found the valuable library of
the Jesuits, which he caused to be transported to
Upsala. This formed some compensation for
the more valuable library of Heidelberg which
had been transferred to Rome. On the 17th
of November he entered Frankfort-on-the-Maine,
and marched his ai-my in a magnificent jirocession
through it. " He appeared in the midst of his
troops, clad in cloth of scarlet and gold, riding a
handsome Spanish jennet, bare-headed, with a
bright and handsome countenance, and returning
with graceful courtesy the cheers and salutations
of the spectators."- From the furthest shore of
Pomerania, to the point where he had now arrived,
the banks cf the Maine, the king had held his
victorious way without being once compelled to
recede, and without encountering a single defeat.
" Here, in the heart of Germany, he received the
Protestant States like a German emperor of the
olden time."^
Traversing the Ecclesiastical States that stretch
from the Maine to the Rhine, " the Priest's Row,"
the milk and honey of which regaled his soldiers
after the sterile districts through which they had
passed, Gustavus crossed the Rhine, and laid siege
(11th December) to the wealthy city of Mainz.
" Chemnitz, vol. i., p. 199—apud Chapman, p. 285.
•■' Ludwig Hausser, vol. ii., p. 168.
GUSTAVUS' COURT IN MAINZ.
VIEW OK THE TOWN-HALL, HKESLAU (sILEbIA)
In two days it caiiitulated, and tlic king entered it If the summer had been passed in deeds of arms,
in state, attended by the Landgi-ave of Hesse. the winter was not less busily occupied in securing
After this he returned to Frankfort, where he fixed the fniits of these dangers and toils. Gusta^ais'
his abode for a short while.' queen, to whom he was tenderly attached, joined
him at Mainz, to which he again repaired ; so
' Schiller, vol. ii., p. 30. too did his chancellor, the famous Oxenstieraa, on
129
290
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
whose wisdom lie so confidingly and justly relied.
The city of Mainz and the banks of the KhLne
resounded with the din and shone with the splen-
<lour of the old imperial times. Couriers were
liourly arriving and departing ; ambassadors from
for(>ign States were daily receiving audience ; the
Protestant jninces, and the deputies from the
imperial to^\'ns, were crowding to pay their hom-
age to, or solicit the protection of, the victorious
chief; uniforms and royal equipages crowded the
street ; and while the bugle's note and the dnim's
roll were heard without, inside the palace negotia-
tions were going on, treaties were being framed,
the future condition and relations of Germany
were being discussed and decided upon, and efforts
were being made to frame a basis of peace, such
as might adjust the balance between Popish and
Protestant Germany, and restore rest to the weary
land, and secm-ity to its trembling inhabitants. |
When the king set out from Sweden to begin
this gigantic enterprise, liis one paramount object
was the restoi-ation of Protestantism, whose over-
throw was owing quite as much to the pusillanimity
of the princes, as to the power of the imperial arms.
He felt "a divine impulse " impelling him onwards,
and he obeyed, without settling, even vnth. himself,
what recompense he should have for all his risks
and toils, or what material guarantees it might be
necessary to exact, not only for the security of a
re-establi.shed Protestantism, but also for the de-
fence of his own kingdom of Sweden, which the
success of his expedition woiild make an object of
hostility to the Popish princes. Tlie Elector of
Brandenburg had sounded him on this point before
he entered his dominions, and Gusta\'us had frankly
replied that if the exiles were restored, religious
libei'ty granted to the States, and himself secured
against attack from the Hapsburgs in his own
country, he would be satisfied. But now, in the
midst of Germany, and taking a near view of
matters as success on the battle-field had shaped
them, and especially considering the too obvious
lukewarumess and imbecility of the Protestant
princes, it Ls probable that the guarantees that
would have satisfied him at an earlier stage, he no
longer deemed sufiicient. It is even possible that
he would not have declined a controlling power
over the pi-inces, somewhat like that which the
emperor wielded. We do not necessaiily impute
ambitious views to Gustavus Adolphus, when we
admit the possibility of some such aiTangement ;is
this having shaped itself before his mind ; for it
might seem to him that otherwise the existence of
a Protestant Germany was not possible. He would
have been guilty of something like folly, if he had
not taken the best means in liis power to per-
petuate what he accounted of so great value, and
to save which from destruction he had undertaken
so long a march, and fought so many battles ; and
when he looked round on the princes he might well
ask himself, " Is there one of them to whom I can
•svith perfect confidence commit this gi'eat trust f
We do not say that he had formed this plan ; liut
if the fruits of his \ictories were not to be dis-
sipated, some such plan he would ultimately have
been compelled to have recourse to ; and amidst a
crowd of insincere, pusillanimous, and incompetent
princes, where could a head to such a confederacy
have been found if not in the one only man of zeal,
and spirit, and capacity that the cause had at its
service '!
' The restorations that the Swedish king at this
houi" contemplated, and the aspect which the future
Germany would have worn, had he lived to put the
crown upon his enterprise, may be gathered from
the stipulations which he demanded when the
Roman Catholic party made overtures of peace to
him. These were the following : —
1st. The Edict of Restitution shall be null and
void.
2nd. Both the Roman and the Protestant religion
shall be tolerated in town and country.
3rd. Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia shall be re-
stored to their former condition; all the exOes .shall
return to their estates.
4th. The Elector-Palatine, Frederick V., shall
be restored to his country.
5th. The Bavarian Electorate shall cease ; the
electoral vote shall be restored to the Palatinate.
6th. The practice of the Protestant religion, and
all civil privileges, shall be restored to Augsburg.
7th. All Jesuits, as distiu-bers of the public
peace, and authors of the present difficulties, shall
be banished from the empu-e.
8th. Protestants as well as Romanists shall be
admitted into every institution.
9th. The monasteries in the Duchy of Wurtcm-
berg which have been illegally taken possession of
by the Romanists shall be restored.
10th. Out of gratitude for the salvation of the
German Empire, your Majesty the King of Sweden
shall be elected King of Rome.
1 1th. All expenses incurred in the imperial cities
and in the Duchy of Wurtemberg by the Edict of
Restitution shall be repaid.
12th. There shall be as many Lutheran as
Catholic canons appointed to the cathedral.'
We have two lists of these conditions — one by
> Ludwig Hiiusser, vol. ii., pp. 170, 171.
WALLENSTEIN RECALLED.
291
Kheveiihillei-,' and another by Riclielieu.' In the
latter list the 10th article, which stipulates that
Gustavus should be made King of the Romans, is
wanting. To be King of Rome was to hold in
reversion the empire ; but this article is far from
being authenticated.
Such were the terms on which the conqueror
was willing to sheathe his sword and make peace
^vith the emperor. Substantially, they implied the
return of Germany to its condition before the war
(statvs quo ante belluin) ; and they were not only
just and equitable, but, though Richelieu thought
othei-wise, extremely moderate, when we think that
they were presented by a king, in the heart of
Gennany, at the head of a victorious host, to
another sovereign whose army was all but amii-
hOated, and the road to whose capital stood open to
the conqueror. The stipulations, m. brief, were the
free profession of religion to both Romanists and
Lutherans throughout the empire."* The terms
were rejected, and the war was resumed.
In the middle of Februaiy, 1532, the king put
his army in motion, advancing southward into
Bavaria, that he might attack the League in the
chief seat of its power. The fallen Tilly made a
la-st effort to retrieve his fame by the overthrow
of his great antagonist. Having collected the
wi-eck of his routed host, with, the addition of some
new levies, he waited on the banks of the river
Lech for the approach of Gustavus. The defeat of
the general of the League was complete : both the
amiy and its leader were utterly lost ; the foi-mer
being dispersed, and Tilly dying of his wounds a few
days after the battle. It delights us to be able to
pay a tribute to the memory of the wamor whom we
now see expiring at the age of seventy-thi-ee. He
was inflamed with bigotry, but he was sincere and
open, and had not stained himself with the low
vices and shameless hypocrisy of the Jesuits, nor
with the dark arts which Wallenstein studied.
He was chaste and temperate — virtues beyond
price in every age, but especially in an age like
that in which Tilly lived. The cloud on his glory
is the sack of Magdeburg, but retribution soon
followed in the eclipse of Leipsic. After that the
sun-light of his face never returned. He complained
that the world spoke ill of him, and that those
whom he had faithfully served had left him desolate
in his age. He died gi-asping the crucifix, and ex-
pended hLs parting breath in repeating a verse from
theP.salms — " In thee, O Lord, have I put my trust."*
' Klievenhiller, vol. lii., p. 87.
' Richelieu, Memoirs, vol. vii., p. 45.
^ Chapman, pp. 296, 297.
* Aldzreitter, vol. iii., p. 263 — apud Chapmau, p. 313.
The overthrow of Tilly, and the utter rout of
his army, had left the frontiers of Austria without
defence ; and the empei'or saw with alarm that the
road to his capital was open to the victorious
Swede if he chose to pursue it. The whole of
Germany between the Rhine and the Danube was
in possession of Gustavus, and a new army must
be found if Ferdinand would prevent the conqueror
seating himself in Vienna. Even gi-anting that an
army were raised, who was to command it 1 All his
generals had fallen by the sword ; one only sur-
vived, but how could Ferdinand approach him,
seeing he had requited his great services by dis-
missal ? But the desperate sti-aits to which he was
reduced left the emperor no alternative, and he
made overtures to Wallenstein. That consum-
mately able, but vaultingly ambitious man, listened
to the royal proposals, but deigned them no reply.
Living in a style of magnificence that threw Ferdi-
nand and all the sovereigns of the day into the shade,
Wallenstein professed to have no desire to return
to the toils of a military life. The emperor in
distress sent again and again to the duke. At last
Wallenstein was moved. He would succour the
empire at its need ; he would organise an army,
but he would not command it. He set to work ;
the spell of his name was still omnipotent. In
three months he had raised 50,000 men, and he
sent to the emperor to tell him that the army was
ready, and that he waited only till he should name
the man who was to command it, when he would
hand it over to his Majesty. Every one knew that
the troops would soon disperse if the man who had
raised them was not at theii- head.
Again the imperial ambassadors kneeled befoi'e
Wallenstein. They begged him to undertake the
command of the army which he had equipped. The
duke was inexorable. Other ambassadors were
sent, but they entreated in vain. At last came the
prince of Eggenberg, and now Wallenstein was
won, but on terms that would be incredible were
they not amply authenticated.
The treaty concluded in April, 16.32, provided
that the Duke of Friedland should l)e generalissimo
not only of the army, but of the emperor, of the
arch-dukes, and of the Austrian cro-rni. The
emperor must never be present in the ai-my, much
less command it. As ordinary reward an Austrian
hereditary territory was to be bestowed on Wallen-
stein; as extraordinary he was to have sovereign
jurisdiction over all the conquered territories, and
nearly all Germany was to be conquered. He was
to possess, moreover, the sole power of confiscating
estates ; he only could pardon ; and the emperorV
forgiveness was to be valid only when ratified by
292
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tlip duke.' These conditions constituted Walleustein
the real master of the empire. To Ferdinand there
remained onl)' the title of king and the shadow of
power. Thus, the man who had hid the rankling
wound inflicted by dismissal beneath, apparently,
the most placid of submissions, exacted a terrible
revenge ; but in so using the advantage which the
calamities of his friends put in his power, he
over-reached himself, as the sequel proved.
Again we behold the duke at the head of the
imperial armies. His first efforts were followed by
success. He entered Bohemia, which had been
occupied by the Saxon troops after the battle of
Leipsic. The Saxons had taken down the martyrs'
heads on the Bridge-tower of Prague, as we have
already naiTated, and they had re-established for a
brief period the Protestant worship in the city of
Huss ; but they retreated before the soldiers of
Wallenstein, together with their spu-itless Elector,
who was but too glad of an excuse for i-eturning to
his palace and his table. Bohemia was again
subjugated to the sceptre of Ferdinand, and
Wallenstein turned westward to measure swords
■with a very difTerent antagonist — Gustavus Adol-
phus.
"We parted from the King of Sweden at the
passage of the Lech, where Tilly received his
mortal wound. From this point Gustavus marched
on towards Augsbui-g, where he arrived on the
8th of April, 1632. The Augsburg of that day
was renowned for the multitude of its merchants
and the opulence of its bankers. It was the city
of the Fuggers and the Baumgartens, at whose door
monarchs knocked when they would place an army
in the field. These men lived in stately mansions,
surrounded by gardens which outvied the royal
park at Blois. It was in one of their parterres
that the tulip fii-st unfolded its gorgeous petals
beneath the sun of Europe.
But Augsburg wore in Protestant eyes a yet
oreater attraction, from the circumstance that its
name was linked with the immortal Confession in
which the young Protestant Church expressed her
belief at the foot of the throne of Charles V.
Here, too, had been framed the P.acification, which
Ferdinand had flagi-antly violated, and which the
hero now at her gates had taken up arms to
restore. Will Augsburg welcome the Protestant
champion 1 Incredible as it may seem, she closes
her gates against him. Gustavus began to prepare
for a siege by digging trenches ; the guns of the
city ramparts fired upon his soldiers while so
engaged ; but he did not reply, for he was loth to
deface a single stone of a place so sacred. Before
opening his cannonade he made trial if haply he
might re-kindle the old fire that once burned so
biightly in tliis venerable town. His appeal was
successful, and on the 10th of April, Augsbm-g
capitulated. On the 1 4th the king made his public
entry, .going straight to St. Ann's Church, where
the Lutheran Litany was sung, after the silence of
many years, and Fabricius, the king's chaplain,
preached, taking Psalm xii. 5 as his text. After
sermon the king repaired to the market-place,
where the citizens took an oath of fealty to himself
and to the crown of Sweden.-
The king left Augsburg next day, and proceeded
to Ingolstadt. He thought to take this city and
dislodge the nest of Jesuits within it, but being
strongly foi'tified, its siege would have occupied
more time than its importance justified ; and so,
leaving Ingolstadt, Gustavus directed his course to
Munich. The capital of Bavaria was thus added
to the to-\^Tis that had submitted to his arms, and
now the whole country of the League, Ingolstadt
excepted, was his. He had canied his arms from
the shores of the Baltic to the foot of the Tyrol,
from the banks of the Oder to those of the Rhine.
The monarchs of Denmark and France, jealous of
his advances, and not knowing where they would
end, here met him >vith ofiers of mediating between
him and the emperor and establishing peace.
Gustavus frankly told them that he had drawn the
sword for the vindication of the rights of the
Protestants of the empii-e, and that he would not
sheathe it so long as the object for which he had
begun the war remained unaccomplished.
The king now moved toward Nuremberg, where
he established his camp, which he fortified with a
ditch eight feet deep and twelve wde,-'' ^^•itlun
which rose redoubts and bastions mounted -n-ith 300
cannon. Wallenstein, advancing from Bohemia,
and joined by the army under the Elector of
Bavaria, pitched his camp of G0,000 men on the
other side of the town. Europe watched with
breathless anxiety, expecting eveiy day the decisive
trial of strength between these two armies. Gus-
tavus strove by eveiy expedient to draw his great
antagonist into battle, but Wallenstein had adopted
a strategy of famine. Tlie plan succeeded. The
land was not able to bear two such mighty hosts,
and the scene of the encampment became a field
of horrors. The horses died in thousands for want
' Klievenhiller, vol. xii., p. 13—apud Chapman, p. 323.
Ludwig Hausser, vol. ii., pp. 175, 176.
2 SwecC. Intell., vol. ii., pp. 152— 158— opittJ Chapman,
p. 326.
3 Schiller, vol. ii., p. 98.
BATTLE OF LUTZEN.
293
of forage ; tlie steaming putridity of the uuburied
carcasses poisoned the aii-, and the effluvia, joined
to the famine, proved more fatal to the soldiers of
both camps than would the bloodiest battle. In
the city of Nuremberg 10,000 inhabitants died.
Gustavus Adolphus had lost 20,000 of his soldiers ;
the imperialists had lost, it is to be presumed, au
equal number ; the villages around Nuremberg
were in ashes ; the plundered pleasantry were ex-
piring on the highway : the most ghastly spectacles
met the eye on every side, for the country for
leagues had become a graveyard. In the middle
of September, Gustavus Adolphus raised his camp
and returned to Bavaria, to complete its conquest
by the reduction of lugolstadt. Wallenstein also
broke up his encampment, and marched northwards
to Saxony. A second time the road had been left
open to Vienna, for there was now no army between
Gustavus and that capital. While he was revolv-
ing a march southward, and the ending of the
campaign by the dethronement of the emperor, he
received a letter from his chancellor, Oxenstierna,
informing him that a treachery was preparing in
his I'ear. The Elector of Saxony was negotiating
with Wallenstein, with a view to wthdrawing from
the Swedish alliance, and joining in affinity with
the imperialists. If the powerful principality of
Saxony should become hostile, lying as it did be-
tween Gustavus and the Baltic, a march on Vienna
was impossible. Thus again were the house and
throne of the Hapsburgs saved.
Intent on preventing the defection of the Elector
of Saxony, an example likely to be followed by
other princes, Gustavus Adolphus returned north-
ward by forced marches. Traversing the Bavarian
plains, he entered Thuringia, where he was wel-
comed ^vith the acclamations of the inhabitants of
the towns and villages through which he passed.
At Erfurt he took a tender leave of his queen, and
hastened forward in the direction of Leipsic to meet
Wallenstein. On his march he was informed that
the enemy was stationed in the villages around
LUtzen, a small town not fiir from the spot where
he had gained his gi'eat victory of a year ago.
Gustavus darted forward on liis prey, but before he
could reach Liitzen the night had fallen, and the
battle could not be joined. Wallenstein, who had
been unaware of the approach of the Swedes, jiro-
lited by the night's delay to dig trenches on the
battle-field, which he filled with musketeei's. Ho also
recalled Pappenhcim, who had been sent oft" with a
detachment to Cologne. The king passed the night
in his carriage, arranging with his generals the
order of battle, and waiting the breaking of the
dav. The morning rose in fog : the king had
prayers read by his chajilain, Fabricius ; then the
army, accompanied by martial music, sang Luther's
hymn ; after which Gustavus himself led in a
second hymn, in which the battalions around him
joined in full chorus. The mist still hung over the
landscape, concealing the one army from the other ;
but at ten o'clock it cleared oS', revealing to the
eyes of the Swedes the long confronting line of the
imperialists, and the town of Liitzen in flames,
Wallenstein having ordered it to be fired lest, under
cover of it, the Swedes should outflank him.'
The king, without having broken his fast, mounted
liLs horse. He did not put on his armour before
entering the battle : he had forborne its use for
some time owing to his corpulence. He wore
only a plain buff coat or leather jerkin ; replying,
it is said, to one who tried to dissuade him from
thus exposing his life, that "God was his harness.""
He addi'essed in brief but energetic terms first the
Swedes, then the Germans, reminding them of the
vast issues depending on the battle about to be
joined; that on this day their bravery would vindi-
cate, or their cowardice would crush, the religion
and liberty of Germany. He exhorted them not
to be sparing of their blood in so great a cause, and
assured them that posterity would not forget what
it owed to the men who had died on the field of
Liitzen that they might be free. Having so spoken,
Gustavus rode forward, the first of all his army, to
meet the enemy.
At the moment when the battle began, it is
probable that the number of the opposing hosts was
about equal ; but on the amval of Pappenhcim the
preponderance was thrown on the side of the im-
perialists. The calculations of the best authorities
make Wallenstein's anny amoimt to about 27,000,
and the force under Gustavus Adolphus to
from 18,000 to 20,000. The Swedish infantiy
advanced against the trenches, but were received
with a tremendous fire of musketry and artillery.
Bearing down with immense impetuosity, they
crossed the trenches, captured the battery, and
turned the guns against the enemy. The first of
the five imperial brigades was routed ; the second
was in disorder ; the third was wavering. Wallen-
stein, wth three regiments of horse, galloped to the
spot, shouting with a voice of thunder, and cleav-
ing in his rage some of the fugitives with his own
hand. The flight of his soldici-s was arrested. The
brigades formed anew, and faced the Swedes. A
murderous conflict ensued. The combatants, locked
in a hand-to-hand sti-uggle, could make no use of
' Schiller, vol. ii., p. 122.
■ Swed. IntelL, vol. iii., ]>. V^—npml Chapman, ]i. SGU.
294
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tlR-ir tireaiius. They fought \vitli their swords,
] likes, and the butt-end of their muskets; the chish
< if steel, blendiiig with the groans of those who were
lieuig trampled down, resounded over the field.
The Swedes, at last overpowered by numbers, were
compelled to abandon the cannon they had cajj-
tured ; and when they retreated, a thousand dead
and dying covered the spot where the conflict had
raged.
Gustavus Adolphus, at the head of his Finland
cuirassiere, attacked the left ^ving of the enemy.
The light-mounted Poles and Croats were broken
liy the shock, and fleeing in disorder, they spread
terror and confusion among the rest of the imperial
cavalry. At this moment the king was told that
his iufimtry was recrossing the trenches, and that
his left wing was wavering. Committing the pur-
suit of the vanquished Croats to General Horn, he
flew on his white steed acrcss the tield, followed
by the regiment of Steinbock ; he leaped the
trenches, and spiu'red to the spot where his soldiers
were most closely pressed. Only the Duke of
Lauenburg and a few horsemen were able to keep
pace with the king ; the squadi-ons he led had not
yet come up, not being able to clear the trenches
so easily as the king had done. Gustavus, short-
sighted, and eager to discover an opening in the
enemy's ranks at which to pour in a charge, ap-
proached too close to their line ; a musketeer took
aim at him, and his shot shattered the king's left
arm. By this time his squadrons had come up,
and the king attempted to lead them, but overcome
by pain, and on the point of fainting, he requested
the Duke of Lauenbui'g to lead him secretly out of
the tumult. As lie was retii'ing he received a
second shot through the back. Feeling the wound
to be mortal, he said to Lauenburg, " I am gone;
look to your own life." A page assisted him to
dismount, and while in the act of doing so other
cuirassiers gathered around the wounded monarch,
and demanded who he was. The page refused to
tell, but Gustavus himself made known his name
and rank, whereupon the cuirassiers completed the
w'ork of death by the discharge of more shots, and
the king sunk in the midst of the imperial lioi-se-
men. Such were the accounts of the page, who
himself was wounded, and died soon after. The
king's steed, now set free, galloped wth flowing
rein and empty saddle over the field, communi-
cating to the Swedish ranks the impression that
some disaster had befallen, of which they knew not
as yet the full and terrible extent.
CHAPTER IX.
DEATH OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS.
Battle Renewed— The Cry, "The King is Dead!"— The Duke of Saxe-Weimar takes the Command— Fury of the
Swedes— Eout of the Imperialists— AiTival of Pappenheim on the Field— Eenewal of Battle a Third Time— Death
of Pappenheim— Final Rout of Wallenstein— Wallenstein on the Field of Battle— Eetires to Leipsic— Escapes
from Germany— Swedes remain Masters of the Field — Cost of the Victory— The King's Body Discovered —
Embalmed and Conveyed to Sweden— Grief of the Swedes— Sorrow of Christendom— Character of Gustavus
Adolphus— Accomplishes Ms Mission — Germany not Able to Receive the Emancipation he Achieved for her.
The fall of Gustavus Adolphus, so far from ending
the battle, was in a sort only its beginning. The
ridei-less horse, galloping wildly over the battle-
field, only half told its tale. It was possible that
the king was only womided. The bravery of the
Swedes was now changed into fury. Horse and
foot rushed madly onward to the spot where the
king had been seen to enter the thick of the tight,
with the intention of rescuing him if alive, of
avenging liim if dead. The mournful fact was
passed in a whisper from one Swedish oflicer to
another, that Gustavus Adolphus was no more.
They rode up to the Croats, who were stripping the
body ill their desii'o to possess some memorial of
the fiiUen hero, and a terrible conflict ensued over
his corpse. No flash of firearm was seen, only the
glitter of pike, the clash of sword, and the heavy
stroke of musket as it fell on the steel helmet,
came from that struggling mass in the centre of
the field, for again the tight was a hand-to-hand
one. The dead fell thick, and a mound of corpses,
rising ever higher, -with the battle raging widely
around it, formed meanwhile the mausoleum of the
great warrior.
From the oflicers the dreadful intelligence soon
descended to the ranks. The cry ran from brigade
to brigade of the Swedes, " The king is dead !"
As the terrible words fell on the soldier's ear his
296
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
knitted brow grew darker, and he seized his weapon
with a yet licreer grasp. Tlie most sacred life of
all had been spilled, and of what value was now
his o^vn ? He feared not to die on the same tield
\nth the king, and a new energy animated the
soldier. The brave Bernard, Duke of Saxe-Weimar,
took the place of Gustavus, and his squadrons
advanced to the charge with a fire that showed
that the spirit of the fallen hero lived in the troops.
They closed in dreadful conflict with the enemy.
His left wmg was chased completely out of the
field ; this was followed by the rout of the right
wing. Like a whii-lwind, the Swedes again passed
the trenches, and the artillery, which had done such
mui'derous execution upon them, was seized, and its
thunders du-ected against the foe. The heavy bat-
talions of the imperial centre were now attacked,
and were giving way before the overwhelming
impetuosity of their antagonists. At that moment
a temble roar was heard behind the imperial army.
The ground shook, and the an- was black with
volumes of smoke, and lurid with flashes of fire.
Theii- powder wagons had exploded, and bombs and
gi-enades in thousands wei'e shooting wildly into
the sky. Wallenstein's army imagined that they
had been attacked in the rear ; panic and flight
were setting in among liis troops; another moment
and the day would be won by the Swedes.
It was now that Pappenheim, whom Wallen-
stein's recall found at no great distance, presented
himself on the field at the head of fi-esh troops.
All the advantages which the Swedes had gained
were suddenly lost, and the battle was begun anew.
The newly-an-ived cuirassiers and dragoons fell
upon the Swedes, who, their numbers thinned, and
wearied with their many hours' fighting, fell back ;
the trenches were again recrossed, and the cannon
once more abandoned. Pappenheim himself fol-
lowed the retreating Swedes, and plunging into the
thickest of the fight, wandered over the field in
quest of Gustavus, whom he believed to be still
living, and whom he burned to meet in single
combat. He fell, his breast pierced by two
musket-balls, and was cai'ried out of the field by
his soldiers. While he was being borne to the
rear, some one whispered into his ear that the man
he sought lay slain upon the tield. "His dying
eye," says Schiller, " sparkled with a gleam of joy."
" Tell the Duke of Friedland," said he, " that I am
mortally wounded, but that I die happy, knowing
that the implacable enemy of my faith has fallen on
the same day." '
The fall of their leader dispirited his troops, and
1 Schiller, vol. ii., p. 128.
the tide of battle again turned against the impe-
rialists. The Swedes, seeing the enemy's confusion,
\nt\i great promptitude filled up the gaps that death
had made in their ranks, and forming into one line
made a last decisive charge. A thii-d time the
trenches were crossed, and the enemy's artillery
seized. The sun was setting as the two armies
closed in that last desperate struggle. The ardour
of the combatants seemed to grow, and the battle
to wax in fury, the nearer the moment when it
must end. Each seemed bent on seizing the victory
before darkness should descend on the scene and
part the combatants. The night came; the rival
armies could no longer see the one the other ; the
trumpet sounded ; the torn relics of those magni-
ficent squadrons which had formed in proud and
terrible array Ln the morning now marched out of
the field. The victory was claimed by both sides.
Both ai'mies left their artillery on the battle-
field, and the victory would rightfully belong to
whichever of the two hosts should have the courage
or the good fortime to appropriate it.
Far and wide on that field lay the dead, ui all
places thickly strewn, in some piled in heaps, with
whole regiments lying in the exact order in which
they had formed, attesting in death the tenacity
of that coui'age which had animated them in life.
Wallenstein retired for the night to Leipsic. He
had striven to the utmost, dui'ing that di'eadful day,
to add to his other lam-els the tield of Liitzen. He
was to be seen on all parts of the field careering
through the smoke and fire, rallying his troops,
encom-agiug the brave, and threatening or punish-
ing the coward. He feared not to go where the
shower of bullets was the thickest and deadliest.
His cloak was pierced by balls in numerous places.
The dead were falling thick around him ;. but a
shield which he saw not covered his head, and he
passed scatheless thi-ough all the horrors of the day,
fate having decreed — -though the stars had hidden
it from him — that he should die on a less glorious
tield than that on which his immortal antagonist
had breathed his last.
When the sun rose next morning, the dead and
dying alone occupied the tield of Liitzen. There
were the camion, their thunders hushed, as if in
reverence of those who were breathing out their
life in low and heavy moanings. The two armies
stood ofl' from the spot where the day before they
had wrestled in all the passionate energy of battle.
Wallenstein sent his Croats to take possession of
the artillery, that he might have a pretext for
saying that he had vanquished on the field from
the vicinity of which he was at that moment pre-
paring to flee ; but when his messengers saw the
THE GENERAL GRIEF FOR GUSTAVUS.
297
r/.-.-edt i drawn up in order of battle at no great
distance, they forbore the attempt to execute the
orders of their master. The same day Wallenstein
was followed to Leipsic by the remnant of his army,
but in most miserable plight, without artillery, with-
out standards, almost without arms, covered with
woLinds ; in short, looking tlie reverse of victors.
The duke made a short stay in Leipsic, and soon
removed even beyond the bounds of Saxony ; in
such haste was he to escape from the scene of his
alleged triumph, for which the bells of the chui-ches
of Austria were at that moment ringing peals of
joy ! The Duke of Saxe-Weimar, who had succeeded
the fallen king in the command of the Swedes, took
possession of the battle-field, with all on it ; and
soon thereafter established himself in Leipsic, thus
incontestably proving that the victory was bis.'
When the terrible cry, " The king is dead ! " rang
along the Swedish ranks on the day of battle, it
striick as a knell of woe on every ear on which it
fell. But the soldier had only a moment to think
on the extent of the calamity ; the uppermost idea
in his mind was "to conquer." The field beneath
him, witli its burden of ghastly hon-ors, and the
enemy vanishing in the distance, was the proof that
he had conquered ; but now he had time to reflect
at what a cost victory had been won ! Some-
where on that field on which he was now gazing
with an eye in which sadness had taken the place
of fuiy, lay the hero who had yesterday led them
forth to battle. This changed victory's psean
into a funeral dirge. How much lay buried
wth that hero ! The safety of Sweden, the hopes
of the Protestant princes, the restoration of the
Protestant worship in Germany; for what so likely,
now that the strong arm which had rolled back the
Catholic Restoration was broken, as that the flood
would return and again overflow those countries
from which its desolating waters had been dried
upf
The first care of the Swedes was to search for
the body of their king. The quest was for some
time inefiectual ; but at last the royal corpse was
discovered 1)eneath a heap of slain, strip]ied of all
' Wo have followed the standard authorities for our
description of tliis celebrated battle ; still, it is impossible
to give very mimite or, it may be, perfectly accurate de-
tails of it. It was variovisly reported at the time. The
king's death, for instance, has been set down as the act
of an assassin, and the Swedes generally believed that tlio
perpetrator of the base act was Francis, Duke of Lauen-
burg. The antecedents of this man, and his subsequent
history, gave some grounds for the suspicion. But it
needs not assassination to account for the death of one
who, with incomparable but iinjustifiable bravery, was
fighting, almost alone and without armour, in the midst
of hundreds of enemies.
its ornaments, and most of its clothing, and covered
with blood and wounds. The king had fallen near
to a great stone, which for a century had stood
between Liitzen and the canal, and which from that
day has borne, in memory of the event, the name
of the " Stone of the Swede." Tlie body of the
king was carried to the neighbouring town of
Weissenfels, and there embalmed and laid out in
state. The queen embraced his remains in an
agony of grief; his generals stood round his bier in
speechless sorrow, gazing on the majestic coun-
tenance of him who would no more lead them forth
to battle, and stri-\-ing to tui-n their thoughts away
from the contemplation of a future which his death
had so suddenly darkened. His remains were
conveyed to Stockholm, and interred in the sepul-
chres of the Kings of Sweden in the Chui'ch of
Ritterholm."
" When the great king, lord of the half of Ger-
many, sank in the dust of the battle-field," says
Freytag, " a cry of woe went through the whole
Protestant territories. In city and country there
was a funeral service held ; endless were the elegies
wiitten upon him ; even enemies concealed their
joy behind a manly sympathy wliich was seldom
shown in that time to any opponent.
" His end was considered as a national misfoi--
tune ; to the people the ' Liberator,' the ' Saviour,'
was lost. Also we, whether Protestants or
Catholics, may look, not only vriih cordial interest
upon a pure heroic life, which in the years of its
highest power was so suddenly extinguished ; we
.should also consider with th.anks the influence
which the king had upon the German war. For
he has in desperate times defended what Luther
obtamed for the whole nation — the freedom of
thought, and capacity for national development
against the frightful enemy of German existence, a
soulless despotism in Church and State. "^
So ended, in the thirty -eighth year of his age, the
great career of Gustavus Adolphus. His sudden
appearance on the scene, and his sudden departure
from it, are equally striking. " History," says
- The traveller Cox says : " A few years ago, Princi'
Henry of Prussia, being at Stockholm, descended into
the vault, and opened the coffin which contains the
remains of Gustavus. A Swedish nobleman who accom-
panied the prince into the vault assured me that the
body was in a state of complete preservation " (about 150
years after burial), "that the countenance still retained
the most perfect resembbance to the pictures and coins,
and particularly that the whiskers and short pointed
beard, which he wore accoi-ding to the fashion of the
times in which he lived, were distinctly visible.' (Cox,
Travels into Poland, Russia, Sv!cdcn, and Denmark, vol. iii.,
p. 102; Dublin, 1784.)
' Gustav Freytag, p. 180.
298
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Schiller, " so often engageil iii the ungi-ateful task
of analysing the uniform coui-se of human passions,
is sometimes gi-atified by the ajipearance of events
which strike like a hand from heaven, into the
calculated machinery of human affairs, and recall
to the contemplative mind the idea of a higher
order of things. Such appears to us the sudden
vanishing of Gustavus Adolphus from the scene." '
It does not pei-tain to our subject to dwell on his
gi-eat militar}' genius, and the original tactics which
he introduced into the art of war. He was the
greatest general ia an age of great generals.
Among the eight best commanders whom, in his
opinion, the world had ever seen, Napoleon gave a
place to Gustavus Adolphus."
Gustavus Adolphus falls below the gi-eat Wil-
liam of Orange, but he rises high above all his
contemporaries, and stands forth, beyond question,
as the greate.st man of his age. In each of the
three departments that constitute greatness he
excelled — in the largeness of his moral and intel-
lectual nature ; in the grandem- of his aims ; and
in the all but perfect success that crowned what
he undertook. The foundation of his character was
his piety. " He was a king," said Oxenstiema,
" God-fearing in all his works and actions even
unto death." From his youth his soul had been
visited with impulses which he believed came from
beyond the sphere of humanity. His gi-andfather's
dying words had consecrated him to a sublime but
most arduous mission; that mission he could scarcely
misunderstand. The thovights that began to stir
within him as he gi-ew to manhood, and the aspects
of Providence around him, gave depth and strength
to his early impressions, which so gi'ew upon him
from day to day that ho had no rest. He saw the
labours of the Reformers on the point of being
swept away, the world about to be rolled back into
darkness, and the religion and liberty of Christen-
dom ovei-whelmed by a flood of arms and Jesuitry.
Among the princes of Germany he could discern no
one who was able or at all willing to cope with the
crisis. If the tei-rible ruin was to be averted, ho
himself nmst stand in the breach : he was the last
hope of a perishing world. Thus it was that he
came across the sea ^vith a feeling that he was the
chosen instiniment of Providence to set limits to the
ruinous reaction that was overwhelming Christen-
dom. In the gi-eat generals who had gi'own uj)
around him ; in the anny, disciplined and hai-dened
' Schiller, vol. ii., p. 135.
' Alexander, Hannibal, Julius CiEsar, Gustavus Adol-
phus, Turcnne, Prince Eugene, Frederick II. of Prussia,
Napoleon. (Qfrorer, p. 1015.)
in many a campaign, now gathered under his
banners ; in the union of gi-eat qualities in him-
self, fitting him for his task ; in his power of com-
mand ; in his love of order and system ; in his
intuitive faculty of quick and rapid combinations ;
in his genius for fonning plans, and the caution,
united with daring courage, which never pei-mitted
him to take a single step forward without ha^•ing
secured a line of safe retreat in the rear — in this
assemblage of great attributes, so fully possessed
and so easily exercised by him, he read the authen-
tication of his great mission.
Tliat mission was publicly and conclusively
certified to both friend and foe on the field of
Leipsic. That marvellous victory proclaimed
Gustavus Adolphus to be one of those sav-iours
whom the Great Ruler, at times, raises up in pity
for a fallen race, and whom he employs suddenly
and beneficently to change the current of liistory.
A greater consciousness of this breathes hence-
forward in every word and act of Gustavus. He
displays greater elevation of soul, a nobler bear-
ing and a higher faith in his mission ; and from
this hour his conquests become more rapid and
biilliant. He sees One mo^ong before him, and
giving him victory ; mighty armies and renowned
captains are driven before him as chaflT is driven
before the vrind ; the gates of proud cities are lui-
locked at his approach, and the keys of strong
fortresses are put into his hand ; rivers are divided
that he may pass over; and his banners are borne
triumphantly onwards till they are seen waving on
the frontier of Austria. Germany was liberated.
But Germany was not able to accept her libera-
tion. The princes who were now delivered from a
yoke \inder which they had groaned, and who
might now freely profess the Protestant faith, and
re-establish the exercise of the Protestant worsliij)
among their subjects, were unable to prize the boon
which had been put within their reach. They
began to mistrust and intrigue against their de-
liverer, and to quarrel with the an'angements
necessary for securing the fruits of what had been
achieved with so much toil and danger. These
imworthy princes put away from them the proffered
liberty ; and then the deliverer was withdrawn.
Tlie man who had passed unharmed over a hundred
battle-fields fell by the bullet of an imperial cuii-as-
sier. But Gustavus Adolphus had not borne toil
and braved danger in \-ain ; nor did he leave his
work unfinished, although it seemed so to his con-
temporaries. Germany, after being chastened by
yet other sixteen years of terrible suffering, accepted
the boon for which she was not prepared in the
lifetime of her great deliverer ; for it was the
SUCCESS OF GUSTAVUS' PLANS.
299
T-ictories of Gnstavnas Aclolphns that made possible,
and it was his proposals that formed the basis
\iltimately of that great charter of toleration under
which Christendom finally sat down, and which is
known in histoiy as the Pacification of West-
phalia.
CHAPTER X.
THE PACIFICATION OF WESTPHALIA.
Gustavus' Mission no Failure— Osenstierna comes to the Helm— Diet of Heilbriinn— Wallenstein's Advice to Terdi-
nand— Success of the Swedes— Inactivity of Wallensteia— His Offer to Join the Swedes— His Supposed Conspiracy
against Ferdinand— He is Assassinated — Defeat of the Swedes— Battle of Nordlingen— Defection of the Elector
of Saxony— Peace of Prague— Rejected by the Swedes— Treaty with France— Great Victory of the Swedes— Pro-
gress of the War— Isolation of Ferdinand— Cry for Peace— Negotiations at Munster— The Peace of WestphaMa.
Most historians, reviewing the career of Gustavns
Adolphus, have given it as their opinion that
when he died he had reached the maturity of
his glory, but not of his designs. We are dis-
posed to regard this judgment as a narrow and
mistaken one. That he had reached the summit
of his fame we readily admit ; but we also hold
that at the moment of his death he had reached
the consummation of his plans, so far as theu-
accomplishment rested with himself Had Gus-
ta\ais Adolphus crossed the Biiltic to found a
new kingdom, and reign as head of the Gennan
Empire, then indisputably he failed in the object for
which he had girded on the sword ; and, in the
words of Schiller, "the proud edifice of his past
greatness sunk into ruins when he died." But this
was far indeed from being what the hero of Sweden
aimed at. He sought to roll back the Catholic
reaction, and to set free the princes and States of
Germany from the treble despotism of Ferdinand,
of the League, of Rome : this ho did. The battle
of Leipsic scattered the anny of the emperor ; tlio
campaigns that followed carried the banners of
Gustavus in triumph to the Rhine on the west, and
to the veiy frontier of Austria on thfe south, in-
cluding Bavaria, the seat of the League. The
crowning victory of Liitzen set the seal upon all liis
past achievements, by completing the discomfiture
of Ferdinand and of the League, and consummating
the emancipation of Germany. Wlien he expired
on the last and bloodiest of all his fields, the
Fatherland was freed. It does not at all dimini.sh
from the perfection of his work, that neitlier the
princes nor the people of Germany were prepared
to profit by the boon which he put within their
reach. These craven sons of heroic sires were not
■worthy of freedom. They were incapable of appre-
ciating the character or sympathising with the
grand aims of their liberator; and had Gustavus
Adolphus lived, it is probable that these easy-going
men, who were so unbending in points of dignity
but so pliant in matters of conscience, so zealous
for the enlargement of their estates but so luke-
warm in the defence of their faith, would have
quarrelled over the spoils of his victories, while
they undervalued and neglected that which was
the gi-eatest of them all — Protestant liberty. He
was spared this mortifying sight by his early
removal. It does not follow that the fruits of his
labours perished. They were postponed, bxit not
lost. They were gathered-in sixteen years after-
wards at the Peace of Westphalia.
The Protestant interest of the Thirty Years' War
ends with the life of Gustavus. The two parties
continued the struggle, and the Fatherland was
still deluged with blood ; but the moral end of the
conflict wa-s lost sight of, and the bearing as well as
the aims of the combatants rapidly and sadly de-
generated. They fought, not for the ^indication of
Protestant liberties, but for plunder, or for pay, or
at best for victory. To record battles and campaigns
waged for these objects is not our purpose, and we
shall sutticiently discharge our duty to our subject
if wo trace rapidly the course of events to their
issue in the great European Settlement of 1648,
which owed its existence mainly to the man who
had laid down his sword on the field of Liitzen.
When Gustavus Adolphus died, the gi-eat chan-
cellor and statesman, Gxenstierna, sprang to the
helm. His wei-e the ablest hands, after those
of Gusta\nis, to guide the State. Oxenstiema
was the friend, as well as the minister, of the
deceased monarch ; he perfectly knew and tho-
roughly sympathised with the policy of the king,
300
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and of all the survivors he was the best fitted by
his genius, his lofty patriotism, and liis undoubted
Protestantism, to carry out the views of his late
master. The Senate of Sweden was equally
valorous and prompt. It met at Stockholm on the
IGth of March, 1633, and passed a resolution "to
prosecute the war against the Roman emperor and
degree lived in Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, Bauer,
Torstenson, and Wrangel. It was not on the
leaders only that Gustavus had stamped his image,
he had infused his spirit into the common soldiers,
and thus all three — the Diet, the minister, and the
army — continued to pursue the career in which the
late king had started them, just as a machine, to
JOHN, COUNT DE TILLY. (From the Portrait engraved by Ainlmg in 1677.)
Popish League in Germany, until it should please
Almighty God to establish a happy peace for the
good of his Church." ' Nor were able generals
wanting to the Diet to carry oiit its resolution. If
the deceased king had a not unworthy successor in
the State in Oxenstierna, he had also not unmeet
representatives in the field in the generals who had
been trained under him. The tactics, the power of
rapid combination of masses, the intrepidity, and
above all the lofty spirit of Gustavus, to a great
> Bwed. Intell, vol. iii., p. 200— ojntd Chapman, p. :
which a mighty impulse has been communicated,
continues to revolve after the strong hand from
which the impulse came is withdrawn.
The work which hitherto had been done by one
was now divided among many. Gustavus Adolphus
had centred Ln himself the ofSce of minister, of
Diet, of diplomatist, of statesman, and of general.
The conception of his plans was his, and so too was
the execution of them. The comprehensiveness of
his mind and the versatility of his genius made these
various parts easy and natural to him, and gave
him a prodigious advantage over his opponents, by
CONTINUED SWEDISH SUCCESSES.
301
giving a more perfect unity and a quicker dispatch
to all his plans. This perfect accord and harmony
were henceforward wanting ; but it was some time
till its loss became apparent. Oxenstierna did
his best to maintain the tottering fabric of the
German Confederacy, which had shown signs of
dissolution even before the fall of Gustavus.
Everything depended upon the Protestant princes
remaining united, and continuing in alliance with
Sweden ; and the chancellor succeeded in strength-
ening the bond of union among his allies, in spite
of the jealousies, the interests, and the many
difficulties he had to overcome. At the Diet of
Heilbronn the Directorship of the cii'cles of
imqualified amnesty; = and had the emperor done so
he would very probably have broken their union, and
brought back the more pliant and wavering. But
blinded by bigotry and the brilliant prospects of
triumph, which he imagined the fall of Gustavus
Adolphus had opened to him, he rejected the Duke of
Friedland's counsel, and instead of holding out the
olive-branch to the Protestants, oftered them battle
by inoreasiiig the number of his army. Hostilities
soon again commenced.
Victory still followed the standards of the Swedes.
During the campaign of 1633, they overran the
territory of Bamberg, swept along the Danube, and
took the town of Ratisbon, which gave them the
COURT OF A HOUSE IN NURBMBEKG.
Franconia, Suabia, and the Ujiper and Lower
Rhine was conferred upon him, " the princes of
these circles entering into a league with the Crown
of Sweden, and with one another, against the
emperor, until the civil and religious liberties of
Germany should be restored, and Sweden indem-
nified for tlie cost of the war." '
If Sweden and her German allies had resohed
not to sheathe the sword till the civil and religious
liberties of Germany had been restored, not less
were the emperor and his allies — the Pope, the King
of Spain, and Maximilian of Bavaria — resolved
that the war should go on. Wallenstein advised
Ferdinand to meet the Protestant States >vith an
" Diet of Heilbronn— Suied. InteU., vol. iii., p. 312.
130
command of Bavaria, the cradle of the League.
TlieLr amis were attended with equal success in
Suabia, and on the Upper and Lower Rhine. Lower
Saxony and Westphalia also became the scene of
their triumphs. They crossed and re-crossed
Germany, scatteiing the imperial ai-mies, capturing
the enemy's fortresses, and wresting from him the
keys of all his important cities, besides other
trophies of war, such as cannon, baggage, and
standards. One who did not know what had taken
place on the field of Liitzen, would have thought
that Gustavus Adol])hus was still at the head of the
Swedish warriors. Their banners, floatmg trium-
phant in every part of Germany, again proclaimed
= Schiller, vol. ii., p. 148.
302
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the fact that iiotking was -wauting to the Protestant
princes, save hearty zeal ani.1 tirm concord, to re-
cover all the rights which the Catholic reaction had
swept away, and to establish Protestant liberty in
Germany as it had existed a century before.
While the Swedish arms had come up to the
Austrian frontier, and it seemed as if a few marches
and one or two battles would carry them to tho
gates of Vienna, the generalissimo of Ferdinand
was maintaining a most luiaccomitable inactivity.
Wallenstein lay encamped in Bohemia, with 40,000
soldiers under him, apparently an uninterested
spectator of the dLsastei-s befalling the empii-e.
Ferdinand sent message after message, each more
pressing than that which had preceded it, com-
manding him to put his army in motion against the
invaders. Wallenstein answered, "I go ; " but
went not. At last he marched to Munsterberg,
where he formed an entrenched camp. The Swedes
offered him battle, but he declined it. The two
armies remained nine days within musket-shot of
each other, but neither stirred from their entrench-
ments. At last the mystery of Wallenstein's
inactivity was made plain. Count Terzky, attended
by a trumpeter, appeared in the Swedish camp,
with proposals of peace from the imperial generalis-
simo. Wallenstein offered to joiir the allies, and
turn his arms against the emperor, on condition of
being made King of Bohemia. He further promised
that, should the Bohemian crown be placed on his
head, he would recall the exOes, restore the confis-
cated estates, and establish toleration in that
comitry.' So do contemporary historians relate.
Besides his own ambition, the stars had jiromised
this dignity to Wallenstein. The Swedes did not
know what to make of this strange proposal ; but
at last, deeming it an artful trap to seize their
army and deliver it up to the emperor, they re-
jected it. The real intentions of Wallenstein still
remain a mystery ; but we incline to the belief that
he was then meditating some deep revenge on the
emperor, whom he had never forgiven for dismissing
him, and that he was not less desirous of striking a
blow at the Jesuits, who he knew cordially hated
Lim, and wei-e intriguing against him at the court
of Vienna. It is said that he was revolving even
mightier projects. He harboured the daring pur-
pose of putting down all the lords, lay and
ecclesiastical, of Germany, of combining its various
countries into one kingdom, and setting over it
a single chief. Ferdinand II. was to be installed
' Schiller, vol. ii., p. 170. Klievenhiller, vol. xii., p. 591-
Fttrster, Wallenstein's Brie/e, vol. iii., p. 30— ajMwJ Chap-
man, p. 391.
meanwhile as the nominal sovereign, but Wallen-
stein would govern through him, as Richelieu did
through Louis XIII. The Turks were to be driven
out of Europe, and Wallenstein, at the head of a
gigantic army, was to make himself Dictator of
Christendom. Such was the colossal scheme with
which he was credited, and which is said to have
alarmed the Pope, excited the jealousy of Richelieu,
intensified the hatred of the Jesuits, and made
them combine to effect his destruction. -
His ruin soon followed. To have sent him his
dismissal in the ordinary way would have been to
bring on the explosion of the terrible plot. He
held the army in liis hand, and Ferdinand was not
powerful enough to wrest that weapon from him.
He could be approached only with the dagger.
Wallenstein was residing at Eger, where he
was busOy engaged corresponding with his accom-
plices, and studying the stars. They rolled night
by night over his head, without notifying that the
hour had come for the execution of his great design.
While he waited for the celestial summons, dark
preparations were forming round him on earth. On
the evening of the 25th of February, 1634, the
officers of the garrison who remained loyal to
Ferdinand invited the four leading conspiratora
of Wallenstein to sup with them. The -wine was
circulating freely after supper, when one of the
company rose and gave as a toast, " The House of
Austria. Long live Ferdinand ! " It was the pre-
concerted signal. Thirty-six men-at-arms, who had
been stationed in the ante-chamber, rushed in,
overturned the table, and threw themselves upon
their victims. In a few minutes Wallenstein's
partisans lay sabred and dying on the floor of the
apartment.
This was only a beginning. The gi-eat conspi-
rator still lived ; biit, whatever the prognostication
of the stars, his last sands were running. The
elements seemed in accord with the violent deeds
on foot, for a frightful tempest had burst over
Eger, and the black clouds, the howling winds,
and the pelting rains favoured the assassins.
Devereux, followed by twelve halberdiers, pro-
ceeded to Wallenstein's residence, and was at once
admitted by the guard, who were accustomed to
see him visit the duke at all hours. Wallenstein
had retired to rest ; but hearing a noise he had got
out of bed, and going to the window he opened it
and challenged the sentinel. He had just seated
himself in a chair at a table in his night-dress,
when Devereux biu-st open the door and entered
" Michicls, Secret History of the Austrian Government,
pp. 78, 79.
DEFECTION OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY.
303
with the halberdiers. The man whom armies
obeyed, and who was the terror of kings, was
before him. Rushing towards him, he shouted,
" Thy hoiu' is come, villain ! " The duke rose, and
attempted to reach the window and summon the
guard, but the men-at-arms barred his way.
Opening his arms, he received the stroke of their
halberds in liis breast, and fell bathed in his blood,
but without utteruig a word. His designs, what-
ever they were, he took with him to his grave.
The ■wise man had said long before, "As passeth
the whii-hvind, so the -wicked." '
After the death of Wallenstein, Ferdinand's son,
the King of Hungary, bore the title of general-
issimo, but Count Gallas discharged the duty by
leading the army. The tide of success now began to
turn against the Swedes. They had already lost
several impoi-tant to-svns, among othei-s Ratisbon,
and their misfortunes were crowned by a severe
defeat which they encountered imder the walls of
Nordlingen. Some 12,000 men lay dead on the
field, t<0 cannon, 4,000 wagons, and 300 standards
fell into the hands of the imjierialists. The Swedes
had lost their superiority in the field ; consternation
reigned among the members of the Protestant Con-
federacy, and the free cities ; and O.xenstierna, to
save the cause from ruin, was obliged, as he believed,
to cast himself upon the protection of Richelieu,
gi\ing to France, as the price of her help, the
province of Alsace. This put the key of Germany
into her hands, and her ai-mies poured along
the Rhine, and, under pretext of assisting the
Swedes, phmdered the cities and devastated the
j)rovinces.
And now a severer blow befell the Swedes than
even the defeat at Nordlingen. John George, the
Elector of Saxony, deserting his confederates,
entered into a treaty of peace with the emperor.
The weakness of the Protestant cause, all along,
luul lain, not in the strength of the imperialists,
but in the divisions of the German princes, and now
this heavy and, for the time, fotal blow was dealt it
by the defection of the man who had so largely con-
tributed to begin the war, by helping the League to
take Prague, and suppress the Protestantism of
Bohemia. All the Protestant States were invited
to enter this peace along with the emperor and
elector. It effected no real settlement of difler-
ences ; it oflfei-ed no effectual redress of gi-ievances ;
and, wliile it swept away nearly all that the Pro-
testants had gained in the war, it left undetermined
' FOrster, Wallenstein' s Briefe, vol. iii., p. 199. Chem-
nitz, vol. ii., p. 332. Khevenhiller, vol. xii., p. llC;i.
Schiller, vol. ii., pp. 197—201. Michiels, Secret Histury,
pp. 87 - 91. Cliapman, pp. 396—398.
innumerable points which were sure to become the
seeds of conflicts in the futiu-e. Nevertheless, the
peace was acceded to by the Elector of Branden-
burg, DiUce William of Weimar, the Princes of
Anhalt, the Dukes of Mecklenbvirg, the Dukes of
Brimswick, Liineburg, the Hanseatic towns, and
most of the imperial cities."
This peace, termed the Peace of Prague, from the
town where the treaty was framed, was scornfully
rejected by the Swedes, and on just gi'ounds. It
offered them no indemnification for the expenses
they had incurred, and no compensation for the con-
quests they were to leave beliind them. They
loudly protested against the pi'mces who had made
their reconciliation with the emperor, as guilty of a
shamefid abandonment of themselves. They had
come into Germany at their in\'itation ; they had
vindicated the Protestant rights and the German
liberties with their blood, and " the sacred life of
their king," and now they were to be expelled from
the empii-e without reward, without even thanks,
by the very men for whom they had toiled and bled.
Rather than be thus dishonoiu-ed, and lose into the
bargain all for which they had fought, they re-
solved to continue the war.
Oxenstierna, in this extremity of Swedish aftaii's,
turned to France, and Richelieu met him with
offers of assistance. The Swedes and French
formed a compact body, and penetrated into the
heart of the empire. The Swedes fought with a
more desperate bravery than ever. The battles
were bloodier. They fell on Saxony, and avenged,
in the devastation and slaughter they inflicted, the
defection of the Elector. They defeated him in a
great battle at Wittsbach, in 1G36, the Elector
leaving 5,000 men on the field, with baggage,
cannon, standards, and silver plate, the booty being
enhanced by the capture of some thousands of
prisoners. After this, victory oscillates fi'om side
to side ; now it is the imperialists who triumph on
the I'ed field ; now it is the Swedes, grown as
savage as the imperialists, who remain masters;
but though battle succeeds battle, the war makes
no progi'ess, and the end for which it was commenced
has been entirely lost sight of.
At length there appeared a new Swedish general-
issimo, Bernard Torstenson, a pupil of Gustavus
Adolphus, and the leader who, of all who had been
reared in the same school, approached the most
nearly to his great master. He transferred the
seat of war from the exhausted proWnces to those
which had not yet tasted the miseries of the cam-
paigns. He led the Swedish hosts into the
= Schiller, vol. ii., p. 22L
304
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Austiiim territories which had hitherto been
exempted by their remoteness from the calamities
under which the rest of Germany groaned. " He
hurled the torch of wai-," says Schiller, " even to
the very footsteps of the imperial throne." By his
gi'eat victory at Jancowitz, where the emperor lost
his best general, Hatzfeld, and his last ai-my,
the whole territory of Austria was thrown open to
him. The victorious Swedes, pouring over the
frontiers, spread themselves like an inundation
over Moravia and Austria. Ferdinand fled to
Vienna to save liis family and his treasures. The
Swedes followed hard on hLs fleeing steps, carried
the entrenchments at the Wolf's Bridge, and showed
themselves before the walls of Vienna. Thus, after
a long and destructive circuit through every pro-
vince of Germany, the terrible procession of battles
and sieges had returned to the spot whence it set
out. The artillery of the Swedes that now thun-
dered around the Austrian capital must have
recalled to the memory of the inhabitants the balls
shot into Vienna twenty-seven years ago by the
Bohemians. Since that day, whole armies had
sunk into the German plains. All the great
leaders had fallen in the war. Wallenstein, Tilly,
Count Mansfeld, and dozens of inferior generals
had gone to the grave. Monarchs, a-s well as men
of lower degree — the great Gustavus and the
bigoted Ferdinand — had bowed to the stroke of
fate. Richelieu too slept in the marble in which
France lays her gi-eat statesmen, and the " odour "
in which Rome buries her faithful servants. Still
above the graves of those who began it, this war
was holding its fearful course, as if it longed to
gather beneath its scythe not the German people
only, but the nations of Christendom. Now awoke
a loud and luiiversal cry for peace. Even Maxi-
milian of Bavaria had gi-own weary of the war.
The House of Austria was left alone in tliis gi-eat
field of blood and corpses, and negotiations for
peace were opened at Munster and Osnabm'g. These
negotiations proceeded slowly. The conflicting ia-
terests that had to be reconciled, and the deep-seated
jealousies, antipathies, and bigotries that had to be
conquered, before the sword could be sheathed, were
innumerable. The demands of the negotiating parties
rose and fell according to the position of their- arms.
But at last the great victory — more glorious than
any that had preceded it — was achieved. They
were exchanging the last shots on the veiy spot
where the first had been fii-ed, namely at Prague,
when a messenger brought the news that a peace
had been concluded on the 24th of October, 1648.
Fii-st of all, the new treaty confirmed the old ones
of Passau and Augsburg (1552-5), and declared
that the interpretation now put ujaon them was to
remain valid in spite of all protests, from any
quarter whatsoever. But the new advanced a step
beyond the old treaties, and gave still more im-
portant results. Besides a number of territorial
and political concessions, such as giving Pomerania
to Sweden, it extended Toleration to Calvinists
as well as Luther'ans. This was the crowning
blessing which rose out of these red fields.
And to this day the balance of power between
Romanist and Protestant has remained sub-
stantially as it was fixed by the Pacification of
Westphalia.
CHAPTER XI.
THE F.\TnERLAND AFTKR THE WAR.
Peace rroclaimed— Banquet at Nuremberg — Varied Feelings awakened by the Peace— Celebration of the Peace in
Diilstadt — Symbolical Figures and Procession — The Fatherland after the War— Its Recovery Slow — Invaded
Ijy Wandering and Lawless Troops — Poverty of the Inhabitants — Instances of Desolation of the Land —
Unexampled Extent of the Calamity— Luther's Warnings Verified.
The peace had been sigiied. The ambassadors
had solemnly shaken hands with one another in
token of its ratification, and on all the roads
rode trumpeters to caiTy to city and rural village
the news of the happy event. The rude temjiests
of war had spent themselves, and now mild-eyed
Peace looked forth and smiled.
The peace was celebrated at Nuremberg by a
groat banquet, at which imperialists aird Swedes
sat down together at the same table, and mingled
their rejoicings under the same roof Brilliant
lights illuminated the vaulted roof of the magnifi-
cent town-hall. Between the blazing chandeliers
were hung thii-ty kinds of fruits and a profusion
PEACE REJOICINGS THROUGHOUT GERMANY.
305
of flovrors, bound together with gold wire. Four
bands were appointed to discourse sweet music,
and in six difl'erent rooms were assembled the six
classes of invited guests. Two enormous allegorical
figures had been erected on the tables — the one an
arch of victory, the other a six-sided mountain,
covered with mythological and allegorical figures
from the Latin and German mythologies. Dinner
was served iir four courses, each consisting of 150
dishes. Then came the fruits, some of which were
served in silvei", and others on the boughs of the
very trees on wliich they had gi-o^vn, and wliich
had been transfeiTed root and all into the banquet-
ing-room. Along the table at intervals burned
fine incense, which filled the spacious hall with a
delightful perfume. There was also confectionery in
great abundance, made up in a variety of fanciful
and fantastic forms. A herald now rose and an-
nounced the toast of the day — " The health of his
Imperial Majesty of Vienna, and his Royal Majesty
of Sweden." The toast of the newly-concluded
peace followed, and was drunk with rapturous
cheers by the assembled ambassadors and generals,
while a response was thundered from the artillery
of the castle. A somewhat perilous play at soldiers
now diversified the entertainment. Muskets and
swords were brought into the room, and the com-
pany, anning themselves and forming in file,
marched round the table, and fired ofl' a salvo.
After this they marched out, and ascended the
streets to the old Margrave's Castle at the northern
gate, and' discharged several pieces of ordnance.
On their return to the town-hall they were
jestingly thanked, and discharged from the service
on the ground that now War had sheathed his
sword, and Peace begiui her reign. To regale the
poor, two oxen had been kUled, and quantities of
bread were distributed, and out of a lion's jaws
there ran for six liours white and red wine. Out
of a still gi-eater lion's jaws had run for thirty
years teai-s and blood. As did the ambassadors at
Nuremberg, so in every town and half-destroyed
village this thrice-welcome peace was celebrated by
the rejoicings of the inhabitants.
From the banq\iet-hall of Nuremberg, let us
turn to the homesteads of tlie people, and mark
the varied feelings awakened in their breasts
by the cessation of this terrible war. " To the
old," says Gustavus Freytag, " peace api)eared
like a return of their youth ; they saw the rich
liarvests of their childhood brought back again ;
the thickly-peopled villages ; the merry Sundays
tinder the now cut-down village lindens ; the
pleasant hours which they had sjient with their now
dead or impoverished relations and companions —
in short, all the pictures that made up the memory
of early days they saw reviving again to gladden
their age. They found themselves happier, manlier,
and better than they had become in almost thirty
years filled with misery and degradation. The young
men, that hard, war-begotten, wild generation,
felt the approach of a wonderfid time; it seemed
to them like a fable out of a far-ofi" land; they
saw in vista a time when on every field there would
wave in the wind thick yellow ears of corn, when
in every stall the cows would low, when in every
sty would bask a round little pig, when they
themselves should drive two horses to the merry
crack of the whip, and no hostile soldier would dare
to lay rough hands upon their sisters and sweet-
hearts ; when they would no longer lie in wait in
the bushes with hay-forks and rusty muskets for
stragglers ; when they would no longer sit as
fugitives, in the eerie nights of the forest, on the
graves of then- stricken comrades ; when the roofs
of the village houses would be without holes, the
yards without crumbling barns ; when one would
no longer hear the cry of the wolf at the yard-gate:
when the village church would again have glass
windows and beautiful bells ; when in the befouled
choii- of the church there would stand a new altar,
with a silk cover, a silver crucifix, and a gilt cup ;
and when once again the young men would lead
the brides to the altar with the maiden-wreath in
their hair. A passionate, painful joy throbbed in
every breast ; and even war's wildest brood, the
common soldiers, felt its convulsive thrill. The
callous governing powers even, the princes and
their ambassadors, felt that the great fact of peace
was the saving of Germany from the last extremity
of ruin. Solemnly, and with all the fervour of
which the people were capable, was the peace
celebrated throughout the land.'"
As an example of the way in which the peace
was welcomed in the smaller towns we take
DiJlstadt, in the Dukedom of Gotha. The glimpse
it gives lis of the morals of the Fatherland at
this era is far from pleasant, and shows us
how far the sons of the Reformers had degene-
rated ; and it paints in aflecting colours the
character of the men on whom the great
calamity of the Thirty Years' War fell. The
Pastor of Dolstadt, vexed from day to day with
the impiety of his flock, denoiuiced against them
the judgment of Heaven unless they turned from
their wickedness. They only laughed at his warn-
ings, and showed him all manner of disrespect.
They tore dowi his hops from the pole, they
Gustav. Fieytog, pp. 221—223.
306
HISTORY OF TROTESTANTISM.
carried off the corn from his field, and many other
injuries, as ho comphuned witli tearful eyes in 1634,
did they inflict upon liim. When ho came to die
he liui-st into toai-s, uttering the following sorrowful
exclamation — " Alas ! poor DiJlstadt, how ill it will
go with thee after my departure!" Directing a
look towards the church, and survoj-ing it with a
1627 to 1637, 29,595 guldens had been exacted
of it. The inliabitants dwindled away, and in a
short while the place became almost as deserted as
the -wilderness. In 1636 there were only two
married couples in the village. In 1641, first
Bannier, and after him the French were quai-tered
there in •winter ; one half-acre was the whole extent
AXLL, toLNT o\l NMILliN V (From a I'ortmii i'J Ihe I'l
n the BitiJiothiquc Nationak.)
heart heavy with sorrow and eyes dim with doath,
he made liLs attendants raise him in bed, and again
exclaimed, " Ah ! dear, dear church, how wilt thou
fare after my death ! thou shalt be swept into a
heap with the broom of judgment !" His prophecy
came true. In 1636 the armed corps of Hatzfeld
fell upon the place, ravaging and spoiling ; the
church was plundered, and its wood-work torn
dow^^ and burned, as Pastor Dekner had not
obscurely foretold. In the same year the village
had to pay 5,500 guldens of war indemnity. From
of soil cultiv.'ited, and the population amounted to
just four persons.
After the Peace of Westphalia, under the fos-
tering care of Duke Ernest, the pious sovei-eign
of Gotha, tliis as well as the other abandoned
villages were rpiickly rcpopulated, so that in 1650
there Wiis held also in Dolstadt a festival in
honour of the peace. The morning of the 19th of
August was ushered in by the singing of hymns.
At six o'clock the bells were set ariinging, and the
■whole population of the place assembled before the
308
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
entrance of the village — the women grouped on
one side of the path, and the men on the other.
Before the females stood an allegorical figure of
Peace, dressed in a robe of gi-een silk, cro^^^led with
a gi-eeu -vn-eath, varied with yellow flowers, and
holding in its hand a branch of olive. In front of
the men was a symbolical representation of Justice,
clothed in white, wearing a green ■wTeath, and
holding in one hand a naked sword, and in the
other a yellow rod. The young men stood at some
distance, with a representation of Mars before them,
dressed as a soldier and carrying a ci'oss-bow. In
the middle of tlicse groups stood the scholare and
villagers, with the pastor at their head, the director
of the day's j)roceeduigs, and afterwards their
narrator. The pastor directed their glance back on
the awful tempests which had beat upon them,
now happily ended. He told them how often they
had had to flee from their homes, fear in their
hearts and tears in their eyes ; and how glad they
were, the stoi-m over, to return, though to enter
naked and devastated dwellings, and sit at hearths
blackened and cold. "And now let us," he said,
" pass in with praise at these same gates, oiit of
which we have often i)assed in flight ; and let us
enter the sa)ictuary of the Eternal with a psalm
of thanksgiving, and lifting up oiu- voices with one
accord, sing to God on high." Thereupon the
^^•hole a.ssembly, wearing green wi-eaths, and caiTy-
ing in their hands green branches, marched to
the church singing liymns. The villagers had been
joined by the gentry and nobility of the neigh-
bourhood, and the procession was a long and
imposing one. In the chui-ch hymns were again
sung by voices which trembled with varied emo-
tions ; prayers breathed out with touching pathos
and solemnity ascended upward ; and the pastor,
mounting the pulpit, preached a sermon suited to
the joyful occasion. Thereafter the whole as-
semblage gathered in the market-place, and the
strij)ling and the patriarch, the village maiden and
the high-born dame, mingling their voices in one
mighty chorus, sang a closing hymn and then dis-
persed.'
Tlie condition of the Fatherland after the w;u'
was of the most serious and painful character.
Peace had been proclaimed, but many years wei'e
needed to staunch the wounds and eSace the deep
scars which the war had made. Wlien one has
been brought to the grave's brink and again re-
covers, slowly the pallor depaits from the. face, and
slowly does the dimmed eye brighten and the sickly
' From the Church-Book of Pastor Trumper of Dul-
Btadt, apud Gustav. Freytag, pp. 223—227.
frame wax strong. So ^vith Germany : tlie work
was both laborious and tedious of re-building its
cities, restormg the verdure of its fields and the
shade of its forests, and especially revi-\-ing its all
but extinct population. Unconscionable war taxes,
ravaging camps waiting for disbandment, pro-
longed into the era of peace the misei'ies that had
darkened the period of war. To these were added
annoyances of another kind. The whole country
swarmed with " masterless bands," made up of run-
away serfs and discharged soldiers, -vidth women and'
camp followers. After these came troops of beggars
and hosts of robbers, who wandered from province
to province in quest of prey. " A stream of
beggars," says Gustavus Freytag, " of every kind
wandered over the country — dismissed soldiers,
cripples, homeless people, old and sick people ;
among the rest, lepers, with certificates from the
hospitals ; exiles from Bohemia and Hungaria, who
had left their home for their religion ; expelled nobles
from England, Ireland, and Poland ; coUectoi-s who
>VLshed to set free their relations from the Turkish
prisons ; travellers who had been plundered at way-
side inns ; a blind pastor, with five children, from
Denmark ; and not one of this long troop was there
who had not a tale of sufiTering or adventure to
recount, in order to jirocure money or excite ad-
mu-ation." - They forcibly quartered themselves in
the villages where there stUl remauaed a few in-
habitants ; and where the population had totally
disappeared they took unchallenged possession of
the empty dwellings. But the infection of evil
habits spreads fast; and the inliabitants, discover-
ing that it was easier to rob than to cultivate the
fields, began to make secret incursions into their
neighbours' territories, and appropriated whatever
they coveted. The Romanists plundered the Pro-
testant communities, and the Protestants repaid the
visit by plundering the Romanists. The gipsy tribes
began to swarm and multiply; theirwanderinghordes
would gather in every ^'illage. Fantastically dressed,
they would encamp round the stone troughs in the
mai-ket-places, with laden carts, stolen horses, and
naked children. Only where there existed a strong
municipality could these wild wanderers be kept
away. In the Dukedom of Gotha sentinels were
placed on the bridges and at the fords of rivers, to
sound the alarm when they saw any of these law-
less troops approaching. Gradually something like
a police force was organised ; a register of house-
holders was made, and an account taken of the
land each occupied, and the manner in which he
cultivated it, and the taxes fixed which he was to
■ Freytas, p. 229.
FEAEFUL DEPOPFLATION OF GERMANY.
309
pay. By these means the inhabitants were again
broken into habits of industry. Those who had fled
to the mountains, or had sought refuge in the cities,
or in foreign countries, returned, the villages arose,
marriages and baptisms were numerous, and some-
thing like its old face began again to be seen on the
Fatherland.
The poverty of the inhabitants was so great that
they were not able to procure implements to culti-
vate their fields, and large tracts of Germany long
lay fallow, or covered with brushwood. " There
were parts of the country where a horseman could
ride for many hours without coming to a single
inliabited dwelling. A messenger, who hastened
from Saxony to Berlin, travelled from morning till
evening over uncultivated laud, through thorns
and thistles, without finding one village in which
to rest." ' In Thuringia and Franoonia, fail' samples
of tlie rest of Germany, it is calculated that seventy-
fi.ve per cent of the male population had perished.
They had lost eighty-five per cent, of horses,
eiglity-three of goats, and eighty-two of cows ; the
remaining horses were lame and blind, aaid the
sheep in all places were completely anni]iilated.
The population of Hesse had shrunk to a fourth of
its former number. Augsburg was reduced from
80,000 to 18,000; Frankenthal, from 18,000 to
324; Wurtemberg, from 400,000 to 48,000. In
the Palatinate but a fiftieth part of the popu-
lation remained. In Ummerstadt, near Coburf
which before the war had a population of 800, so
great was the reduction that in two years not one
child was born. It is a bloody liistory which these
facts record.^
In olden time, when nations were migrating from
one country to another, it would happen that par-
ticular territories were even more completely bereft
of inhabitants, or when plague smote a city there
might be even a more terrible destruction of its
people. These depopulations were local, and were
easily repaired from the abundant population around
the stricken spot ; but here was an ancient nation,
possessing hundreds of walled towns, numerous
villages, with meadow-lands and fields, cultivated
for thirty generations, overtaken by a stroke beneath
which their cities fell into ruins, their villages sank
into heaps, their morals and religion were lost, and
the soil, refusing longer to be the servant of man,
sent forth only weeds, and oflered only a lair to
the wild beast.
The prophetic eye of Luther saw the approach
of terrible evils to Germany, should the Gospel he
had preached not be held fast by her sons. His
warnings had been despised, and a night, blacker
even than any he had foreseen, descended on the
Fatherland.
Book Ci«entp--E(frontr,
raOTESTANTISJI IN FEANCE FKOM DEATH OF HENRY IV. (IGIO) TO THE EEVOLUTION (17S9).
CHAPTER I.
LOUIS XIII. AND THE WARS OF RELIGION.
Htnry IV.— Dies in the Midst of his Great Schemes— Louis XIII.— Maria de Moclici Eegont— Alarm of the Protos-
tants— Cliaractor of Maria de Medici— Astrology— Governs her Son— Protestants hold a Political Convocation-
Henri de Eohan— Deseneracy o£ the Huguenots— .Synods of the French Protestant Church— New Policy of
Louis XIII.— The Jesuits— Toleration— Invasion of Beam— Its Protestantism Suppresse<l— Jesuit Logic- Shall tho
Sword bo Drawn ?— War- Saumur— Death of Duplossis-Mornay- Siego of Montaubau— of St. Jean d'Angely—
A Scotch Pastor on the Eampai-ts— Peace- Question of tho Distinct Autonomy of tho Huguenots.
We resume our history of Protestantism in France
at the death-bed of Henry IV. The dagger of
Eavaillac arrested that monarch in the midst of his
great schemes.- Henry had abjured his mother's
faith, in the hope of thei-eby purchasing from Rome
' Freytag, pp. 230, 231.
2 See ante, vol. ii., p. G21.
tho sure tenure of liis crown and the peaceful
possession of his kingdom. He fancied tliat he
had got what he bargained for ; and being, as he
supposed, firmly seated on the throne, lie was
^ Chapman, p. 400. Freytag, p. 235. Ludwig Hiiusser,
vol. ii., p. 277.
310
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
milking prodigious efforts to lift France out of the
abyss in wliicli he found her. He was labouring
to re-t'.stablish onler, to plant confidence, and to get
rid of the immense debts which prodigality and
dishonesty had accumulated, and which weighed so
hea\ily upon the kingdom. He was taking the
legitimate means to quicken commerce and agri-
culture— in short, to eftace all those frightful traces
which had been left on the country by what are
known in history as the "ci-s-il wai-s," but which
were, in fact, crusades organised by the Grovern-
ment on a great scale, in vnolation of sworn treaties
and of natural rights, for the extirpation of its
Protestant subjects. Henry, moreover, was medi-
tating gi-eat schemes of foreign policy, and had
already dispatched an army to Germany in order
to humble the House of Austria, and reduce the
Spanish influence in Em-ope, so menacing to the
liberties and peace of Christendom. It did seem as
if the king would succeed; but his Austrian pro-
ject too nearly touched the Papal interests. There
were eyes watching Henry which he knew not of.
His heretical foreign policy excited a suspicion that,
although he was outwardly a Roman Catholic, he
was at heart a Huguenot. In a moment, a Hand
was stretched forth from the darkness, and all was
changed. The policy of Hemy IV. perished with
him.
He was succeeded on the throne by his son,
Louis XIII., a youth of eight and a half years.
That same evening, an edict of the Parliament of
Paris made his mother, Maiia de Medici, regent.
The consternation of the Huguenots was great.
Tlieii- hands instinctively grasped their sword-hilts.
The court hastened to calm their fears by pub-
lishing a decree ratifying all the former edicts of
toleration, and assuring the Protestants that the
death of Henry IV. would bring ■with it no change
of the national policy ; but with so many torn
treaties and violated oaths, wliich they could not
biinish from their memory, what reliance could the
Huguenots place on these assiu-ances 'i Was it not
but a sjjreading of the old snare around their feet t
In the regent and her son they saw, under a change
of names, a second Catherine de Medici and Charles
IX., to be followed, it might be, by a second St.
Partholomew.
The boy of eight years who wore the crown
could do only what liis mother, the regent, coun-
selled, or rather commanded. Maria de Medici
was the real sovereign, That ill-fiited marriage
with the Pope's niece, alas ! of how many wars
was it destined to bo the prolific source to France !
Maria de Medici lacked the talent of her famous
predecessor, Catherine de Medici, but she pos-
sessed all her treachery, bigotry, and baseness.
She was a profound believer in -witchcraft, and
guided the vessel of the State by her astrological
calculations. When divination fiiiled her she had
recoiu'se to the advice of the Pope's nuncio, of
the Spanish ambassador, and of Concini, a man of
obscure birth from her native city of Florence,
on whom she heaped high titles, though she could
not impart to him noble qualities. Under such
guidance the vessel of the State was drawn farther
and farther every day into the old whirlpool.
When Louis XIII. grew to be a few years older,
he strove to break the trammels in which he
was held, by banishing his mother to Blois, and
instigating men to murder Concini, but he only fell
under the influence of a favourite as worthless and
profligate as the man he had employed assassins to
rid him of. Intrigue, blood, and peculation dis-
graced the court. The great nobles, contemning
the power of the sovereign, retired to theu- estates,
where, at the head of their encampments, they
lived like independent kings, and gave sad presage
of the distractions and civil broils yet awaiting the
unhappy land. But it is the Protestant thread,
now becoming somewhat obscure, that we wish to
follow.
The year after the king's accession (1611) the
Protestant nobles met at Saumur, and held one of
those political assemblies which they had planned
for the regulation of religious interests after the
abjuration of Henry IV. The illustrious Duplessis-
Mornay was elected president, and the famous
Pastor Chaumier was made vice-president. The
convocation consisted of seventy persons in all —
noblemen, ministers, delegates from the Tiers Etat,
and deputies from the town of La Rochelle : in short,
a Huguenot Parliament. The Government, though
reluctantly, had granted permission for their meet-
ing; and their chief business was to elect two
deputies-general, to be accepted by the court as the
recognised heads of the Protestant body. The
assembly met. They refused simply to inscribe
two names in a bulletin and break up as the court
-wished; they sat four months, discussed the matters
affecting their interests as Protestants, and asked
of the Government redress of their grievances.
They renewed their oath of union, which consisted
in swearing fidelity to the king, always reserving
theu' duty to " the sovereign empu-e of God." It
was at this assembly that the talents of Henri de
Rohan as a statesman and orator began to display
themselves, and to give promise of the prominent
place he was afterwards to fill in the ranks of the
Reformed. He strongly urged union among them-
selves, he exhorted them to show concern for the
COMING EVILS FOE THE FRENCH PROTESTANTS.
311
welfare of tlie liumblest as well as of the liighest iu
their boily, and to display a fii-m spii'it in dealing
with Government in the way of exacting all the
rights which had been guaranteed by treaty. "We
are not come," he said, " to four cross-roads, but to
a point where safety can be found in only one path.
Let our object be the glory of God, and the security
of the chvirches he hiis so mmiculously established
in this kingdom, providing eagerly for each other's
benefit by every legitimate means. Let us reli-
giously demand only what is necessary. Let us be
firm in order to get it."
The want of union was ijainfully manifested at
this assembly at Saumur, thanks to then- enemies,
who had done all in their jjower beforehand to sow
jealousies among them. The fervent piety which
chai-aoterised their fathers no longer distinguished
their sons; the St. Bartholomew had intlicted worse
evils than the blood it spilt, great as that was ;
many now cleaved to the Huguenots, whose religion
was only a pretext for the advancement of their
ambition ; others were timid and afraid to urge
even the most modei-ate demands lest they should
be crushed outright. There was, too, a marked
difierence between the spirit of the Protestants in
the north and in the south of France. The former
were not able to shake off the terror of the tur-
bulent and Pojiish capital, in the neighboui'hood of
which they lived ; the latter bore about them the
free air of the mountains, and the bold spii-it of the
Protestant cities of the south, and when they spoke
in the assembly it was with their swords half drawn
from the scabbards. Similar political assemblies
were held in subsequent years at Grenoble, at
Nlmes, at La Rochelle, and at other towns.
Meetings of their National Synod were, too, of
frequent occurrence during this period, the Mode-
rator's chair being occupied not unfrequently by
men whose names were then, and are still, famous
in the annals of Protestant literature — Chamier
and Dumoulin. These Synods sought to rebuild
the French Protestant Church, almost fallen into
ruins daring the wars of the foregoing era, by
restoring the exercise of piety in congregations,
cutting oflf unworthy members, and composing dif-
ferences and strifes among the Protestant nobles.
Gathered from the battle-fields and the deserts of
France, bitter memories behind and darkening
prospects before them, these men were weary in
heart and broken in spirit, and were without the
love and zeal which had animated their fathers who
sat in the Synod of La Rochelle forty years before,
when the French Protestant Church was in the
prime and flower of her days.
The Hugxienots were warned by m;my signs of the
siu-e approach of evil tunes. One ominous pro"-
nostic was the reversal of the foreign policy of
Hemy IV. His last years were devoted to the
maturing of a great scheme for humbling the Aus-
trian and Spanish Powers ; and for this end the
monarch had allied himself, as we have already
related, with the northern Protestant nations.
Louis XIII. disconnected himself from Ids father's
allies, and joined himself to liis father's enemies, by
the project of a double marriage ; for while he
solicited for himself the hand of the SjDanish
Infanta, he oflered his sister in marriage to the
Prince of the Astui'ias. This boded the ascen-
dency of Spain and of Rome once more in France
— in other words, of persecution and war. Sinister
reports were circulated through the kingdom that
the price to he iiaid for this double alliance was the
suppression of heresy. Soft words contiimed to
come from the coiu-t, but the acts of its agents in
the provinces were not in correspondence therevvith.
Those were hard enough. The swoi'd was not brought
forth, it is true, but every other weapon of assault
was vigorously plied. The priests incessantly im-
portuned the king to forbid the Protestants from
calling in question, by voice or by pen, the authority
of the Church or of the Pope, He was solicited not
to let them open a school in any city, not to let any
of their ministers enter a hospital, or administer
religious consolation to any of their sick ; not to let
any one from abroad teach any faith save the Roman;
not to let them perform their religious rites ; in
short, the monarch was to abrogate one by one all
the rights secured by treaty to the Protestants, and
disannul and make void by a process of evacuation
the Edict of Nantes. The poor king did not need
an}"- importuning ; it was not the will but the power
that was wanting to him to fulfil the oath sworn at
his coronation, to expel from the lands under his
sway every man and woman denounced by the
ChurcL At this time (161-1) the States-General,
or Supreme Parliament, of France met, the last ever
convoked until that memorable meeting of 1789,
the precursor of the Revolution. A deputy of the
Tiers, or Commons, rose in that as.sembly to plead
for toleration. His words sounded lilce blasphemy
in the ears of the clergy and nobles; he was re-
minded of the king's oath to exterminate heretics,
and told that the treaties sworn to the Huguenots
wore only jirovisional ; in other words, that it was
the duty of the Government always to persecute and
slay the Protestants, except in one case — namely,
when it was not able to do it.
Of these destructive maxims — destructive to the
Huguenots in the fii-st instsmce, but still more de-
structive to France in the long run — two terrible
VIEW Of THE TOMB 01' ST. SEBALD, NUKEMBEilQ.
INJUSTICE AND TYRANNY IN BEARN.
313
exemplifications were about to be given. Tbe terri-
tory of Lower Navarre and Bdarn, in the mountains
of the Pyrenees, was the hereditary kingdom of
Jeanne d'Albret, and we have already spoken of
her efforts to plant in it the Protestant faith. She
established churches, schools, and hospitals; she
ever to the projected incorporation. The Beamese
had no right to be of any but the king's religion.
A decree was issued, restoring the Roman Catholic
faith in Beam, and giving back to the Romish
clergy the entii-e ecclesiastical property, which had
for a half-century been in possession of the Pro-
VIEW IN lA UUCHELLE; the STEEET of the msHOPUIC AND ST. BABTHOLOMEW BELFRV.
endowed these from the national property, and soon
her little kingdom, in point of intelligence and
wealth, became one of the most flourislung spots in
all Christendom. Under her son (Henry IV.) this
kingdom became vii-tually a part of tlie French
monarchy; but now (1G17) it was ^vished more
thoroughly to incorporate it with France. Of its
inhabitants, two -thirds — some say nine -tenths —
were Protestants. This appeared no obstacle what-
131
testants. " These estates," so reasoned the Jesuit
Amoux, a disciple of the school of Escobar,
" belong to God, who is the Proprietor of them,
and may not be lawfully held by any save his
priests.'" Consternation reigned in B&im; all
classes united in remonstrating against this tyi-an-
• Felice, Eisionj of the Protestants of France, vol. i.,
p. 309.
314
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
nical decree, which swept away at once their con-
sciences and then- property. Theii' remonstrance
was unheeded, and the king put him .self at the head
of an army to compel the Biiarnese to submi.ssion.
The soldiers led against this heretical territory,
which they burned with zeal to purge and convert,
wei-e not very scrupulous as to the means. They
broke open the doors of the churches, they burned
the Protestant books, compelled the citizens to kneel
when the Host passed, and drove them to mass
■svith the cudgel. They dealt the more obstinate a
thrust with the sabre ; the women dared not show
themselves in the street, dreading worse violences.'
In this mamier was the Popish religion re-established
in Beam. This was the fir.st of the dragomiades.
Louis XIV. was afterwards to repeat on the
greater theatre of France the bloody tragedy now
enacted on the little stage of Beam.
This was what even now the Protestants feared.
Accordingly, at a political assembly held m La
Rochelle, 1G21, they made preparations for the
worst. They di\'ided Protestant France into eight
departments or circles ; they appointed a governor
over each, mth power to impose taxes, raise
soldiers, and engage in battle. The supreme
military power was lodged in the Duke de
Bouillon, the assembly reserving to itself the
power of making war or concluding peace. The
question was put to the several cu'cles, whether
they should declare war, or wait the measures of
the court 1 The majority were averse to hostilities.
They felt the feeble tenm-e on which himg their
rights, and even then- lives ; but they shuddered
when they remembered the miseries which previous
wars had brought in their train. They counselled,
therefore, that the sword should not be drawn till
they were compelled to unsheathe it in self-
defence. This necessity had, in fact, already arisen.
The king was advancing against them at the
head of his army, his Jesuit confessor, Amoux,
having removed all moral impediments from his
path. " The king's promises," said his confessor,
"are either matters of conscience or matters of
State. Those made to the Huguenots are not
promises of conscience, for they are contraiy to the
precepts of the Chm-ch ; and if they are pi-omises
of State they ought to be i-eferred to the Privy
Council, which is of opinion they ought not to be
kept."2 The Pope and cardinals united to smooth
' Elie Benoit, Histoire de I'Edit de Nantes, torn, ii., p.
295. This is a work in five volumes, filled with tho acts
of violence and persecution which befell the Protestants
from the reign of Henry IV. to tho Eevocation of tho
Edict of Nantes.
= Felice, vol. i., p. 315.
the king's way financially, by contributing between
them 400,000 cro\vns, while the other clergy offered
not less than a million of crowns to defray the war
expenses.
The royal army crossed the Lou-e and opened the
campaign, which they prosecuted with various but,
on the whole, successful fortune. Some places
sm-rendered, others were taken by siege, and the
inhabitants, men and women, were often put to the
sword. The Castle of Saumur, of which Duplessis-
Mornay was governor, and which he held as one of
the cautionary fortresses granted by the edicts,
was taken by perfidy. The king pledged his word
that, if Mornay would admit the royal troops, the
immmiities of the place should be maintained. No
sooner had the king entered than he declaimed that
he took definite possession of the castle. To give
this act of ill-faith the semblance of an amicable
arrangement, the king offered Mornay, in addition
to the arrears of his salary, 100,000 crowns and a
marshal's baton. " I cannot," replied the patriot,
" in conscience or in honoiu- sell the liberty and
security of others;" adding that, "as to dig-
nities, he had ever been more desirous to render
himself worthy of them, than to obtain them."
This great man died two years afterwards. His
end was like his life. " We saw liim," says Jean
Daille, his private chaplain, "in the midst of death
fii-mly laying hold on life, and enjoying full satis-
faction where men are generally terrified." He
was the last re25re.sentative of that noble generation
which had been moulded by the instructions of
Calvin and the example of Beza.
The next exploit of the kuig's arms was the
taking of St. Jean d'Angely. The besiegers were in
great force around the walls, theii- shot was falling
in an incessant shower upon the city, and the in-
habitants, when not on duty on the ramparts, were
forced to seek refuge in the cellars of their houses.
Provisions were begimiing to fail, and the citizens
were now worn out by the fatigue of fighting night
and day on the walls. In these circumstances, they
sent a deputation to Mr. John Welsh, a Scottish
minister, who had been exiled from his native
land, and was now acting as pastor of the Protes-
tant congregation in St. Jean d'Angely. They told
him that one in particular of the enemy's guns,
which was of gi'eat size, and moreover was very
advantageously placed, being mounted on a rising
giwmd, was sweeping that entire portion of the
walls which was most essential to the defence, and
had silenced their guns. What were they to do 1
they asked. Welsh exhorted them to defend the
city to the last, and to encourage them he accom-
panied them thi'ough the streets, "in which the
ATTITUDE OF THE FRENCH PROTESTANTS.
315
bullets were ftilling as plentifully as hail,"' and
mounted the ramparts. Going up to one of the
silent gims, he bade the cannonier resume firing ;
but the man had no powder. Welsh, seizing a
ladle, hastened to the magazine and filled it with
powder. As he was returning, a shot tore it out of
his hand. Using Ixis hat instead of a ladle, he filled
it with powder, and going up to the gunner, made
him load his piece. " Level well," said Welsh, " and
God will direct the shot." The man fired, and the
fii-st shot dismounted the gun which had inflicted so
much damage upon the defenders. The incident re-
vived the courage of the citizens, and they resumed
the defence, and continued it till they had extorted
from their besiegers ftwourable terms of capitti-
lation.^
Montauban withstood the royal arms, despite the
prophecy of a Carmelite monk, who had come from
Bohemia, with the reputation of working mii-acles,
and who assured the king that the city would, without
doubt, fall on the firing of the four-himdi-edth gun.
The mystic number had long since been completed,
but Montauban still stood, and at the end of two
months and a lialf, the king, with tears in his eyes,
retired from before its walls. It is related that the
besieged were apprised of the approaching departure
of the army by a soldier of the Reformed religion,
who, on the evening before the siege was raised,
was playing on his flute the beginning of the sixty-
eighth Psalm, " Let God arise, and let his enemies be
scattered, and let them also that hate him flee before
him," &c.^ The king had better success at Mont-
pellier, on the taking of which he judged it prudent
to close the campaign by signing terms of peace on
the 19th October, 1622. The peace indicated a loss of
position on the part of the Protestants. The Edict
of Nantes was confirmed, but of the cautionary
towns which that edict had put into the hands of
the Protestants, only two were now left them —
Montauban and La Rochelle.
The French Protestants at tliis stage of their
history are seen withdi-awing to a certain extent
fi"om the rest of the nation, constituting themselves
into a distinct civil community, and taking in-
dependent political and military action. This was
a strong step, but the attitude of the Government,
and its whole procedure towards them for a century
previous, may perhaps be held as justifying it. It
• Serres, Gen. Bist. of France, continued by Grimston,
pp. 256, 257.
2 Ibid. Young, Ufe of John Welsh, pp. 396, 397; Edin.,
1866.
^ Elie Benoit, torn, ii., p. 377.
appeared to them the only means left them of de-
fending their natural rights. We are disposed to
think, however, that it would have been well had
the French Protestants dra'wn more strongly the
line which separated their action as citizens from
their action as church meml)ers — in other words,
given more prominence to their church organisa-
tion. The theory which they had received from
Calvin, and on which they professed to act, was
that while society is one, it is divided into the
two great spheres of Church and State ; that as
members of the first — that is, of the Church — they
fonned an organisation distinct from that of the
State ; that this oi-ganisation was constituted upon
a distinct basis, that of Revelation ; that it was
placed under a distinct Head, namely, Christ; that it
had distinct rights and laws given it by God ; and
that in the exercise of these rights and laws, for its
own proper ends, it was not dependent upon, or
accountable to, the State. This view of the Church's
origin and constitution makes her claims and jurisdic-
tion perfectly intelligible ; and gives, as the French
style it, her raismi d'etre. It may not be assented
to by all, but even where it is not admitted it can
be understood, and the independent jurisdiction of
the Church, whether right or wi-ong in fact, on
which we are here pronoimcing no opinion, will be
seen to be in logical consistency with at lea.st this
theory of her constitution. This theory was em-
braced in Scotland as well as in France, but in the
foi-mer country it was more consistently carried out
than in the latter. While the French Protestants
were " the Religion," the Scots were "the Church ;"
while the former demanded " freedom of worship,"
the latter claimed " liberty to administer their
ecclesiastical constitution." The weakness of the
French Pi-otestants was that they failed to put
prominently before the nation their rights as a
divinely chartered society, and in their action largely
blended things civil and things ecclesiastical. The
idea of " Headship," which is but a summary
phrase for their whole conception of a Church,
enabled the Scots to keep the two more completely
separate than perhaps anywhere else in Christen-
dom. In Germany the magistrate has continued
to be the chief bishop ; in Geneva the Church
tended towards being the supreme magistrate ; the
Scots have aimed at keeping in the middle path
between Erastianism and a theocracy. Yet, as a
proof that the higher law \vi\\ always rule, while no-
wliere has the action of the Church been so little
directly political as in Scotland, nowhere has the
Church so deeply moulded the genius of the people,
or so strongly influenced the action of the State.
SIG
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER II.
FALL OP LA ROCHELLEj A>'D END OF THE WARS OF RELIGION.
Cardinal Eichelieu — His Genius — His Schemes— Resolves to Crush the Huguenots— Siege of La EocheUe — Importance
of the Town— English Fleet Sent to Succour it— Treachery of Charles I.— The Fleet Eeturns— A Second and Third
Fleet — Famine in La Roohelle — Fall of the City— End of the Religious Wai-s- Despotism Established in France —
Fruitless Efforts of Rohan to Rouse the Huguenots— Policy of Eichelieu— His Death— Louis XIII. Dies.
There was now about to appear on the scene a man
who was destiued to act a great part in the aflaii's
of EuroiJe. The Bishop of Lu^on was a member of
the States-General which, as we have ah-eady said,
assembled in 1614 ; and there he first showed that
aptitude for business which gave him such un-
rivalled influence and unbounded fame as Cardinal
Richelieu. He was a man of profound penetration,
of versatile genius, and of vmconquerable activit}'.
The queen-mother introduced him to the council-
table of her son Louis XIII., and there the force of
his character soon I'aised him to the first place. He
put down every rival, became the master of his
sovereign, and governed France as he pleased. It
Vas about this time (1624) that his power blos-
somed. He was continually revolving great schemes,
but, great as they were, his genius and activity
were equal to the execution of them. Although a
churchman, the aim of his ambition was rather to
aggrandise France than to serve Rome. The Roman
purple was to him a garment, and nothing more ; or,
if he valued it in any degree, it was because of the
aid it brought him in the accomplishment of his poli-
tical projects. Once and again in the pursuit of
these projects he crossed the Pope's patli, without
paying much regard to the anger or alarm his policy
might awaken in the Vatican. His projects were
mainly tliree. He found the throne weak — in fact
contemned — and he wished to raise it up, and make
it a power in France. He found the nobles turbu-
lent, and all but ungovernable, and he wished to
break their power and curb their pride. In the
third place, he revived the policy of Hem-y IV.,
which sought to reduce the power of Austria, in
both the Imperial and Spanisli branches, and with
this view the cardinal courted alliances with
England and the (xerman States. So far well, as
regarded the great cause of Protestantism ; but,
unfortunately, Riclielieu accounted it a necessary
step toward the accomplishment of these three
leading objects of his ambition, that he should first
subdue the Huguenots. They had come to be a
powerful political body in the State, wth a gorern-
ment of theii- own, thus dividing the kingdom, and
weakening the throne, which it was one of his main
objects to strengthen. The Protestants, on the
other hand, regarded their political organisation as
theii- onlj' safeguard — the bulwark behind which
they fought for theii' religious liberties. How
feeble a defence were royal promises and oaths, was
a matter on which they had but too ample an
experience; and, provided then- political combina-
tions were broken up, and their cautionary towns
wrested from them, they would be entii-ely, they
felt, at the mercy of their enemies. But this was
what the powerful cardinal had resolved upon.
The political rights of the Huguenots were an
obstacle in his path, which, postponing every other
project, he now tm-ned the whole resources of the
crown, and the whole might of hLs genius, to sweep
away.
About this time an incident happened at court
which is worth recording. One day Father Ai'-
noux, the king's confessor, was preaching before his
Majesty and courtiers. The Jesuit pronounced a
.strong condemnation on regicide, and afiirmed
solemnly that the Order of Jesus allowed no such
practice, but, on the contrary, repudiated it.
Louis XIII., in whose memory the murder of his
father was still fresh, felt this doctrine to be re-
assuring, and expressed his satisfaction with it. A
Scottish minister of the name of Primrose chanced
on that day to be among the auditors of Father
Arnoux, and easily saw tlu-ough the sophism witli
which he was befooling the king. Primrose made
the Jesuit be asked if Jacques Clement had killed
his king, or even a kiny, when he stabbed a prince
excommunicated hi/ the Pope ? and further, in the
event of the Pope excommunicating Louis XIII.,
would the Jesuits then acknowledge him as their
king, or even as a king? and, finally, were they
disposed to condemn their disciple RavaUlac as
guilty of high treason 1 These were embarrassing
questions, and the only response which they drew
forth from Arnoux was an order of banishment
against the man who had put them.'
' Felice, pp. 326, 327.
SIEGE OF LA EOCHELLE.
317
Tlic Huguenot body at this period had, to use the
old classic figure, but one neck — that neck was
their stronghold of La Rochelle, and the cai-dinal
resolved to stiike it through at a blow. La Rochelle
was perhaps, after Paris, the most famous of the
cities of France. It enjoyed a charter of civic
independence, which dated from the twelfth cen-
tury. It was governed by a mayor and council
of 100. Its citizens amounted at this time to
30,000. They were industrious, rich, intelligent,
and strongly attached to the Protestant faith, which
they had early embraced. Not once throughout the
long struggle had La Rochelle succumbed to the royal
ai-ms, though often besieged.' This virgin fortress
was the strongest rampart of the Huguenots. The
great chiefs — Conde, C'oligny, Henry of Navan-e —
had often made it then- head-quarters. Within its
gates had assembled the famous Synod of 1571,
which comprised so much that was illustrious in
rank, profound in erudition, and venerable in Jjiety,
and which marks the culminating ejjoch of the
French Reformed Chm'ch. La Rochelle was the basis
of the Huguenots ; it was the symbol of then- power,
and wliile it stood theu- political and religious exist-
ence could not be crushed. On that very account
Richelieu, who had resolved to erect a monarchical
despotism in France, was all the more determined to
overthrow it.
The first attempt of the cardinal against this
redoubtable city was made in 1625. A rising
under the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise, the two
military leaders of the Protestants, disconcerted the
plans which Richelieu was carrying out against
Austria. He instantly dropped his schemes abroad
to strike a blow at home. Sending the French
fleet to La Rochelle, a gi-eat naval battle, in which
Richelieu was completely victorious, was fought oS
the coast. La Rochelle seemed at the mercy of the
victor ; but the discovery of a plot against his life
called the cardinal suddenly to court, and the
doomed city escaped. Richelieu crushed liis
enemies at Paris, grasped power more firmly than
n^'er, and again turned his thoughts to the reduction
of the stronghold of tho Protestants. The taking
of La Rochelle was the key of his whole policy,
home and foreign, and he made prodigious efibrts
to bring the enterprise to a successful issue. He
raised vast land and naval armaments, and opened
the siege in October, 1G27. The eyes of all Europe
were fixed on the city, now enclosed both by sea
and land, by the French armies. All felt bow
momentous was the issue of tho conflict about to
open. The spirit of the Rochellois was worthy of
• Felice, p. 329.
the brave men from whom they were sprung, and
of the place their city held in the gi-eat cause in
which it had embarked. The mayor, Guiton, to
an earnest Protestantism added an ii-on will and
a dauntless courage. With nothing around them
but anned enemies, the ships of the foe covering
the sea, and the lines of his infantry occujjying
the land, the citizens were of one mind, to resist
to the last. The attitude of the brave city, and
the greatness of the issue that hung upon its
standing or fiilling, as regarded the Protestant
cause, awakened the sympathies of the Puritans of
England. They raised a powerful army for the
relief of their brethren of La Rochelle ; but their
eflbrts were frustrated by the treachery of the
court. Charles I., influenced by his wife, Henrietta
of France, wrote to Pennington, the commander of
the fleet, " to dispose of those ships as he should be
directed by the French king, and to sink or fire
such as should refuse to obey these orders." When
the sailors discovered that they were to act not for,
but against the Rochellois, they returned to Eng-
land, declaring that they " would rather be hanged
at home for disobedience, than either desert their
ships, or give themselves up to the French like
slaves, to fight against their o^vll religion."
Next year, after the Duke of Soubise, who com-
manded in La Rochelle, had visited England, the
kmg was prevailed upon again to declare himself the
protector of the Rochellois, and an army of about
7,000 marines was raised for that service. The
English squadron set sail under the command of
Buckingham, an incompetent and unpi-incipled
man. Its appearance ofl' La Rochelle, 100 sail
strong, gladdened the eyes of the Rochellois ;
but it was only for a moment. There now com-
menced on the part of Buckingham a series of
blunders and disasters, which, whether owing to
incompetency or pei-fidy, tarnished the naval glory
of England, and bitterly mocked the hopes of those
to whom it had held out the delusive prospect of
deliverance. Better, in truth, it had never come,
for its appearance suggested to Richelieu the ex-
pedient which led inevitably to the fall of the city.
La Rochelle might be victualled by sea, and so long
as it was so, its reduction, the cardinal felt, was im-
practicable. To prevent this, Richelieu bethought
him of the same expedient by which a conqueror
of early times had laid a yet prouder city. Tyre,
level with the waters. The cardinal i-aised a dyke
or mole across the channel of about a mile's
breadth, by which La Rochelle is a])proached, and so
closed the gates of the sea against its succour. The '
English fleet assailed this dyke in vain. Baffled in
all their ;itteinpis, they returned to theh- own
318
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
shores, and left the beleaguered city to its fate.
Famine now set in, and soon became sore in the
city ; but it would be too harrowing to dwell on its
hon-ors. The deaths were 300 daOy. The most
revolting garbage was cooked and eaten. Spectres,
rather than men, clad in armour, moved through
the streets. The houses were full of dead, which
Rochellois waited, if haply from any quarter — the
Protestants of other countries, or their brethren in
the provinces — deliverance might arise. In no
quarter could they descry sign or token of help ;
not a voice was raised to cheer, not a hand was
stretched out to aid. Fifteen terrible months had
jjassed over them. Two-thii-ds of the popijiatiw
AKIU.NAL KICHELIEV. (frOlll lllC Poftmil IK llic (JulUfJ OJ I
the living had not strength to bury. Crowds of
old women and children went out at the gate, at
times, in the hope that the sight of their gi-eat
miseiy might move their enemies to pity, or that
they might find something by the way to assuage
their hunger; but they were dealt with as the
caprice or cnielty of the besiegers prompted.
Sometimes they were strangled on gibbets, and
sometimes they were stripj)ed naked and scourged
back into the city. Still no thought of a surrender
was entertained. For more than a year had the
were dead. Of the fighting men not more than
150 remained. Ai-ound their walls was assembled
the whole power of France. There seemed no
alternative, and on October 28th, 1628, La Rochelle
sun-endered at discretion. So fell the Huguenots
as a political power in France. The chief obstacle
ia the path of Richelieu was now out of his way.
The despotism which he strove to rear went on
growing apace. The throne became stronger every
year, gradually drawing to itself all rights, and
stretching its absolute sw.iy over all classes, the
THE. FALL OF LA ROCHELLE.
319
nobles as well as the peasants, till at last Louis
XIV. could say, " The State, it is I." And so
continued matters till the Revolution of 1789 came
to cast down this overgi'own autocracy.
But one is cui-ious to know how it came to pass
that the great body of the Protestants in the south
of France looked quietly on, while then- brethren
and their own political rights were so perilously
endangered in the fiill of La Rochelle. While the
admire the versatility of his genius. During the sieo'e
he had shown himself the ablest and most resolute
soldier in the whole camp. All the operations of the
siege were of his planning; the construction of the
mole, the lines of circumvallation, all were prepared
by his Ltisti-uctions, and executed under his super-
intendence; and now, the bloody work at an end,
he put off his coat of mail, washed his hands, and
appearing before the altar in his priestly robes, he
siege was in progress, the Duke of Rohan, the last
great military chief of the Protestants, traversed the
whole of the Cevennes, where the Huguenots were
numerous, appealing to their patriotism, to the
memoiy of their fathers, to their own political and
religious privileges — all suspended upon the issue
at La Rochelle — in the hope of rousing them to
succour their brethren. But his words fell on cold
hearts. The ancient spirit was dead.
All the ancient privileges of La Rochelle were
annulled, and the Roman Catholic religion was re-
established in that city. The first mass was sung
by Cardinal Richelieu himself. One cannot but
inaugurated the Roman worship in La Rochelle by
celebrating the most solemn service of his Church.
A Te Deum, by Pope Urban VIII., for the fall of
the stronghold of the Huguenots, showed how the
matter wa.s ^Hewed at Rome.
After this the Protestants could offer no organised
resistance, and the king, by way of setting up a
monument to commemorate his triumph, placed
the Huguenots under an edict of grace. Tliis was
a virtual revocation of the Edict of Nantes ; the
father, however, left it to the son, Louis XIV., to
complete foi-mally what he had begun; but lience-
forward the French Protestants held their lives,
320
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and wliat of thcii- political and religious rights was
left them, of grace and not of right. Had the nation
of Fi-auce rest now that the wars of religion were
ended 1 No ; the ware of jn-erogative immediately
opened. The Roman Catholic nobles had assisted
Richelieu to put do^vn the Huguenots, and now
they found that they had cleared the way for the
tempest to reach themselves. They were humbled
in their turn, and the thi-one rose above all classes
and interests of the State. The cardinal next gave
his genius and energy to afl'airs abroad. He took
l)art, as we have seen, in the Thii-ty Yeai-s' War,
uniting his aims ^v^th those of the heroic Gusta^^is
Adolphus, not because he ■wished to lift up the
Protestants, but because he sought to humble the
House of Austria and the Catholic League. Per-
sonal enemies the cardinal readily forgave, for,
said he, it is a duty to pardon and forget offences ;
but the enemies of his policy, whom he styled the
enemies of Church and State, he did not pardon,
" for," said he, " to forget these offences is not to
forgive them, it is to repeat them."
It was the design of God to humble one class of
his enemies by the instrumentality of another, and
so Richelieu prospered in all he undertook. He
weakened the emperor ; he mightily raised the
prestige of the French arms, and he made the
throne the one power in the kingdom. But these
brilliant successes added little to the personal
happiness of either the king or his minister.
Louis XIII. was of gloomy temper, of feeble in-
tellect, of no capacity for business ; and his ener-
getic minister, who did aU himself, permitted his
sovereign little or no shai'e in the management
of aflaii's. Louis lived apart, submitting painfully
to the control of the man who governed both the
king and the kingdom. As regards the cardinal,
wliile passing from one victory to another he was
constantly followed by a menacing shadow. Ever
and anon conspiracies were formed to take away
his life. He triumphed over them all, and held
power to the last, but neither he nor the king
lived to enjoy what it took such a vast amount of
toil and talent and blood to achieve. The cardinal
fii-st, and six months after, the king, were both
stricken, in the mid-time of then- days and in the
height of their career. They returned to their
dust, and that day thcii- thoughts perished.
CHAPTER III.
INDUSTRIAL AND LITERARY EMINENCE OF THE FRENCH PROTESTANTS.
Liberty Palla with the Huguonots— Louis XTV.— Mazarin at the Helm— His Character— The Nobles and the Mob—
The Protestants— They Excel in Agriculture— Their Eminence in Trade and Manufactures— Their Superior
Probity — Foreign Commerce in their Hands — Their Professional and Literary Eminence — Pulpit Eloquence —
French Synods— Mere Shadows of Former Assemblies — French Protestant Seminaries — Montauban — Saumur —
Sedan— Nimea— Eminent Protestant Pastors— Chamier — Dumoulin — Petit— Rivet — Basnage — Blondel — Bochart
— Drelincourt.
The mob and the nobles took part with the French
coui-t in its efforts to extinguish Protestantism.
With their help the court triumphed. The seeds
of Protestantism were still in the soil of France,
covered up by a million of coi'pses, and these the
very men who, had their lives been spared, would
have enriched the nation with tlicir industry, glori-
fied it \vith then- genius, and defended it with their
arms. We are now airived at the end of the
religious wars. What has France gained by her
vast expenditure of blood and treasure ? Peace ?
No ; despotism. The close of the reign of Louis
XIII. shows us the nobles and the mob crashed in
theu" turn, and the throne rising in autocratic
supremacy above all rights and classes. One class,
however, is exempt from the geueral serfdom. The
Church shares the triumph of the throne. The
hand of a priest has been laid upon the helm of the
State, and the king and the clergy together sway
the destinies of a jn-ostrate people. This ill-omened
alliance is destined to continue — for, though one
cardinal minister is dead, another is about to take
his place — and the tyranny wliich has gro'WTi out of
it is destined to go on, adding year by year to its
own prerogatives and the people's burdens, until its
existence and exactions shall terminate together by
the arrival of the Revolution, which \vill mingle all
foiu' — the throne, the priesthood, the aristocracy,
and the commonalty — in one great ruin.
Louis XIV., now king, was a child of four and a
half years. His father on his death-bed had named
a council of regency to assist the queeu-mother in
INDUSTllIAL EMINENCE OF THE HUGUENOTS.
321
governing the kingdom during tho minority of his
son. The tirst act of Anne of Austria was to
cancel the will of her husband, and to assume the
reins of government as sole regent, calling to her
aid as jM'ime miiuster Cardinal Mazarin, the disciple
of RicheUeu. There fell to him an easier task than
that which had taxed the energies and genius of his
gi-eat predecessor. Richelieu had fought the battle
of the crown, and subjected to it both the nobles
and the people : the work expected of Mazarin was
that he should keep what Richelieu had won. This
he found, however, no easy matter. Richelieu had
carefidly husbanded the revenues of the State ;
Mazarin wasted them. Extravagance created debts ;
debts necessitated new taxes ; the taxes were felt to
be gi-ievous burdens by the people. First murmurs
were heard ; then, finally, insurrection broke out.
The nobles, now that Richelieu was in his gi-ave,
were attempting to throw off the yoke. An
oppressed, turbulent, and insurrectionary people
were pai'ading the streets of the capital, and carry-
ing theii- threats to the very gates of the palace.
Both nobles and mob thought the time favourable
for reduciag the power of the thi'one, and recovering
those privileges and that influence of which the
great minister of Louis XIII. had stripped them.
They did not succeed. The yoke which them-
selves had so large a share in fitting upon then-
own necks they were compeDed to wear; but
the troubles in which they plunged the country
were a shield for the time over the small rem-
nant of Protestantism which had been spared in
Fi-ance.
That remnant began again to flourish. Shut
out from the honours of the coiu't, and the ofiices
of the State, the great body of the Protestants
transferred their talents and activity to the pursuits
of agriculture, of trade, and of maniifactm'es. In
these they eminently excelled. The districts where
they lived were precisely those where the richest
hai-vests were seen to wave. The farms they o■^^^led
in Beam became proverbial for theii' fertility and
beauty. The Protestant portions of Languedoc
were known by their richer vines, and more luxu-
riant wheat. The mountains of the Cevennes were
covered mth noble forests of chestnuts, which, in
harvest-time, let fall then' nuts in a I'ain as plenteous
as that of the mamia of the desert, to which the
inhabitants compared it. In those forests wandered
numerous herds, which fed on the rich grasses
that floiu'ished imdemeath the great trees. Em-
bosomed in one of the mountains, the Eperon,
was a plain wliich the traveller foimd gi-ecn and
enamelled with flowers at all seasons. It abounded
in springs, and when the summer had wasted the
neighbouring herbage, the sun touched the pastures
of this plain with a brighter green, and tinted its
blossoms with a livelier hue. It was not unworthy
of the name given it, the Uort-Dieu, or garden of the
Lord. The Vivrais produced more com than the
inhabitants could consume. The diocese of Uz6s
overflowed with oil and wine. The valley of the
Vaimage, in the district of Nimes, became famous
for the luxuriance of its fields and the riches of its
gardens. The Protestants, to whose skill and
industry it largely owed the exuberance that gave
it renown, had more than sixty churches within its
limits, and marked their appreciation of its happy
conditions by calUng it the " Little Canaan." Every-
where France boasts a fertile soO and a sunny aii-,
but wherever the Huguenot had settled, there the
earth opened her bosom in a seven-fold increase,
and nature seemed to smile on a faith which the
Government had anathematised, and which it jmr-
sued with persecuting edicts.
The Protestants of France were marked by the
same superiority in trade which distinguished them
in agriculture. Here theii* superior intelUgenoe and
application were, perhaps, even more apparent, and
were rewarded with a yet gi'eater measm-e of
success. The wine trade of many districts, especially
that of Guienne, was almost entirely in theii' hands.
The goods of the linen and cloth weavers of Vire,
Falaise, and Argentine, in Normand}', they sold to
the English and Dutch merchants, thus noiuishing
the home industry while they emiched the foreign
market. They were the main carriers between
Metz and Germany. The Nimes merchants were
famous all over the south of France,, and by their
skill and capital they isrovided employment and
food for innumerable families who otherwise would
have been sunk in idleness and poverty. " If the
Nimes merchants," wi'ote Baville, the Intendant of
the province, in 1699, "are still bad Catholics, at
any rate they have not ceased to be very good
traders." ' In the centre of France, at Tom's, on
the banks of the Rhone, at Lyons, they worked in
silks and velvets, and bore off the palm fi'om every
other comitry for the cpiality of their fabrics and
the origmality and beauty of their designs. They
excelled in the manufactm'e of woollen cloths. In
the mountainous parts of the Cevemies, families
often passed theii- summers a-field, and their winters
at the loom. They displayed not less skill iu the
manufacture of paper. The paper-mills of Ambert
were imrivalled in Europe. They produced the
paper on which the best pi-inting of Pai-is, Amster-
' Weiss, History of the French Protestant Refugees, p. 26;
Ediu,, 18W.
323
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
dam, aiid London was executed. They were workera
in iron, and fiibvicated vnth skOl and elegance
weapons of war and implements of husbandry. In
all these industries large and flourisliing factories
might be seen in all parts of France. If the
mercantile marine flourished along the western and
northern sea-board, and the towns of Bordeaux,
La Eochelle, and the Norman ports rapidly grew in
population and wealth, it was mainly owing to the
energy and enterprise of the Huguenots. After the
hon-id din of battle which had so long shaken
France, it was sweet to hear only the clang of the
hammer; and after the fearful conflagi-ation of
burning cities which had so often lit up the midnight
skies of that country, it was pleasant to see no
more startling spectacle than the blaze of the forge
reflected from the overhanging cloud.
The probity of the French Protestants was not
less conspicuous than their intelligence. This
quality could not be liidden from the quick eyes of
foreign merchants, and they selected as theii'
medium of communication with France those in
whose honesty they could thoroughly confide, in
preference to those whom they deemed of doubtful
integi'ity. This tended to their further importance
and wealth, by placing the foreign ti-ade of the
country in their hands. Tlie commercial con-e-
spondents of the Dutch and English merchants
were almost exclusively Huguenots. Their word
was taken where the bond of a Romanist would be
hesitatinglj' accepted or, it might be, declined.
The cause of this superior integi-ity is to be found
not only in theii- higher religious code, but also in
the fact that, being continually and malignantly
watched by their countrymen, they found their
safety to lie in unremitting cii-cimispection and un-
impeachable integrity. There was, moreover, a
flexibility about their minds which was wanting in
their Romanist countrjrmen. Tlieii' religion taught
them to inquire and reason, it awoke them from
the torpor and emancipated them from the stiffness
that weighed upon others, and this gi-eater versa-
tility and power they easily transferred to the
avocations of then- daily life. The young Hu-
guenot not unfrequently visited foreign countries,
sometimes in the character of a traveller im-
pelled by thirst for knowledge, and sometimes
in the character of an exile whom the stoims of
persecution had cast on an alien shore ; but in
whatever capacity he mingled with foreigners, he
always earned \vith him a mind keen to observe,
and open to receive new ideas. On his return he
improved or perfected the manufactui-es of his o^v^l
land, by gi-afting upon them the better methods he
had seen abroad. Thus, partly by studying in
foreign schools, partly by their o^vn undoubted in-
ventive powers, the French Protestants carried the
arts and manufactures of France to a pitch of ])er-
fection which few coimtries have reached, perhaps
none excelled, and their numbers, their wealth, and
then' importance increased despite all the efforts of
the Government to degrade and even to exterminate
them. As an additional element of theii- prosperity,
we must add that the year of the Huguenot con-
tained a good many more working days than that
of the Romanist. The fete-days of the Church
abridged the working year of the latter to 260
days ; whereas that of the Protestant contained 50
days more, or 310 in all.
Agriculture, manufactures, and art did not ex-
clusively engross the French Protestants. Not a
few aspired to a higher sphere, and there their
genius shed even a greater glory on their country,
and diffused a brighter lustre aroimd then- own
names. Protestants took a foremost place among
the learned physicians, the great lawyers, and the
illustrious orators of France. Their intellectual
achievements largely contributed to the splendour
which in-adiated the era of Louis XIV. A Pro-
testant advocate, Hemy Basnage, led for fifty years
the Rouen bar.' His friend, Lemery, father of the
illustrious chemist, of whose bu-th within her walls
Rouen is to this day proud, discharged with rare
distinction, in the Parliament so hostile to the
Huguenots, the duties of Procureur.- The glory of
founding the French Academy is due to a Pro-
testant, Valentine Corn-art, a man of fine literary
genius. A little company of illustrious men, who
met at Conrart's house, first suggested the idea of
the Academy to Richelieu. The statesman gave it
a charter, but Conrart gave it rules, and continued
to be its life and soul until the day of his death. In
this list of Protestants who adorned the country that
knew so ill to appreciate theii- faith, was Guy Pantin.
He was distinguLshed as a man of letters, and not
less distinguished as a philosopher and a physician.
Another gi-eat name is that of Pierre Dumoulin,
who is entitled to rank with the best of the classical
prose writers of France. "With more respect for
the proprieties," says Weiss, " and less harshness of
character, his style reminded the reader of the
gi-eat qualities of that of Calvin, whose Institutes of
Christianity had supplied France with its first
model of a lucid, ingenious, and vehement prose,
such as the author of the Provincial Letters woidd
not have disowned."'
With the Huguenots came the era of pulpit
Weiss, Hisi. French Prot. Refugees, p. 34.
3 Ibid., p. 35.
HUGUENOT PASTORS AND PREACHERS.
323
eloquence in France. In the worship of the Church
of Rome, the sermon was but the mere accessory.
In the Protestant Church the sermon became not
indeed the essential, but the central part of the
service. The Reformation removed the sacrifice
of the mass and restored the Word of God, it
banished the priest and brought back the preacher.
Thus the pulpit, which had played a prominent
part in the early Church, but had long been for-
gotten, was again set up, and men gathered i-ound
it, as being almost solely the font of Divine know-
ledge so long as the Bible in the vernacular was
scarcely accessible. The preacher had to study
that he might teach. His office was to instruct, to
convince, to exhort ; and the more than human
grandeur of his topics, and the more than temporary
issues of his jireaching, tended to beget a sublimity
both of thought and utterance that reached the
loftiest oratory. The audiences daily grew : the
preacher excelled more and more in his noble art,
and the Protestant puljjit became the grand jiioneer
of modern eloquence.
Rome soon saw that she could not with safety
to hex'self despise an instrumentality so powerful.
Hence arose a rivalship between the two Churches,
which elevated the jJulpits of both, but in the end
the Popish seemed to distance the Protestant pul-
pit. The Protestant preacher gave more attention
to the truth he delivered than to the words in
which he expressed it, or the gestures with which
he set it forth. The preachers who filled the
Roman pulpits brought to theii- aid the arts of a
brilliant rhetoric, and the graces of an impassioned
delivery, and thus it came to pass that, towards the
end of the century, the Church of Rome bore ofi' the
palm of pulpit oratoiy in Fiunce. The Protestant
preachers of that day had much to dishearten and
depress them ; the gi-eat orators of the Romish
Church — Bossuet, MassUlon, Fleohier, Bourdaloue,
and F6nelon — had, on the contrary, everything to
awaken and reward then- eftbrts ; but it was the
preachers formed in the school of Calvin that
paved the way for those who so successfully and so
brUliantly succeeded them. " If France had never
had her Saurins," said one of the great orators of
the English pulpit, " her Claudes, her Du Plessis-
Mornays, her national Churcli had never boasted
the genius of Bossuet, and tlio virtues of F6nelon."'
From the pulpit wo turn to the Protestant
Spiods of France. During the wars wliich the
ambition of Richelieu carried on in the latter end
of the reign of Louis XIII., and the troubles
which distracted the nation in the opening yeare
' Hall's Works, vol. vi., p. 378.
of the reign of Louis XIV., several National
Synods of the Protestant Church were held. These
were but mere shadows of the numerous and majestic
assemblies of the better days of the French Church,
and the hearts of the members could not but be sad
when they thought howgloryand power had departed
from them since the days of the Queen of Navarre
and of Admual Coliguy, illusti-ious as a wan-ior and
statesman, but not less illustrious as a Christian,
The right of meeting had to be solicited from the
court ; it was always obtained -with difficulty ; and
the interval between each successive Synod was
longer and longer, preparatory to their final sup-
pression. The royal commissioner brought with
him from court most commonly an ungrateful
message ; it was delivered in an imperious tone,
and was heard in obsequious silence. The members
of Synod were reminded that if the throne was
powerful its authority was theii' shield, and that it
was their wisdom to uphold, as it was their duty to
be thankful for, a prerogative which in its exercise
was so benignant towards them. Men who, like
these French pastors, met under the shadow of a
tyrannical king, with the sword of persecution hang-
ing by a single thread above theii' heads, could not
be expected to show much life or courage, or devise
large and effective measures for the building \ip of
their ancient Church. They were entirely in the
power of their enemy, and any bold step would
have been eagerly laid hold of by the Government
as a pretext for crushing them outright. They were
spared because they were weak, but theii- final e.x-
tinction was ever kept in view.
Still all glory had not departed from the Pro-
testant Church of France, Among its pastors, as
we have just seen, were men of great genius, of pro-
found erudition, and of decided piety ; and these,
finding all corporate action jealously denied them
by the Government, turned their energies into other
chaimels. If Protestantism was decaying and pass-
ing from view, there were individual Protestants
who stood nobly out, and whose names and labours
were renowned in foreign countries, French Pro-
testant literatiu-e blossomed ui the seventeenth
century, which was the age of great tlieological
writers in France, as the sixteenth had been the
age of ftimous Synods, Of these writers not a few
keep their place after the lapse of two centimes,
and their works are accounted, both in our own
country and in Germany, standards on the subjects
of which they treat. Their -vnitings arc characterised
by the same fine qualities which distinguished the
great authors of their nation in other departments
of literature — a penetrating judgment, an acute
logic, a rich illustrative power which makes the
324
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISIM.
lights and shadows of fancy to play across the page,
and a brilliant diction which enriches and purifies
the thought that shines thi-ough it. These men
occupied the pulpits of some of the most important
to^^^ls, or they filled the chairs of the seminaries or
colleges which the Protestant Church was permitted
to maintain, and which she richly endowed. The
French Church at that time had four such acade-
mies— Montauban, Saumm-, Sedan, and Nimes.
The first of these four seminaries, Montauban,
was famous for the high tone of its orthodoxy. It
was a well of Calvinism undefiled. It was not less
distinguished for the eminent talents of its teachers.
Among others, it boasted Daniel Chamier, a re-
markable man, whose
name was famous in his
own day, and is not un-
kno^vn in ours. Com-
bining the sagacity of
the statesman ^vith the
erudition of the theolo-
gian, he had a chief
hand in the drawing up
of the Edict of Nantes.
He was a dis-
tinguished
controver-
sialist, and
bore away
the prize in
a j)ublic dis-
cussion at
Nimes with
the confessor
of Henry IV. At the request of his brethren, he
undertook a refutation of Bellarmin, the ablest of
the Papal champions. This work, in four volumes,
has received the praise of a modern German theo-
lotnan, Staiidlin, for the stoi-es of knowledge its
author displays, and the searching criticism which
he biings to bear upon the Popish system. The
manner of his death was iinusual. During the
siege of Montauban (1621) he was sent to preach
to the soldiers on the walls, who had not been able
to attend church. As he mounted the ramparts,
he was stiiick by a cannon-ball, and expired.
Saumiu- was the symbol of a declining theology.
Its professors conducted their labours chiefly ^vith
an eye to smoothing the descent from Calvinism to
' These medals were called " Marreaux." No. 1 was in
use in all the western and south-western part of Fr.ance,
from La Eochelle to Toulouse. It is the finest. On the
one side la a shepherd blowing a horn and callinf? his
sheep, on the other is an open book with the inscription
"No Grains point, petit troupe" — i.e., "Fear not, little
flock." Nos. 2 and 3 belong to villages of the Poitou.
Arminianism. They were learned men Ln tlio
main, and produced works which excited a various
interest. A moderate theology has ever had a
tendency to stereotype men in moderate attain-
ments : the professors of Saumur are no exception.
Their names would awaken no recollections now,
and it is unnecessary therefore to mention them.
Sedan had a purer fame, and a more intei'esting
history. It is associated with the name of Andrew
Melville, and of numerous other Scotsmen who
here taught with distinction. Pierre Dumoulin
(1658), one of the greatest Protestants of his day,
filled one of its chairs. As minister of Charenton,
he had been the head of the Protestants of Paris,
where his talents and
influence were of gi-eat
service to the cause in
every part of France ;
l)ut becoming obnoxious
1 0 the Jesuits, he fled to
Sedan, then an indepen-
dent principality, though
under the King of
France. Here the re-
mainder of
_^ his most
laborious
1 if e was
passed. No
fewer than
seventy-
tlu-ee works
IHCLENOT MEDALS Oil tOMMLMOS
proceeded
from his
pen ; of these the most popular were the Buckler
of the Faith, and the Aiuiiomy of the Mass. The
latter stUl finds numerous readers. Dumoulin was
a child of four yeai's when the St. Bartholomew
Massacre took place, and would, even at that tender
age, have been included among its ^ ictims but for
the kindness of a servant. He lived to the age of
ninety. Wlien one told him that his dissolution
was near, he thanked liim for bringing liim such
happy tidings, and broke out into a welcome to
death — " that lovely messenger that would bring
liim to see his God, after whom he had so long
aspired." And so he ceased to be seen of men.
It was in this university that Daniel TUenius
taught. He was the first to introduce into France
those theological controversies touching Grace and
Free Will, which the celebrated Arminius had, as
we have seen, begun in Holland a few years befoi-e.
The progi-ess of Arminian views gradually weakened
the hold of Calvinism on the French Reformed
Church.
FRENCH PROTESTANT DIVINES.
325
Of these four seats of Protestmit leariiiiig, Niines
was the leu.st f;iiiiou.s. It mniiliered among its pro-
fessors Samuel Petit (1(J43). Tliis man, who was
a tlistiiiguished Oriental scholar, filled the cliaii- of
Greek and Hebrew in this academy. An anec-
dote is told of him which attests the familiarity
he had acquired with the latter language. One
of his learning as to court his friendship, offered to
obtaui for him admission into the Vatican Library
at Rome, with liberty to inspect the manuscrii)ts.
The offer must have been a tempting one to an
Orientalist like Petit, but for reasons which he did
not think himself obliged to state to the cardinal
lie courteously declined it.
CARDINAL MAZARIN. (From a Portrait iii (lie QaUery of Versailles.)
day he entered the synagogue of Avignon, and
found the rabbi delivering a bitter vituperation
in Hebrew upon Christianity and Christians. Petit
waited till the speaker had made an end ; and then,
to the no small astonishment of the rabbi, he began
a re])ly in the same tongue, in which he calmly vin-
dicated the faith the Jew had aspei-sed, and exliorted
its assailant to study Christianity before again
attacking it. The rabbi is said to have offered an
apoloffv- A cardinal, who had so high an esteem
"132
Besides the men we have mentioned, the Protes-
tant Church of France, in the seventeenth century,
possessed not a few pastora eminent for theii- piety
and labours, whose works have long presei-ved their
names. Among these we mention Anch-6 Rivet
(16.51), a distinguished commentator. He began his
career as a pastor in France, and closed it as a pro-
fessor of theology in Holland. The princijiles of
criticism which he lavs down in his Introduction
to the Study of the Bible he exemplifies in his
326
HISTORY OP PROTESTANTISM.
Commentcm/ on the Psalms, wLicli is one of tlio Kcst
expositions of that jjart of Holy AVi-it i>liat we
possess. Aubertin (1052) was the author of a work
on the Eucharist, wliioli thoso of tlio contrary
opinion found it much easier to denounce to the
Privy Council than to answer. Benjamin Basnaj,'e
(1G.j2) wa.s a man of ability; his grandson, Jacques
Basuage, was still more so. Blondel (1055) was
the ecclesiastical historian of his day, and one of
the tirst to expose the forged decretals of Rome.
Bochart (1067), a man of prodigious learning, and
of equal modesty, has left behind him an intperish-
able name. Mestrezat (16.^7) wielded a logic which
was the terror of the Jesuits. Drelincourt (1669)
spent his days in visiting his flock, and his nights
in meditation and ■wi'iting. His Connoladoiis
u'jaiiiat Death still preserves his fame, having been
translated into nearly all the langiuiges of Euro])e.
One other name only will we here mention, that of
Jean Daille (1070), who was one of Drelincourt's
colleagues in Paris. The woi-k by which the col-
laborator and friend of the author of the Cotiso-
lations against Death is best knowni is liis Apoloi/i/
for the Reformed Churches, in which he vindicates
them from the charge of .schism, and establishes, on
irrefragable historic proofs, their claini to apostc-
licity.
So many were the lights that still shone in the
sky of French Protestantism. The whole power of
th(! Government had for a c-cntury Ijcen put forth to
extinguish it. War had done its worst. All the
great military leaders, and the flower of tlu; common
soldiers, lay rotting on the battle-ljeld. To war
was added massacre. Again and again had the
soil of Prance Ijeen drenched in blood. Violence
had so far pre\ailed that the fiynods of the French
( "hurch were now but a name. But the piety
and learning of individual Protestants survived all
these disasters ; and, like stars appealing after the
clouds of tempest have passed away, they lent a
glory to the remnant that was spared, and pro-
claimed to France how inherently noble was the
cause which it was striving to extinguish, and what
a splendour Protestantism would shed upon the
nation, had it been permitted in peace to put forth
its mighty energies, and to difl'use throughout the
length and breadth of France its many virtues, and
ripen its precious fruits.
CHAPTER TV.
THE DRAGONNADER.
The War of the Fronde— Mazarin adopts the Foreign Policy of Riclielieu— Bios at the Height of his Power— Louis XIV.
now Absolute—" The State, it is I "—His Error as a King— His Error as a Man— Alternate Sinning and Repenting
— Extermination of the Huguenots- Confiscation of their Churches— .4 n-^(s against Protestants— Fund for the
Purchase of Consciences— Father la Chaise— Madame de Maintenon— The Dragonnades— Conversions and Per-
secutions.
We now resume our narrative. Louis, a mere
youth, was king ; his mother, Anne of Austria,
was regent ; but Cardinal ^lazaiin was the master
of both, and the niler of the kingdom. ^Mazarin,
as wo have alreaily said, squandered with prodigal
hand the treasures which Richelieu had hus-
banded for wars of ambition. The coflers of the
State begaji to be empty, and had to bo replenished
by new taxes. This brought on insurrection, and
now commenced the War of the Fronde. This
war was an attempt, on the part of the nation,
to raise itself out of the gulf of dependence on
the crown into which Richelieu had sunk it.
On the part of the crown, it was a struggle
to retain its newlj'-acquii'cd ]5rerogatives, and to
wield over both nobles and people that despotic
sway from the path of which all impediment had
been removed, now that the Huguenots had been
suppressed. The War of the Fronde divided the
aristocracy, some of the nobles taking part with the
court-, others with the people. The two great
military leaders, Conde and Turenne, brilliant in
arms but uncertain in politics, passed from side to
side, now supporting the court, now betraying it ;
now fighting for the people, now deserting them,
as the caprice of the moment or the interest of the
hour led them. The war extended over the pro-
vinces, and even entered the gates of Paris. Barri-
cades rose in the streets ; the Loxivre was besieged,
and Mazarin and the court had to flee. But not-
withstanding these successes, the arms of the
insurgents did not jn'osjier. The tide again turned ;
■s'ictory declared in favour of thc^ royalists ; and the
court I'etumed to Pans in triumphi The War of
CHARACTER OF LOUIS XIV.
327
the Fi'onde was at an end. The nobles, with tlie
people and the municipal corporations, had signally
fiiLled to curb the despotism of the crown, and now
these classes were in a worse plight than ever. Nor
for 150 years thereafter was there the least attempt
to resuscitate the popular liberties.
From this time forward Mazarin's power con-
tinued to grow, and remained unshaken to the
close of his life. Having quieted France within,
he set himself to carry out the great projects of
Richelieu, so far as that gi-eat statesman had left
them incomplete. He made war with Spain, and
his arms were successful ; for he brought to a close
the protracted conflict which France had waged
with the House of Austria, humbling it in both its
branches, and transferring to France that political
and military preponderance in Europe which its
rival, the jiroud and powerfvil House of Austria,
had held for a century and a half These events it
does not concern us to relate, fui'ther than to note
the very significant fact that two prmces of the
Roman Catholic Church were employed in weaken-
ing a power which was the main support of that
Chui'ch, and in paving the way for that great Revo-
lution which was to reverse the position of all the
kingdoms of Europe, stripping the Papal nations of
their power, and lifting up the Protestant kingdoms
to supremacy.
Mazarin had prospered Ln all his plans. Abroad
he had triumphed over Austria and Spain. At
home he had abased the nobles. The Parliament
and the municipal corporations he had i-educed to
insignificance. The people he had sunk into vas-
salage. The throne he had made supreme. But
he did not live to enjoy the fruits of his anxieties
and toils. Like Richelieu, he died just as his
fortunes culminated. He climbed to the summit of
his glory to find that he had arrived at the brink
of his gi'ave. Smitten with an incurable malady
(1661), he was warned by his physicians that his
end drew nigh. He sketched in outline the policy
which he reconmiended Louis XIV. to follow, he
named the ministers whom he advised him to
employ in his service ; and then, turning his face
to the wall, he took farewell of all his glory.
Louis XIV. had already reigned eighteen years ;
he now began to govern. He called to him the
men Mazarin had named on his death-bed — Le
Tellier and the gi'eat Colbei-t — and told them that
they were to be .simply the ministers through whom
he was to act. And seldom ha-s monarch had it
more in his power than Loiu.s XIV. to do as he
pleased throughout the wide extent of his realms.'
• Voltaire, Age of Louis XIV., vol. i., p. 73; Glas., 1753.
Abroad he was powerful, at home he was absolute.
In liis person centred all rights and functions •
he was the sole fountain of law. Seldom indeed has
there been despotism more complete or more cen-
tralised than that now embodied in Louis XIV.
His own well-known words exactly express it —
" The State, it is I." It was a fearfully responsible
position. Sole master of the rights, the liberties,
the lives, and we may add the consciences of the
millions who were his subjects, his reign must be a
fountain of untold blessings, or a source of number-
less, enduring, and far-extending miseries. Nor
did he lack qualities which might have enabled him
to make it the former. He had a sound judgment,
a firm will, a princely dis]iosition, and gi'eat capacity
for affairs. He liked hard work, and all thi-ough
his long reign was never less than eight hours a day
in the cabinet. He was not ci-uel by natm'e, though
he became so by policy. The rock on which he
split as a monarch was ambition. He had tasted
of the sweets of conquest under Mazarin, and ever
after he thirsted with an luiappeasable desire for
the spoils of the battle-field. In the course of his
wars, there was scarcely a country in Eui-ope which
he did not water 'with French blood. By these long-
continued and sanguinary conflicts he stiU further
humbled the House of Austria, and annexed cities
and provinces to his domuiions, to be stripped of
them before his reign closed ; lie crowned himself
with laurels, to be torn from liis brow before he
died. He got the title of "the Great;" he had
two triumphal arches erected in his honour in
Paris ; and he contracted an enormous debt, which
paved the way for the Revolution, that came like
a whirlwind in his grandson's time to sweep away
that throne which he had suirounded, as he believed,
with a power that was impregnable and a glory
that was boundless.
The eiTor of Louis XIV., as a man, was his love
of pleasure. He lived in open and uni'estrained
licentiousness. This laid him at the feet of Ms
confessor, and sank him into a viler vassalage than
that of the meanest vassal in all his dominions. The
" Great" Louis, the master of a mighty kingdom,
whose will was law to the millions who called him
their sovereign, trembled before a man ^\'ith a
shaven crown. From the feet of his confessor he
went straight to the commission of new sins ; from
these he came back to the priest, who was ready
with fresh penances, which, ala.s ! were but sins in
a more hideous fonn. A more miserable and
dreadful life there never was. Guilt was piled
upon guilt, remorse upon remorse, till at length life
was pa.ssed, and the gi-eat reckoning was in \'iew.
But how fared it with the Protestants under
328
HISTOllY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Louis XIV.? Their condition became woi-se from
the moment tliat Jlazariu breathed his last and
Louis began to govern in ])erson. One of his first
ideas was that Protestantism weakened Prance, and
must be rooted out ; that the Edict of Nantes was
an error, and must be revoked. This was the
policy on which he acted as regards the Huguenots
— the goal towards which he worked — all through-
out his reign : the extii'pation of Huguenotism, the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The wars of his
earlv years interfered with the pursuit of this
object, but he never lost sight of it. No sooner
had he taken the government into his own hands
(IGOl) than commissioners were appointed, and sent,
two and two — a, "Roman Catholic and a Protestant
— into all the provinces of Fi-ance, with authority to
hear all comj)laints and settle all quaiTels which
had sprung up between the two communions. In
almost every case the commissioners found that the
Roman Catholics were in the right, and the Pro-
testants in the wi-ong. The commissioners wei-e
fiu-ther instructed to examine the title-deeds of
ehurchoK. In many instances none could be pro-
duced ; they had gone amissing in the lapse of time,
or had perLshed during the wars, and the circum-
stance was in every case made available for the
supjiression of the church. It is impossible to tell
the number of cluu-ches pulled do-^vn, of schools
suppressed, and charitable establishments confiscated
for the benefit of Popish institutions. Next came
the decree against " Relapsed Heretics." This
ordonmince denounced against such the penalty of
baiu.shment for life. If one asked for the j^riest's
blessing at a mixed mamage, or had been heard to
say to one that he should like to enter the Chm'ch of
Rome, or had done an act of abjuration twenty years
before, or given any occasion in any way for a sus-
picion or repoi-t of being inclined to Romanism, he
was held as having joined the Church of Rome, and
the law against "Relapsed Heretics" was applied
to him ; and if ever afterwards he entered a Protes-
tant church, he was seized and carried before the
triViunals. By another ordomvni.ce, a priest and a
magistrate were authorised to visit every sick ])er-
son, and ask if he wished to die in the Roman faith.
The scandalous scenes to which this gave rise can
be imagined. The dying were distracted and tor-
tured with exliortations to abandon their faith and
pray to the Vii-gin. Children were caj)able of
abjuring Protestantism at the age of fourteen ; and
by a subsequent decree, at the age of seven ; and
their jjarents were comi)elled to pay for their maiu-
tenanc(! \inder a Roman Catholic roof. Si>ies haunted
the sermons of Protestant ministers, and if the
pastor sj)oke a disparaging word of the Virgin, or
any saint of the Romish calendar, he was indicted
for blasphemy. If one pleaded a suit-at-law, and
were doul)tful of success, he had only to Sixy that ho
was arguing against a heretic, and the magic words
were instantly followed by an award in his
favour. Protestants were excluded from all ofiices
under the crown, from all mimicii)al posts, from
the practice of law and medicine, and generally of
all the liberal professions. They were foi-bidden to
sing psalms in their workshops or at the doors of
their houses. They had to suspend their psalmody
when a Roman Catholic procession passed the doors
of their churches. They could bury their dead only
at break of day or on the edge of night. Not
more than ten mourners cotild follow the bier ; and
the statvitory number of a wedding procession was
restricted to twelve. This did not satisfy the priest-
hood, however. In 1665 they declared that more
zeal must be exercised in order "to cause the
formidable monster of heresy to expire completely."
From this time the Protestants began to flee from
their native land. It was now, too, that Marshal
Tureime abjured in his old age the faith he had
professed through life. His virtue had declined
before his Protestantism was renounced. His
example was followed by the great nobles about
coiu-t, and it was remarked of all of them, as of
Turemie, that they had espoused the morals of the
king before embracing his faith. The names of
Count Sehomberg, the Dtike de la Force, the Mar-
quis de Ruvigny, and also several descendants of
Duplessis-Mornay stand out in noble relief from
this degenerate crowd.^
Attempts were next made to unite the two
Churches. These came to nothing, notwithstanding
the numerous reforms in the Romish Chiu'ch jiro-
mised by the king, all the more freely, perhaps,
that he had no power to fidfil them. Then, after a
little space, the work of persecution was resumed ;
a new discharge of ordonnances and arrets .struck
the Protestants. We can mention only a very few
of the new grievances. The Reformed were for-
bidden to print religious books without permission
of a magistrate of the Romish communion ; to cele-
brate worship when the bishop was holding a
visitation ; their domestic privacy was invaded ;
their lights as parents violated ; their temples de-
molished ; and if they dared to meet around the
ruins and i>ray beside the sanctuaries in which their
fathers had worshipped they were punished.
But i>erhaps the most extraordinary means em-
ployed was the creation of a fund for the purchase
' A^ipw, Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of
Louis XIV., vol. i., p. 94 (a work of great research),
CONSCIENCE -PURCHASE FUND.
329
of consciences. This fund was fed from the re-
sources of ■N'acant bishoprics, which were the right
of the crown, but wliicli the king now made over
to this fund. In every case, when a see became
^■;lcant, a year's revenue was thus applied, but sees
were often kept vacant for years tliat tlie fund for
conversions might profit tliereby. Pellisson, by
bii-th a Calviuist, but wlio, having gone over to
tlie king's religion, from a convert became a zealous
converter, presided over tliis fund. It was, in
truth, a gieat mercantile establishment, organised
according to the rules and wielding the machinery
of other mercantile establishments. It had its
head office in Paris, and branch offices in all the
])rovinces. It had its stafl" of clerks, its corre-
sjtondents, its table of prices, its letters of credit,
and its daily published lists of articles purchased,
these articles being the bodies and the souls of men.
A' curious circular letter (.June 12th, 1677) of its
])resident, Pellisson, has been given by the historian
Felice, and is as follows : — " Although you may go
as far as a hundred francs, it is not meant that you
are always to go to this extent, as it is necessary to
use the utmost possible economy ; in the first place,
to shed this dew on as many persons as possible ;
and, besides, if we give a hundred francs to people
of no consequence, without any family to follow
them, those who bring a number of children after
them will demand far larger sums. This, however,
need not hinder you from furnishing still larger
assistance in very important cases, if yovi advise me
of it beforehand, whenever his Majesty, to whom
explanations will be given, thinks it proper." The
daily lists of abjurations amounted to many hun-
dreds ; but those who closely examined the names
said that the majority were knaves, or persons who,
finding convci-sion profitable, thought it not enough
to be once, but a dozen times converted. The
king, however, was delighted with his success, and
nothing was talked of at court but the miracles of
Pellisson. Every one huuled his golden eloquence —
less learned, they said, but far more efficacious than
that of BossiU'l.
Louis XIV. was now verging on old age, but his
bigotry gi-ew with his years. His great minister
Colbei-t, whose co\insels had ever been on the side
of moderation, was now in his grave. There were
left him tlie Chancelloi-, LeTellicr, and the Minister
of War, Lou\ois, both stern haters of tlie Hugue-
nots. His confessor was the well-known Father
la Chaise. No fitter tool than Louis XIV. could
the Jesuit have found. His Spani.sh mother had
educated him not to hesitate at scruples, but to go
forwai-d without compunction to the perpetnition
of enormous crimes. To make matters still worse,
the khig now fell cntii'ely under the influence of
Madame de Maintenon. This woman, who figvu-es
so pi'ominently in these awful tragedies, was the
grand-daughter of the Protestant historian Agrippa
d'Aubigne. She was a Calvinist by birth, but
changed her religion at an eai-ly age, and being
governess in the family of one of the royal mis-
tresses, her beauty and address fascinated the king,
who privately married her on the death of the
queen, Maiia Theresa. Madame de Maintenon did
not particularly hate her former co-religionists, but
being resolved above all things to retain her in-
fluence over Louis, and seeing the direction in
which his humour set — namely, that of expiatmg
his profligacies by the sacrifice of the Huguenot
heretics — she and Father la Chaise became the
counsellors and partners of the unluippy monarch
in those deeds of tyi-anny and blood which shed
an ever-deepening darkness and horror o\er the
life of Louis XIV. as he approached the grave.
Whether it was the number or the quality of the
conver.sions that did not satisfy the court it is hard
to say, but now gi-eater severities were had recourse
to. It was deemed bad economy, perhaps, to do
with money what could be done by the sword.
Accordingly the dragon nades were now set on foot.
A commencement was made in Poitou. In 1681 a
regiment of cavalry was sent into this province,
with instructions from the jMinister of War,
Louvois, that the gi-eater part of the nien and
officers should be quartered on the Protestants.
" If," said he, " according to a fair distribution, the
Religionists ought to have ten, we may billet twenty
on them." The number of soldiers allotted to each
Protestant family varied from four to ten. The
men were made aware that they might do as they
had a mind, short of actually killing the inmates.
" They gave the i-eins to their passions," says
Migaidt, desciibing the horrors of which he was
eye-witness ; " devastation, pillage, torture — there
was nothing they recoiled at." The details must
be supi)resscd ; they are too horrible to be I'ead.
The poor people knew not what to do ; tliey fled to
the woods ; they hid themselves in the ca\-es of the
mountains; many went mad; and others, scarce
knowing what they did, kissed a crucifix, and had
their names eniDlled among the converts. The
emigration was resumed on a great .scale. Thou-
sands rose to flee from a land where nothing awaited
them but misery. The court attempted to arrest
the fugitives by threatening them with the galleys
for life. Tlie exodus contiinied despite this terrible
law. The refugees were joyfully welcomed in Eng-
land and in the other Protestant lands to which, with
their persons, they transfeiTed their iudustrj-, their
330
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
knowleflge of art and letters, and their piety. They
now made Europe resound with tlicir wrongs —
though not one of their books could cross the fron-
tier of their native land. We quote a few sentences
from Jurieu (1682), who, fleeing to Holland, became
Pastor of the French Church in Rotterdam; — "We
were treated as if we were the enemies of the
Christian name. In those places where Jews are
tolerated they have all sorts of liberties; they
exercise the arts, and carry on trades; they are
our morality are pure beyond contradiction ; we
res])ect kings ; we are good subjects and good
citizens ; we are as much Frenchmen as we are
Reformed Christians."
The Protestants thought one other attempt ought
to be made, though not by arms, to recover some
little from the wreck of their liberties. They agi-eed
that such of their chui'ches as were still standing
should be re-opened for public worship on the same
day in all the southern provinces of France. This
VIEW IN NANTES, SHOWINO THE TOWEU.
physicians ; they are consulted, and Christians put
their lives and health into their hands. But we,
as if polluted, are forbidden to touch children on
their entrance into the world ; we are excluded
from the bar, ami from all the faculties ; we are
di'iven away from the king's person ; all public
posts are taken away from us ; we are forbidden to
use those means by which we save ourselves from
dying of hunger ; we are given up to the hatred of
the mob ; we are deprived of that precious liberty
which we have pui'chased by so many services ; our
children, who are part of ourselves, are taken away
from us. Are we Turks or infidels 1 We believe
in Jesus Christ, we believe in the eternal Son of
God, the Redeemer of the world ; the maxims of
they thought would jirove to the king in a peace-
able way that the abjurations, so loudly vaunted
by his counsellors, were a wholesale delusion. The
project was cai'ried into effect, but the Government
pretended to see in it insun-ection, and the poor
Hiiguenots were visited with a yet heavier measure
of vengeance. The dragonnades were extended to
all the provinces of Southern France. The Pro-
testants fled to the forests, to the deserts of the
Cevennes, to the mountains of the Pyrenees.
They were tracked by the soldiers, and on refusing
to abjure, were sabred or hanged. Some of the
pastors were broken on the wheel. Many of the
churches sjiared till now were demolished, and a
hideous devastation was inflicted on private dwell-
332
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
ings and property. Every^vhere tliere was a Reign
of Terror ; and the populace, entirely in the hands
of ruffians, who, if they forbore to kill, did so that
they might practise excruciating and often iin-
nameable tortures \ipou their victims, now came
in crowds to the priests to abjure. "Not a post
arrives," wrote 3Iadauic de ilaintenou, in Sep-
tember, 1685, "without bringing tiding.s that fill
liim (tlie king) with joy ; the convei'sions take
place every day by thousands." Twenty thou.sand
abjured in Beam, sixty thousand in the two dioceses
of Nimes and Montpellier : and while this honible
persecution went on, the Edict of Nantes was still
law.-*
CHAPTER V.
REVOC.A.TION OF THE EDICT OF N.VXTES.
Edict of Kevocatiou— Summaiy of its Enactments— The Pi'otestant Churches Demolished — Charenton, ic— The
Pastors Banished— Severe Penalties— No Burial without the Sacrament — Lay Protestants Forbidden to Emigrate
— Schomberg and A.dmiral Duquesne— The Ports and Outlets from France Cdosed — The Flight of the Huguenots—
Their Disguises— Flight of Women— Theii;Sufferings on the Way— Probable Numbers of the Refugees— Disastrous
Influence of the Revocation on Science and Literature — on Trade and Manufactures — on tlie Army and Navj-^
France Weakened and Other Countries Enriclied — Panegyrics of the Clergy — Approval of the Pope — A Te Dcttm
at Rome — Medals in Commemoration of the Event.
The Edict of Nantes was already in eti'ect repealed.
There was hardly one of its provisions which had
not been set aside either by interpretations which
explained it away, or by edicts which du'ectly nul-
lified it ; and now scai'cely anything remained of
that famous charter of Huguenot rights, save the
parchment on which it v/as written and the seals
that attested its stipidations and promises, which,
read in the light of the scenes that were being
enacted all over France, looked like mockery.' But
the work must be completed. The king judged
that tlie hour had now arrived for dealing the blow
which should extinguish for ever Protestantism in
France. By the advice of his counsellors — Father
la Chaise, liis confessor ; jMadame de Maintenon, his
wife; the Chancellor Le Tellier, and Count Louvois
— the king, on the 18tli of Octobei-," 1685, signed
tho Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
The Revocation swept away all the rights and
liberties which Henry IV. and Louis XIII. Lad
solenndy guaranteed to the Protestants. It de-
clared all further exercise of the Reformed worship
within tlie kingdom illegal ; it ordered the demoli-
tion of all tho Protestant churches ; it commanded
the pastors to quit the kingdom within a fortnight,
and forbade them to perform any clerical function
on pain of tlie galleys ; all I'rotestant schools were
' See Bulletin de la SocidW de I'HisMre du Proteslantisme
Franrnis : Deuxii'mc anm'e ; p. 167 et seq.; Paris, ISM.
- Weiss 8ay.-f the 22ncl of October. It was probably
signed on the 18th and published on the 22nd of October.
closed ; and all infants born subsequent to the
I'evocation of the edict were to be baptised by
priests, and educated as Roman Catholics ; all re-
fugees were requii-ed to return to France and abjure
their religion within four months, and after the
expiry of that term non-compliance was to be pun-
ished with confiscation of all their property ; all
Protestants were forbidden to quit the kingdom
under pain of the galleys if men, and of confiscation
of body and goods if women ; and, in fine, all laws
against relajjsed heretics were confinned. A clause
was added which occasioned a cruel disappointment :
it was couched in the following seemingly clement
terms : — -" Those Protestants who have not changed
their religion shall be allowed to dwell in the cities
and places of our realm unmolested till it shall
pledge God (o enHi/hteu them, as he has others." This
clause was interpreted as a permission to the Re-
formed to liold their opinions in their own breast
and practise their worship in pi-ivate. It was not
long before they had discovered that the true
reading of the clause Wiis as follows— until they
sliall be converted, as othei-s lia%e been, by the
di'agoons.
On the 22nd of October the Act was registered,
and on the same day the Protestants were noti-
lied by a public spectacle that its execution had
commenced. The great Chui-eli of Charenton, in the
neiglibourhood of Paris, built by the celebrated
' Elie Bcnoit, Hisioire de L'Edil dc Kantes, torn. IV.,
livx'. ivli., iviii. ; Delft, 1G95.
PERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS.
S33
architect Jacques Debrosse, and c;ipal)le of contain-
ing 14,000 persons, was razed to the ground. The
tirst l)low was dealt the detested structui-e by two
Government commissioners ; then a mob of some
hundreds threw themselves upon it, with pickaxes
and levers ; in five days not a trace of the colossal
fixbric was to be seen, and a cross twenty feet high,
adorned with the royal arms, rose in triumph over
the demolished edifice. Other temples throughout
France, venerable for their age, or imposing from
their size, which had escaped the demolitions of
former years, were now swept away. Alas, the
soiTOwful scenes that marked the closing of these
churches ! Drowned in tears, the congregation
assembled to hear their pastor's farewell sermon,
and sing their last psalm ; then, forming a long and
inouniful procession, they passed before the minister,
who liestowed on each singly his benediction, ex-
horting him to be steadfast unto the death. With
many a hallowed Communion Sunday lingering in
their memories, they then passed out for ever.
Many of these churches fell amid a confused noise of
blaring trumpets, the shoutings of Romanists, and
the sobbings of Protestants. Topping the ruins of
the Church of Nimes niight long be seen a stone
which had formed the lintel of the portico of the
now overthrown edifice, on which were graven the
words, " This is the House of God, this is the Gate
of Heaven." '
Though but the crowning act of a treacherous,
cruel, and most tyrannical policy under which they
had groaned for years, the Revocation fell upon the
Huguenots like a tlamder-bolt. Their eyes opened
on blank desolation ! Not a single safe-guard had
been left them ; not a single right of conscience, or
of property, or of body of which they had not been
stripped. The fact seemed too terrible to be real ;
the crime — the folly — too stupendoxis for any king
to commit ! The Protestants amoimted to be-
tween one and two millions ; their factories and
workshops were to be found in nearly all parts of
France ; their commerce and merchandise upheld
its great cities, their energy and enterprise were
the life of the nation ; and to be all at once flung
beyond the pale of law, ))eyond the j)ale of humanity I
They were stupefied.
But they soon foimd that the first blow was far
indeed from exhausting the calamities with which
this measure was pregnant. The edict oi)eHed out
in a .series of oppressions to which tliey could see
neither limit nor end. Troops were sent into the
pro^•^ncPS to execute it. As an inundation breaks
in, or a.s a tempest sweeps onward, so did a ton-ent
' Weiss, p. 72
of pillagings, outrages, and murders rush upon
France. Louis XIV. in all this was not perKenilhic/,
he was only conrertvag ; for had not the Savioiu"
sjiid, " Compel them to come in " ] An army of
" liooted ajjo.stles " scouring the country and 800
Protestant churches now in ruins attested the reality
of the Revocation ; but instantly came new provi-
sions to amplify and perfect the edict. Protestant
preaching had already been forbidden on land ; now
it was forbidden on board ship. Protestants, or
new Catholics, as they were termed — for it was
assumed that now there were not any more Pro-
testants in France — wei-e foi'bidden to emploj- as
servants any save Roman Catholics, under penalty
of a fine of 1,000 livres. Huguenots were abso-
lutely foi'bidden to enter, in the capacity of servants,
any family, whether Roman Catholic or Huguenot,
under pain, if men, of being sent to the galleys, and
if women, of being flogged and branded with a
feur-de-lis. Even English families resident in France
were not exemi)t from the operation of this law.
Protestant ministers foimd lurking in France after
the expiry of the fifteen days given them for removal
wei'e to be put to death ; and, to hasten their depar-
ture and make sure that not one heretical teacher
remained in the country, a reward of 5,. "500 livres
was ofl'ered for the apprehension of ministers in
hiding. Pastors who should return to their native
land without a written permission from the king
were to expiate their offence with their lives,
while the terrors of the galleys, imprisonment for
life, and confiscation of property were suspended
above those who should dare to harbour such.
Not a few foreigners, particularly Englishmen, were
summoned to abjure, and on their refusal were
throttii into prison. The English monarch sent
tardy remonstrances against these insults to his
crown, and the Court of Versailles responded ■n'ith
an equally tardy satisfaction.
Nor did these annoyances and torments termi-
nate with life. Not only were the death-beds of all
Protestants besieged, and their last moments dis-
turbed by the jiresence of priests, but no grave
could receive the body of the man who died without
confession and without the Sacrament of extreme
tuiction. His corpse was a thing too ^•ile to rest in
the bosom of the earth ; it must rot above ground ;
it was exposed on the highway, or was flung into
the public sewer. The body of M. de Chevenix,
a man illustrious for his learning and piety, wsis
subjected to this indignity. Dragged away on a
Inu'dle, it was thrown upon a dung-hill. His friends
came by night, and wrapping it in linen, bore it
reverently on their shoiddei-s, and bm-ied it in a
garden, giving vent to their son-ow, as they lowered
334
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
it slowly into its place of sepulture, by singing the
seventy-ninth Psalm : " Save me, O Lord, for the
waters are come into my sotil."'
While one clause of the Act of Revocation made
it death for the pastor to remain in France, another
clause of the same Act made it death for the lay-
man to flee from it. The land was converted into
a vast prison. The frontiei'S were jealously guarded ;
sentinels were placed at all the great outlets of the
kingdom ; numerous spies kept watch at the sea-
ports ; officers patrolled the shore ; and ships of
war hovered off the coast to prevent escape beyond
those dismal limits within which the Protestant had
only the terrible alternative of sacrificing his con-
science, or sun-endering his liberty or life. Many
earnestly petitioned for leave to withdraw from a
land where to obey God was to inciu' the wi-ath
of the king, but they petitioned in vain. Of
the native subjects of Louis, we know of only two
to whom this favour was conceded. The Marshal
Schomberg and the Marquis de Ruvigny were per-
mitted to retire, the first to Portugal, and the
second to England. The Admii-al Duquesne was
summoned into the presence of Louis XIV., and
urged to change his religion. Pointing to his hairs,
which tempest and battle had bleached, the hero
said, " For sixty years, su-e, have I rendered unto
Cajsar that which I owe to Caesar : suffer me still to
render to God that which I owe to God." He was
permitted to live in his native land unmolested.
Among the names that lent a glory to France there
were none greater than these three. Schomberg
was at the head of the army, Duquesne was the
creator of the navy, and De Ruvigny was equally
renowned in diplomacy ; the Revocation deprived
France of the services of all the three. This was
much, and yet it was but the first instalment of
that mighty sum which France was destined to pay
for the Revocation in after-years.
Nothing can be imagined more appalling than
was now the condition of the Protestant, as he
looked ai-ound him in his native land. The king
was his enemy, the law was his enemy, his fellow-
countrymen were his enemies ; and on all sides of
him was a cordon of guards and gens-d'armes, to
a])prehend and svibject him to tenible sufferings
should he attempt to escape from the vast prison
which had shut him in. But fruitless were all the
means taken to pi-event the flight of the Huguenots.
Fruitless were the peasants that day and night.
' The Archbishop of Dublin, Richard Chevenix Trench,
is his great-grandson. The archbishop is descended by
the mother's side from tlio family of Chevenix, and liy tin"
father's side from another Huguenot family, that of La
Tranches,
armed with scythes and similar weapons, guarded
the high-roads, and watched the fords of rivei-s ;
fruitless the troops that Imed the frontier, and the
ships that cruised off the ports and e.xamined all
outward-bound vessels ; fruitless the oft'ered spoils
of the captured fugitives, by which it was sought
to stimulate the vigilance of the guards ; fruitless
even the reports which were put in circulation, that
no asylum was to be found in foreign countries ;
that 10,000 refugees had died of starvation in
England, and that of those who had fled, the vast
majority were soliciting permission to return. In
vain were all tliese efforts to check the emigi'ation ;
danger was braved, vigilance was eluded ; and the
frontiers were crossed by an ever-enlarging crowd,
who were even more anxious to find liberty of con-
science than to escape from death.
The devices resorted to and the disguises assumed
by the fugitives to avoid detection were infinite.
Some attired themselves in the garb of pilgi'ims,
and with shallop and palmer-staff' pursued their
journey to theii' much-wished-for shi'ine — a land of
liberty. Some travelled as couriers ; some as sports-
men, carrying a gun on their shoulder ; some as
peasants driving cattle ; some aflected to be porters,
can-ying burdens ; others were attired in footmen's
liveries, and others wore soldiers' uniforms. The
rich in some cases liii-ed guides, who, for sums
varying from 1,000 to 6,000 livres, conducted them
across the frontier. The poor, setting out alone,
chose by-paths and diflicult mountain-tracks, begin-
ning each day's joiu'uey at night-fall, and when the
dawn appeared, retiring to some forest or cavern
for rest and sleep. Sometimes they lay concealed
in a barn, or burrowed in a hay-stack, till the
return of the darkness made it safe for them to
contiiuie their flight. Nobles and gentlemen, set-
ting their servants on horseback, would put on
their dress, and follow on foot as though they were
lackeys.
The women were not less fertile in artifices and
disguises. They di'essed themselves as servants, as
peasants, as nurses ; even noble ladies would jour-
ney onward trundling wheel-barrows, or carrying
hods, or bearing burdens. The young disfigured
their faces by smearing or dyeing theii- skin and
cutting off their haii-, thus converting blooming
youth into wthered and wrinkled age. . Some
dressed themselves as beggars, some sold rosaries,
and some feigned to be deaf or insane.- The perils
that environed them on every side could not daunt
their heroic resolution. They urged their fleeing
steps onward through the darkness of night and
- Elie Benoit, vol. v., pp. 554, 953.
EMIGRATION OF HUGUENOTS.
335
the tempests of winter, through tangled forests and
quaking morasses, through robbers and phmderers,
forgetting all these dangers in their anxiety to
escape the guards of the king and arrive at the
rendezvoxis, and rejoin fathers, or brothers, or hus-
bands, who had reached the api)ointed place by
another route. The terrors of the persecutor had
overcome the sense of weariness, and hundreds of
miles seemed short to some who, brought uj) in
luxury and splendour, had never before, perhaps,
walked a league on foot. The ocean had no terrors
to those who knew that there was a land of liberty
beyond it, and many crossed the English Channel
at that inclement season in open boats. Those on
the sea-board got away in Dutch, in English, and in
French merchantmen, hidden in bales of goods, or
buried luuler heaps of coal, or stowed in empty
barrels, where they had only the bung-hole to
breathe through. The very greatness of their misery
wrought some alleviation of their hardship. Their
woeful plight melted the hearts of the peasants on
the frontier, and they suffered them in some in-
stances to escape, when it was in their power to
liave delivered them up to the dragoons. Even
the sentinels sometimes acted as the guides of those
whom they had been appointed to arrest. There
was hardly a country in Europe into which these
men did not Mee, but England and Holland and
Germany were their main asylums.
It is only an approximate appreciation that can
now be formed of the numbers of Protestants who
succeeded in escaping from France. The official
reports sent in to the Government by the Intendants
fire not to be relied on. Those whose duty it was
to frame them had many motives for making the
emigration appear less than it really was. They
naturally were unwilling to falsify the previsions of
the court, which had buoyed itself up -srith the hope
that only a very few would leave their native land.
Besides, to disclose the real extent of the emigration
might seem to be to present an indictment agaiast
them.selves, as chargeable with lack of vigilance in
permitting so many to e.scape. It is vain, then, to
think of ariiving at an exact estimate from these
documents, and these are the only official sources of
infonnation open to us. But if we look at the
dismal blanks left in France, at the large and
numerous colonies planted in foreign countries, and
at the length of time during which the exodus con-
tinued, which was not less than from fifteen to
twenty years, it is impossible to resist the conclusion
that the emigration was on a scale of gigantic
magnit\ule. Of the one million Protestants and
upwiu'ds scattered among the twenty millions of
Frenchmen, it is i)robable that from a quarter to
half a million emigrated. Jurieu estimates that
in 1687, 200,000 persons had already left France.
Antoine Court, one of the preachers of the desei"t,
makes the total 800,000 persons. Sismondi says
from 300,000 to 400,000. In a celebrated memorial
addressed to Louvois in 1688, Vauban says "that
France had lost 100,000 iidiabitants, 60,000,000 of
francs in specie, t),000 sailors, 12,000 veterans, 600
officers, and her most flourishing manufactures. The
Duke de Saint Simon says in his Memoirs that all
l)ranches of trade were ruined, and that a quarter
of the kingdom was perceptibly depopulated." '
The face of France was changed in a day. Its
framework was suddenly and violently shaken and
loosened, as if an earthquake had rocked the laud.
The current of the nation's life was not indeed stopped
outright, but its flow became languid and sluggish
beyond the power of king or of parliament again
to quicken it. The shock was felt in every de-
partment of national enterprise, whether mental or
industrial. It was felt at the bar, which it stripped
of some of its brightest ornaments. It was felt iu
the schools of philosophy. Some of the ablest
cultivators of science it drove away. The great
astronomer and mathematician, Huygens, had to
qviit France and seek asylum in Holland, It
was felt in the ranks of literature. It chased
beyond the frontier some of the finest writers and
most eloquent orators that France contained. In
the list of these illustrious refugees we find Claude,
Jurieu, Lenfant, Saurin, Basnage, Bayle, and Rapin,
It was felt in the army and navj-. The Revocation
drove beyond the frontier the flower of the French
soldiers, and decreed that henceforth those banners
which had waved so proudly on many a victoiious
field should be folded in humiliation and defeat.
The Revocation was felt in the iron works and
smelting furnaces on the Vrigne and at Poiiru-
Saint-R6my. It was felt in the manufactures of
arms and implements of husbandry in the Sedanais.
It was felt in the gold and silver lace works of
ilontmorency and Villiers-le-Bel. It was felt in
the hat factories of Coudebec. It was felt in the
wool-carding establishments of Meaux ; in the cloth
manufactories of Picardy, Champagne, and Nor-
mandy ; in the silk-weaving establishments of Tours
and Lyons; in the paper mills of Auvergne and the
Angoumois ; in the tanneries of Touraine ; on the
shipping wharves and in the trading establishments
of Bordeaux, I^ Rochelle, and other towns, where
the foreign trade had been almost exclusively in
' Felice, vol. ii., p. 63. See als». Bulletin de la Soeirlr de
VHistoire du. Prntetitantisnui iVoiifuis : PreiiiiVcK Antuc /
pp. SIC, KV, ; Paris, 18.1.?.
336
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tlic Lands of Protestants. lu short, not an art was
cultivated, not a traile wan carried on in France
whicli did not sutler from this blow ; not a j)rovince
was there where the blight it had inflicted was not
to be seen in villages lialf-depoj)ulated, in habita-
tions deserted, in fields lying \inj>loughed, and in
gardens and vineyards overgrown with weeds and
abandoned to desolation. The ravages inHieted by
the Revocation were to be traced not on the land
o;ily, but on the ocean also. The fleet of foreign
ships which had gladdened the shores and crowded
the harbours of France, to carry thence the beautiful
and varied fabrics which her ingenious sous had
worked on her looms and forged on her anvils,
from this time all but disappeared. The art
and genius which created these marvels had trans-
ferred themselves to Germany, to Holland, to
England, and to Scotland, where they had taken
root, and were producing those implements \vith
which France had been accustomed to enrich other
nations, but which now she had to beg from her
neighbours. Thus strangely did that country de-
feat what had been the grand object of her policy
for half a century. Her aim all through the
administrations of Richelieu and Mazarin was to
consolidate her power, and lead in the councils of
Europe. But this one act of Louis XIV. did more
to weaken France than all that Richelieu and
Mazai'in had done to strengthen her. Not only did
Louis weaken the fabric of his o^vn powei-, he
erdianoed the strength of that interest which it
was his gi-eat object to abase. The learning, the
genius, the art which were the glory of his realm,
and would have been the bulwark of his throne, he
drove away and scattered among Protestant nations.
His folly herein was as conspicuous and as stupen-
dous as his wickedness.
But the Revocation was not the act of the king
alone. The clergy and the nation equally with Louis
must bear the guilt of his great crime. The people
by their approbation or their sdence became the ac-
complice of the monarch ; and the clergy made his
act their own by exhausting the whole vocabulary
of panegyric in its ]5raise. According to them the
past history of the world had nothing more wise or
more magnanimous to show, and its author had
placed himself among the heroes and demi-gods of
fame. We might fill almost a volume with the
laudations written and spoken on the occasion.
" You have doubtless seen the edict by which the
king revokes that of Nantes," wrote Madame de
Sevigne to her daughter a few days after the
publication of the decree. "Tliere is nothing so
fine as all that it contains, and never has any king
done or ever will do a\ight so memorable !" The
chancellor, Le Tellier, was so carried away by the
hono\ir of affixing the .seal of state to thi.s atro-
cious edict, that he declared that he would never
seal another, and in a fit of devout enthusiasm he
buret out in the song with which the aged Simeon
celebrated the advent of the Saviour : " Now lettest
thou thy servant depart in peace, since mine eyes
have seen thy salvation." When the men of law
were so moved, what might we not expect in the
priests'! They summoned the people to the
churches to unite in public thanksgivings, and they
exhausted all their powers of eloquence in extolling
the deed. " Touched by so many marvels," ex-
claimed Bossuet, " let us expand our hearts in praises
of the piety of Louis. Let our acclamations ascend
to the skies, and let us say to this new Constantine,
this new Theodosius, this new Marcian, this new
Charlemagne, what the thirty-six Fathers foi'merly
said in the Council of Chalcedon : ' You have
strengthened faith, you have extenninated heretics ;
it is a work worthy of your reign, whose proper
character it is. Thanks to you, heresy is no more.'
God alone can have worked this marvel. King of
heaven, preserve the king of earth : it is the prayer
of the Church ; it is tlie prayer of the bishops. "
The other great preachers of Paris also celebrated
this edict, as tlu-owing into the shade all past monu-
ments of wisdom and heroism. It is in the follow-
ing terms that Massillon glorifies Louis' victory
over heresy : " How for did he not carry his zeal
for the Church, that virtue of sovereigns who have
received power and the sword only that they may
be jjrops of the altar and defendere of its doctrine !
Specious reasons of state ! in vain did ye oppose to
Louis the timid views of human wisdom, the body
of the monarchy enfeebled by the flight of so many
citizens, the course of trade slackened either by the
deprivation of theii- industry or by the furtive re-
moval of their wealth ; dangers fortify his zeal ; the
work of God fears not man ; he believes even that
he strengthens his throne by overthrowing that of
error. The profane temples are destroyed, the
pulpits of seduction are cast down, the projiliets of
falsehood are torn from their flocks. At the first
blow dealt to it by Louis, heresy falls, disajipears,
and is reduced either to hide itself in the obscurity
whence it issued, or to cross the seas, and to bear
with it into foreign lands its false gods, its bitter-
ness, and its rage."'
Nor was it popular assemblies only who listened
approvingly to these flights of rhetoric ; similar
laudations of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes
were pronounced before the French Academy, and
' Massillon '7 Funeral Ovation on Louis XIV.
APPROVAL OF THE REVOCATION.
337
received the meed of its ajijilause. The Abbe
Tullciuand, when speaking of the demolition of
the Protestant church at Charenton, exclaimed —
" Happy i-uins, the finest trophy France ever
beheld ! The statues and the triumphal arches
erected to the glory of the king will not exalt it
In the midst of this univcr.-al chorus of iii)iil:iuse
we expect to hear one dissenting voice lifted up.
Surely the Jansenists will rebuke the madness of
the nation, and in some small degree redeem the
honour of France. Alas ! they are silent. Not
one solitary protest do we hear against this gi-eat
PORTKAIT OP L0VI9 XIV
more than this temple of heresy overthrown by his
piety. Tliat heresy which thought itself invincible
is entirely vanquished." Bossuet luid compared
Louis to Constantine and Theodosius ; Tallemand,
discoursing to a body of learned men, seeks for a
more classic prototype of the King of France. A
second Hercules had arisen, lie told the Academy,
and a second hydra, more terrible by far than the
monster which the pagan god had slain, had fallen
beneath the blows of this second and greater
Hercules.
133
crime. But the Jansenists are not content to be
silent ; they must needs speak, but it is to ap-
prove of the Revocation. Through their gi-eat
interpreter Arnault, they declared that "the means
which had been employed were rather violent, but
nowise unjust."
It remained for one other and mightier voice to
speak. And now that voice is heard, from the
other side of the Alps, exjjressing a full approval
of the Revocation. All the pre\-iou3 inferior ut-
terances are repeated and sanctioned in this last
338
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and greatest utterance, and thus the Roman Catliolic
woi-ld makes the deed its own, and accepts the Re-
vocation with all its phinder and blood, and the
punishment that is to follow it. The Pope, Inno-
cent XI., made a Te Deum bo sung at Rome for the
convei-sion of the Huguenots, and sent a special
brief to Louis XIV., in which he promised him the
eternal praises of the Church, and a special recom-
pense from God for the act of devotion by which he
had made his name and reign gloi-ious.
Art was summoned to lend her aid in appro-
priately commemorating the triumph of Louis over
heresy. In front of the Hotel de Ville the provost
and sheriffs of Paris erected a brazen statue in
honour of the king.' It bore the proud words —
Ludovico Magno, Victori perpetuo, Eeclesioe ac
Regum Dignitatis Assertori (To Louis the Great,
eternal Conquerpr, and Assertor of the Dignity of
the Church and of Kings). Its bas-reliefs dis-
played a frightful bat hovering above the works
of Calvin and Huss, and enveloping them in its
dark wings — emblematic imagery borrowed pro-
bably from one of Lesueur's masterpieces in
Versailles, commemorating a similar event. Three
medals were struck to perpetuate the memory
of the Revocation.- One of them represented
Religion planting a cross on a heap of niins, de-
noting the triumph of truth over error ; with this
legend, I'cliyio I'ictrix (Religion the Conqueror) ;
and \inderneath were the words, 'I'emplis C'al-
rinianonnn eversis, 1685 (The Temples of Calvin
overturned, 1685). Another displays a figure hold-
ing a cross, its foot planted on a prostrate foe,
while in the background rises proudly an edifice,
surmounted by the motto, Ilm-esis Ectiacta, and
underneath are the words, Edictum Octobris, 1685,
— intimating that by the edict of October, 1085,
heresy had been extinguished. A thii-d represents
Religion placing a crown on the head of Louis, who
stands leaning upon a rudder, and trampling under
foot a dead enemy, the symbol of heresy. The
motto — wliich, says Weiss, "comprises at once an
error and a lie" — is Ob vicies centena millia Cal-
vinianorum ad Ecclesiam revocata, 1685 (For a
hundred thousand Calvinists, twenty times told,
brought back to the Church, 1685).
All these medals proclaim what Louis XIV. and
the Jesuits believed to be the fact, that Calvinism
had been eternally extinguished. The edict of Oc-
tober, 1685, was the date (they imagined) of its
utter overthrow. As a matter of fact, however,
it was the treachery and cruelty of the Revocation
that, above most things, aroused the Protestant
spirit of Europe, and brought about that great Re-
volution which, three short years afterwai'ds, placed
William of Orange on the throne of Great Britain.
CHAPTER VL
THE PRISONS AND THE GALLEYS.
' N'ew Catholics "—Suspected and Watched— New and Terrible Persecutions— Described by Quick— The Dungeons
— Their Horrors— M. de MaroUes, .and ottier Prisoners— Other Modes of Punishment— Transportation— Sold into
Foreign Slavery— Martyrdom of FuIo'-.ti Eey— Claude Brousson— His Preaching— His Martyrdom— Drums round
the Scaffold— The Galley Chaiu-C. iteau de la Tournellc— The Galleys.
Of the tens of thovisands o*^ Frenchmen, of all
ranks, and in every disguis'.;, who were now hin-ry-
ing along the highway and byways of France,
intent only on escaping from the soil that gave
them bh-th, all were not equally fortunate in reach-
ing the frontier. -Many hundreds were arrested in
their flight, and brought back to endure the rage
of their persecutors. Their miserable fate it now
' This statue wag melted in 1792, and east into cannon,
which thundered at V.ilniy. (Weiss, p. 93.)
- We say three, althonph there are five, because two
of the number are obviously reproductions with slight
variations in the design.
becomes our duty to describe. Nor of these only
shall we speak, but also of their many companions
in suffering, who remained in theii- native land,
when their brethren had fled before the awful
tempest that was now thundering in the skies of
France. It is a tale of woe, with scarcely one
bright feature to relieve it.
Of those who remained, estimated by Sismondi
at about a million, many conformed to the king's
religion, impelled by the teiTors of the edict, and
such now passed under the name of " The New
Catholics." But their downcast looks belied their
professions ; their sincerity was suspected, and they
TERRIBLE AND MORE TERRIBLE PERSECUTIONS.
339
■were constantly watched. So little faith had the
Jesuits in the conversions of which they boasted
so loudly in public ! Inspectors were established
ill several parishes to examine if the new converts
went regularly to mass, if they took the Sacrament
at Eiister, and if they paid a dutiful obedience to
the commandments of the Church. This was a
return, in the polished ei-a of Louis XIV., to the
reylme of the tenth century. Even the monarch
deemed this scrutiny somewhat too close, and issued
private instiiictions to his agents to temper their
zeal, and moderate the rigour of the Act.' Accord-
ing to the edict, all Protestant children must attend
a Roman Catholic school, and receive instruction in
the catechism. A new ordinance enjoined that all
children above six years of age, whose parents were
suspected of being still Protestant at heart, should
be taken from their homes, and confided to Roman
Catholic relations, or placed in hospitals. The con-
vents and asyhims of all France were not enough
to accommodate the crowd of abducted youth
about to be swejit into them, and the priests
contented themselves with seizing only the children
of the rich, who were aljle to j)ay for theii- main-
tenance.
The edicts of the king threatened books as well
as persons with extermination. The Archbishop of
Palis had compiled a list of works which the faithful
could not read but at the lisk of deadly injury.
With this list in his hand the officer entered every
suspected house, and whenever he found a forbidden
book he instantly destroyed it. These visits were
repeated so often that many books of rare value,
known to have then existed, are now extinct, not
one copy having escaped. The records of Synods,
and the private jiapers and books of pastors, were
the first to be destroyed. Wherever a Bible was
found it was straightway given to the flames.-
Tho edict required that the " New Catholics " should
be instructed in the faith they professed to have
adopted ; but the priests were too few and the
crowd of converts too many, so the cures lightened
their labours by calling the Capuchins to share
them wth them. But these were nide and illite-
rate men. The merest youth could put them to
silence. To gi-oss ignorance they not unfreqnently
ailded a debauched life, and in the case of Protes-
tants of riper years, their approach awakened only
disgiist, and their teachings had no other eH'cct on
those to whom they were given, than to deepen their
aversion to a Church which employed them as her
ministei's.
When the fir-st .stunning shock of the edict had
Felice, vol. ii., p. 79.
' Ibid., vol. ii., p. 78.
spent itself, there came a recoil. The more closely
" the new converts " viewed the Church into which
they had been driven, the stronger became their
dislike of it. Shame and remoree for their apostacy
began to burn within them. Their sacrilegious
participation ui the mass awoke their consciences ;
thousands resolved, rather than lead a life of such
base and criminal hypocrisy, to abandon, at what-
ever cost, the communion they professed to have
espoused, and return to the open profession of the
Protestant worship. They withdrew from the
cities. They sought a dwelling in the wildernesses
and forests, and practised their worship in dark
caves, in deep ravines, and sometimes on the tops of
mountains. There they promised to one another to
live and die in the Reformed faith.
When the king and his counsellors saw the flag
of defiance waving on the moimtains of the Ce-
vennes, and the Lower Languedoc, their rage rose
to frenzy. New ordinances came to intensify the
rigours of the persecution. Quick has gi-ouped the
horrors that now overwhelmed the poor Protestants
of France, in a recital that is almost too haiTOwing
for perusal.
" Afterwards," says Quick, " they fell upon the
persons of the Protestants, and there was no wicked-
ness, though ever so horrid, which they did not put
in practice, that they might enforce them to change
their religion. Amidst a thousand ludeous cries
and blasphemies, they hung up men and women
by the hail- or feet upon the roofs of the chambers,
or nooks of chimneys, and smoked them ^^^th wisps
of wet hay till they were no longer able to bear it ;
and when they had taken them do\vn, if they would
not sign an abjuration of their pretended heresies,
they then trussed them uji again immediately.
Some they threw into great fires, kindled on purpose,
and would not take them out till they were half
roasted. They tied ropes under their arms, and
jilunged them once and again into deep wells, from
whence they would not draw them till they had
promised to change their religion. Tliey bound
them as criminals are when they are put to the
rack, and in tliat posture putting a funnel into
their mouths, they poured wine do^v^l theii- throats
till its fumes had deprived them of their reason,
and they had in that condition made them consent
to become Catholics. Some they striiijied stark
naked, and after thoy had ofiered them a thousand
indignities, they stuck them with jiins from head to
foot ; they cut them with pen-knives, tore them by
the noses with red-hot pincers, and dragged them
about the rooms till they promised to become Roman
Catholics, or till the doleful cries of the.se poor
tormented creatures, calling upon God for mercy,
340
HISTORY OF PKOTESTANTISM.
coustrainctl them to let them go. They beat them
wth staves, and dragged them all bruised to the
Popish churches, where their enforced presence is
reputed for an abjuration. Tliey kept them waking
seven or eight days together, relieving one another
by turns, tliat they might not get a wink of sleep
or rest. In case they begiui to nod, they threw
buckets of water on theii- faces, or holding kettles
over their heads, they beat on them -with such a
continual noise, that these poor ^vl•etches lost their
senses. If they found any sick, who kept theii-
beds, men or women, be it of fevers or other diseases,
they were so cruel as to beat up an alarm with
twelve drums about their beds for a whole week
together, without intermission, till they had pro-
mised to change."'
What follows is so disgusting that it could not
be quoted here unless it were covered with the
decent veil of a dead langiiage.
The Lutherans of Alsace, protected by recent
diplomatic conventions, were exempt from these
miseries ; but with this exception the persecution
raged through the whole of France. In Paris and
its immediate neighbourhood, matters were not
urged to the same dire extremity. Those who had
instigated the king to revoke the Edict of Nantes,
had assured him that the mere terror of the Act
would suffice to accomplish all he wished, and they
now strove to conceal from Louis the formidable
proportions of the actual hori-oi-s. But in other
parts of France no check was put upon the mur-
derous passions, the brutal lusts, and the plundering
gi-eed of the soldiery, and there a baffled bigotry
and tyi-anny glutted their vengeance to the utmost.
Among the dreadful forms of punishment inflicted
on the Protestants was the dungeon. Such as
were caught in attempts to escape, or refused to
abjure, were plunged into loathsome prisons. Here
generally there reigned unbroken silence and dark-
ness. The poor prisoner could not receive a visit
from pastor or relation ; he could not console him-
self by singijig a psalm or by reading his Bible:
shut up with lewd and blaspheming felons, he was
constrained to hear their horrible talk, and endure
their vile indignities. If his meekness and patience
overcame their cruelty, or softened the gaoler, he
was at once shifted to another prison, to prevent his
being treated more tenderly by those whose compas-
sion he liad excited. The letters of JNI. le Febvre,
arrested in 1686, and confined fifteen years in a
solitaiy dungeon, liave disclosed the terrible suffer-
ings borne by those who were shut up in these places.
' John Quick, Sxjnodicon in Qallia Ee/ormata, pp. 130,
131 ; Lond., 1692.
'■ For several weeks," says he, " no one has been
allowed to enter my dungeon ; and if one spot
could be found where the air was more infected
than another, I was placed there. Yet the love of
truth prevails in my soul ; for God who knows my
heart, and the purity of my motives, supports me
by his grace." He shows us his dungeon. " It is
a vault of ii-regular form, and was formerly a stable,
but being very damp, it was injurious to horses.
The rack and manger are here still. There is no
way of admitting light but by an opening with a
double grating, in the upper part of the door.
Opposite the opening there are iron bars, fastened
at their upper ends into the wall. The place is
very dark and damp. The air is noisome and has
a bad smell. Everj'thing rots and becomes mouldy.
The wells and cisterns are above me. I have never
seen a fire here, except the flame of a candle. Yon
will feel for me in this misery, but think of the
eternal weight of glory that will follow."
Another prisoner, M. de Slarolles, a distinguished
scientist, tells ns that the solitude and perpetual
darkness of his prison engendered, at last, the most
frightful and terrifying ideas in his mind. Believing
himself on the brink of insanity, he had recourse to
prayer, and was delivered. A perfect calm filled
his mind, and those phantoms took flight that had
so troubled his soul. " He makes the days of my
affliction pass speedily away," said he ia the last
letter he was ever to write. " With the bread and
water of affliction. He affords me continually most
delicious repasts." -
In the letters of M. le Febvre, cited above,
mention is made of a shepherd who was removed
from Fort St. Nicholas to a dungeon in the
Chateau d'lf.^ The descent into this dungeon was
by a ladder, and it was lighted only by a lamp,
for which the gaoler made the prisoners pay.
The shepherd, when first consigned to it, had to lie
on its miry bottom, almost ^\'ithout clothing. A
monk, who went down into it to visit its wretched
inmates, could not help declaring that its horrors
made him .shudder, that he had not nerve enough
to go again. He could not refrain from tears at
the sight of the unliappy Ijeings before him, one of
whom had already, though still alive, become the
prey of worms. This was the terrible fate not of
a few hundreds only. It is believed that at one
stage of the persecution tlijere were from 12,000 to
- History of the Svfferings of M. Louis de MarolUs ; the
Hague, 1699. See also Admiral Baudin's letter to the
President of the Society of the History of French Pro-
testantism— Bulletin for Juno and July, 18.52.
^ Situated on the rocl;y isle that fronts the harbour of
Marseilles.
FEENCH PEOTE&TANT MARTYRS.
341
15,000 persons m the prisons and dungeons ot"
France.
Another mode of punishment was transportation
to Canada — the Canada of 200 years ago. Tliis
method was resorted to in order to relieve the
j)risons, which, full to overMow, could not receive
the crowds that were being daily consigned to
them. Collected from the various prisons of
France, or gathered from the country around
Nimes and ISIontjiellier, these confessors of the
Gospel were brought down in gangs to Slarseilles,
the women strapped down in carts, and the men
moimted on horses, their feet tied below the
animal's belly. The embarkation and voyage en-
tiiiled incredible and protracted suffering. The
vessels that bore them across the Atlantic were
small, filthy, and often unseaworthy. Nor did
their miseries end wiiix their voyage. On their
arrival in the New World they were sold into a
slavery so cruel, that in most cases they speedily
perished. Those who were thus dragged from the
pleasant fields of France, and put under the lash
of barbarous task-masters in a foreign land, were
not the i-efuse of French society ; on the contrary,
they were the flower of the nation. In these
manacled gangs were men who had shone at the
bar, men who had been eminent in the pulpit,
■writers who were the glory of their countiy, and
men and women of noble or of gentle bii-th ; yet
now we see them bonie across the deep, and flung
into bondage, ))ecause a sensualist king — the slave
of mistresses and ])riests — so willed it.
The policy of the pei-secutors was to " wear out"
the Prote.stants, in preference to summarily ex-
tei-minatuig them by fire and cord. It is true the
murders in the fields were numerous ; there were
few spots in the Cevenncs which martyr-blood did
not moisten ; but only occasionally in the cities was
the scaffold set uj). We select from the Lettre.t
Pmtoraka of Jurieu' a few instances. One of the
first to suSer in this way wa-s Fulcran Rey, a young
man of Nimes. He had just finished his coui-so of
theological study when the storm bunst. Does he
now decline the office of jiastor ? No : accepting
martyrdom beforehand, ho writes a farewell letter
to those at his father's hoiise, and goes forth to
break the silence which the banishment of the
ministors had created in Franco by preaching the
Gospel. In a little while he was an-ested. On his
trial he was jiromised the most flattering favours if
he would abjure, but his constancy was in-\-inciblc.
He was sentenced to be hanged, after having been
tortured. On hearing his doom, he exclaimed, " I
am tieati'd more gently than my iSaviour was in
being condemned to so mild a form of death. I
had prepared my mind to being broken on the
wheel, or being burnt to death." Then, raising his
eyes to heaven, he gave thanks to God for this
mitigation of his anticipated agonies. Being come
to the scattold, he wished to address the crowd, and
confess before them the faith in which ho died ;
but, says Jurieu, " they were afraid of a .sermon
delivered by such a preacher, and from such a
pulpit, and had stationed around the gibbet a num-
ber of drummers, with orders to beat their drums all
at once." He died at Beaucairc, July 7th, 1686, at
the age of twenty-four.
But the martyr of greatest fame of that era is
Claude Brousson. Brousson had been a distinguished
member of the bar at Toulouse, where he pleaded
the cause of the oppressed Churches. Silenced as
an advocate, he opened his lips as a preacher of the
Gospel. His consecration to his oftice took place
in the wilds of the Ceveimes, which were then
continually resounding with the muskets of the
murderous soldiery. The solitary hut, or the dark
wood, or the deep ravine henceforth became his
home, whence he issued at appointed times to preach
to the flock of the desert. After awhile he was so
hotly pursued that he judged it prudent to -withdraw
from France. But in his foreign asylum his heart
yearned after his flock, and, finding no rest, he
I'eturned to those "few sheep in the wilderness."
A sum of 500 louis was oflered to any one who
would bring him to the Intendant, dead or alive ;
nevertheless Brousson went on for five years in the
calm exercise of his ministry. His sermons were
published at Amsterdam in 1095, imder the title of
Tlte Mystical Manna of ihe Desert. " One wovdd
have expected," says Felice, " that discourses com-
posed by this proscribed man, under an oak of the
forest, or on a rock by some mountain torrent, and
delivered to congregations where the dead were fre-
({uently gathered as on a field of battle, woxdd have
been marked by eager and gloomy enthusiasm.
Nothing of the kind is, however, to be found in this
Mystical Manna. Tlie preacher's language is more
moderate and graceful than that of Saurin in his
quiet church of the Hague ; in the persecution lie
points only to the hand of God, and is vehement
only when he censures his hearers."- At last, in
1098, he was an-ested at Oleron and carried to
Montpellier. Before his judges he freely admitted
the graver charge of his indictment, which was that
he had preached to the Protestant outlaws ; but he
' Published b}' him every fortnight after the Revoca-
tion of the Edict of Nantes.
- Felice, vol. ii., p. 87
342
HISTORV of Pl^OtEStANTlSM.
repudiated ehcrgetically anotlioi- apoisatinn pre-
ferred against liLiii, that lie had cou.s[)ii-ed to bring
Marslial Sclioniberg into France at the head of a
foi-eign arm_v. He was condemned to die. On the
scaffold, which he mount(!d on the 4th of November,
he would once more have raised liis voice, but it
■was dro\VTied by
the roll of eighteen
drums. Little did
Louis XIV. then
dream that his
great-grandson,
and next successor
save one on the
throne of France,
should have his
dying words
drowned by drums
stationed round his
scaffold.
Of all the
punishments to
which the pro-
scribed Protes-
tants of France
were doomed,
the mo.st dread-
ful was the
galleys. The
more famous
galleys were
those of Mar-
seilles, and the
journey thither
entailed hardsliips
so terrible that it
was a common
thing for about
three - fourths of
the condemned to
die on the road.
They marched
along in gangs,
cairying heavy
irons, and sleep-
ing at night in
stables or vaults. " They chained us by the neck
in couples," says o^e who underwent this dread-
ful ordeal, " with a thick chain, three feet long,
in the middle of which was a round ring. After
having thus chained us, tliey placed us all in file,
couple behind couple, and then they passed a long
and thick chain through all these lings, so that
we were thus all chained together. Our chain
made a very long file, for we were about four hun-
FAC-SIMILES OF MEDALS STHVCK IN HONOrR OF THE KEVOCATION
OF THE EDICT OF NANTES.^
dred."' The fatigue of walking was excessive, each
having to carry about fifty pounds weight of chains.
Of one of their halting'places, the Chateau de la
Tournelle, he thus speaks : "It is a large dungeon,
or rather spacious cellar, furnished vnth huge
beams of oak placed at the distance of about three
feet apart. To
these beams thick
iron chains are
attached, one and
a half feet in
length, and two
feet a])art, and at
the end of these
chains is an iron
collar. When the
wretched galley-
slaves arrive in
this dungeon, they
are made to lie
half down, so
that their heads
may rest upon
the beam ; then
this collar is
put round their
necks, closed,
and riveted on
an anvil with
heavy blows of
a h a m m e r.
And these
chains with collars
are about two feet
apart, and as the
beams are gene-
rally about forty
feet long, twenty
men are chained
to them in file.
This cellar, which
is round, is so
large that in this
way they can chain
up as many as five
hundred. There is
nothing so dreadful as to behold the attitudes and
postures of these wretches there chained. For a
' Autobiography of a French Protestant condemned to the
Galleys for the sake of his Rcliriion (transl. from the French),
p. 209. This work was written by Joan Martcilhe, who
passRd some years in the French galleys. It was trans-
lated by Oliver Goldsmith, first published at Eotterdam
in 1757, and has since been re-published by the Religious
Tract Society, London. See also Elie Benoit, bk. xxiv.
' Copies of the medals on this and the next page are
PROTESTANTS AT THE GALLEYS.
343
tnan so cLained cannot lie down at full length, the
beam upon which his head is fixed being too high ;
neither can he sit,
nor stand upright,
the beam being too
low. I cannot bettor
describe the posture
of such a man than
by saying he is half
lying, half sitting,
— part of his body
being upon the
stones or flooring,
the other part
iipon this beam.
The three days
and three
nights which
we were obliged
to pass in this
cruel situation
so racked our
bodies and all
our limbs that
we could not
longer have
survived it —
especially our
poor old men, who cried out every moment that
they were dying, and that they had no more
strength to endure this terrible torture."'
FAC-SIMILES OP MEDALS STRUCK IN HONOUR OF THE REVOCATION
OF THE EDICT OF NANTES.
This dreadful journey was but the prelude to a
more di'eadful doom. Chained to a bench of his
galley, the poor
prisoner remained
there night and day,
with felons for his
companions, and
scarcely any clothing,
scorched by the sun,
frozen by the cold,
or drenched by the
sea, and compelled to
row at the utmost of
his strength —
and if, being ex-
hausted, he let
the oar drop,
he was sure to
be visited with
the bastinado.
Such were the
sufferings amid
which hun-
dreds of the
Protestants of
France wore
out long years.
It was not tDl
1775, in the beginning of Louis XVI. 's reign, that
the galleys released their two last Protestant pri-
soners, Antoinc Eialle and Paul Aeliard.-
CHAPTER VIL
THE "CHURCH OF THE D E ,S E R T."
Secessions — Kise of the "Church of the Desert" — Her Places of Meeting— Her Worship— Pastors — Communion
" Tokens "—Night Assemblies— Simplicity yet Sublimity of her Worship— Renewed Persecutions— War of the
Camisards— Last Armed Struggle of Froncli Protestantism— No Voice— Bossuet—Antoine Court— Tlie "Restorer
of Protestantism "-Death of Louis XIV. — Theological Seminary at Lausanne — Paul Rabaut— The Edict of
Malesherbes— The Revolution.
It seemed in very deed as if the once glorious
Protestant Church of France had fallen before the
storm, and passed utterly from oft" the soil she
had but a century before covered with her goodly
in the possession of C. P. Stewart, Esq., M.A., who has
kindly permitted engravings to be made of them for this
Work.
' Autobiograi>hy of ii French Protestant, &c., pp. 203, 204.
boughs. Her ministers banished, her churches
razed, her colleges closed, her sons driven into exile,
and such of them as remained in the land languish-
ing in ])rison, or dragging out a life of wretched
confoi-mity to the Romish Churcli — all public
monument of French Protestantism had been swept
- Bulletin de la Societf de VHiftoire du Protestantisme
F. anrais, pp. 176, 320 ; Paris, 1853.
344
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
:i\vay, and the jjlace that liad known it once seemed
fated to know it no more for ever.
A deep si)irit>uil decay jnovcd tlie forerunner of
this .sore judgment. An ema.scul.ited Protestantism
liad taken the pLice of that grand Scriptural faith
which had given such breadth of view antl ele\Mtion
of .suul to the fathers of the Huguenots. This cold
belief, so far front ralh'ing new champions to the
Protestant standard, coulil not even retain those
who were already around it. The nobles and gieat
I'amilies were apostatising; the ministers were going
over to Rome at the rate of a score or so year by
year; and numbers of the people had eiUisted in the
armies of Louis XIV., although they knew that
they slioidd have to contend on the battle-field
against their brethren in the faith, iind that the
king's object in the war was to make Prance strong
that it might be able to deal a fatal blow to the
Protestantism of Eiirope.' These were sj'mptomatic
of a most melanchol}' decline at the heart of French
Protestantism, and now the axe was laid at the
root of that tree which, had it been left standing
in the soil, would in a few years have died of
utter rottenness.
The cutting down of the trunk was the .savmg of
the life, for that moment shoots began to spring
forth from the old root. In the remote south,
amid the mountains of Dauphinc and the Cevennes,
after the first stunning efl'ects of the blow had
abated, the Reformed began to look forth, and draw
to one another; and taking courage, they met in
little companies to celebrate their worshij), or to
partake of the Sacramental bread. Thus arose
The " Church of the Desert." These assemblies
speedily increased from a dozen or score of persons
to hundreds, and from hundreds at last to thou-
sands. They were ministered to by men who had
learned their theology in no school or college, nor
had the hands of presbyter been laid upon their
head ; on them had come only " the anointing of
the Holy Spiiit." The assemblies they addressed
met on the side of a mountain, or on some
lonely moor, or in a deserted quarry or gloomy
cavern, or amid the great stems and overshadowing
branches of a forest. Intimation of the meeting
was sent round only on the evening beftire, and if
anyone had scandalised his brethren by immorality,
lie was omitted in the invitation. It was the only
ecclesiastical discij)line which was adminis.tered.
Sentinels, stationed all round, on rocks or on hill-
tops, signalled to the worshippers below the aji-
proach of the dragoons, indicating at the same time
' "W ciaa— Bulletin dc la SociHd de VHistoire du rrotcstani-
isme Fran(:ais, pp. 231—234 ; Paris, 1853.
the quarter from which they were advancing, that
the people might Icuow in what direction to flee.
While the congregation was assembling, worship
was commenced by the singing of a psalm, the
Hundredth being commonly selected. The elders
then read several chapters of the Bible. At this
stage the pastoi-, who had kept his i)lace of coiv-
cealment till now, made his appeai-ance, attended
by a bod}- -guard of young men, who e.scorted Lim
to and from the place of meeting, and were pre-
pared to jjrotect Ids flight should they be surprised
by the soldiers. The sex-mon was not to exceed an
hour and a quarter in length. Such were the
limits which the Synods of the Church had fixed,
with an obvious regard to the safety of the wor-
shippei's.
The "Church of the Desert" had been some time
in existence before she had the happiness of enjoy-
ing the ministry of her exiled pastors. A few
returned, at the peril of theii- lives, when they
heard that their scattered flocks had begun to meet
together for the performance of worship. About
1730 a theological academy was established at
Lausanne, in Switzerland, and thence emanated all
the Protestant pastors of France tdl the reign of
Napoleon. The same forms of worship were ob-
served in the wilderness as in the city church in
former times. Public prayer formed an important
part of tlie service, conducted either by the ministers
or, in their absence, by the elders. The prayers
of the jiastors were commonly extemporaneous,
whei-eas the elders usually availed themselves
of the aid of a liturgy. The Sacrament of the
Lord's Supper was disj)ensed at Christmas, at
Easter, and at Pentecost, as well as at other
times. The purity of the table was anxiously
guarded. No one was admitted to it till first he
had signified his desire to an elder, and received
fiom him a little medal or "token."- These
were made of lead, and roughly engi-aved, having
on one side an open Bible, with the rays of the sun,
emblematic of the Spirit's light, illuminating its
page, and the motto, "Fear not, little flock;" and
on the other, a shej)herj tending liis sheep, or a
Connnimion cup, and a cross, sxiggestive of perse-
cution. Tlie communicant ])ut down his "token"
(111 the table, and the bread and cup were then
given to him. Often would it hajjpen that those
who had gone to mass would beg, -n-ith tears in
their eyes, admission to the table, but there they
could not sit till they had given ample proof of
their penitence.
- These medals or "tokens" are enfrraved on p. 32t.
Soe BuUelin de la Socu'ii' de VHistoire du Frotestantismc
Francois, p. 13; Paris, ISo-l.
THE CAMISARD WAR.
345
These worshipping assemblies were usually con-
vened at night, the more effectively to avoid pursuit.
When tliey met in a wood, as very often happened,
they hung lamps on the boughs of the trees, that
they might see the passages of Scripture which
were i-ead, and the psalms that were sung. After-
wards, when the congregations had swelled to
thousands, they met during day, selecting as their
rendezvous the mountain-top, or some vast stretch
of solitary moor. Their worship, how simple in
its outward forms, but in .spirit how sublime, and
in its acces.sories how grand ! the open vaidt above,
the vast solitude around, the jisalm and prayer th.it
rose to heaven amidst the deep stillness, the
dangers that envu-oned the worshippers — all tended
to give a reality and earnestness to the devotions,
and impart a moral dignity to the worsliip, compared
with which the splendour of rite or of arcliitecturo
would have been but desecration. The Protestant
Church of France had returned to her early days.
It was now with her as when Calvin administered
to her the first Communion on the banks of the
Clain. This was her second birthday.
Wlien the king and the Jesuits learned that the
Protestants had begun again to perform their wor-
ship, they broke out into a transport of wrath that
was speedUy quenched in blood. More arrests,
more dragoons, more sentences to the galleys, more
scaffolds ; such were the means by which they
sought to crush the " Church of the Desert."
Everywhere in Languedoc and Dauphine the troops
wei-e on the alert for the Reformed. " It was a
chase," as Voltaire has expressed it, " in a wide
ring." The Marquis de la Trousse, who commanded
in the Cevennes, when he sui-jnised a congi'egation,
made his soldiers fire into it as if it was a covey of
game. Tlie Protestants had no arms, and could
offer no resistance. They dropped on their knees,
and raising their hands to heaven, awaited death.
The tnjthful Antoine Court says that " he was
furnished with an exact list of assemblies massacred
in different places, and that in some of these
encounters from .300 to -100 old men, women, and
children were left dead upon the spot."' But no
\iolence could stop these liekl-preachlngs. They
gi-ew ever larger in numbers, and ever mor(! fre-
quent in time, till at last, we are assured, it was
nothing uncommon, in traversing the mountain-side
or the forest where they had met, to find, at every
four paces, dead bodies dotting the sward, and
corpses hanging suspended from the trees.
The outbreak of the Camisards came to diversify
with new and even greater horrors this terrible
> Felice, vol. ii., p. 82.
tragedy. Driven to desperation and stung to mad-
ness by the numberless cruelties, injvistices, and
infamies of the Government, and pennitting thcm-
.selves to be directed by certain of their own number
whom they regarded as prophets, the peasants of
Vivarais and Languedoc rose in arms against the
royal troops. Ignorant of the art of war, and pro-
vided only with such weapons as they took from
their enemies, they lurked behind the bushes and
crags of theu- mountains, and sold their lives as
dearly as they were able. They never amounted to
more than 10,000, but at times they held in check
armies of double that number. Tliis guerilla war-
fare lasted from 1702 to 1706, and was attended
with frightful slaughter on both sides. The Ceve-
nols joined the Camisards, which enlarged the seat
and intensified the fury of the war. The court took
the alarm, and more soldiers were poured into the
infected provinces.
The more effectually to suppress the rising, the
Romanist population were removed into the cities,
and the country was laid waste. And the work
of devastation not proceeding rapidly enough with
the musket, the sword, and the axe, the faggot
was called in to expedite it ; the dwellings of the
peasantiy were burned down, and the district, so
flourishing before the Revocation, was converted
into one vast gloomy wilderness. This was the last
armed straggle of the Reformation in France. No
noble or pastor took part in it ; it was waged for
liberty rather than for religion, and though it
stained rather than honoured the cause in the
name of which it was waged, it emboldened the
Protestants, who from this time were treated some-
what less mercilessly, not because the Government
hated them less, but because it feared them more.
These atrocities were enacted upon no obscure
stage, and in no dark age, but in the brilliant era
of Louis XIV. Science was then cultivated, letters
flourislied, the divines of the court and of the capital
were learned and eloquent men, and gi'eatly affected
the graces of meekness and charity. We wait to
hear these lights of their age exclaim against the
awful crimes of which France was the theatre.
Surely some voice will be lifted up.
Rossuet, " the Eagle of JMeaux," ha.s come to be
ci'eilited with a " charity" superior to his country,
and which shone all the brighter from the darkness
that surrounded it. It would mispoakably delight
one to find a name, otlienrise so brilliant, un-
stained by the oppressions and crimes of the period ;
but the facts l)rought to light by M. 'M. Hiwg,
in La France Protestante, completely disprove
the ti-uthfulness of the panegyrics which the too
partial biographei-s of the distinguished bishop have
346
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
pronounced npon liia moderation. Tliese sliow that
Bossuet wji-s not superior in tliis resj)cct to his con-
temporaries. In giving vigorous enforcement to
tlie edicts of the king witliin his own diocese, he but
acted consistently with liis avowed principles. " It
liehoves us to give obedience to kings," said Bossuet,
'• as to Justice itself. They are gods, and participate
in a certain sense in the independence of God. No
other than C!od can judge theu- sentences or theu-
persons."' This prepares us for the part he acted
agaiirst the Protestants. The Intendant who
executed the law in his diocese, and who had orders
to act according to Bossuet's advice, condemned to
death sevei-al Protestants of Nanteuil, and even the
Abbe le Dieu admits that the bishop demanded
their condemnation. True, he demanded also their
jiardon, but this "pardon" consisted in the commu-
tation of the penalty of death to the galleys for life.
Further, it is certified by a letter of Frotte, a former
canon of St. Genevieve, and whom Bossuet himself
describes as a very honest man, that the bishop
caused Protestants to be dragged from the villages
of his diocese, cited them before him, and with a
military officer sitting by his side, summoned them
to abjure their religion; that he used to have
children torn from theii- parents, wives from theii-
husbands, and to have dragoons quartered upon
Calvinists to force them to abandon their faith.
He asked for lettres de cachet to be issued against
the Crochards, father and son, at the very time that
the former was dying.- He instigated a ruthless
jiersecution of two children, the Mitals. ^ We find
him too in the memoir addressed to the minister
Pontchartrain, which is published in the seventeenth
volume of his works, demanding the imprisonment
of two orphans, the Demoiselles de Neuville, whose
father was serving in the ai-my of William of
Orange, thus punishing the children for the fiiults,
as he deemed them, of the parent. These facts,
which are beyond dispute, completely overthrow
the claim for superior clemency and mildness which
has been set up for the eloquent Inshop.
To pursue the century year by year to its close
would only be to repeat endlessly the same tale of
crime and blood ; the facts appertaining to the
progi'ess of Protestantism in France, from the war
of the Camisards until the breaking out of the great
Revolution, group themselves around two men —
Antoine Court and Paul Raba\it. Antoine Court
has received from the French Reformed the well-
earned title of " Restorer of Protestantism." He
found the French Protestant Church at the close
of the Camisard war at the last extremity. She
needed educated pastors, she needed public instruc-
tion, she needed order and discipline, and above all
a revival of piety ; and he set al lOut restoring the
Protestant Church as originally constructed by the
first Synod at Paris in 1559. He was then young,
and his task was gi'eat, but he brought to it a sound
judgment and admu'able prudence, an indefatig-
able zeal, and a bodily constitution that sustained
itself under the pressure of prodigious laboui-s,
and he succeeded in raising again the fallen edifice.
Commencing with assemblies of ten or a dozen, he
saw around him before ending his career congrega-
tions of eight and ten thousand. By his missionary
tours he revived the all but extinct knowledge
and zeal of the Protestants. He re-organised the
worshipping assembly; he re-constituted the Con,sis-
tory, the Colloquy, and the Synod ; and he provided
a race of educated inid pious pastoi-s. He convoked
a Synod (October 21st, 1715), the first which had
met since the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
At that moment Louis XIV. lay dying in his
splendid palace of Versailles. History delights
in contra,sts, and we have here one that will repay
our attention. On the one side is the great
monarch ; his children dead ; his victories swept
away ; the commerce and industry of his kingdom
ruined ; many tracts lying untilled ; while his sub-
jects, crashed under enormous taxes, and cursing the
man whose wars and pleasures had plunged his realm
into millions of debt, waited gloomily till his re-
mains should be borne to the grave, that they might
throw stones and mud at his cofiin. On the other
side we behold a youth of nineteen laying anew the
foundations and raising up the walls of that Pro-
testantism to commemorate the entire destruction
of which Louis XIV. had caused so many medals
to lie .struck, and a bronze statue to be erected.
Having re-constituted upon its original bases the
Reformed Church of France, Antoine Court in 1730
retired to Lausamie to preside over the seminary
he had there founded, and which continued for
eighty years to send forth pastors and martjTS to
France.'' Paul Rabaut took his jilace as nourisher
of that Protestantism which Antoine Court had re-
.stored. The life of Rabaut was full of laboui-s and
' Politique Tir4e de VEcriture Sainte, livr. rr., art. i.,
prop. 2.
- Bulletin de la SociHl de VHistoire du Protestantisme
Franrais, vol. iv.
■' Ibiil., vol. X., p. 50.
■• Weiss, in his History of the Refugees, says that more
than 700 pastors emanated from this famous school.
M. Coquerel, in his Histoi-y of the Churches of the
Desert, reduces the number to 100. The most reasonable
calculation would not give less than 450, among whom
were Alphonse TuiTetin and Abraham Ruchat, the his-
torian of the Reformation in Switzerland.
THE EDICT OF ^lALEf^HETU'.ES.
34;
perils ; but he bad the satisfaction of seeing tlie
Protestant Cluirch growing from day to day in spite
of bloody arretK, and in defiance of the continued
operation, sometimes in gi-eater and sometimes in
less intensity, of the dragoiinado, the galleys, and
the scaiibld. As the result of continual journey-
ings, during which he seldom slept more than two
nights in the same hiding-place, he kept flowing
the fountains that his great predecessor had opened,
and streams went forth to water the weary hind.
But neither then nor since has the Protestant
Church of France attained the glory of her former
days, when sovereigns and priiices sat in her Synods,
when gi-eat generals led her armies, and learned
theologians and eloquent preachers tilled her pulpits.
.She continued still to wear her chains. At length
in 1787 came the Edict of Malesherbes, which merely
pci-mitted thr* Protestants to register theii- birtlis,
marriages, and deaths ; in other words, recognised
them as subjects, and permitted them to prosecute
their professions and trades, but still held them
punishaljle for their religious opinions. At last,
amid clouds of seven-fold blackness, and the
thunderings and lightnings of a righteous wTath,
came the gi'eat Revolution, which with one stroke
of awful justice rent the fetters of the French
Protestants, and smote into the dust the throne
which had so long oppressed them.
rROTESTANTISH IX EXdLAND FROJI THE TIMES OF HENRY Xlll.
CHAPTER I.
THE KING AND THE SCHOLARS.
TliG Darkness Fulfils its Period — Two Currents iu Christendom — Two Phases of the One Movement in England-
Henry VIII. — His Education — His Character— Popularity— Dean Colet— His Studies at Florence— Englishmen
in Italy — Colefs Lectures at St. Paul's — William Grocyn — Colet Founds St. Paul's School — William Lily —
Linacre — Dean Colet's Sermon at St. Paul's — Pitzjames, Bishop of London — Warham, the Primate — Erasmus
—Sir Thomas More— The Plough of Reform Begins again to Move.
It is around the person and ministry of Wiclifle
that the dawn of the new times is .seen to break.
Down to his day the powers of sujjerstition had
continued to grow, and the centnries as they passed
over the world lieheld the night deepening around
the human soul, and the slavery in which the
nations were sunk becoming ever viler. But with
the appearance of WiclifTe the darkness fulfils its
period, and the gi-eat tide of evil begins to be rolled
back. From the times of the English Reformer M-e
are able to trace two great currents in Christendom,
which have never intermitted theii- flow from that
day to this. The one is seen steadily l)earing down
into min the great empire of Roman superstition
and bondage ; the other is seen lifting higher and
higher the kingdom of tiiith and liberty.
Let us for a moment consider, first, the line of
calamities which fell on the anti-Christian interest,
drying up the sources of its power, and jiaving the
way for its fiiuil destruction ; and ne.xt, that gi-and
chain of beneficent dispensations, beginning with
Wiclifle, which came to rewe the cause of righteous-
ness, all but extinct.
In the days of WiclifTe came the Papal schi.sm,
the first opening iu that compact tyranny which
had so long burdened the earth and defied the
heavens. Next, and as a consequence, came the
struggles of the Councils against the Papal auto-
cracy : these were followed by a series of terrible
wars, first in France and next in England, by
which the nobles in both countries were nearly
exterminated. These wars broke the power of
feudalism, and raised the kings above the Papal
chair. This was the fii-st step in the emancipation
of the nations ; and by the opening of the sixteenth
century, the process was so far advanced that we
find only three gi-eat thrones in Em'ope, whose
united power was more than a match for the Pope-
dom, but whose conflicting interests kept open the
door for the escape of tlu^ nations.
When we turn to the other line of events, we
find it too taking its rise at the feet, so to speak,
WICLIFFE'S WORK AND ITS RESULTS.
349
of Wiclifle. First comes tlie translation of tlie
Bible into tlie vulgar tongue, with the consequent
spread of LoUardism — in other words, of Protestant
doctrines in England ; this was followed by the fall
of Constantinople, and the scattering of the seeds
of knowledge over the West ; by the invention of
the art of printing, and other discoveries which
aided the awakening of the human mind ; and
finally by the diffusion of the light to Bohemia and
other countries ; and ultimately by the second great
of one great movement, and both wei-e needeil to
create a perfect and powerful Protestantism. For
if the corruptions of the Papacy had rendered
necessary a reformation of doctrine, not less had
the encroachments and usurpations of the Vatican
necessitated a vindication of the national liberties.
The successive laws placed on the statute-book
during the reigns of Henry V. and Hemy VI.,
remain the monuments of the great struggle waged
by England to disenthral herself from the fetters
OLD ST. I'.yul's CATUEUKAL. (FlOI/l Ike Vicic b:j ILiUar.)
opening of the day in the era of Luther and the
Reformers. From the DiWne seed deposited by
the hand of Wicliffe spring all the infl\iences and
events that constitute the modem times. The re-
fonning movements which we have traced in both
the Lutheran and the Calvinistic countries are about
to culminate in the Bi-itish Reformation — the to]i-
stone which crowns the edifice of the sLxteenth
century.
The action into which the English nation had
been roused by the instnimentality of Wicliife took
a dual form. With one party it was a stniggle for
religious truth, with the otlier it was a contest for
national independence. These were but two phases
134
of the Papal supremacy. Tliese we have nai-rated
down to the times of Henry VIII., where we now
resume our narrative.
Henry VIII. ascended the throne in L'i09, and
thus the commencement of his reign was contempo-
raneous with the birth of Calvin, of Knox, and of
others who were destined, by their genius and their
virtues, to lend to the age now opening a glory
which their contemjioraries, Henry and Francis
and Charles, never could have given it by their
arms or their statesmanship. It was a long while
since any English king had mounted the throne
with such a prospect of a peaceful and glorious
reign, as the young prince who now grasped
nnn
HISTORY Ol'^ rROTESTANTIR?iI.
the sceptre which luul Ijoen swayed by Alfred
the Great. Uuitiiit; in liis person the rival olainis
of York and Lancaster, he received the warm
devotion of the adherents of hoth liouses. Of
majestic port, courteous manners, and frank and
open disposition, he was the idol of the people.
Destined to fill the See of Canterbury, his naturally
vigorous understanding liad been improved by a care-
fully conducted education, and his mental accom-
plishments far exceeded the customary measure of
the princes of his age. He had a taste for lettei-s, lie
delighted in the society of scholars, and he prodigally
la\-ished in his patronage of literature, and the
gaieties and entertainments for which he had a
fondness, those vast treasures which the avarice and
pareimony of his father, Hemy VII., had accumu-
lated. The court paid to him by the two powerful
monarchs of France and Spain, wlio each strove
to have Hem-y as his ally, also tended to enliance
his impoi-tiince in the eyes of his subjects, and
increase their devotion to him. To his youth, to
the grace of his person, to the splendour of his
court, and the wit and gaiety of his talk, there was
lidded the prestige that comes from success in arms,
though on a small scide. The conquest of Toumay
in France, and the victory of Flodden in Scotland,
were just enough to gild with a gleam of military
glory the commencement of his reign, and enhance
the favourable auspices under which it opened.
But we turn from Henry to contemplate persons
of lower degi-ee, but of more inherent gi-andeur, and
whose lives were destined to yield richer fruit to
the realm of England. It is not at the foot of the
throne of Henry that the Reformation is seen to
take its rise. The movement took root in England
a full century before he was bom, or a Tudor had
ascended the throne. Henry will reappear on the
stage in his own time ; meanwhile we leave the
palace and enter the school.
The first of those illustrious men with whom
we are now to be concerned is Dr. John Colet,
Dean of St. Paul's. The young Colet was a
student at 0.\ford, but disgusted with the semi-
bai'barous tuition wliich ])revailed there, and pos-
.sessed of a large fortune, he resolved to travel, if
haply lie might find in foreign universities a more
rational system of knowledge, and purer models of
study. He visited Italy, where he gave himself
ardently to the acquisition of the tongue of ancient
Rome, in company with Linacre, Grocyn, and Wil-
liam Lily, his countrymen, who had jireceded him
thither, drawn by their thirst for the new learning,
especially the Greek. The change which the stiuly
of the clii-ssic writers had begun in Colet was com-
pleted by the reading of the Scriptures ; and when
he returned to England in 1497, the shackles of the
schoolmen had been rent from his mind, and he was
a discountenancer of the rites, the austerities, and
the image-worship of the still dominant Church.'
To the reading of the Scriptures he added the study
of the Fathers, who furnished him with additional
proofs and arguments against the prevailing doc-
trines and customs of the times. He began a course
of lectures on the Epistles of St. Paul in his cathedral
church ; and deeming his own labours all too little
to dispel the thick night that brooded over the
land, he summoned to his aid labourers ■whose
minds, like his own, had been enlarged by the new
learning, and especially by that diviner knowledge,
to the fountains of which that learning had given
them access. Those who had passed their studious
hours together on the banks of the Arno, and under
the delicious sky of Florence, became in London
fellow-workmen in the attempt to ovei-thi-ow the
monkish .system of tuition which had been pui'sued
for ages, and to introduce then- countrymen to true
learning and sound knowledge. Colet employed
William Grocyn to read lectures in St. Paul's on
portions of Holy Scripture ; and after Grocyn, he
procured other learned men to read divinity lectures
in his cathedral."
But the si)ecial service of Colet was the founding
of St. Paid's School, which he endowed out of his
ample fortune, in order that soiuid learning might
continue to be taught in it by duly qualified in-
structors. The first master of St. Paul's School was
selected from the choice band of English scholars
with whom Colet had formed so endeai-ing a friend-
ship in the capital of Tuscany. William Lily
was appointed to preside over the newly-founded
seminary, which had the honoiu- of being the fii-st
jniblic school in England, out of the universities,
in which the Gi'eek language was taught. This
eminent scholar had been initiated into the beau-
tiful language of ancient Greece at Rhodes, where
he is said to have enjoyed for several years the in-
struction of one of the illustrious refugees whom
the triumph of the Ottoman arms had chased from
Constantinople. Cornelius Vitelli, an Italian, was
the first who taught Greek in the L^niversity of
O.xford. From him William Grocyn acquired the
elements of that tongue, and, succeeding his master,
he was the first Englishman who taught it at
O.xford. His contemporary, Thomas Linacre, was
not less distingiiished as a "Grecian." Linacre had
spent some delightful years in Italy — the friend of
Lorenzo de Medici, and the pupil of Politianus and
' Knight, Life of Colet, p. C7 ; Oxford, ISl-?:
= Ibid., p. Gl.
COLET'S SERMON TO CONVOCATION.
361
Chalcondyles, at that time the most renowned clas-
sical teachers in Europe — and when afterwards he
returned to his native land, he became successively
physician to Arthur, Prince of Wales, and to Henry
VIII. These men were scholars rather than Re-
formers, but the religious movement owed them
muck Having caught on the soil of Vu-gil and
Cicero an enthusiastic love of classic learning, they
imbibed therewith that simplicity and freedom,
that vigour and independence of thought which
characterised the ancients, and they transplanted
these gi-eat qualities into the soil of England. The
teaching of the monks now began to offend the
quickened intellect of the English people, and the
scandalous lives of the clergy to revolt their moral
sense. Thus the way was being paved for gi'eater
changes.
Colet, however, was more than the scholar ; he
attained the stature of a Reformer, though, the time
not being ripe for separation from Rome, he lived
and died within the pale of the Chiu-ch. In a
celebrated sermon which he preached before Con-
vocation on Conformation and Reformation, he
bewailed the unhappy condition of the Church as a
flock deserted by its shepherds. The clergy he
describeol as greedy of lionoui's and riches, as having
abandoned themselves to sensual delights, as spend-
ing theii- days in hunting and hawking, and theu'
nights in feasting and reveliy. Busied they truly
were, but it was in the service of man ; ambition
they lacked not, but it rose no higher than the
dignities of earth ; their conversation was not in
heaven, nor of heavenly things, but of the gossip of
the court ; and then- dignity as God's ministers,
which ought to transcend in brightness that of
jtrinces and emperors, was sorely bedimmed by the
shadows of earth. And i-efening to the new
doctrines which were beginning to be ])ut forth in
many quarters, " We see," said tlie dean, " strange
and heretical opinions appearing in our days, and I
wonder not ; but has not St. Bernard told us that
there is no heresy more dangerous to the Church
than the vicious lives of its priests'!" And coming
in the close to the remedy, " The way," said he,
" by wliich the Church may be reformed into a
better fashion is not to make new laws — of these
tliere are already enough — but to live new lives.
With you, 0 Fathers and bishops, miist begin the
refonnation so much needed ; we, the priests, will
follow when we see you going before, and then we
need not fear that the whole body of the people
\vill come after. Your holy lives will be as a book
in which we shall read the Gosjiel, and be taught
how to practise it ; your e.xample will be a sei-mon,
luid its sweet eloquence wUl be more eflfectual to
draw the people into the right path than all the
terror of cursings and excommunications." '
The people listened with delight to the Dean of
St. Paid's ; but not so the clergy. The times were
too early, and the sermon too outspoken. Among
Colet's auditoi's was the Bishop of London, Fitz-
james. He was a man of eighty, of instable
temper, innocent of all theology save what he had
learned from Thomas Aquinas, and he clung only
the more tenaciously to the traditions of the past
the older he gi-ew. His ii'e being kindled, he went
with a complaint against Colet to Warhani of
Canterbury. " What has he said I " asked the
archbishop. " Said !" exclaimed the aged and irate
bishop, "what has he not said? He has said that it
is forbidden to worship by images; that it is lawful
to say the Lord's Prayer in one's mother tongue ;
that the text, ' Feed my sheep,' does not impose
temporal dues on the laity to the priest ; and,"
added he, with some hesitation, "he has said that
sermons in the pulpit ought not be read." Warham
smiled, for he himself was wont in preaching to
read from his manuscript. To these weighty ac-
cusations, as Fitzjames doubtless accounted them,
the dean had no defence to ofl'er ; and as little had
the archbishop, an able and liberal-minded man,
ecclesiastical censure to inflict. Another indication
had been given how the tide was setting; and Dean
Colet, feeling his position stronger, laboured from
that day more zealously than ever to dispel the
darkness around him. It was after the deliveiy of
this famous sermon that he resolved to devote his
ample fortune to the difiiision of sound learning,
knowing that ignorance was the nurse of the
numerous superstitions that deformed his day, and
the rampart around those monstrous evils he had so
imsparingly reprobated.
Erasmus, the famous scholar of Holland, and
More, the nearly as famous scholar of England,
belong to the galaxy of learned men that consti-
tuted the English Renaissance. Both contributed
aid to that literary movement which helped to till,
at this early hour, the skies of England with light.
The service rendered by Erasmus to the Reforma-
tion is worthy of eternal remembrance. He it
was who firet opened to the learned men of Europe
the portals of Divine Revelation, by his edition
of the Greek New Testament, accompanied by a
ti-anslation in Latin. It was published in 1516,
and forms a _gi-eat ejioch in the movement. Erasmu.^
visited England, contracted a warm friendship with
Colet, and learned from him to moderate his ad-
' Colet's Sermon to the Convocation— Plianii, vol. ii.,
pp. 1-U.
352
HISTOEY OF rnOTESTANTISM.
miration of the great sclioolman, Aquinas. He
wiis introduced at coui-t, was caressed by Henry,
and permitted to share in the munificence with
which that monarch then patronised learned men.
Ei-asmus could not endure the indolence, the
tTeed, the gluttony, the crass ignorance of the
monies, and he lashed them mercilessly with his
keen wit and liLs pungent satii-e. The two gi-eat
scholars, Erasmus and More, met for the first time
at the table of the Lord Mayor of London. A short
but brilliant encounter of wits revealed the one to
the other. More was the Erasmus of England ; the
Utopia of the former answers to the Praise of Folly
{En comiimi Mori(f) of the latter. Possessing a play-
ful fancy, a vigorous understanding, and a polished
sarcasm, More delighted to assail with a delicate
but effective raillery the same class of men against
whom Era.smus had levelled his keenest shafts.
He united with Erasmus in calling for a reforma-
tion of that Church of wliich, as says one, "he
lived to be the champion, the inquisitor, and the
martyr."' In his Utopia, he shows us what sort
of world he would fain have given us — a common-
wea.lth in which there should be no place for monks,
in which the number of priests should not exceed
the number of churches, and in which the right of
private judgment should be accorded to every one,
and if any should think wrong, he was to be put
right by argument, and not by the rack or the faggot.
Of gi-eat intellect, but not of equally gi-eat character,
the two scholars had raised then- voices, as we
have said, for a reformation of abuses ; but when
they heard the voice of Luther resounding througli
Europe, and raising the same cry, and when they
saw the reformation they had demanded at last
approaching, they drew back in affnght. They had
failed to take account of the strength of error, and
the forces necessary to uproot it; and when they saw
altars overturned and thrones shaken — in short, a
tempest ai'ise that threatened to shake " not the
earth only, but also heaven" — they resembled the
magician who shudders at the spirit himself hath
conjured up.
Such were the men and the agencies now at
work in England. They were not the Reformation,
but they were necessary prepai-atives of that gi'eat
and much-needed change. The spii'itual principles
that Wicliffe had taught were still in the soil ; but,
like flowers in the time of winter, they had liidden
themselves, and waited in the darkness the coming
of a moi'e mollient time to blossom forth. Letters
might exist where they woxild not be suffered to
live. But meanwhile the action of these prin-
ciples was by no means suspended. Wicliffe's
Bible was being disseminated among the people ;
the line of his disciples was perpetuated in the
poor and despised Lollards : Protestant tracts were
frequently arriving in the Thames from Gennany :
and here and there young priests and scholars were
reading public lectures on portions of the Scriptures.
In the political sphere, also, preparations were going
forward. England had been overturned — the old
tree had been cut down to its roots, as it were, in
order that fresh and more friendly shoots might
sprmg forth. The barons had fallen in the wars :
the Plantagenets had disappeared from the throne :
a Tudor was now swajdng the sceptre ; inveterate
customs and traditions were vanishing in the clear
though chilly dawn of letters ; and the plough of
Reform, which had stood motionless in the furrow
for wellnigh a century, was once more about to go
forward,
CHAPTER II.
CARDINAL WOLSEY AND THE NEW TESTAMENT OF EEASJIL'S.
Arthur, Prince of Wales, Dies— Question of Henry's Marrying his Widow— Sentiments of the Primate— Dispensa-
tion of the Pope — Henry's Coronation and Marriage — Cardinal Wolsey — His Birth — Made King's Almoner —
Made Arclibiahop of York— Cardinal— Chancellor— Legate-il-Latere— Rules the Kingdom Ecclesiastically and
Civilly— His Grandeur- The Priests Eenew the War against Parliament— Are Worsted— Resiune their Persecu-
tion of Heretics— Story of Richard Hun— His Murder— Burning of his Bones — Martyrdom of John Brown —
Erasmus Driven out of England — Prints his Greek and Latin New Testament — Its Enthusiastic Reception in
England— England's Reformation eminently Biblical— England constituted the Custodian and Dispenser of
the Bible.
Henry VIII. again appears on the stage. We
find him still the idol of the people ; his court con-
Blunt, B«/ormotioti in ^ajlontl, p. 105; Lond., 1832.
tinues to be the resort of scholars; and the enormous
wealtli loft him by his father enables him still to
extend his mimificent patronage to learning, and at
the same time provide those .shows, tournaments,
HENRY'S MAREIAGE WITH CATHERINE.
353
and banquetfs, which made liis court one of the
gayest in all Em-ope. Nothing, at this hour, -wasj
less likely than that this prince should sepai-ato
himself from the communion of the Roman Chiu'ch,
and withdraw his kingdom from obedience to the
Pontifical jurisdiction. He had been educated for
the priesthood luitil the death of Pruice Arthur,
his elder brother ; and though this event placed a
crown instead of a mitre upon hi.s head, it left him
still so much the churchman tluit he plumed himself
upon his theological lore, and was ever ready to do
battle for a hierarchy in whose ranks he had looked
forwai'd to being enrolled, and at whose altars he
had hoped to spend his life. A disciple of Thomas
Aquinas, the subtlest intellect of the thii-teenth
ccntiuy, and the man who had done more than any
other doctor of the Middle Ages to fortify the basis
of the Papal supremacy, Henry was not likely to be
wanting in reverence for the See of Rome. Indeed,
in one well-known instance he had shown abun-
dance of zeal in the Pope's behalf : we I'efer to his
book against Luther, for which the conclave at
Rome voted him the title of " Defender of the
Faith." But the train for the opposition he was to
show, not to the doctrine of the Papacy, but to its
jurisdiction, was laid nearly twenty years before ;
and it is instructive to mark that it was laid in an
act of submission to that very jurisdiction, against
which Heni-y was fated at a future day to rebel.
Arthur, Prince of Wales, was married duiing
his father's lifetime to Catherine, daughter of Fer-
dinand and Isabella of Spain. The bride of the
young piince, who was a year older than her
husband, was the wealthiest heu-ess in Europe, and
her dowry had been a prime consideration with
Henry VII. in promoting the match. About live
months after the marriage. Prince Arthur fell ill
and died (2nd April, 1502). at the age of sixteen.
AVhen a few months had passrd, and it was seen
that no issue was to bo expected from Arthur's
marriage, Prince Henry was proclaimed heir to the
throne, and Catherine was about to retiu'n to Spain.
Kvit the parsimonious Henry VII., gi-ieved to
think that her dowry of 200,000 ducats' should
have to be sent back with hci', to become, it might
1)e, the possession of a scion of some other royal
liouse, started the jtroposal that Henry should maiiy
his deceased brother's widow.
To this proposal Ferdinand of Spain gave his
consent. Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, oj)-
posed it. " It is declared in the law of God," said
the piimate, " that if a man shall take his bi'other's
wife, it is an unclean tiling : they shall be child-
less." ■ Fox, Bishop of Winchester, hinted that the
difficulty might be got over by a dispensation from
the Pope. The warlike Julius II. was then reigning ;
he thought more of battles than of the Mosaic code,
and on being applied to, he readily gi-anted the dis-
pensation sought. In December, 1503, a bull was
issued, authorising Catherine's marriage with the
brother of her first husband. This was followed
by the betrothal of the parties, but not as yet by
their marriage, the Prince of Wales being then only
twelve years of age.''
The interval gave the old king time for reflection.
He began strongly to suspect that the proposed
marriage, the Pope's bull notwithstandmg, was
contrary to the law of God ; and calling Piince
Henry, now fourteen years of age, to him,
he caused liim to sign a protest, duly authenti-
cated, against the consummation of the maiTiage.*
And when four years afterwards he lay on his
death-bed, he again summoned the pi-ince to his
presence, and conjui-ed liim not to marry her who
had been the wife of his brother.^ On the 9th of
May, 1509, Henry VII. was borne to the tomb;
and no sooner had the coflin been lowered into the
vault, and the staves of the officers of state, who
stood around the gi'ave, broken and cast in after
it, than the heralds pi-oclaimed, with flourish of
trumpets, King Henry VIII. Henry could now
do as he liked in the matter of the mamage.
Meanwhile the amiable disposition and irreproach-
able virtue of Catherine had conciliated the nation,
which at first had asked, " Can the Pope repeal the
laws of God?" and when on the 24th of June
Henry was crowned in Westminster, there sat by
his side Catherine, as his bride and queen. Henry
thus began his reign with an act of submission to
the Papal authority; for in accepting his brother's
widow as his wife, he acccj>ted the Pope's dispensa-
tion as valid ; and the Pontifi", on his part, rejoiced
in what had taken place, as a new jjletlge of
obedience to the Roman See on the part of England
and her sovereign, seeing that with the validity of
his bull was now clearly bound up the legitimai'y
of the future princes of the realm. The two nnist
stand or fall together; for if his bull was nought,
so too ■\\as their title to the crown.
Years passed away without :inytliing remarkable
taking jjlace in the domestic life of Henry and
Catherine. These years were spent in jousts and
costly entertainments ; in the society of scholars and
the patronage of learning ; in a military raid into
' Buvnet, History of the Keformation in Eii'jh.i
p. aS; Lond., 1681.
, vol. i..
- Levit. XX. 21.
» BuTBet, i. 35, 30.
* Collier, Records, ii. 1.
' Burnet, i. 30.
354
HISTORY OP PROTESTANTISM.
France, chiefly at the instigation of Julius II., who,
himself much occupied on the battle-tield, delighted
to see his brother-sovereigns similarly engaged,
well knowing that their rivalries kept them weak,
and that their weakness was his strength. One
thing only saddened the king and queen : it seemed
of Catheriiie, Lady Mary alone, born in 1515,
survived the period of infancy. Doubts touching
the lawfulness of his marriage began to spring up
in the king's mind ; but before seeuig into what
these scruples I'ipened, it is necessary to attend to
another personage who now stepped upon the stage,
VIEW or UNACRE S IKUSE, KNIGHTRIDER STUEF.T, LONDON.
(From a Pnnt in MacmichacVs " GoU-hcadci Cane.")
as if the woe denounced against hini wlio marries
his brother's widow, " he shall be chUdless," were
taking effect. Henry's male progeny all died.
Catherine bore him three sons and two daughters ;
but " Heniy beheld his sons just show themselves
and then sink into the tomb.'" Of all the children
' Soamcs, History of the Reformation of the Church of
England, vol. i., p. 17(>; Lond., 1820.
and who was destined to act a gi-eat part in the
events which were about to engage the attention,
not of England only, but of Christendom.
From the lowest ranks there now sprang up a
niiui of vast ambition and equal talent, who speedily
rose to the highest posts in the State, and the most
.sjileudid dignities of the Church, and who, by his
gi-andeur and munificence, illustrated once more
before the eyes of the English people, the glory of
WOLSEY'S AMBITION.
355
the Church of Rome before it should finally sink
and disappeai'. His nauie was Thomas Wolsey —
by ftu- the most famous of all those Englishmen who
have borne the title of Cardinal. A few sentences
will enable us to trace the rapid rise of this man
to that blaze of power in which, for a season, he
shone, only to fall as suddenly and portentously as
he had risen. Wolsey (born 1471) was the son of a
butcher at Ipswich, and after studnng at Magdalen
College, Oxford, he passed into the family of the Mai'-
quis of Dorset, as tutor. ' Fox, Bishop of Winchester,
Keeper of the Privy
SciU, finding himself
eclipsed by the Earl of
Surrey in the gi-aces of
Hem-y VII. , looked
about him for one to
counterbalance his
rival ; and deeming
that he had found a
suitable instrument in
Wolsey, drew him from
an obscure sphere in
the country, and found
a place for him at court
as almoner to the king.
Wolsey ingratiated
himself into that
monai-ch's favour, by
executing successfully
a secret negotiation at
Brussels, \vith such dis-
patch that he returned
before he had had time,
as Hemy thought, to
set out. His advance-
ment from that moment
would have been rapid
but for the death of the
not long afterwards. Under the young Henry,
Wolsey played his part not less ach'oitly. His
versatility developed more freely, in the warm
air of Henry VIII. 's court, than it had done
in the cold atmosphere of that of his prede-
cessor. Business or pleasure came alike to Wolsey.
He could be as gay as the gayest of the king's
comtiei's, and as wise and grave as the most
staid of his councillors. He could retail, for the
monarch's amusement, the gossip of the court imd
the town, or edify him by quoting the sayings of
some mediieval doctor, and especially his favourite,
the angelic Aquinas. Wolsey was no ascetic ; in
his presence Vice never hung her head, and he
' Hume, vol. i., chap. 27, p. 4SS ; Loud., 1S21J.
SU! THOMAS MOKE
which happonctl
never forbade in his sovereign those liaisons in
which, unless pubhc report hugely calumniated
him, he himself freely indulged. Royal favours
fell thick and fast on the clever and most accommo-
dating churchman. The mitres of Tom-nay, Lin-
coln, and York wei-e in one yeai- placed on his
head. But Wolsey was one of those who think
that nothing has been gained unless all has been
won. He refused to lower the cross of York to
the cross of Canterbury, thus claiming for himself
equality with the primate ; and when this was
denied him, he reached
his end by another
road. He solicited,
through Fi-ancis I., the
Roman pui-ple, and in
this too he succeeded.
In November, 1515, an
envoy from Rome
arrived in England,
bringing to the cai'dinal
his " red hat " — that
gift which has ever in
the end wi-ought e\'il
to the wearer, as well
as to the realm ; con-
verting, as it does, its
o^vner into the satrap
of a foreign Power.
Wolsey was not yet
satisfied : there was
something higher still,
and he must continue
to climb. The pious
Warhani, Archbishop
of Canterbury, weary-
ing of contending with
the butcher's son, who
had clothed his person in Roman purple, and his
mind in more than Roman i)ridc, now resigned the
seals as Chancellor of the Kingdom, and the king
put them into the hands of Wolsey.^ He wiis
now near the summit : one more effort and he
would reach it : at last it was gained. There came
a bull appointing lum the Cardiaal Legate-i-Latere
of " Holy Church." This placed him a little, and
only a little, below the Papal throne itself. To it
Wolsey began to lift his eyes, as the only one of
earth's grandeurs now above him ; but meanwhile
the pui-suit of this dazzling prize was delayed, and
he gave himself to the consolidation of those
manifold powers which he wielded in England. His
jurisdiction was immense. All church courts, all
(i.ul bn Hon.nn.)
Ilumo, vol. i., cliap. 28, p. 495.
lilsJTOKf OF PROT£STANTIt>M.
bishops and priests, tlie jmmate liimself, all colleges
and mouasteries, wcic under liini. All causes in
which the Church was intcresicd, howe\er remotely,
were adjudicated by hiin. He decided in all matters
of conscience, in wills and testaments, in marriages
and divorces, and in those actioiLS which, though they
might not be punishable by the law, were censur-
able by the Church as violations of good monds.
From his sentcuocs there was no appeal to the
king's tribimals. The throne and Parliament must
submit to have their prerogatives, laws, and juris-
diction circumscribed and regulated by the cardinal,
as the representative of God's Vicar in England.
Those causes which were excluded from his juris-
diction as Legate-i-Latere, came under his cogni-
sance as Chancellor of the Kingdom, so that
Wolsey really governed both Chuich and State.
He was v-irtually king, and his own famous plu-ase,
Ego et Rex meus — " I and my king " — was not less
in accordance with fact than it was with the idiom
of the language in which it was expressed.
Of the grandeurs of his palace, the sumptuous-
ness of his table, the number of his daily guest.s,
and the multitude of his servants, it is needless
to speak. The list of his domestics was upwards
of 500, and some of the nobles of England did
not account it beneath them to be em-olled in
the number. When he moved out of doors lie
wore a ch-ess of crimson velvet and silk ; his .shoes
glittered with jewels; the goodliest priests of
the realm marched before huu, cari-j-ing silver
crosses, whUe his pomp was swelled by a retinue of
becoming length. When Wolsey said mass, it was
after the manner of the Pope himself ; bishops and
abbots aided him in the function, and some of the
first nobility gave him water and the towel.'
But with his jjomps, pleasures, and hospitalities
lie mingled manifold labours. His capacity was
great, and .seemed to enlarge with the elevation of
his rank and the increase of his offices. His two
redeeming qualities were the patronage of learning
and the administration of justice. His decisions in
Chancery were impartial and equitable, and his
enormous wealth, gathered from imiumerablc
sources, enabled him to surround himself with
scholai's, and to found institutions of learning, for
which he had liis reward in the praises of tlie
former, and the posthumous glory of the lattei-.
Nevertheles.^ he did not succeed in making himself
popular. His haughty deportment oflended the
people, who knew him to be hollow, selfish, and
vicious, despite his grand masses and his ostenta-
tious beneficence.
' Hume, vol. i., chap. -8, p. iW.
The rise at this hour of such a man, who had
gathered into his single hand all the powers of the
State, seemed of evil augury for the Reformation.
Rome, in all her dominancy, was in him ixsing u))
again in England. The priests were emboldened to
declare war, first against the scholars by sounding
the alarm against Greek, which they .stigmatised as
a main source of here.sy, and next against Parlia-
ment by demanding back the immunities of which
they had been stripped during pi-eceding reigns. In
addition to former losses of prerogative, the jiriests
wore threatened with a new encroachment on their
l)ri\-Lleges. In 1513 a law was passed, ordering
ecclesiastics who should commit murder or theft to
be tried in the secular courts — bishops, priests, and
deacons excepted. It was discovered that though
the Pope could dispense with the laws of God, the
Parliament coidd not. The Abbot of Winchelcomb,
preaching at St. Paul's, gave the signal for battle,
exclaiming, " ' Touch not mine anointed,' said the
Lord." Thereafter a clerical deputation, headed by
Wolsey, proceeded to the palace to demand that the
impious law should be annulled. " Sii-e," said the
cardinal, " to tiy a clerk is a violation of God's
laws." " By God's will we are King of England,"
replied Henry, who saw that to put the clergy
above the Parliament was to put them above him-
self, " and the Kings in England, in times past, had
never ;uiy superior but God only. Therefore know
you well that we will maintain the right of our
ciown."
Baffled in then- attack on Parliament, the priests
vented their fury upon others. There were still
many Lollards who, although living in the bosom
of the Roman Church, gave the priests much
disquiet. One of these was Richard Hun, a trades-
man in London, who spent a portion of each day in
the study of the Bible. He was summoned before
the legate's court on the charge of refusing to pay
a fee imposed by a priest, which he deemed exor-
bitant. Indignant at being made answerable before
a foreign court, Hun lodged an accusation against
the priest under the Act /'/■a;»7iM?ijVe." "Such bold-
ness must be severely checked," said the clerg}',
'• otherwise not a citizen but will set the Church at
dctiance." Hun was accused of heresy, consigned
to the Lollards' Tower in St. Paul's, and left there
in irons, chained so heavily that his fetters hardly
))ermitted him to drag his steps across the floor. On
his trial no such proof of heresy was produced as
would sullice for his condemnation, and his pei'se-
cutore found themselves in a greater dilemma than
before, for to set him at liberty would proclaim
- See ante, vol. i., 15. G'J-l.
MARTYRDOM OF JOHN BROWN.
357
their defeat. Three of theii- fanatical agents under-
took to extricate them from their difficulties.
Climbing to his cell at midnight (.'ird December,
151-1), and dragging Hun out of bed, they first
strangled him, and then putting his own belt round
his neck, they suspended the body by an iron ling
in the wall, to make believe that lie had hanged
himself.'
A great horror straightway fell upon two of
the perpetrators of the deed, so that they fled,
and thus revealed the crime. " The priests have
murdered Hun," was the cry in London ; and the
fact being amply attested at the inquest, as well
as by the confession of the murderers, the priests
were harder put to than ever, and had recourse to
the following notable device : — They examined tlie
Bible which Hun had been wont to read, and found
it was Wiclifle's ti-anslation. This was enough.
Certain articles of indictment were drafted against
Hun ; a solemn session of Fitzjames, Bishop of
London, with certain assessors, was held, and
sentence was pronounced, finding Hun guilt}' and
condemning liis dead body to be b\n-ned as that of
a lieretic. His corpse was dug up and burned in
Smithfield on the 20th of December. "The bones
of Richard Hun have been burned," argued the
priests, " therefore he was a heretic ; he was a
heretic, therefore he committed suicide." The
P.ii'liament, however, not seeing the force of tliis
syllogism, found that Hun had died by the hands
of others, and ordained restitution of his goods
to be made to his family. The BLshop of London,
through Wolsey, had influence enough to prevent
the punishment of the murderers.-
There was quite a little cloud of sufierers and
martyrs in London, from the accession of Hemy
VIIL to 1517, the ei-a of Luther's appearance.
Their knowledge was imjieifect, some only had
co>u-age to witness unto the death, but we behold
in them proofs that the Spirit of God was returning
to the world, and that he was opening tlm ej'es of
not a few to see in the midst of the great darkness
tlie eiTors of Rome. The doctrine about which
they were generally incriminated was that of tran-
substantiation. Among other tales of persecution
furnished by the times, that of John Bro\\Ti, of
Ashford, has been most touchingly told by the
English martyrologist. Brown happened to seat
himself beside a priest in the Gravesend barge.
" After certain commimication, the priest asked
him," says Fox, " ' Dost tliou know who I am ?
' For, Acts and Mon., vol. iv., pp. 183—165. Lend.,
IMC.
= Uml, p. ISS.
Thou sittest too near me: thou sittest on mj
clothes.' ' No, sir,' said Brown ; ' I know not
what you are. ' ' I tell thee I am a priest.'
' What, sii-, are you a parson, or vicar, or a lady's
chaplain]' 'No,' quoth he again; 'I am a soul-
priest, I sing for a soul,' saith he. ' Do you so,
sir V quoth the other ; ' that is well done.' ' I
pray you sii-,' quoth he, ' where find you the soul
when you go to mass?' 'I cannot tell thee,' said
the priest. ' I pray you, where do you leave it, sir,
when the mass is done ? ' 'I cannot tell thee,' said
the priest. ' You can neither tell me where you
find it when you go to mass, nor where you leave
it when the mass is done : how can you then have
the soul V said he. ' Go thy ways,' said the priest ;
' thou art a heretic, and I will be even with thee.'
So at the landing the priest, taking with him
Walter More and WULiam More, two gentlemen,
brethren, rode straightway to the Archbishop
Warham."
Tlu-ee days thereafter, las Brown sat at dinner
ynth some guests, the oflicers entered, and dragging
him from the house, they mounted him upon a
horse, and tying his feet imder the animal's belly,
rode away. His wife and family knew not for forty
days where he was or what had been done to him.
It was the Friday before Whit-Sunday. The
servant of the family, having had occasion to go
out, hastily returned, and rushed into the house
exclaiming, "I have seen him ! I have seen him!"
Brown had that day been taken out of prison at
Canterbury, brought back to Ashford, and placed
in the stocks. His poor wife went forth, and .sat
down by the side of her husband. So tightly wa.s
he bound in the stocks, that he could hardly turn
his head to speak to his -n-ife, who sat by him
liathed in tears. He told her that he had been
examined by torture, that his feet had been placed
on live coals, and bvmied to the bones, " to make
me," said he, " deny my Lord, which I will never
do ; for should I deny my Lord in this world, he
woidd here.after deny me. I pray thee, therefore,"
said he, " good Elizabeth, continue a.s thou hast
begun, and bring up thy children virtuously, and
in the fear of God." On the next daj', being
Wiit-S>mday, he wa.s taken out of the stocks and
bound to the stake, where lie was burned alive.
His wife, his daughter Alice, and his other chil-
dren, with some friends, gathered round the jiile to
receive his last words. He stood with invincible
courage amid tlie flames. Ho sang a hvmn of his
own composing ; and feeling (h.at now the fire had
nearly done its work, he breathed out the prayer
ofl'ered by the great I\Iartyr : " Into thy hands I
commend my spirit ; thou bast redeemed me, O
358
HISTORY OP PROTESTANTISM.
Lord of tnitli," and so he ended.' Slirieks of
anguish rose from his %vife and daughter. The
spectators, moved with compassion, regarded them
with looks of pity; but, turning to the executioners,
they cast on them a scowl of anger. " Come," said
Chilton, a brutal ruffian who had presided at the
dreadful tragedy, and who rightly interpreted the
feeling of the bystanders — " Come, let us cast the
children into the fire, lest they, too, one day be-
come heretics." So saying, he nished towards Alice
and attempted to lay hold upon her; but the maiden
started back, and avoided the vUlaiii.-
Next to the heretics, the priests dreaded the
scholars. Theii' instincts taught them that the new
leai'ning boded no good to their system. Of all
the learned men now in England the one whom
they hated most was Erasmus, and with just reason.
He stood confessedly at the head of the scholars,
whether in England or on the Continent. He had
gi-eat influence at court ; he wielded a pungent wit,
as they had occasion daily to experience — in short,
he must be expelled the kingdom. But Erasmus
resolved to take ample compensation from those
who had driven him out. He went straight to
Basle, and establishing himself at the printing-press
of Frobenius, issued his Greek and Latin New
Testament. The world now possessed for the first
time a printed copy in the origiiial Greek of the
New Testament of our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ. It was the result of combined labour and
scholarship; the Greek was beautifully pure ; the
Latin had been purged from the barbarisms of the
Vulgate, and far excelled it in elegance and clear-
ness. Copies were straightway dispatched to
London, Oxford, and Cambridge. It was Erasmus'
gift to England — to Christendom, doubtless, but
especially England ; and in giving the country
this gift he gave it more than if he had added the
most magnificent empire to its dominion.
The light of the English Renaissance was now
succeeded by the light of the English Reformation.
' Tax, Acts and Mon., vol. iv., pp. 181, 182.
= Ibid., p. 182.
The monks had thought to restore the darkness by
driving away the great scholar : his departure was
the signal for the rising on the realm of a light
which made what had been before it seem but
as twUight. The New Testament of Erasmus was
haUed with enthusiasm. Everywhere it was sought
after and read, by the first scholars in Gi'eek, by
the gi-eat body of the learned in Latin. The ex-
citement it caused in England was something like
that which Luther's appearance produced in Ger-
many. The monk of Saxony had not yet posted up
his Theses, when the Oracles of Ti-uth were published
in England. " The Reformation of England," says
a modern historian, who of all others e\'inces the
deepest insight into history — " The Reformation of
England, perhaps to a gi-eater extent than that of
the Continent, was eflected by the Word of God."^
To Germany, Luther was sent; Geneva and France
had Calvin given to them ; but England received
a yet gi-eater Reformer — the Bible. Its Reforma-
tion was more immediate and du-ect, no gi'eat in-
dividuality being interposed between it and the
source of Divine knowledge. Luther had given to
Germany lii.S Theses; Cahin had given to France
the Institutes; but to England was given the Word
of God. Within the sea-gu-t isle, in prospect of
the storms that were to devastate the outer world,
was placed this Divine Light — the World's Lamp
— surely a blessed augury of what England's func-
tion was to be in days to come. The country into
whose hands was now placed the Word of God,
was by this gift publicly constituted its custodian.
Freely had she received the Scriptures, freely was
she to give them to the nations around her. She
was first to make them the Instructor of her people ;
she was next to enshrine them as a perpetual lamp
in her Church. Having made them the founda-
tion-stone of her State, she was finally to put
them into the hands of all the nations of the earth,
that they too might be guided to Trath, Order, and
Happiness.
■■' D'Avibigne, Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, vol. v.,
p. 199 ; Edin., 1853.
EILNEY, TYNDALE. AND FKYTII,
359
CHAPTER III.
WILLIAM TYXDALE AND THE ENGLISH NEW TESTAMENT.
Bilney— Reads the Xew Testament— Is Converted by it— Tyndale— His Conversion— Fryth— All Three Emancipated
by the Bible— Foundations of England's Reformation- Tyndale at Sodbury Hall— Disputations with the Priests—
Preaclies at Bristol— Resolves to Translate the Scriptures— Goes to London— Applies to Tonstall — Received into
Humphrey Monmouth's House— Begins his Translation of the New Testament — Escapes to Germany — Leo's
Bull against Luther Published in England— Henry's Bool: against Luther — Wolsey Intrigues for the Popedom —
His Disappointment— Tyndale in Hamburg— William Eoye— Begins Printing the English New Testament in
Cologne — Finishes in Worms— Sends it across the Sea to England.
Erasmus had laid his New Testament at the feet of
England. In so doing he had sent to that country,
as he believetl, a message of peace ; great was his
astonishment to find that he had l)ut blown a
trumpet of war, and that the roar of battle was
louder than ever. The sen'ices of the great scholar
to the Reformation were finished, and now he re-
tired. But the Bible remained in England, and
wherever the Word of God went, there came Pro-
testantLsm also.
There was at Trinity College, Cambridge, a
young student of the canon law, Thomas Bilney
by name, of small stature, delicate constitution,
and much occupied with the thoughts of eternity.
Ho had striven to attain to the assurance of
the life eternal by a constant adherence to the
path of vii-tue, nevertheless his conscience, which
was -very tender, reproached him with iiinumerablo
shortcomings. Vigils, penances, masses — all, in
short, which the " Church " prescribes for the relief
of burdened souls, he had tried, but with no effect
save that he had wasted his body and spent nearly
all liis means. He heard his friends one day speak
of the New Testament of Erasmus, and he made
ha.ste to procure a copy, moved rather by the plea-
sure which he anticipated from the jnirity of its
Greek and the elegance of its Latin, than the hope
of deriving any higher good from it. He oijened
the book. His eyes fell on these words : " Tliis is a
faithful saying and worthy of all acceptation, that
Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, of
whom I am chief" " The chief of sinners," said he
to himself, musing over what he had read : " Paul
the chief of siimers ! and yet Christ came to save
him ! then why not meT' " He had found," says
Fox, "a better teacher" than the doctore of tlie
canon law — "the Holy Spirit of Christ."' That
hour he quitted the road of self-righteous perfor-
mances, by which lie now saw ho had been
travelling, in pain of body and soiTOw of soul,
Foi, Acts and ifon., vol. iv., p. 620; Lond., 181G.
and he entered into life by Him who is the door.
This was the beginning of the triumphs of the New-
Testament at Cambridge. How fruitful thus one
victory was, we shall afterwards see.
We turn to Oxford. There was at this uni-
versity a .student from the valley of the Severn,
a descendant of an ancient family, William Tyndale
l)y name. Nowhere had Erasmus so many friends
as at Oxford, and nowhere did his New Testa-
ment receive a more cordial welcome. Our young
student, " of most virtuous disposition, and life
unspotted,"- was cbawn to the study of the book,
fascinated by the elegance of its style and the
sublimity of its teaching. He soon oame to be
aware of some marvellous power in it, which he
had found in no other book he had ever studied.
Others had invigorated his intellect, thLs regene-
rated his heart. He had discovered an inestimable
treasure, and he would not hide it. This pui-e
youth began to give public lectures on this pure
book ; but this being more than Oxford could yet
bear, the young Tyndale quitted the banks of the
Isis, and joined Bilney at Cambridge.
These two were joined by a third, a young man
of blameless life and elevated soul. John Frj-th,
the son of an inn-keeper at Sevenoaks, Kent, was
possessed of mai-vellously quick parts ; and -rt-itli a
diligence and a delight in leaiTiing equal to his
genius, he would have opened for himself, says
Fox, " an easy road to honours and dignities, had
he not wholly consecrated himself to the service of
the Church of Clu-ist."'' It was William TjTidale
who first sowed " in his heart the seed of the
Gospel.",^ These three young students were per-
fectly emancipated from the yoke of the Papacy,
and their emancipation had been accomplished by
tlio Word of God alone. No infallible Church had
interpreted that book to them. They read their
- Fox, Ads nnd Mon., vol. v., p. 115.
■' Ibid., p. 3.
■* Ibid., p. 4.
TYNDALE BECOMES A TU'J'OR.
3(51
Bibles with pi-ayer to the Spirit, and as they read
the eyes of tlieu- luiderstanding were opened, and
the wonders of God's law were revealed to them.
They came to see that it was faith that unlocked all
the lilessings of salvation: that it was faith, and not
the priest, that united them to Christ — Christ, whose
the foundations of the Protestant Church of Eng-
land, or rather dug down through the i-ubbLsh of
ages, to the foundations which had been laid of old
time by the first missionaries to Britain.
Hemy VIII. was aspii-Lng to become emperor ;
Wolsey was beginning to intrigue for the tiara ;
VIEW OF THE INTERIOR OP OLD ST. PAUL S CATHEDEAL, LOOKING EAST.
cross, and not tho Church, was the source of forgive-
ness ; whose Spirit, and not the Sacrament, was the
author of holiness ; and whose righteousness alone,
and not the merits of men either dead or living, was
the foundation of the sinner's justification. These
views they had not received from Wittemberg ; for
Luther was only then beginning his career : their
knowledge of Divine things they had received from
the Bible, and from the Bible alone ; and they laid
135
but it is tho path of Tyndalo that we are to follow,
more glorious than that of the other two, though it
seemed not so to the world. Having completed
liis studies at Cambridge, Tyndale came back to
his native Gloucestershire, and became tutor in the
family of Sir John Walsh, of Sodbury Hall. At
the table of his patron he met daily the clergy of
the neighbourhood, " abbots, deans, archdeacons,
with divers other doctors, and great beneficed
3G2
HISTORY OF PROTP]STANTISI\r.
men."' Tii iliu oouvprs-.itious tli;it ensued the name
of Luther, who was then beginuing to be lieaiil of,
was often mentioned, and from the man tlie tran-
sition was easy to his opinions. Tlie young student
from Cambridge did not conceal liis sympatliy with
tlie (Jerman monk, and kept his Greek New
Testament ever beside him to support his senti-
ments, which stai-tled one half of those around the
table, and scandalised the other half. The dis-
putants often grew warm. " That is the book that
makes heretics," said the priests, glancing at the
unwelcome volume. " The source of all heresies
is pride," would the humble tutor reply to the
lordly clergy of the rich valley of the Severn.
" The ^■ulgar cannot imderstand the Word of God,"
said the priests; "it is the Church that gave the
Bible to man, and it is only her priests that can
interpret it." " Do you know who taught the
eagles to find their prey V asked Tyndale ; "that
same God teaches his cliildren to find their Father
ill his Word. Far from liaA-ing given us the
Scriptiu-es, it is you who have hidden them from
xis."
The ciy of heresy was raised against the tutor ;
and the lower clergy, resorting to the ale-house,
harangued those whom they found assembled there,
violently declaiming against the errors of Tyndale.^
A secret accusation was laid against him before the
bishop's chancellor, but Tyndale defended himself
so admirably that he escaped out of the hands ot
his enemies. He now began to explain the Scrip-
tm-es on Sundays to Sir John and liLs household
and tenantry. He next extended his laboura to the
neighbouring villages, scattering with his li-\-ing
voice that precious seed to which as yet the people
had no access, in their mother tongue, in a printed
foiTTi. He extended his preachmg tours to Bristol,
and its citizens assembled to hear him in St. Aus-
tin's Green. ' But no sooner had he sowed the seed
than the priests hastened to destroy it ; and when
Tyndale returned he found that liis labour had
been in vain : the field was i-avaged. " Oh," said
he, " if the people of England had the Word of
God in their o^vn language this would not lia])iDen.
Without this it vnil be impossible to establish i]w
laity in the truth."
It was now that the sublime idea entered his
mind of translating and pi-inting the Scriptures.
The pro])hets spake in the language of the men
whom they addressed ; the songs of the temple
were uttered in the vernacular of the Hebrew
nation ; and the epistles of the New Testament
' Fox, Acts and Hon., vol. T., p. 115i
» Ibkl., p. 117.
were written in ilio tongiic of those to whom they
were sent ; and why, asked Tyndale, should not
the people of England have the Oracles of God in
their mother tongue % " If God spare my life," said
he, " I will, before many years have passed, cause
the boy that driveth the plough to know more of
the Scriptures than the priests do."*
But it was plaui that Tyndale could not accom-
plish what he now proposed should be his life's
woi'k at Sodbury Hall : the hostility of the priests
was too strongly excited to leave him in quiet.
Bidding Sir John's family adieu he repaired (1523)
to the metropolis. He had hoped to find admission
into the household of Tonstall, Bishop of London,
whose learning Erasmus had lauded to the skies,
and at whose door, coming as he did on a learned
and ])ious errand, the young scholar persuaded
himself he should find an instant and cordial
welcome. A friend, to whom he had brought
letters of recommendation from Sir John, men-
tioned liis name to Bishop Tonstall ; he even
obtained an audience of the bishop, but only to
have his hopes dashed. " My house is already
full," said the bishop coldly. He turned away :
there was no room for him in the episcopal palace
to translate the Scriptures. But if the doors of the
bishop's palace were closed against him, the door
of a rich London merchant was now opened for his
reception, in the following manner.
Soon after his arrival iu the metropolis, Tyndale
began to preach in public : among his hearei-s was
one Humphi-ey Monmouth, who had learned to
love the Gosjjel from listening to Dean Colet.
Wlien repulsed by Tonstall, Tyndale told Mon-
mouth of liis disappointment. " Come and live
with me," said the wealthy merchant, who was ever
ready to show hospitality to poor disciples for the
Gospel's sake. He took iip his abode in Mon-
mouth's house ; he lived abstemiously^ at a table
loaded with delicacies ; and he studied night and
day, being intent on kindling a torch that should
illuminate England. Eager to finish, he summoned
Fiyth to his aid ; and the two friends working to-
gether, chapter after chapter of the New Testament
passed from the Greek into the tongue of England.
The two scholars had been a full half-year en-
gaged in their work, when the storm of persecution
broke out afresh in London. Inquisition was made
for all who had any of Luther's works in tlieu-
possession, the readers of which were threatened
with the fire. " If," said Tyndale, " to possess the
* Pox, vol. v., p. 117.
"• " By his good will ho would cat but sodden meat, and
drink l)Ut small singlu beer." (Monmouth, on his exaini-
nation— Fox, vol. iv., p. 618.)
"DEFENDER OF THE FAITH.'
363
works of Luther exposes one to a stake, how much
gi'eater must be the crime of translating the Scrip-
tures!" His friends ui'ged him to withdi-aw, as
the only chance left him of ever accomplishing the
work to which he had devoted himself Tjndale
had no alternative but to adojot ■svith a heavy heart
the course his friends recommended. " I iinder-
Btood at the last," said he, " not only that there was
no room in my lord of London's palace to translate
the New Testament, but also that there was no
place to do it in all England."' Stepping on board
a vessel in the Thames that was loading for Ham-
burg, and taking with him his Greek New Testa-
ment, he saUed for Gennany.
While Tyndale is crossing the sea, we must give
attention to other matters which meanwhile had
been transpiring in England. The wTitings of
Luther had by this time entered the kingdom and
were being widely cii'culated. The eloquence of his
words, fitly sustained by the heroism of his deeds,
roused the attention of the English peoj)le, who
watched the career of the monk with the deejsest
interest. His noble stand before the Diet at
Worms crowned the interest his first appearance
had awakened. As when fresh oil is poured into
the dying lamp, the spirit of Lollardism revived.
It leaped up in new breadth and splendour. The
bishops took the alarm, and held a council to de-
liberate on the measures to be taken. The bull of
Leo" against Luther had been sent to England, and
it was resolved to publish it. The Cardinal-legate
Wolsey, following at no humble distance Pope Leo,
also issued a bull of his own against Luther, and
both were published in all the cathedral and parish
churches of England on the fii-st Sunday of June,
1.521. The bull of Wolsey was read during high
m:uss, and that of Leo was nailed up on the church
door. The principal i-esult of this jiroceeding was
to advertise the wi-itings of Luther to the people of
England. The car of Reformation was advancing ;
the priests had taken counsel to stop it, but the only
effect of their interference was to make it move
onwards at an accelerated speed.
At this stage of the controvei-sy an altogether
unexpected champion stepped into the arena to do
battle with Luther. This was no less a personage
than the King of England. The zeal which ani-
mated Henry for the Roman traditions, and the
fury with which he was transported against the
man who was uprooting them, may be judged of
from the letter he addressed to Louis of Bavaria.
" That this fire," said he, " which has been kindled
by Luther, and fanned by the arts of the devil,
should have raged for so long a time, and be still
gatheiing strength, has been the subject to me of
greater gi-ief than tongue or pen can express.
For what could have happened moi-e calamitous to
Gennany than that she should have given birth to
a man who has dared to interpret the Divine law,
the statutes of the Fathers, and those decrees which
have received the consent of so many ages, in a
manner totally at variance with the opinion of the
learned Fathers of the Church .... We
earnestly implore and exhort you that you delay
not a moment to seize and exterminate this Luther,
who is a rebel against Christ ; and, \inless he re-
pents, deliver himself and Ids audacious writings to
the flames."^
This shows us the fate that would probably
have awaited Luther had he lived in England :
happily his lot had been cast under a more
benignant and gi-acious sovereign. But Hemy,
debarred in this case the use of the stake,
which would speedily have consumed the heretic,
if not the heresy, made haste to unsheathe
the controversial sword. He attacked Luther's
Babylonian Captivity in a work entitled A
Defence of the Seven Sacraments. The king's
book discovers an intimate acquaintance with
mediaeval and scholastic inventions and decrees,
but no knowledge whatever of apostolic doctrine.
Luther ascribed it to Lee, afterwaixls Archbishop
of York ; others have thought that they coidd trace
in it the hand of Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. But
we see no reason to ascribe it to any one save
Henry himself. He was an apt scholar of Thomas
Aquinas, and here he discusses those questions only
wliich had come within the range of his previous
studies.^ He dedicated the work to the Pontiff,
and sent a splendidly bound copy of it to Leo. It
was received at Rome in the manner that we
should expect the work of a king, wi'itten in defence
of the Papal chaii', to be received by a Pope. Leo
eulogised it as the crowning one among the glories
of England, and he rewarded the messenger, who
had earned it across the Aljis, by giving him his toe
to kiss ; and recompensed Henry for the labour he
had incurred in writing it, by bestowing upon him
(1.521) the title of " Defender of the Faith," which
was confirmed by a bull of Clement VII. in 1523.*
" We can do nothing against the ti-uth, but for it,"
wrote an apostle, and his woi-ds were destined to be
' Writings of Tindal, p. 4; Eeligious Tract Society,
London.
- See ante, vol. i., p. 310.
'■' Gerdesius, Hist. iJe/orm., torn, iv., appen. xxii., p. 117.
< Ibid., torn, iv., pp. 177, 178.
' See bull in Gerdesius, torn, iv., app. xxiv.
364
HISTOKY OF PROTESTANTISM.
signally veritieil in tlip C;i80 of the King of Englnud.
Henry set <ip TiaiUtiou anil the Supremacy as the
main buttresses of the Papal system. The nation
was wearying of both ; the king's defence but
showed the Protestants where to direct then- as-
sault ; and as for the applauses from the Vatican,
so agreeabh^ to the royal car, these were speedily
drowned in the thvmders of Luther ; and most
people came to see, though all did not acknowledge
it, that if Heniy the king was above the monk,
Hemy the author was below him.
Wolsey now turned his face toward the Popedom.
If he had succeeded in acliieving this, which was the
summit of his ambition, he wonid have attempted
to revive the glories of the era of Innocent III. :
it-s substantial power he never could have wielded,
for the wars of the fifteenth century, by putting the
kings above the Popes, had made that impossible.
Still, as Pope, Wolsey would have been a more for-
midable opponent of the Reformation than either
Leo or Clement. It was clear that he could reach
the dignity to wliicli he aspired only by the help of
one or other of the two great Continental sovereign.s
of his time, Francis I. and Charles V. He was on
the most friendly footing with Francis, whereas he
had contracted a strong dislike to Chai-les, and the
emjieror was well aware that the cardinal loved
him not. Still, on weighing the matter, Wolsey
saw that of the two sovei-eigns Charles was the
abler to assist him ; so breaking with Fi-ancis, and
smothering his disgust of the emperor, he solicited
his interest to secure the tiara for him when it
should become vacant. That monarch, who could
dissemble as well as Wolsey, well knowing the
influence of tlic cardinal with Henry VIII., and
his power in England, met this request with pro-
niises and flatteries. Charles thought he was safe
in promising the tiara to one who was some years
older than its present possessor, for Leo was still in
the prime of life. The immediate result of this
friendship, hollow on both sides, was a war between
Francis and the emperor. Meauwliile Leo suddenly
died, and the sincerity of Charles, sooner than he
had thought, wa.s put to the test. With no small
chagrin and moi-tilicatiou, which he judged it politic
meanwhile to conceal, Wolsey saw Adrian of
Utrecht, the emperor's tutor, placed in the Papal
chair. But Adrian was an old man ; it was not
j>robable that he would long survive to sway the
spiritual sceptre of Christendom, and Charles con-
soled the disappointed cardinal by renewing his
promise of support when a new election, which
could not be distant, should take place.' But we
> Burnet. Hist, of Reform., vol. i., p. 4.; Loncl., 1681.
must leave the cardinal, his eyes still fixed on the
dazzling prize, and follow the track of one who also
was aspii'ing to a c^o^vn, but one more truly gloriou.s
than that of Pope or emperor.
We have seen Tyndale set sail for Gennany.
Arri\'ing at Hambuig, he unpacked the MS. sheets
which he had first begun in the valley of the Severn,
and resumed on the banks of the Elbe the prosecu-
tion of his gi-eat design. William Roye, formerly
a Franciscan friar at Greenwich, but who had abair-
doned the cloister, became his as.sistant. The Gos-
pels of St. Matthew and St. Mark were translated
and printed at Hamburg, and in 1524 were sent
across to Monmouth in London, as the first-fi-uits of
his great task. The merchant sent the translator a
much-needed supply of money, which enabled Tyn-
dale to pay a visit to Luther in Wittemberg, whence
he returned, and estal)lished himself at the printing-
house of Quentel and Byi'ckmau in Cologne.
Resimimg his great labour, he began to print an
edition of .3,000 copies of his English New Testa-
ment. Sheet after sheet was passing through the
press. Great was Tyndale's joy. He had taken
every precaution, meanwliile, against a seizure,
knowing this archiepiscopal seat to be vigorously
watched by a numerous and jealous priesthood.
The tenth sheet was in the press when BjTckman,
hurrying to him, informed him that the Senate had
ordered the printing of the work to be stopped.
All was discovered then ! Tyndale was stunned.
Must the labour of years be lost, and the enlighten-
ment of England, which had seemed so near, be
frustrated ? His resolution was taken on the spot.
Going straight to the printing-house, he packed up
the printed sheets, and bidding Roye follow, he
stepped into a boat on the Rhine and ascended the
river. It was Coehlreus who had come upon the
track of the English New Testament, and hardly
was Tyndale gone when the officers from the Senate,
led by the dean, entered the printmg-house to seize
the work.-
After some days Tyndale arrived at Worms, that
little town which Luther's visit, four years before,
had invested with a halo of historic glory. On
his way thither he thought less, doubtless, of the
picturesque hills that enclose the " mOk-white "
ri\Tr, with the ruined castles that crown their
summits, and the antique tovnis that nestle at their
feet, than of the precious wares embarked with
him. These to his delight he safely convej'ed to
the printing-house of Peter Schrefer, the grandson
of Fust, one of the inventors of the art. Ho
- Anderson, Annals of the En'jUsTi Bible, vol. i., p. 10
et seq. Cochljcus, p. 126. Fox, vol. v., p. 119.
YOUNG HUGH LATIMER.
365
instantly resumed the jirinting, but to niisloiul tlie
spies, who, he thought it probuljlc, woukl follow
liini hither, he changed the form of the work from
the qnarto to the uctaro, which was an advantage
iu the end, as it greatly facilitated the circula-
tion.'
The printing of the two editions was completed
in the end of 1.525, and soon thereafter 1,500 cojjies
were dispatched to England. " Give diligence "■ —
so ran the solemn charge that accompanied them, to
the nation to which the waves were wafting the
precious pages — " unto the words of eternal life, by
the which, if we repent and believe them, we ai-c born
anew, created afresh, and enjoy the fruits of the
lilood of Christ." Tpidale had done his great work.
While Wolsey, seated in the splendid halls of his
palace at Westminster, had been intriguing for the
tiara, that he might conserve the darkness that
covered England, Tyndale, in obscure lodgings in
the German and Flemish towns, had been toUing
night and day, in cold and hunger, to kindle a torch
that mii;ht ilkmiinate it.
CHAPTER IV.
TYMDALe's new testament arrives IX ENGLAND.
Bilney's Labours at Cambridge— Hugh Latimer— His Education- Monkiah Asceticism— Bilney's Device— Latimer's
Conversion— Power of liis Preaching — Wolsey's College — The Bishops try to Arrest the Evaugelisation—Pi-ior
Buckingham— Bishop of Ely and Latimer— Dr. Barnes and the Augustine Convent— Workers at Cambridge —
Excitement at Cambridge and Oxford— Desire for the Word of God— Tyudale's New Testament Arrives in London
—Distributed by Gai-ret in the City— in Oxford— over the Kingdom— Its Reception by the English People.
While the English New Testament was approach-
ing the shores of Britain, preparations, all unsus-
pected by men, were being made for its reception.
The sower never goes forth till first the plough has
opened the furrow. Bilney, as we have already
said, was the fir.st conveit whom the Greek New
Testament of Erasmus had drawn away from the
Pojje to sit at the feet of Christ. When Tyndale
was compelled to seek a foreign shore, Bilney
remained behind in England. His face was pale,
for Ids constitution was sickly, and his fiists were
frequent ; but his eye sixirkled, and his conversation
was full of life, inilicating, as Fox tells us, the \ehe
ment desire that burned within him to draw others
to the Gospel. Soon we find him surrounded by a
little company of converts from the students and
Fellows of Cambridge. Among these was George
Stafford, professor of divinity, whose pure life and
deep learning made his conversion as gi'eat a loss
to the supporters of the old religion as it was a
strength to the disciples of the Protestant faith.
But the man of all this little band destined to bo
hereafter the most con.spicuous in the ranks of the
Ivefonuatiou was Hugh Latimer.
Latimer was the son of a yeoman, and was born
at Thurcaston, in Leicestei'shire, about the year
' In the Museum of the Baptist College at Bristol is a
copy of the octavo edition of Tyndale's New Testament.
{Ann.o/Eng. Bible, i. 70.)
Ii72. He entered Cambridge the .same 3'ear (1505)
that Luther entered the Augustine Convent ; and
he became a Fellow of Clai-e Hall in the year (1509)
that Calvin was bom. Of a serious turn of miiid
from his boyhood, he gave liimself ardently to the
study of the schoolmen, and he so di-ank in their
spirit, that vrhen he took orders he was noted for
his gloomy asceticism. The outbreak of what he
deemed heresy at Cambridge gave him intolerable
pain ; he railed spitefully against Staflbrd, who was
giving lectures on the Scriptures, and he could
hardly refrain from using violence to compel his
companions to desist from reading the Greek Nev/
Testament. The clergy were delighted to see such
zeal for the Church, and they rewarded it by
appomting him cross-bearer to the nniversity.-
The young priest strode on before the doctors,
bearing aloft the sacred .symbol, with an air that
showed how proud he was of his office. He
signalised the taking of his degree as Bachelor
of Divinity, by delivering a violent Latin discourse
against Philip Melancthon and his doctrines.
But there was one who had once been as gi'eat
a zealot as himself, who was watching his career
■with deep anxiety, not unmingled with hope, and
was even then searching in his qui-(-er for the
arrow that should brhig down this strong man.
Tliis was Bilney. After re^wated failures he found
Fox, vol. iv., p. 620.
36G
HISTOEY OF PKOTESTANTISM.
at last the shaft tliat, jiierciiig Latimer's armour,
made its way to his heart. " For the love of
God," said Bilney to him one day, " be pleased to
hear my confession." ' It was a recantation of his
Lutheranism, doubtless thought Latimer, that was
to be poured into his ear. Bilnej' dropped on his
knees before Latimer, and beginning his confession,
he unfolded his former anguish, his long but fruit-
less eftbrts for relief, his peace at last, not in the
by One who said to him, " Son, be of good cheer,
thy sins are forgiven thee." So has Latimer him-
self told us in his sermons. His conversion was
instantaneous.
That ardour of temperament and energy of zeal,
which Latimer had aforetime devoted to the ma.ss,
he now transferred to the Gospel. The black
garment of asceticism he put off at once, and
clothed himself with the bright robe of evangelical
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))«fbaU fc/anb fball not pmeave 3<>t tljis peoples bert j)S
FAC-SIMILi; OF ST. MATTHEW's GOSPEL, CHAPTER XIII., VEKSES 1 — 15; FROM TYXD.VLE'.^ TESTAMENT (oCTAVO EDITION).
works prescribed l)y the Church, but in the Lamb
of God that taketh away the sin of the world ;
in short, he detailed the whole history of his con-
vei'sion. As he spoke, Latimer felt the darkness
■ttdthin breaking up. He saw a new world rising
around him — he felt the hardness of his heart
passing away — there came a sense of sin, and with
it a feeling of horror, and anon a burst of tears ;
for now the despair was gone, the free forgiveness
of the Gospel had been suddenly revealed to him.
Before rising up ho had confessed, and was absolved
' Latimer'a Sermous.
joy. He grasped the great idea of the Gospel's
absolute freeness even better than Bilney, or in-
deed than any convert that the Protestantism of
the sixteenth century had yet made in England ;
and he preached with a breadth and an eloquence
which had never before been heard in an English
pulpit. He was now a true cross-bearer, and the
effects that followed gave no feeble presage of the
glorious light with which the preaching of the Cross
was one day to till the realm.
While the day was opening on Cambridge, its
sister Oxford was still sitting in the night, but now
the Protestaut doctrines began to be heard in those
WOLSEY FOUNDS A COLLEGE AT OXFORD.
367
li;ills iirounJ which there still lingered, like a halo,
the memories of Wicliffe. Wolsey un\vittiiigly
found entrance here for the light. Intending to
rear a monument which should peipetuate liis name
to after-ages, the cardinal projected a new college
at this university, and began to build in a style of
most unexampled magniticenoe. The work was so
costly that the funds soon fell short. Wolsey
obtained a supply by the dissolution of the monas-
teiy of St. Fridewide, which, having been surren-
368
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tiered to the Cro\ra, was bestowed by Henry on
the cardinal. A Papnl bull wiis needed, and
procured, to sanction the transfer. Wolsey, j)ro-
tectcd by this precedent, a.s ho thought, proceeded
to confiscate a few smaller monasteries ; but a
clamoiu' arose against him as assailing the Church ;
Le was compelled to stop, and it was said of him
that he began to build a college and ended by
building a kitchen. But the more vital part
of the college went forwai-d : six public loctui-e-
ships were established — one of theology, one of
ci\dl law, one of medicine, one of philosophy,
one of mathematics, and one of the Greek
language. Soon after Wolsey added to these a
chair of humanity and rhetoric' He sought all
through Europe for learned men to fill its chairs,
and one of the first to be invited was John Clark,
a Cambridge Master of Arts, learned, conscientious,
and enlightened by the Word of God ; and no
sooner had he taken his jilace at that famous school
than he began to expound the Scriptures and make
converts. Are both universities to become foun-
tains of heresy ? asked the clergy in alarm. The
bishops sent do^\^l a commission to Cambridge to
make an investigation, and apprehend such as might
appear to be the leadei-s of this movement. The
court sat down, and the result might have been
what indeed took place later, the planting of a few
stakes, had not an order siaddenly arrived from
Wolsey to stop proceedings. The Papal chair had
again become vacant, and Wolsey was of opinion,
perhaps, that to light martyr-fires at that moment
in England would not tend to further his election :
as a consequence, the disciples had a breathing-
space. This tranrpiil period was diligently im-
proved. Bilney visited the jioor at their own
homes, Stafford redoubled his zeal in teaching, and
Latimer waxed every day more bold and eloquent
in the pulpit. Knowing on what task Tyndale was
at this time engaged, Latimer took care to insist
with special emphasis on the duty of reading the
Word of God in one's mother tongue, if one would
avoid the snares of the false teacher.
Larger congregations gathered round Latimer's
pulpit every day. The audience was not an iin-
mixed one ; all in it did not listen -wdth the same
feelings. The majority hung upon the lips of the
preacher, and drank ii^ his words, as men athirst do
the cu]] of cold water ; but here and there dark
faces, and eyes burning with anger, showed that all
did not relLsh the doctrine. The dullest among the
priesthood could see that the Gospel of a free for-
' Fiddes, Life of Wolsey, p. 209 et seq.
Reform., vol. i., p. 22.
Burnet, Hist, of
givoness could establish itself not otherwi.sc than
upon the ruins of their s\-stem, and felt the neces-
sity of taking some remedial steps before the evil
should be consummated. For this they chose one of
themselves, Prior Buckingham, a man of slender
learnuig, but of adventurous coui-age. Latimer,
passing over Popes and Councils, had made his
appeal to the Word of God ; the prior was charged,
therefore, to show the people the danger of reading
that book. Buckingham knew hai-dly anji^hing of
the Bible, but setting to work he found, after some
search, a passage which he thought had a very
decidedly dangerous tendency. Confident of suc-
cess he mounted the pulpit, and opening the New
Testament he read out, with much solemnitj', " If
thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out, and cast
it from thee." This, said he, is what the Bible
bids us do. Alas ! if we follow it, England in a
few years will be a " nation full of blind beggars."
Latimer was one of those who can answer a fool
according to his folly, and he announced that next
Sunday he would reply to the Grey Friar. The
church was crowded, and in the midst of the
audience, planted right before the pulpit, in the
frock of St. Francis, sat Prior Buckingham. His
fancied triumph could yet be read on his brow, for
his pride was as gi-eat as his ignorance.
Latimer began ; he took up one by one the argii-
ments of the prior, and not deeming them worthy
of gi'ave refutation, he exposed theii- absurdity,
and castigated their author in a fine vein of irony
and ridicule. Only children, he said, fail to dis-
tinguish between the popular forms of speech and
their deeper meanings — between the image and the
thing wliich the image represents. " For instance,"
he continued, fixing his eye on Buckingham, " if
we see a fox painted jireaching in a friar's hood,
nobody imagines that a fox is meant, but that craft
and hypocrisy are described, which are so often
found disguised in that garb." - The blush of shame
had replaced the pride on Buckingham's brow, and
rising up, he hastily quitted the church, and sought
his convent, there to hide his confusion.
Wlien the prior retired in discomfiture, a greater
functionary came forward to continue the battle.
The Bishoj) of Ely, as Ordinary of Cambridge, for-
bade Latimer to preach either in the univei'.sity or
in the diocese. The work must be stopped, and
this could be done only by silencing its preacher.
But if the bishop closed one door, the providence of
God opened another. Robert Bai-nes, an English-
man, had just returned from Louvain, with a great
reputation for learning, and was assembling daily
- Gilpin, lAfe of Latimer, p. 10.
TYNDALE'S NEW TESTAMENT IN ENGLAND.
360
crowds nvoniid him liy his lectures on the great
writei's of antiquity, in the Augustine Convent, of
whicli lio had been appointed prior. From the
classics lie passed to the New Testament, carrying
with him his audience. In instructuig Ids heareivs
he instructed himself also in the Divine myste-
ries of tlie Pauline Epistles. About the time that
the elorpient voice of Latimer was silenced by
the Bishop of Ely, Barnes had come to a fuller
knowledge of the Gospel ; and, tenderly loving its
great preacher, he said to Latimer one day, " The
bishop has forbidden you to preach, but my monas-
tery is not under his jurisdiction ; come and preach
in my pulpit." The brief period of Latimer's en-
forced silence had but quickened the public interest
in the Gospel. He entered the pulpit of the Au-
gustine Convent ; the crowds that gathered round
him were greater than ever, and the preacher, re-
freshed in soul by the growing interest that was
taken in Divine things by doctors, students, and
townspeople, preached with even greater warmth
and power. The kingdom of the Gospel was being
established in the hearts of men, and a constellation
of lights had risen in tlie sky of Cambridge — Bihiey,
the man of prayer ; Bames, the scholar ; Statibrd,
whose sjieech dropped as the dew ; and Latimer, wlio
thundered in the pulpit, addressing the doctors in
Ijatin, and the common people in their own motlier
tongue — tnie yokefellows all of them ; their gifts
and modes of acting, which were wonderfully
varied, yet most happily harmonised, were put
foiih ill one blessed work, on which God the Spirit
was setting his seal, in the converts which, by
their labours, were being daily added to the Gospel.
This was not as yet the day, but it was the morning
— a sweet and gi-acious morning, which was long
remembered, and often afterwards spoken about in
terms which liave found their record in the works
of one of the converts of those times —
" ^\'hcn Master Stafford read,
Ami Master Latimer preaclicd,
Tlien was Cambridge blessed.'' '
Similar scenes, though not on a scale quite so
marked, were at this hour taking ])lace in Oxford.
Almost all the scholars whom Wolsey had brought
to till liis new cliaii-s evinced a favour for the new
o])inions, or openly ranged themselves on their side.
Wolsey, in selecting the most learned, had un-
wittingly selected those most friendly to Reform,
besides Clark, whom we have already mentioned,
and the new men, there was John Fryth, tin"
modest but stable-minded Clu-istian, who had been
' Becon's Works, vol. ii., y- 425.
Tyndale's associate in preparing an instrumentality
which was destined soon and powerfully to dispel
the darkness that still rested above England, and
which was only feebly relieved Vjy the partial illumi-
nation that was breaking out at the two university
seats of Cambridge and Oxford.
A desire had now been awakened in the nation
at large for the Word of God, and that desire could
be gratified not otherwise than by having the Scrip-
tures in its own tongue. The learned men of
England had been these nine years in possession of
Erasmus' Greek and Latin New Testament, and in
it they had access to the fountain-heads of Divine
knowledge, but the common people must receive
the Gosjjel at second hand, through jjreachers like
Latimer. This was a method of communication slow
and unsatisfactory; something more direct, full, and
rapid could alone satisfy the popular desire. That
wish was about to be gratified. The fidness of the
time for the Bible being given to England in her
own tongue, and through England to the world in
all the tongues of earth, had now come. He who
brings forth the sun from the chambers of the sky
at his appointed hour, now gave commandment that
this greater light should come forth from the dark-
ness in which it had been so long hidden. William
Tyndale, the man chosen of God for this Labour,
had, as we have seen, finished his task. The pre-
cious treasure he had put on board ship, and the
waves of the North Sea were at this hour bearing
it to the shores of England.
Tyndale had entrusted the copies of his New
Testament, not to one, but to several merchants.
Carrying it on boai'd, and hiding it among theii'
merchandise, they set sail with tl;e precious volume
from Antwerp. As they ascended the Thames they
began to be uneasy touching their venture. C'och-
Ifeus had sent infoi-mation that the Bible translated
by Tyndale was. about to be sent into England,
and had advised that the ports should be watched,
and all vessels coming from Germany examined;
and the merchants were likely to find, on stejiping
ashore, the king's guards waiting to seize their
books, and to conmiit themselves to prison. Tiicir
fears were disappoi)ited. Tliey were allowed to
unload their vessels without molestation. The men
whom the five pious merchants had imagined stand-
ing over the Word of God, ready to desti'oy it the
moment it was landed on English soil, had been
dispersed. The king was at Eitham keeping his
Christmas ; Tonstall had gone to Spain ; Cardinal
Wolsey had some pressing political matter.s on
hand ; and so the portentous an-ival of which
thoy liad been advertised was overlooked. The
merchants con-veyed the precious treasure they had
370
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
carried across the sea to their establishments in
Thames Sti-eet. The Word of God in the mother
tongue of the people was at last in England.
But the books must be put into ciiculation. The
merchants knew a pious curate, timid in things of
this world, bold in mattei-s of the faith, who they
thought miglit be willing to undertake the dangerous
work. The person in question was Thomas Garret,
of All Hallows, Honey Lane. Garret had the
books conveyed to his own house, and hid them
there till he should be able to arrange for their
distribution. Ha's'ing meanwhile read them, and
felt how full of light were these holy books, he but
the more ardently longed to disseminate them. He
began to circulate them in London, by selling
copies to his friends. He next started off for
Oxford, canying wath him a large supply. Students,
doctoi-s, monks, townspeople began to purchase and
read.' The English New Testament soon found its
way to Cambridge ; and from the two \iniversities
it was in no long time diffused over the whole
kingdom. This was in the end of 1525, and the
beginning of 1526. The day had broken in Eng-
land with the Greek and Latin New Testament of
Erasmus ; now it was approaching noontide splen-
dour with Tyndale's English New Testament.
We in this age find it impossible to realise the
transition that was now accomplished by the people
of England. To them the publication of the
Word of God in their own tongue was the lifting
up of a veil from a world of which before they had
heard tell, but which now they saw. The wonder
and ravishment with which they gazed for the
fii-st time on objects so pure, so beautiful, and so
transcendently majestic, and the delight ^vith which
they were filled, we cannot at all conceive. There
were narratives and doctrines ; there were semions
and epistles ; there were incidents and prayers ;
there were miracles and apocalyptic visions ; and
in the centre of all these glories, a majestic
' Fox, vol. v., p. 428. Strype, Memorials of Thomas
Cranmer, p. 81 ; Lond., 1694
Personage, so human and yet so Divine ; noi
the ten-ible Judge which Rome had painted him ;
but the Brother : veiy accessible to men, " receiv-
ing ainnei-s and eating with them." And what
a burden was taken from the conscience by the
annoimcement that the forgiveness of the Cross
was altogether free ! How difl;erent was the
Gospel of the New Testament from the Gospel
of Rome ! In the latter all was mystery, in the
former all was plain ; the one addressed men only
in the language of the schools, the other spoke to
them in the tenns of every daj'. In the one there
was a work to be done, painful, laborious ; and he
that came short, though but in one iota, exposed
himself to all the curses of the law; in the other
there was simply a gift to be received, for the work
had been done for the poor sinner by Another, and
he found himself at the open gates of Paradise. It
needed no one but his own heart, now unburdened
of a mighty load, and filled with a joy never tasted
before, to tell the man that this was not the Gospel
of the priest, but the Gospel of God ; and that it had
come, not from Rome, but from Heaven.
Another advantage resulting from what Tyndale
had done was that the Scriptures had been brought
gi-eatly more witliin reach of all classes than they
ever were before. Wiclifle's Bible existed only in
manuscript, and its cost was so gi'eat that only
noblemen or wealthy persons could buy it. Tyn-
dale's New Testament was not much more than a
twentieth part the cost of Wicliffe's version. A
hundred years before, the price of Wiclifle's New
Testament was nearly three pounds sterling ; but
now the printed copies of Tyndale's were sold for
three shillmgs and sixjjence. If we compare these
prices with the value of money and the wages of
labour at the two eras, we shall find that the cost
of the one was nearly forty times gi-eater than that
of the other ; in other words, the wages of a whole
year would have done little more than buy a New
Testament of Wiclifle's, whereas the wages of a
fortnight would suflice for the labourer to possess
himself of a copy of Tyndale's.
AEEEST OF EEFORMEIIS AT OXFORD.
371
CHAPTER V.
THE BIBLE AND THE CELLAR AT OXFORD — ANNE BOLEYN.
EuliMiice of the Scriptures— Garret carries them to Oxford — Pursuit of Gan-et— His Appreheueion— Imprisonments
at Oxford— The Cellar— Clarlc, Fryth, ic, do Penance— Their Sufferings— Deatli of Clark-Other Three Die—
The Kest Released— Cambridge— Dr. Barnes Apprehended — A Penitential Procession in London— Purchase and
Burning of Tyndale's Testaments by the Bishop of London— Now Edition— The Divorce Stirred— Anne Boleyn—
Her Beauty and Virtues— Knight Sent to Kome on the Divorce— A Captive Pope— Two Kings at his Feet.
WuEN Gotl is to begin a work of reformatiou in
the world, he fii-st sends to men the Word of Life.
The winds of passion — the intrigues of statesmen,
the ambitions of mouarchs, the wars of nations —
next begin to blow to clear the path of the move-
ment. So was it in England. The Bible had
taken its place at the centre of the field ; and now
other parties — Cardinal Wolsey and King Henry
within the country; the Pope, the Emj)eror, and the
King of France outside of it — hastened to act their
important though subordinate parts in that grand
transformation which the Bible was to woi-k on
England. It is on this troubled stage that we are
iibout to set foot ; but first let us follow a little
farther the immediate fortunes of the newly trans-
lated Scriptures, and the effprts made to introduce
them into England.
The cardinal and the Bishop of London soon
learned that the English New Testament had
entered London, and that the Curate of All Hallows
had received the copies, and had hidden them in his
house. Search was made through all the city for
Garret. He coidd not be found, and they were now
told that he had gone to Oxford " to make sale of
his heretical books." ' They immediately dispatched
officers to search for him in Oxford, and " burn all and
every his aforesaid books, and him too if they could
find him."- On the Tuesday before Shrove-tide, Gar-
ret was warned tliat the avengers of heresy were on
his track, and that if he remained in Oxford he was
sure to fall into the hands of the cardinal, and be
sent to the Tower. Changing his name, he set out
for Dorsetsliire, but on the road his conscience
smota him ; he stopped, again he went forward,
again he stopped, and finally he returned to Oxford,
which he reached late at night. Weary with his
wanderings, he threw himself upon his bed, where,
soon after midnight, he was apprehended by
Wolsey's agents, and given into the safe keeping of
Dr. Cottisford, commissary of the university. A
second attempt at flight was followed by arrest and
> Fei. vol. T., p. 421.
» Ibid.
imprisonment. Oxford was lost, the priests felt,
unle.ss the most summary measures were instantly
adopted. All the friends of the Gospel at that
imiversity were apprehended, and thrown into
prison. About a .score of doctoi-s and students
were arrested, besides monks and canons, so widely
had the truth spread. Of the number were Clark,
one of the first to receive the truth; Dalabar, a
disciple of Clark ; John Fryth, and eight others
of Wolsey's College. Corpus Christi, Magdalen,
and St. Mary's Colleges also furnished then- con-
tribution to those now in bonds for the Gospel's
sake. The fact that this outbreak of heresy, as
the cardinal accounted it, had occurred mainly at
his own college, made him only the more resolute
on the adoption of measures to stop it. In patron-
ising literature he had been promoting heresy, and
the college which he had hoped would be the glory
of Oxfoi'd, and a bulwark around the orthodoxy of
England, had become the opprobrium of the one
and a menace to the other.
The cardinal had now to pro^'ide a dungeon for
the men whom he had sought for with so much
jiains, through England and the Continent, to place
in his new chairs. Their prison was a damp, dark
cellar below the buildings of the college, smelling
I'ankly of the putrid articles which were sometimes
stored up in it.^ Here these young doctors and
scholars were left, breathing the fetid aii', and
enduring great misery. On their examination, two
only were dismissed without punishment : the rest
were condemned to do public penance for theii-
eiToneous opinions. A great fire was kindled in
the market-place : the prisoners, than wliom, of all
the youth at Oxford, none had a finer genius, or
were more accomplished in letters, were marshalled
in procession, and with fagot on shoulder they
marched through the streets to where the bonfire
blazed, and finished their penitential perfonnance
" " A deep cave under the t'round of the same college,
where their salt fisli was laid, so that through tlie filthy
Bteu«h thereof they were all infected." (Fox, vol. v., p. S.)
372
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
by throwing tlieir }ieretical books into it.' After
this, they were again sent liack to their foul
dungeon.
Prayere and animated convei-sations beguiled the
fii-st weeks of their doleful imprisonment. But by-
and-by the chilly damp and the corrupted air did
their terrible work upon them. Their strength
ebbed away, their joints ached, their eyes gi-ew
dim, their features were haggard, theii- Limbs shook
and trembled, and scaa'cely were they able to crawl
He received by faith the " Bread of Life," and
having eaten his last meal he died. Other
thi'ee of these confessors were rapidly sinking :
Death had already .set his mark on their ghastly
features. These were Sumner, Bayley, and Good-
man. The cardinal was earnestly entreated to
release them before death should jmt it out of his
power to show them pity. Wolsey yielded to this
appeal ; but he had let them out only to die. The
rest remained in the dungeon.
VIEW OF L.VTIMER S SIPPOSED BIRTHPL.^CE IN THURCASTON.
across the floor of tlieir noisome prison. They
hardly recognised one another as, gi-oping their
way in the partial darkness and solitariness, they
encountered each other. One day, Clark lay
stretched on the damp floor : his strength had
utterly failed, and he was about to be released by
the hand of Death. He craved to have the Com-
munion given him before he should breathe his
last. The request could not be gi-anted. Heaving
a sigh of resignation, he quoted the words of the
ancient Father, " Believe, and thou hast eaten." -
' Foi, vol. v., pp. 426—428.
' " Crede et manducdsti." (Foi, vol. v., p. 428.)
The death of these four was the means of opening
the doors of the prison to the others. Even the
cardinal, in the midst of his splendoui-s, and occu-
pied though he was at that moment with the
aifairs of England, and other kingdoms besides,
was toiiohed by the catastrophe that had taken place
in the dungeons of his college, and sent an order
for the release of the survivors. Six months had
they sustained life in this dreadful place, the fever
in the blood, and the poison in the air, consuming
their strength day by day ; and when theii- friends
received them at the door of their living tomb, they
seemed so many spectres. They lived to serve the
cause into which they had received this early
RECANTATION OF BARNES.
373
baptism. Some of them shone iu the schools,
others in the pulpit; and othere, as Fryth and
Ferrar, subsequently Bishop of St. Da\-id's, consum-
mated at the stake, long years after, the martyrdom
which they had begmi in the dungeon at Oxford.
The University of Cambridge was the first to
receive the light, but its sister of Oxford seemed
to outstrip it by being the first to be glorified by
martyrdom. Cambridge, however, was now called
to drink of the same cup. On the very same day
to London with his one piisoner. An indiscreet
sermon which Barnes had preached against the
cardinal's "jewelled shoes, poleaxes, gilt pillars,
golden cushions, silver crosses, and red gloves," or,
as the cardinal himself phrased it, " bloody gloves,"
was the ground of his apprehension. When brought
before Wolsey he justified himself " You must be
burned," said the cardinal, and ordered him into
confinement. Before the tribiuial of the bishops he
repeated next day his defence of his articles, and
VIEW OF THURCASTON CHUKCH.
(February 5th, 1526) on which the investigation
hail been set on foot at Oxford, Wolsey's chaplain,
accompanied by a sergeant-at-arms, arrived at Cam-
bridge to open there a similar inquisition. The first
act of Wolsey's agent was to arrest Barnes, the dis-
tinguished scholar, who, as we have seen, had given
the use of his pulpit in the A\igustinc Convent to
Latimer. He next began a search in the rooms of
Bilney, Latimer, and Stafford, for New Testaments,
which he had learned from spies were hidden in their
lodgings. All the Testaments had been previously
removed, and the search resulted in the discovery of
not a single copy. Without \n-oot of heresy the
chaplain could arrest no heretics, and he returned
136
was sentenced to be burned alive. His worldly
friends came round him. " If you die," said they,
" truth will die with you ; if you save your life,
you will cause truth to triumph when better
days come round." They thrust a pen into his
hand : " Haste, save yourself ! " they reiterated.
" Burned alive " — the terrible words ringing in his
ears, freezing his blood, and bewildering his brain,
he put forth his hand, and signed his recantation.
He fell now that he might stand afterwards.
Meanwhile a gi-eat discoveiy had been made at
London. The five merchants who had carried
across from Germany the English New Testaments
of Tyndale, had been ti-acked, apprehended, and
374
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
were to do \n\W\c penance at St. Paul's Cathedral
on tlio inovi'ov. It was resolved to consummate
Barnes' disgrace by making him take his place in
the penitential procession. On a lofty throne, at
the northern gate of St. Paul's, sat the cardinal,
clothed all in red, a goodly array of bishops, abbots,
and priests gathered around him. The six peni-
tents slowly passed before him, each bearing a
faggot, which, after encompiissmg the fire three
times, they cast into the flames, together with some
heretical books. This solemn act of public humilia-
tion being ended, the penitents returned to their
prison, and Wolsey, descending from his throne
and mounting his mule, rode ofl' imder a canopy
of state to his palace at Westminster.
It waa but a small matter that the disciple wa.s
biu-ning his fagot, or rotting in a cellar, when the
Word was travelling through all the kingdom.
Night and day, whether the persecutor waked or
slept, the messenger of the Heavenly King pursued
his journey, cairying the " good tidings " to the
remotest nooks of England. Depots of the Scrip-
tures were established even in some convents. The
chagi'in and irritation of the bishops were extreme.
An archiepiscopal mandate was issued in the end of
1526 agaijist the Bible, or any book containing so
much as one quotation^ from it. But mandate, in-
quisitors, all were fniitless; as passes the cloud
through the sky, depositing its blessed drops on the
eai-th below, and clothing hill and valley with
vei-dure, so passed the Bible over England, dif-
fusing light, and kindling a secret joy in men's
heai-ts. At last Bishop Tonstall bethought him of
the following expedient for entii-ely suppressing the
book. He knew a merchant, Packington by name,
who traded with Antwerp, and who he thought
might be useful to him in this matter. The bishop
being in Antwerp sent for Packington, and asked
him to bring to him all the copies of Tpidale's New
Testament that he could find. Packington under-
took to do so, provided the bishop shoidd pay the
price of them. This the bishop cheerfully agi-eod to
do. Soon thereafter Packington had an inter\iew
with Tyndale, and told him that he had found a
merchant for his New Testaments. " Who is he / "
asked Tyndale. " The BLshop of London," i-e])lied
the merchant. " If the bishop wants the New
Testament," said Tyndale, " it is to burn it."
" Doubtless," replied Packington ; " but the money
will enable you to print others, and moreover, the
bishop ^vill have it." The price wi\s paid to Tyn-
dale, the New Testaments were sent across to
London, and soon after their arrival were publicly
burned at St. Paid's Cross. Tyndale immediately
set to work to prepai'c a new and more correct
edition, and, says the chronicler,' '• they came thick
and threefold over into England." The bishop,
amazed, sent for Packington to inquire how it came
to pass that the book which he had bought up and
suppressed should be more widely circulated than
ever. Packington replied that though the copies
had been destroyed the types remained, and advised
Tonstall to buy them also. The bishop smUed, and
beginning to see how the matter stood, dismissed the
merchant, without giving him more money to be
expended in the production of more New Testa-
ments.
It was not Tyndale's edition only that was
crossing the sea. A Dutch house, knowing the
desire for the Bible which the public destruction
of it in London had awakened, printed an edition
of 5,000 of Tyndale's translation, and sent
them for dLstribution in England. These were
soon all sold, and were followed by two other
editions, which found an equally ready market.^
Then came the new and more correct edition of
Tyndale, which the pm-chase of the first edition by
Tonstall had enabled liim to prepare. This edition
was issued in a more portable form. The clergy
were seized with a feeling of dismav. A deluge of
what they termed heresy had broken in upon the
land ! " It was enough to enter London," said
they, "for one to become a heretic." They speedily
found that in endeavouring to prevejit the cu'cula-
tion of the Bibles they were attempting a work
beyond theii- strength.
The foundations of the Refonned Church of Eng-
land had been laid in the diffusion of the Scriptures,
but the ground had to be cleared of those mighty
encumbrances which obstructed the rising of the
edifice, and tliis part of the work was done by the
passions of the men who now again present them-
selves on the stage. Twice had Charles V. promised
the tiai'a to Wolsey, and twice had he broken his
promise by giving it to another. A man so pvoxid,
and also so powerful as the cardinal, was not likely
to pardon the aflront : in fact his settled purpose
was to avenge himself on the emperor, although it
should be by convulsing all Europe. The cardinal
knew that doubts had begun to trouble the king's
conscience touching the lawfulness of his union
with Catherine, that her person had become dis-
agreeable to liim, and that while he intensely
longed for an heir to his throne, issue was hope-
less in the case of his present queen. Wolsey saw
• Sti-ype, Memorials of Cranmer, p. 81. 'Wilkins, Con-
cilia, vol. iii., p. 706. Fox, vol. iv., pp. 666, 667.
- Fox, vol. iv., p. 670.
Soames, vol. i., p. 510.
ANNE BOLEYN,
375
ill these facts the means of separating England
from Spain, and of humiliating the emperor : his
own fall and tlie fall of the Popedom in England
he did not foresee. The cardinal broke his purpose,
though guardedly, to Longland, the king's confessor.'
It was agreed that in a matter of such consequence
and delicacy the cardinal himself should take the
initiative. He went first of all alone to the king,
and pointed out to him that the salvation of liis
soul, and the succession to his crown, were in peril
in this matter. Three days after he appeared again
in the royal presence, accompanied by Longland.
" Most mighty prince," said the confessor, " you
cannot, like Herod, have your brother's wife.'-' Sub-
mit the matter to proper judges." The king was
content. Henry set to studying Thomas Aquinas
on the point, and found that his favourite doctor
liad decided against such marriages ; he next asked
tlie judgment of Ids bishops ; and these, having
deliberated on the question, were unanimously, with
the exception of Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, of
opinion that the kmg's marriage was of doubtful
validity.' At this point a French bishop appears
upon the scene. Granmont, Bishop of Tarbes, had
been dispatched to the English court (February,
1527), by Francis I., on the subject of the marriage
of tlie Duke of Orleans with the Princess Mar\',
the sole surviving child of Henry VIII. The
bishop, on the part of his master, raised before the
English Council the question of the legitimacy of
Mary, on the ground that she was the issue of a
marriage forbidden^^/re divlno. Tliis, in connection
^^■ith the fact that the Emperor Charles V . had
previously objected to an alliance with the Princess
Mary on the same ground, gi-eatly increased the
scruples of the king. The two most powerful
uionarchs in Europe had, on the matter, accused him
of living in incest. It is probable that he felt real
trouble of conscience. Anotlier influence now con-
sjjired witli his scruples, and powerfully inclined
him to seek a divorce from Queen Catherine.
Anne Boleyn, so renowned for the beauty of her
l)ei'«on, the grace of her manners, and the many
endowments of her intellect, was about tliis time
appointed one of the maids of honour to Queen
Catherine. This young lady was the daughter of
Sir Thomas Boleyn, a gentleman of good family and
estate, who, having occasion to visit France, took
' Burnet, vol. i., pp. 37, 38.—" Thebest-informed writers
of the sixteenth centui-y, men of the most opposite parties
— Pole, Polydoro Virgil, Tyndale, Metoren, Pallavicini,
Sanders, and Roper, More's son-in-law— all afree in point-
infe' to AVolsL-y as the instigator of that divorce which has
become so famous." (D'Aubigne, vol. v., Ji. 407.)
- More's Life, p. 129.
' Burnet, vol. i., p. 38.
with Mm his daughter, and placed her at the French
court, where she acquired all those accomplishments
which add such lustre to female beauty. Her last
years in Fi'ance were passed in the elegant, intel-
lectual, and virtuous court of Marguerite of Valois,
the sister of Francis I. Attached to the person of
his queen, Henry VIII. had many opportunities of
seeing Anne Boleyn. He was not insensible to her
charms of person, and not less was he pleased with
the strength of her imderstaniliug, the sweetness of
her temper, and the sprightliness of her conversa-
tion. That he then entertained the idea of making
her his queen we are not prej)ared to affirm. Mean-
while a strong attachment sprang up between Amie
and the young Lord Percy, the heir of the House
of Northumberland. Wolsey divined tlieii- secret,
and set himself to frustrate their hojjes. Anne
Boleyn received an order to quit the court, and
Percy was, soon thereafter, married to a daughter
of the House of Talbot. Anne again retired to
France, from whence, after a short residence, she
returned definitively to England in 1527, and re-
appeared at court as one of the maids of honour.
Anne, now twenty years of age, was even more
accomplished, and not less virtuous, than before.''
The king became enamoured of her beauty, and one
day, finding her alone, he declared himself her lover.
The young lady fell on her knees, and in a voice
that trembled with alarm and earnestness, made
answer, " I deem, most noble King, that your Grace
speaks these words in mirth, to prove me ; if not, I
beseech your Highness to believe me that I would
rather die than comply \vith your wishes." Hemy
replied in the language of a gallant, that he would
live in hope. " I understand not, mighty King, how
you should entertain any such hope," spiritedly
answered Anne ; " j'our wife I cannot be, both in
respect of my own unworthiness, and also because
you have a queen already. Your mistress, be
assured, I never will be."^ From this day forward
Hemy was more intent than ever on the prosecu-
tion of his divorce from his queen.
•• No one now thinks it worth his while to rebut the
calumnies of Sanders in liis History of EngUsh Schism.
Perhaps no falsifier ever more completely succeeded in
mating his slanders perfectly harmless simply by making
them incredible than this writer. This lady of un-
doubted beauty, talent, and virtue, he paints .as a monster
absolutely hideous by the deformities of her body, and
the yet greater deformities of her soul. "We quote only
the following short passage from the French translation :
" On la vit apres K la cour (de France), ou elle se gouvema
avec si peu de pudeiu-, qu'on I'appelloit ordinairement
la haquciu-e d'Angletcrre. Francois I. eut part a ses bonnes
gi-aces ; on la nomma depuis la imile dn Roy." {Hisloire
(fit Schisme d'Angletcrre ; Paris, 1678.)
' Sloane MSS., 2,t95— apu(? Turner, Hist, of Eng.. vol.
ii., p. 196.
376
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
In the end of the same year (1527), Knight, one
of the royal secretaries, was dispatched to Eome,
with a request to the Pope, in the king's behalf,
that he would revoke the bull of Julius II., and
declare Homy's maiTiago ■with Catherine void.
Knight found Clement VII. m the stronghold of
St. Angelo, whither he had fled from the soldiers
of Charles V., who had just sacked the Eternal
City. Clement could not think of drawing
upon himself still farther the vengeance of the
emperor, by annulling his amit's marriage with the
King of England ; and, on the other hand, he
trembled to refuse the divorce lest he should oflend
Hem-y VIII., whose zeal in his behalf he had re-
cently rewarded %vith the title of " Defender of the
Eaith." The Emperor Charles, who had just learned
from 'a special messenger of Crtherine, with sur-
prise and indignation, what Henry A''III. was
meditating, found the question of the divorce not
Jess embarrassing than the Pope did. If, on the one
hand, he should thwart the King of England, he
would lose Henry's alliance, which he much needed
at this hour when a league had been formed to drive
him out of Italy ; and if, on the other, he should
consent to the divorce, he would sacrifice his aunt,
and stoop to see his family disgraced. He decided
to maintain his family's honour at eveiy cost. He
straightway dispatched to Rome the Cordelier De
AaigeUs, an able diplomatist, with instructions to
offer to the Pope his release from the Castle of
St. Angelo, on condition that he would promise to
refuse the English king's suit touching his di^'orce.
The captive of St. Angelo to his surprise saw two
kings n.s suppliants at his feet. He felt that he was
still Pontiff. Tlie kings, said he to himself, have
besieged and pillaged my capital, my cardinals they
have murdered, and myself they have incarcerated,
nevertheless they still need me. Which shall the
Pope oblige, Henry VIII. of England, or Charles V.
of Spain? He saw that liis true policy was to
decide neither for nor against either, but to keep
all parties at his feet by leaving them in embar-
rassment and suspense, and meanwhile to make
the question of the divorce the means by which lie
should deliver himself from his dungeon, and once
more mount his throne.
CHAPTER VI.
THE DIVORCE THOMAS BILNEV, THE lIARTVn.
Tlie Papacy Disgraces itself— Clement gives his Promise to Both Kings— A "Worthless Document sent to London—
The Pope's Doublings— The Cardinal's Devices— Henry's Anger— Biluey sets out on a Preaching Tour— Discus-
sions on Saint-Worship, &c. — Bilney Arrested — Recants — His Agony — His Second Arrest and Condemnation — His
Burning — The "Lollards* Pit " — Other Martyrs — Richard Bay field — John Tewkesbury — James Bainham—
Crucifixes and Images Pulled down— Dissemination of the Scriptures — Fourth Edition of the New Testament.
We left Clement VII. in the dungeons of the Castle
of St. Angelo, with two kings kneeling at his feet.
The Pope, " who cannot err," contrives to gratify
both monarchs. He gives to the one a promise tliat
he will do as lie desires, and grant the divorce ; he
assures the other that he will act conformably to his
wishe.s, and wthhold it. It is thus that the captive
Pope opens his prison doors, and goes back to his
kingdom. It was not -without great delay and
much tortuosity, dissimulation, and suffering that
Clement reached this issue, so advantageous at the
moment, but so disastrous in the end. His many
shifts and make-believes ; his repeated interviews
with the ambassadors of Charles and Henry; the
many angry midnight discussions in his old palace at
Orvieto; the mutual recriminations and accusations
■w*hich passed between the parties; the briefs and
bulls which wei'e drafted, amended, and cancelled,
to be drafted over again, and undergo the same
pi'ocess of emendation and extinction ; or which
were sent off to London, to be found, upon their
arrival, worthless and fit only to be burned — to
detail all this would be foreign to our purpose ; we
can only state briefly in what all these wearisome
delaj-s and shameful doublings ended. But the-se
most disgiMceful scenes were not without their
uses. The Papacy was all the while revealing its
innate meanness, hoUowness, h^'jjocrisy, and incur-
al)le viciousness, in the eyes of the emperor and the
King of England, and was prompting in even their
minds the c[uestion whether that S3'stem had not put
itself into a false position by so inextricably mixing
itself up ^^'ith secular affairs, and assuming to itself
temporal rule, seeing it was compelled to sustain
CLEMENT THE SEVENTH'S DOUBLE-DEALING.
itself in this office by cajoleries, deceptions, and lies,
to its own infinite debasement, and loss of spiritual
power and dignity. The prestige of wliicli the
Papacy then stripped itself, by its shameless tei--
giversations, it has never since recovered.
The envoy of the emperor, De AngelLs, was the
first to appear before the prisoner of St. Angelo.
The result of the negotiation between them was
that the Pope was to be released on the pi'omise
that he would do nothing in the divorce solicited by
the King of England but what was agreeable to the
emperor. Knight, the English envoy, luiable to
gain access to Clement in his prison of St. Angelo,
contrived to send in to him the paper containing
Henry's request, and the Pope returned for answer
that the dispensation asked for by the King of
England would be forwarded to London.' " So
gracious," observes Burnet, '■ was a Pope in cap-
tivity." The 10th of December, 1527, was the day
fixed for the Pope's release, but feeling that he
would owe less to the emperor by eflecting his own
escape than waiting till the imperial guards opened
the door, Clement disguised himself the evening
before, and made off for Orvieto, and took up his
abode in one of its old and ruinous tenements. The
English envoys, Knight and Cassali, followed him
thither, and obtaining an interview with him in his
new quarters, the entrance of which was blocked up
\vitli rubbish, and the walls of which had their
nakedness concealed by rows of domestics, they in-
sisted on two things — fii'st, the appointment of a
commission to try the divorce in England ; and
secondly, a dispensation empowering King Hem-y to
)narry again as soon as the divorce was pronounced.
These two demands were .strongly pressed on the
perplexed and bewildered Pope. The king offered
to the Po})e " assistance, riches, armies, crown, and
even life," as the reward of compliance, while the
jjcnalty of refusal was to be the separation of Eng-
land from the tiara.- The poor Pope was placed
between the terrible Charles, whose armies were
still in Italy, and the powerful Henry. After re-
peated attempts to dupe the agents, both the com-
mission and the dispensation were given,'' but with
piteous tears and enti-eaties on the part of the Pope
that they would not act upon the commission till he
was rid of the Spaniards. The French army, under
Leutrec, was then in Italy, engaged in the attempt
to e.\i)cl tlic Spaniards from the peninsida ; and
the Poi)e, seeing in thLs position of affaLi-.s a chance
of escape out of his dilemma, finally refused to per-
' Burnet, vol. i., p. 47.
= See copy of original letter of Cardinal Wolsoy to Sir
Gregory ra.«?iili, in Huinet, vol. i.—Records, iii.
'■' Bin-net, vol. i., p. -IS.
mit the King of England to act on the commission
wliicli he had just put into the hands of his envoy,
till the French should be under the walls of Orvieto,
which would furnish him with a pretext for saying
to Charles that he had issued the connuission to pro-
nounce the divorce under the compulsion of the
French. He promised, moreover, that as soon as
the French arrived he would send another copy of
the document, properly signed, to be acted upon at
once.
Meanwhile, and before the bearer of the first
documents had reached London, a new demand
arrived from England. Henry expressed a wiali to
have another cardinal-legate joined with Wolsey in
trying the cause. This request was also disagree-
able, and Clement attempted to evade it by advising
that Henry should himself jironouuce the divorce,
for which, the Pope said, he was as able as any
doctor in all the world, and that he should marry
another wife, and he promised that the Papal con-
firmation should afterwards be forthcoming. This
course was deemed too hazardous to be taken, and
the councillors were confirmed in this opinion by
discovering that the commission which the Pope
had sent, and which had now arrived in England,
was worthless — fit only to be burned.'' The king
was chafed and angry. " Wait until the impciialists
have quitted Italy! "he exclaimed; "the Pope is
putting us off to the Greek Kalends."
The remedies which suggested themselves to the
cardinal for a state of things that portended the
downfall of the Popedom in England, and his own
not less, were of a very extraordinary kind. On the
21st of January, 1528, France and England declared
war against Spain. Wolsey in this gi-atified two
passions at the same time : he avenged himself on
the emperor for passing him over in the matter of
the Popedom, and he sought to opn Clement's
way to decree the divorce, by ridding him of the
terror of Charles. To war the cardinal proposed
to add the excommunication of the emperor, who
was to pay with the loss of his throne for refusing
the Papal chaii- to Wolsey. The bull for dethroning
Charles is said to have been drafted, but the success
of the emperor's arms iix Italy deterred the Pope
from fulminating it. Finding the dethronement of
Charles hopeless, Wolsey next turned his tlioughts
to tJie deposition of the Pope. The Church must
sustain damage, he argued, from the thraldom in
which Clement is at present kept. A vicar, or
acting head, ought to be elected to govern Chi-is-
tendom so long as the Pope is virtually a
prisoner : the vicar-to-be was, of couree, no other
•• Burnet, vol. i., pp. ■!'.•, 50.
378
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
than himself.' It was a crafty scheme for entering
upon the permanent occupation of the cliaii- of Peter.
S>ich were the intrigues, the disappointments, the
perplexities and alarms into which this matter, tirst
put in motion by Wolsey,
had plunged all parties.
This was bwt the first
overcasting of the skj^ ;
the tempest was yet to
come.
While the kingdoms of
the Papal world arc beset
by these difficulties, there
rises, in majestic silence,
iinother kingdom, that
cannot be shaken, of
which the builders are
\)i|ten oft^e aRVrttgt)tte/an9u)l)enVfaf£et^
6ftt»nef)ail> l)\i eyesopeneb .jfe bin^but
•not -noto/^ bel)or6al)mbui-nott>v«4S^eTC.
■fbaK cowc aflaTTfcof3acob anbiyfcaccpler
ofjsraef./TOlj'id) f^aff fnipte )>' cpoftesef J^ioi
ab aT)6un^0rm>>ne aftl^ectjiCbem pfo«.tij.
21nb if bom f]t)af be b'ls poffef/ton/an^ypop
pjffion of 6^giT fT)afbet()cir cnitnycs/aTtbSf
Toe f/^ aff 600 manfttffv .1Iti6 out of Jacob
sljaS! come l;£.tl)at|T)aff i)e(lr&y6t()e«intiaut
oft be Ciller.
F.VC-MMILE OF NUMnEUS XXIV. 10 — 19. {Ttjnilah, 1531.)
humble evangelists, act-
ing through the instrumentality of the Scriptures.
Thomas Bilney, of Cambridge, exchanging his
constitutional timidity for apostolic fervour and
courage, set out on a preaching tour through the
eastern parts of England. " Behold," said he, like
another preacher of the desert, addressing the
crowds that gathered round him, " Behold the
Lamb of God, who
Cambridge scholar and disciple. They wei'e often
pulled from the pulpit by the friars. " What
matters it to silence met" said Arthur on one of
these occasions. " Though I should be put to
death, there are 7,000
better jireachers than
myself who will rise up
to take my place." One
day (2Sth May, 1.527)
when Bilney was ]ireach-
ing in Christ Church,
Ipswich, he said, " Our
Saviour Christ is our
Mediator between us and
the Father : what should
we need then to seek to
any saint for remedy]"
taketh away the sins of
the world." " If Christ
takes away the sins of
men," he continued,
" what good will it do
you to be buried in the
cowl of St. Francis 1
This 'Lamb' takes
away your sins now :
not after years of
penance, but this mo-
ment Good
people, put away your
idols of gold and silver.
Why are Jews and
Mohammedans not yet
converted? We have
to thank the Pope and
the priests for this,
ihiftee.
' vraxS paayfe l^ © 6oibe/t^at t^ou^^
" That," said a certaii\
fiiar, named John Brusicrd, " was true iir St.
Paul's time, but not in ours : Christ was then the
one Mediator, for no one had j'et been canonised,
and there were no saints in the calendar."^ At
another time Bilney was asked by the same friar
to solve the difficulty, how the Pope, who lived in
his own house, coukl be " the Antichrist, sitting
in the temple of God
as God ?"
_^ " Do you know the
f^rr Wtff paayrrii^ ©'6oibe/t^at t^ou^^ Table of 'the Ten Com-
■31 t^ou toneanstf e to'ilO me/jjutt&^tican efale.yil mandments V a.sked
^J^gcrts turueb/fltth t^ciu ^aft comfojte
■ftW.lBe^ofie <!5ob tem^fatuadot^c^toxffBe
Bofie l^erfote an'6 xiot fcatc.^ox t6e foxl>e
(Soi> tsttt)) flren«l6 atib •mY-piayfc to^etof
3P fw^e: atib \e ftcoinz tny faxypouTe.TJu&;)'e
f^att bxaSx>i toatet in ^fabtiea cute of t^£ 'coet
tee of fafnacioi). 2Jnbye efjaff px^eii^ l6ai i)a«
Ve:geue Ifiankee unto ifietoifce/caffoti ^ieticu
me.'mak^ file bcbes kootoeti amonge l^e ^es
tBen: tememBer ifiat fiio name is fiie. jS,yfte
tip.^^nge nnlo lf)e foibe/foi ^t oat(^ box\&
epttffenityi/a-nb \fla\ te Knoteen t^o^oVB oUi
le off lBeV»oaf6c.£r)>cat>5(l^otote l^ou^n;
BaBiter of Stou/foi ttTealaroonge yoaietfic
^oi^i, 0f3fr<u(. ' ' ^ ^
I'.1C-SIMILE or ISAIAH XII. [T'jndaU, IMI.)
who liave preached to
them no other Gospel than that of oflering wax
candles to stocks and stones. Good people, refrain
from lighting candles to the saints, for those in
heaven have no need of them, and their images on
eai-th have no eyes to see them."-
Bilney was accompanied by Arthur, another
Bilnej'. The friar re-
iilied that he did.
" And do you know
the constitutions de-
vised by men, and
bound on men under
pain of death f The
friar gave a qualified
confession of his know-
ledge of such constitu-
tions.
" It is written," said
Bilney, " ' The temple
of the Lord is holy,
which is you.' There-
' See "The Cardinal's Letter to the Ambassadors about
his Promotion to the Popedom," in Burnet, i.— Records, xx.
■ Fox, voL iv., pp. 621—625.
fore, the conscience of
man is the temple of tlie Holy Ghost. For him
who contemneth the Table of the Commandments
of God there is but a small punishment, whei'eas
for him who contemneth the constitutions of the
Pope there is the punishment of deatli. ^\^lat is
this but for the High Priest of Rome to sit and
reign in the temple of God (that is, in man's con-
science) as God 1"'
3 Fox, vol. iv., pp. 628, 629. ^ Ibid., p. 630^ '
RECANTATION OF BILNEY.
379
Bilney and Arthur were arrested, and on the
27th of November, 1527, were brouglit before the
Bishops' Court, in the Chapter-house of West-
minster. Wolsey took his seat on the bench for a
moment only to state the alternative — abjuration
or death — and withdrew to attend to affairs of
State. Tlie two prisoners boldly confessed the
faith they had preached. The extraordinary scene
The desue of saving his life for the sei'%4cc-of
truth was what caused him to fall. He would
deny his Master now that he might serve him in
the future.
On Sunday, the 8th of December, a jienitential
procession was seen moving towards St. Paul's
Cross. BUney, his head bare, walked m front of it,
carrying his fagot on his shoulder, as much as to
PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM TYNDALE. (From on old Etiy:
the Bibliothcq\ie NationaJe.)
that followed between Tonstall, the presiding judge,
and Bilney — the one jiressing forward to the stake,
the other stri'ving to hold him back — has been
gi-aphicnlly described by the chronicler.' But it
was neither the exhoi-tations of the judge nor the
fear of burning th.at shook the steadfastness of
Bilney ; it was the worldly-\vise and sophistical
reasonings of his friends, who crowded round hin'i,
and plied him day and night with their entreaties.
' Foi.vol.iv., pp. 631,632.
say, " I am a heretic, and worthy of the fire." Had
he been actually going to the tire his head would
not have been bowed so low ; but, alas ! his wa3
not the only head which was that day boweil down in
England. A standard-bearer had fainted, and many
a young soldier ashamed to look up kept his eyes
fixed on the gi-ound. This was the lii-st use served
by that life which Bilney had redeemed from the
stake by his recantation.*
■ Fox, vol. iv., pp. 631, 632.
380
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
After his public ptuitcnco lie was seut back to
prLson. When we think of what Bilney once was,
and of what he had now become, we shall see that
one of two tilings must happen to the foUen disciple.
Either such a malignant hatred of the Gospel will
take possession of his mind as that he shall
be insensible to his sin, and perhajDS become a
pereecutor of his former bretlu-en, or a night of
horror and anguish will cover him. It was the
latter that was realised. He lay, says Latimer, for
two years "in a burning hell of despair."' When
at length he was released from prison and returned
to Cambridge, he wiis in " .such anguish and agony
that he could scarce eat or drink." His friends
came round him " to comfort him, but no comfort
could he find." Afraid to leave him a single hour
alone, " they were fain to be with him night and
day." When they quoted the pi-omises of the Word
of God to him, " it was as if one had ran him
tlu-ough the heart -ndth a sword." The Bible had
become a Mount Sinai to him, it was black with
■wrath, and flaming with condemnation. But at
last the eye that looked on Peter was tvirned on
Bilney, and hope and strength returned into his
soul. " He came again," says Latimer, like one
rising from the dead. One evening in 1531, he
took leave of his friends in Cambridge at ten o'clock
of the night, saying that "he was going up to
Jerusalem, and should see them no more." He set
out overnight, and arriving at Norfolk, he began to
preach privately in the houses of those disciples
whom his fall had stumbled, and whom he felt it
to be his duty first of all to confirm in the faith
Having restored them, he began to preach openly in
the fields around the city. He next proceeded to
Norfolk, where he continued his public ministry,
publishing the faith he had abjured, and exhorting
the disciples to be warned by his fall not to take
coiuisel ^vith worldly-minded friends. He spoke as
one who had " known the terrors of the Lord.""
In no long time, he was apprehended and thrown
into prison. Friai's of all colours came round him ;
but Bilney, leaning on Christ alone, was not to fall
a second time. He was condemned to be burned
as a heretic. The ceremony of degi-ading him was
gone through with great fomiality. On the night
befoi-e his execution, he supped in prison with his
friends, conversing calmly on his approaching death,
and repeatmg oft, and in joyous accents, the words
in Isaiah xliii. 2, " When thou walkest through the
fire, thou shalt not be burned," ic. = To test his
' Fox, vol. iv., p. G43.
- Latimer's Sermons— Pox, vol. iv., pp. &il, Ct2.
^ Bilney's Bible is now in the library of Corpus
Cliristi College, Cambridge. It lias numerous annota-
powers of enduring the physical suBeriiigs awaiting
him, he put his forefinger into the flame of the
candle, and, according to some accounts, kept it
there till the first joint was biu'ned.
Next morning, which was Saturday, the officers
in theii' glaives, and holding their halberds, were
seen at the prison door, waiting the coming forth of
the martyr. Thomas Bilney appeared, accompanied
by Dr. Warner, Vicar of Winterton, whom he had
selected, as one of the oldest of his friends, to be
with him in his last hours. Preceded by the
offioei-s, and followed by the crowd of spectators,
they set out for the stake, which was planted outside
the city gate, in a low and circular hollow, whose
enra'oning hUls enabled the spectators to seat them-
selves as in an amphitheatre, and witness tlie
execution. The spot has ever since borne the name
of the "Lollards' Pit." He was attii-ed in a lay-
man's gown, -svitli open sleeves. All along the
route he distributed liberal alms by the hands of a
friend. Being come to the place where he was to
die, he descended into the hollow, the slopes of
which wex'e clothed ^^'ith spectators. The execu-
tioners had not yet finished their preparations, and
Bilney addressed a few words to the crowd. All
being ready, he embraced the stake, and kissed it.
Then kneeling do«ii, he prayed with great com-
posure, ending with the words of the psalm, " Hear
my prayer, O Lord ; give ear to my supplications."
He thrice repeated, in deep and solemn accents, the
next verse, " And enter not into judgment with
thy servant ; for in thy sight shall no man li^'ing
be justified." Then once more he said, " My soul
tliirsteth for thee." "Ai-e you ready ?" he inquired
of the executioners. " We are ready," was the
reply. He put ofl' his coat and doublet ; and,
standing on the stejj in front of the stake, the chain
was put round his body. Dr. Warner came up to
him, and in the few words which his tears suffered
him to utter, he bade the martyr farewell. Bilney,
his face lighted with a gentle smile, bowed his head
towards him, and expressed his thanks, adding, "O
IMaster Doctor, Pctsce yregem tuiim ; pasce grcyeni
^in(»i" (Feed your ffock; feed your flock). Warner
departed, "sobbing and weeping." A crowd of
friars, who had given evidence against Bilney on
his trial, next pressed round the stake, entreating
the martyr to acquit them of his death before the
people, lest they should withhold their alms from
them. " Whereupon," says the chronicler, " the
said Thomas Bilney spake wth a loud voice to the
tions in his own liand ; and the verse quoted in the text,
from Isaiah xliii., which consoled the martyi' in his last
hours, is spoci.ally marked with a i^en on the margin.
(Ed. of For, Lond. edition, 1S4G.)
ENGLISH MARTYES.
381
people, and siiid, ' I pray you, good people, be never
worse to these men for my sake, as though they
should be the authors of my death : it was not
they.' And so he ended."
The officers now made instant preparation for the
execution. They piled up reeds and fagots about
his body. The torch was applied to the reeds ; the
fire readily caught, and, moimting aloft with
crackling noise, the flames enveloped the martyr,
and blackened the skin of his face. Lifting up his
hands, and striking upon his breast, he cried at
times, "Je.su," and again, "Credo." A great
tempest of wind, which had raged several days,
inflicting great damage on the ripened corn-fields,
was blowing at the time. Its violence parted the
flames, and blowing them to either side of the
suflerer, left full in sight of the vast concourse the
blackened and ghastly figure of the mai'tyr. This
liappened thrice. At last the fire caught such
hold upon the wood that it burned steadily ; and
now " hLs bodv, being withered, bowed downiwartl
upon the chain." One of the officers, with his
lialberd, struck out the staple in the stake behind,
and the body fell along upon the ashes. Fresh
fagots were heaped over it; and being again
lighted, the whole was speedily consumed. '
So died the first disciple and evangelist in Eng-
land in Reformation times. His knowledge was
not perfect : some of the errors of Rome remained
with him to the last ; but this much had he learned
from the Greek New Testament of ErasniTis, that
there Ls but one object of worship, namely, God ;
that there is but one Saviour, namely, Chi'ist ; and
that forgiveness comes freely to men through his
blood. Twenty years after the tragedy in tin;
Lollards' Pit, Latimer, whom he had brought
to the knowledge of the truth, preaching before
Edwar<l VI., called him "that blessed martyr of
God, Thomas Bilncy."
The Scriptures sowed the seed in England, and
the blood of martyrs watered it. Next aftfr Bilney
came Richard Bayfield. Bayfield was a monk of
Bur}', and was converted chiefly through Tyndalo's
New Testament. He went beyond seas, and join-
ing himself to Tyndale and Eryth, he returned to
England, bringing with him many copies of the
Bible, which he l)egan to disseminate. He was
apprehended in London, and can-ied first to the
Lollards' Tower, and thence to the Coal-house.
" Here he was tied," says the martyrologist, " b}'
the neck, middle, and legs, standing upright by
the walls, divers times, manacled."- The design of
this cnielty, whicli the greatest criminals were
spared, was to comi^el him to disclose the names
of those who had bought copies of the Word of God
from him ; but this he refused to do. He was
brouglit before Stokesley, Bishop of London, and
accused of " being beyond the sea, and of bringing
thence divers and many books, as well of Martin
Luther's own works, as of others of his damnable
sect, and of QScolampadius the great heretic, and of
divers other heretics, both in Latin and English."
He was sentenced to the fire. Before execution
he was degraded in the Cathedral-chm-ch of St.
Paul's. At the close of the ceremonies, the Bishoj)
of London stnick him so violent a blow on the
breast ^vith his crosier, that he fell backwards, and
swooning, rolled down the steps of the choir. On
reviving, he thanked God that now he had been
delivered from the malignant Church of Antichrist,
alluding to the ceremony of " degradation " which
he had just undergone. He was carried to the
stake at Smithfield in the apparel in which
Stokesley had arrayed him. He remained half an
hour alive on the pile, the fire touching one of his
sides onl}'. When his left arm was burned, he
touched it with the right, and it dropped ofl'. He
stood unmoved, praying all the while.^
JMany others followed. Among these was John
Tewkesbury, merchant in London. Tjaidale's New
Testament had delivered him from the darkness.
Becoming an object of suspicion to the priests, ho
was apprehended, and taken to the house of Sir
Thomas More, now Lord Chancellor of England.
He was shut up a whole week in the porter's lodge ;
liis hands, feet, and head being placed in the stocks.
He was then taken out and tied to a tree in Sir
Thomas's garden, termed the Tree of Truth, and
\\hipped, and small cords were drawn so tightly
round his forehead that the blood started from his
eyes. Such were the means which the elegant scholar
and accomplished wit took to make this disciple of
the Gospel reveal his associates. He was next car-
ried to the Tower, and stretched on the rack till his
limbs were broken. He yielded to the extremity
of his sufierings, and recanted. This was in 1529.
The brave death of his friend Bayfield re^•ived
his courage. The foot .soon came to the knowledge
of his persecutors, and being arrested, the Bishop
of London held an assize upon him in the house of
Sir Thomas More, and having pa.sscd sentence u]ion
him as a relapsed heretic, he was carried to Smith-
field and burned.''
James Baiuham, a gentleman of Gloucestershii-e,
and member of the Jliddle Temple, delighted in
the study of the Sciiptures, and began to exhibit in
' Fox, vol. iv., pp. Goi, 055.
loid., p. C31.
3 Fox, vol. iv., pp. G37, 6SS.
IlUl, pp. GSD-604.
382
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
his life in eminent degree the evangelical virtues.
He was aiTested, and carried to the house of Sir
Thomas jNIore at Chelsea. He was passed through
the same terrible ordeal to which the author of
Utopia liad subjected Tewkesbury. He was tied to
the Tree of Truth, scourged, and then sent to the
Tower to be racked. The chancellor was ex-
ceedingly aioxious to discover who of the gentlemen
of the Temple, his acquaintance, had embraced the
Gospel, but no disclosure could these cruelties ex-
tort from Bainham. On his trial he was drawn by
the arts of his euemies to abjure. He appeared a
few days after at St. Paul's Cross with his fagot ;
but recantation was followed by bitter repentance.
He too felt that the fires which remorse kindles in
the soul are sharper than those which the persecutor
kindles to consume the body. The fallen disciple,
receiving strength from on high, again stood up.
An-ested and brought to trial a second time, he
was more than a conqueror over all the arts which
were again put forth against his steadfastness. On
May-day, at two o'clock (1532), he appeared in
Smithfield. Going forwai-d to the stake, which
was guarded by horsemen, he threw himself flat on
his face and prayed. Then rising up, he embraced
the stake, and taking hold of the chain, he wound
it round hLs body, while a serjeant made it fast
behind.
Standing on the pitch-barrel, he addressed the
people, telling them that " it was lawful for every
man and woman to have God's Book in their
mother tongue," and warning them against the
errors in which they and their fathers had lived.
" Thou liest, thou heretic," said Master Pane, town-
clerk of London. " Thou deniest the blessed Sacra-
ment of the altar." "I do not deny the Sacrament
of Christ's body and blood, as it was instituted by
Christ, but I deny your transubstantiation, and
your idolatry of the bread, and that Christ, God and
man, should dwell ui a piece of bread ; but that he
is in heaven, sitting on the right hand of God the
Father." " Thou heretic !" said Pane — " Set fire to
him and bum him."
The train of gunpowder was now ignited. As the
flame approached him, he lifted up his eyes and
hands to heaven, and prayed for the forgiveness of
Pane and of Sir Thomas More, and continued at in-
tervals in sup]>lication till the fire had reached his
head. " It is to be observed," says the chronicler,
" that as he was at the stake, in the midst of the
flaming fire, which fire had half consumed his
anns and legs, he spake these words : ' O yo
Papists ! behold, ye look for miracles, and liere
now ye may see a miracle ; for in this tire I feel no
more pain than if I were in a bed of down ; but it
is to me as a bed of roses.' These words spake he
in the midst of the flaming fire, when his legs and
arms, as I said, were half consumed."'
While these and many other martyrs were dying
at the stake, indications were not wanting that the
popular feeling was turning against the old faith in
the destruction of its public symbols. Many of
the crucifixes that stood by the highway were
pulled down. The images of saints, whose very
names are now forgotten, were destroyed. The
images of " Our Lady" .sometimes disappeared from
chapels, and no one knew where they had gone, or
by whom they had been carried ofl'. The authoi's
of these acts were in a few cases discovered and
hanged, but in the majority of instances they
remained unknown. But this outbreak of the
iconoclast spirit in England was as nothing com-
pared to the fury with wliich it showed itself in the
Low Countries, and the havoc it inflicted on the
cathedrals and shrines of Belgium, Swtzerland,
and the south of France.
But the one pre-eminent Reforming Power in
England was that which descended on the land
softly as descends the dew, and advanced noiselessly
as the light of morning spreads over the earth —
the Holy Scriptures. A little before the events we
have just naiTated, a fourth edition of the New
Testament, more beautiful than the previous ones,
had been printed in Antwerp, and was brought
into England. A scarcity of bread which then
prevailed in the country caused the corn ships from
the Low Coimtries to be all the more readily wel-
comed, and the "Word of Life" was sent across
concealed in them. But it happened that a priest
opening his sack of corn found in the sack's mouth
the Book so much dreaded by the clergy, and has-
tened to give information that, along with the bread
that nourisheth the body, that whicli destroyeth the
soul was being imported into England. Never-
theless, the most part of the copies escaped, and,
diflused among the people, began slowly to lift the
mass out of vassalage, to awaken thouglit, and to
prepare for liberty. The bishops would at tunes
bum a hundred or two of copies at St. Paul's Cross ;
but this policy, as might have been expected, only re-
sulted in whetting the desire of the people to possess
the sacred volume. Anxious to discover who fur-
nished tlie money for printing this endless supjily of
Bibles, Sir Tlionias jNIore said one day to one George
Constantine, who had been apprehended on suspicion
of heresy, "Constantine, I would have you be plain
^vith me in one thing that I will ask thee, and I pro-
mise thee that I will show thee favour in all other
' Fox, vol. iv., pp. 697—705.
CAMPEGGIO ARRIVES IN ENGLAND.
383
things of ^vhich thou art accused. There is be3'oncl
the sea Tyiiclale, Joye, and a great many of you.
There be some that help and succour them with
money. I pray thee, tell me who they be !" " My
lord, I -will tell you truly," said Constantino, " it is
the Bishop of London that hath holpen us, for he
hath liestowed upon us a great deal of mouoy upon
New Testaments to burn them, and that hath been
and yet is our only succour and comfort." " Now
by my truth," said the chancellor, " I think even
the same, for so much I told the bishop liefore he
went about it."^
CHAPTER VII.
THE DIVORCE, AND WOLSEY's PALL.
Bull for Dissolving the King's Marriage— Campeggio's Arrival— His Secret Instructions— Shows the Bull to Henry —
The Commission Opened— The King and. Queen Cited— Catherine's Address to Henry— Pleadings— Campeggio
Adjourns the Court— Henry's Wrath— It Fii'st Strikes Wolsey— His Many Enemies— His Disgrace— The Cause
Avoked to Komo — Hem-y's Fulminatious— Inhibits the Bull— His Eesolution touching the Popedom— Wolsey's
Last Interview with the King— Campeggio's Departure— Bills Filed in King's Bench against Wolsey— Deprived
of the Great Seal— Goes to Esher— Indictment against him in Parliament— Thrown out— The Cardinal Banished
to York — His Life there— Arrested for High Treason— His Journey to Leicester — His Death — His Burial.
Wolsey at last made it clear to Clement VII. and
his cardinals that if the divorce were not granted
England was lost to the Popedom. The divorce
would not have cost them a thought, nor would
Henry have been put to the trouble of asking
it twice, but for the terror in which they Stood
of the emperor, whose armies encompassed them.
But at that moment the fortune of war was going
against Charles V. ; his soldiers were retreating
before the French ; and Clement, persuading him-
self that Charles was as good as driven out of Italy,
said, "I shall oblige the King of England." On the
8th of June, L'528, the Pope issued a commission
empowei-ing Campeggio and Wolsey to declare the
marriage between Henry and Catherine null and
void. A few days later he signed a decretal by
which lie himself annulled the man-iage.' This
important document was put into the hands of
Campeggio, who was dispatched to England with
instnictions to show the bull to no one save to
Henry and Wolsey. Whether it should ever bo
made public would depend upon the course of
events. If the emperor were finally beaten, the
decretal was to be acted upon; if he recovered
his good fortune, it was to be buraed. Cam-
peggio set out, and travelled by slow stages, for
he had been instructed to avail himself of every
pretext for interposing delay, in the hope that time
would bring a solution of the matter. At last
' Herbert, p. 248. Strype, Erd. Jfeii!., vol. i.. p. 171.
Burnet, vol. i., pp. 5-J, 55.
Campeggio appeared, and his anival with the bull
dissolving the marriage gave unbounded joy to the
king. This ti-oublesome business was at an end,
Henry thought. His conscience was at rest, and
liis way opened to contract another marriage. The
New Testament was separating England from the
Papacy, but the decretal had come to bind the kiirg
and the realm more firmly to Rome than ever.
Nevertheless, a Higher than man's ■ndsdom made
the two — Tyndale's New Testament and Clement's
decretal — combine in the issue to eft'ect the same
result.
Eight months passed away before Campeggio
opened his commission. Ho had been overtaken
on the road by messengers from Clement, who
brought him fresh instructions. The arms of the
emperor ha^'ing triumphed, the whole political
situation had been suddenly changed, and hence
the new orders sent after Campeggio, which wei-e
to the effect that he should do his utmost to
persuade Catherine to enter a nunnery ; and, failing
this, that he should not decide the cause, but send
it to Rome. Campeggio began with the queen,
but she refused to take the veil ; he next sought
to induce the king to abandon the prosecution of
the divorce. Henrj' stormed, and asked the
legate if it was thus that the Popo kept his word,
and repaid the services done to the Popedom.
To pacify and reassure the monarch, Campeggio
showed him the bull annvdling the marriage; but
- Fox— Soames, Hist, of Refoi-mation, vol. i., p. 512.
TRIAL OF QUEEN CATHERINE.
385
no entreaty of tlie king could prevail on the legate
to part with it, or to permit Henry any benefit
from it save the sight of it.'
After many delays, the Legantine Commission
•was opened on the 18th of June, 1529, in the
great hall of the Black Friai-s, the same building,
and possibly the same chamber, in which the
Convocation had a.ssembled that condemned the
doctrines of Wicliffe. Both the king and queen
had lieen cited to appear. Catherine, presenting
herself before the court, said, "I protest against the
legates as incompetent judges, and appeal to the
Pope."- On this the court adjourned to the 21st
of June. On that day the two legates took their
places Nvith gi-eat jjomp ; around them was a nume-
rous assemVjlage of bishops, abbots, and secretaries ;
on the right hung a cloth of state, where sat the
king, attended by his councillors and lords ; and on
the left was the queen, surrounded by her ladies.
The king answered to the call of the usher; but the
queen, on being summoned, rose, and making the
circuit of the court, fell on her knees before her
husband, and addressed him with much dignity and
emotion. She besought him by the love which had
been between them, by the affection and fidelity
she had uniformly sho^vn him during these twenty
years of their man-ied life, by the children which
had been the fruit of their union, and by her own
friendless estate in a foreign land, to do her justice
and right, and not to call her before a court formed
as this was ; yet should he refuse this favour, she
would be silent, and remit her just cause to Ood.
Her simple but pathetic words, spoken with a
foreign accent, touched all who lieai'd them, not
even excepting the king and the judges. Having
ended, instead of returning to her seat, she left the
court, and never again appeared in it.
The queen replied to a second citation liy again
disowning the tribunal and appealing to the Pope.
She was jironounced contumacious, and the cause
was proceeded with. The pleadings on both sides
went on for about a month. It was believed by
every one that sentence would be pronounced on
the 23rd of Jiily. The court, the clergy, the whole
nation waited with breathless impatience for the
result. On the appointed day the judgmentrhall
was crowded ; the king himself had stolen into a
gaUery adjoining the hall, so that unobserved he
might witness the issue. Campeggio slowly rose :
' Burnet, vol. i., p. 58 : "He could not be brought to
part with the decretal bull out of his hands, or to leare
it for a minute, cither with the king or the cardinal."
Campeggio would not even show it to the Council.
° Sanders, Histoire du Schismc d'AngUterre, p. 44;
Paris, 1678.
137
the silence grew deeper : the moment wa-s biw with
the fate of the Papacy in England. " As the
vacation of the Rota at Rome," said the legate,
" begins to-morrow, I adjourn the court to the 1st
of October."^
These words struck the audience with stupefac-
tion. The noise of a violent blow on the table,
re-echoing thi'ough the hall, roused theni from their
astonishment. The Duke of Suffolk accompanied
the stroke, for he it was who had struck the blow,
with the words, " By the Mass ! the old saw is
verified to-day: never was there legate or cardinal
that brought good to England."^ But the man on
whose ears the words of Campeggio fell with the
most stunning effect was the king. His first
impulse was to give vent to the indignation with
which they filled him. He saw that he was being
deluded and befooled by the Pope ; that iu spite of
all the services he had rendered the Popedom,
Clement cared nothing for the peace of his con-
science or the tranquillity of his kingdom, and was
manifestly playing into the hands of the emperor.
Henry's wrath grew hotter eveiy moment ; but,
restraining himself, he went back to his palace,
there to ruminate over the embroglio into which
this unexpected turn of affaii-s had brought him,
and if possible devise measures for finding his way
out of it.
A King John would have sunk under the blow :
it but roused the tyrant that slumbered in the breast
of Hemy VIII. From that hour he was changed ;
his pride, his truculence, his selfish, morose, blood-
thii'sty despotism henceforward overshadowed the
gaiety, and love of letters, and fondness for pomps
which had previously characterised Mm.
Of the two men who had incurred his deeply-
rooted displeasure- — Clement and Wolsey — the
latter was the first to feel the effects of his anger.
Tlie cardinal was now fallen in the eyes of hLs
master ; and the courtiers, who were not slow to
discover the fact, hastened to the king with addi-
tional' proofs that Wolsey had sacrificed the king
for the Pope, and England for the Papacy. Those
who before had neither eyes to see his intrigues
nor a tongue to reveal them, now found both, and
accusers started up on all sides, and, as will
happen, those sycophants who had bowed the
lowest were now the loudest in then- condemna-
tions. Hardly was there a nobleman at court
whom Wolsey's haughtiness had not offended, and
hardly was there a citizen whom his immoralities,
' Burnet, vol. i., p. 77.
* " Jura par la sainte Messe, que jamais Ugat ne car-
dinal n'avoit bienfait en Angieterre." (Sanders, p. 62.)
386
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTIS:\r.
liis greed, and las exactions had not disgusted, and
■wherever he looked he saw only contemners and
enemies. Abroad the prospect that met the eye of
the cardinal was not a whit more agreeable. He
had kindled the torch of war in Europe ; he had
used both Charles and Francis for his o^vn interests ;
they knew him to be revengeful as well a.s selfish
and false. Wherever his fome had travelled — and
it had gone to all European lands — there too had
coma the report of the qualities that distinguished
him, and bj' which he had climbed to liis unrivalled
eminence — a craft that was consummate, an avarice
that was insatiable, and an ambition that was bound-
less. Whichever way the divorce should go, the
cardinal was undone : if it were refused he would
be met by the vengeance of Henry, and if it were
granted he would inevitably fall under the hostility
and hatred of Anne Bolejai and her friends. Seldom
has human career had so brilliant a noon, and
seldom has such a noon been followed by a night
so black and terrible. But the end was not yet :
a little space was interposed between the with-
di-awal of the royal favour and the final fall of
Wolsey.
On the 6th of July, the Pope avoked to Rome the
cause between Hemy of England and Catherine of
Aragon.' On the 3rd of August, the king was
informed that he had been cited before the Pope's
tribunal, and that, failing to appear, he was con-
demned in a fine of 10,000 ducats. "This ordon-
nance of the Pope," says Sanders, " was not only
posted up at Rome, but at Bruges, at Tournay, and
on all the churches of Flanders."- What a humi-
liation to the proud and powerful monarch of
England ! This citation crowned the insults given
him by Clement, and filled up the cup of Henry's
wrath. Gardiner, who had just returned from
Rome with these most \inwelcome news, witnessed
the storm that now burst in the royal apartment.'
The chafed and affronted Tudor fulminated against
the Pope and all his priests. Yes, he would go to
Rome, but Rome should repent his coming. He
would go at the head of his army, and see if priest
or Pope dare cite him to his tribinial, or look him
in the face.* But second thoughts taught Henry
that, bad as the matter was, any ebullition of
temper would only make it worse by showing how
deep the affront had sunk. Accordingly, he
ordered Gardiner to conceal this citation from the
knowledge of his subjects ; and, meanwhile, in the
' Burnet, Records, bk. i., p. 81.
- Sanders, p. G.3.
= Herbert, Life of Hemy VIII., p. 287.
■• State Papers, vii., p. 194.
e.xercise of the powers vested in liiiu by the Act of
Praemunire, he inhibited the bull and forbade it to
be served upon him. The commission of the two
legates wa.s, however, at an end, and the avocation
of the cause to Rome was in reality an adjudication
against the king.
Two yeare had been lost : this was not all ; the
king had not now a single ally on the Continent.
Charles V. and Clement VII. were again fast
friends, and were to spend the winter together in
Bologna.^ I.solation abroad, humiliation at home,
and bitter disappointment in the scheme on which
his heart was so much set, were all that he had
reaped from the many fair promises of Clement and
the crafty handling of Wolsey. Nor did the king
see how ever he could i-ealise his hopes of a divorce,
of a second mamage, and of an heir to his throne,
so long as he left the matter in the hands of the
Pope. He must either abandon the idea of a
divorce, with all that he had built upon it, or he
must withdraw it from the Papal jurisdiction. He
was resolved not to take the first course — the second
only remained open to him. He would withdraw
his cause, and, along with it, himself and his
throne, from the Roman tribunals and the juris-
diction of the Papal supremacy. In no other way
could he rescue the affair from the dead-lock into
which it had fallen. But the matter was weighty,
and had to be gone aljout with great deliberation.
Meanwhile events were accelerating the ruin of
the cardinal.
The king, seeking in change of residence escape
from the vexations that filled his mind, had gone
down to Grafton in Northamptonshire. Thither
Campeggio followed him, to take leave of the court
before setting out for Italy. Wolsey accompanied
his brother-legate to Grafton, but was coldly re-
ceived. The king drew him into the embrasure of
a window, and began talking with him. Suddenly
Henry pulled out a letter, and, handing it to
Wolsey, said shai-ply, "Is not this your hand?""
The cardinal's reply was not heard bj^ the lords
that filled the apartment, and who intently watched
the countenances of the two ; but the letter was
imderstood to be an intercepted one relatuig to the
treaty wliich AVolsey had concluded with France,
^\•ithout the consent or knowledge of the king.
The convei'sation lasted a few minutes longer, and
Wolsey was dismissed to dinner, but not permitted
to sleep under the same roof with the king. This
was the last audience he ever had of his master,
and Wolsey but too truly divined that the star of
' See ante, vol. i., p. 573.
'' Cavendish.
FALL OF WOLSEY.
387
his gi-eatness had set. On the moiTOw the two
cardinals set forth on their journey, Wolsey re-
turning to London, and Campeggio directing his
steps towards his port of debarkation. At Dover,'
his baggage was strictly searched, by the king's
orders, for important papers, especially the decretal -
annulling his marriage, which Henry had been pei--
mitted to see, but not to touch. The decretal was
not found, for this very sufficient reason, that the
cardinal, agreeably to instructions, had burned it.
All other important documents were already across
the Channel, the crafty Italian having taken the
precaution to send them on by a special messenger.
Campeggio was glad to touch French soil, leaving
hLs fellow-churchman to face as he best could the
bui-sting of the tempest.
It now came. At the next Michaelmas term
(October 9th) Wolsey proceeded to open, with his
usual pomp, his Court of Chancery. The gloom on
his face, as he sat on the bench, cast its shadow on
the niembei-s of court, and seemed even to darken
the hall. This disj)lay of authority was the last
gleam in the setting splendours of the great
cardinal ; for the same hour the Attorney-General,
Hales, was filing against him two bills in the
King's Bench, charging him with having brought
bulls into England, in virtue of which he had exer-
cised an office that encroached upon the royal pre-
rogative, and incuiTed the penalties of Praemunire.
Soon after this the Dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk
waited on him from the king, to demand deliveiy of
the Great Seal, and to say that, vacating his palaces
of Whitehall and Hampton Court, he must confine
himself to hLs house at Esher. " My lords," said
the sti-icken man, \vith something of his old spirit,
" the Great Seal of England was delivered to me by
the hands of my sovereign, and I may not deliver
it at the simple word of any lord." The two noble-
men returned next day with a written order from
the king, and the seal was at once given up."
Stripped of his great office, his other pos.sessions,
though of immense value, seemed a small matter.
His treas\u'es of gold and silver, his rich robes, his
costly and curious furniture — all he would present
to the king, peradventure it would soften his heart
and win back his favour, or at least save the giver
from the last disgi-ace of the block. He understood
Henry's disposition, and knew that like other
spendthrifts he was fond of money. Summoning
the officers of his hou.sehold before him, he ordered
them to i)lace tables in the great hall, and lay o>it
' Cavendish says Calais; the Bishop of Bayonne, D.i
Bellay, says Dover.
- Herbert, p. 288.
•■• Uid.,p. 290.
upon them the various articles entnisted to their
care. His orders were immediately obeyed Soon
the tables groaned under heaps of glittermg spoil.
Cloths of gold, with which the walls of the gi-eat
gallery were hung; Eastern silks, satins, velvets;
tapestry adorned, with scriptm-al subjects, and
stories from the old romances ; furred robes, gor-
geous copes, and webs of a valuable stufl' named
baudekin, wrought in the looms of Damascus, were
piled up in wonderful profusion. In another room,
called the Gilt Chamber, the tables were covered
with gold plate, some articles being of massive
fabric, and set with precious stones ; in a second
apartment was arranged the sUver-gilt ; and so
abundant were these articles of luxury, that whole
basketfuls of gold and silver plate, which had
fallen out of fashion, were stowed away under the
tables.^ An inventory having been taken, Sir
William Gascoigne was commanded by the cardinal
to see all this wealth delivered to the king.
The cardinal now set out for Esher, accompanied
by his attached and sorrowing domestics. On his
journey, a horseman was seen galloping towards
him across country. It was Sir Henry Non-is, with
a ring from the king, " as a token of his confidence."
The fallen man received it with ecstatic but abject
joy. It was plain there lingered yet an affection
for his fonner minister in the heai't of the monarch.
He reached Esher, and took up his abode within
four bare walls.^ What a contrast to the splendid
palaces he had left ! Meanwhile his enemies — and
these were legion — pushed on proceedings against
him. Parliament had been summoned the first
time for seven years — during that period England
had been governed by a Papal legate — and an im-
peachment, consisting of forty-four clauses, founded
upon the Act of Praemunire, was preferred against
Wolsey. The indictment comprehended all, from
the pure Latin in which he had put himself above
the king {Eijo et Bex meus) to the foul breath with
which he had infected the royal presence ; and it
placed in bold relief his legantine function, with
the many violations of law, monopolising of church
revenues, gi-ievous exactions, and unauthorLsed
dealings with foreign Powers of which ho had been
guilty under cover of it.° The indictment was
■■ Cavendish, vol. i., pp. 183, 184. Herbert, p. 290.—
One of the best inventories of Wolsey's furniture is pre-
served among the Harleian MSS. in tlie British Museum.
(See Ellis, Letters, vol. ii., p. 25.)
' " Thus continued my lord at Esher three or four
weeks, without either beds, sheets, tablo-cloths, or dishes
to eat their me.at in ... . but afterwards my lord bor-
rowed some plates and dishes of the Bishop of Carlisle."
(Cavendish.)
' Herbert, p. 295.
38S
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
tlnowii out by the Commons, mainly by the zeal
of Thomas Cromwell, n,n atiVctionate servant of
Wolsey's, who sat for the Citj' of London, and
whose chief object in seeking election to Parlia-
ment was to help his old master, and also to raise
himself.
But the process commenced against him in the
King's Bench was not likely to end so favourably.
The cardinal had violated the Act of Prajmunire
beyond all question. He had brought Papal bulls
into the country, and he had exercised powei-s in
virtue of them, which infringed the law and
usurped the prerogatives of the sovereign. Ti-ue,
Wolsey might plead that the king, by permitting
the unchallenged exercise of these powers for so
many years, had vii-tually, if not formally, sanc-
tioned them ; nevertheless, from his knowledge of '
the king, he deemed it more politic to plead guilty.
Nor did he miscalculate in this. Henry accorded
him an ample pardon, and thus he escaped the
serious consequences with which the Act of Prae-
munire menaced him.'
At Esher the cardinal fell dangerously ill, and the
king, hearing of his sickness, sent thi-ee physicians
to attend upon him. On his recovery, he was per-
mitted to remove to Richmond ; but the Privy
Council, alarmed at his near approach to the court,
prevailed on the king to banish him to his diocese
of York. The hopes Wolsey had begun to cherish
of the return of the royal favour were agam dashed.
He set out on his northward journey in the early
spi-ing of 1.530. His train, according to Cavendish,
consisted of 160 persons and seventy-two waggons
loaded -svith the relics of his furniture. "How
gi-eat must have been that grandeur which, by
comparison, made such wealth appear poverty !"-'
Taking up his abode at Cawood Castle, the resi-
dence of the Archbisliops of York, he gave himself
wth great assiduity to the dischai-ge of his ecclesi-
astical duties. He distributed alms to the jaoor ;
he visited his numerous parish chin-ches ; he incited
his clei'gy to preach regularly to their flocks ; he
reconciled diflerences, said mass in the village
churches, was affable and courteous to all, and ))y
the.se means he speedily won the esteem of every
class. This he hoped was the beginning of a second
upward career. Other arts he is said to have em-
ployed to regain the eminence from which he had
fallen. He entered into a sesret correspondence
with the Pope ; and it was believed at court that
he was intriguing against his sovereigii both at home
and abroad. These suspicions were strengthened
' StiTpe, Ecol. Mem., vol. i., p. 182.
- Gait, Life of Cardiiuil Wolsey, p. 193 ; Lond., 18 IG.
by the magnificent enthronisation which he was
pi-eparing for himself at York. The day fixed for
the august ceremonial was near, when the tide in
the cardinal's fortimes turned adversely, nevermore
to change. Suddenly the Earl of Northumberland
— the same Percy whose affection for Anne Boleyn
Wolsey had thwarted — arrived at Cawood Castle
with an order to arrest him for high treason. The
shock well-nigh killed him ; he remained for some
time speechless. Instead of ascending his throne
in York Cathedral, he had to mount his mule and
begin his pilgrimage to the Tower) thence to
pass, it might be, to the block. On beginning his
journey, the peasantry of the neighbourhood as-
sembled at Cawood, and with lighted torches and
hearty cheers strove to i-aise his spirits ; but nothing
could again bring the light of joy into his face.
His earthly glory was ended, and all was ended
with it. He halted on his way at Sheffield Park,
the residence of the Earl of Shrewsbury. One
morning during his stay there, George Cavendish,
the most faithful of all his domestics, came- running
into his chamber, crying out, " Good news, my
lord ! Sir William Kingston is come to conduct you
to the king." The word " Kingston" went like an
arrow to his heart. " Kingston !" he repeated,
sighing deeply. A soothsayer had warned him that
he should have his end at Kingston. He had
thought that the town of that name was meant :
now he saw that it was the Tower, of which King.s-
ton was the Constable, that wivs to be fatal to him.
The arrival of Sir William was to the poor man
the messenger of death. Blow was coming after
blow, and heart and strength were rapidly failing
him. It was a fortnight before he was able to set
out from Sheffield Park. On the way he was once
and again near falling from his mule tlu-ough weak-
ness. On the third day — Saturday, the 26th of
November — he reached Leicester. The falling leaf
and the setting sun — the last he was ever to see
— seemed but the emblems of his own condition.
By the time he had got to the abbey, where he
was to lodge, the night had closed in, and the
abbot and friars waited at the portal with torches
to light his entrance. " Father," said he to the
abbot, a.s lie crossed the threshold, " I am come to
lay my bones among you." He took to his bed,
from which he was to rise not again. Melancholy
vaticinations and forebodings continued to haunt
him. " Upon Monday, in the morning," says Caven-
dish, his faithful attendant, and the chronicler of
his last hoiirs, "as I stood by his bedside about
eight of the clock, the Avindows being close shut,
having wax lights l^urning upon the cupboard, I
beheld him, as me seemed, drawing fast to his end.
DEATH OF WOLSEY.
389
He, perceiviug my shadow upon the wall by hit>
bedside, asked .... 'What is it of the clock '('
' Forsooth, sii',' said I, ' it is past eight o'clock in the
morning.' 'Eight of the clock'!' quoth he, 'that
oaiiiiot be,' rehearsing divers times, ' Eight of the
clock, eight of the clock. Nay, nay,' quoth he at
last, ' it cannot be eight of the clock, for by eight of
the clock ye shall lose your master.'"' He survived
all that day.
At si.x; on Tuesday morning, Kingston, Lieu-
tenant of the Tower, entered his chamber to inquire
how he did 1 " Sii'," said he, " I tarry but the
will and pleasure of God." His intellect remained
perfectly clear. " Be of good cheer," rejoined
KLingston. " Alas ! Master Kingston," replied the
dying cardinal, " if I had served God as diligently
as I have sei-ved the king. He would not have
given me over thus in my grey hairs. Howbeit,"
he added, "this is the just reward I must receive
for all my worldly diligence and pains, ordy to
satisfy his vain pleasure, not regarding my duty
to God."- Such was Wolsey's judgment upon his
own life.
He had but few minutes to live, and the use he
made of them was to send a last message to his
former master, on a matter that lay near his heart.
" Master Kingston," he said, " attend to my last
request: tell the king that I conjure him in God's
name to destroy this new pernicious sect of Luthe-
luiis. . . . The king should know that if he
tolerates heresy, God will take away his power."
Wolsey is the same man on liis death-bed as
when, sitting under the canopy of state, he had
sent martyrs to the lire. His last breath is
expended in iamiing the torch of pei-secution
in England. But now the faltering tongue and
glazing eye told those around him that the last
moment was come. " Incontinent," says Caven-
dish, " the clock struck eight, and then gave he
up the ghost," leaving the attendants awe-struck
at the strange fulfilment of the words, " By eight
of the clock ye shall lose your master." The
corpse, decked out in Pontifical robes, with mitre
and cross and ring, was put into a coffin of boards
and carried into " Our Lady Chapel," where the
magistrates of Leicester were permitted to view the
uncovered ghastly face, and satisfy themselves that
the cardinal was really dead. A gi-ave was hastily
dug within the precincts of the abbey, wax tapers
were kept burning all night round the bier, orisons
were didy simg, and next morning, before day-
break, the cotfin containing the body of the deceased
legate was carried out, amidst funeral chants and
flaring torches, and deposited in the place prepared
for it. Dust to dust. The man who had filled
England with his glory, and Europe with his fame,
was left without tomb or epitaph to say, " Here
lies Wolsey."
CHAPTER VIIL
CRANMER CROMWELL THE PAPAL SUPREMACY ABOLISHED.
The King at Waltham Abbey— A Supper— Fox; and Gardiner Meet Cranmer — Conversation — New Li^ht— Ask the
Universities, What says the Bible ?— The King and Cranmer— Cranmer Set to Work— Thomas Cromwell— advisci
the King to Throw off Dependence on the Pope— Henry Likes the Advice— resolves to Act upon it— takes Crom-
well into his Service — The Whole Clergy held Guilty of Prjemunire — Their Possessions and Benefices to be
Confiscated — Alternative, Asked to Abandon the Papal Headsliip — Keasoninga between Convocation and the
King— Convocation Declares King Henry Supreme Head of the Chm-cli of England.
The Great Ruler bi-ings forth men as ho does the
stars, each in his appointed time. Wc have just
seen the bitterest, and certainly the most powerful
enemy of Protestantism in all England, quit the
stage ; two men, destined to be eminently instru-
mental in advancing the cause of the Reformation,
are about to step upon it.
' Cavendish, vol. i., pp.313, 314.
- Ibid., pp. 3rJ, 320.
The king, on his way from Grafton to Loudon,
halted at Waltham, Esse.x;, to enjoy the chase in
the neighbouring forest. The court was too nu-
merous to be all accommodated in the abbey, and
two of the king's servants — Gardiner his .secretary,
and Fox his almoner — -were entertained in the house
of a citizen of Waltham, named Cressj'. At the
supper-table they unexpectedly met a former ac-
quaintance, a Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge.
390
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
His name was Tliomas Cranmer, and the plague
having broken out at Cambridge, he had now come
hither with his two pupils, sons of the man at
■whose table the secretary and almoner found him.
Ho'w perfectly accidental, and how ontirol,y without
'>i<jnificance seemed it, that these three men should
th.it night sit at the same supper-table ! and yet
tins meeting forms one of the grand turning-points
ni the destiny of England.
Thomas Cranmer was born (1489) at Alsacton,
nc 11 Nottingham, of a family whose ancestors had
( omc into England with the Conqueror. ' He re-
cened his first lessons from an old and inflexibly
se\eie priest, who taught him little besides sub-
mission to chastisement. On going to Cambridge
his genius ojiened, and his powers of application
became such that he declined no labour, however
gi-eat, if necessary to the right solution of a ques-
' Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, p. 1 ; Lond., 1694.— The
residence of the Alsactons and Cranmers may still be
traced, the site being marked by enormous earth-works.
(Thorston and Throaty, Hist, of Nottinghamshire.)
392
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tiou. At tLis time the fame of the Lutheran
coiitrovei-sy reached Cambridge, and Cranmer set
himself to know on wliich side was the truth. He
studied the Hebrew and Greek languages, that lie
might have access to the fountains of knowledge,
for he felt that tlas was a controversy which must
be determined by the Bible, and by it alone.
After three yeai-s spent in the study of the Scrip-
tures,' without commentaries or human helps of
any kind, the darkness of scholasticism which till
now had hung around him cleared away, and the
simple yet maje.stic plan of salvation stood forth in
glory before his eyes on the sacred page. Forty
yeai-s had he passed in comparative seclusion, pre-
paring, unsuspected by himself, for the great work
he was to perform on the conspicuous stage to
wliich he was to pass from this supper-table.
His two friends, who knew liis eminent attain-
ments in theologjf, dii'eoted the conversation so as
to draw from him an opinion upon the question
then occupying all men's minds, the royal divorce.
He spoke his sentiments frauklj^ not imagining
that his words would be heard beyond the chamber
in which they were uttered. " Why go to Rome V
he asked ; " wh}' take so long a road when by a
.shorter you may ariive at a more certain con-
clusion?" '-What is that shorter road?" asked
Gardiner and Fox. " The Scriptures," replied
Cranmer. " If God has made this marriage sinful
the Pope cannot make it la'wful." " But how shall
we know what the Scriptures say on the point?"
inquired his two friends. "Ask the universities,"
replied the doctor, " they will return a sounder ver-
dict than the Pope."
Two days afterward."? the words of Cranmer were
reported to the king. He eagerly caught them up,
thinking he saw in them a way out of his diffi-
culties. Hem-y had previously consulted the two
English universities, but the question he had put
to them was not the same which Cranmer projiosed
should be put to the luiiversities of Christendom.
AVIiat Henry had asked of Oxford and Cambridge
was their own opinion of his marriage, — was it
lawful i But the (juestion which Cranmer proposed
.should be put to the univei'sities of Europe was,
AVhat does the Bible say of such marriages ? does
it ajiprove or condemn them ? and, having got the
sense of Sciipture through the uuivei'sities, he pro-
posed that then the cause shoiUd be held as decided.
This was to ajipeal the case from the Pope to God,
from the Church to the Scriptures. With tliis idea
Henry at once fell in, not knowing that it was the
formal fundamental principle of Protestantism that
SilOlX', Mcmoiiah of Cranmtr, p. 2.
he was about to act upon. Cranmer was imme-
diately summoned to court ; he was as reluctant a.s
most men would have been forward to obey the
order. He would have preferred the calm of a
country jiarsonage to the splendours and perils of a
court. The king was jileased with his modesty not
less than with his leai'uing and good sense, and
commanded him to set immediately to work, and
collect the opinions of the canonists and Papal
jurists on the question whether his marriage was in
accordance with, or contrary to, the laws of God.
It was also resolved to consult the universities.
Clement VII. had cited the King of England to his
bar : Henry would summon the Pope to the tribu-
nal of Scripture.
While Cranmfer is beginning his work, which is
to give him the primatial mitre of England in the
fii-st place, and the higher glory of a stake in the
end, we must mark the advent on the stage of
public aflairs of one destined to contribute powerful
aid towards the emancipation of England from the
Popedom. This man was Thoma.s Cromwell. Crom-
well had commenced life in the English factory at
Antwerp ; he afterwards accompanied the German
army to Italy as a military adventurer, where he
served under Bourbon, and was present at the sack
of Rome. He then returned to his native country
and began the study of law. It was in this capa-
city that he became connected with Wolsey, whom
he faithfully served, and whose fall, as we have
seen, he helped to break. He had seen that
Wolsey's overthrow was largely owing to his sub-
serviency to the Pope ; he would make trial of the
contrai-y road, and lift up England and England's
king above the haughty head that wore the tiara.
Full of this idea he sought and obtained an inter-
view vvith Henry. With gi-eat courage and clear-
ness he put before the king the humiliations and
embarrassments into which both Henry himself
iuid his kingdom had been brought by dependence
on the Pope. Who was the Pope, he asked, that
he should be monarch of England 1 and who were
the priests, that they slioidd be above the law 1
Why should not the king be master in Ids own
house 1 why .should he divide his power with a
foreign bishop 1 To lower the throne of England
before the Papal chair, and to permit English causes
to be tried at Italian tribunals, was only to be half
a king, while the people of England were only half
his subjects. Why should England impoverish
herself by paying taxes to Rome ? England at this
moment was little else than a monster with two
heads. Why should not the king declare himself
the head of the Church within his owii realm, and
put the clergy on the same level with the rest of
HENRY THE EIGHTH'S NEW STATE POLICY.
393
the king's subjects ? Tliey swore, indeed, allegiance
to the king, but they took a second oath to the
Pope, which vh'tually annulled the tirst, and made
them more the Pope's subjects than they were
the king's. The king would :uld to his dignity,
and advance tlie prosperity and glory of his realm,
by putting an end to this state of things. Did he
not live in an age when Frederick the Wise and
other sovereigns were throwing oif the Papal supre-
macy, and did it become England to crouch to a
power which even the petty kingdoms of Germany
were contemning'?' The few minutes which it
vequii-ed to utter these courageous words had
wrought a gi-eat revolution in the king's views.
Treading in the steals of his royal ancestors, he had
acquiesced blindly in a state of things which had
been handed down from i-emote ages ; but the
moment these anomalies and monstrous absurdities
were j)ointed out to him he saw at once his true
position ; yet the king might not have so cleai'h' seen
it but for the preparation his mind had undergone
from the perplexities and emban-assments into
which his dependence on the Papacy had brought
liim.
Fixing a keen eye on the speaker, Henry asked
him whether he could prove what he had now
affirmed 1 Cromwell had anticipated the question,
and was prepared with an answer. He pulled
from his pocket a copy of the oath which every
bishop swears at his consecration, and read it to
the king. This was enough. Henry saw that he
reigned but over his lay subjects, and only partially
over them, while the clergy were wholly the liege-
men of a foreign prince. If the affair of the divorce
thwarted him iix his affections, this other sorely
touched his pride ; and, 'Nvith the tenacity and deter-
mination characteristic of him, Henry resolved to
bo rid of both annoyances.
Thus, by the constraining force of external
causes, the policy of England was forming itself
upon the two grcit fundamental principles of Pro-
testantism. Cranmer had enunciated the religious
lirincijile that the Bible is abo^■e the Pope, and
now Cromwell brings forward the political one that
England is wholly an independent State, and owes
no subjection to the Papacy. The opposites of
tliese — that the Church is above the Scriptures,
and the Popedom above England — were the twin
fountains of the vassalage, spiritual and political,
in which England was sunk in pre-Reformation
times. Tlie adoption of their opposites was Pro-
testiintism, and the prosecution of them was tlu;
' Apologia Reriin. Poli aJ Carolum V. — PoH Epistolw,
vol. i., pp. 120, 121.
Reformation. This liy no nieans imjilies that the
Reformation came from Henry VIII. The Re-
formation came from the two principles we have
just stated, and which, handed down from the times
of Wicliffe, were levived by the confessors and
martyrs of the sixteenth century. Henry laid hold
on these forces because they were .the only ones
that could enable him to gain the personal and
djniastic objects at which he aimed. At the very
time that he was making war on the Pope's juris-
diction, he was burning those who had abandoned
the Pope's religion.
Whilst listening to Cromwell, astonishment
mingled with the delight of the king : a new future
seemed to be rising before himself and his kingdom,
and Cromwell proceeded to point out the steps by
which he would realise the gi'eat objects Avith which
he had inspired him. The clergy, he showed him,
were in his power already. Cardinal Wolsey had
pleaded guilty to the infraction of the law of Prse-
munii-e, but the guilt of the cardinal was the
guDt of the whole body of the clergy, for all of
them had submitted to the legantine authority.
All therefore had incurred the penalties of Prae-
munire ; their persons and property were in the
power of the king, and Henry must extend pardon
to them only on condition of their vesting in him-
self the supremacy of the Church of England, now
lodged in the Pope. The king saw his path clearly,
and with all the impetuosity and energy of his
character he addressed himself to the prosecution of
it. He aimed mainly at the Pope, but he would
begiir at home ; the foreign thraldom would fall all
the more readily that the home servitude was first
cast off. Taking his ring from his finger, and
giving it to the bold and resolute man who stood
before him, the king made Cromwell a Privy Coun-
cillor, and bade him consider himself his servant in
the great and somewhat hazardous projects which
had been concocted between them.
Vast changes rapidly followed in the State and
Church of England. The battle was begim in
Parliament. This assembly met on No-\'ember 3rd,
l.Ti9, and instantly began their complaints of the
exactions which the clergy imjiosed on the laity.
The priests demanded heavy sums for the jirobate
of wills and mortuaries ; they acted as stewards to
bisho))s ; they occupied farms ; abbots and friai-s
traded in cloth and wool; many lived in noble-
men's houses instead of residing oir their li\'ings,
and the consequence wa.s that " the poor had no
refreshing," and the parLshioners " lacked preach-
ing and instruction in God's Word."" S\ich were
- StiTpe, Eccl. Slem., vol. i., p. 204.
S94
HISTORY OF PE0TESTANTIS5I.
the complaints of the Commons against the clei-ical
estate, at that time the most powerful in England,
since the nobility had been weakened by the ware,
and the Commons were dispersed and without
union. This most unwonted freedom with sacred
men and things on the part of the laity exceedingly
displeased Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. The pre-
late rebuked thoni in an angi-y speech in the Lords,
saying " that the Commons would nothing now
but down with the Church," and that all this
"came of want of faith."'
His brethren, however, deemed it wiser policy
to allay the storm that was rising in Parliament
against the Church, at the cost of some conces-
sion-s. On the 12th of November it was decreed
by Convocation that priests should no longer
keep shops or taverns, play at dice or other for-
bidden games, pass tlie night in suspected places,
be present at disreputable shows, go about with
sporting dogs, or with hawks, falcons, or other
birds of prey on theii- fists. These and other acts
of a yet grosser sort were subjected to heavy fines ;
and laws were also enacted against unnatural
vices.-
The Commons urged forward their attack. Their
next complaint was of the laws and constitutions of
the clergy. The Commons affirmed that their pro-
vincial constitutions made in the present reign
encroached upon the royal prerogative, and were
also burdensome to the laity. In this matter the
Parliament carried fully with it the sympathy of
the king. He felt the great presumption of the
clergy in making orders, of the nature of laws, to
bind his subjects, and executing them without his
assent or authority. The clergy stood stoutly to
theii- defence in this matter, pleading long prescrip-
tion, and the right lodged in them by God for the
government of the Church. But, replied the Com-
mons, this spiritual legislation is stretched over so
many temporal matters, that under the pretext of
ruling the Church you govern the State. Feeling
both the nation and the throne against them, and
dreading impending mischief, the Convocation of
the Province of Canterbury prepared an humble
submission, and sent it to the king, in which they
promised, for the future, to forbear to make ordi-
nances or constitutions, or to put them in execution,
unless with the king's consent and licence."
The way being so far prepared by these lesser
attacks, the great battle was now commenced. To
lop ofl' a few of the branches of the Pontifical supre-
' Herbert, p. 321.
- Wilkins, Cnncilia, vol. iii., p. 717 et seq.
' Strype, Eccl. Mem., vol. i., pp. 20i— 206.— Act 25
Henry VIII., cap. 19.
macy did not content Henry ; he would cut down
that evil tree to the root ; he woidd lay the axe to
the whole system of ecclesiastical legislation under
a foreign prince, and he would himself become the
Head of the Church of England On the 7th of
January, 1.531, Cromwell, obeying Hemy's orders,
entered the Hall of Convocation, and quietly took
his seat among the bishops. Rising, he struck them
dumb by informing them that they had all been
cast in the penalties of Priemimire. When and
how, they amazedly asked, had they violated that
statute? They were curtly informed that their
grave ofience had been done in Cardinal Wolsey,
and that in him too had they acknowledged their
guilt. But, they pleaded, the king had sanctioned
the cardinal's exercise of his legantine powers.
This, the bishops were told, did not in the least help
them ; the law was clear ; their \'iolation of it was
equally clear. The king \\'ithin his dominions has
no earthly superior, such had from ancient times
— that is, from the days of Wiclifie ; for it was the
spirit of Wicliffe that was about to take hold of
the priests — been the law of England ; that law the
cardinal had transgi-essed, and only by obtaining the
king's pardon had he escaped the consequences of
his presumption. But they had not been pardoned
by the king ; they were luider the penalties of Pras-
munire, and their possessions and benefices were
confiscated to the crown. This view of the matter
was maintained with an astuteness that convinced
the afii'ighted clergy that nothing they could say
would make the matter be viewed in a difl'erent
light in the highest quarter. They stood, they felt,
on a precipice. The king had thrown down the
gauntlet to the Church. The battle on which they
were entering was a hard one, and its issue doubt-
ful. To yield was to disown the Pope, the fountain
of their being as a Romish Church, and to resist
might be to incur the wi-ath of the monarch.
The king, through Cromwell, next showed them
the one and only way of escape open to them from
the Praemunire in the toils of which they had been
so unexpectedly caught. They must acknowledge
him to be the Head of the Church of England. To
smooth their way and make this hard alternative
the easier, Cromwell reminded them that the Con-
vocation of Canterbury had on a recent occasion
styled the king Caput Ecdesice — Head of the Church
— and that they had only to do always what they
had done once, and make the title perpetual.'' But,
responded the bishops, by Ecclema we did not
intend the Church of England, but the Church
univer.sal, spread over all Christendom. To this
< Strype, Mccl. Mem., vol i., p. 211.
HENRY THE EIGHTH HEAD OP THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
aOfi
the ready answer was tliat tlie present controversy
■was touching the Church of England, and it alone,
and the clergy of the same.' Bnt, replied tlio
bishops, Chri-st is Head of the Church, and he lias
divided his power into temporal and spiritual, giving
the first branch to princes and the second to priests.
The command, " Obey and be subject," said the
king, does not restrict the obedience it enjoins to
temporal things only ; it is laid on all men, lay ami
clerical, who together compose the Chui'ch. Pi'oofs
from Scripture were next adduced by the clergy that
Christ had committed the administration of spiritual
things to priests only, as for instance preaching and
the dispensation of the Sacrament." No man denies
that, replied the king, but it does not prove that
their persons and deeds are not imder the jurisdic-
tion of the prince. Princes, said the bishops, are
called J?/// Eeclesue — sons of the Church. The Pope
is their father, and the Head of the Church ; to
recognise the king as such would be to overthrow
the Catholic faith. The debate lasted three days.
The Bishops of Lincoln and Exeter were deputed
to beg an interview with the king, in order to
entreat him to relinquish his claim. They were
denied access into the royal presence. The clei'gy
showed no signs of yielding ; still less did the king.
The battle was between Hemy and Clement ; for
to give this title to the king was to dethrone the
Pope. It was a momentous time for England.
In no previous age could such a contest have been
waged by the throne ; it would not even have been
viised; but the times were ripe — although even
now the issue was doubtful. The primate Warham,
prudent, and now very aged, rose and jiroposed
that they should style the king " Head of the
Chnrch" quantum per legem Chrisli licet — so far as
the law of Christ permits. Henry, on iirst hearin"
of it, stormed at the proposed modification of his
powei-s ; but his courtiers satisfied him that the
clause would offer no interference in practice, and
that meanwhile it would jirevent an open rupture
with Rome. It was not so easy, however, to bring
the other side to accept this appai-ent compromise.
The little clause would be no effective bulwark
against Henry's aggression. His supremacy and
the Pope's supremacy could not stand together, and
they clearly saw which woiild go to the wall. Biit
they despaired of making better tei-ms. The pri-
mate rose in Convocation, and put the question,
" Do you acknowledge the king as 3'our supreme
head so far as the law of Christ allows f Not a
member spoke. " Speak your minds freely," said
Warham. The silence was unbroken. " Then I shall
understand that, as you do not oppose, you give
consent."' The silence continvied ; and that silence
vvas accepted as a vote in the affirmative. Thus it
passed in the Convocation of the Province of Can-
terbury that the king was the Supreme Head of
the Church of England. A few months later the
same thing was enacted in the Convocation of the
Province of York. On the 22nd March, 1532,
Warham signed the submission which was sent in
to the king, styling him " Protector and Supreme
Head of the Church of England." A subsidy of
j£ 100,000 from the clergy of the Province of Canter-
bury, and .£18,000 from those of York, accompanied
the document, and the king was pleased to release
them from the penalties of Praemunire. This great
revolution brought deliverance to the State from
a degi-ading foreign thraldom : that it conferred on
the Chnrch an equal measure of freedom we are not
prepared to say.
CHAPTER IX.
THE KINO DECL.'^RED nE.\D OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
Abolition of Appeals to Home— Payment of Annata, ie. — Bishops to be Consecrated without a Licence from Eomo —
Election to Vacant Sees— The King doclarod Head of the Church— Henry VIII. Undoes the Work of Gregory VII.
—The Divorce— The Appeal to the Universitios— Their Judgment— Divorce Condemned by the Eefomiers- Death
of Warham — Cranmer made Primate — Martyrdom of Fryth— The King Man-ics Anne Boleyn— Her Coronation —
Excommunication of Henry VIII.— Birth of Elizabeth— Cambridge and Oxford on the Pope's Power in England-
New Translation (A the Bible— Visitation of the Monasteries— Their Suppression— Frightful Disorders.
The supremacy of the Pope formed the rampart
that protected the ecclesiastical usuiiiations which
flourished so rankly in England, to the oppression
of the people, and the weakening of the royal pre-
' Strype, Eccl. Mem., vol. i., p. 211.
' Collier, vol. ii.
396
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
rogative. Now that a breach had been made in
that bulwark, the abuses that had gi-own up behind
it were attacked and abolished one after the other.
Causes were no longer carried to Rome.' The
king, as Head of the Church, had become the foun-
tain of both civil and spiritual justice to his subjects.
No one could be cited before any ecclesiastical
court out of his own diocese. Twenty years was
fixed as the term during which estates might be left
to priests for praying souls out of purgatory. The
lower ordei-s of priests were made answerable before
the civil tribunals for
murder, felony, and
other ci'imes of which
they might be accused.^
The payment of annats
and fii'st-fruits to the
Pope, by which an
enormous amount of
money had been carried
out of England, was
abolished.^ The reli-
gious orders were for-
bidden to receive
foi'eign vdsitors, on the
gi-ound that these func-
tionaries came, not to
reform the houses of
the clergy, but to dis-
cover the secrets of the
king, and to rob the
country of its wealth.
The purchase of
faculties from Rome
was declared unlawful,
and no one was per-
mitted to go abroad to
any Synod or Council
wthout the royal permission. The law of Henry
IV. was repealed, by which heretics might be
burned on the sentence and by the authority of the
bishop, and mthout a vrrit from the king. The
stake was not yet abolished as the punishment of
heresy, but the power of adjudging to it was re-
stricted to a less arbitrary and, it might be, more
merciful tribunal. As we have stated in a former
chapter, the power exercised by the clergy of
making canons was taken from them. This pri^d-
lege had been gi-eatly abused. These canons, being
enforced upon the people by the clergy, had really
the force of law; and as they were often infringe-
' Act 24 Henry VIII., cap. 12.
2 Act 23 Henry VIII., cap. 9, 10, 11.
3 Ibid., cap. 20. Burnet, vol. i., bk. ii., p. 117.
FISHER, niSHOP OP KOCHESIEK. (From (Iif Portrait bij Holbein.)
ments of the constitution, and expressed mostly the
will of the Pope, they were the substitution of a
foreign and usurped authority for the legitimate
rule of the king and the Parliament. A commission
of thu-ty-two persons, sixteen of whom were eccle-
sia.stics, and the other sixteen laymen, was appointed
by the crown to examine the old canons and consti-
tutions, and to abrogate those that were contrary
to the statutes of the realm or prejudicial to the pre-
rogative-royal.* A new body of ecclesiastical laws
was framed, composed of such of the old canons as
being unexceptionable
were retained, and the
new constitutions
which the commission
was empowered to
enact. This was a
favourite project of
Cranmer's, which he
afterwards renewed in
the reign of Edward
VI.
It was foreseen that
this policy, which was
daily widening the
breach between Eng-
land and Rome, might
probably in the end
bring upon the nation
excommunication and
interdict. These ful-
minations had lost the
terrors that once in-
vested them ; never-
theless, theii- infliction
might, even yet, occa-
sion no little inconve-
nience. AiTangements
were accordingly made to permit the whole religious
.services of the coimtry to proceed without let or
hindrance, even should the Pope pronounce sentence
of interdict. It was enacted (March, 1.534) that no
longer should the consecration of bishop, or the
administration of rite, or the performance of any
religious act wait upon the pleasure of the Bishop
of Rome. The English bishops were to have power
to consecrate ^vithout a licence from the Pope. It
was enacted that when a bishopric became vacant,
the king should send to the chapter a C07ige d'elire,
that is, leave to elect a new bishop, accompanied by
a letter indicating the person on whom the choice
of the chapter was to fall. If no election was made
within twelve days, the king was to nominate to
* Act 25 Henry VIII., cap. 19.
13ft
398
HISTORY OF TROTESTANTISM.
the sec by Ictters-pateut. After tlio bisliop-elect
had taken an oath of fealty to the king, his INIajesty,
by letters to the archbishop, might order the con-
secration ; and if ihe persons whose duty it was to
elect and to consecrate delayed the performance of
these functions above twenty days, they incurred
the penalty of a Praemunire.' It was forbidden
liencefoi-ward for archbishop or bishop to be nomi-
nated or confirmed in his see by the Pope.
This legislation was completed by the Act passed
in next session of Parliament (November — Decem-
ber, 153t).- Convocation, as we have seen, declared
Henry Head of the Church. " For corroboration and
confirmation thereof," be it enacted, said the Parlia-
ment, "that the king, his heirs, ifec, shall be taken,
accepted, and reputed the only Supreme Head on
earth of the Church of England, caWed Anglicana
Ecclesia, and shall have and enjoy, annexed and
united to the imperial crown of this realm, as well
the title and style thereof, as all honours, dignities,
immunities, &c., pertaining to the said dignity ol
Supreme Head of the said Church." A later^ Act
set forth the large measure of ecclesiastical juris-
diction lodged in the king. " Whereas his Majesty,"
said Parliament, "is justly Supreme Head, <fec., and
hath full authority to correct and punish all manner
of heresies, schisms, errors, vices, and to exercise
all other manner of jurisdictions, commonly called
ecclesiastical jui-isdiction"- — it is added, "That the
archbishops and bishops have no manner of juris-
diction ecclesiastical but by, under, and from the
Boyal Majesty."'
Thus did Hem-y VIII. undo the work of
Gregory VII. Hildebrand had gone to war that
he might have the power of appointing to all the
sees of Christendom. Not a mitre would he per-
mit to be worn unless he himself had placed it on
the head of its possessor ; nor would he give con-
secration to any one till first he had sworn him to
" defend the regalities of St. Peter." From his
chair at Rome, Gi-egory was thus able to govern
Europe, for not a bishop was there in all Christen-
dom whom he had not by this oath chained to his
throne, and through the bishops, the kings and
their nations. It was this terrible serfdom which
Hem-y VIII. rose up against and broke in pieces,
so far as his own Kingdom of England was con-
cerned. The appointment of English bishops he
wrested from the Pope, and took into his own
hands, and the oath which he administered to those
' Act 25 Hemy VIII., cap. 20. Buvnet, vol, i., bk. ii.,
p. 148.
- Act 2G Heniy VIII., cap. 1.
■' Act 37 Henry VIII., cap. 17.
■" Burnet, vol. i., lak. il, p. 157.
whom he placed in these sees bound, them to fealty,
not to the chair of Peter, but to the throne of
England. As against the nsiu-ped foreign authority
which the King of England now scornfully trod
into the dust, surely Henry did well in being
master in his own house. The dignity of his
crown and the interests of his subjects alike de-
manded it. It is in this light that we look at the
act ; and taking it per se, there can be no doubt
that Henry, in thus secixring perfect freedom for the
exercise of the prerogatives and jurisdictions of his
kingly office, did a wise, a just, and a proper thing.
^Vllile this battle was waging in Parliament, the
matter of the divorce had been progressing towards
a final settlement. In the end of 1529, as we have
already mentioned, it was resolved to put to the uni-
versities of Christendom the question," What says the
Bible on the man-iage of the king with Catherine,
his brother's widow?" Hemy would let the voice of
the universal Chiu'ch, rather than the Pope, decide
the question. The universities of Cambridge and
Oxford, by majorities, declared the marriage un-
lawful, and approved the divorce. The Sorbonne
at Paris declared, by a large majority, in favour of
the divorce. The four other imiversities of Fi-ance
voted on the same side. England and France were
■ndtli Hemy VIII. The king's agents, crossing the
Alps, set foot on the doubtful soil of Italy. After
the Sorbonne, the most renowned miiversity of the
Roman Catholic world was that of Bologna. To the
delight of Hemy, Bologna declared in his favour.
So too did the universities of Padua and Ferrara.
Italy was added to the list of countries favourable
to the King of England. The envoys of Henry
next entered the territories of the Refonnation,
Switzerland and Germany. If Romanism was
with Henry, much more will Protestantism be so.
To the king's amazement, it is here that he first
encounters opposition.^ All the reforming doctors,
including Luther, Calvin, and Qllcolampadius, were
against the divorce. The king has sinned in the
past by contracting this maniage, said they, but he
will sin in the future if he shall dissolve it. The
less camiot be expiated by the gi-eater .sin : it is
repentance, not divorce, to which the king ought
to have recourse. Meanwhile, Cranmer had been
sent to Rome to win over the Pope. A large ■
number of the Roman Catholic nobles also -wTote to
Clement, beseeching him to gi-ant the wishes of
Henry ; but the utmost length to which the Pope
would go was to permit the King of England to
have two wives."
' Burnet, vol. i., bk. ii. ; Recm-ds, p. 88.
' " Pontifex secrete, yeluti rem quam inagni faseret.
CORONATION OF ANNE BOLEYN.
399
In the midst of these negotiations, Warham,
Ai'chbishop of Canterbury and Piimate of all
England, died. The king resolved to place Dr.
Tlunnas Cranmer in the vacant see. The royal
siiumions found Cranmer in Nurembei-g, whither he
had been sent after his return from Rome on the
l)usiness of the divorce. Cranmer, learning through
his friends that this urgent recall was in order to
his elevation to the piimacy, was in no haste to
retiu'n. The prospect of filling such a post under
so imperious a monarch as Hemy, and in times big
with the most portentous changes, filled him with
alarm. But the king had resolved that Cranmer
should be piimate, and sent a second and more
urgent message to hasten his retm-n. On his
appearance before the king, Cranmer stated the
ditficulties in his path, namely, the double oath
wliich all bishops were accustomed to take at
consecration — the one to the Pope, the other to the
king. The doctor did not see how he could swear
fidelity to both. It was ultimately arranged that
he should take the oath to the Pope under a pro-
test " that he did not bind himself to do anything
contraiy to the laws of God, the rights of the King
of England, and the laws of the realm," and that
he sliould not be hindered in executing such re-
formation as might be needed in the Church of
England. This protest he repeated three times ' —
first, in the Chapter-house of Westminster ; next, on
the steps of the high altar of the cathedral, in pre-
sence of the assembled clergy and people ; thirdly,
wlien about to put on the pall and receive consecra-
tion. After this he took the oath to the Pope.
It was love of the Gospel which impelled Cran-
mer to advance : it was the divorce that urged
onward Henry VIII. The imperious monarch
was can-ying on two wars at the same time. He
was striving to clear his kingdom of the noxious
gl•o^vth of Papal bulls and prerogatives that so
covered and deformed it, and he was fighting
to prevent the entrance of LutheranLsm. Hardly
had the mitre been placed on his brow when
Cranmer had to thnist himself between a dis-
ciple and the stake. Leaving Tyndale in the
Low Countries, John Fiyth came across, and began
to ])reach from house to house in England. He
was tracked by Sir Thomas More, who had received
th(! Great Seal when it was taken from Wolsey, and
throwni into the Tower, heavily loaded witli irons.
His main crime, in the eyes of his enemies, was the
denial of transubstantiation. The king nominated
six of the temporal and spiiitual peers, of whom
Cranmer was one, to examine him. The power of
the stake had just been taken from the bishops, and
Fryth was destined to be the fiist maityr under the
king. Cranmer, who still believed in consubstan-
tiation, loved Fryth, and wished to save his life, that
his gi'eat ei-udition and rare eloquence might profit
the realm in days to come ; but all his efforts were
ineffectual. Fryth moimted the stake (4th July,
1533), and his heroic death did much to advance
the progi-ess of the Reformation in England.
About the time that the martyr was expir-
ing at the stake, the Pope was excommunicating
the King of England. Fortified with the opinion
of the iiniversities, and the all but unaninious
approval of the more eminent of the Roman
Catholic doctors, Hem-y mamed Anne Boleyn
on the 25th of January, 1533.^ On the 10th of
May, the Archbishop of Canterbury, having re-
ceived the royal licence to that effect, constituted
his court to judge the cause. Queen Catherine was
summoned to it, but her only respon.se to the cita-
tion was, " I am the king's lawful wife, I will accept
no judge but the Pope." On the 23rd of May, the
primate, attended by all the archiepiscopal com-t,
gave sentence, declaring " the marriage between
our sovereign lord King Heniy, and the most serene
lady Catherine, widow of his brother, having been
contracted contrary to the law of God, null and
void."' On the 28th of May, the same court
declared that Hem-y and Anne had been lawfully
wedded. The union, ratified by the ecclesiastical
court, was on Whitsunday sealed by the pomp of
a splendid coronation. On the previous day, Anne
passed from the Tower to Westminster, through
streets gay with banners and hung with cloth of
gold, seated in a beautifully white gold-bespangled
litter, her head encircled with a wreath of precious
stones, whOe the blare of tnimpets and the thunder
of cannon mingled their roar with the acclamations
of the enthusiastic citizens. Next day, in the
presence of the rank and beauty of England, and
tlie ambassadors of foreign States, the cro'wm was
put upon her head by the hand of Arclilnshop
Cranmer.
Hardly had the acclamations thiit hailed Anne's
coronation died away, when the distant numnurs
of a coming tempest were heard. The aflionted
emperor, Charles V., called on the Pope to un-
mihi proposuit conditionem hujusmodi. Concedi posse
vestriB Majestati ut duas uiores habeat." (Original Des-
patch of De CassaK— Herbert, p. 330.)
' Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iii., p. 757.
' Such is the date of the marrinRe given in Cranmer's
letter of 17th June, 1533. Hall, Holinshed, and Bm-net
give the 15th of November, 1532.
* Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iii., p. 759.
400
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
sheath the si)ii-it\ial sword, and smite the monai-ch
who . had added the sin of an adulterous union to
the crime of rebellion against the Papal chair. The
weak Clement dared not refuse. The conclave met,
and after a month's deliberation, on the 12th of
July, the Pope pronounced excommunication iipon
the King of England, but suspended the effect of
the sentence till the end of September. He hoped
that the king's repentance would avert execution.
Henry had crossed the Rubicon. He could not put
away Aime Boleyn, he could not take back Cathe-
rine, he could not blot from the statute-book the
laws against Papal usurpations recently placed
upon it, and restore in former glory the Pontifical
dominion in his realm, so he appealed to a General
C'ouncU, and posted up the document on the doors
of all the parish churches of England.
While the days of gi'ace allotted to the king were
running out, a princess was born in the royal palace
of Greenwich. The infant was named Elizabeth.
The king was disappointed that a son had not been
born to him ; but the nation rejoiced, and Henry
would have more heartily shared his people's joy,
could he have foreseen the glory that was to sur-
round the throne and name of the child that had
just seen the light.
On the 7tli of April, news reached England that
the Pope had pronounced the final sentence of
interdict. Clement VII., "having invoked the
name of Christ, and sitting on the throne of
justice," declared the dispensation of Julius II.
valid, the man-iage with Anne Boleyn null, the
king excommunicate, his subjects released from
their allegiance, and the Emperor Charles V. was
empowered, ftiOing the submission of Henry, to
invade England and depose the king.
Nothing could have been better ; if Henry was
disposed to halt, this compelled him to go on.
" Wliat authority," asked the king of his doctors
and wise councillors, "has the Pope to do all this?
Who made a foreign priest lord of my realm, and
master of my crown, so that he may give or take
them away as it pleases him 1 Inquii-e, and tell me."
In obedience to the royal mandate, they studied the
laws of Scripture, they searched the records of
antiquity, and the statutes of the realm, and came
again to the king. " The Pontiff of Rome, sire, has
no authority at all in England."* It was on the
3rd of November of the same year that the crown-
ing statute was passed, as we have already narrated,
* " Eomanus Pontifex non habet a Deo in sacra scriptura
concessam sibi majorem auctoritatem ac jurisdictionein
in hoc regno Angliae quam quivis alius episcopus ex-
tornus." (Decision of University of Cambridge, 2nd May,
153-1..) A precisely similar answer came from Oxford.
wliich declared the king to be on earth the Sui)reme
Head of the Church of England.
As the Pontifical authority departs, that of the
Word of God enters England. We have just seen
the Church and realm emancipated from the do-
minion of Rome ; the first act of the liberated
Church was to enfranchise the people. Cranmer
moved in Convocation that an address be presented
to the king for an English translation of the Bible.
The Popish party, headed by Dr. Gardiner, opposed
the motion, on the ground that the use of the
Scriptures in the vulgar tongue promoted the
spread of heresy. But in spite of their opposition,
the proposal was adopted by Convocation. The
king — influenced, there is little doubt, by his new
queen, who was friendly to the Reformed opinions,
and had in her possession a copy of Tyndale's
interdicted translation — acceded to the request of
Convocation. The great pi-inciple had been con-
ceded of the right of the people to possess the Bible
in their mother tongue, and the duty of the Cluirch
to give it to them. Nevertheless, the bishops
refused to aid in traiLslating it." Miles Coverdale
was called to the task, and going to the Low
Countries, the whole Bible was rendered into
English, with the aid of Tyndale, and published in
London in 153G, dedicated to Henry VIII.
The next step iir the path on which the king
and nation had entered was the visitation of the
monasteries. Cromwell was authorised by the king
to appoint commissioners to visit the abbeys,
monasteries, nunneries, and universities of the
kingdom, and to report as to the measures neces-
sary to reform these establishments.^ Henry had
powerful political motives urging him to this mea-
sure. He had been excommunicated : Charles V.
might invade his kingdom ; and should that happen,
there was not a confraternity of monks in all
England who would not take advantage of their
release from allegiance by the Pope, to join the
standard of the invader. It was only prudent to
disarm them before the danger arose, and divert
part of the treasures, spent profitlessly now, in for-
tifying his kingdom. Neither Henry nor any one
else, when the commission of inquiry was issued,
foresaw the astounding (Usclosui-es that were to
follow, and which left the Parliament no alternative
but to abolish what could not be ciu'ed.
The Report of the Commissioners was presented
to the Commons at tlieu- meeting on the 4th of
Februaiy, 1536. It is not our intention to dwell
- See S^ipplication of the Poor Commons to the King-
Strype, Eccles. Mem., vol. i., bk. i., chap. 53.
'■> Strype, Eccles. Mem., vol. i., p. 329
SUPPRESSION OF MONASTERIES.
401
on the liorroi'S that shocked the nation when the
veil was lifted. The three foundations, or cardinaf
virtues, which these institutions had been established
to exemplify, were obedience, poverty, and chastity.
They illustrated their obedience by raising them-
selves above the laws of the realm ; their poverty
by filling their houses with gold and silver and pre-
cious raiment ; and theu- chastity by practices which
we leave other historians to describe. Nowhere was
holiness so conspicuously absent as in these holy
houses. " There were found in them," saj's one,
"not seven, but more than 700,000 deadly sins.
Alack ! my heart maketh all my members to
tremble, when I remember the abominations that
were there tryed out. O Lord God ! what canst thou
answer to the five cities, confoimded with celestial
fire, when they shall allege before thee the ini-
quities of those religious, whom thou hast so long
supported ! ... In the dark and sharp prisons
there were found dead so many of theii- brethren
that it is a wonder : some crucified with more tor-
ments than ever weve lieard of, and some famished
to death only for breaking theii- superstitious silences,
or some like trifles. . . . No, truly, the mon-
•strous lives of monks, friars, and nuns have destroyed
their monasteries and churches, and not we."'
The king and Parliament had started with the
idea of reformation : they now saw that abolition
only could meet the case. It was resolved to sup-
press all the religious houses the income of which
did not exceed £200 a year, and to confiscate
their lands to the king, to be devoted to other and
lictter uses.' The number of smaller houses thus
dissolved was 376, and their amiual revenue
£32,000, besides £100,000 in plate and money.
Four yeai-s later all the larger abbeys and priories
were either surrendered to the king or suppressed.
The preamble of the Act set fortli that " the
churches, farms, and lands had been made a spoil
of," and that though now for 200 years it had been
sought to cure " tlxis xmthrifty, carnal, abomin.
able living," no amendment ajjjjeared, " but their
vicious living .shamefully encreaseth." Indeed,
many of these houses tlid not wait till sentence of
dissolution had been pronounced upon them : they
sought by a voluntary surrender to antici])ate that
sentence, and avert the revelation of the dueds that
had been enacted in them. It is worthy of remark
that twenty-six mitred abbots sat as barons in the
Parliament in wliich this Act was passed ; .ind the
number of spiritual peers was in excess of the lay
members in the Upper House.^ In Yorkshire,
' Strype, Eccles. Mem., vol. i., bk. i., chap. 34.
- Act 27 Henry VIII., cap. 28.
'■' The Report of the Commission has gone a-inissiiig.
where the monks had many sympathisers, who
regarded the dissolution of their houses as at
once an impiety and a robbery, this much-needed
reformation provoked an insm-rection which at fii'st
threatened to be formidable, but was eventually
suppressed without much difficulty.
Some few of the monasteries continued to the
close to fulfil the ends of their institution. They
cultivated a little learning, they practised a little
medicine, and they exercised a little charity. The
orphan and the outcast found asylum within their
walls, and the destitute and the decayed tradesman
participated in the alms which were distributed at
their tlireshold. The traveller, when he heai'd the
vesper bell, turned aside to sleep in safety under
their roof, and again set forth when the morniag
star appeared. But the majority of these places
had scandalously perverted then- ways, and were
simply nurseries of superstition and indolence, and
of all the evils that are born of these two. Never-
theless, the immediate consequence of theii- dissolu-
tion was a frightful confusion in England. Society
■was disjointed by the shock. The monks and nuns
were tiu'ned adrift without any sufficient provision.
Those who had been beggars before were now
plunged into deeper povei-ty. Thefts, murders,
treasons abounded, and executions were multiplied
in the same proportion. " Seventy-two thousand
persons are said to have perished by the hand of the
executioner in the reign of King Henry." ^ The
enonnous amount of wealth in the form of lands,
houses, and money, that now changed hands, added
to the convulsion. Cranmer and Latimer pleaded
that the confiscated property should be devoted to
such piu'poses as were consonant with its original
sacred character, such as lectureships in theology,
hospitals for the sick and pooi-, and institutions for
the cultivation of learning and the training of
scholars ; but they pleaded in vain. The courtiers
of the king ran ofl" ^vith nearly the whole of this
wealth ; and the uses to which they put it pro-
moted neither the welfare of their families, nor the
good order of the kingdom. The conse<iuenccs of
tolerating an evil system fall heaviest on the gene-
ration that jmts an end to it. So was it now. ; but
by-and-by, when order had emei-ged out of the
chaos, it was found that the cause of bidustry, of
virtue, and of good government bad greatly bene-
fited by the dissolution of the monasteries.
Its substance, however, may bo gathered from the pre-
amble of the Act, from which our quotations in the text
are taken, and also from tlie copious extracts in Strype's
Ecclesiastical Metnorials, vol. I., p. 399 et seq.; from the
Cotton MSS., Cleopatra E i, &c. &c
•' Blunt, p. 143,
402
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER X.
SCAFFOLDS — DEATH OF HENRY VIII.
Executions for Denying the King's Supremacy— Bishop Fisher— Sir Thomas More— Execution of Queen Anne Boleyn
—Henry's Policy becomes more Popish— The Act of the Six ALrticles— Persecution under it— The Martyr Lambert
—Act Permitting the Keading of the Bible — A Bible in Every Church— The Institution of a Christian Man— The
Necessary Erudition of a Christian Jtfan— The Primer— Trial and Martyrdom of Anne Askew— Henry VIII. Dies.
We come now within the sliadow of very tragic
events. Numerous scaflbld.s begin to deform this
part of the hLstory of England, the guilt of which
must be shared between Clement VII., who
threatened the kingdom with invasion, and Henry
VIII., who rigorously pressed the oath of supre-
macy upon every man of importance among his
subjects. The heads of the religious houses were
summoned with the rest to take the oath. These
persons had hitherto been exemjit from secular
obedience, and they refused to acknowledge any
authority that put itself, as the royal supremacy
did, above the Pope. The Prior of Charterhouse
and some of his monks were tried and convicted
for refusing the oath, and on the 4th of May, 1535,
they were executed as traitors at Tybum. Certain
friars who had taken part in the northern rebel-
lion were hung in chains at York. The Pope
having released all his Majesty's subjects from
their allegiance, to refuse the oath of supi-emacy was
regarded as a disowning of the king, and jmnished
as treason.
But amid the crowd of scaffolds now rising in
England — some for refusing the oath of siipremacy,
and others for denying ti-ansubstantiatiou — there
are three that specially attract our notice, and move
our son-ow, though not in equal degi-ee. The first
is that of Dr. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester.
He was a man of seventy-seven, and refusing to
take the oath of supremacy, he was committed to
the Tower. He had been there a year when the
Pope, by an unseasonable honour, hastened his fate.
Paul III. sent him a red hat, wliich when the king
learned, he swore that if ho should wear it, it would
be on his shoulders, for he should leave him never a
head. He was convicted of treason, and executed
on the 22nd June, 1535. This prelate had illus-
trated his exalted station by a lowly deportment,
and he attested the sincerity of his belief by his
dignified behaviour on the scaflbld. The next was
a yet nobler \'ictim. Sir Thomas More, the flower
of English scholai-s. His early detestation of monks
had given place to a yet gi-eater detestation of
heretics, and this man of beautiful genius and
naturally tender sensibilities had sunk into the
inquisitoi'. He had already been stripped of the
seals as chancellor, and in the piivate station into
which he had retii-ed he tried to avoid ofience on
the matter of the supremacy. But all his circum-
spection could not shield him from the suspicious of
his former master. More was asked to take the
oath of supremacy, but declined, and after languish-
ing a year in prison, on the 6th of July, 1535, he
was led to Tower Hill, and beheaded.
And now comes the noblest victim of all, she
whom, but thi-ee short years before, the king
took by the hand, and leacUng her up the steps
of his throne, placed beside himself as queen. The
same gates and the same chamber in the Tower
which had sent forth the beautiful and virtuous
Anne Boleyn to be crowned, now open to receive
her as a prisoner. Among her maids of honour
was one " who had all the charms both of youth
and beauty in lier person ; and her humour was tem-
pered between the severe gravity of Queen Cathe-
rine, and the gay pleasantness of Queen Amie."'
Jane Seymour, for such was her name, had excited
a strong but guilty passion in the heai-t of Henry.
He resolved to clear his way to a new maniage by
the axe. The upright Cranmer was at this time
banished the com-t, and there was not another man
in the nation who had influence or courage to stop
the king in his headlong course. All bent to a
tyi'anny that had now learned to tread into the
dust whatever opposed it, and which deemed the
slightest resistance a crime so gi'eat that no virtue,
no learning, no former sei'S'ice could atone for it.
The king, feigning to believe that his bed had been
dishonom-ed, threw his queen into the Tower. At
her trial on the 15th of May, 1536, she was left
entirely unbefriended, and was denied even the help
of counsel. Her coiinipt judges fomid her guilty
on evidence which was discredited then, and which
no one believes now.- On the 19th of May, a little
1 Herbert, bk. iii., p. 196.
- Her uncle the Duke of Norfolk, her bitterest enemy,
pronounced the sentence, on hearing which she raised
her eyes to heaven, and exclaimed, "Oh, Father and
REDUCED FAC-BIMILE OF THE TITLE-I'AGE OF THE CillF.AT mllLE.
404
HISTORY OF PKOTESTANTISir.
Ijofore noon, slie was bvonght ou the scallbld anil
beheaded. " Her body was thrown into a common
chest of elm-tree that was made to put arrows in,
and was buried in the chapel wthin the Tower
before twelve o'clock." ' The alleged accomplices
of Aime cpiickly followed her to the scaflbld, and
though some of them had received a promise of
life on condition of tendering criminatory e^•idence,
it was thought more prudent to put all of them to
death. Dead men can make no recantations.
Henry jmssed a day in mourning, and ou the
morrow married Jane Seymour.
We have reached a tiu-ning-point in the life and
measures of Henry Vj.II. He had vindicated his
prerogative by abolishing the Pope's supremacy,
and he had partially repleni.shed his exchequer by
suppressing the monasteries, and he resolved to
pause at the line he had now reached. He had
fallen into "a place where two seas met:" the
Papacy bufleted him on the one side, Lutheranism
• on the other; and the more he strove to stem the
current of the old, the more he favoured the ad-
vancing tide of the new. He would place himself in
equilibrium, he would be at rest ; but this he found
impossible. The Popish party regained theii-
ascendency. Cromwell, who had been Henry's
adviser in the a.ssault on the supremacy and the
despoiling of the monasteries, was sent (28th July,
1.540) to die on a scaflbld.- Gardiner, Bishop of
Winchester, an ambitious and intriguing man,
devoted to the old i-eligion, took the place of the
fallen minister in the royal councils. The powerful
family of the Howards, with whom the king was
about to form an alliance — Jane Seymour and Aime
of Cleves being already both out of the way — threw
their influence on the same side, and the tyi-anny of
the kuig became henceforth more truculent, and his
victims more numerous. If Hem-y had quarrelled
with the Pope, he would show Christendom that he
had not apostatised from the Roman Catholic faith,
that he cherished no inclination towards Lutheranism ,
and that he was not less deserving now of the
proud title of " Defender of the Faith " than he had
been on the day when the conclave ^oted it to him.
What perhaps helped to make the kmg veer roimd,
and appear to be desirous of buttressing the cause
Creator ! oh. Thou who art the way. .%ncl the truth, iiud
the life ! Thou knowest that I havo not deserved tliis
death." (Meteren, Hist, des Pays Bas, p. 21.)
' Herbert, bk. iii., p. 205.— The judgment pronounced
in coui't by Crantucr, two days after her execution, and
which was to the effect that her mai-riage with the kinjj
was not valid, on the ground of pre-contract, is a melan-
choly proof of the tyranny of the king and the weakues.s
of the archbishop. (See Herbert, pp. a03— 213.)
- Herbert, p. 284.
which he had seemed so lately desirous only to
destroy, was the fiict that Paul III. had confirmed
and re-fulminated against him the bull of excom-
miuiicatiou which Clement VII. had pronounced,
and the state of isolation in which he found himself
on the Continent made it prudent not further to
pro^-oke the Popish Powers till the storm should be
over.
Accordingly there was now passed the Act of the
Sbc Articles, "the lash with the six strings," as
it was termed. The first enacted the doctrine of
transubstantiation ; the second withheld the Cup
from the laity; the third prohibited priests from
marrying ; the fourth made obligatoi-y the vow of
celibacy ; the fifth upheld private masses for souls
in pxirgatory ; and the sixth declared auricular
confession expedient and necessary. This creed,
framed by the " Head of the Church " for the
people of England, was a very compendious one,
and was thoroughly Roman. The penalties annexed
were .sufficiently severe. He who should deny the
fij'st article, transubstantiation namely, was to be
burned at the stake, and they who should impugn
the others were to be hanged as felons ; and lands
and goods were to be forfeited alike by the man
who died by the rope as by him who died by the
fire.' These articles were first jsrojiosed in Con-
vocation, where Cranmer used all his influence and
eloquence to prevent theii- passing. He was out-
voted by the lower clergy. When they came before
Parliament, again Cranmer argued three days to-
gether against them, but all in vain. The king
requested the archbishop to retire from the House
before the vote was taken, but Cranmer chose rather
to disoblige the monarch than desert the cause of
truth. It was to the ci'edit of the king that, in-
stead of displeasure, he notified his approval of
the fidelity and constancy of Cranmer — the one
coiu'ageous man in a pusillanimous Parliament.
It was soon seen that this Act was to draw
after it very tragic consequences. Latimer, now
BishoiJ of Worcester, and Shaxton, Bishop of Sali.s-
bur}', were both thrown into prison, and they
were soon followed by 500 others. Commissioners
were appointed to carry out the Act, and they
entered upon their work with such zeal that the
prisons of London were crowded with men suspected
of heresy. The Act was apiilied to offences that
seemed to lie beyond its scope, and which certainly
were not violations of its letter. Absence from
church, the neglect of the use of the rosary, the
refusal to creep on one's knees to the cross on Good
Frid^ ', the eating of meat on interdicted days, and
s Act 31 Henry VIII., cap. 14.
A BIBLE IN EVERY PARISH CHURCH.
405
similar acts were construed by the commissioners
as violations of the articles, and were punislied ac-
cordingly.
It was now that stakes began to be multiplied,
and that the martyrs, Barnes, Garret, and Jeromt-,
suffered in the fire. To show his impartialit}',
the king bui'ned two Papists for denying the
supremacy. It was now too that Henry, who,
as the historian Tytler says, " had already
written his title of Supreme Head of the Cluirch
in letters of blood," found an opportunity of ex-
hibiting in a public debate his zeal for ortliodoxy.
Lambert, a clergyman in piiest's orders, who
taught a school in London, had been accused before
the arcliiepiscopal court of denying the doctrine of
transubstantiation, and had appealed from the
primate to the king. The court was held in West-
minster HalL The king took his place on the
judgment-seat in robes of white satiu, liaving on
his right hand the prelates, the judges, and the
most eminent lawyers, and on his left the temporal
lords and the great officers of the court. Scaffolds
had been erected for the accommodation of the
public, before whom Henry took pride in showing
his skill in ecclesiastical lore. The disputation
between the king and the prisoner, in which Cran-
mer and nine other prelates took part, lasted five
hom's. The day wore away in the discussion ;
toiches were brought in. " What say est thou now,"
exclaimed Henry, anxious to close the strange reii-
contre, " after these solid reasons brought forward
by these learned men : art thou satisfied ? wilt thou
live or die?" The prisoner declared himself still
unconvinced. He was then condemned, as " an
obstinate opponent of the tnith," to the stake. He
was executed two days afterwards. "As touching
the terrible maimer and fashion," says Fox, " of
the bimiing of this blessed martjT, here it is to be
noted, of all others that have been burned an<l
offered up at Smithfield, there was yet none so
cruelly and piteously handled as he." The fire was
lighted, and then withdrawn, and lighted again, so
as to consume him piecemeal. His scorched and
half-bumed body was raised on the pikes of the
halberdiers, and tossed from one to the other to all
the extent his chain would allow ; the martyr, says
the martyi'ologist, " lifting up such hands as he had,
and his finger-ends flaming with fire, cried unto
the people in these words, ' None but Christ, none
but Christ !' and so being let down again from their
halberds, fell into the fire, and gave up his life."'
Cranmer had better success with the king in
' Strype, MenioriaU of Ci'anmer, pp. 05, GG (sco also
Appendix).
another matter to which we now turn. The whole
Bil)le, as we have already seen, had been translated
into English by TjTidale and Miles Coverdale, with
the -N-iew of being spread through England. The
work was completed in October, 1.535. Another
edition was printed before the 4th of August,
1537, for on that day we find Archbishop Cranmer
sending Grafton, the printer, with his Bible to
Cromwell, with a request that he would show it to
the king, and obtain, if possible, the royal " licence
that the same may be sold, and read of every
person, without danger of any Act, pi'oclamation,
or ordinance, heretofore gi'anted to the conti-ary."-
In 1538 a royal order was issued, appointing a
copy of the Bible to be placed in every parish
church, and raised upon a desk, so that all might
come and read. The Act set forth " that the
king was desirous to have his subjects attain to
the knowledge of God's Word, which coiUd not be
effected by means so well as by gi-anting them the
free and liberal use of the Bil)le in the English
tongue."' " It was wonderfid," says Strype, " to
see with what joy this Book of God was received,
not only among the learneiler sort, and those who
were lovers of the Reformation, l)ut generally all
England over, among all the \'ulgar and common
people ; and with what greediness God's Word was
i-ead, and what resort to places where the reading
of it was. Everybody that could Ijought the book,
or busily read it, or got others to read it to them,
if they could not themselves ; and divei's eldeily
people learned to read on purpose. Arid even
little boys flocked among the rest to hear portions
of the Holy Scrijitures read."^ The fii-st edition
was sold in two years, and .another immediately
brought out. How different now from the state of
things a few j'ears ago ! Then, if any one possessed
a copy of the Scriptures he was obliged to conceal
it ; and if he wished to re.ad it, he must go out into
the woods or the fields, where no eye saw him, or
choose the midnight hour; now, it lay openly in
the peasant's home, to be read at the noon-day rest,
or at the eventide, -vvitliout dread of informer or
peril of prison. "I rejoice," -svTote Cranmer to
Cromwell, "to sec this day of Reformation now
risen in England, since the light of God's Word
doth shine over it without a cloud."
In the same year other injunctions were issued
in the king's name, to the effect, among other
directions, that once a cpiarter every curate should
- Biosr. of TyDdale— Doctrinal Treatises, Parker See,
pp. 74— 7G.
■■' Burnet, vol. i., bk. iii.,p.2"0
* Strype, Mcmoiials of Cranmer, p. M.
406
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
preach a sermon specially dii-ected against the
superstitious usages of the times. The preacher
was eujoined to warn Ids hearers against the folly
of going on pilgi-image, of ofl'eiing candles and
tapers to relics, of kissing them, and the like. If
the preacher had extolled these practices formerly,
he was now publicly to recant his teachiug, and to
confess that he had been misled by common opinion
and custom, and had had no authority from the
Word of God.'
The publication of the Bible was followed by
other books, also set forth by authority, and of
a kind fitted to promote reformation. The first of
these Was Tlie Institution of a Christian Man, or
"The Bishops' Book," as it was termed, from having
been drawn up by the prelates. It was issued with
the approval of the king, and was intended to be a
standard of orthodoxy to the nation. Its gold was
far indeed from being without alloy ; the new and
the old, a few evangelical doctrines and a great
many Popish erroi-s, being strangely blended and
boimd up together in it.
TJie Institution of a Christian Man was suc-
ceeded, after some time, by The Necessary Erudition
of a Christian Man. This was called " The King's
Book." Published after the Six Ai-ticles, it main-
tained the doctrine of transubstantiation. In
other respects. The Erudition was an improve-
ment upon The Institution. Revised by Cranmer,
it omits all mention of what the other had recom-
mended, namely, the venei-ation of images, the
invocation of the saints, and masses for the dead,
and places moral duties above ceremonial obser-
vances, as, for instance, the practice of charity
above abstinence from flesh on Friday. It con-
tained, moreover, an exposition of the Apostle's
Creed, the Seven Sacraments, the Ten Command-
ments, the Pater Noster, and the Ave Maria, to
which were appended two articles on justification,
in which an approximation was made to sounder
doctrine on the subject of the fall of man, and
the corniption of nature thereby inherited. The
redemption accomplished by Christ was so exliibited
as to discourage the idea of merit."
The king published, besides, a Primer. It was
Intended for the initiation of the young into the
elements of the Christian religion, and consisted of
confessions, prayers, and hymns, with the seven
penitential psalms, and selections from the Passion
of our Lord as recorded in the Gospel of St John.
But the Primer was not intended exclusively for
youth ; it was meant also as a manual of devotion
Strype, Eccles. Mem., vol. i., p. 514.
Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, pp. 95 — 97.
for adults, to be iised both in the closet and in
the chiu'ch, to which the people were then in the
habit of resorting for pi-ivate as well as public
prayer.
Henry VIII. was now drawing to his latter
end. His life, deformed by many ciimes, was to
be darkened by one more tragedy before clos-
ing. Anne Askew was the second daughter of
Sii- William Askew, of Kelsey, in T Lincolnshire.
Having been converted to the Protestant faith by
reading the Scriptures, she was taken before " the
Quest," or commissioners appointed to work the
" drag-net " of the Six Ai-ticles, charged with deny-
ing transubstantiation. She was thrown into
prison, and lay there nearly a year. The Council,
with Gardiner and Bonner at its head, was then
plotting the destiiiction of Queen Catherine ; and
Anne Askew, by command of the king, was brought
before the CouncO and examined, in the hope that
something might be elicited from her to ineriminate
the ladies of the queen's court. Her firmness
baffled her persecutore, and she was thrown into
the Tower. In then- rage they carried her to a
dungeon, and though she was deUcate and sickly,
they placed her on the rack, and stretched her
limbs till the bones were almost broken. Despite
the tortiu'e, she uttered no gi'oan, she disclosed no
secret, and she steadfastly refused to renounce her
faith. Chancellor Wriothesly, in his robes, was
standing by, and, stung to fury by her silence, he
stripped ofi' his gown, grasped the handle of the
rack, and swore that he would make the piisoner
reveal her accomplices. He worked the torture
with his own hands, till his victim was on the
point of expii-ing. Anne swooned on being taken
off the rack. On recovering, she found hei-self on
the stony floor, with Wriothesly by her side, try-
ing, by words of feigned kindness, to overcome the
resolution which liis horrible barbarities had not
been able to subdue. She was condemned to the
fii'e.
When the day of execution arrived, she was
earned to Smithfield in a chair, for the toi-ture had
deprived her of the use of her limbs. Three others
were to die with her. She was fastened to the
stake with a chain. The Lord Mayor, the Duke of
Norfolk, the Earl of Bedford, the Lord Chancellor
Wriothesly, and other persons of rank occupied
a bench in front of St. Bartholomew's Church, in
order to witness the execution. A strong railing
served to keep ofi" the dense crowd of hardened
ruffians and fanatical scofiers that occupied the
area ; but here and there were pei-sons whose
looks testified their sympathy ^^ith the sufierers
and their cause, and were refreshing to them, doubt-
DEATH AND CHARACTER OF HENRY YTIT.
407
less, ill their hour of agony. Presently the Lord
Mayor commanded the torch to be applied. At
the lighting of the train the sky suddenly
blackened ; a few draps of rain fell, and a low
peal of thunder was heard. " They are damned,"
said some of the spectators. " God knows whether
1 may truly call it thunder," said one who was
present ; " methought it seemed that the angels in
heaven rejoiced to receive their souls into bliss."'
Their heroic death, which formed the last of the
horrors of Henry VIII. 's reign, was long remem-
bered.
A few months after these tragic events, the king
was laid down on the bed from which he was to rise
no more. On the 27th of January, 1547, it be-
came evident that his end was drawing near. Those
around him inquired whether he wished to have
the consolations of a clergyman. " Yes," he replied,
"but hrst let me repose a little." The king slept
an hour, and on awakening desired his attendants
to send immediately for Cranmer. Before the arch-
bishop could arrive Henry was speechless ; but he
retained his consciousness, and listened to the ex-
hortations of the primate. Cranmer then asked of
him a sign that he rested on Christ alone. Henry
jjressed his hand and expired. It was early on the
morning of the 28th when the king breathed his
last. He had lived fifty-five yeare and seven
months, and had reigned thirty-seven yeai"S, nine
months, and six days.-
It has been the lot of Henry VIII. to be severely
blamed by both Protestants and Papists. To this
cii-cunistance it is o^\Tiig that his vices have been
put prominently in the foreground, and that his
good qualities and gi'eat services have been thrown
into the shade. There are far worse characters in
history, who have been made to figure in colours
not nearly so black ; and there are men who have
received much more ajiplause, who have done less
to merit it. We should like to judge Henry VIII.
by his work, and by his times. He contrasts
favourably with his two great contemporaries,
Francis I. and Charles V. He was selfish and
sensual, but he was less so than the French king ;
he was crael — inexorably and relentlessly cruel —
but he did not spill nearly so much blood as th(^
emperor. True, his scaffolds strike and startle our
' Strype, Ecd. Mem., vol. i., pp. 509, 600. Pox says
their martynlom took place in June. Bishop Bale says
it was on the 16th of July, 1546. Southey, in his Book of
the Church (vol. ii., p. 92), says that the execution was
delayed till darkness closed. We are disposed to think
that this is a mistake, arising from misunderstanding an
cxproasion of Fox about "the hour of darkness."
- Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 139. Herbert, p. 030,
imagination more than do the thousands of ^■ictims
whom Charles V. put to de-ath, but that is because
they stand out in greater relief. The one victim
afl'ects us more than does the crowd ; and the re-
lationship of the sufferer to the royal murderer
touches deeply our pity. It is the wife or the
minister whom we see Henry dragging to the scaf-
fold ; we are therefore more shudderingly alive to
his guilt ; whereas those whom the kings of France
and Spain delivered up to the executioner, and
whom they caused to expire with barbarities which
Henry VIII. never practised, were more remotely
connected with the authors of their death. As
regards the two most revolting crimes of the
English king, the execution of Anne Boleyn and
Thomas Cromwell, the Popish faction must divide
with Henry the guilt of their murder. The now
morose and suspicious temper of the monarch made
it easy for conspirators to lead him into crime.
The darkest periods of his life, and in particular the
executions that followed the enactment of the Six
Articles, correspond with the ascendency at court
of Gardiner and his party, who never ceased during
Henry's reign to plot for the restoration of the
Papal supremacy.
Henry VIII. was a great sovereign — in some
respects the gi-eatest of the three sovereigns who
then governed Christendom. He had the wisdom
to choose able ministers, and he brought a strong
understanding and a resolute ^vill to the execution
of grand designs. These have left their mark on
the world for good. Neither Charles nor Francis
so deeply or so beneficially affected the current of
human affaii's. The policy of Charles V. mined
the gi-eat country at the head of which he stood.
The same may be said of the policy of Francis I. :
it began the decline of the most civilised of the
European nations. The policy of Henry VIII. —
inspired, we grant, by very mixed motives, and
carried through at the cost of great crimes on his
part, and great sufferings on the part of others — ha.s
resulted in placing Great Britain at the head of the
world. His policy comprised three great measures.
He restored the Bible to that moral supremacy
which is the bulwark of conscience ; ho shook off
from England the chains of a foreign tyranny, and
made her mistress of herself ; and he tore out the
gangrene of the monastic system, which was eating
out the industry and the allegiance of the nation.
Tliis was rough work, but it had to be done before
England could advance a ste]) in the i)ath of Reform.
It was only a man like Henry VIII. who could do
it. With a less resolute monarch on the throne,
the nation would have been broken by the shock of
these great changes ; with a less firm hand on tU^
408
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISIkl.
helm, the vessel of the State woiikl have foundered
amid the tempests which this policy awakened both
wtliin and without tlie country.
The friendship that existed to the close between
Henry VIII, and C'ranmer is one of the marvels
of history. The man who could appreciate the
upright and pious archbishop, and esteem him
above all his servants, and who was affectionately
regarded and faithfully served by the ai'chbishop in
return, must have had some sterling qualities in him.
These two men were very unlike, but it was their
dissimilarity, we are disposed to think, that kept
them together. It was the simplicity and trans-
parency of the archbishop that enabled the heart of
the king fully to confide in him ; and it was the
strength, or — shall we say it ? — the tyranny of
Heniy that led the somewhat timid and weak
EefoiTner to lean upon and work along with the
monarch. Doubtless, Cranmer's insight taught him
that the first necessity of England was a strong
throne ; and that,-seeing both Church and State
had been demoralised by the setting up of the
Pope's authority in the country, neither order nor
liberty was possible in England till that foreign
usurpation was put down, and the king made
supreme over all persons and causes. This con-
sideration, doubtless, made him accept the " Head-
ship " of Henry as an interim aiTangement, although
he might not approve of it as a final settlement.
Certain it is that the co-operation maintained be-
tween the pure and single-minded primate, and the
headstrong and blood-stained monarch, I'esulted in
great blessings to England.
When Hemy died, he left to Cranmer little but
a ruin. The foundations of a new edifice had in-
deed been laid in the diffusion of the Word of God ;
but while the substructions lay hid underground,
the sm-face was strewn over by the debris of that
old edifice which the terrible blows of the king had
shivered in pieces. Cranmer had to set to woi'k,
with such assistants as he could gather round him,
and essay in patience and toil the rearing of a new
edifice. It is in this labour that we are now to
follow him.
CHAPTER XL
THE CHURCH OP ENGLAND AS nEFORMED BY CRANMER.
Edward VI.— His Training and Character— Somerset Protector— Wriothesly Deposed— Edward's Coronation— The
Bible — State of England— Cranmer Resumes the Work of Eeformation— Eoyal Visitation— Erasmus' Para-
phrase—Book of Homilies— Superstitious Usages Forbidden — Communion in Both Kinds- Cranmer's Catechism
— Laity and Public Worship — Communion Service — Book of Common Prayer— Pentecost of 1549 — Public
Psalmody Authorised— Articles of Religion— The Bible the Only Infallible Authority.
Edward VI. was in his tenth year when the sceptre
of England was committed to his hand. If his
years were few, liis attainments were far beyond
what is usual at his early age ; he already dis-
covered a rare maturity of judgment, and a soul
ennobled by the love of virtue. His father had
taken care to provide him with able and pious pre-
ceptors, chief of whom were Sir Anthony Cooke, a
friend of the Gospel, and Dr. Richard Cox, after-
wards Bishop of Ely ; and the precocity of the
youthful prince, and his rapid progi-ess in classical
studies, rewarded the diligence and exceeded the ex-
pectations of his instructors. Numerous letters in
Latin and French, wiitten in his ninth year, are still
extant, attesting the skill he had acquired in these
languages at that tender age. Catherine Pan-, the
I last and noblest of the wives of Henry VIII.,
assiduously aided the development of his moral
character. Herself a lady of eminent virtue and
gi-eat intelligence, she was at pains to instil into his
mind those principles which should make his life
pure, his reign prosperous, and his subjects happy.
Nor would the watchful eye of Cranmer be un-
observant of the heir to the crown, nor would his
timely co-opei-ation and wise counsel be wanting in
the work of fitting him for swaying the sceptre of
England at one of its greatest crises. The ai-cli-
bishop is said to have wept for joy when he marked
the rapid and graceful intellectual development,
and deep piety, of the young prince.
The king's maternal uncle, Edward Seymour,
Earl of Hertford, afterwards Duke of Somerset,
was made head of the council of regency, under the
title of Protector of the Realm. He was an able
statesman, and a friend of the Reformed opinions.
Cranmer, in vii'tue of his primacy, as well as by
CORONATION OF EDWARD VI.
409
appointmrnt of the late king, way a member of the
C'oiuicil. Wriothesly, tlie chancellor, a man versed
in intrigue, and so bigoted an adlierent of the old
faith that, as we have seen, he sometimes tortured
with his own hands those under examination before
him, had also a seat Lu that body. But one of the
the Statute of the Six Articles was abolished, and
the prosecutions commenced under it were tenni-
nated ; the friends of the Gospel were released from
prison ; many learned and pious men returned from
exile, and thus the ranks of tiie Reformers were
recruited, and theii- spirits reanim ited. Nor was
COIIONATION OF EDWAKD VI. — PROCESSIOIT PASSINO CHEArsIIlE CKOSS, 1047.
(From a Painting of the Period.)
irst acts of the Council was to depose him from office,
and deprive him of the seals. This was no faint
indication that the ji^rtj' ivhich had so long clogged
the wheels of the Reformation must now descend
from power. Other signs of a like nature soon
followed. The coronation of the young monarch
took ]ilace on the 28th of February, in the Abbey of
Westminster.' There followed a general pardon :
' Strype, Mem. rif Cranmer, pp. 142, 143.
139
it less pleasing to mark the token of respec ; which
was paid to the Scriptures by the youthful king
on receiving his crown. If his father had brought
forth the Bible to cany his divorce, the son would
exalt it to a yet higher i)lace by making it the rule
of his government, and the light of his realm.
Bale relates that, wlieu Cranmer had placed the
crown on Edward's head, and the procession was
about to set out from the abbey to the palace, three
swords wore brought to be carried before him,
410
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
emblematical of liis three kingdoms. On this the
king observed, "There lacks yet one." On his
noblfts inquiring what it was, he answered, " The
Bible," adding, "that book is the sword of the
spirit, and is to be preferred before these. It ought
in all right to govern us : without it we are nothing,
and can do nothing. He that rules -without it is
not to be called God's minister, or a king." The
Bible was brought, and carried reverently in the
procession.
With Edward on the throne, the English Josiah,
as he has been styled, with Protector Somei'set in
the Cabinet, with many tried disciples and former
fellow-labourers returned from prison or from be-
yond seas, Cranmer at last breathed freely. How
diflferent the gi-acious air that filled the palace of
Edward from the gloomy and tyrannical atmosphere
around the throne of Henry ! Till now Cranmer
knew not what a day might bring forth ; it might
hurl him from power, and send him to a scafibld.
But now he could recommend measures of reform
without hesitancy, and go boldlj' forward in the
prosecution of them. And yet the prospect was
still such as might well dismay even a bold man.
Many things had been uprooted, Init very little had
been planted : England at that hour was a chaos.
There had come an outburst of lawless thought and
libertine morals such as is incident to all periods of
transition and revolution. The Popish faction, with
the crafty Gardiner at its head, though niling no
longer in the councils of the sovereign, was yet
powerful in the Chixrch, and was restlessly intriguing
to obstruct the path of the primate, and brmg back
the dominion of Rome. Many of the young nobles
had tra^'elled in Italy, and brought home wth them
a Machiavellian system of politics, and an easy code
of morals, and they sought to introduce into the
court of Edward the principles and fashions they
had learned abroad. The clergy were without
knowledge, the people were without instruction ;
few men in the nation had clear and well-established
views, and every day that passed without a remedy
only made mattei-s worse. To repel the Popish
faction on the one hand and encourage the Reform-
ing party on the other ; to combat ^vith ignorance,
to set bounds to avarice and old and envenomed
prejudice ; to plan wisely, to wait patiently, and to
advance at only such speed as circumstances made
jjossible ; to be ever on the watch against seci-et
foes, and ever armed against their violence ; to
toil day after day and hoiu' after hour, to be
oftentimes disappointed in the issue, and have to
begin anew : here were the faith, the patience, and
the courage of the Reformers. This was the task
that now pi-esented itself to Cranmer, and which he
must pursue through all its difficulties till he had
established a moral rule in England, and reared an
edifice in which to place the lamp of a Scriptural
faith. This was the one work of the reign of
Edward VI. England had then rest from war:
the soimd of battle was forbidden to disturb the
silence in which the temple rose.^ Let us describe
the work, as stage by stage the edifice is seen to
advance imder the hands of its builders.
The first step was a " Royal Visitation for Re-
formation of Religion." This Commission was
appointed within a month after the coronation
of Edward VI., and was sent forth with instruc-
tions to visit all the dioceses and parishes of Eng-
land, and report respecting the knowledge and
morals of the clergy, and the spiritual condition of
theii- flocks.- The Commission executed its task,
and its report laid open to the eye of Cranmer the
real state of the nation, and enabled him to judge
of the remedies required for evils which were the
gi-o^vth of ages. The firet thing adopted in the
shape of a cui-e was the jilacing of a companion
vohmie by the side of the Bible in all the churches.
The book chosen was Erasmus' Paraphrase on the
New Testament, in English." It was placed there
by way of interpreter, and was specially designed for
the instruction of the priests in the sense of Scrip
ture. It would have been easy to have found a
better guide, but Erasmus would be read by many
who would have turned away from the commen-
taries of Luther.
There quickly followed a volume of homilies,
twelve in number. The Bishop of Winchester,
Gardiner, the uncompromising enemy of Cranmer
and the Reformation, olyected to this as unneces-
saiy, seeing the nation already possessed King
Henry's EnuUtion of a Christian Man.* The
homilies were prepared nevertheless, Cranmer him-
self writing three of them, those on Salvation,
Faith, and Works. The doctrine taught in the
homily on Salvation, otherwise termed Justification,
was that of Luther, namely, that we are justified
by faith -without works. Gardiner and his ]iarty
strongly objected to this, arguing that such a justi-
fication excluded " charity," and besides was sujiei'-
fluous, seeing we receive justification in baptism,
and if after this we sin, we ai-e restored by penance.
Cranmer defended the homily on the gi-ound that
' Tliere is one exception to the peace, viz., the battle
of Pinkey, near Edinburgh, fought in September, 15-17,
in which tlio English defeated the Sco-tch, slaughtering
10,000, and taking 2,000 prisoners.
- Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, bk. ii., chap. 2.
3 Ibid., p. 148.
■* Burnet, vol. in., part iii., bk. 4; Lond. ed., 1820.
ECCLESIASTICAL REFORMS.
411
his object was '■ only to set out the freedom of
God's mercy."' The hand of Latimer, now restored
to liberty, and of Thomas Becon, one of Cranmer's
chaplains, may be traced in others of the homilies :
the authoi'S of the rest are entirely unknown, or
can only be doubtfully guessed at. The homilies
arc plain expositions of the gi-eat doctrines of the
Bible, which may be read with profit in any age,
and were eminently needed in that one. They
were appointed to be read from the pulpit in
every church. The Ithuriel which Cranmer sent
abroail, the touch of whose spear dissolved the
shackles of his countrymen, was Light.
The royal visitation, mentioned above, now
began to bear yet more important fruits. In No-
vember, 1.547, Parliament sat, and a Convocation
being held at the same time, the ecclesiastical
refonus recommended by the royal visitors were
discussed, embodied in orders, and promulgated by
the Council. The clergy were enjoined to preach
four times every year against the usurped authority
of the Bishop of Rome ; they were forbidden to
extol images and relics ; they were not to allow
lights before images, although still pennitted to
have two lighted candles on the high altar, in
veneration of the body of Christ, wliich even
Ci-anmer still believed was present in the elements.
The clergy were to admit none to the " Sacrament
of the altar" who had not first undergone an
examination on the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and
the Ten Commandments. A chapter of the New
Testament, in English, was to be read at matins, or
morning worship, and a chapter of the Old Testa-
ment at evensong. The portions of Scripture read
at mass were enjoined to be also in English.
< 'liantry priests, or those who sang masses at the
|)rivate oratories in cathedral chuichcs for the souls
<jf the founders, were to spend more profitably their
time in teaching the young to read and write. All
clergymen with an income of £100 a year — equal
at Iciist to £1,000 now — were to maintain a poor
scholar at one of the universities. Candles were
forbidden to be earned on Candlemas Day, ashes
■on Ash Wednesday, palms on Palm Sunday. " So
that this year" (1547), .says Strype, "on Candle-
mas Day, the old custom of bearing candles in the
church, and on Ash Wednesday follo^v^Jlg giving
ashes in the church, was left oft" through the whole
of the city of London."- An order was also L.sued
by the Council for the removal of all images from
the churches — a change implying so gi-eat an
idteration in the worship of the people as to be a
reformation in itself.^ Another most important
change was now adopted. After being discussed
in Convocation, it was enacted by Parliament that
henceforth the communion should be dispensed in
both kinds. The same Parliament abolished the law
of clerical celibacy, and permitted priests to marry.
In 1548 came Cranmer's Catechism. It was not
written by the archbishop, although it bore his
name. Originally compiled in German for the in-
struction of the youth of Nm'emberg, it was
translated into Latin by the son of Justus Jonas,
the friend of Luther, and brought to England by
him when driven from his native land by the
Interim of Charles V. This catecliism was rendered
into English by the orders of Ci^anmer, who deemed
it fitted to be useful in the instruction of youth.
This catechism may be regarded as a reflection of
Cranmer's own mind, and the mind of England at
that hour. Both were but groping their way out of
the old darkness. In it the first and second command-
ments are made to form but one, thus obliterating,
or at least darkening, the jjrohibition of the worship-
ping of God by images. Of the seven Sacraments
of the Roman Church, four are discarded and three
retained : baptism is spoken of as " the bath of
regeneration, or the instrument of the second birth."
The doctrine taught under the head of the Eucharist
is that of the bodily presence, as we should expect
it to be from the German origin of the book, and
the known sentiments of Cranmer at this stage of
his cai-eer. He was still a believer in the dogma
of consubstantiation ; and only by painful eflbrts
and laborious investigations did he reach the
gi-ound on which Zwingle and Calvin stood, and
from which he could never afterwards be dislodged.^
There followed the same yesu- two imjjortant
steps of reformation. Cranmer conceived the gi-eat
idea of calling the people to take their part in the
worship of the sanctuary. Under the Papacy the
peojile had been excluded from the public worship
of God : fii-st, by restricting its j)erformance to the
priests ; and, secondly, by the oflering of it in a dead
language. The position of the laity was that of
sjiectators — not even of listeners, but sjiectators of
grand but meaningless ceremonies. tJranmer re-
solved to bring back these exiles. "Ye are a
priesthood," he said, " and must worship with your
own hearts and voices." In j)rosecutiou of this
idea, he procured that the mass should be changed
into a communion, and that tlic ser\ ice should be
in English instead of Latin. To eiiablo a pc'o]>lc
' Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, bk. ii., chap. 3.
' Ibid., bit. ii., cli.Tp. 5.
^ Burnet, vol. ii., p. 60. Collier, vol. ii., p. 241.
* Strype, Mem. Cranmer, p. ICO. Cranmer's Caierhisnn,
p. 182 et fcn. ; Oxfonl, 1829.
412
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
long unused to woreliip to take pari in it with
decency and with the understanding, he prepared a
Liturgy in order that all might offer tlieir adoration
to the Supreme, and that that adoration shoidd be
expressed in the grandest and most august forms
of speech. For the magnificent shows of Rome,
Cranmer substituted the sublime emotions of the
human soul. How great an advance intellectually
as well as spii'itually !
In furtherance of this great end, two committees
were aj>i)ointed by the king, one to jwepare a Com-
munion Ser\ ice, and the other a Book of Common
Prayer, or Liturgy. Tlie committees met in the
royal palace of Windsor, and spent the most of the
summer of 1548 in deliberations on this important
matter. The notes prepared by Cranmer, evidently
with the \ie\v of being submitted to the committee
as aids to inquiry and guides in discussion, show us
the gradual advance of Cranmer and liLs fellow Re-
formers to the conclusions they ultimately reached.
" What or wherein," so runs the first query,
" John recei\dng the Sacrament of the altar in
England, doth it profit and avail Thomas dwelling
in Italy, and not knowing what John in England
doth?"
" Whether it [the mass] profit them that be in
heaven, and wherein?"
"What thing is the presentation of the Body
and Blood of Christ in the mass, which you call
the oblation and sacrifice of Christ? and wherein
btandeth it in act, gesture, or word ? and in what
act, gesture, or word?"
"Whether in the primitive Church there were
any priests tlwt lived by sayLng of mass, matins,
or even-song, or by praying for souls only 1"
"For what cause were it not convenient or
expedient to have the whole mass in the English
tongue?"
" Whether it be convenient that masses satis-
factory [expiatory] should be continued, that is to
say, priests hired to say masses for soids departed."'
The part of the laboui-s of the commissioners
chai'ged with the reformation of the pul)lic worship
which was the firet to be finished was the Com-
munion Service. It was published by itself In
its compilation the ancient missal had been drawn
upon ; but the words of consecration were omitted ;
and the import or sense which the service was now
made to bear .appeai-s from the words of Cranmer
in the discussions on the query he had proposed.
' Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, bk. ii.,chap. 5. This writin<f
of the archbishop, Strype says, is without date, but ob-
viously composed with an eye to the change of the mass
into a communion.
" What are the oblation and sacrifice of Christ in
the mass?" "The oblation and sacrifice of Christ
in the mass," said Cranmer, " are not so called be-
cause Christ is indeed there offered and sacrificed
by the priest and the people, for that was done but
once by himself upon the cross ; but are so called be-
cause they are a memory or representation of that
^ery true sacrifice and immolation which were before
made upon the cross." The mass was now changed,
not into a mere commemoration, but into a com-
munion, in wliich the partaker received spiritually
the body and blood of Christ, or, to express more
plainly the Pi'otestant sense, in which he par-
ticipated in the benefits of Christ's death. The
notoriously ungodly were not to be admitted to the
Sacrament. A confession of sin was to be made,
followed by absolution, and the elements were then
to be delivered with the words, " The body of our
Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, pre-
serve thy body unto everlasting life;" "The blood
of om- Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee,
presei-ve thy soul unto everlasting life." When all
had partaken, the congregation was dismissed with
the Benediction. This form of the service was iiot
meant to be final, for a promise was given by the
king, " further to travail for the Reformation, and
.setting forth such godly ordei-s as might be to God's
glory, and the edifying of his subjects, and the
advancement of true religion,"'- and meanwhile all
preachers were forbidden to agitate the question of
the Eucharist in the pulpit till such time as its
service shoiild be completed. The anticipated
alteration did take place, and in the corrected Prayer
Book of Edward VI. the words given above were
changed into the following : — " Take and eat this in
remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on
him in thy lieart by faith ;" " Drink this in remem-
})rauce that Christ's blood was shed for thee, and be
thankful." A rubric was also added, through the
influence of Knox, to the eftect that though the
posture of kneeling was retained at the celebration
of the Lord's Supper, no adoration of the elements
was thereby intended.''
The Communion Service was followed by the
Book of Common Prayer. It was compiled by
substantially the same men who had drawn tip the
Communion Sei-vice, and the principal of whom
were Cranmer, Ridley, and Goodrich. The Bre^^ary
and the ancient Liturgies were laid imder contri-
bution in the foi-mation of the Book of Common
Prayer. The Bible is the revelation of God's mind
to the Church, worship is the evolution of the
Strype, vol. ii., p. 135.
Collier, vol. ii., p. 310. Records, No. 70.
THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
413
CLiirch's mind God-wards ; and on this principle
was the Liturgy of the C'liurch of Engkud com-
piled. The voice of all preceding ages of the Church
■was heard in it : the voice of the fii'st age ; as
also that of the age of Augustine and of all suc-
ceeding ages, including whatever was pure and
lofty in the Chui'ch of the Middle Ages ; all were
there, inasmuch as the greatest thoughts and the
sublimest expressions of all the noblest minds and
gi-andest eras of the Church were repeated and re-
echoed in it. The Book of Common Prayer wsis
presented to Convocation in November, 1548, and
having been approved of by that body, was brought
into Parliament, and a law wius passed on the 21st
of January, 1549, since known iis the Act of
Uniformity,' which declared that the bishops had
now concluded upon one uniform order of Divine
worship, and enacted that from the Feast of Whit
>Simday next all Divine offices should be performed
according to it. On the passing of the Act all
clergymen were ordered to bring to their- bishop
" antiphoners, missals, and all other books of ser-
vice, in order to tlieii' being defaced and abolished,
that they might be no hindrance to that godly and
iniiform order set forth."- On the 10th of June,
being Whit Sunday, the Liturgy was iii'st solemnly
performed in St. Paul's Cathedral, and in most of the
l)arish churches of England. " The Day of Pentecost
was titly chosen," says one, " as that on which a
National Clnn-ch should first I'eturn after so many
centuries to the celebration of Divine service in
the native tongue, and it is a day to be much ob-
sei-ved in this Church of England among all our
generations for ever."^
The Act ratifying the Book of Common Prayer
contained also an authorisation for the suiging of
psalms in public woi'ship. The absence of singing
was a m;u'ked characteristic of the Papal worship.
Tlie only aj)proach to it were chants, dii-ges, and
wads, in a dead language, in which the people its
a rule took no part. Singing revived with Pro-
testantism ; as we should exjiect it would, seeing
all deep and lofty emotions seek to vent them-
selves in song. The Lollards were famous for their
singing, hence then- name. They wex'e followed
in their love of sacred song by certain congi-ega-
tions of the Reformed Church of England, who
' "2nd and 3rd Edward "VI., c. i. Previously to the
passing of the Act a great variety of forms of prayer
and communion liad been in use. Some used the form
of Sarum, some that of York, others that of Bangor,
and others tliat of Lincoln, while othei's used forms
entirely of their own devising." (Strype, Eccles. Mem.,
vol. ii., p. 138.)
- Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 194.
' Massingherd, The Eng. Reform., p. 350; Lond., 1817.
began the prsictice of their own accord ; but now
the psalms were sung in vu-tue of the royal onler
in all churches and jirivate dwellings. Cei-tiiin of
the psalms were turned into metre by Sternhold,
a member of the Privy Chamber, and were set
to music, and dedicated to Edwai'd VI., who wa.s
gi-eatly delighted with them. Other's were vereified
by Dr. Cox, W. Whittingham, and Robert Wisdom.
Ajid when the whole Book of Psalms, with other
hymiis, were finished by Hopkins and certain other
exiles in Queen Mary's leigu, this clause in the
Act gave authority for their being u.sed in public
worship. They were sung at the commencement
and at the close of the morning service, and also
befoi'e and after sermon.^
The last part of the work, which Cranmer was
now doing with so much moderation, wisdom, and
courage, was the compilation of Articles of Religion.
All worship is founded ou knowledge. That know-
ledge or truth is not the evolution of the human
mind, it is a dii-ect revelation from heaven ; and
the response awakened by it from earth is woi'ship.
The archbishop, in arranging the worship of the
Chiu'ch of England, had assumed the existence of
previously communicated truth. Now he goes to
its Divine fountains, that he might give dogmatic
expression to that to which he had just given
emotional utterance. He puts into doctrine what
he had already put into a pi'ayer, or into a song.
This was, perhaps, the most difficult part of his
task — it was certainly the most delicate — and a
feeling of this woidd seem to have nuule him defer
it till the lii-st. The facts relating to the prepara-
tion of the Articles are obscure ; but putting <dl
things together, it would appear that the Articles
were not debated and passed in Convocation ; but
that they were drawn up by Cranmer himself, and
presented to the king in 1552.^ They were revised,
at the king's instance, by Grindal, Knox, and
others, previous to being ratified by Parliament,
and subscription to them made obligatory on all
preachers and ministers in the realm.'' Having
received Cranmer's last revise, they w(>re published
in 1553 by the king's authoiity, both in l^itin and
English, " to be publicly owned as the sum of the
doctrine of the Church of England."' As regai-ds
the doctrine of the Articles, all those divines who
have been the more thoroughly versed in theology,
both in its history and in its substanc(!, from Bishop
Burnet downwai'ds, have acknowledged that, in the
main, the Articles follow in the path of the great
•• Strype, Eccles. Mem., vol. ii., pp. 139, 140.
^ Burnet, vol. iii., part iii., bk. 4.
' Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, pp. 'Si2, 273.
7 lUd., pp. '272, 301.
414
HlSTOilY OF PROTESTANTISM.
ARCHBISHOP CRANMER. (From a rorirail ill the BibUolhe'iue Natiomle.)
doctor of the Wesf , Augustine. Tlie archbishop
ill flaming them had fondly hoped tliat they would
be a means of " union and quietness in religion."
To these forty-two Articles, reduced in 15G2 to
thirty-nine, he gave only a suLordinate authority.
After dethroning the Pope to put the Bible in his
room, it would have ill become the Reformers to
dethrone the Bible, in order to install a mere
human authority in supremacy over the conscience.
Creeds are the handmaids only, not the mistress ;
they are the interpreters only, not the judge; the
authority they possess is in exact proportion to the
accuracy with which the}- interj/ret the Divine
voice. Their authority can never be plenary,
because their interpretation can never be more
than an approximation to all truth as contained in
the Scriptures. The Bible alone must remain
the one infallible authority on earth, seeing the
prerogative of imposing laws on the consciences of
men belongs only to God.
VIEWS OV WESTMINSTER ABBEY.
THE WESTEK.N TOWElts. HKSUV VII.'s CII.VrEL. THE CI.niSTE;:?.
41 G
HISTOKY OF PEOTEISTANTISM,
CHAPTER XII.
DEATHS OF PROTECTOR SOMERSET AND EDWARD VI.
Cranmer's Moderation— Its Advantages — His Great DiflSculties— Proposed Genei-al Protestant Convention — Tlie
Scheme Fails— Disturbing Events in the Reign of Edward VI.— Plot against Protector Somerset— His Execution
— Rise of the Disputes about Vestments — Bishop Hooper— Joan of Kent — Her Opinions — Her Bui-ning — Question
of Changing the Succession — Cranmer Opposes it — He Yields — Edward VI. Dies — Reflections on the Reformation
under Edward VI.— England Comes Late into the Field- Her Appearance Decides the Issue of the Movement.
We have followed step by step the work of Craiuner.
It would be easy to criticise, and to say where a
deeper and broader foundation might have been
laid, and would have been, doubtless, by an intel-
lect of the order of Calvin. Cranmer, even in the
opinion of Biu-net, was cautious and moderate to
a faidt ; but perhaps that moderation fitted him for
his place. He had to work duiing many years
along with one of the most imperious monarchs
that ever occupied a thi-one. Had Hemy, when
he quan-elled wth the Pope, quan-elled also with
Popery, the primate's task woidd have been easy ;
but Hemy felt it all the more incumbent upon him
to show his loyalty to the faith of the Church, that
he had rebelled against her head. There were times
in Cranmer's life when he was the one Refonner at
a Roman Catholic court and in a Popish council ;
and had he retired from Ins position, the work must
have stopped, so far as man can judge. After Henry
went to the gi-ave, and the young and reforming
Edward succeeded him on the throne, the Popish
foction was still powerful, and Cranmer had to
pilot the movement through a host of enemies,
through numberless intrigues, and through all the
hindrances arising from the ignoi-ance and godless-
ness which the old system had left behind it, and
the storms of new and strange opinions which its
overthrow had evoked. That he effected so much
is truly wonderfid ; nor can England ever be suf-
ficiently thankful for the work he accomplished for
her ; but Cranmer himself did not regard his work
as finished, and had Edward VI. lived, it is pro-
bable that many things in the woi-ship of the
Church, boiTOwed from the ancient suj)ei-stition,
woidd have been removed, and that some things in
her government would have undergone a remodel-
ling in accordance with what Cranmer and the
men associated with Mm in the work of Refonna-
tion believed to be the primitive institution. " As
far as can be judged from Cranmer's proceedings,"
says Burnet, " he intended to put the government
of the Church in another method, different from the
common way of Convocation."' Foreign divines,
and Calvin in particular, to whose judgment Ci-an-
mer much deferred, were exhorting him to prosecute
the Reformation of the Church of England " by
purging it of the relics of Popery,"^ and not to
delay in doing so, lest " after so muny autiunns
spent in procrastinating, there should come at last
the cold of a perpetual wmter." The .same gi-eat
duty did Calvin press upon the Duke of Somerset,
the Protectoi-, whose steadfast zeal and midoubted
patriotism he thankfidly acknowledges, and even
upon the king, Edward VI., to whose sincere piety
he pays a noble tribute.
Nay, a project was at that hour in agitation
among the gi-eat Protestant theologians of all
countries, to hold a general conference for a free
exchange of their views on all sulijeots, and the
adojJtion of one system of doctrine, and one foiin
of government, or as near an approximation to this
as might be desii-able and possible, for all the Re-
formed Chui-ches, in order to the more perfect con-
solidation of the Reformation, and the more entii-e
union of Christendom. The project had the fidl
approval of Edwai'd VI., who oflered his capital as
the place in which to hold this congress. Cranmer
hailed the assembling of so many men of influence
and power on an errand like this. Not less wamily
had Melancthon entered into the idea, and cor-
responded vnth Cranmer in prosecution of it. It
had the high sanction of CJalvin, than whom there
was no one in all Christendom who more earnestly
longed to see the breaches in the Reformed i-anks
closed, «• who was less disposed to view vntii an
approving eye, or lend a helping hand to schemes
merely visionary. His letters to Cranmer on the
subject still remain, in which he pleads that, though
he might well be excused a pei-sonal attendance on
the ground of his " insimificance," he was ne^-erthe-
' Burnet, vol. iii., part iii., bk. 4.
- See Calvin's letter to Cranmer of July, 1552 — Jules
Bonnet, vol. ii., p. 341 ; Edin., 1857.
DISPUTE ABOUT VESTMENTS.
417
less •willing to undergo any amount of " toil and
trouble," if thereby he niiglit further the object. '
This Protestant convention never assembled.
The difficulties in tlie way of its meeting were then
immense ; uor was the prospect of arriving at the
desired concord so certain as to encourage men to
great eflbrts to overcome them. Moi-eover tlie
Council of Trent, which had met a little before,
hearing with alarm tluit the Reformers were about
to combine under one discipline, took immediate
steps to keep them disunited. They sent forth
emissaries, who, feigning themselves zealous Pro-
testants, began to preach tlie more violent doctrines
of the Anabaptists. England was threatened with
an outbreak of the same anti-social and fanatical
spiiit which had brought so many calamities on
Germany and Switzerland ; apples of discord were
scattered among the friends of the Gospel, and the
projected conference never assembled."
The reign of Edward VI., and with it the era of
lleformation under Ci'aumer, was di-awing to a
close. The sky, which had been so clear at its
beginning, began now to be darkened. The troubles
that distracted the Church and the State at this
tinie arose from various causes, of which the prin-
cipal were the execution of the Duke of Somerset,
the (.lisputes respecting vestments, the burning of
Joan of Kent, and the question of the succession
to the crown. These occurrences, which influenced
the coiu'sc of future events, it is unnecessary to
detail at much length.
The Duke of Somerset, pious, upright, and able,
had fiiithfully served the crown and the Reforma-
tion; but his inflexible loyalty to the cause of the
Reformed religion, and the hopelessness of a re-
storation of the old faith while he stood by the side
of the throne, stiired up his enemies to plot his
ovei-throw. The conspii'ators were able to persuade
the king that his uncle, the 'Protector, had al)used
his oflice, and was an enemy to the crown. He
was stripped of his oflice, and removed from court.
Ho returned after awhile, but the intrigue was re-
newed, and this time with a deadlier intent. The
articles of indictment di-awn up against him, and
which Strypo affirms were in Gardiner's hand, who,
although then in the Tower, giiided the plot which
the Papists were caiTying on, charge tlie duke with
such things as " the gi-eat spoil of the churches and
cliapels, defacing ancient tombs and monuments,
and pulling down the bells in paiish churches, and
' See his letter to Cranmei-, April, 1552— Jules Bonnet,
vol. ii., p. 331. See also Cranmer's letters in his works,
published by the Parker Society ; and the Zurich Letters,
First Series.
- Strypo, Mem. of Cranmrr, pp. 117,103.
ordering only one bell in a steeple as sufficient to
call the people together."^ Warwick, Duke of
Northumberland, an ambitious and hypocritical
man, resolved on his death. He accused Somei-set
of a design to raise a rebellion and assassinate him-
self and the other privy councOloi-s. He was
tried and condemned ; the king, now entirely in the
power of Warwick, signed his uncle's death-warrant
with tears in hLs eyes; and he was executed
(January, 1552) amidst the lamentations of the
jieople, by whom he was gi-eatly beloved, and who
rushed on the scafibld to dip their handkerchiefs in
his blood. Cranmer remained his friend to the
last, but could not save him.
The next cloud that rose over the Reformed
Church of England was the dispute resjiectiiig
vestments. This contention first arose amongst a
Protestant congi-egation of English exiles at Frank-
fort, some of whom objected to the use of the
surplice by the minister, the Litany, the audible
responses, and kneeling at the communion, and on
these grounds they separated from their brethren.
The strife was imported into England, and broke
out there with gi-eat fierceness in the reign of
Elizabeth, but it had its beginning at the period
of which we write, and dates from the reign of
Edward VI. Hooper, who returned in July, 1550,
from Germany and Switzerland, where he had
contracted a love for the simple forms followed
in these churches, was nomimited Bishop of
Gloucester. He refused to be con.secrated in
the vestments usually worn on these occasions.
This led to a warm dispute between him and
Cranmer, Ridley, Bucer, and Peter Martyr. The
first issue was that Hooper wa.s committed to the
Fleet by the Council ; and the second was that ho
complied, and was consecrated after the usual forni.^
In this way began that strife which divided the
friends of Reformation in England in after-days,
and which continued to rage even amid the tires of
persecution.
The next occurrence was one in itself yet more
sad. It is remarkable that England should have
had its Servetus case as well as Geneva, although
the former has not attained the notoriety of the
latter. But if there be any difference between
them, it is in this, that the earlier, which is the
English one, is the less defensible of the two execu-
tions. Joan Bocher, or, as she is commonly styled,
Joan of Kent, held, in the words of Latimer, "that
our Saviour was not very man, nor had received
flesh of his mother Mary." Persisting in her error.
3 Strype, Mein. of Cranmer, p. 268.
■" Ibid., pp. 21G, 217.
418
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
slie was judicially excommiimcated by Craumer,
the sentence being read by liini iii St. Mary'.s
Chapel, within the Cathedral Church of St. Paul's,
in April, 15-19 ; the king's commissioners, of the
number of whom was Hugh Latimer, assisting. She
was then delivered to the secular arm, and sentenced
to be burned After her condemnation she was
kept a week in the house of the chancellor, and
eveiy day \'isited by the archbishop and Bishop
Ridley, who reasoned with her in the hope of saving
her from the fire. Refusing to change her opinion,
she was burned.' The relations of Craumer to Joan
of Kent are precisely those of Cahin to Servetus,
with this exception, that Cranmer had more influence
vfith the king and the Privy Council than Calvin
had with the magistrates and Town Council of
Geneva, and that whereas Calvin earnestly inter-
ceded that the sword might be substituted for the
stake in the case of Servetus, we know of no
interference on the pai-t of Cranmer to have the
punishment of Joan of Kent mitigated. Nor did
the error of this poor woman tend in the same
degree to destroy the foundations of civil order, as
did the opinions so ze;ilou.sly propagated by Ser-
vetus. The doctrine of toleration had not made
gi-eater progress at London than at Geneva. It
was the ei'ror of that age that it hekl the judicial
law of the Jews, according to which heresy was
punishable with death, to be still binding upon
States. We find the Pilgrim Fathers acting upon
the same belief, and led by it into the same de-
plorable acts, a century after the time when Calvin
had publicly taught that opinions ought not to be
punisheil by the sword unless promulgated to the
disturbance of civil society.
The last matter in which we find the archbishop
concerned under Edward VI. was the change of the
succession to the throne from the Princess Mary,
the eldest daughter of Henry VIII., to Lady Jane,
daughter of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk. This
scheme took its rise with the domineering Northum-
berland, who, having married one of his sons to
Lady Jane, hoped thus to bring the crown into
his own family. The argument, however, that
the duke urged on the king, was that Mary, being
a bigoted adherent of the Romish faith, would
overthrow the Reformation in England should
she succeed to the throne. The king, therefore,
in his will set aside his sister, aiul nominated
Lady Jane Grey in her room. The archbishop
strongly withstood the proposed alteration, but,
persuaded by the king, who ceased not to entreat
him, he put his name, the last of all the privy coun-
' .Strypo, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 181.
cillore, to the king's will.- This was not forgotten
l)y Mary, iis we shall see, when she came to reign.
The zeal of Edward for the Reformation continued
unabated : his piety was not only unfeigned, but
deep ; but many of the noblemen of his court led
lives shamefully immoral and vicious, and there
was, alas ! no Calvin to smite the evil-doers with the
lightnings of liis ^vl•ath. With the death of Edward
VI., in his sixteenth year (July G, 1.55.3), the night
again closes around the Reformation in England.
It is a mighty work, truly, which we have seen
accomplished in England. Great in itself, that
work appears yet more marvellous when we
consider in how short a time it was effected. It
was begun and ended in six bi'ief years. Wlien
Henry VIII. descended into the tomb in 1547,
England was little better than a field of ruins : the
colossal fragments of that ancient fabric, which the
terrible blows of the king had shivered in pieces,
lay all about, and before these obstructions could
be removed — time-honoured maxims exploded, in-
veterate prejudices rooted up, the dense ignorance
of all classes dispelled — and the building of the
new edifice begun, a generation, it would have
been said, must pass away. The fathere have been
brought out of the house of bondage, it is the sons
who will enter into the land of evangelical liberty.
England emancipates her throne, reforms her
Church, restores the Lord's Supper to its primiti^-e
simplicity and significance, and enters into the
heritage of a Scriptural faith, and a Protestant
liberty, in the couree of a single generation. Such
sudden and manifest interposition in the life of
nations, is one of the ways by which the great
Ruler attests his existence. He puts forth his
hand — mighty intellects arise, there is a happy
conjunction of favouring circumstances, courage and
foresight are given, and nations with a leap reach
the goal. So was it in the sixteenth century with
the nations that embraced Pi'otestantism ; so was
it especially with England. This countiy was
among the last to enrol itself in the reforming
army ; but having started in the race, it rushes to
the goal : it crowns itself with the new liberties.
There was an advantage in England coming late
into the battle. Not unfrequently does a genei-al,
when great issues are at stake, and the contest is
prolonged and arduous, keep a body of troops in
reserve, to appear on the field at the decisive mo-
ment, and strike the crowning blow. It was the
appearance of England on the great liattlo-field
of the sixteenth century that effectually turned the
- Sti-ype, Mem. of Cranmer, pp. 295, 296. Bui-net,
vol. III., part iii., pp. 315, 31C.
ACGESSION OF MARY I.
419
title, and gave victory to the movement of the Re-
formation. The Huguenots had been l)eaten down ;
Flandei-s had sunk under Spain ; strength had
depai-ted from the once powerful Germany ; prisons
and scafl'oldshad tliinned the ranks and wasted the
strength of the Reformed host in other countries.
Spain, under Philip II., had summoned up all her
energies to crush, in one mighty blow. Protestantism
for ever, when lo ! England, which had remained
off the held and out of action, as it were, till then,
came forward in the fre.sh youth, and full, unim-
paired strength, which the Reform of Craumer had
given her, and under Elizabeth she arrested the
advancing tide of an armed Pa])acy, and kept her
soil inviolate to be the head-quarters of Pro-
testantism, and of all those moral, political, and
literary forces which are born of it alone, and a
new point of depai-ture in ages to come, whence
the Reformation might go forth to carry its
triumphs round the globe.
CHAPTER XIII.
RESTORATION OF THE POPES AUTHORITY IN ENGLAND.
Execution of Lady Jane Grey, &c. — Accession of Mary — Her Character — Conceals her projected Policy — Her Message
to the Tope— Unhappiness of the Times— Gardiner and Bonner— Cardinal Pole made Legate — The Pope's Letter
to Mai-y— The Queen begins to Persecute — Cranmer Committed to the Tower — Protestant Ministers Imprisoned
—Protestant Bishops and Clergy Depi-ived — Exodus — Coronation of the Queen — Cranmer Condemned for Treason
—The Laws in favour of the Reformation Repealed- A Parliament — The Queen's Marriage with Philip of Spain —
Disputation on the Mass at Oxford — Appearance of Latimer, &c. — Restoration of Popish Laws, Customs, &c. —
Arrival of Cardinal Pole — Terms of England's Reconciliation to Rome — The Legate solemnly Absolves the
Parliament and Convocation— England Reconciled to the Pope.
The pi-oject of Northumberland, devised professedly
for the protection of the Protestant religion, but in
reality for the aggi'andisement of his own family,
involved in calamity all who took pai-t in it. Lady
Jane Ctvey, after a reign of ten days, was com-
mitted to the Tower, thence to pass, after a brief
interval, to the block. Tlie duke expiated his
ambition on the scaffold, returning in his last
Iiours to the communion of the Church of Rome,
after many years passed in the profession of
a zejvlous Protestantism. The Princess Maiy
was proclaimed queen on the 17th of July,
l.').^;?, and her accession was hailed by the gi-eat
body of the nation with satisfaction, if not with
enthusiasm. Tliere was a prevalent conviction that
the crown was rightfully hers ; for although one
I'arliament had annulled her right of succession, as
well as that of her sister Elizabeth, on the gi'ound
of the unlawfulness of the man-iage of Henry VIII.
witli Catherine of Aragon, another Parliament had
i-cstored it to her ; and in the last will of her father
she had been i-anked next after Edward, Prince of
Wales, heir of the crown. The vast unpopularity
of tlie Duke of Northumberland, whose tyi-annical
cliai-acter liad ca\ised him to be detested, acted as a
foil to the new sovereign ; and although the people
w(>re not without feai's of a change of policv in the
matter of religion, they were far indeed from an-
ticipating the vast revolution that was near, and
the ten-ible calamities that were to overspread the
kingdom as soon as Mary had seated herself on the
throne.
Mai-y was in her thii-ty-seventh year when she
began to reign. Her pei-son was homely, lier temper
morose, her understanding narrow, and her dispo-
sition gloomy and suspicious. She displayed the
Spanish gravity of her mother, in union vnth the
obstinacy of her father, but these evil qualities
were not relieved by the gi-aces of Catherine and
the talents of Hem-y. Her training, instead of
refining her character and widening her views,
tended only to .strengthen the unhapjiy conditions
with which nature liad endowed her. Her educa-
tion had been conducted mainly by her mother,
who liad taught her little besides a strong attach-
ment to the Roman Catholic faith. Tims, thougli
living in England, she had breathed from her youth
tlie air of Spain; and not only was the creed of that
country congenial to a disposition naturally melan-
choly, and rendered still more .so by the advei-sc
circumstances of her early years, but lier pride
engaged her to uphold a religion for which her
mother had lived a martyr. No sooner had she
mounted the throne than she dispatched a mes-
senger to announce lier accession to the Pojio.
This was on the matter to say, " I am your faithful
420
HI^TUKY OF PKUTE8TANTISM.
ilaughter, and England has returned to the Roman
obedience." Knowing how welcome these tidings
would be in the Eternal City, the messenger was
bid not to loiter on the road, and he used such
expedition that he accomplished in nine days a
Journey on which an ordinary traveller then usually
spent thrice that length of time, and in which Cam-
peggio, when he came to pronounce the divorce, had
consumed three months.
But Mary, knowing that the tidings which caused
joy in Rome would awaken just the opposite feel-
ings in England, kept her subjects as yet in the
dark touching the policy she had determined on
pureuing. The Reformers of Suffolk, before espous-
ing her cause, begged to know whether she was
willing to permit the religious settlement under
Edward VI. to continue. She bade them put their
minds at ease ; that no man would be molested
on the ground of religion ; and that she would be
perfectly content if allowed to practise in peace her
own fonn of worship. Wlien she entered London,
she sent for the Lord Mayor, and assured him that
she " meant gi-aciously not to compel or strain
other people's consciences, otherwise than God
shall, as she trusted, put in their hearts a persua-
sion of the tiiith."' These soft words opened her
way to the throne. No sooner was she seated upon
it than she changed her speech ; and thro\ving off
all disguise, she left no one in doubt that her set-
tled purpose was the suppression of the Protestant
faith.
Without losing a day, she proceeded to undo all
that had been effected during the reigns of her
father and brother. What Cranmer had found to
lie hindrances in the work of constructing, Mary
fomid to be helps in the business of overthrowing
the Protestant edifice. Vast numbers of the popu-
lation were still attached to the ancient beliefs ;
there had been no sufficient time for the light to
penetrate the darkness ; a full half of the clergy,
although conforming outwardly to the Reformed
worship, remained Popish at heart. They had been
monks and fi-iars : their work, as such, was to
chant the Litany and to say mass ; and, ignorant of
all besides, they made but sorry instructoi-s of the
people ; and they would have l)een pensioned off,
but for the wretched avarice of the present posses-
sors of the abbey lands, who grudged the stipends
tJiey shoidd have to pay to better men. Tlie times
were frightfully disordered — the grossest immorali-
ties were common, the wildest opinions were afloat,
and a spirit of scepticism has ever been found to
favour rather than retard the return of super-
' Burnet, vol. m., bk v., p. 322.
stltion. Thus ]\lary found her work as easy
as Cranmer had found his to be difficult, and she
pureued it with an ardour that seemed to gi-udge
every hour that passed and left it incomplete.
Her first care was to gather i-ound her fitting
instruments to aid her. Gardiner and Bonner
were liberated from prison. They had been kept
in the Tower during the former reign, not because
they were inimical to Protestantism, but beca\tse
their intrigues made it dangerous to the public
peace to leave them at large. These two men were
not less intent on the destruction of the Reformed
Church, and the restoration of the ancient glories
of the Popedom in England, than INIary, but their
greater patience and deejjer craft taught them to
moderate the dangerous precipitancy of the queen.
Gardiner was made Bishop of Winchester and Lord
Chancellor of England ; and Bonner, Bishop of
London, in the room of Ridley. A third assistant
did Mary summon to her aid, a man of lofty
intellect, pure character, and great learning, in-
finitely superior to the other two with whom he
was to be mated. Reginald Pole, a scion of the
House of York, had attained the Roman purple,
and was at this hour living on the shores of
Lake Garda, in Italy, the favourite retreat of the
poet Lucullus. The queen requested the Pope to
send Cardinal Pole to England, with full powers to
receive the kingdom into the Roman pale. Julius
III. at once named Pole his legate, and dispatched
him to England on the august errand of receiving
back the repentant nation.- The legate was the
bearer of a letter from the Pope to the queen, in
which he said, " That since she carried the name of
the Blessed Virgin, he called on her to say the
Magnijical, applying it to the late providences of
God toward herself."
The impatience of Pole to complete the task
which had been put into his hands was as gi'eat as
that of Mary herself But Gardiner and Bonner,
more catitious though not less in earnest, and fear-
ing that the great project was being pushed on too
rapidly, wrote to Charles V. to delay Pole on his
way through the Low Countries, till they had
prepared the way for his arrival. Pole, much
against his will, and not a little to liis surprise
and chagrin, was detained in Belgimn. Meanwhile
his coadjutors in England were taking such steps
as they thought necessary to accomplish the great
end they had in ^-iew.
All men throughout England, who held any post
of influence and were known to be favourable to
the Reformation, were now displaced. The last
' B irnet, vol. in., I)k. v., pp. 335, 33G.
JOHN" ROGERS.
NICHOLAS RIDLEY.
HUGH LATIMER.
}OUN HOOPER.
140
422
HISTOltY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
time that Archbishop Craumer officiated jmblicly
w;us on the Stli of August, wlien he road the
Protestant burial service at the obsequies of liis
hite master, Edward VI. After this he was or-
dered to contine himself to his house at Lambetli.
A report was spread abroad that he had recanted
and said mass in his cathedraL This drew from
him wliat probably his enemies wished, a written
declaration of his continued adherence to the Pro-
testant faith, and on tliis he was summoned before
the Council and committed to the Tower.^ The
archbishop was charged with treason in having
subscribed the deed of Edward VI. transferring
the succession to Lady Jane Grey, and also with
lieresy, as contained in the paper given in to
the Council. But his great offence, and that which
his enemies could not pardon, was the divorce of
Heni-y VIII., of which — forgetful of the proud
cartlinal lying without ei)itaph in the Abbey of
Leicester — they held Cranmer to be the chief
promoter. Ridley, Bishop of London, deprived of
his see, had preceded the archbishop to 2)rison,
as had also Rogers, for preaching the Protestant
sermon at St. Paul's. Latimer, the most eloquent
preacher in all England; Hooper of Gloucester, who
]jreached three or four times every day to his
parishioners; Coverdale, Bradford, Saunders, and
others were deprived of their liberty dui-ing the
months of August and September.
A commission was issued to the new Bishops of
Winchester, London, Chichester, and Durham —
■who, in addition to their detestation of Protes-
tantism, were soured in their tempers by what had
befiillen them in the past reign — empowering them
to deprive the Protestant bishops and ministers of
their offices, on pretence either of treason, or of
heresy, or of marriage. They did their work with
zeal and expedition. All the Protestant bisliops
were deprived, as also numbers of the clergy, and
in particular those who were married. Some were
deprived who were never cited before the com-
mission ; others were cited who were locked up in
prison, and deprived because they did not appear ;
others were e.xtruded on promise of a pension that
was never paid ; and others were refused their
stipend because they were dismissed a day or two
before the expii-y of the term at which it was
payable — "so speedy, so hasty, so without warning,"
says one, " were the deprivations." " Yea, some
noblemen and gentlemen were deprived of those
lands which the king had given them, without tany-
ing for any law. Many chiu-ches were changed,
many altars set up, many masses said, many dirges
' Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, pp. 305, 30G.
sung, before the law was lepcaled. All was done
in post-haste."-
The members of the foreign Protestant congre-
gations established in various parts of England had
passports given them, with orders to leave the
country. About 1,000 Englishmen, in various dis-
guises, accompanied them in their flight. Cranmer,
who had foreseen the bursting of tl;e storm, coun-
selled those whom he deemed in danger to provide
for their safety by seeking a foreign asylum. Many
acted on his advice, and some 800 exiles were
distributed among the cities of Germany and
Switzerland. Providence, as the historian Bui'net
remarks, made the storm abate on the Continent
when it began to rage in England, and as England
had offered sanctuaiy to the exiles of Germany in
then- day of trouble, so now the persecuted of
England found refuge in Strasburg and Antwerp,
in Zurich and Geneva, But the archbishop liim-
self refused to flee, though urged to do so by his
friends. He had been too deeply concerned, he
said, in the changes of i-eligion under the last
reign not to remain and own them. As things
stood, this was a voluntary surrender of himself
on the altar.'
On the 1st of October the queen was crowned at
the Abbe}- of AVestminster. The usual pardon was
proclaimed, but while the ordinary criminals were
set free, the prisoners in the Tower and Fleet — that
is, the professors of the Gospel, mcluding Grafton
and Whitchurch, the pi'inters of the Bible — were
exempt from the deed of grace. A few days there-
after, the queen issued a proclamation, saying that
she meant to live and die in the religion of her
youth, and willed that all her losing subjects
should embrace the same.' All who were in favour
of the old religion deemed this a sufficient war-
rant publicly to restore the mass, even before the
law had made it legal. Nor had they long to wait
for a formal authorisation. This same month, a
Parliament was assembled, the elections being so
managed that only those should sit in it who
would subserviently do the work for which they
had been summoned. The first Act of this Par-
liament was to declare Henry VIII. 's marriage
with Queen Catherine lawful, and to lay the blame
of the divorce at the door of Craiuner, oblivious of
the fact that Gardiner, the chief inspirer of these
measures, had been active in promoting the divorce
before Craumer's name was even known to the
- Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 310. Buniot, vol. in.,
bk. v., pp. 329, 330.
3 Ibid., pp. 313, 31 1. Burnet, vol. iii., bk. iv.. p. 321.
* Ibid., p. 312.
DISPUTATION AT OXFORD.
423
kin". This was followed in November by the
indictment at Giiildliall of the archbishop for Iiigh
treason. He was found guilty, and condemned.
The queen, whose life he had saved in her youth,
pardoned him his treason — a kindness which
snatched him from the axe, but reserved him for
the fire. By another Act of the Parliament all
the laws made respecting religion in the reign of
Edward VI. were repealed. A Convocation was
at the same time held ; but so careful had been
the selection of those who were to compose it,
that only sLx had courage to own themselves the
friends of the Reformation accomplished in the
previous reign.
The opening
sermon was
preached by
Bonner's chap
lain from the
text, " Feed
the flock
Among othei
travesties ot
Scripture thit
diversified the
oration was
the application
to the queen
of the words
of Deborah, "Religion ceased in England until
Mary arose — a virgin arose in England."
Meanwhile it was whispered that another sei'ious
step was contemplated by the queen. This was a
man-iage with the emperor's son, Philip of Spain.
Tlie news startled the nation, for they saw a foreign
despotism coming along with a foreign faith. Even
the Parliament begged the queen " not to mai-ry a
stranger," and the (^ueen, not liking to be crossed
in her matrimonial projects, deemed the request
impertinent, and dismissed the members to their
homes. Gardiner, however, hit on means for facili-
tating the match between Mary and Philip. Having
learned that a galleon, freighted with gold from
South Amei-ica, had just arrived in Spain, he wrote
to the emperor, saying that he knew not how he
could so well bestow a few millions of this wealth
as In securing the votes of influential men in
England in favour of the match, and thus rescue
' A copy of this medal is in the possession of C. P.
Stewart, Esq. , who has kindly permitted an enpi-aving of
it to be made for tliis Work. The kneeline figure on the
diverse represents Queen Mary ; the Cardinal is Pole ;
the Emperor next him is Charles V.; the Pope is
Julius III.; then comes Philip 11., and next him is
Catherine of Aragon.
a nation from heresy, and at the same time add
another to the many kingdoms already under the
sceptre of Spain. The counsel of the Bishop of
Winchester was followed, and the match went
prosperously forward.
To give an air of seriousness and deliberation to
the changes which were being hiu'ried on with so
much determination and levity, it was thought
good to ha%-e a disputation on the mass at Oxford.
The three venerable confessors now in the Tower
— C'ranmer, Ridley, and Latimer — were brought
out, and carried down to Oxford, there to be
" baited," as one has said, by the members of both
universities,
for Cambridge
also was sum-
moned to bear
its part in the
defence of
■' the Sacra-
ment of the
altar." The
opening ser-
vices — which
were of more
than usual
splendour —
being ended,
the commis-
sioners, to the number of thirty-three, took their
seats before the altar, and then in a little while
Cranmer was brought in, guarded by bill-men.
" He gave them," says Strype, " great reverence,
and stood with his staff in his hand. They ofiered
him a stool to sit, but he refused." Weston, the
prolocutor, said that the commission had no desire
save that of reclaiming the archbishop from his
heresy, and handing him a copy of the articles to
be debated, requested hLs opinion upon them. The
archbishop, having read them, briefly characterised
them as opposed to the truth of Scripture, liut
promised to give his opinion in writing next day.
" His behaviour all this while," says Strype, " was
so grave and modest that many blasters of Art
who were not of his mind could not forbear weep-
ing." The archbishop having been removed,
Ridley was brought in. The same articles having
been presented to him, he cond(>mned them as false,
but desired a copy of them, tliat he might answer
them in writing. La,st of all, Latimer was brought
in. Having looked at the articles, he .said that in the
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper there was a certain
jiresence, but not such a jn-esence as they aflirmed.
He could not publicly dispute, he .said, by reason
ot his age and the weakness of his memory ; but
FAC-SIMILE OF THE MEDAL sTni Ck TO CELEHHATE THE RETL-RX OF EXGLAXD
TO liO.M.W CATHOLICISM.'
•121
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Ll- would give his opLuion on the questions in
writing, ;ind begged a copy of them for that purpose.
" I caimot here omit," says Strype, " old Father
Latimer's habit at liis first appearance before the
commissioners, which was also his habit while he
remained a prisoner in Oxford. He held his hat
in liis hand ; he had a kei-chief on his head, and
upon it a night-cap or two, and a gi-eat cap such as
townsmen used, with two broad flaps to button
under his chin, an old thread-bare Bristow frieze
gown, gii'ded to liis body with a penny leather
girdle, at which hanged, by a long string of leather,
his Testament, and his spectacles without case
hanging about his neck upon his breast."' Latimer
was then in his eighty-fourth yeai-.
It were useless to narrate the disputation that
followed. It was a mock debate, and was intended
only as a blind to the nation ; and we notice it here
for this reason — that it shows us the Fathers of the
English Reformation bearing theii- dying testimony
against the doctrine of the bodily presence of Christ
in the Eucharist, a tenet around which all the other
doctrines of Rome cluster, and on which so many
of them are built.
The face of England was every day becoming
move Popish. All the Protestant preachers had
been silenced, and a ci'owd of ignorant priests
ni.shed in to lill their places. These men abstained
from marriage which God has ordained, but not
from the nncleanness which God has forbidden.
Mass was restored in every parish. Holidays were
ordered to be kept. Auricular confession, in
Bonnex-'s diocese, was made obligatory on all above
twelve years of age. Worship was performed in
an unknown tongue. The Popish symbols were
restored in the chiu'ches, the streets, and the high-
ways. The higher clergy dazzled the spectators liy
magnificent processions ; the lower clergy quarrelled
with their parishioners for candles, eggs on Good
Friday, dirge-gi-oats, and fees for saying mass for
.souls in piu-gatory. The youth were compelled to
.attend school, where they were carefully instructed
in the Popish faith.
' Strype, Mem. of Cranmci; pp. 335, 336.
In April, 1554, a new Parliament asseiublcd,
and the Spanish gold having done its work, the
measures necessary for completing the nation's
subjection to the Pope's aiithority were rapidly
proceeded with. On the 20th of July, the queen
was married to Pliilip, who henceforward became
her chief adviser; and thus the sword of Spam
was added to the yoke of Rome. On the 21st of
November, Cai'dinal Pole arrived in England, and
immetUately entered on his woi'k of reconciling the
nation to Rome. He came with powei's to give
absolution to all heretics who sought it penitently ;
to pardon all repentant clergymen their irregulari-
ties ; to soften, by a wise use of the dispensing
power, the yoke of ceremonies and fasts to those
who had now been for some time unaccustomed
to it; and as regarded the abbey lands, which it had
been foreseen would be the gi-eat difficulty, the
legate was instructed to airange this matter on
wonderfully liberal tenns. Where he saw fit, he
was empowered to peimit these lands to be detained
by their present holders, that " the recover}- of the
nation and the salvation of souls " might not be
obstructed by worldly interests.
These terms being deemed satisfactory on the
whole by the Parliament, it pi-oceeded to restore
in full dominancy the Papal power. An Act was
passed, repealing all the laws made against the
supremacy of the Pope in the reign of Hemy
VIII. ; the j)Ower of punishing heretics with death
was given back to the bishops ; and the work of
reconciling the realm to Rome was consummated
liy the legate's summoning before him the Parlia-
ment and the two Houses of Convocation, to
receive on their bended knees his solemn absolution
of their heresy and schism." The civil and ecclesi-
astical estates bowed themselves down at the feet
of the Pope's representative. Then- own infamy
and their country's disgrace being now complete,
they ordered bonfires to be lighted, and a Te Dev.vi
to be sung, in token of their joy at beholding the
Pontifical tiara rising in pi-oud supremacy above the
crown of England.
- Sti-ypo, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 3t5.
THE MARIAN PERSECUTION.
423
CHAPTER XIV.
THE BURNINGS UNDER MARY.
English Protestantism Purified in the Fire— Glory from Suii'ering— Spies — The First Victims— Transubstantiation
the Burning Article — Mai-tyrtlom of Eogers — Distribution of Stakes over England — Saunders Burned at
Coventry— Hooper at Gloucester — His Protracted Sufferings — Burning of Taylor at Hadleigli — Burning of
Ferrar at Carmarthen— England begins to be Roused — Alarm of Gardiner—" Bloody " Bonner— Extent of the
Burnings — Martyrdom of Ridley and Latimer at Oxford— A Candle Lighted in England — Cranmer— His Recan-
tation-Revokes his Recantation— His Martyrdom— Number of Victims under Mary— Death of the Queen.
Mournful and melanclioly, not without shame,
is England's recantation of her Protestantism.
Escaped from her bondage, and fairly on her
m^rch to liberty, she suddenly faints on the way,
and returns into her old fetters. The Pope's
authority again flourishes in the realm, and the
sword has been replaced in the hands of the bishops,
to compel all to fall down and do obeisance to the
Iloraan divinity. How sad a relapse, and how
greatly to be deplored ! and yet it was the tyranny
of this cruel time that helped above most things to
jiurify English Protestantism, and to insure its
triumph in the end. This fierce tempest drove
.•iway from it a cloud of adherents who had
weakened it by their flatteries, and disgi-aced it b}^
their immoral lives. Relieved of this crushing
weight, the tree instantly shot up and flouiished
amid the tempest's rage. The steadfast faith of a
single martyr brings more real strength to a cause
like Protestantism than any number of lukewarm
adherents. And what a galaxy of glorious names
did this ei'a gather round the English Reformation !
If the skies were darkened, one bright star came
forth after another, till the night seemed fairer
than the day, and men blessed that darkness that
revealed so many glories to them. Would the
names of Cranmer, of Ridley, of Latimer, and of
Hooper have been what they ai-e but for then-
stakes ? Would they have stirred the hearts of
all the generations of their countrymen since, had
they died in their jialaccs 'i Blot these names
from the annals of English Protestantism, and how
prosaic would its history be !
With the year 15.');) came the reign of the stake.
Instructions were sent from court to the justices in
all the counties of England, to a])point in each
district a certain nvnul)er of secret infonners to
watch the population, and report such as did not
go to ma,ss, or who failed otherwise to conduct
themselves as became good Catholics. The dili-
gence of tlie spies soon bore fruit in the crowded
prisons of the kingdom. Protestant preachei-s,
absentees from church, contemners of the mass,
were speedily ti-acked out and transferred to gaol.
The triumvirate which governed England — Gai-
diner, Bonner, and Pole — might select from the
crowd what victims they pleased. Among the first
to suffer were Rogers, Vicar of St. Sepulchre's ;
Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester ; Rowland T.aylor,
Vicar of Hadleigli in Suffolk ; Saunders, Vicar
of All Hallows, Bread Street ; and Bradford, one
of the Prebendaries of St. Paul's. They were
brought before Gardiner on the 28th of Januaiy,
1555. Their indictment bore reference mainly
to transubstantiation and the Pope's supremacy.
These two articles had suddenl}^ become, in the
eyes of the queen and her bishops, the sum of
Chiistianity, and if one doubted either of them he
was not fit to live on English soil The pretext
of treason was not needed now. The men who
perished in the fire under Mary were burned simply
because they did not, and could not, believe in the
corporeal j)resence iir the Lord's Supper. Their
examination was short : then- judges had neither
humanity nor ability to reason with them. " Wliat
sayest thou?" was the question put to all of them.
" Is it Chi-ist's flesh and blood that is in the Sacra-
ment, or what?" And according to the answer
so was the sentence : if the accused said " flesh,"
he was acquitted ; if he answered " l)read," lie
was burned. The five theologians at the bar of
Gardiner denied both the mass and the Po])e's su-
premacy ; and, as a matter of course, they were
condemned to be burned.
Rogers, who had been the associate of Tyndale
and Coverdale in the translation of the Scriptures,
was suddenly awakened on Monday morning, the
4th of February, and bidden to jirepare for the tire.
As he was being led to Sniitliticld he saw his wife
in the crowd, waiting for him, with one infant at
the breast and ten at her feet. By a look only
could he bid her farewell. His persecutors thought,
perhajjs, to vanquish the father if they had failed
to subdue the disciple ; but they found themselves
426
HISTORY OF PKOTESTANTISM.
mistaken. Leaving liis wife and cliildren to Him
w'.io Ls the husband of the widow and the fatliev
of the orphan, lie went on lieroically to the stake.
The fagots were ready to be liglited, when a par-
don was offered liini if lie would recant. " That
which I have preached," said Rogers, " ^vill I seal
with my blood." " Thou art a heretic," said the
sheriff. "That shall be known at the last day,"
responded the confessor. The pardon was removed,
and in its room the torch was brought. Soon the
flames rose around him. He bore theii- torment
with invincible courage, bathing his hands as it
were in the fire while he was burning, and then
raLsing them towards heaven, and keeping tlieni
in that posture tUl they dropped into the fire. So
died John Rogers, the proto-martp- of the Marian
persecution.
After this beginning thei'e was no delay in the
terrible work. In order to strike a wider terror
into the nation, it was deemed expedient to dis-
tribute these stakes over all England. If the
flocks in the provincial towns and rural parts saw
their pastors chained to posts and blazing in the
fii-es, they would be filled with horror of their
heresy — so the persecutor thought. It did not
occur to him that the people might be moved to
pity their sufferings, to admire their heroism, and
to detest the tyranny which had doomed them to
this awful death. To witness these dreadful spec-
tacles was a different thing from merely hearing of
them, and a thiill of horror ran through the nation
— not at the heresy of the martyrs, but at the
fei'ocious and blood-tliirsty cruelty of the bigots
who were putting them to death. On the 8th of
February, Laurence Saunders was sent down to
Coventry — where his laboui's had been discharged
— to be burned. The stake was set up outside
the town, in a park already consecrated by the
sufferings of the Lollards. He walked to it bare-
footed, attu-ed in an old gown, and on his way he
thi-ew himself twice or thrice on the gi-ound and
prayed. Being come to the stake, he folded it in
his ai-ms, and kissing it, said, " Welcome the cross
of Chi-ist ; welcome the life everlasting ! " " The
fire being put to him," says the martvrologist,
" full sweetly he slept in the Lord." '
Hoo])er, Bishop of Gloucester, had been the
companion of Rogers at the tribunal, and he ex-
pected to have been his companion at the stake ;
but when Rogers went his way to the fire, Hooper
was remanded to his cell. On the evening of that
day he was told that he was to undergo his sen-
tence at Gloucester. His enemies had done him
' Fox, vol. vi., p.
unwittingly the greatest kindness. To die for
Christ anywhere was sweet to him ; but to give
his blood in the presence of those to whom he had
preached Him, and whose faith he wouhl thereby
confirm, made him leap for joy. Now would he
crown his ministry by this the gi-eatest of all the
sermons he had ever preached. Next morning,
attended by six of the queen's guards, he began
his journey before it was light. On the third day
he arrived at Gloucester, where he was met at the
gates by a crowd of people bathed in tears. A
day's respite being allowed him, he passed it in
fasting and prayer, and in bidding adieu to friends.
He retired early to rest, slept soundly for some
time, and then rose to prepare for death. At eight
o'clock on the 9th of February he was led out. The
stake had been planted close to the end of the
cathedral, in which he had so often preached to
the very persons who were now gathered to see
him die. It was market-day, and a crowd of not
less than 7,000 had assembled to witness the last
moments of the martyr, many climbing up into
the boughs of an elm that overshadowed the spot.
Hooper did not address the assemblage, for his
persecutors had extorted a promise of silence by
the barbarous threat of cutting out his tongue,
should he attempt to speak at the stake ; but his
meekness, the more than usual serenity of his
countenance, and the courage with which he bore
his prolonged and awful sufferings, bore nobler
testimony to his cause than any words he coidd
have uttered.
He kneeled down, and a few words of his prayer
were heard by those of the crowd who were nearest
to the stake : — " Lord, thou art a gracious God,
and a merciful Redeemer. Have mercy upon me,
most miserable and wretched offender, after the
midtitude of thy mercies and the gi'eatness of thy
compassion. Thou art ascended into heaven : re-
ceive me to be partaker of thy joys, where thou
sittest in equal glory with the Father." The
prayers of Bishop Hooper were ended. A box
was then brought and laid at his feet. He had
but to stoop and lift it up and walk away from
the stake, for it held his pardon. He bade them
take it away. The hoop having been put round
his middle, the torch was now brought, amid the
sobbings and lamentations of the crowd. But the
fagots were green, and bm-ned slowly, and the ^vind
being boisterous, the flame was blown away from
him, and only the lower parts of his body were
burned. " For God's sake, good people," said the
martyi-, " let me have more fire ! " A few diy
fiigots were brought ; still the pile did not
landle. Wijiing his eyes ^vith his hands, he ejacu-
i.ATiMKu kxhoutim; hidlev at the stake.
428
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
lated, " Jesus, Sou of D.ivid, liave mercy upon me,
and receive my soul ! " A third supply of fuel was
brought, and after some time a stronger flame
arose. He continued praying, " Lord Jesus, re-
ceive my spii'it ! " tUl his tongue was swollen and
liis lips had shrunk from the gums. He smote
upon his breast with both his hands, and when one
of his arms dropped ofl", he kept beating on his
breast with the other, " the fat, water, and blood
oozing out at the finger-ends." The fire had now
gathered strengtli ; the struggle, which had lasted
aearly three-quarters of an hour, was di-awing to
a close ; " his hand did cleave fast to the ii'on upon
his breast ; " and now, bowing forwai'ds, he yielded
up the ghost.'
On the same day on which Laurence Saunders
was burned at Coventry, a similar tragedy was
being enacted at Hadleigh in Suffolk. Dr. Row-
land Taylor, one of Ci-anmer's chaplains, had dis-
charged the duties of that cure with a zeal, an
ability, and a kindliness of disposition which had
endeared him to all his parishioners. One day, in
the summer of 1554, he heard the bells of his
church suddenly begin to ring. Hastily entering
the edifice, he saw to his astonishment a man with
shaven crown, dressed in canonicals, at the altar,
preparing to say mass, while a number of armed
men stood round him with drawn swords to defend
him. Dr. Taylor, on remonstrating against this
intrusion, was forcibly thrust out of the church.
He was summoned before Gardiner, who railed on
him, calling him a knave, a traitor, and a heretic,
and ended by tlu-owing him into prison. The old
laws against heresy not having as yet been restoivd,
Taylor, with many others, was kept in gaol until
matters should be ripe for setting up the stake.
Meanwhile the prisoners were allowed free inter-
course among themselves. Emptied of their nsual
occupants, and filled with the god-fearing people
of England, " the prisons," as Fo.x states, " were
become Christian schools and churches;" so that
if one wished to hear good, he crept stealthily to
the gi'ated window of the confessor's dungeon, and
listened to his jiraycrs and praises. At last, in
the beginning of Inii'i, the stake was I'estored, and
now Taylor and his companions, as we have already
said, were brought before Gardiner. Sentence of
death was passed upon the faithful pastor. On the
way down to Suffolk, where that sentence was to
be executed, his face was the brightest, and his con-
versation the most cheerful, of all in the company.
A most touching jiarting had lie with his wife and
children by the way ; but now the bitterness of
death was past. When he arrived in his parish, he
found a vast crowd, composed of the poor whom he
had fed, the orphans to whom he had been a father,
and the villagei-s whom he had instructed in the
Scriptures, waiting for him on the common where
he was to die. " When they saw his reverend and
ancient face, with a long white beard, they bui-st
out with weeping tears, and cried, ' Jesus Christ
strengthen thee and help thee, good Dr. Tajlor ;
the Holy Ghost comfort thee!'" He essayed to
speak to the people, but one of the guard thrust a
tipstaff into his mouth. Having undressed for the
fire, he mounted the pile, and kneeled do^mi to pray.
While so engaged, a poor woman stejipetl out from
the crowd, and kneeling by his side, prayed with
him. The horsemen threatened to ride her do^^■n,
but nothing could drive her away. The mai-tyi",
standing unmoved, with hands folded and eyes
raised to heaven, endured the fire."
Ferrar, Bishoji of St. David's, had been examined
before Gardiner at the same time with those whose
deaths we have just recorded, but his condemnation
was deferred. He was sent down to Wales, and on
the 26th of March he was brought before the
Romish bishop who had been appointed to his see,
and condemned. On the 30th he was burned on the
south side of the cross at the market-place of Car-
marthen. Fox records a touching proof of the
steadfastness with which he suffered. A young man
came to Ferrar to express his sympathy with him
at the painful death he was about to undergo.
Relying on the extraordinary support vouchsafed
to those who are called to seal their testimony with
their blood, Ferrar gave him this sign, that lie
would stand immoved amidst the flames. "And
as he said, so he right well performed," says Fox ;
" he never moved."
Men contrasted the leniency with which the
Romanists had been treated imder Edward YI.,
with the ferocious cruelty of Mary towards tlie
adherents of the Reformed faith. Wlien Protest-
antism was in the ascendant, not one Papist had
been put to death for his religion. A few priests
had been deprived of their benefices ; the rest had
saved their livings by conforming. But now that
Popery had risen to power, no one could be a
Protestant but at the peril of his life. The
highest and most venerated dignitaries of the
Church, the men of greatest learning and most
exemplary virtue in the nation, were dragged to
prison and burned at stakes. The nation at first
was stupefied, but now amazement was giving
place to indignation ; and Gardinei', who had ex-
• Fox, vol. vi., pp. 65C— 659.
= Foi, vol. vi., pp. 090— G99.
BURNING OF RIDLEY AND LATIMER.
•129
pected to see all men cowering in terror, and ready
to fall in with his measiu-es, began to be alarmed
when he saw a tempest of wrath springing up, and
about to sweep over the land. Did he therefore
desist from his work of burning men 1 or did he
counsel his royal mistress to abandon a project
which could be earned thi-ougli only at the cost of
the destruction of the best of her subjects! By
no means. The device to which he had recourse
was to put forward a colleague, a man yet more
brutal than himself — Bonner, sui'named the Bloody
— to do the chief part of the work, while he fell a
little into the background. Edmund Bonner was
the natiu'al son of a richly beneficed priest in
Cheshii-e, named Savage ; and the son ought never
to have borne another name than that which he
inherited from his father. Educated at Oxford,
he was appointed archdeacon at Leicester under
Henry VIIL, by whom he was employed in several
embassies. In L539 he was advanced to be Bishop
of London by Cromwell and Cramner, who be-
lieved him to be, as he pretended, a friend to the
Reformation.
Upon the enactment of the law of the Six
Articles, he immediately " erected his crest and
displayed his fangs and talons." He had the thirst
of a leech for blood. Fox, who is blamed for
" pei-secuting pereecutors with ugly pictures " —
though certainly Fox is not to blame if ferocity
and sensuality print theii- uncomely lineaments on
their votaries — describes him as the possessor of a
great, overgi-own, and bloated body. Both Gardiner
and Bonner, the two most conspicuous agents in
the a\vful tragedies of the time, had been sup-
poi-tera of the royal supremacy, which fomied a
chief count in the indictment of the men whom
they were now ruthlessly destroying.
The devoted, i)air.staking, and scrupulously faith-
ful Fox has recorded the names and deaths of the
noble army of sufferers with a detail that renders
any lengthy nan-ative superfluous; and next to the
service rendered to England by the martyrs them-
st'lves, is that which has been rendered by their
martyrologist. Over all England, from the eastern
counties to Wales on the west, and from the midland
shires to the shores of the English Channel, blazed
these baleful fires. Both sexes, and all ages and
conditions, the boy of eight and the man of eighty,
the halt and the blind, were dragged to the stake and
bm-ncd, sometimes singly, at other times in dozens.
Kngland till now had p\it but small price n])ou the
lieformation — it knew not from what it had been
delivered ; but these tires gave it some juster idea
of the value of what Edward VI. and C'ranmer had
<lonc for it. Popery was now revealing itselt —
writing its true character in etenial ti-aces on the
hearts of the English people.
Before dropping the curtain on what is at once
the most melancholy and the most glorious page
of our histoiy, there are thi'ee martp-s before
whose stakes we must pause. We have briefly
noticed the disputation which Ridley, Latimer,
and Cranmer were compelled to hold with the
commission at Oxford, in September, 1554. The
commission pronounced all three obstinate here-
tics, and sentenced them to be burned. Herein
the commission was giiilty of the almost un-
exampled atrocity of sentencing men to suffer
under a law which had yet to be enacted; and till
the old penal statutes should be restoi'ed, the con-
demned were remanded to prison.' In October of
the following year, an order was issued for the exe-
cution of Ridley and Cranmer. The night before
his death Ridley supped with the family of the
mayor. At table no shade of the stake darkened
his face or saddened his talk. He invited the
hostess to his marriage ; her reply was a burst of
tears, for wliich he chid her as if she were un-
willing to be present on so joyous an occasion,
saying at the same time, " My breakfast may be
sharp, but I am sure my supper will be most
sweet." When he rose from table his brother
offered to watch with him all night. " No, no,"
replied he, " I shall go to bed and, God willing,
shall sleep as quietly to-night as ever I did in
my life."
The place of execution was a ditch by the nortli
wall of the town, over against Baliol College-
Ridley came first, dressed in his black furred gown
and velvet cap, walking between the mayor and an
aldeiTuan. As he passed Bocardo, where Cranmer
\\as confined, he looked up, expecting to see the
archbishop at the window, and exchange final
adieus with him. Cranmer, as Fox informs us,
was then engaged in debate with a Spanish friar,
but learning soon after that his fellow-prisoners
had passed to the stake, the archbishop hurried
to the roof of his prison, whence he beheld their
martyrdom, and on his knees begged God to
strengthen them in their agony, and to prepare
him for his own. On his way to the stake,
Ridley saw Latimer following him— the old man
making what haste he coulil. Ridley ran and,
folding him in his ai-ms, kissed him, saying, " Be
of good heai-t, brother ; for God will either assuage
' Strypc, Mem. of Cranmer, pp. 140, 341.
- Now converted into a street; the eiact spot is ho-
lievcd to he near the corner of Broad Street, where aslics
and burned sticks have been dug up.
430
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the fury of the flames, or else strengthen us to
abide it." They kneeled down and prayed, each
by himself, iifterwards they talked together a little
while, " but what they said," says Fox, " I can
learn of no man." After the sermon usual on
such occivsions, they both undressed for the fire.
Latimer, stripped by his keeper, stood in a shroud.
With his gamients he seemed to have put ofl' the
burden of his many years. His bent figure in-
stantly straightened ; withered age was transformed
into what seemed vigorous manhood ; and standing
bolt upright, he looked " as comely a father as one
might lightly behold."'
• All was now ready. An ii-on chain had been
put round the martyrs, and a staple driven in to
make it firm. The two were fastened to one stake.
A lighted fagot was brought and laid at Ridley's
feet. Then Latimer addressed his companion in
words still fresh — after three centui-ies — as on the
day on which they were uttered : " Be of good
co.MFORT, Master Ridley, and play the man :
WE SHALL THIS DAY LIGHT SUCH A CANDLE, BY
<Jod's grace, in England, as I trust shall
NEVER BE PUT OUT."
The flames blazed up rapidly and fiei-cely.
Latimer bent towards them, as if eager to em-
brace those ministers, terrible only in appearance,
which were to give him exit from a world of
sorrow into the bliss eternal. Stroking his face
with his hands, he speedUy, and with little pain,
departed. Not so Ridley. His suflerings were
protracted and severe. The fagots, piled high
and solidly around him, stifled the flames, and
his lower extremities were bumed, while the upper
part of his body was untouched, and his garments
on one side were hardly scorched. " I cannot
burn," he said; "let the fire come to me." At
last he was understood; the upper fagots were
.pulled away; the flames rose; Ridley leaned to-
wards them ; and crying, " Lord Jesus, receive
my spirit!" his body turned over the ii-on chain,
the legs being already consumed, and he fell at
Latimer's feet.
Cranmer still lived, but he was a too conspicuous
jmember of the Protestant host, and had acted a too
mrominent part under two nionarchs, not to be
marked out for the stake. But before receiving
the crown of martyi-dom, that lofty head was first
to be bowed low in humiliation. His enemies hud
plotted to tlisgi-ace him before leading him to
the stake, lest the gloi-y of such a victim should
exalt the cause for which he was about ko be
ofiered in sacrifice. The archbishop was, removetl
from the prison to the house of the Dean of Christ
Church. Crafty men came about him ; they treated
him with respect, professed great kindness, were
desirous of prolonging his life for future sei'vice,
hinted at a quiet retirement in the country. The
Pope's supremacy was again the law of the land,
they said, and it was no great matter to promise
submission to the law in this respect, and " to
take the Pope for chief head of this Church of
England, so far as the laws of God, and the laws
and customs of this realm, ^vill permit." He might
himself dictate the words of this submission. Tlte
man who had stood erect amid the stonns of Henry
VIII.'s time, and had oftener than once ignored
the wshes and threatenings of that wayward
monarch and followed the path of duty, fell by the
arts of these seducers. He signed the submission
demanded of him. The queen and Cardinal Pole
were overjoyed at the fall of the archbishop. His
recantation would do more than all then- stakes to
suppress the Reformation in England. None the
less did they adhere steadfastly to their purpose of
burning him, though they carefully conceale<l their
intentions from himself On the morning of the
21st of March, 1556, they led him out of prison,
and preceded by the mayor and alderman, and a
Spanish friar on either side of him, chanting peni-
tential psalms, they conducted him to St. Mary's
Church, there to make his recantation in public.
The archbishop, having already felt the fires that
consume the soul, dreaded the less those that
consume the body, and suspecting what his enemies
meditated, had made his resolve. He walked
onward, the noblest of all the victims, bis con-
ductoi-s thought, whom they had yet immolated.
The procession entered the church, the friare
hymning the prayer of Simeon. Tliey placed
Cranmer on a stage before the pulpit. There, in
the " garments and ornaments " of an archbishop,
" only in mockery everytliing was of canvas and
old clouts," - sat the man who had lately been
the fii-st subject of the realm, "an image of
sorrow, the dolour of his heart bursting out at
his eyes in teai-s." Dr. Cole preached the usual
sermon, and when it was ended, he exhoi-ted
the archbishop to clear himself of all suspicion of
heresy by making a public confession. " I will do
it," said Cranmer, "and that with a good wUl.'"
On this he rose uj), and addressed the vast coii>-
course, declaring^ his abhoiTence of the Romiilb
doctrines, and e^xpressing his .stesulfast adhereiswe
to the Protestant faith. "And now," said htf, "-I
come to the. great thing thai; so much tronfoletU
< Strype, Mem. ^Qvaamer, p. 375.
MARTYRDOM OF CRANMER.
4.31
my conscience, more than anytliLng that ever I
did or said in my whole life." He then solemnly
revoked his recantation, adding, " Forasmuch as my
hand offended, writing contrary to my heart, my
hand shall first be punished therefor ; for may I
come to the lire, it shall be first burned."
Hardly had he uttered the words when the
Romanists, filled with fury, plucked him violently
from the scaflbld, and hurried him off to the stake.
It was already set iip on the spot where Ridley
and Latimer had suflered. He quickly put off his
garments, anil stood in his shi-oud, his feet bare,
iiis head bald, his beard long and thick — for he had
not sliaved since the death of Edward VI. — a spec-
tacle to move the heart of friend and foe, " at once
the martyr and the penitent." As soon as the fire
approached him, he sti-etched out his right arm,
and thrust his hand into the flames, saying,
"That imwoi-thy right hand !" He kept it in the
fire, excepting that he once wiped with it the drops
from his brow, till it was consumed, repeatedly
exclaiming, "That unworthy right hand!" The
fierce flame now suiTOunded him, but he stood as
unmoved as the stake to which he was bound.
Raising his eyes to heaven, and breatliing out the
prayer of Stephen, " Lord Jesus, receive my spirit !"
he expired.' No marble tomb contains his ashes,
no cathedral tablet records his vii-tues, no epitaph
preserves his memory; nor are such needed. As
Stiype has well said, " His martyrdom is his monu-
ment."
Between the 4th of Febiiiary, l.")55, when Royers
Vicar of St. Sepulchre's, was burned at Smithfield,
and the lath of November, 1558, when fi\e martyrs
were burned in one fire at Canterbury, just two
days before the death of the queen, not fewer than
288 persons, according to the estimate of Lord
Burleigh, were burned alive at the stake. Be-
sides these, numbei-s perished by imprisonment,
by torture, and by famine. Mary did all this with
the full approval and sanction of her conscience.
Not a doubt had she that in burning her Protestant
subjects she was doing God service. Her con-
science did indeed rejjroach her before her death,
but for what? Not for the blood she had .shed, but
because she had not done her work'more thoroughly,
and in particular for not having made full restitu-
tion of the abbey lands and other projJerty of the
Church which had been appropriated by the crown.
Her morose temper, and the estrangement of her
husband, were now hastening her to the gi'ave ;
but the nearer she drew to it, she but the more
hastened to multiply her victims, and her last days
were cheered by watching the baleful fires that lit
up her realm, and made her reign notorious in
English history.
CHAPTER XV.
ELIZABETH RESTORATION OF THE PROTESTANT CHURCH.
Joy at Mary's Death— A Dark Year- The Accession of Elizabeth— Instant Ai-rest of Persecution— Protestant Policy
— DiiEculties— The Litany and Gospels in English— Preaching Forbidden— Cecil and Bacon— Parliament— Re-
storation of the Eoyal .Supremacy— Act of Uniformity— Alterations in the Prayer Book— The Sacrament-
Disputation betwfen Eomish and Protestant Tlieologians— Excommunication Delayed— The Papists Frequent
the Parish Chui-ches- The Pulpit— Stone Pulpit at Paul's Cross— The Sermons— Visitation Articles— Additional
Homilies— Cranmer, &e.. Dead, yet Speaking— Eetum of the Marian Exiles— -Jewell— New Bishops— Preachers
sent through the Kingdom— Progress of England— The Royal Supremacy.
QuKEX ^[arv Ijreathed her last on the morning of
tlu; 1 7th November, 1 558. On the same day, a few
houi-s later, died Cardinal Pole, who with Carranza,
her Spanish confessor, h;id been Mary's chief coun-
sellor in tlu)SO misdeeds which have given eternal
infamy to lier reign. The Parliament was then in
session, and Heath, Archbisho]) of York, and Chan-
cellor of England, notified to the House the death
of the Queen. The raomljers stai-ted to their feet,
' Fox. Strype, Mem. of Crannier, p. 371 et seq.
and shouted out, "God save Queen Elizabeth!"
The news of Mary's decease sjjcedily circulated
through London : in the afternoon every steeple
sent forth its ])eal of joy : in the evening bonfires
were liglited, ami the citizens, setting tables in the
street, and l)rin,giug forth bread and wine, " did
eat, drink, and rejoice." Everywhere, as the intel-
ligence travelled down to the to\TOs and counties of
England, the bells were set a-ringing, and men, ai^
they met on the liighways, gnisped each other liy
the liand, and exchanged mutual congratulations.
432
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Tlie nation awoke as from a horrible nightmare ; it
saw the troop of dismal spectres -n-hich had filled
the darkness taking flight, and a future approach-
ing in which there would no more be spies prowling
from house to house, officere dragging men and
women to loathsome gaols, executioners torturing
them on racks, and tying them with iron chains to
stakes and burning them ; no more Latin Litanies,
muttered masses, and shaven priests ; it saw a
future in which the Bible would be permitted to be
read, in which the Gosjiel would again lie preached
in the mother tongue of old England, and quiet and
prosperity would again bless the afflicted land.
There is no gloomier year in the history of
England than the closing one in the reign of Mary.
A concurrence of diverse calamities, which mostly
had their root in the furious bigotry of the queen,
afflicted the country. Intelligence was decaying,
morals were being coiTupted, through the introduc-
tion of Spanish maxims and manners, commerce
languished, for the nation's energy was relaxed, and
confidence was destroyed. Drought and tempests
had induced scarcity, and famine brought plague in
its rear ; strange maladies attacked the pojjulation,
a full half of the inhabitants fell sick, many to\TOs
and villages were almost depopulated, and a sufli-
cient number of labourers could not be found to
reap the harvest. In many places the gi'ain,
instead of being can-ied to the barn-yard, stood and
rotted in the field. To domestic calamities were
added foreign humiliations. Calais was lost in this
reign, after having been two centuries in the pos-
session of the English crown. The kingdom was
becoming a satrapy of Spain, and its prestige was
year by year sinking in the eyes of foreign Powers.
" It was visible," says Burnet, " that the providence
of God made a very remarkable difference, in all
respects, between this poor, short, and despised
reign, and the glory, the length, and the prosperity
of the succeeding reign."'
^^^len Elizabeth ascended the thi-one, the gloom
instantly passed from the realm of Great Britain.
Tlie prisons were opened, the men whom Mary
had left to be burned were released, the fires
which were blazing all over England were extin-
guished; and the machinery of persecution which
up to that moment had been vigorou.sly worked, in-
spiring fear and terror in the heart of every fiiend
of religious liberty, was arrested and stood still.
Tlie yoke of the tyrant and the bigot now rent
from off the nation's neck, England rose from the
dii.st, and rekindling the lamp of truth, started on
a career of political freedom and commercial pros-
' Burnet, vol. in., bk. v., p. 394; Lond., 1820.
perity, in which, with a few exceptional periods',
there has been no pau.se from that day to this.
When Elizabeth received the intelligence of her
sister's death and her own accession she repaired
to the Tower, as wa.s the ancient custom of the
sovereigns of England before being ci'owued. On
crossing its threshold, remembering that but a few
years before she had entered it as a prisoner, with
little hope of ever leaving it save for the scaffold,
she fell on her knees, and gave thanks to God for
preser^-ing her life in the midst of so many enemies
and intrigues as had surrounded her duiing her
sister's life-time. As she passed through the streets
of London on her coronation-da}', a copy of the
Bible was presented to her, which she gi-aciously
received. The people, whom the atrocities of the
past reign had taught to value the Reformation
more highly than before, hailed this as a token that
with the new sovereign was returning the religion
of the Bible.
Elizabeth ascended the throne with the sincere
purpose of restoring the Protestant religion ; but
the work was one of immense difficulty, and it was
only in the exercise of most consummate caution
and piiidence that she could hope to conduct it to
a successfid issue. On all sides she was surrounded
by gi-eat dangers. The clergy of her realm were
mostly Papists. In the eyes of the Marian bishops
her title was more than doubtful, as the daughter
of one whose claim to be the ^\Tfe of Hemy VIII.
they disputed. The learned divines and eloquent
preachers who had been the strength of Protests
antism in the reign of her brother Edward, had
perished at the stake or had been driven into exile.
Abroad the dangei-s were not less great. A Pro-
testant policy would expose her to the hostility of
the Popish Powers, as she very soon felt. The
Duke of Feria, the Spanish ambassador, let her
understand that his master was the Catholic king,
and was not disposed to permit, if his power could
prevent, the establishment of heresy in England."
But her chief cUfficulty was with the court of Rome
When her accession was intimated to Paul IV., he
declaimed " that she could not succeed, being ille-
gitimate ; and that the crown of England being
a fief of the Popedom, she had been guilty of gi'eat
presumption in assuming it without his consent."
Elizabeth laboured under this further disadvan-
tage, that if on the one liand her enemies were
numerous, on the other her friends were few.
There was scarcely to be fomid a Protestant of
tried statesmanship and patriotism whom she could
summon to her aid. The queen was alone, in a
- Burnet, vol. iii., bk. vi., p. '96.
141
llEWS IN THE TOWER OF LONDON.
4:31
in«TOUY OF rROTESTAXTIS.M.
sort. Her excliequor was pooi-ly rt'pleuishtil ; she
li:i(l 110 udcqiuito force to defend her thvono should
it lie .vssiiiled by rebellion within, or by war abroad.
Nevertheless, in spite of all these hazards the young
queen resolved to proceed in the restoration of the
Protestant worship. That her advance was slow,
that her acts were sometimes inconsistent, and
even retrogressive, that she excited the hopes and
alarmed the fears of both parties by turns, is not
much to be wondered at when the innumerable
jicrils through which she had to thread her path
are taken into account.
The lirst alteration which she ventured upon was
to enjoin the Litany and the Epistle and Gospel to
be read in English, and to forbid the elevation of
the Host. This was little, yet it was a turning of
the face away from Rome. Presuming on the
queen's reforming disposition, some of the more
zealous began to pull down the images : Elizabeth
bade them hold theii" hand ; there were to be no
more changes in worship till the Parliament should
assemble. It was summoned for the 27th of
Januaiy, I.T.jO. Meanwhile all preaching was
forbidden, and all preacher.s were sUenced, except
iuich as might obtain a special licence from the
bLshop or the Council. This prohibition ha.s been
severely censured, and some have seen in it an as-
sumption of power " to open and shut heaven, so
that the heavenly rain of the evangelical doctrine
should not fall but according to her word;"' but this
is to forget the altogether exceptional condition of
England at that time. The pulpits were in the pos-
session of the Papists, and the use they would have
made of them would have been to defend the doc-
ti-ine of transubstantiation, and to excite popular
odium against the queen and the measures of her
Government. Instead of sermons, which would
have been only ajiologies for Popery, or incite-
ments to sedition, it was better surely to restrict
tlie preachers to the reading of the homilies, by
which a certain amount of much-needed Scriptural
knowledge would be tlillused amongst the people.
The same cautious policy governed Elizabeth
in her choice of councillors. She did not dismiss
tlie men who had served under her sister, but she
neutralised their influence b}' joining others witli
them, favourable to the Picformation, and the su-
]jiTiorily of whose talents wovdd secure their
ascendency at the council-board. Especially she
called to her side William Cecil and Nicholas
Bacon, two men of s])ecial aptitude. The first
she made Secretary of State, and the second Lord
' Professor Bnico, Tlie EcdesiasticnJ Supremacy Annexed
to the English Crown, p. 3-1 ; Edin., 1802.
Keeper, in the loom of ^Vrchbishop Heatii, who
resigned the jjost of Chancellor. The choice was
a happy one, and gave early proof of that rare
insight which enabled Elizabeth to select with
unerring judgment, from the statesmen around
her, those who were best able to serve the
country, and most worthy of her confidence.
Cecil and Bacon had lived in times that taught
them to be wary, and, it may be, to dissemble.
Both were sincerely attached to the Reformed
f iith ; but both feared, equally with the q\ieen,
the danger of a too rapid advance. Of large com-
prehension and keen foresight, both efficiently and
faithfully served the mistress who had done them
the honour of this early choice.
The Parliament met on the day appointed — the
27th of January, 1559. The session was com-
menced ■with a luianimous declaration that Queen
Elizabeth was " the lawful, undoubted, and true
heir to the crown." The laws in favour of the
Protestant religion which had been passed under
Henry VIII. and Edward VI., but which Mary
had abolished, were re-enacted. Convocation, ac-
cording to its usual practice, assembled at the
same time with Parliament. Foreseeing the re-
forming policy which the Commons were likely
to adopt, the members of Convocation lost no time
in passing resolutions declaring their belief in
transubstantiation, and maintaining the exclusive
right of the clergy to determine points of faith.
This was on the matter to tell Parliament that
the Pope's authority in England, as re-estab-
lished by Mary, was not to be touched, and that
the ancient religion must dominate in England.
The Commons, however, took their own course.
The Parliament abolished the authority of the
Pope. The royal supremacy was restored ; it
being enacted that all in authority, civil and
ecclesiastical, should .swear that they acknowledged
the queen to be " the supreme governor in all
causes, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, within
her dominions ; that they renounced all foreign
power and jurisdiction, and should bear the queen
fiiith and true allegiance."' The same Parliament
passed (April 28th, 1559) the Act of Uniformity
of the Book of Common Prayer, enjoining all
ministers " to say and use the matins, even-song,
celebration of the Lord's Sup]5er, itc, as authorised
by Parliament in the 5th and 6th year of Edward
VI." A few .alterations and additions were made
in the Prayer Book as finally enacted under
Elizabeth, the most important of which was the
introduction into it of the two modes of dispens-
= Act 1 Elizabetli, cap. 1.
DISPUTATION IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY.
435
ill" the Sacrament -wliich had been used under
Ethvard VI., the one at the beginning and th.e
other at the close of his reign. The words to ))e
used at the delivery of the elements — as prescribed
in the first Prayer Book of Edward — were these : —
" The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was
given for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto
everlasting life." The words prescribed in the
second Prayer Book were as follow : — " Take and
eat tliis in remembrance that Christ died for thee,
and feed on him in thy heart by faith with thanks-
giving." The communicant might interpret the
first form, if he chose, in the sense of a corporeal
presence ; the second excluded that idea, and con-
veyed no meaning save that of a spii-itual presence,
to be apprehended by faith. Both formulas were
henceforth conjoined in the Communion Service.
The tide of Eeformation, though flowing slowly,
was yet proceeding too fast for the clergy, and they
strove to stem it — or rather to turn it back — by
irsisting on a reply to their resolutions appi'oving
of transubstantiation, sent to the House of Lords,
and also presented to the queen. They at last
.succeeded in obtaining an answer, but one they
neither expected nor desired. A public debate on
the points at issue was ordered to be held on the
last day of March, in the Abbey of Westminster.
Fotu' bishops, and four other divines of the Roman
school, were to dispute ■with an equal number of
theologians on the Protestant side. Cole, Dean
of St. Paul's, figured prominently in the debate.
" He delivered himself," says Jewell, "with great
emotion, stamping with his feet, and putting him-
self as in convulsion.s." The dean justified the
practice of perfonning worship in a dead hmguage,
by affirming that the apostles divided their field of
labour into two gi-eat provinces — the Eastern and
the Western. The Western, in which Latin only
was spoken, had ftillen to the lot of Peter and
Paul ; the Eastern, in which Greek only was to
be used, had been, assigned to the rest of the
apostles. But, inasmuch as the West had descended
to themselves through Peter and Paul, it became
them to worship in the ancient and only legitimate
language of that provdnce. It was not the least
nocossaiy, Cole argued, that the people should
underetand the worship in wliich they joined, it
wa-s even to their advantage that they did not,
for the mystery of an unkno^^^^ tongue would
make the worship venerable in their eyes and
gi-eatly heighten their devotion. Fecknam, Al>bot
of Westmiustei-, defended the cause of the monastic
orders by reference to the sons of the projiliets
and the Nazarites among the Jews, and the yet
weightier example of Christ and his apostles, who.
he maintained, were monks. The Lord Keeper,
who presided, had frequent occasion to reprove the
bishops for transgressing the rules of the debate.
The Bishops of Winchester and Lincoln angrily
retorted by tlu-eatening to excommunicate the
queen, and were committed to the Tower. The
Popish cause lost by the disputation, and the Par-
liament gathered courage to return with bolder steps
to that order of things which had existed under
Edward YU
Elizabeth, having determined upon a Protestant
policy, saw every day the difiiculties vanishmg from
her path, and new and unexpected aids coming to
her assistance. The task was not .so overwhelm-
ingly diificult after all ! Two sagacious statesmen
had placed their genius and their experience at her
service. This was her first encouragement. Her
way had been smoothed, moreover, by another and
a very difierent ally. Death had been busy in the
nation of late ; and, as if proceeding on system, the
destroyer had levelled his shafts against the more
influential and zealous upholders of Popery. While
the enemies of the queen were thus being thinned
at home, abroad the aspect of the horizon was less
threatening than when she ascended the thi'one.
The death of Francis II., and the distractions that
broke out during the minority of Charles IX.,
weakened the Popish combination on the Con-
tinent. Paul IV., loth to think that England was
finally lost, and cherishing the hope of reclaiming
Elizabeth from her perverse course by mild
measures, forbore to pronounce sentence of ex-
communication— to which he held her liable for
the offence of intruding into a fief of the Papal
See without his consent. His successor in the
Pontifical chair, Pius IV., pursued the same
moderate course. This greatly ftvcilitated Eliza-
beth's government with her Popish subjects. Her
right to her crown had not been formally annulled.
The Romanists of her realm had not been dis-
charged of their allegiance, and they continued to
frequent the parish churches and join in the Pro-
testant worship. Thus for eleven year.s after
Elizabeth's accession the land had rest, and, in
the words of Fuller, England " was of one language
and one speech." The delay in the excommuni-
cation never yielded the fruits which the Pojies
expected to gather from it : England and its queen,
instead of returning to the Roman obedience, went
on their wa}', and when at last Pius V. fulminated
the sentence wliich had so long hung above the
head of the English monarch it was little heeded ;
the sway of Eli7.abeth had by this time been in
1 Bumet, voL m., bt. vi., pp. '102--U)5.
436
HISTORY OF PPvOTESTANTISM.
some (logi-ee consoliilatcil, ,t.u1 nianv wlin f•Ie^•pll
yeai's before luitl been Papists, were now convei-ts
to the Protestant faith.
Amiil many injunctions anil ordinances that
halted between the two faiths, and which tended to
conserve the old superstition, several most im-
portant practical steps were taken to diffuse a
knowledge of Protestant truth amongst the people.
There was a scarcity of both books and preachers,
and the efforts of the queen and her wise ministers
were directed to the object of remedying that de-
ficiency. The preacher was even more necessary
than the book, for in those days few people could
read, and the pulpit was the one great vehicle for the
diffusion of intelligence. At St. Paul's Cross stood
a stone puli)it, which was a centre of attraction
in Popish times, being occupied every Sunday by a
priest who descanted on the virtue of relics and the
legends of the saints. After the Pieformation tliis
powerful engine was seized and worked in the
interests of Protestantism. The weekly assemblies
around it continued, and increased, but now the
crowd gathered to listen to the exposition of the
Scriptures, or the exposure of Popish error, by some
of the most eminent of the Protestant ministers.
The court was often present, and generally the
sermon was attended by tlie Lord Mayor and
aldermen. This venerable pulpit had served the
cause of truth in the days of Edward VI. : it was
not less useful in the times of Elizabeth. Many of
the sermons preached from it were published, and
may be read at this day with scarcely less delight
than was experienced by those who heard them ;
for it is the prerogative of deep emotion — as it
is of high genius — to express thought in a form
so beautiful that it will live for ever.
The next step of Elizabeth, with her statesmen
and clergy, was to issue injunctions and visitation
articles. These injunctions sanctioned the demo-
lition of images and the removal of altars, and tlie
setting up of tables in their room. Tlie clergy were
required — at least four times in the year — to de-
clare that the Pope's .supremacy was al)olished, to
jireach against the use of images and i-elics, against
beads in j)rayer, and liglited candles at the altar or
Communion table, and faithfully to declare the Word
of God. Every minister was enjoined to catechise
on every second Sunday — for half an liour at least,
before evening prayer — in the Ten Commandments,
the Articles of the Creed, and tlie Lord's Prayer.
Curates were "to read distinctly," and siich as
were bnt " mean readers " were to penise " once or
twice beforehand the chapters and homilies to be
read in jniljlic, to the intent they may read to the
better understanding of the people." Low indeed
must both teachers and taught have sunk when
such injimctions were necessary ! Elizabeth and
hor Government found that the ignorance which
Popery creates is one of its strongest defences, and
the greatest of all the impediments which have to
be surmounted by those who labour for the eman-
cipation of nations fallen under the dominion of
Rome.
It was against that ignorance that Elizabeth and
her councillors continued to direct their assaults.
The next step, accordingly, was the publication of
the Book of Homilies. We have already said that
in the reign of Edward VI. twelve homilies were
published, and appointed to be read in those
cliiirches in which the ministers were disqualified
to preach. The clergy, the majority of whom were
secretly friendly to the Romish creed, contrived to
evade the Act at the same time that they professed
to obey it. They indeed read the homily, but in such
a way as to frustrate its object. The minister
" wovild," says Latimer, " so hawk and chop it,
that it were as good for them to be without it,
for any word that could be rmderatood." Edward's
Book of Homilies, which contained only twelve
shoi-t sermons, was to be followed by a second
book, which had also been jirepared by the same
men — Cranmer, Latimer, and othera ; but before
it could be published Edward died. But now the
project was revived. Soon after Elizabeth ascended
the throne, the first Book of Homilies was re-pub-
lished, and along with it came the second series,
which had lieen prepared liut never printed. This
last book contained twenty sermons, and both sets
of homilies were appointed to be read from the
pulpit. No more effectual plan could have been
adojited for the diffusion of Scriptural knowledge,
and this measure was as necessary now as in the
days of Edward. A great retrogression in popular
intelligence had taken place under Mary ; the
priests of Elizabetli's time were as grossly ignorant
as those of Edward's ; the majority were Papists at
heart, and if allowed to preach they would have fed
their flocks witli faljle and Romish error. Those
only who were known to possess a competent know-
ledge of the Word of God were permitted to address
congregations in their own words; the rest were
commanded to make use of tlie sermons which had
been prepared for the instruction of the nation.
These homilies wei-e golilen cups, filled with living
waters, and when the people of England pressed
them to their parched lips, it well became them to
remember whose were the hands that had replen-
ished these vessels from the Divine fountains.
The authors of the homilies — Cranmer, Ridley,
Latuner — though dead, were yet speaking.- They
llETUEN OF THE PROTECTANT EXILES.
43?
had perished ;it the stake, but now they were
preaching by a thousand tongues to the people of
England. Tyrants liad done to tliem as tliey
listed ; but, lisen from the dead, these martyrs
were marching before the nation in its glorious
exit from its house of bondage.
The mere reading of the Homilies Sunday after
Sunday was much, but it was not all. The qxieen's
Injunctions requu-ed that a copy of the Homilies,
provided at the expense of the parish, should be set
up in all the churches, so that the people might
come and read them. ■ By their side, " one book of
the whole Bible, of the largest volume in English,"
wiis ordered to be placed in every church, that
those who could not purchase the Scriptures might
nevertheless have access to them, and be able to
compare with them tlie doctrine taught in the
Homilies. To the Bible and the Homilies were
added Erasmus's Paraphrase on the New Testament,
ulso in English. And when the famous Apoloi/y
of Jewell, one of the noblest expositions of Pro-
testantism which that or any age has produced, was
written, a cojiy of it was ordered to be placed in all
the cliurclies, that all might see the sum of doctrine
held by the Reformed Church of England. These
measures show how sincerely the queen :uid her
councillors were bent on the emancipation of the
nation from the yoke of Rome ; and the instru-
mentalities they made use of for the ditfusion oi
Protestantism form a .sharp contrast to the means
employed under I\Iary to convert men to the
Roman wor.ship. The Reformers set up the Bible,
the Romanists planted the stake.
During tlie first year of Elizabeth's reign,
though there lacked not thousands of clergy in
England, the laboui-ers qualified to reap the fields
now white unto harvest were few indeed. But
their numbers were speedily recruited from a
q\iarter where the storms of persecution liad for
some time been assembling them. When the great
army of Protestant preachers at Zurich, at Genc^•a,
at Striisbm-g, and at other foreign towns heard tliat
Elizabeth was on the throne, they instantly jire-
pared to return iind aid in the Reformation of their
native land. These men were ricli in many gifts
— some in genius, others in learning, others were
nuistci-s of popular eloquence, and all were men of
chastened spirit, rijie Christians and scholars, while
their views had been enlarged by contact with
foreign Protestants. Their arrival in England
gi-eatly strengthened the hands of those who were
laliouring to reljuild the Protestant edifice. Among
these exiles was Jewell, a man of matchless learning,
whicli liis jiowerful intellect enabled him to wield
with ease and gi-ace, and v.'ho by his incomparalile
work, the Apoloijij, followed as it was by the
Defence, did more than any otlier man of tliat a-JC
to demonstrate tlie falsehood of the Popish sj-steni,
and the imja'cgnable foundations in reason and
truth on which the Protestant Church reposed.
Its publication invested the Reformed caiisc in
England with a prestige it had lacked till then.
The arrival of these men was signally opportune.
The Marian bishops, with one exception, liad
vacated their sees — not, as in the case of the Pro-
testants under Mary, to go to prison or to mar-
tjTi'dom, but to retire on pensions, and live till the
end of their days in security and affluence. But
the embarrassment into which they expected the
Government would be thrown by theii- resignation
was obviated by the appointment to the vacant
posts of men who, even they were compelled to
acknowledge, were theii- superiors in learning, and
whom all men felt to be immensely their superiors
in character. Of these exiles some were made
bishoj^s, others of them declined the labours and
responsibilities of such an office, but all of them
brought to the service of the Reformation in
England an undivided heart, an ardent piety, and
great and varied learning. The queen selected
Matthew Parker, who had been chaplain to her
mother, Anne Boleyn, to fill the See of Canter-
bury, vacant since tlie death of Cardinal Pole. He
was consecrated by three bishops who had been for-
merly in possession of sees, which they had been
compelled to vacate during the reign of Mary —
Coverdale, Scorey, and Barlowe. Soon after his
consecration, the primate proceeded to fill nji the
other sees, appointing thereto some of the more
distinguished of the Reformers ^\ho had returned
from exile. Grindal was made Bishop of London,
Cox of Ely, Sandys of Worcester, and Jewell of
Salisbury. An unusual number of mitres were
at this moment vacant through death ; only four-
teen men who had held sees under Mary sur-
vived, and all of these, one excepted, had, as we
have already said, resigned ; although they could
hardly plead that conscience had comiielled them (o
this step, seeing all or nearly all of them had
supported Henry VIII. in his assumption of the
royal sujjremacy, which they now refused to
acknowledge. Of the 9,400 i)arochial clergy then
computed in England, only some eighty resigned
their livings. The retii'ement of the whole body
would have been attended with inconvenience, and
yet tlieir slender qualifications, and their languid
zeal, rendered their iiresence in the Reformed Church
a weakness to the liody to which they continued to
cling. It was .sought to counteract their apatliv,
not to s;iy op[ic>sition, by permitting them only
438
HISTORY OP PROTESTANTISM.
the humble task of reading the homilies, and by
sending better-fpialitied men, so far as they could
lie found, throughout England, on preaching tours.
" In the beginning of August, 1559," says Burnet,
" preiichers were sent to many cliiTei'ent parts ;
many northern counties Vere assigned to Sandys ;
cesses, though not those of the gi'eatest brilliancy,
because wanting the dramatic incidents that gave
such glory to the latter half of her reign. In these
yeai-s the great queen is seen at her best. With
infinite tact and sagacity, aided by her sage ad-
viser Cecil, she is beheld threading her way through
^^-rWy
QVEEN ELIZABETH. (From the Portrait bj Zucchero, 1575.)
Jewell had a large province — he was to make a
circuit of many hundred miles, through Berk.shire,
Gloucestershire, Somersetshire, Devonshii-e, Corn-
wall, Dorsetshire, and Wiltshire." '
The first eleven years of Elizabeth's reign were
those in which the Protestantism of England took
root, and the way was prepared for those splendid
results that were to follow. These eleven years
were likewise those of Elizabeth's greatest suc-
Bumet, vol. lu., bk. vi., p. 406.
innumerable labyrinths and pitfalls. When she
ascended the throne England was a chaos; which-
ever way she turned, she beheld only tremendous
difliculties ; but now oi'der has emerged from the
confusion ; her throne is powerful, her arsenals
ai'e stored with arms, her dockyards with ships,
the Protestant faith is established in her realm,
genius and learning flourish imder her sceptre,
and the name of England has again become a
terror to her foes. So long as Elizabeth pursues
her reforming path, obstacle after obstacle vanishes
THE REFORMATION UNDER ELIZABETH.
439
before her, and herself and her kingdom wax ever
the stronger.
But the point at which Protestantism finally
halted under Elizabeth was somewhat below that
which it had reached under Edward VI. For this
various reasons may be assigned. The queen, as
was this her object in the restoration into the
administration of the Loi'd's Supper of both forms
of words prescribed in the two Prayer Books of
Edward. The union of the two forms, the one
appearing to favour the corporeal presence, the
other convej'ing the spiritual sense, obscured the
VIEW OF THE WEST TOUCH OF UOCIIESTER CATHEDRAL.
Ilcylin hints, loved a gorgeous worship as well as
a magnificent state ceremonial — hence the images
and lighted tapers which the queen retained in
her own chapel. But the prevailing motive with
Elizabeth was doubtless the desire to disarm the
Pope and the Popish Powers of the Continent by
conciliating the Pa]iists of England, and drawing
them to worship in the parish churches. This was
the end she had in view in the changes which she
introduced into the Prayer Book; and especially
doctrLne of the Eucharist, and enabled the Papist
to say that in receiving the Eucharist he had par-
taken in the ancient Roman mass. But the great
defect, wc are disposed to tlulik, in the English
Reformation was the want of a body of canons for
the government of the Church and the regulation
of spuitual afl'aiis. A code of laws, as is well
known, was draw^l up by Cranmer,' and was ready
■ KeJ'onnaiio Legum EcdcsMsticarum.
uo
HISTOEY OF PE0TESTANTIS:M.
for tlie signature of Edward VI. wlien ho died. It
was revived under Elizabeth, with a view to its
legal enactment; but the queen, thinking that it
trenched upon her supremacy, would not hear of
it. Thus left without a disciiiline, the Church
of England has, to a large extent, been dependent
on the will of the sovereign as regards its govern-
ment. Touching the nature and extent of the
jiower embodied in the royal supremacy, the
divines of the Church of England have all along
held different opinions. The first Reformers re-
garded the hcadshijJ of the sovereign mainly in
the light of a protest against the usurped authority
of the Pope, and a declaration that the king was
supreme over all classes of his subjects, and head of
the nation as a mixed civil and ecclesiastical cor-
poration. The "headshijj" of the Kings of England
did not vest in them one important branch of the
Papal headship — that of exercising spiritual func-
tions. It denied to them the right to preach, to
ordain, and to dispense the Sacraments. But not
less tnie is it that it lodged in them a spiritual
jurisdiction, and it is the limits of that jurisdiction
that have all along been matter of debate. Some
have maintained it in the widest sense, as being an
entire and perfect jurisdiction ; othei'S have argued
that this jurisdiction, though lodged in a temporal
functionary, is to be exercised through a spiritual
instrumentality, and therefore is neither inconsis-
tent -with the nature nor hostile to the liberties of
the Church. Others have seen in the supremacy of
the crown only that fair share of influence and
authority which the laity are entitled to exercise in
spiiitiial things. The clergy frame ecclesiastical
enactments and Parliament sanctions them, say
they, and this dual go\'ernment is in meet corre-
spondence with the dual constitution of the Church,
which is composed partly of clerics and partly o£
laics. It is ours here not to judge between opinions,
but to narrate facts, and gather up the verdict of
histoiy ; and in that capacity it remains for us to
say that, while history exliibits ojiinion touching
the royal supremacy as flowing in a varied and
conflicting ciUTent, it shows us the actual exercise
of the prerogative — whether as regards the rites
of worship, admission to benefices, or the deter-
mination of controversies on faith — as proceeding
in but one direction, namely, the government of
the Chm-ch by the sovereign, or a secular body
representing him.'
CHAPTER XVI.
EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZ.iBETH, AND PLOTS OF THE JESUITS.
England the Head-quarters of Protestantism — Its Subjugation Eesolved upon— Excommunication of Queen Elizabeth
—Jesuits — Assassins — Dispensation to Jesuits to take Orders in the Church of England— The Nation Broken into
Two Parties— Colleges Erected for Training Seminary Priests— Campion and Parsons — Their Plan of Acting —
Campion and his Accomplices Executed — Attempts on the Life of Elizabetli—Somerville— Parry— The Babington
Conspiracy— Ballard— Savage— Babington— The Plot Joined by France and Spain — Mary Stuart Accedes to it-
Object of the Conspiracy— Discovery of the Plot— Execution of the Conspuutors.
When Elizabeth was at the weakest, the sudden
conversion of an ancient foe into a fii-m ally
brought her unexpected help. So long as Scotland
was Poj)isli it w:us a thorn in the side of Elizabeth,
but the establishment of its Reformation in 15 GO,
under Knox, made it one in j)olicy as in faith with
England. Up till this period a close alliance had
subsisted between Scotland and France, and the
union of these two crowns threatened the gravest
danger to Elizabeth. The heiress of the Scot-
tish kingdom, Mary Stuart, was the wife of
Francis II. of France, who ou ascending the
throne had openly assumed the title and arms of
England, and made no secret of his purpose to
invade that country and place his queen, Mary
Stuart, upon its thi-one. In this project he was
strongly encouraged by the Guises, so noted for
their ambition and so practised in intrigue. The
way to cany out his design, as it appeared to
' Those who wish to see at full length the different
opinions which have been maintained by divines on the
royal supremacy, may consult, among other works,
Strype, Ecclcs. Mem. BilAiothcca Scriptonun Ecclcsia Angli-
coiKT, 1709; Becanus (a Jesuit), Dissidium AngUcanum dc
Primatu, Rcr/is, 1612 ; Madox, Vindication of the Church of
England; Professor Archibald Bruce, Dissertation on the
Supremacy of Civil Powers, &c., 1802 ; Dr. Blakeney, His-
farij of the Book of Common Prayer, 1870 ; Dr. Pusey, The
Soyal Svpremacy not an Arbitrary Anthoritii, \SM ; Warren,
The Queen or the Pope, 1851 : Ciumingliam, Discussion on
Church Principles, chap. G, ISCJ.
EXCO^rJIUXTCATTON OF ELIZABETH.
441
tlio Froncli Icini:;, was to pour liis Koldicrs into his
wife's heroditary kingdom of Scotland, and thon
descend on England from the north and dethi-one
Elizabeth. The scheme was proceeding with every
promise of success, when the progress of the Re-
formation in Scotland, and the conse(pient expulsion
of the French from that country, completely de-
ranged all the plans of the court of France, and
converted that very country, in which the Papists
trusted as the instrument of Elizabeth's overthrow,
into her firmest support and security. So mar-
vellously was the path of Elizabeth smoothed, and
her throne preserved.
We have briefly traced the measures Elizabeth
adopted for the Reformation of her kingdom on her
accession, and the prosperity and power of England
at the close of the first decade of her reign. Not
a year passed, after she unloosed her neck from the
yoke of Rome, that did not see a marked advance
in England's greatness. Wliile the Popish Powers
around her were consuming their strength in in-
ternal conflicts or in foreign wars, which all had
their root in their devotion to the Papal See,
England was husbanding her force in unconscious
anticipation of those great tempests that were to
burst upon her, but which instead of issuing in her
destruction, only aSbrded her opportunity of dis-
playing before the whole world, the spirit and
resource she had derived from that Protestantism
which brought her victoriously out of them.
It was now becoming clear to the Popish Powers,
and most of all to the reigning Po])e, Pius V., tliat
the Reformation was centring itself and drawing
to a head in England ; that all the Protestant in-
fluences that had been engendered in the various
countries were finding a focus — a seat — a throne
within the four seas of Great Britain ; that all the
several countries of the Reformation — France,
Switzerland, Geneva, Germany, the Netherlands —
wei'n sending each its special contribution to
form in that sea-girt i.sle a wider, a more consoli-
dated, and a more perfect Protestantism than
existed anywhere else in Christendom : in short,
they now saw that British Protestantism, binding
u]) in one, as it was doing, the political strength of
England with the religious power of Scotland, was
the special outcome of the whole Reformation —
that Britain was in fact the Sacred Capitol to
whicli European Protestantism wa.s boai-ing in
ti'iumjih its many spoils, and where it was found-
ing its em])ire, on a wider basis than either Geneva
or Wittemberg afforded it. Here therefore must
t-he great battle be fought which was to detemiine
wlicther the Refonnation of the sixteenth century
was to establish itself, or whether it was to turn
out a failure. Of what avail was it to suppress
Protestantism in its first centres, to trample it out
in Germany, in Switzerland, in France, wliile a new
Wittemberg and a new Geneva were rising in
Britain, with the sea for a rampart, and the throne
of England for a tower of defence? They must
crush lieresy in its head : they nuist cast down that
haughty throne which had dared to lift itself above
the chaii- of Peter, and show its occupant, and the
nation she reigned over, what terrible chastisements
await those who rebel against the Vicar of Christ,
and Vicegerent of the Eternal Kuig. Successful
here, they should need to fight no second battle ;
Great Britain subjugated, the revolt of the six-
teenth century would be at an end.
To accomplish that supreme object, the whole
spiritual and temporal amis of the Popedom were
brought into vigorous action. The man to strike
the first blow was Pius V., and that blow was
aimed at Queen Elizabeth. The two predecessors
of Pius v., though they kept the sentence of ex-
communication suspended over Elizabeth, had, as
we have seen, delayed to pronounce it, in the hope
of reclaiming her from her heresy ; but the queen's
persistency made it vain longer to entertain that
hope, and the energetic and intolerant ecclesiastic
who now occupied the Papal throne proceeded to
fulminate the sentence. It was given at the
Vatican on the 3rd of May, 1570. After large
assertion of the Pope's power over kings and
nations, the bull excommunicates " Elizabeth, the
pretended Queen of England, a slave of ■\\'ickedness,
lending thereunto a helping hand, with whom, as in
a sanctuary, the most pernicious of all men have
found a refuge. This very woman having seized on
the kingdom, and monstrously usurjiing the supreme
place of Head of the Church in all England, and
the chief authority and jurisdiction thereof, hath
again brought back the said kingdom into miserable
destruction, which was then newly reduced to the
Catholic faith and good fruits."
After lengthened enumeration of the " impieties
and wicked actions " of the " pretended Queen ot
England," the Pope continues : " We do out of the
fulness of our Apostolic power declare the aforesaid
Elizabeth, being a heretic, and a favourer of
heretics, and her adherents in the mattei-s afore-
said, to have incun-ed the sentence of anatliema,
and to be cut off from the unity of the body of
Cliiist. And moreover we do declare her to be
deprived of her pretended title to the kingdom
aforesaid, and of all dominion, dignity, and pri^•^-
lege whatsoever And we do
command and interdict all and every the noble-
men, subjects, people, and others aforesaid, that
442
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
they presume not to obey Imr or her niouitious,
mandates, and laws ; and those who shall do the
contrary, we do sti-ike with the like sentence of
anathema." '
The signal having been given from thfe Vatican,
the war was forthwith commenced. The Papal corps
were to invade the land in separate and successive
detachments. Fu-st came the sappers and miners,
for so we may denominate the Jesuits, who followed
in the immediate wake of the bull. Next appeared
the skii-mishei"s, the men with poignai-ds, blessed
and sanctified by Rome, to take off the leading Pro-
testants, and before and above all, Elizabeth. The
heavier troops, namely the armies of the Popish
sovereigns, were to arrive on the field in the close
of the day, and provided the work were not already
done by the Jesuit and the assassin, they were to
do what remained of it, and complete the victory
by the in-esistible blow of ai-med force. Over the
great ruin of throne and altar, of rights and liber-
ties, the Pajiacy would erect once more its pavilion
of darkness.
In tnith, before the bull of excommunication had
been issued, the Jesuits had entered England.
About the year 1567, Parsons and Saunders were
found itinerating the kingdom, with authority from
the Pope to absolve all who were willing to return
to the Roman communion. Cummin, a Dominican
friar, was detected in the garb of a clergyman of
the Church of England, and when examined by
Ai'chbishop Parker, he pleaded that although he
had not received licence from any English bishop,
he had nevertheless in preaching and praying most
strenuously declaimed against the Pope and the
C'lnn-cli of Rome. The source of his zeal it was not
diffioilt to divine. The dispute respecting vest-
ments was by this time waxing hot, and this
emissary had been sent from Rome to embitter
the strife, and divide the Protestants of England.
Another startling discovery was made at this time.
Thomas Heath, brother of the deprived Archbishop
of York, professed the highest style of Puritanism.
Preaching one day in the Cathedral of Rochester,
he loudly inveighed against the Litm-gy as too
little Biblical in its prayers. On descending from
the pulpit after sermon, a letter was found in it
which he had dropped while preaching. The letter,
which was from an eminent Spanish Jesuit, re\'ealpd
the fact that this zealous Puritan, whose tender
conscience had been hurt by the Prayer Book, was
simply a Jesuit in disguise. Heath's lodgings were
' Damnatio et Excommunicatio EUzahethce Rer/ina; Ang-
lim, &.C. Datum Romoe, &c., 1570, 5 cal. Maii, Pontificatus
Nostri Anno 5.
searched, and a licence was found from the Pope,
authorising him to preach whatever doctrines he
might judge best fitted to inflame the animosities
and widen the divisions of the Protestants. The
men who stole into England under this disguise
found others, as base as themselves, ready to
join their enterprise, and who, in fact, had retained
then- ecclesiastical livings in the hope of over-
throwing one day that Church which ranked them
among her miuLsters. So far the campaign had
proceeded in silence and seci'esy ; the first overt
act was that which we have ali'eady narrated, the
fulmination of the bull of 1.570.
This effectually broke the union and peace wliich
had so largely prevailed in England during Eliza-
beth's reign. The lay Romanists now withdrew
from the churches of an excommunicated worship ;
they grew cold towards an excommunicated sove-
reign ; they kept aloof from theii- fellow-subjects,
now branded as heretics ; and the breach was
^videned by the measures the Parliament was com-
pelled to adopt, to guard the jierson of the queen
from the murderous attacks to which she now began
to be subjected. Two statutes were immediately
enacted. The fii-st declared it high treason " to
declare that the queen is a heretic or usui-per of
the crown." - The second made it a like crime to
publish any bull or absolution, from Rome." It
was shown that these edicts were not to remain a
dead letter, for a copy of the bull of excommuni-
cation having been posted xip on the palace gates
of the Bishop of London, and the person who had
placed it there discovered, he was hanged as a
traitor. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew, which
occurred soon after (1572), sent a thrill of terror
through the court and nation, as the possible pre-
cursor of similar scenes in England. The doom of
the Huguenots taught Elizabeth and the English
Protestants that pledges and promises of peace
were no security whatever against sudden and
wholesale destruction.
A school was next established to rear semmary
priests and assassins. The catechism and the dagger
were to go hand in hand in extirpating English
Protest.antism. Father Allen, afterwards ci'eated
a cardmal, took the initiative in this matter. He
founded a college at Douay, in the north-east of
France, and .selecting a small band of English
yoiiths he carried them thither, to be educated as
seminary priests and afterwards employed in the
pervereion of their native land. The Pope ap-
proved so entirely of the plan of Father Allen,
that he created a similar institution at Rome — the
2 Act 13 Elizabeth, cap. 1.
' Ibid., cap. 2.
JESUIT PLOTS AGAINST ELIZABETH.
443
Eu^di^li Cullfij'e,' which he endowed with tlic pro-
ceeds of a riuli abbey. Into these colleges no
student was admitted till first he had gi\'en a
pledge that on the completion of liLs studies he
would return to England, and there propagate the
faith of Rome, and generally undertake whatever
.sor\'iee his superiors might deem necessary in
a country whose future was the rising or falling of
the Papal power.
Before the foreign seminaries had liad sufficient
time to send forth qualified agents, two students
of Oxford, Edmund Campion and lloliert Pai'sons,
repairing to Rome, there arranged with the Jesuits
the ])lan for carrying out the execution of the
Pope's bull against Queen Elizabeth. In 1580
they returned and commenced operations. They
assumed a new name and wore a diflerent dress
each day. " Oiie day," saj's Fuller, " they wore
one garb, on another a diflerent one, while their
nature remained the same. He who on Sunday
was a priest or Jesuit, was on Monday a merchant,
ou Tuesday a soldier, on Wednesday a courtier;
and with the shears of equivocation he could cut
himself into any sliape he pleased. But under all
tlii'ir new shapes they retained their old nature.""
Campion made the south of England his field of
labour. Parsons travelled over the north, awakening
the Roman Catholic zeal and the sjiirit of mutiny.
They lodged iir the houses of the Popish nobles.
1'heir arrival was veiled in the deepest secresy ,
they tanied but a night, employing the evening in
]ireparing the family and domestics for mass, ad-
ministering it in the morning, and then dej)artmg
as stealthily as they had come. At length Campion
addressed a letter to the Privy CouncU, boldly
avowing his enterprise, which was to revive in
Ijigland " the fiiith that was first planted, and
must be restored ;" and boasting that the Jesuits
of all countries were leagued together for this
<il>ject, and would never desist from the prosecution
of it so long as there remained one man to hang at
Tyburn. Ho concluded liy demanding a disputa-
tion at which the queen and membere of the Privy
Council shovdd lie present.^ A warrant was issued
for his apprehension. He was seized in the dis-
guise of a soldier, conveyed to the Tower, and along
with Sherwin, Kirby, and Briant, his accomjilices,
executed for high treason, which the Act ali-cady
passed declared his offence to be.
Campion and Parsons were but the pioneers of a
much more numerous body. Tho training-schools
at Douaj', at Rheims, and at Pome now began to
send forth men who were adepts in all the arts
which the enterptrise requii-ed. They entered Lon-
don, they crept from hou.se to house, they haunted
the precincts of the court, they found their way
into the pi-ovinces.'' In Salop alone were found
not fewer than 100 recusants.'* They said mass
in families, gave absolutions, and worked per-
severingly to pervert the people at once from the
Protestant faith and their allegiance to Elizabeth.
Every year their numbers were recruited by fresh
swanus. They held re-unions, which they styled
synods, to concert a common action ; they set up
secret printing-presses, and began to scatter over
the kingdom, pamphlets and books, written with
plausibility and at times with eloquence, attack-
ing Protestantism and instilling sedition ; and
these works had the greater influence, that they
had come no man knew wdiither, save that they
issued out of a mysterious darkness.
The impatience of these men to see England a
' Popish country would not permit them to wait the
realisation of their hopes by the slow process of
instruction and perversion. Some of them carried
more powerful weapons for effecting their enterprise
than rosaries and catechism.s. They came armed
with stilettos and curious poisons, and they plunged
into plot after plot against the queen's life. These
machinations kept her in continual apprehension
and anxiety, and the nation in perpetual alarm.
Their gi'and project, they felt, was hojieless while
Elizabeth lived ; and not being able to wait till age
should enfeeble her, or death make vacant her
throne, they watched theu- opportunity of taking
her off with the poignard. The history of England
subsequent to 1580 is a continuous record of these
murderous attempts, all springing out of, and justi-
fying themselves by, the bull of exconnnunication.
In 1583, Somerville attempted the queen's life, and
to escape the disgrace of a public execution, hanged
himself in prison. In 1584, Parry's treason was
discovered, and he was executed. Strype tells us
that he had seen among the papers of Lord Burleigh
the Italian letter of the Cardinal di Como to Parry,
conveying the Pope's approval of his intention to
kill the queen when liding out, accompanied by the
full pardon of all his sins." Next came the treason
of Throgmorton, in which Mendoza the Spanish
ambassador was found to be imjilicated, and was
sent out of England. Not a year pa.ssed, after
tho arrival in England of Campion and Parsons,
wthout an insurrection or plot in some part of
' Strypo, Annals, vol. iii., p. 4
- Fiillor, bk. ix., p. 130.
^ Strype, vol. iii., pp. 32, 33.
I ; Lond., 1V28,
■• Strypo, vol. iii., p. 30.
<' Ibid., p. 210.
Hid., p. 43,
444
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the queen's dominions. The prisons of London
contained numerous " massing priests, sowers of
sedition," charged ^^^th disturliuig the public peace,
and preaching disaffection to the queen's govern-
ment and person.'
In i 586 came the Babiugton conspiracy, the most
formidable and most widely ramified of all the
treasons hatched against the life and throne of
Elizabeth. It originated with John Ballard, a
priest who had been educated at the seminary of
Rheims, and who, revering the bull of excommuni-
cation as the product of infallibility, held that
Elizabeth, having been excommunicated by the
Pope, ought not to be permitted to enjoy her
sceptre or her life an hour longer, and that to
deprive her of both was the most acceptable service
he could do to God, and the surest way of earning
a cro\vn in Paradise. Ballard soon found numerous
accomplices, both within and without the kingdom.
One of the first to joui him was John Savage, who
liad served in the Low Countries under the Duke
of Parma. Many gentlemen of good family in the '
midland and northern counties of England, zealots
for the ancient religion, were drawn into the plot,
and among these was Babiugton, from whom it takes
its name. The conspiracy embraced persons of still
higher rank and power. The concord prevailing at
this time among the crowned heads of the Con-
tinent permitted their acting together against
England and its queen, and made the web of
intrigue and treason now weaving around that
throne, which was the political bulwark of Protest-
antism, formidable indeed. The Guises of France
gave it eveiy encouragement ; Philip of Spam
promised his powerful aid ; it hardly needed that
the Pope should say how fully he accorded it his
benediction, and how earnest were his pi'ayers for
its success. This mighty confederacy, comprehend-
ing conspirators of every rank, from Philip of
Spain, the master of half Europe, down to the
vagrant and fanatical Ballard, received yet another
accession. The new member of the plot was not
e.xactly one of the crowned heads of Europe, for the
crown had fallen from her head, but she hoped by
em'olling herself among the conspirators to recover
it, and a greater along with it. That i>erson was
Mary Stuart, who wa-s then living in England as
the guest or captive of Elizabeth. Babiugton laid
the plans and objects of himself and associates
befoi-e Mary, who a))proved highly of them, and
agi-eed to act the part allotted to herself. The
affair was to commence with the assassin.ation ot
Elizabeth ; then the Romanists in England were to
' Strype, vol. iii., p. 217.
be summoned to arms ; and while the flames of
insurrection should be raging within the kingdom,
a foreign army was to land upon the coast, besiege
and sack the cities that op])Osed them, raise Mary
Stuart to the throne, and establish the Popish re-
ligion in England.
The penetration, wisdom, and patriotism of the
statesmen who stood ai-ound Elizabeth's throne-
men who were the special and .splendid gifts of
Providence to that critical time — saved England
and the world from this bloody catastrophe. Wal-
singham early penetrated the secret. By means of
intercejited letters, and the information of spies, he
possessed himself of as minute and exact a know-
ledge of the whole plot as the conspirators them-
selves had ; and he stood quietly by and watched
its ripenmg, till all was ready, and then he stepped
in and crushed it. The crowned conspirators abroad
were beyond his reach, but the arm of justice over-
took the miscreants at home. The Englishmen
who had plotted to extinguish the religion and
liberties of their native land in the blood of civil
war, and the fury of a foreign invasion, were made
to expiate their crimes on the scaffold ; and as
regai-ds the poor uirhappy Queen of the Scots, the
ending of the plot to her was not, as she had fondly
hoped, on the throne of England, but in front of
the headsman's block in the sackcloth-hung hall in
Fotheringay Castle. -
" Upon the discovery of this dreadful plot," says
Strype, " and the taking up of these rebels and
bloody-minded traitors, the City of London made
extraordinary rejoicings, by public bonfires, ringing
of bells, feastings in the streets, singmg of psalms,
and such like : showing their excess of gladness,
and am])le expressions of their love and loyalty to
their queen and government."'
An attempt was made at the time, and has since
been renewed at intervals, to represent the men
executed for their share in this and similar con-
spiracies as mai'tyrs for religion. The fact is that it
is impossible to show that a single individual was
put to death under Elizabeth sinqjly because he
believed in or professed the Popish faith : every one
of these State executions was for promoting or
practising treason. If the Protestant Government
of Elizabeth had ever thought of putting Papists
to death for their creed, surely the first to suffer
would have been Gardmer, Bonner, itc, who had
- Pull particulars of the plot, with the documents,
and confessions of the conspirators, are given by Strypi',
Annals, vol. in., bk. ii., chap. 5. See also Hume, Froude,
the Popish historian Lingard, and others.
^ Strype, vol. iii., p. 417.
446
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Lad so deep a hand in the bloody tragedies under
Mary. But even the men who had murdered
Cranmer and hundreds besides were never called to
account, but lived in ease and peace all theii- days
amid the relations and contemporaries of the men
they had dragged to the stake.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE ARMADA ITS BUILDING.
The Ai-mada— The Year 1588— Prophecies— State of Popish and Protestant Worlds previous to the Ai-mada— Building
of the Armada — Victualling, Arming, &.«., of the Armada— Number of Ships— of Sailors— Galley-Slaves— Soldiers
— Guns — Tonnage— Attempts to Delude England — A Second Armada prepared in Flanders under Parma— Number
of his Army — Deception on English Commissioners— Pi-eparatious in England — The Militia — Tlie Navy— Distri-
bution of the English Forces— The Queen at Tilbury— Supreme Peril of England.
While Mary Stuart Uved the hopes and projects
of the Catholic Powere centred in her. But Mary
Stuart lived no longer. The axe of the heads-
man in Fotheringay Castle had struck the centre
out of the great Popish plot : it had not, how-
ever, brought it to an end. The decree enjoiuiag
the extii-pation of Protestantism on all Chi-istian
princes still stood recorded among the infallible
canons of Trent, and was still acknowledged by the
kings of the Popish world. The plot now took a
new shape, and this introduces us to the story of
the Invincible "Armada."
The year of the Ai-mada (1.588) had been looked
forward to with dread long before it came, seeing
it had been foretold that it woiUd be a year of
prodigies and disasters.' It was just possible, so
had it been said, that the world would this year
end ; at the least, during its fatal cmTency thrones
would be shaken, empires overturned, and dii-e
calamities would afflict the unhappy race of men.
And now as it drew near rumours of portents
deejiened the prevailing alarm. It was reported
that it had rained blood in Sweden, that monstrous
births had occun-cd in France, and that still more
unnatural prodigies had teiiified and warned the
inhabitants of other countries.
But it needed no portent in the sky, and no
prediction of astrologer or star-gazer, to notify the
approach of more than usual calamity. No one who
reflected on the state of Europe, and the passions
and ambitions that were inspiring the policy of its
rulei-s, coidd be blind to iini)ending troubles. In
the Vatican was Sixtus V., able, astute, crafty, and
daring beyond the ordinary measure of Popes. On
the throne of Spain was Philip II., cold, selfish,
' Camden, vol. iii., p. 402. Strada, vol. ii., p. 530.
gluttonous of power, and not less gluttonous of blood
— as dark-minded a bigot as ever counted beads,
or crossed himself before a crucifix. No Jesuit
could be more secret or more double. His highest
ambition was that after-generations should be able
to say that ia his days, and by his arm, heresy had
been exterminated. Prance was broken into two
straggling factions ; its thi-one was occupied by a
youth weak, profligate, and contemptible, Henry III.
His mother, one of the monstrous bu-ths whom those
times produced, governed the kingdom, while her
son divided his time between shameful orgies and
abject penances. Holland was mourning her gi-eat
William, bereaved of life by the dagger of an
assassin, liii'ed by the gold of Spain, and armed by
the pardon of the Pope. The Jesuits were operating
all over Europe, inflaming the minds of kings and
statesmen against the Reformation, and forming
them into anned combinations to put it down. The
small but select band of Protestants in Spain and
in Italy, whose beautiful genius and deep piety, to
which was added the prestige of high birth, had
seemed the pledge of the speedy Reformation of
then- native lands, no longer existed. They were
wandeiing in exile, or had iierished at the stake.
Worst of all, concord was wanting to the friends of
the Refoi-mation. The breach over wluch Calvin
had so often mourned, and which he had attempted
in vain to heal, was widened. In England a dis-
pute which a deeper insight on the one side, and
greater forbearance on the other, would have pi"e-
vented from ever breaking out, was weakening the
Protestant ranks. The wave of spuitual influence
which had rolled over Christendom in the first half
of the century, bearing on its swelling crest scholai-s,
statesmen, and nations, had now these many years
been on the ebb. Luther, Calvin, Knox, Cranmer,
EQUIPMENT OF THE AEMADA.
■i-17
ami Coligny were all oflf the stage; aud tlieii- suc-
cessors, though men of faith aiid of ability, were
not of the same lofty stature with those who h;ul
been before them — the giants who had commenced
the waj-. And what a disparity in point of material
resources between the nations who favoured and the
nations who opposed the Reformation ! Should it
come to a ti-ial of strength between the two, how
unlikely was it that England with her four millions
of people, and Holland with even fewer, would be
able to keep their gi-ound in presence of the mighty
armies and rich exchequers of the Popish world !
It was coming to a trial of strength. The monarch
whose sceptre was stretched over some hundi-ed
millions of subjects, was coming against her whom
only four millions called then- sovereign. These
were the portents that too surely betokened coming
calamity. It required no skill Ln astrology to read
them. One had but to look, not at the stars, but
on the earth, aud to contrast the diflerent cii'cum-
stances and spirit of the contending parties — the
friends of Romanism acting in concert, devising
vast schemes, veiling them in dai'kness, yet pro-
secuting them ynth unrelaxing vigour ; while the
friends of the Reformation were divided, irresolute,
cherishing illusions of peace, and making little or
no preparations against the a\s'ful tempest that was
rolhng up on all sides of them.
The builduig of the Armada had l>een com-
menced two years before the execution of Mai-y
Stuart. The elevation of Mary to the throne of
the excommunicated Elizabeth was to have been
the immediate outcome of it, but the preparations
did not slacken from what had occurred in Fother-
ingay Ca.stle. Neither time, nor toU, nor money
was spared to fit out such a fleet as the world had
never before seen. The long line of coast extending
from Cape Finisterre to the extreme point of Sicily
was converted into one vast building-yard.' Where-
ever there was a harbour or river's mouth, advantage
was taken of it to construct a wai'-galley or a trans-
port craft. At intervals along this line of some
1,500 or 2,000 miles, might be seen keels laid down
of a size then deemed colossal, and carpenters busy
fastening thereto the bulging ribs, and clothing
them with planks. The entire sea-board rang
without intermi.ssion with the clang of hammer,
the stroke of axo, and the voices of myriads of men,
employed in building the vessels that were to
bear the legionaries of Spain, the soldiers of the
Inquisition, over the seas to the shores of heretical
England. Wherever sliip-builders were to be
found, whether in the West Indies or in America,
' Hume, vol. ii., chap. 42.
Philip II. searched them out, and had them trans-
ported to Spain to help forward his great and holy
work. The inland forests were felled, and many a
goodly oak and cork-tree were dragged to the coast ;
thousands of looms were set to work to weave cloth
for sails; hundi-eds of forges were in full blaze,
smelting the ore, wliich gangs of workmen were ham-
mering into guns, pikes, and all sorts of war material.
Quantities of powder and shot, and whatever might
be needed for invasion, as grappling-irons, bridges
for crossing rivers, laddei-s for scaling the walls of
towns, wagons, spades, mattocks, were stored up
in abundance. Bread, biscuit, wine, and carcases
of sheep and oxen were brought to Lisbon, where
the main portion of the Armada was stationed, and
stowed away in the ships." " The Catholic king,"
says Meteren, " had finished such a mighty navy
as never the like had before that time sailed upon
the ocean sea." The ships were victualled for six
mouths. It was believed that by the expiiy of that
period the object of the Armada would be accom-
plished, and the sailors and soldiers of Spain would
eat of the corn of England.
The Armada numbered 150 vessels, great and
small, ai'med, provisioned, and equipped for the ser-
vice that was expected of it. On board of it were
8,000 sailors ; 2,088 galley-slaves, for rowing ;
20,000 soldiei-s, besides many noblemen and gentle-
men who served as volunteers ; its armour consisted
of 2,650 pieces of ordnance ; its burden was 00,000
tons.^ This was an immense tomiage at a time
when the EngUsh navy consisted of twenty-eight
sail, and its aggi'egate burden did not exceed the
tonnage of a single Transatlantic steamer of our
own day.
The shijis were of great capacity and amazing
strength. Their strong ribs were lined with planks
four feet in thickness, thi'ough which it was thought
impossible that bullet could ])ierce. Cables smeared
with pitch were woimd round the masts, to enable
them to withstand the tire of the enemy. The
galleons were sixty-four in munber. They towered
up above the waves like castles : they were armed
with heavy brass ordnance. The galliasses were
also of great size, and "contained within them,"
Siiys Meteren, " chambei-s, chapels, turrets, puljiits,
and other commodities of large houses." They
were mounted with gi-eat guns of brass and iioii,
with the due complement of culverins, halberds,
and field-pieces for land service. Each galliass wa.s
rowed by 300 galley-slaves, and "furnished aud
- Meteren, bk. xv. Hakluyt, History of the Naviga-
iions, Voyages, ,?•<•., of the English Nation, vol. i., pp. 'ini,
592 ; Lond., 1599.
'■> Meteren, bk. xv. Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 593.
448
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
beautified \vitli trumpets, streamers, banners, and
■warlike engines."'
Duiing the time tliat tliis uuprecedentedly vast
fleet w;\s being built in the harbours of Spain,
everything was done to conceal the fact from the
knowledge of the English nation. It was meant
that the bolt should fall ^vitll0ut warning and crush
it. In an age when there were hardly any postal
communications, secresy was more easily attainable
than in our day ; but the preparations were on far
too vast a scale to remain unkno-mi. The next
attempt was to propiigate a delusion touching the
real destination of this vast armament. At one
time it was given out that it was intended to sweep
from the seas certain pirates that gave annoyance
to Spain, and had captm-ed some of her ships. It
was next said that Philip meant to chastise certain
unknown enemies on the other side of the Atlantic.
All that craft and dowm-ight lying could do was
done, to lay to sleep the suspicions of the people of
England. Even the English agent at Madrid, with
the Armada building as it were before his eyes^,
was induced to credit these fabulous explanations ;
for we find liim writing home that there had re-
cently been discovered richer mines in the New
World than any heretofore known ; but that these
treasures were guarded by a gigantic race, wMch
only this enormous fleet could overcome ; and this,
he felt confident, was the true destination of the
Armada. Even Walsingham, one of the most
sagacious of the queen's ministere, exjiressed his
belief—just fifteen days before the Annada sailed —
that it never woidd invade England, and that
Philip's hands were too fidl at home to leave him
leisure to conquer kingdoms abroad. Such being
the belief of some of her ambassadoi-s and states-
men, it is not sui-prising that Elizabeth should
have continued to confide in the friendly inten-
tions of the man who was toiling night and day
to prepare the means of her destruction, and could
with difficulty be roused to put herself and kingdom
in a proper posture of defence against the coming
blow.
Nor was the fleet now constructing in Spain the
whole of that mighty force which was being
collected for the overthrow of England and the
desti-uction of Protestantism. There was not one
but two Armadas. In the Netherlands, the pos-
session of which gave Philip coasts and ports
opposed to England, there was a scene of activity
and preparation as vast almost as that upon
the sea-board of the Atlantic. Philip's governor
in Belgium at that time was the Duke of
' Meteren, bk. xv. Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 593.
Pai'ma, the ablest general of his age, and liis
instructions were to prepare an army and fleet
to co-operate with the Spanish force as soon
as the Armada should amve in the English
Channel. The duke, within his well-guarded
ten-itoiy, did not slacken his exertions night or day
to execute these orders. He brought ship-wrights
and pDots from Italy, he levied mariners at Ham-
burg, Bremen, Embdeu, and other places. In the
country of Waas, forests were felled to furnish
flat^bottomed boats for transport. At Dunkirk he
provided 28 war-ships. At Nieuport he got ready
200 smaller vessels, and 70 in the river of Waten.
He stored up in the ships planks for constructing
bridges and rafts for fording the English rivers,
stockades for entrenchments, field-pieces, saddles for
lioi-ses, baking-ovens— in shoi-t, every requisite of an
invading force. He employed some thousands of
workmen in digging the Yper-lee for the transjiort
of ships fi'om Antwerp and Ghent to Bruges,
where he had assembled 100 small vessels, which he
meant to convey to the sea by the Sluys, or through
his new canal. The whole of the Spanish Nether-
lands, from which wholesome industry had long
been banished, suddenly burst into a scene of
prodigious but baleful activity. "
The duke assembled in the neighbourhood of
Nieujjort a mighty host, of vai-ious nationalities.
There were 30 regiments of Italians, 10 of Walloons,
8 of Scots, and 8 of Burgundians. Near Dismuyde
were mustered 80 i-egiments of Dutch, 60 of
Spaniards, G of Gennans, and 7 of English fugi-
tives, imder the command of Sir William Stanley.
There was hardly a noble house in Spain that had
not its representative mthin the camp of Parma.
Quite a flock of Italian and Neapolitan princes
and coiuits repaired to his banners. Believing that
the last hour of England had come, they had
assembled to witness its fivll.
Meanwhile every artifice, deception, and folse-
liood were resorted to, to delude Elizabeth and the
statesmen who served her, and to hide from them
their danger till the blow should descend. She
sent her commissioners to the Low Countries, but
Parma protested, with tears in his eyes, that there
lived not on earth one who more vehementlj'
desii-ed peace than himself. Did not his prayers
morning and night ascend for its continuance?
And as regarded the wise and magnanimous sove-
reign of England, there was not one of her ser'vants
that cherished a higher admiration of her than he
did. While indulging day after day in these delibe-
rate lies, he was busy enlisting and arming soldiers.
= Meteren, bk. xv. Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 594.
3 Ibid.
THE ENGLISH NAVAL AND MILITARY PREPARATIONS.
449
<lrilliug regiments, and constructing flat-bottomed
boats and transports to carry his forces across' the
German Ocean, and dethrone and lead captive that
very queen for whom he professed this enthusiastic
regard. This huge hy|30crisy was not unsuccessful.
Tlie commissioners returned, after three months'
absence, in the belief that Parma's intentions were
pacific, and they confirmed Elizabeth and lier minis-
tei-s in those di'eams of peace, from which they
were not to be fully awakened till the guns of
the Spanish Armada were heard in the English
Channel.
In aid of Philip's earthly annies, the Pope, when
all was ready, mustered Ms spiritual artillery.
Sixtus V. fulminated his bull against Elizabeth, in
"which he confirmed the previous one of Pius V.,
absolved her subjects from their allegiance, and
solemnly conferred her kingdom upon Philip II.,
" to have and to hold as tributary and feudatory of
the Papal Chair." While the Pope with the one
hand took away the cro'svn from Elizabeth, he
conferred with the other the red hat upon Father
Allen. Italian honom's to English Papists are
usually contemporaneous with insults to English
sovereigns, and so was it now : Allen was at the
same time made Ai-chbLshop of Canterbury by the
Pope, and Papal Legate. "This AUen," says the
Dutch historian, " being enraged against his own
native country, caused the Pope's bull to be trans-
lated into English, meaning upon the arrival of the
Spanish fleet to have it published in England.'"
Tliere was no longer disbelief in England
touching the destination of Philip's vast fleet. In
a few weeks his ships woiikl be ofl" the coa.st ; how
was the inva-sion to be met ? England had only a
handful of soldiers and a few ships to oppose to
the myriad host that wa.s coming against her. The
royal army then was composed of such regiments
as the nobles, counties, and towns could assemble
when the crown required their service. Appeals
were issued to the Lords Lieutenant of the several
counties : the response shows the spir-it which
animated England. The total foot and horse
furnished by Enghmd were 87,000. Wales con-
tributed 4.5,000 : making together 1.32,000. This
force was exclusive of what was contributed by
London, which appeai-s to have been 20,000." This
force was distributed into three annies : one of
' Metercn, bk. xv. Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 595.
- Tliese numbers, with the an-angement of the forces,
are taken from Brace's lieport, which was compiled from
documents in the State Paper Office, prepared at the
command of Government, and printed but not pub-
lished. The author is indebted for its use to David
laing, Ksq., LL.D.
22,000 foot and 2,000 horse, for the defence of
the capital, and which was stationed at Tilbm-y
under the Earl of Leicester. A second army, con-
sistmg of 28,900 men, was for defence of the
queen's person. A third was foi-med, consisting of
27,400 heavy horse armed with lances, and 1,960
light horse armed with tlifierent weapons, to guard
the coast. These were stationed at such points in
the south and east as were likely to be selected by
the enemy for lantling. Beacons were prepared,
and instructions were issued respecting their
kindling, so that the soldiers might know on what
point to converge, when the signal blazed forth
announcing that the enemy had touched English
soil.^
The fleet which the queen had sent to sea to
oppose the Armada consisted of thii-ty-four ships of
small tonnage, carrying G,000 men. Besides these,
the City of London provided thirty .ships. In all
the port towns merchant vessels were converted
into war-sliips ; and the resisting navy might
uiunber 150 vessels, with a crew of 14,000. This
force was divided into two squadrons — one under
Loixl Howard, High Admii-al of England, consisting
of seventeen ships, which were to cruise in the
Channel and there wait the arrival of the Ai-mada.
The second squadron, under Lord Seymour-, con-
sisting of fifteen ships, was stationed at Dunkirk,
to intercept Parma, shoidd he attempt to cross with
his fleet fi-om Flanders. Sii- Francis Drake, in his
ship the Revemje, had a following of about thii-ty
privateers.* After the war broke out the fleet was
farther increased by ships belonging to the nobility
and the merchants, hastily anned and sent to sea ;
though the bnmt of the fight, it was foreseen, must
fall on the queen's ships.
At this crisis Queen Elizabeth gave a noble
example of patriotism and courage to her sub-
jects. Attired in a military dress she appeared on
horseback in the camp at Tilbury, and spiritedly
addressed her soldiers, declaring her resolution
rather to perish in battle than survive the ruin
of the Protestant faith, and the slavery of her
people.
The force now mustered in England looks much
more formidable when set forth on paper than when
drawn up in front of Philip's army. These 100,000
men were simply militia, insufficiently drilleil,
jioorly armed, and to be compared in no point, save
their spii-it, with the soldiers of Spain, who had
served in every clime, and met warrioi-s of all
nations on the battle-field. And although the
3 Bruce, Report, pp. 47, 48.
■• Ibid., pp. 59, 60. Meteren. Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 595.
450
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
English fleet couuted hull foi- hull with the Spanish,
it was ill comparison but a collection of pinnaces
and boats. The queen's spii'it was admirable, but
her thrift was carried to such an extreme that she
giudged the shot for the guns, and the rations for
the men who were to defend her throne. The
invading navy was the largest which had ever been
seen on ocean since it was first ploughed by
keel. Tlie Spanish half alone was deemed more
tliaii sutiicient to conquer England, and how easy
would conquest become when that Armada should
be joined, as it was to be, by the mighty force
under Pai-nia, the flower of the Spanish army !'
England, with her long line of coa.st, her unfortified
towns, her foiu- millions of population, including
many thousand Papists ready to rise m insun-ection
as soon as the invader had made good his land-
mg, was at that hoiu- in supreme peril ; and its
standing or falling was the standing or foiling of
Protestantism. Had Philip succeeded in his enter-
prise, and Spain taken the place of England, as the
teacher and guide of the nations, it is appalling to
think what at tliis hour would have been the con-
dition of the world.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE ARMADA ARRIVES OFF ENGLAND.
The Armada Sails — The Admii-al Dies— Medina Sidonia appointed to Command — Storm off Cape Finisterre — Second
Storm— Four Galleons Lost— Armada Sighted off the Lizard — Beacon-fires— Preparations in Plymouth Harbour
— ^First Encounter between the Armada and English Fleet— The Armada Sails up the Channel, Followed and
Harassed by the English Fleet— Its Losses — Second Battle — Third Battle off the Isle of Wight — Superiority of
the English Sliips — Tlie Ai-mada Anchors off Calais — Parma and his Ai-my Loolied for — The Decisive Blow about
to be Struck.
The last gun and the last sailor had been taken
on board, and now the Aj'mada was ready to sail.
The ships had been collected in the harbour of
Lisbon, where for some time they lay weather-
bound, but the ^vind shifting, these proud galleons
spread their canvas, and began their voyage towards
England. Three days the fleet contmued to glide
down the Tagus to the sea, galleon following
galleon, till it seemed as if room would scarce be
found on the ocean for so vast an armament.
These three memorable days were the 28th, the
29th, and the 30th of May, 1588. The Pope, as
we have seen, had pronounced his curse on Eliza-
beth ; he now gave his blessing to the fleet, and
with this double pledge of success the Armada
began its voyage. It was a brave sight, as with
sails spread to the breeze, and banners and
streamers gaily unfurled, it held its way along the
coast of Spain, the St. Peter doubtless taking the
lead, for the twelve principal ships of the Armada,
bound on a holy enterpiise, had been baptised with
the names of the twelve apcstles. On board was
Don Mai'tin Allacon, Administrator and Vicar-
General of the " Holy Oftice of the Inquisition," and
along with him were 200 Bare-footed Friars and
Dominicans.' The guns of the Annada were to
' Metcren, bk. iv. Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 59t. Bruce.
begin the conquest of heretical England, and the
spiritual arms of the Fathers were to complete it.
Just as the Armada was about to sail, the
Marquis Santa Cruz, who had been appointed to
the chief command, died. He had been thii-ty
yeai-s in Philip's service, and was beyond doubt the
ablest sea-captain of whom Spain could boast.
Another had to be sought for to fill the place of the
" Iron Marquis," and the Duke of Medina Sidonia
was selected for the onerous post. The main recom-
mendation of Medina Sidonia was his vast wealth.
He was the owner of large estates which lay near
Cadiz, and which had been settled at the firet by a
colonj' from Sidon." To counterbalance his inex-
perience in naval aflaii-s, the ablest seamen whom
Spain possessed were chosen as his subordinate
officers. The " Golden Duke" was there simply for
ornament ; the real head of the expedition was to
be the Duke of Parma, Philip's commander in
the Netherlands, and the ablest of his gene-
rals. The duke was to cross from Flanders as
soon as the Armada should have an-ived ofi" Calais,
and, uniting his numerous army with the vast
fleet, he was to descend like a cloud upon the shore
of England.
Report, p. G5 ; see also Appendix, No. 50, where the eiact
ntimber of friars is set down at 180.
- Bruce, Report, p. 06, foot-note.
452
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Tlie Armada had uow been tluee weeks at sea.
The huge hulks so dispropoitioned to the tiny
sails made its progress windward wearisomely slow.
Its twenty-one days of navigation had not enabled
it to double Cape Finisterre. It had floated so
far upon a comparatively calm sea, but a.s it
wius about to open the Bay of Biscay, the sky
began to be ovei-cast, black clouds came rolling up
from the south-west, and the swell of the Atlantic,
growing into mountainous bQlows, tumbled about
those towering structures, whose bulk only exposed
them all the more to the bufteting of the great
waves and the furious winds. The Aj-mada was
scattered by the gale ; but the weather moderating,
the .ships i-eassembled, and pursuing their coui-se,
soon crossed the bay, and were ofl' Ushant. A
second and severer storm here burst on them. The
waves, dasliing against the lofty tuiTets at stem
and stern, sent a spout of white water up then-
sides and liigh into mid-aii-, while the racing
waves, coursing across the low bulwarks amidships,
threatened every moment to engulf the galleons.
One of the greatest of them went down with all on
board, and other two were di'iven on the shore of
France. In the case of a fourth this tempest
brought liberty on its wings to the galley-slaves
aboard of it, among whom was David Gwin, who
had been taken captive by the Spaniards, and had
passed eleven doleful years on board their galleys.^
The stoma subsitling, the Armada once more
gathered itself together, and setting sail entered the
Channel, and on the 29th of July was ofl' the Lizard.-
Next day England had her first sight of her long-
expected enemy, coming over the blue sea, her own
element, to conquer her. Instantly the beacon-fires
were kindled, and blazing along the coast and away
into the inland, announced alike to dweller in city
and in rural parts that the Spanish fleet was in the
Chamiel. Long as the Armada had been waited
for, its appeai-ance took England by surprise. Its
sailing from Lisbon two months before had been
known in England ; but next came tidings that
.stomis had dispereed and dnven it liack ; and orders
had been sent from the Admiralty to Plymouth to
lay up the ships in dock, and disband theii- crews.'
Happily, before these orders could be executed the
Ai-mada hove in sight, and all doubt about its
coming was at an end. There it was in the Clianncl.
In the afternoon of Saturday, the .30th of July, it
could be descried from the high gTound above
Plymouth harbour, advancing slowly froni the
south-west, in the form of a crescent, the two horns
' Meteren, hk. xv. Hatluyt, vol. i., p. 59G.
- Ibid. 3 Hid.
of which were seven miles apart. As one massive
hulk after another came out of the blue distance,
and the armament stretched itself out in porten-
tous length on the bosom of the deep, it was seen
that rumour had not in the least exaggerated its
size. On board his great galleon, the .S'<. Martin, in
his shot-proof fortress, stood Medina Sidonia, cast-
ing proud glances around him, now at the mighty
fleet under his command, moving onwards as he
believed to certain victorj', and now on the shore
under his lee, that land of wliich the Pope had said
to Philip, " To thee mil I give it."
That was a night long to be remembered in Eng-
land. As another and yet another hUl-top lighted
its fh-es in the darkness, and tlie ever-extending
line of light flashed the news of the Armada's arrival
from the shores of the Channel to the moors of
Northumberland ; and across the Tweed, all through
Scotland, where, too, beacon-fii'es had been prepared,
the hearts of men were drawn together by the sense
of a common danger and a common ten-or. All
controvei'sies were forgotten in one absorbing in-
terest ; and the cry of the nation went up to the
Throne above, that He who covered his people in
Egypt on that awful night when the Angel passed
tlu'ough the land, would sjjread his vnng over Eng-
land, and not suffer the Destroyer to touch it.
Meanwhile in the harboiu- of Plymouth all was
bustle and excitement. Howard, Drake, and
Hawkins were not the men to sleep over the en-
terprise. The moment the news ari-ived that the
Ai-mada had been sighted ofi" the Lizard, they began
their preparations, and the whole following night
was spent in getting the ships ready for sea. By
Saturday morning sixty ships had been towed out
of harbour. Their numbers were not more than a
third of those of the Armada, and their inferiority
in size was still greater ; but, manned by patriotic
crews, they hoisted sail, and away they went to
meet the enemy. On the afternoon of the same
day the two fleets came in sight of each other. The
wind was blowing from the south-west, bringing
^vith it a drizzling rain and a chopping sea. The
billows of the Atlantic came tumbling into the
Chaimel, and the galleons of Spain, with their hea'N-y
ordnance, and their numerous squadrons, rolled
imeiisily and worked clumsily ; whereas the English
ships, of smaller size, and handled by expei-t sea-
men, bore finely up before the breeze, took a close
survey of the Spanish fleet, and then standing ofl'
to windward, became invisible in the haze. The
Spaniard was thus informed that the English fleet
was in his immediate neighbourhood, but the dark-
ness did not permit battle to be joined that night.
Sunday morning, the 31st of July, broke, and
FIRST DISASTERS OF THE ARMADA.
453
this d;iy was to witness tliu first eucounter between
the gi-eat navy of Spain and the little fleet of
England. Medina Sidonia gave the signal for an
engagement ; but to his surprise he foimd that the
power of accepting or declining battle lay entii'ely
■\\"ith his opponent. Howard's ships were stationed
to windward, the sluggish Spanish galleons could
not close with them ; whereas the English vessels,
light, s^\-ift, and skilfully handled, would run up to
the Armada, pour a broadside into it, and then
swiftly retreat beyond the reach of the Spanish
guns. Sailing right in the eye of the wind, they
defied pursuit. This was a method of fighting most
tantalising to the Spaniard : but thus the battle,
or rather skimiish, went on all day : the Armada
moving slowly up -channel befoi-e the westerly
breeze, and the English fleet hanging upon its rear,
and firing into it, now a single shot, now a whole
broadside, and then retreating to a safe distance,
but quickly returning to torment and cripple the
foe, who kept blazing away, but to no purpose, for
his shot, discharged from lofty decks, passed over
the ships of his antagonist, and fell into the sea. It
was in vain that the Spanish admii-al hoisted the
flag of battle ; the wind and sea would not permit
him to lie-to ; and his little nimble foe would not
come within reach, unless it might be for a moment,
to send a cannon-ball thi'ough the side of some of
his galleons, or to demolish a tun-et or a mast, and
then make ofl", laughing to scorn the ungainly
eflbrts of his bulky pursuer to overtake him. As
yet there had been no loss of either ship or man on
the pait of the English.
Not quite so intact was the Armada. Their size
made the .ships a more than usually good mark for
the English gunners, and scarcely had a shot been
fii'ed during the day that had not hit. Besides, the
English fired fom- shots to one of the Si)aniards.
The Armada sustained other damage besides that
which the English guns inflicted upon it. As night
fell its ships huddled together to prevent dispersion,
and the galleon of Pech-o di Valdez, fouling with
the Santa Catalhm, was so much damaged that it
fell behind and became the booty of the English.
TliLs galleon had on board a large amount of
treasure, and what was of greater importance to
the captora, whose scanty stock of ammunition was
ah'eady becoming exhausted, many tons of gun-
powder. Above the loss of the money and the
ammunition was that of her commander to the
Spaniards, for Pedro di Valdez was the only
naval oflicer in the fleet who was acf[uainted with
the Channel.'
' Metcren ; Hakluy t, vol. i., p. 597.
Later in the same evening a yet greater calamity
befell the Armada. The captain of the rear-admii-al's
galleon, much out of humour with the day's adven-
tures, and quarrelling with all who approached
him, accused the master-gunner of careless firing.
Afl'ronted, the man, who was a Fleming, went
straight to the i)owder magazine, tlii-ust a burning
match into it, and threw himself out at one of the
poi-t-holes into the sea. In a few seconds came
the explosion, flashing a terrific but momentary
sjilendour over the ocean. The deck was upheaved ;
the turrets at stem and stern rose into the air,
cariying with them the paymaster of the fleet
and 200 soldiers. The strong hulk, though torn
by the explosion, continued to float, and was
seized in the morning by the English, who found
in it a gi-eat amomit of treasure, and a su2iply of
ammunition wliich had not ignited." On the veiy
firat day of conflict the Armada had lost two flag-
ships, 450 ofticers and men, the paymaster of the
fleet, and 100,000 ducats of Spanish gold. This
was no ausjiicious commencement of an expedition
which Spain had exhausted itself to fit out.
On the following day (Monday, 1st August) the
Armada held its way slowly up-ohannel, followed
by the fleet under Howard, who hovered upon its
rear, but did not attack it. Next morning
(Tuesday) the Armada was ofl' St. Alban's Head ;
and here the first really serious encounter took
place. As the morning rose, the wind changed
into the east, which exactly reversed the position
of the two fleets, giving the weather-gauge to the
Armada. Howard attempted to sail round it and
get to windward of it, but Medina Sidonia inter-
cepted him by coming between him and the shore,
and compelled him to accept battle at close
quarters. The combat was long and confused. In
the evening the Spanish shi2)S gathered themselves
up, and forming into a compact group, went on
their way. It was believed that they were obej-ing
Philijj's instructions to steer for the point whei-e the
D\ikc of Parma was to join tliem with lu's army,
and then strike the decisive blow. The shores of
the English Channel were crowded with spectatore ;
merchant vessels were hastening from every port of
the realm to the spot where the very existence of the
English crown hung on the wager of battle. These
accessions added greatly to the appearance, but very
little to the cflective force, of the queen's navy.
Tlxe nobles and gentiy also were flocking to the
fleet ; the representatives of the old houses, poui-ing
thither in the same stream with the new men whose
genius and patriotism had placed them at the head
' Meteren; Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 598.
ioi
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
of affairs, giving by tlieii- jiresonce juestige to the
cause, and conimiinicating theii' ovn\ entliusiasm to
the soldiers and sailoi-s in the fleet.^
On Wednesday the Amiatla continued its course,
followed by Howard and his fleet. A few shots
were that day exchanged, but no general action
took place. On Thursday, the 4th, the Armada
was off the Isle of Wight. The wind had again
changed into the east, giv-ing to the Ai-mada once
more the weather-gaiige. Accordingly it lay-to, and
here the sharpest action of all was fought. The
ships of the two fleets engaged, yard-arm to yaid-
ai-m, and broadside after broadside was exchanged
at a distance of about 100 yards. The admiral.
Lord Howard, in his .ship the Ark, steered right
into the heart of the Armada, in search of
Medina Sidonia, in his ship the Si. Martin,
making acquaintance with each galleon as he
passed, by pouring a broadside into it. Rear-
Admiral Oquendo, perceiving Howard's design, ran
his ship imder the bows of the Ark, and by the
shock unshipped her rudder, and rendered her
unmanageable. Six Spanish galleons closed round
her, never doubting that she was then- prize. In
a trice the Ark's own boats had her in tow, and
passing out of the hostile circle .she was off, to the
amazement of the Spaniards. The fight continued
several hours longer. Ships of apostolic name found
theii' saintly titles no protection from the round
shot of the English guns. The 8t. Matthew, the St.
Ma/rk, the St. Philip, the St. Luke, the St. John,
the St. Martin, fought with the Lion, the Bull, the
Bear, the Tiger, the Dreculnought, the Revenge, the
Vic'tori/, but they coiUd gain no ma.stery over theii'
unapostolical antagonists. In the carnal business
of fighting the superiority seemed to lie with the
heretical combatants. The sides of the orthodox
galleons were pierced and riddled ^^^th the EngUsh
shot, their masts cut or splintered, and their cord-
age torn ; and when evening fell, the enemy, who
had all through the conflict seen the Spanish shot
pass harmlessly over him and bui-y itself in the sea,
stood away, his hulls beanng no sign of battle,
' Meteren; Hakluyt, toI. i., p. 599.
hai'dly a cord torn, and his crews a.s intact as his
ships.
On the following day (Friday) the procession up-
chamiel w;is resumed, at the .same slow pace iind
in the .same order as before, the mighty Armada
leading the van, ;md the humble English fleet
following. On the afternoon of Saturday the
Spaniards were ofi' Calais. It was here, or near to
this, that Metlina Sidonia was to be joined by the
Duke of Parma, with the fleet and army wliich he
hatl been preparing all the previous winter, and all
that summer, in the harbours of Flanders. The
duke had not arrived, but any hour might bring
him, and Medina Sidonia resolved here to cast
anchor and wait his approach. The Annada ac-
cordingly took up its position in the roadstead of
Calais, while the English fleet cast anchor a league
ofl' to the west."
The horn' had now come when it was to be
determined whether England should remain an
independent kingdom, or become one of Philip's
numerous satrapies ; whether it was to retain the
light of the Protestant faith, or to fall back into the
darkness and serfdom of a mediaeval superstition.
Battles, or rather skirmishes, there had been
between the two fleets, but now the moment had
come for a death-grapple between Spain and Eng-
land. The Armada had arrived on the battle-gi'ound
comparatively intact. It had experienced rough
hancUing from tie tempests of the Atlantic ; Howard
and Drake had dealt it some heavy blows on its
way up the Channel ; several of those galleons
which had glided so proucUy out of the harboui' of
Lisbon, were now at the bottom of the ocean ; but
these losses were hardly felt by the gi-eat Ai-mada.
It waited but the junction with the Duke of Parma
to be perhaps the mightiest combination of naval
and military power which the world had seen. This
union might happen the next day, or the day after,
and then the Armada, scattering the little fleet
which lay between it and the shores to wliich it
was looking across, would pass over, and Elizabeth's
throne would fall.
- Meteren; Hakluyt, vol. i., p. COO.
FAILUEE OF PART OF PHILIP'S ENTEEPPISE.
455
CHAPTER XIX.
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADA.
TIio Koadstcad of Calais— Vast Preparations in Flanders — Tlie Dutcli Fleet Shuts in the Ai-my of Parma— The Duke
does not Come — A Great Crisis— Danger of England— Fire-ships— Launched against the Armada— Terror— Tlie
Spaniards Cut their Cables and Flee— Great Battle off Gravelines— Defeat of the Spaniards— Shattered State of
the Galleons— Narrowly Escape Burial in the Quicksands — Eetreat into the North Sea— The Armada off Norway
— Driven across to Shetland— Carried round to Ireland— Dreadfid Scenes on the Irish Coast— Shipwi-eck and
Massacre— Anstruther — Interview between the Minister and a Shipwrecked Spanish Admiral— Eetui-n of a Few
Ships to Spain— Grief of the Nation— The Pope Refuses to Pay his Million of Ducats— The Effects of the Armada
—The Hand of God— Medals Struck in Commemoration- Thanksgiving in England and the Protestant States.
We left the two fleets watcliing each other iii the
roadstead of Calais, tlie evening closing in darkly,
the scud of tempest drifting across the sky, and the
billows of the Atlantic forcing theii' way np the
Channel, and rocking uneasily the huge galleons of
Spain at their anchorage. The night wore away :
the morning broke ; and \vith the returning light
the Duke of Medina Sidonia is again seen scrati-
nising the eastern ocean, and straining his eyes if
haply he may descry the approach of the Duke of
Parma. This is the appointed place of meeting.
The hour is come, but it has not brought the man
and the armament so eagerly desired. On his way
up the Channel, Medina Sidonia had sent mes-
senger after messenger to Pai-ma, to urge him to be
punctual. He had not concealed from him what it
must have cost the proud Spaniard no little pain to
confess, that he needed his help ; but he urged and
entreated in vain : there was no sail in the offing.
Neither sight nor sound of Panna's coming could
Medina Sidonia obtain.
All the while, Pai-ma was as desu-ous to be on the
scene of action as Medina Sidonia was to have him
there. The duke had assembled a mighty force.
One of Ixis regiments was accounted the finest
kno^vn in the history of war, and had excited
great admii-ation on its march from Naples to the
Netherlands, by its engraved aims and gilded cors-
lets, as well as its mai-tial bearing. A numerous
fleet, as we have already said, of flat-bottomed
vessels was ready to cany this powerful host across
to England. But one tlung was wanting, and
its absence rendered all these vast preparations
fruitless. Parma needed an open door from his
harboure to the ocean, and the Dutch took care
not to leave him one. They drew a line of war-
ships along the Netherland coast, and Parma, with
Lis sailors and soldiers, was imprisoned in his own
ports. It was strange that this had not been fore-
seen and provided against. The oversight reveals
the working of a Hand powerful enough by its
slightest touches to defeat the wisest schemes and
crush the mightiest combinations of man.
Parma ^vrote repeatedly to both Philip and Medina
Sidonia to say that all was ready, that sailors,
soldiers, and transpoi-ts were collected, but that
the Dutch had shut him in, and months of labour
and millions of ducats were lost for want of the
means of exit ; that the Armada must come across
the German Ocean, and with its guns make for him
a passage through the hostile fleet, which, so long as
it kept watch and ward over him, rendered one
arm of the great Armada useless. Arid yet Philip
either would not or could not understand tliis
plain matter; and so, while one half of Spain's
colossal army is being rocked in the roadstead of
Calais, its commander fretting at Panna's delay,
the other half lies bound in the canals and harbours
of Flandei-s, champing the curb that keeps them
from sharing with their comrades the glory and the
golden spoils of the conquest of England.
In the meantime, anxious consultations were
being held on board the English fleet. The brave
and patriotic men who led it did not conceal from
themselves the gravity of the situation. The
Annada had reached its appointed rendezvous in
spite of all their eflbrts, and if joined by Parma,
it would be so overwhelmingly powerful that they
did not see what should hinder its crossing over
and landing in England. They were willing to
shed theii- blood to prevent this, and so too were
the bi-ave men b}' whom theu' ships were manned ;
but there seemed to be a .struggle in the mind of
the queen between pai-simony and patriotism, and
that wretched penuriousncss which kept the fleet
supplied v\'itli neither ammunition nor provisions,
threatened to counterbalance all the unrivalled sea-
manship, together with the bi-aveiy and devotion
that were now being put forth in defence of the
British cro'mi. The Loiu-s of the Sunday were
■t.")G
HISTOKY OF I'KOTEiSTANTlSM.
weavmg away ; the crown of Eiiglaiul was lianging
in the baliuice ; befoi-e another dawni bad come,
Paniia's fleet, for aught they could tell, might be
anchored alongside of Medina Si<lonia'.s in the road-
stead of Calais, and the time would be jiast for
striking such a blow as would drive ofi' the Spanish
ships, and put the crown and realm of England
beyond danger.
A bold and somewhat novel expedient, suggested
by her Majesty, as both Camden and Meteren
affirm,' was resolved upon for accomplishing this
object. Eight ships were selected from the crowd
of volunteer vessels that followed the fleet ; their
ma.sts were smearetl vnih pitch, their hulls were
filled with powder and all kinds of explosive
and combvi.stible materials ; and so prepared they
were set atlrift in the dii'ection of the Armada,
leaving to the Spaniards no altei-native but to
cut their cables or to be burned at their anchors.
Tlie night fiivoured the execution of this design.
Hea^'y masses of clouds hid the stare ; the mut-
tering of distant thunder reverbei'ated in the
sky ; that deep, heavy swell of ocean that precedes
the tempest was rocking the galleons, and render-
ing their position every moment more unpleasant
— so close to the shallows of Calais on the one
.side, with the quicksands of Flanders on theii-
lee. While in this feverLsh state of apprehension,
new objects of teiTor presented themselves to the
Spaniards. It was about an hoiu" past midnight
when the watch discerned certain dark objects
emerging out of the blackness and advancing
towiU'ds them. They had hardly given the alarm
when suddenly these dark shajies burst into flame,
lighting up sea and sky in gloomy grandeur.
These pillars of fire came stalking onwards over
the waters. The Spaniards gazed for a moment
upon the dreadful apparition, and, divining its
nature and mission, they instantly cut their cables,
and, with the loss of some of their galleons and
the damage of others in the confusion and panic,
they bore away into the German Ocean, the winds
their pilot.-
With the first light the English admiral weighed
anchor, and set sail in piu-suit of the fleeing
Spaniard. At eight o'clock on Monday morning,
Drake came up with the Armada oS" Gravelines,
and giving it no time to collect and form, he began
the most important of all the battles which hatl yet
been fought. All the gi-eat ships on both sides,
and all the great admirals of England, were in that
action ; the English ships lay -to close to the gal-
leons, and poured broadside after broadside into
1 Meteren; Haklnyt, vol. i., p. 001. • md.
them. It was a rain of shot from morning to
night. The galleons falling back before the tierce
onset, and huddling together, the English fire was
poured into the mass of hulls and masts, and
did fearful execution, converting the ships into
shambles, rivulets of blood jiouring from their
scuttles into the sea. Of the Spanish guns
many were dismounted, those that remained avail-
able fired but slowly, while the heavy rolling of
the vessels threw the shot into the air. Several
of the galleons were seen to go down in the action,
others put hors de combat reeled away towards
Ostend.^ When the evening fell the fighting was still
going on. But the breeze shifting into the north-
west, and the sea continuing to rise, a new calamity
threatened the disabled and helple-ss Armada ; it
was being forced upon the Flanders coast, and
if the English had had strength and ammunition
to pursue them, the galleons would have that
night found common burial in the shoals and quick-
sands of the Netherlands. They narrowly escaped
that fate at the time, but only, after prolonged ter-
rors and sufierings, to be overtaken by it amid wilder
seas, and on more savage coasts. The power of the
Ai-mada had been broken ; most of its vessels were
in a sinking condition; from 4,000 to 5,000 of
its soldiers, shot down, had received burial in the
ocean ; and at least as many more lay wounded
and dying on board then- shattered galleons. Of
the English not more than 100 had fallen.
Thankful was the ten-ified Medina Sidonia when
night fell, and gave him a few hours' respite. But
with morning his dangere and anxieties returned.
He found himself between two great perils. To the
^vindward of him was the English fleet. Behind
him was that belt of muddy water which fringes the
Dutch coast, and which indicates to the mariner's
eye those fatal banks where, if he strikes, he is lost.
The helpless Ai-mada was nearing these terrible
shoals every moment. Suddenly the wind sliifted
into the east, and the change rescued the Spanish
galleons when on the very brink of destruction.
The English fleet, having lost the weather-gauge,
stood ofl" ; and the Spanish admiral, relieved of their
presence, assembled his officere on board his ship to
deliberate on the course to be taken. Whether
should they return to their anchorage oft' Calais, or
go back to Sjiain by way of the Orkneys ? this was
the alternative on which Medina Sidonia requested
his officers to give their opinion. To return to Calais
involved a second battle with the English, and if
tliis should be, the officer's were of opinion that
there would come no to-morrow to the Armada;
Meteren; Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 602.
458
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
to return to Spain in battered ships, without pilots,
and tlu'ough unknown and dangerous seas, was
an attempt neai-ly as fonnidable ; nevertheless, it
was the lesser of the two evils to wliich theii-
choice was limited, and it was the one adopted.'
Tempest, conflagi-ation, and battle had laid the
pride of Spain in the dust.
No sooner had the change of wind rescued the
Spanish ships from the destruction which, as we
have seen, seemed to await them, than it shifted
once more, and settling in the south-we.st, blew
eveiy moment with gi-eater force. The mostly
rudderless ships could do nothing but drift before
the rising storm into the northern seas. Drake
followed them for a day or two ; he did not fiie a
gun, in fact his ammunition was spent, but the sight
of his ships "was enough, the Spaniards fled, and
did not even stay to succour theii' leaking vessels,
which went down unhelped amid the waves.
Spreading sail to the rising gale, the Armada
bore away past the Frith of Forth. Drake had
been uneasy about Scotland, fearing that tlie
Spaniards might seek refuge in the Forth and
give trouble to the northern kingdom ; but when he
saw this danger pass, and the Armada speed awaj'
towards the shores of Norway, he resolved to re-
trace his course before famine should set in among
his crews. No sooner did Drake turn back from
the fleeing foe than the tempest took up the pur-
suit, for that moment a furious gale burst out, and
the last the English saw of the Ai-mada were the
vanishing forms of their retreating galleons, as they
entered the clouds of storm and became hid in the
blackness of the northern night. In these awful
solitudes, which seemed abandoned to tempests, the
Spaniards, without pilots and without a chart,
were envii'oned by bristling rocks and by unknown
shallows, by cunents and whii-lpools. They were
"driven from light into darkness;" they were
" chased out of the world."
The tempest continuing, the Ai'mada was every
hour being canied farther into that unknown region
which the imagination of its ci-ews peopled with
terrors, but not gi'eater than the reality. The fleet
was lessening every day, both in men and ships ;
the sailors died and were thrown overboard ; the
vessels leaked and sank in the waves. The sur-
vivors were tossed about entirely at the mercy of the
winds and the waters ; now they were whirled along
the iron-bound coast of Norway, now they were
dashed on the savage rocks of the Shetlands, and
now they found themselves in the intricate friths
and racing currents of the Orkneys. Canied on
' Meteren; Hakhiyt, vol. i-, p.
the temjiest's wings round Cajje "Wrath, they wer&
next launched amid the perils of the Hebrides.
The rollers of the Atlantic hoisted them up, dashed
them against the black cliSs, or flung them on the
shehing shore ; then.' crews, too worn with toil and
want to swim ashore, were dro\\Tied in the surf, and
littered the beach with their corpses. The ■winds
drove the survivors of that doomed fleet farther
south, and now they were careering along the west
coast of Ireland. The crowd of sail seen off the
coa.st caused alarm at the first, but soon it was
known how little cause there was to fear an Armada
which was fleeing when no man was pui-suing.
There came a day's calm ; hunger and thir.st were
raging on board the ships ; then- store of water was
entii-ely sjjeut ; the Spaniards sent some boats on
shore to beg a supply. They prayed piteously,
they ofiiered any amount of money, but not a cU'op
could they have. The natives knew that the
Spaniards had lost the day, and that should they
succour the enemies of Elizabeth, the Government
would hold them answerable. Nor was this the
woi-st; new horrors awaited them on this fated
coast. The storm had returned in all its former
violence ; to windward were the mighty crested
billows of the Atlantic, against which both them-
selves and theii' vessels were without power to con-
tend ; to the leeward were the bristlmg clifls of the
Irish coast, amid which tliey sought, but found not,
haven or jjlace of rest. The gale raged for eleven
days, and during that time galleon after galleon
came on shore, scattering their drowned crews by
hundreds upon the beach. An eye-witness thus
describes the dreadful scene : — " When I was at
Sligo," wrote Sii- Geoflrej' Fenton, " I numbered on
one strand of less than five miles in length, eleven
hundred dead bodies of men, which the sea had
driven upon the shore. The country people told
me the like was in other jilaces, though not to the
same number."- On the same coast thei'e lay. Sir
William Fitzwilliam was told, " in the space of a
few miles, as gi'eat store of the timber of wrecked
ships, more than would have built five of the
greatest ships that ever I saw, besides mighty great
boats, cables, and other cordage answerable thereto,
and some such masts for bigness and length as I
never saw any two could make the like."^
The sea was not the only enemy these -wTetched
men had to dread. The natives, though of the
same religion with the Spaniards, were more pitiless
- Fenton to Biirghley, October 28 : MSS. Ireland-
quoted by Froude, vol. xii., p. 451 ; Lond., 1870.
' Fitzwilliam to the English Council, December 31 :
MSS. Ireland — apud Froude.
WRECKS OF THE AEMADA.
459
than tlio waves. As the Spaniards crawled through
tlie suif up the beach, the Irisli slaughtered them
for the sake of theii- velvets, their gold brocades,
and theii' rich chains. Their suflerings were aggia-
vated from another cause. The Government had
• sent orders to tlie English garrisons in Ireland to
execute all who fell into theii' hands. This order,
which was prompted by the fear that the Spaniards
might be joined by the Iiish, and that a mutiny
would ensue, was relentlessly carried out. It was
calculated that in the month of September alone,
8,000 Spaniards perished between the Giants' Cause-
way and Blosket Sound ;' 1,100 were executed by
the Government officers, and 3,000 were murdered
by the Irish. The rest were (howned. The islets,
creeks, and shores were strewed ^vith wrecks and
corpses, while in the offing there tossed an ever-
diminishing fleet, torn and battered, laden with
toil-worn, famished, maddened, despauing, dying
men. The tragedy witnessed of old on the shore of
the Red Sea had repeated itself, with wider horrors,
on the coast of Ireland."
We turn to another pai-t of this appalling pic-
ture. It is more pleasant than that wliicli we have
been contemplating. We are on the east coast of
Scotland, in the town of Anstruther, where James
Melville, brother of the illustrious Andrew Melville,
was minister. One morning in the beginning of
October, 1558, .so he tells us in his Autobiography,
he was awakened at daybreak by one of the
bailUes of Anstiiither coming to his bedside, and
.saying, " I have news to tell you, sir : there is
anived in our harbour tliLs morning a ship full of
Spaniards, but not to give mercy, but to ask it."
The minister got up and accompanied the baUlie to
the town-hall, whei-e the council was about to
assemble to hear the petition of the Spaniards, who
meanwhile had been ordered back to their ships.
After the magistrates, burghers, and minister had
deliberated, the commander of the ship was intro-
duced, " a very reverend man, of big stature, and
gi-ave and stout countenance, grey-headed, and very
humble-like, who, after many and very low cour-
tesies, bowing dowTi \vith his face near to the
ground, and touching my shoe with his hand,"
liegan the .story of the Armada and its mifshaps.
This "very reverend man," who was now doing
obeisance before the minister of Anstruther, was
the admiral of twenty galleons. He had been cast
upon the "Fan- Isle" between Shetland and
Orkney, and after seven weeks' endurance of cold
' Sir William Fitzwilliam to WaJsingham, September
30 : MSS. Ireland— ap«d Froude.
- Metoren; Hakluyt, vol. i., p. 604.
and hunger among the natives, he had managed to
jirocure a .ship in which to come south, and now
he was asking "relief and comfort" for himself
and the captains and soldiers with him, " whose
condition was for the present most pitiful and
miserable ;" and thereupon he again " bowed him-
self even to the gi'ound." The issue was that the
commander and officers were hospitably entertained
at the houses of the neighbouring gentiy, and that
the soldiers, who numbered 260, " young beardless
men, weak, toiled, and famished,"^ were permitted
to come ashore, and were fed by the citizens till
they were able to pursue their voyage. The name
of the commander was Jan Gomes di Medina.^
The few galleons that escaped the waves and rocks
crept back one by one to Spain, telling by their
maimed and battered condition, before their crews
had opened their lips, the .story of then- overthrow.
That awful tragedy was too vast to be disclosed all
at once. When at last the terrible fact was fully
known, the nation was smitten down by the blow.
Philip, stunned and overwhelmed, shut liimself up
in his closet in the Escorial, and would see no
one ; a cry of lamentation and woe went up from
the kingdom. Hardly was there a noble family
in all Spain which had not lost one or more of its
members. The young gi-andees, the heirs of their
respective houses, who had gone forth but a few
months before, confident of returning victorious,
were sleeping at the bottom of the English seas,
amid hulks and cannon and money-chests. Of the
.30,000 who had sailed in the Armada, scarcely
10,000 saw again their native land; and these re-
turned, in almost every instance, to pine and die.
The Duke of Medina Sidonia, the commander-in-
chief, was almost the only one of the nobles who
outlived the catastrophe ; but his head was bowed
in shame, and envying the fate of those who had
lierished, he buried himself in his country-seat from
the eyes of his countrymen. To add to the griefs
of Philip II., he was deeply wounded from a
quarter whence he had looked for sjinpathy and
help. Pope Sixtus had promised a contril)ution of
a million of crowns towards the expenses of the
Annada, but when he .saw to what end it had come,
he refused to pay a single ducat. In vain Pliilip
urged that the Pope had instigated him to the
attempt, that the expedition had been undertaken
in the sacred cause of the Church, and that the loss
ought to be bome mutually. Sixtus was deaf ; he
' "!3illie, trauchlcd, and houngcrod. " We have taken
the liberty of rendering the Scottisli words into English,
though the force is diminished thereby.
^ Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James McUiV, pp.
2C0-263; WoOiow ed., Edin., 1842.
460
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
wsus almost satmcal. He could not be expected, he
said, to give a million of money for an Armada
wMcli had accomplished nothing, and was now at
the bottom of the sea.'
The Armada wa.s the mightiest effort in the shape
of armed force ever put forth by the Popish Powers
agiunst Protestantism, and it proved the turning-
point in the great war between Rome and the
Reformation. Spiiiii was never after what it had
been before the Armada. The failure of that
exjoedition said in effect to her, " Remove the
diadem ; put off the crown." Almost all the
military genius and the naval skill at her seiwice
were lost in that ill-fated expedition. The flower
of Philip's army, and the ablest of his admii-als,
were now at the bottom of the ocean. The financial
loss could not be reckoned at less than six millions
of ducats ; but that was nothing compared with
the extinction of Spain's prestige. The catastrophe
strijjped her naked. Her position and that of the
Protestant Powers were to a large extent reversed.
England and the Netherlands rose, and Spain fell.
There followed that same year, 1588, other heavy
blows to the PopLsh interest. The two Guises were
assassinated ; Catherine de Medici passed from the
scene of her intrigues and crimes ; her son Hemy
III. followed, stricken by the dagger of Clement ;
the path was opened for Henry IV. to mount the
throne, and the Protestant interests in France
were gi-eatly strengthened. The wavei-ing Protest-
antism of James VI. of Scotland was steadied ;
the Netherlands breathed freely ; and, as we shall
immediately see, there came so man'ellous a blos-
soming of aiTQS and arts in the Protestant world as
caiised the glories of the Spanish Empire to be
forgotten.
The tragedy of the Armada was a great sermon
preached to the Popish and Protestant nations.
The text of that sermon was that England had been
saved by a Divine Hand. All acknowledged the
skill and darmg of the English admu-als, and the
patriotism and bravery of the English sailors and
soldiers, but all at the same time confessed that
these alone could not have saved the throne of
Elizabeth. The Almighty Arm had been stretched
out, and a work so stupendous had been wrought, as
' The Pope was satirised in his turn. When the news
of the Armada's faUure arrived in Rome, there was posted
up a pasquil, in which Sixtus was made to offer, out of
the plenitude of liis power, a tliousand years' indxilgence
to any one who would give him information respecting
the whereabouts of the Spanish fleet : whether it had
been taken up into heaven, or had descended into hell ;
whether it was hanging in mid air, or was still tossing
«n the ocean. {Cott. Libr., Titus, B. 2. Strype, Annals,
vol. iii., p. 522.)
to be worthy of a place by the side of the wonders oi
old time. There were a consecutiveness and a pro-
gression in the acts, a unity in the drama, and a
sublimity in the terrible but righteous catastrophe
in- which it issued, that told the least reflective that
the Armada's overthrow was not fortuitous, but the
result of arrangement and plan. Even the Spaniards
themselves confessed that the Di-vine Hand was upon
them ; that One looked forth at times from the
storm-cloud that pursued them, and troubled them.
Chiisteudom at large was solemnised : the ordinary
course of events had been interrupted ; the heavens
had been bowed, and the Great Judge had descended
upon the scene. While dismay reigned within the
Popish kingdoms, the Protestant States joined in a
chorus of thanksgiving. In England by the com-
mand of her Majesty, and in the United Provinces
by order of the States-General, a day of festival wa.s
appointed, whereon all were commanded to repair
to churcli, and " render thanks unto God." " The
aforesaid solemnity," says the Dutch historian,
"was observed on the 29th of November, which
day was wholly spent in fasting, prayei-, and giving
of thanks."- On that day Queen Elizabeth, royally
attired, and followed by the estates and dignitaries
of the realm, visited London, and rode through the
streets of the City to the Cathedral of St. Paul's,
in a triumphal chariot drawn by four white horses.
The houses were hung with blue cloth ; the citizens
in their holiday dress lined the streets, ranged in
companies, and displaying the ensigns and .symbols
of their vaiious guilds and crafts. Eleven bamiers
and flags which had been taken from the Sjianiards
hung ilisplayed in front of St. Paul's. The queen
with her clergy and nobles, having oflered public
thanks in the church, thereafter retired to Paid's
Cross, where a sermon was preached from the same
stone pulpit from which Ridley's and Latimer's
voices had often been heard ; and after the sermon
the queen rose and addressed her assembled sul5-
jects, exhorting them to miite with her in extolling
that merciful Power which had scattereil her foes,
and shielded from overthrow her throne and realm.
But the deliverance was a common one to the
Protestant kingdoms. All shared in it with
England, and each in turn took up this song of
triumph. Zealand, in perpetual memoiy of the
event, caused new coin of silver and brass to be
struck, stamped on the one side with the arms of
Zealand, and the words, " Glory to God alone,"
and on the other with a representation of certain
great ships, and the words, "The Spanish Fleet."
In the circumference round the ships was the
- Strype says the 24th November.
SUPPLICATION OF THE PURITANS.
461
motto, "It came, went, and was. Anno 1588."'
Hollanil, too, struck a commemorative medal of
the Armada'.s destruction ; and Theodore Beza, at
Geneva, celebrated the event in Latin vorse.
It seemed as if tlie days of Miriam, with theii-
judgments and songs of triumpli, liad returned, and
that the Hebrew prophetess had lent her timbrel to
England, that she might sing upon it the destnic-
tion of a mightier host than that of Egypt, and
the overtlirow of a greater tyrant than he who lay
drowned in the Red Sea. England began tlie song,
as was meet, for around her isle liad the Aimada
been led, a spectacle of doom ; but soon, from beyond
the German Ocean, from the foot of the Alps, from
the shores of Scotland, other voices were heard
swelling the anthem, and saying, " Sing ye to the
Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously : the horse
and his rider hath he thrown into the sea. The
enemy said, I will pursue, I will ovei-take, I will
di^-ide the spoil ; my lust shall be satisfied upon
them; I will draw my sword, my hand shall de-
stroy them. Thou didst blow with thy wind, the
sea covered them : they sank as lead in the mighty
waters."
CHAPTER XX.
GREATNESS OF PROTESTANT ENGLAND.
The Reformation not Completed under Edward VI.— Fails to Advance under Elizabeth— Religious Destitution of
England— Supplication for Planting it with Ministers, &c. — Dispute respecting Vestments, &c.— The Puritans —
Their Numbers— Their Aims— Elizabeth Persecutes them— Elizabeth's Character— Two Types of Protestantism
Combine to form One Perfect Protestantism— Outburst of Mind— Glory of England— Science— Literature— Arts-
Bacon— Sliakspere— Milton, &c.
As with the kings who gathered together against a
famous city of old time, so with tlie Ai-mada, " it
came, it saw, it fled." The throne of Elizabeth was
saved ; the mass was not to be re-established in
England, and the Reformation was not to be over-
thrown in Europe. The tempest had done its
work, and now the Protestant kingdoms break out
into singing, and celebrate in- triumphal notes the
deliverance which an Almighty Aj-m had ^vi-ought
for them.
We now turn to the state of the Protestant faith
witliin tlie kingdom. In vain lias England been
saved from tht; sword of Spain, if the plant of the
Reformation be not taking root and flourishing in
it. The accession of Elizabeth to the throne had
once more opened the Bible to Eiighmd after the
pcreecutor liad shut it, but the [lermeation of the
nation with its light was somewhat slow. Instead
of carrymg forward the work of Reformation wliicli
Edward VI. had left so incomplete, Elizabeth was
eontent to stop short of the point which her brother
had reachetl. The work languished. For this,
various causes may be assigned. Elizabeth was
a|)athetic, and at times even hostUe. The throne
w.as too powerful and too despotic to permit tlie
spiritual principle full scope to develop. Besides,
tlie organisation for the instruction of the nation
' Meteren ; Hakluyt, vol. i., p. (
was defective, and matters were not improved by
the languid way in which such organisation as did
exist was worked. We find a " Supplication "
given in to the Parliament of 1585, praying it to
take steps for the planting of England with an
educated and faithful ministry ; and the statement
of facts with which the Supplication was accom-
panied, and on which it was based, presents a sad
picture of the religious destitution of the kingdom.
Some of these facts are explained, and others <le-
fended, by the bishops in their answer to the
Supplication, but they are not denied. The
petitioners aflirm that the majority of the clergy
hokling livings in the Church of England were
incompetent for the performance of their sacred
duties; that their want of knowledge unfitted
them to pi-each so as to edify the jieople ; that
they contented themselves with reading from a
" printed book ; " and that their reading was so
indistinct, that it was impossible any one should
in-ofit by what was read. Non-residence was com-
mon; phu-alities were frequent; tlie bishops were
little careful to license only qualified men ; secular
callings were in numerous ca.ses conjoined with the
.sacred oflice ; in many towns and parishes there
wa-s no stated ministry of the Gospel, and thousands
of the population were left untaught. " Yea," say
they, " by trial it will be fomid that there are in
England whole tliousands of parishes destitute of
462
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
this necessary helji to salvation, that is, of diligent
preacliing and teaching." The destitute pai'islies
of Eughind must have
amovmted to the for-
midable number of from
9,000 to 12,000, for the
bishops in theii- reply
say that they were able
to provide pastors,
through the uuivei'sities,
for not more than a third
of the 18,000 parishes of
England. It follows that
some 12,000 parishes
were without pastors, or
enjoyed only the services
of men who had nv
univereity training. The
remedies proposed by
the petitioners were
mainly these : that a
code of laws, ch-awn
from the Scriptures,
should be compiled for
the govermuent of the Church ; that a visitation of
all the cities and large towns of the kingdom
should take place, and the condition of the nation
be accurately reported on ; and that zealous and
faithful men should not
be extruded from the
ministry simply because
they objected to vest-
ments and ceremonies.'
The substance of the
Supplication would seem
to have been embodied
in sixteen articles, and
sent up from the Par-
liament to the House of
Lords, requesting " re-
formation or alteration
of the customs and
practices of the Church
established." It was
answered by the two
archbishops and Cow])er,
Bishop of Winchester,
but nothing more came
of it.=
The Supplication
originated with the Puritans, being drawn up, it
is believed, by Mr. Thomas Sampson, a man of
> Strype, Annals, vol. iii., pp. 222-227.
' Ibid.,Yo\. iii.; Appendix, xiiix.
JOUV JETNELL {From the Poidait in SUype's Me )
EDMVXD CKINDAL. (Fvoiii ihc Porfr
.some eminence among them. We have seen the
first outbreak of that famous but unhappy strife at
Frankfort-on-the-Maiue.
The battle begun on that
diminutive stage was
continued on the wider
theatre of England after
the accession of Eliza-
beth. The Marian exiles
had contracted a love
for the simple polity and
worship that existed in
the Reformed Churches
of Switzerland, Geneva,
and some parts of
Crei-many, and on theii'
return to England they
sought to establish the
same order in their
native land. Aiming
at this greater purity
and simplicity, they were
styled Puritans. In the
famous Convocation of
the Lower House, in 1652, the Pui-itan party were
the majority of those present, but they were out-
voted by proxies on the other side. In that
assembly they contended for the abrogation of
vestments, copes, sur-
plices, and organs in
Divine worehip; against
lay baptism, and the
sign of the cross in
baptism. As to kneeling
at the Lord's Suppei',
they urged that it might
be left indifferent to the
determination of the
ordinary. The opposing
theologians took their
.stand on Edward VI. 's
Liturgy, contending that
it should not be altered,
and fortifying their posi-
tion from the venerated
names of Cranmer,
Pidley, and others, by
whom it had been
framed, and who had
sealed iheii- profession
at the stake. Some of the greatest names in the
Church of England of that day were friendly to
the reform pleaded for by the Puritans. Among
others, Griiidal, Horn, Sandys, Jewell, Parkhui-st,
and Bentliam shared these sentiments. On the
SIn/K'f i'/i'.)
PURITANS IN THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
4G3
JOHN I0\ (F n II KePoida ( 111
return of these scliolai-s and theologians to Enghmd,
they were oflered bishoprics, Init at first declined
them, finding the queen
inflexible on the ques-
tion of ceremonies. But
after consulting togetlier
and finding that these
ceremonies were not in
themselves sinful, and
that the doctrine of the
Church remained incor-
rupt, and that their
brethren abroad comi-
selled them to accept,
lest the posts offered
them shoidd be filled by
men hostile to the tmth,'
they came to the con-
clusion that it was theii'
duty to accept consecra-
tion. But there were
others, not less distin-
guished for piety and
learning, who could not
concur in this com-se, and ■^^'llo were shut out from
the high oflices for which their gifts so eminently
qualified them. Among these were Miles Cover-
dale, John Fox the martyrologist, Laurence
Humphrey, Chi-istopher
Goodman, William
Whittingham, and
Thomas Sampson. These
things are not doctrines,
it was argued by those
who contended for cere-
monies and vestments ;
they are but foi-ms, they
are matters of indiffer-
ence. If they be indif-
ferent and not vital, it
was replied, why force
them upon us to the
wounding of our con-
sciences, and at the risk
of rending the Church
of God ? The charge of
fanaticism was directed
against the one side :
that of intolerance was
retorted upon the other.
The aim of the Puritans, beyond doubt, was to perfect
the Refoimation which Cranmer had left incomplete.
IMl)
JOHN A\IMF1
' See Letter of P. Martyr to T. Sampson— Zurich Letters.
ini Series, p. 84; Parker ed., 1846.
The more eminent of Elizabeth's ministera of
State were substantially with the Puritan party.
Lord Burghley, Sir
Francis Walsingham,
the Earl of Bedford, Su-
Francis Knbllyes, were
friendly to a yet greater
leforui in the Church of
England, and disap-
proved of the rigour
with which the Puritans
were treated. The main
difficulty lay with the
queen. One of her
leading aims was the
reconcilement of English
Papists, and hence her
dread of a complete dis
severance of the Church
of England from that of
Rome. She loved splen-
dour in worehip as well
as in State affaii-s, and
inheriting the impe-
riousness of her father, she deemed it intolerable
that she should be thwarted in matters of rites and
vestments. She hated the Puritans, she confiscated
their goods, she threw them into prison, and in
some instances she shed
then- blood : Pemy had
said that the queen,
having mounted the
throne by the help of
the Gospel, would not
permit the Gospel to
extend beyond the point
of her sceptre. He was
condemned -for felony,
and hanged. Meanwhile
the Reformation of the
Church of England stood
still.
The destruction of the
Armada solemnised the
nation. It sounded like
a great voice bidding
them suspend their
quarrels, and unite to-*
gether in the work of
Reformation, lest all
parties should beeonic the prey of a common
foe. The yeai-s that followed were yeare of
gi-eat prosperity and glory to England, Init the
queen's views <lid not enlarge, licr policy did
not meliorate, nor did her imperiousness abate.
WO
404
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Tlie pi-iuciple of stability and development, that
now began to give such proofs of its mightiness
and to draw the eyes of the world upon England,
was not planted in Elizabeth; it was rooted some-
wliere else. 8he valued the Reformation less for
emancipating the conscience than for emancipating
her crowni. She laid most store upon it for ren-
dering her kingdom independent abroad, not for
purif3'Lng it at home. As a sovereign she had some
good points, but not a few weak ones. She was
vacillating, shuffling, at times deceitful ; full of
caprices and humours, and without strength of mind
to pursue for any long time a high and courageous
policy. When threatened or insulted she could
assume an attitude and display a spirit that became
a great sovereign, but she soon fell back again into
her low, shifty polic)^ She possessed one great
quality especially, namely, that of discerning who
would prove able and upright servants. She
always called strong men to her side, and though
she delighted in ornamental men as courtiers, she
would permit no hand but a skilful and powerful
one to be laid on the helm of the State.
Elizabeth has been called great ; but as her
character and history come to be better understood,
it is seen that her greatness was not her own, but
that of the age in which she lived. She formed
the centi-e of gi-eat events and of great men, and
she could not escape being a partaker in the great-
ness of others, and being elevated into a statiu'e
that was not properly her own. The Reformation
set England on high ; and Elizabeth, as the first
person in the State of England, was lifted up along
with it.
We have now reached those twenty years (1.588
— 1G08) which may be regarded as constituting the
era of the Protestant efflorescence in England. At
this jjoiut two great Protestant streams unite, and
Iienceforth iiow together in the one mighty flood of
British Protestantism. England and Scotland now
combine to make one powerful Protestantism. It
was not given to England alone, nor to Scotland
alone, to achieve so great a work as that of con-
solidating and crowning the Reformation, and of
presenting a Protestantism complete on both its
political and religious sides to the nations of the
earth for their adoption ; this work was shared
between the two countries. England brought a full
political development, Scotland an equally full re-
ligious develojjment ; and these two form one entire
and perfect Protestantism, which throws its shield
alike over the conscience and the pei'son, over the
spiritual and the temjioral rights of man..
Of all the various forces that act on society. Pro-
testantism, which is Religion, is by far the most
powerful. " Chi-ist brings us out of bondage into
liberty," said Calvin, " by means of the Gospel."
These words contain the sum of all sound political
philosojjhy. Protestantism first of all emancipates
the conscience ; and from this fortress within the
man it cames its conquests all over the world that
lies without him. Protestantism ha<l now been
the fidl space of a generation in England, and the
men who had been born and trained under it, gave
proof of possessing faculties and cherishing as-
pii-ations unknown to their fathers. They were a
new race, in short. Elizabeth pressed upon the
Reformation mth the whole weight of the royal
supremacy, and the added force of her despotic
maxims ; but that could not break the spring of
the mighty power against which she leaned, nor
prevent it lifting up her people into freedom.
Protestantism had brought the individual English-
man to the Bible ; it taught him that it was at
once his duty and his right to examine it, to judge
for himself as to what it contained, and to act upon
liLS independent judgment ; and the moment he did
so he felt that he was a new man. He had passed
from bondage into freedom, as respects that master-
faculty that gives motion and A-igour to all the rest,
namely, conscience. As the immediate consequence,
the himian mind, which had slept through the
Middle Ages, awoke in a strength and gi-andeur
of faculty, a richness and beauty of development,
which it had exhibited in no former age. England
Tinderwent a sudden and marvellous transformation.
In returning to the right road a,s respects religion,
England found that she had retm-ned to the right
road as respects government, as respects science,
and letters — in short, that she had tliscovered the
one true path to national greatness. The same
method — the Inductive — which had put her in pos-
session of a Scriptural faith, would, she saw, as
certainly conduct her to freedom in the State.
Turning from the priest, England went to the
Bible, the gi-eat storehouse of revealed truth, and
she found there all that was to be believed, and
all that was to be done. She adopted the same
method in her inquii-y after what was true and
wood in civil government. She looked at the
principles of justice and order on which Immau
society has been constituted by its Author, and
fr.aming these into law, she found that she had
arrived at the right science of political govermnent.
Instead of the teaching of the priest, England, in
adopting the Reformation, substituted the writing
of God in the Bible as the basis of the Church.
So in the State ; instead of the arbitrary will of one
man, England substituted as the basis of govern-
ment the eternal writing of God, in the coustitu-
GLOEY OF PROTESTANT ENGLAND.
463
tiou wliicli he lias given to society. It was the
same method with auother application ; and the
consequence was that the political constitution of
England, which had remained at the same point
for two centimes, now began to make progi-ess, and
the despotic rods of the Tudors to be transformed
into the constitutional sceptres of the princes of the
House of Orange.
The same method was piu-sued in philosophy and
science, and -vvith the same result. "If," said
Bacon, laying hold of the gi-eat principle of the
Eefonners, " if we would have a really true and
useful science, we must go forth into the world of
Nature, observe her facts, and study her laws."
Tlie key by which the Reformation opened the
path to the one true religion, was that wliich Bacon
employed to open the path to true science.
And what a harvest of knowledge has since been
reaped ! The heavens stood unveiled ; every star
unfolded the law by which it is hiuig in the vault
above ; every flower, and crystal, and piece of
matter, animate and inanimate, organic and in-
organic, disclosed its secret pi-operties, afiinities, and
uses. Then arose the sciences of astronomy, of
chemistry, and others, which are the foundation of
our arts, our mechanics, our navigation, our manu-
factures, and our agriculture. In a word, out of
the principle first proclaimed in modern times by
the Reformation, has come the whole colossal
fabric of our industrial skill, oiu- mechanical power,
our agricultural riches, and our commercial wealth.
In fine, from the great fundamental principle of
Protestantism, wliich is the substitution of a Divine
for a human authority, came our literature. Thought,
so far a.s tliLnking to any good pui-pose was concerned,
had slept for long centuries, and would have awaked
no moi*, had it not been touched by the Ithuriel
spear of Protestantism. It was long smce one
really great or useful work, or one really new idea,
had been given to the world. A feeble dawn had
preceded the Reformation, the fall of the Eastern
Emjjire having compelled a few scholars, with their
treasures of Greek lore, to seek asylum in the West.
But that dawn might never have been, but for the
<lesire which WiclifTe had originated to possess the
Scriptiu'es in the original tongues. It Ls also to be
bonie in mind that the gi'cat intellects that arose
in Italy in the end of the fifteenth and beginning of
the si.xtcenth century, though living in the com-
munion of the Roman Church, and devoting, in the
instance of some of them, then- genius to her ser-
vice, had in heart left her theology, and found their
■way to the Cross. Dante, Petrarch, Michael An-
gelo, Torquato Tasso, Ariosto, and others owed the
emancipation of theii" genius to their belief in the
Evangelical faith. The great poet, painter, and
sculptor, Michael Angclo, who reared the dome of
St. Peter's and painted the Sistine, thus sings : —
" Ah ! what does sculpture, what does painting prove.
When we have seen the Cross, and fixed our eye
On Ilim whose arms of love were there outspread? "'
It is the same Evangelical faith — the bondage of
the will by* sin, and salvation of God — which
Ariosto embodies in the following lines : —
" How shall mj- cold and lifeless prayer ascend.
Father of mercies, to thy scat on high,
If, while my Kps for tliy deliverance cry,
My heart against that hberty contend ':
* # * *
To spare offenders, being penitent,
Is even ours ; to di'ag them fi-om the pit,
Themselves resisting, Lord, is thiuc alone." -
In all the countries of the Reformation a gi-eat
intellectual awaking was the immediate consequence
of the introduction of Protestantism. Geneva and
Zurich became centres of literary light and industrial
activity ; the Huguenots were the first soldiers,
writers, merchants, and artisans of France. Holland
became as renowned for letters and arts in the years
that succeeded its great struggle, as it had been for
ai-ms when contending against Spain. But it was
in England that the great intellectual outburst
attendant on the Reformation culminated. There
mind opened out into an amplitude of faculty, a
largeness of judgment, a strength and subtlety of
reason, and a richness, boldness, and brilliancy of
imagination, of which the world had seen no similar
example, and wliich paled even the brighte.st era of
classic times. By one quality were all the great
thinkers and writers who illuminated the horizon
of England in the Elizabethan age marked, namely,
great creative power ; and that eminently is the
jiroduct of Protestantism. To it we owe our great
thinkers and winters. Had not the Refomiation
gone before. Bacon would never have opened the
path to true science ; Shakspere's mighty voice
would have been dumb for ever ; Milton would
never have written his epic ; nor would John
Bunyan have told us his dream ; Newton would
never have discovered the law of gravitation ; Bar-
row would never have reasoned ; nor would Taylor,
Baxter, Howe, and many more ever have dis-
coui-sed; not one of these deathless names would have
been known to us, nor would England or the world
ever have possessed one of theii- iunnortal works.
' Glassford, Lyrical Compositions from the Italian Poets,
p. 55; Edin., 1846. The original is still more pointed—
" Che apcrsc in croce a premier noi le braccia " (The
arms which were stretched out upon the cross to lay
hold of us). M. Augelo and Ariosto were born in 1471.
- Ihid., p. 51.
46G
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
iBook Ctutntp-fourtft.
PEOTESTANTISil IN SCOTLAND.
CHAPTER I.
THE DARKNESS AND THE DAYBREAK.
English and Scottish Eeformations Compared— Early Picture of Scotland— Preparation— The Soots become a Nation
— Its Independence Secured— Bannockburn — Suppression of the Culdees — Establishment of the Church of
Eome — Its Great Strength — Acts against Lollards and Heretics in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries —
Martyrdom of John Eesby — Bible Readers — Paul Crawar Burned— The Lollards of Kyle— Hector Boece — Luther's
Tracts Enter Scotland — Tlie Bible Introduced— It becomes the Nation's One Instructor— Permission to Eead it.
England, in reforming itself, worked mainly from
the political centre, Scotland worked mainly from
the religious one. The ruling idea in the former
country was the emancipation of the throne from
the supremacy of the Pope ; the railing idea in the
latter was the emancipation of the conscience from
the Popish faith. The more prominent outcome of
the Reformation in England was a free State ; the
more immediate product of the Reformation in
Scotland was a free Church. But soon the two
countries and the two Reformations coalesced :
common affinities and common aims disengaged
them from old allies, and drew them to each other's
side ; and Christendom beheld a Protestantism
strong alike in its political and in its spiritual arm,
able to combat the double usurpation of Rome, and
to roll it back, in course of time, from the countries
where its dominion had been long established, and
over its ruins to go forward to the fulfilment of the
great task which was the one gi'and aim of the
Reformation, namely, the evangelising and civilising
of the earth, and the planting of pure churches and
free governments.
From an early date Scotland had been in course
of preparation for the pai't it was to act in the
gi-eat movement of the sixteenth century. It would
beforehand have been tho\ight improbable that any
very distinguished share awaited it in this gi-eat
revolution of hvmian affaii's. A small country, it
was pai-ted by barbarism as well as by distance
from the rest of the world. Its rock-bound coast
was pei-petually beaten by a stormy sea ; its gi'eat
mountains were drenched in rains and shrouded
in mist ; its plains, abandoned to swamps, had not
been conquered by the plough, nor yielded aught
for the sickle. The mariner shunned its shore, for
there no harbour opened to receive his vessel, and
no trader waited to buy liis wares. This laud was
the dwelling of savage tribes, who practised the
horrid rites and worshipped, under other names, the
deities to which the ancient Assp-ians had bowed
down.
Scotland first tasted of a little civilisation from
the Roman sword. In the wake of the Roman
Power came the missionaries of the Cross, and the
Gospel found disciples where Csesar had been
able to achieve no triumphs. Next came Columba,
who kindled his evangelical lamp on the rocks of
lona, at the very time that Mohammedanism was
darkening the East, and Rome was stretching her
shadow farther eveiy year over the "West. In the
ninth century came the first gi'eat step in Scotland's
preparation for the part that awaited it seven
centm-ies later. In the year 838, the Picts and the
Scots were united under one cro^^^^. Down to this
year they had been simjjly two ro^^ng and warring
clans ; their union made them one people, and con-
stituted them into a nation. In the erection of the
Scots into a distinct nationality we see a foothold
laid for Scotland's having a distinct national Re-
formation : an essential point, as we shall afterwards
see, in order to the pi-oduction of a j>erfect and
catholic Prote.stantism.
Tlie second step in Scotland's preparation for its
predestined task was the establishment of its in-
dependence as a nation. It was no easy matter to
maintain the political independence of so small a
kingdom, surrounded by powerful neighboiu's who
were continually strirarg to efiect its subjugation
and absoiiition into their own wealthier and larger
dominions. To aid in this gi-eat struggle, on which
were suspended far higher issues than were dreamed
of by those who fought and bled in it, there arose
from time to time " mighty men of valour."
Wallace and Bruce were the pioneers of Knox.
The stniggle for Scotland's political independence
in the fourteenth centmy was a necessary prelimi-
nary to its struggle for its religious Refonnation in
SCOTLAND UNDER THE POPE.
407
tlio sL\tceutL. If tlie battle of tlie warrior, " with
its confused noise, and garments rolled in blood,"
had not first been won, we do not see how a stage
coidd have been found for the gi-eater battle that
was to come after. The grand patriotism of
Wallace, and the strong arm of Bruce, held the
door open for Knox ; and Edward of England
learned, when he saw his maded cavalry and terrible
bowmen falling back before the Scottish battle-axes
and broadswords, that though he should redden all
Scotliuid with the noblest blood of both kingdoms,
he never should succeed in robbing the little
coiintiy of its nationality and .sovereignty.
It is now the twelfth century ; lona still exists,
but its light has waxed dim. Under King
David the Culdee establishments are being sup-
pressed, to make way for Popish monasteries ; the
presbyters of Zona are driven out, and the lordly
2)relates of the Pope take theii' place ; the edifices
and heritages of the C'uldees pass over wholesale to
the Church of Rome, and a body of ecclesiastics of
idl orders, from the mitred abbot down to the
begging friar, ai-e brought from foreign countiies to
occupy Scotland, now divided into twelve dioceses,
with a full complement of abbeys, monasteries, and
nunneries. But it is to be noted that this astablish-
meut of Popery in the twelfth century is not the
result of the conversion of the people, or of their
native teachei-s : we see it brought in over the necks
of both, simply at the will and bj' the decree of the
monai'ch. So little was Scottish Popery of native
growth, that the men as well as the system had to
be imported from abroad.
If in no country of Europe was the dominant
reign of Popeiy so short as in Scotland, extending
only from the twelfth to the sixteenth centm-y, in
no country was the Church of Ptomo so powerful
when compared with the size of the kingdom and
the number of the jiopulation. The influences
which in countries like France set limits to the
power of the Church did not exist in Scotland. On
her lofty height she was without a rival, and looked
down upon all ranks and institutions — upon the
throne, wliich was weak; upon the nobles, who
were parted into ftictions ; ujion the people, who
were sunk in ignorance. Bishops and abbots filled
all the gi-eat posts at court, and discharged all the
highest offices in the State. They were chancellors,
secretaries of State, justiciai-ics, aml)assadoi-s ; tliey
led jirmics, fought battles, and tried and executed
criminals. Tliey were the owners of lordships,
hunting-grounds, fisheiies, houses ; and while a full
half of the kingdom was theii-s, they heavily taxed
the other half, as they did also all iwsscssions,
occupations, and trades. Thus with the passing
yeai's cathedrals and abbeys continued to midtiply
and wax in splendour ; while acres, tenements, and
tithuigs, in an ever-flowing stream, were pourijig
fresh riches into the Church's treasiuy. In the
midst of the prostration and ruui of all interests
and classes, the Church stood up in overgrown
arrogance, wealth, and power.
But even in the midst of the darkness there were
glimmerings of light, which gave token that a
better day would yet da^wn. From the Papal chair
itself we hear a fear expressed that this countrj%
which Rome held with so firm a gi'asp, would yet
escape from her' dominion. In his bull for anoint-
ing King Robert the Bruce, in the beginning of the
fourteenth century, John XXII. complains that
Scotland was still defiled by the presence of heretics.
From about this time the traces of what Rome
styles heresy became frequent in Scotland. The
first who suflered for the Reformed iaith, so far as
can be ascei'tained, was James Resby, an English-
man, and a disciple of John Wicliflfe. He taught
that " the Pope was not Christ's Vicar, and that
he Wius not Pope if he was a man of wicked life."
This was pronounced heresy, and for that heresy he
had to do expiation in the fire at Perth.' He was
burned in 1406 or 1407, some nine years before the
martyrdom of Huss. In 1416 the University of
St. Andrews, then newly founded, ordained that all
who commenced IMaster of Arts should take an
oath to defend the Church against the insults of the
Lollards," a proof surely that the sect was suffi-
ciently numerous to I'ender Churchmen uneasy. A
yet stronger proof of this was the appointment of
a Hei'etical Inquisitor for Scotland. The office was
bestowed upon Laurence Lindores, Abbot of Scone."
Prior Winton in liis Metrkcd Chronicle (1420)
celebrates the zeal of Albany, Governor of Scot-
land, against Lollards and heretics.'' Murdoch
Nisbet, of Hardhill, had a manuscript copy of the
New Testament (of Wiclifte's translation doubt-
less), which he concealed in a vault, and read to his
fixmily and acquaintance by night.'' Gordon of
Earlston, another early favourer of the disciples of
Wiclifi'e, had in his possession a copy of the New
Testament, in the vulgar tongue, which he read at
meetings held in a wood near to Earlston House."
The Parliament of James I., held at Perth (1424),
' See an extract from the original account of Eesby, by
Bower, the continuator of Fordun, in The JforSs of John
Knox, collected and edited by David Laing, Esq;, LL.D. ;
vol. I., Appendix ii. ; Edin., 1846.
■- M'-Crie, Ufe of Melville, vol. i., p. 415; Ediu., ISIO.
'■' Iiaing, Knox, vol. i., p. 497.
' Ibid., p. 495
■■• M'Crie, Life of Melville, vol. i., p. 414.
" Wodrow, vol. ii., p. 07.
468
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
fiiueted that all bishoi)S sihoukl make inquiry by
Inquisition for heretics, and punish them according
to the laws of " holy Kirk," and if need were they
should call in the secular power to the aid of
"holy Kirk." '
111 1431 we liud a second stake set up in Scot-
land. Paul Crawar, a native of Bohemia, and a
disciple of John Huss, preaching at St. Andrews,
taught that the mass was a worship of superstition.
This was no suitable doctrine in a ])lace wliere a
Reformers. Tlie Lollards of Scotland could be none
other than the descendants of the Culdee mission-
aries, and such of the disciples of Wicliffe as had
taken refuge in Scotland.'' On the testimony of
both friend and foe, there were few counties in the
Lowlands of Scotland where these Lollards were
not to be found. They were numerous in Fife;
they were still more numerous in the districts of
Cunningham and Kyle; hence theii- name, the
Lollards of Kvle. In the rei,?n of James IV.
VUiW UF THE Rl'IXS OF THE J>E.SDS OR GATEWAY OF A MONASTEKY, ST. ANDREWS
oiagnificent cathedral, and a gorgeous hierarchy,
ivere maintained in the service of the mass, and
should it fall they too would fall. To avert so great
a catastrophe, Crawar w;is dragged to the stake and
burned, with a ball of brass in his mouth to jjrevent
him from addressing the people in his last moments."
The Lollards of England were the connecting
link between their great master, WiclifTe, and the
English Reformers of the sixteenth century. Scot-
land too had its Lollards, who connected the
Patriarch and school of lona with the Scottish
' Acta Pari. ScotiEe, ii. 7.
' Laing, Knox, voL i., p. 497. Dr. Laing gives original
notices respecting Crawar from Fox, Bower, and Boece.
(1494) some thirty Lollards were summoned before
the archiepi.scopal tribunal of Glasgow on a charge
of heresy. They were almost all gentlemen of
landed property in the districts already named, and
the tenets which they were charged with denying
included the mass, purgatory, the worshipping of
images, the prajnng to saints, the Pope's vicarship,
his power to pardon sin — in short, all the peculiar
docti-ines of Romanism. Tlieu- defence appears to
have been so spirited that the king, before whom
they argued their cause, shielded them from the
' " We can trace the existence of the Lollai-ds in Ayr-
shire from the times of Wicliffe to the days of George
Wishart." (Mr Crie, Life of Melville, vol. i., p. 8.)
THE BIBLE IN SCOTLAND.
4G9
doom that the archbishop, Blackadder, would un-
doubtedly have pronounced upon them.'
These incidental glimpses show us a Scriptural
Protestantism already in Scotland, but it lacks
that spii'it of zeal and diffusion into which the
sixteenth century awoke it. When that century
came new agencies began to operate. In 152G,
Hector Boece, Principal of King's College, Aber-
deen, and the fellow-student and correspondent of
Erasmus, published his History of Scotland. In
the Lower Germany. In this way the east coast
of Scotland, and the shores of the Frith of Forth,
were sown \vdth the seeds of Lutheranism.- By
this time Tyndale had ti-anslated the New Testa-
ment into English, and he had markets for its sale
in the towns \4sited by the Scottish traders, who
bought numerous copies and carried them across
to their countrymen. When the New Testament
entered, a ray from heaven had penetrated the night
that brooded over the country. Its Reformation
VIEW OF LINLITHGOW I'ALACE.
that work he draws a dark picture of the manners
of the clergy ; of their greed in monopolising all
otlices, equalled only by their neglect of their
duties ; of their promotion of unworthy persons, to
the ruin of lettei-s ; and of the scandals with which
the public feeling was continually outraged, and
religion affronted; and he raises a loud cry for
immediate Reformation if the Church of his native
land was to be saved. About the same time the
books and tracts of Luther began to enter the sea-
ports of Montrose, Dundee, Perth, St. Andrews,
and Leith. These were brought across by the
skippei-s who made aimual voyages to Flanders and
144
' Laiae, Knox, vol. i., pp. 6-12.
had begun. The Bible was the only Reformer
then possible in Scotland. Had a Luther or a
Knox arisen at that time, he would have been
consigned before many days to a dungeon or a
stake. The Bible was the only missionary that
could enter with safety, and operate with effect.
With silent foot it began to traver.se the land ; it
came to the castle-gates of the primate, yet he heard
not its steps ; it preached in cities, but its voice fell
not on the ear of bishop ; it passed along the high-
ways and by-ways unobserved by the spy. To the
Churchman's eye all seemed calm — calm and
motionless as during the four dark centuries which
' - Lorimer, Scottish Reformation, chap. 1 ; Lend., 1860.
470
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
liad goiip before ; but in the stillness of the mid-
night hour men welcomed this new Instructor,
and opened their hearts to its comforting and
beneticent teaching. The Bible was emphatically
the nation's one great teacher ; it was stamping
its own inetiaceable character npon the Scottish
Reformation ; and the place the Bible thus early
made for itself in the people's afl'ections, and the
authority it acquired over their judgments, it was
destined never to lose. Tlie movement thus
initiated was helped forward by every event that
happened, till at last in 1 543 its first great landing-
place was reached, when every man, woman, ami
child in Scotland was secured liy Act of Parlia-
ment in the riglit to read the Word of God in their
own tongue.
CHAPTER II.
SCOTLAND S FIRST PREACHER AND MARTYR, PATRICK HAMILTON.
A Martyr Needed— Patrick Hamilton— His Lineage— His Studies at Paris and Marburg— Ho Returns to Scotland
—Evangelises around Linlithgow— is Inveigled to St. Andrews— St. Andrews in the Sixteenth Century— Discus-
sions with Doctors and Canons— Alesiiis-Prior Campbell— Summoned 'beforo the Archbishop — His Brother
Attempts his Rescue— Hamilton before Beaton — Articles of Accusation — Referred to a, Commission— Hamilton's
Evening Party — What they Talk about— His Apprehension— His Trial — His Judges— Prior Campbell his Accuser
— His Condemnation — He is Led to the Stake— Attacks of Prior Campbell — Campbell's Peai-ful Death — Hamilton's
Protracted Sufferings— His Last Words— The Impression produced by his Martyrdom.
The fii'st step in the preparation of Scotland for
the task that awaited it was to fonn its tribes into
a nation. This was accomplished in the union of
the Pictish and Scottish crowns. The second step)
was the establishment of its nationality on a strong
basis. The arms of Wallace and Bruce effected
this ; and now Scotland, planted on the twin pillars
of Nationality and Independence, awaited the open-
ing of a higher drama than any enacted by armies
or accomplished on liattle-fields. A mightier contest
than Bannockburn was now to be waged on its
soil. In the great war for the recovery in ampler
measure, and on surer tenure, of the glorious heritage
of truth which the world once possessed, but which
it had lost amid the superstitions of the Dark Ages,
there had already been two great centres, Wittem-
bei'g and Geneva. The battle was retreatiiig from
them, and the Protestant host was about to make
its stand at a thii-d centre, namely Scotland, and
there .sustain its final defeat, or achieve its crowning
victory.
The Reformation of Scotland dates from the
entrance of the first Bible into the country, about
the year 1525. It was doing its work, but over
and above there was needed the living voice of the
preacher, and the fiery stake of the confessor, to
arouse the nation from the dead sleep in wliich it
was sunk. But wlio of Scotland's sons shall open
the roll of martjTdom 1 A youth of i-oyal lineage,
:ind pi'incely in mind as in birth, was chosen for
this high but arduous honour. Patrick Hamilton
was born in 1504. He was the second son of Sir
Patrick Hamilton, of Kincavel, and the great-
grandson, both by the father's and the mother's
.side, of James II.' He received liis education at
the University of St. Andrews, and about 1517 was
appointed titular Abbot of Feme, in Ross-shire,
though it does not appear that he ever took priest's
orders. In the following year he went abroad, .and
would seem to have studied some time in Paris,
where it is probable he came to the fii-st know-
ledge of the truth ; and thence he went to pui-sne
his studies at the College of Marburg, then newly
opened by the Landgrave of Hesse. At Marburg
the young Scotsman enjoyed the friendship of a
very remarkable man, whose ■\uews on some points
of Di\'ine truth exceeded in clearness even those
of Luther; we refer to Francis Lambert, the ex-
monk of A\-ignon, whom Landgrave Philip had
invited to Hesse to assist in the Reformation of his
dominions.
The depth of Hamilton's knowledge, and the
beauty of his character, won the esteem of Lambert,
and we find the e.x-Franciscan saying to Philip,
" This young man of the illustrious family of the
Hamiltons ... is come from the end of the
world, from Scotland, to your academy, in order to
' See his exact relationship to the Scottish king traced
by Dr. David Laing, Knox, vol. i., p. 501,
PATRICK HAMILTON'S PREACHING.
471
be fiilly established in God's truth. I have hardly
over met a man who expresses himself with so much
spu-ituality and truth on the Word of the Lord."'
Hamilton's prepai-ation for his work, destined to
be brief but brilliant, was now completed, and he
began to yearn with an intense desire to return to
his native land, and publish the Gospel of a fi'ee
salvation. He coidd not hide from himself the
danger which attended the step he was meditating.
The priests were at this hour all-powerful in Scot-
land. A few yeai-s previously (l.'Jl.S), James IV.
and the flower of the Scottish nobility had fallen on
the field of Flodden. James V. was a child : his
mother, Margaret Tudor, was nominally regent ;
but the clergy, headed by the proud, profligate, and
unscrupulous James Beaton, Archbishop of St.
Andrews, had grasped the government of the king-
dom. It was not to be thought that tlie.se men
would permit a doctrine to be taught at their very
doors, which they well knew woiild bring theu' glory
and pleasures to an end, if they had the power of
preventing it. The means of suppre.ssing all
preaching of the truth were not wanting, certainly,
to these tj'rannical Churchmen. But this did not
weigh with the young Hamilton. Intent upon
dispelling the darkness that covered Scotland, he
returned to his native land (1.527), and took up
his abode at the family mansion of KLncavel, near
Linlithgow.
With the sword of Beaton hanging over his
head, he began to preach the doctiines of the Re-
formed faith. The first converts of the young
evangelist were the inmates of the mansion-house
of Kincavel. After lois kinsfolk, his neighbours
became the next objects of his care. He visited at
the houses of the gentry, where his liirth, the grace
of his manners, and the fame of his learning made
him at all times welcome, and he talked with them
about the things that belonged to their pence.
Going out into the fields, he would join himself to
groups of labourei-s a.s they rested at noon, and
exhort them, while labouring for the "meat that
perisheth," not to be unmindful of that which
"endures imto eternal life." Opeiiing the Sacred
Volume, he would explain to his i-ustic congrega-
tion the " mysteries of the kingdom " which was
now come nigh unto them, and bid them strive to
enter into it. Ha\-ing scattered the seed in the
villages around Linlitligow, ho resf)lved to carry
the Gospel into its Churcli of St. Michael. The
ancient jialace of Linlithgow, " the Versailles of
Scotland,", an it has been tei-med, wa.s then the seat
' Dedication of Exfgescos Praneisci Lamberti, ic, quoted
in Laing, A'lioa', vol. i., Appendix iii.
of the court, and the Gospel was now brought
within the hearing of the priests of St. Michael's,
and of the members of the royal family who repaired
to it. Hamilton, standing up amid the altars and
images, preached to the polished audience that
filled the edifice, with that simplicity and chastity
of speech which were best fitted to win his way with
those now listening to him. It is not, would he
say, the cowl of St. Francis, nor the frock of St.
Dominic, that saves us ; it is the righteousness of
Christ. It is not the ."Aorn head that makes a holy
man, it is the renewed heart. It is not the clu-ism
of the Church, it is the anointing of the Holy
Spirit that replenishes the soul with gi-ace. Wliat
doth the Lord requii-e of thee, O man ] to count so
many beads a day 1 to repeat so many paternosters *
to fast so many days in the year, or go so many
miles on pLlgi-image ? That is what the Pope re-
quires of thee ; but what God requires of thee is to
do justly, and love mercy, and walk humbly. Pure
religion, and undefiled, is not to kiss a crucifix, or
to burn candles liefore Our Lady ; pure religion is
to visit the fatherless and the widow in their
affliction, and to keep one's self unspotted from the
world. " Knowest thou," he would ask, " what
this saying means, ' ChrLst died for theei' Verily
that thou shonldest have died pei'jDetually, and
Christ, to deliver thee from death, died for thee,
and changed thy perpetual death into his own
death ; for thou madest the fault, and he suffered
the pain."-
Among Hamilton's hearers in St. Michael's there
was a cei'tain maiden of noble birth, whose heart
the Gospel had touched. Her virtues won the
heart of the young evangelist, and he made her his
wife. His marriage was celebrated but a few
weeks before his martyrdom.^
A little way inland from the opjiosite shores of
the Forth, backed by the pictui'esque chain of the
blue Ochils, was the to^^ii of Dunfermline, with its
archiepiscopal palace, the towere of which might
almost be descried from the spot where Hamilton
was daily evangelising. Archbishop Beaton was
at this mo7nent residing there, and news of the
young evangelist's doings were wafted across to that
watchful enemy of the Gospel. Beaton saw at a
glance the difficulty of the casi^. A heretic of low
degi-ee would have been summarily disposed of;
but here was a Lutheran with royal blood in his
vein.s, and all the Hamiltons at his back, throwing
' Fox, Acts and Mon., vol. iv., pp. 570, 571.
^ We owe our knowledge of this fact to Professor
Lorimer. See his PaMck J/aimlton, &c., an historical,
sketch.
472
TTTSTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
(Iowa the gage of battlo to the hierarchy. What
wa.s to be (lone ! Tlie cruel and crafty Beaton hit
on a device tliat but too well succeeded. Concealing
his dark design, the primate sent a pressing mes-
sage to Patrick, soliciting an interview with him on
points of Church Reformation. Hamilton divined
at once what the message portended, but in spite
of the death that almost ceiiaiiily awaited him, and
the tears of his friends, who sought to stay him, he
set out for St. Andrews. He seemed to "feel that
he could serve his country better by dying than
by living and labouring.
This city was then the ecclesiastical and literary
metropolis of Scotland. As the seat of the archi-
episcopal court, numerous suitors and rich fees
were drawn to it. Ecclesiastics of all ranks and
students fi-om every part of the kingdom were to
be seen upon its streets. Its cathech-al was among
the largest in Christendom. It had numerous
colleges, monasteries, and a jiriory, not as now,
gi-ey with age and sinking in ruin, but in the fh-st
bloom of their architecture. As the traveller
approached it, whether over the long upland swell
of Fife on the west, or the waters of the German
Ocean on the east, the lofty summit of St. Regulus
met his eye, and told iiim that he was nearing the
chief seat of authority and wealth in Scotland.
On awiving at St. Andrews, Hamilton found the
archbishop all smiles ; a most gracious reception,
in fact, was accorded hini by the man who was
resolved that he should never go hence. He was
permitted to choose his own lodgings ; to go in and
out ; to avow liis opinions ; to discuss questions of
rite, and dogma, and administration with both
doctors and .students; and when he heard the
echoes of his own sentiments commg back to him
from amid the halls and ehaii's of the " Scottish
Vatican," he began to persuade himself that the day
of Scotland's deliverance was nearer than he had
dared to hope, and even now rifts were apjiearing in
the canopy of blackness over his native land. An in-
cident haj>pened that specially gladdened him. There
was at that time, among the Canons of St. Andrews,
a j'oung man of quick parts and candid mind, but
enthiiiUed by the scholasticism of the age, and
all on the side of Rome. His name was Alane, or
Alesius — a native of Edinburgh. This young canon
bnmed to cross swords with the heretic whose
presence had caused no little stir in the univei-sity
and monasteries of the ancient city of St. Andrew.
He obtained his wish, for Hamilton was ready to
receive all, whether they came to uiquire or to dis-
pute. The Sword of the Spirit, at almost the first
stroke, pierced the scholastic annour in which
Alesius had encased himself, and he dropped his
sword to the man whom he had been so confident
of vanquishing.
There came yet another, also eager to do battle
for the Church — Alexander Cam])bell, Prior of the
DominicaiLS — a man of excellent learning and good
disposition. The archbishop, feeling the risks of
))ringing such a man as Hamilton to the .stake,
ordered Prior Campbell to wait on him, and spare
no means of bringing back the noble heretic to
the faith of the Church. The matter promised
at first to have just the opposite ending. After
a few interviews, the prior confessed the truth
of the doctrines which Hamilton taught. The con-
version of Alesius seemed to have repeated itself.
But, alas ! no; Camjibell had received the truth in
the intellect only, not in the heart. Beaton sent
for Campbell, and sternly demanded of him what
progress he was making in the conversion of the
heretic. The prior saw that on the brow of the
archbishop which told him th.at he must make his
choice between the favour of the hierarchy and the
Gospel. His coui-age fiiiled him ; the disciple be-
came the accuser.
Patrick Hamilton had now been a month at St.
Andrews, arguing all the time with doctors,
priests, students, and townspeople. From whatever
cause this delay proceeded, whether from a feeling
on the part of Beaton and the hierarchy that their
power was too firmly rooted to be shaken, or from
a fear to strike one so exalted, it helped to the eai'ly
triumph of the Reformed opinions in Scotland.
During that month Hamilton was able to scatter
on this central ]>art of the field a gi-eat amount
of the " incorruptible seed of the Word," which,
watered as it was soon thereafter to be with the
blood of him who sowed it, sjjrang up and broxight
forth much fruit. But the matter would admit of
no longer delay, and Patrick was summoned to the
archiepiscopal palace, to answer to a charge of
heresy.
Before accompanying Hamilton to the triliunal
of Beaton, let us mention the an-angements of his
persecutors for jiutting him to death. Their fir,st
care was to send away the king. James V. was
then a youth of seventeen, and it was just possible
that he might not stand quietly by and see them
ruthlessly murder one who drew his descent from
the royal house. Accordingly the young king was
told that his soul's health required that he should
make a pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Duthac, in
Ross-shire, whither his father had often gone to dis-
l)urdon his conscience.' It was winter,, and the
• His journey has been doubted. Knox, Spottiswood,
and others mention it. Besides, a letter of Angiis to
ACCUSATION OF HAMILTON.
473
journey would necessarily be tedious ; but tliu
liur|iosc of the priests would be all the better
served thereby. Ajiother precaution taken by the
archbishop was to cause the movements of Sir
James Hamilton, Patrick's brother, to be watched,
lest he should attempt a rescue. When the tiduigs
reached Kincavel that Patrick had been arrested,
consternation prevaOed at the manor-house ; Sir
James, promptly assembling a body of men-at-
arms, set out at their head for St. Andrews. The
trooj) marched along the southern shore of the
Forth, but on arriving at Queensferry, where
they intended.! to cross, they found a storm raging
in the Frith. The waves, raised into tumult in
the narrow sea by the westerly gale, would permit
no passage; and Sir James, the precious hours
gliding away, could only stand gazing helplessly
on the tempest, which showed no signs of abating.
jMcanwhOe, being descried from the opposite
shore, a troop of horse was at once ordered out
to dispute their march to St. Andrews. Another
attempt to rescue Patrick from the hands of his
jjersecutors was also unsuccessful. Duncan, Laird
of Ardrie, in the neighbourhood of St. Andrews,
.armed and mounted about a score of his tenants
and servants, intending to enter the city by
night and carry off his friend, whose Protestant
sentiments he shared ; but his small painty was
suiTOunded, and himself apprehended, by a troop
of horsemen.' Hamilton was left in the power of
Beaton.
The fii-st rays of the morning sun were kindling
the waters of the bay, and gikUng the hill-tops of
Angus on the other side of theTay, when Hamilton
was seen traversing the streets on his way to the
archiepiscopal palace, in obedience to Beaton's sum-
mons. He had hoj)ed to have an interview with the
.archbishop before the other judges had assembled ;
but, eai-ly as the hour was, the court was already
met, and Hamilton was summoned before it and his
accusation read. It consisted of thii-teen articles,
alleged to be heretical, of which the fifth and sbcth
may be taken as samples. These ran : — " Tliat a
man is not justified by works, but by faith alone,"
and "that good works do not make a good man,
but that a good man makes good works."- There
followed a discussion on each of the articles, and
liually the whole were refen-ed to a committee of
Wolsey, of date the 30th March, 1528, says that the king
was at that time in the north country, in the eitrcmo
l)art3 of his dominions.
' MfCi-ie, Life of Melville, vol. i., note D.
-' The articles of Hamilton's indictment, quoted from
thi! Roasters, arc jjiveu in full by Fox, vol. iv.. pp. !joV,
500. CaUerwooU, vol. i., p. TO. yixilliswootl, p. 03.
the judges chosen by Beaton, who were to report
their judgment upon them in a few days. Pend-
ing their- decision, Hamilton was permitted his
liberty as heretofore ; the object of his enemies
being to veil what was coming till it should bo
so near that rescue would be impossible.
In a few days the commissioners intimated that
they had arrived at a decision on the articles. This
opened the way for the last act of the tragedy.
Beaton issued his orders for the apprehension of
Patrick, and at the same time summoned his court
for the next day. Fearing a tumult should he
conduct Hamilton to prison in open day, the officer
waited tdl night-fall before executing the mandate
of the archbishop. A little party of friends had
that evening assembled at Patrick's lodgings. Their
converse was prolonged till late in the evening, for
they felt loth to separate. The topics that engaged
their thoughts and formed the matter of theii' talk,
it is not difficult to conjecture. Misgivings and
anxieties they coidd not but feel when they thought
of the sentence to be pronounced in the cathedral
to-morrow. But with these gloomy presentiments
there would mingle cheering hopes inspired by the
prosperous state of the Reformation at that hour
on the Continent of Eui'ope. When from their
own land, still covered with darkness, they turned
then- eyes abroad, they saw only the most splendid
triumphs. In Germany a phalanx of illustrious
doctors, of chivalrous princes, and of free cities
had gathered round the Protestant standard. In
S^\itzerland the new day was spreading from ciuitou
to canton with an effulgence sweeter far than ever
was day-break on the snows of its mountains.
Farel was thundering in the cities of the Jura,
and day by day advancing his jiosts nearer to
Geneva. At the poHshed court of Francis I., and
in the halls of the Sorbonne, Luther's doctrine had
found eloquent expositors and devoted disciples,
making the hope not too bold that the ancient,
civilised, and powerful nation of France would in
a short time be won to the Gospel. Sui-mounting
the lofty barrier of snows and glaciers within which
Italy I'eposes, the light was eircidating round the
shores of Como, gilding the palaces of Fenara and
Florence, and appi-oaching the very gates of Rome
itself. A mill the darkness of the Seven HUls,
whispers were begiiuuug to be heard, "The morning
cometh."
Turning to the other extremity of Europe, the
prospect was not less gladdening. In Denmark the
mass had fallen, and the vernacular Scriptures
were being circulated through the nation. In
Sweden a Protestant king filled the throne, and
a Protestant clergy ministered to the people. In
474
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Norway the Protestant ftvitli had taken root, and
was flourishing amid its fiords and pine-covered
mountains. Nay, to the shores of Icehuul had tliat
blessed day-spring travelled. It could not be that
the day should break on every land between Italy's
might bring, this was what the future would bring ;
and the joy these prospects inspu-ed could be read
in the biightenlng eyes and on the beaming faces
of the little company in this chamber, and most of
all on those of the voiithful and noble form in the
" snowy ridge " and Iceland's frozen shore, and the centre of the circle.
VIEW OF ST. SALVATOK S CHUKCII, ST. ANDKEWf
night continue to cover Scotland. It could not be
that the sunrise should kindle into glory the Swiss
mountains, the German plains, and the Norwegian
pine-forests, and no da%vn light up the straths of
Caledonia. No! the hour would strike: the nation
would shake off its chains, and a still brighter lamp
than that which Columba had kindled at lona
would shed its radiance on hill and valley, on ham-
let and city of Scotland. AVhate^■er to-morrow
But hark ! the silence of the night is broken by
a noise as of hostile steps at the door. The com-
pany, startled, gaze into one another's faces, and are
silent. Heavy foot-steps are now heai'd ascending
the staii- ; the next moment there is a knocking at
the chamber door. With calm voice Hamilton bids
them open the door ; nay, he himself steps forward
and opens it. The archbishop's officer enters the
apartment. "Whom do you want?" inquires
476
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Pah"ick. " I want Hamilton," replies the mun.
" I am Hamilton," says the othei', giving lumself up,
requesting only tliat his frientls might be allowed
to depai't luihanued.
A party of soldiers waited at the door to receive
tlie prisoner. On his descejiding, they closed round
liim, and led him through the silent streets of the
slumbering city to the castle. Notliing was heard
save the low moaidng of the night-wind, and the
sullen dash of the wave as it broke against the
rocky foundations of the sea-tower, to the dungeons
of which Hamilton was consigned for the^ night.
It is the morning of the last day of February,
1528. Far out in the bay the light creeps up from
the Gei-man Ocean : the low hills that run along on
the south of the city, come out in the dawn, and
next are seen the sands of the Tay, with the blue
summits of Angus beyond, wliile the mightier masses
of the Grampians stand up in the northern sky. Now
the sun rises ; and tower and steeple and, proudest of
all, Scotland's metropolitan cathedral begin to glow
in the light of the new-risen luminary. A terrible
tragedy is that sun to witness before he shall set.
The archbishop is up betimes, and so too are priest
and monk. The streets are akeady aU a-stii'. A
stream of bishops, nobles, canons, prie.sts, and
citizeus is rolling in at the gates of the cathedi'al.
How proudly it lifts its towers to the sky ! There
is not another such editice in all Scotland ; few of
such dimensions in all Christendom. And now we
see the archbishop, mth his long train of lords,
abbots, and doctors, sweep in and take his .seat on
his archiepiscopal throne. Around huu on the
tribunal are the Bishops of Glasgow, Dunkeld,
Brechin, and Dunblane. The Prior of St. Andrews,
Patrick Hepburn ; the Abbot of Arbroath, David
Beaton ; as also the Abbots of Dunfermluie, Cam-
buskenneth, and Lindores ; the Prior of Pittenweem ;
the Dean and Sub-Dean of Glasgow ; Eamsaj',
Dean of the Abbey of St. Andrews ; Spans, Dean
of Divinity in the University ; and among the rest
sits Prior Alexander Campbell, the man who had
acknowledged to Hamilton in private that his doc-
tiine wa3 true, but who, stifling his convictions,
now appeal's on th(J tribunal as accuser and judge.
The tramp of horses outside announced the
ai-rival of the prisoner. Hamilton was brought in,
led through the throng of canons, friars, students,
and townspeople, and made to mount a small pulpit
erected opposite the tribunal. Prior Campbell rose
and read the articles of accusation, and when he had
ended began to argue with Hamilton. Tlie prior's
stock of aopliisms was quickly exhausted. He
turned to the bench of judges for fresh instructions.
He was bidden close the debato by deuouncuig
tlie prisoner as a heretic. Tiiruiug to Hamilton,
the prior exclaimed, " Heretic, thou saidst it was
lawful to all men to read the Word of God, and
especially the New Testament." " I wot not," re-
plied Hamilton, " if I said so ; but I say now, it is
reason and lawful to all men to read the Word of
God, and that they are able to undeistand the
same ; and in particular the latter ^vill and testa-
ment of Jesus Christ." " Heretic," again urged
the Dominican, " thou sayest it is but lost labour to
call on the saints, and iir particular on the blessed
Virgin Mary, as mediatoi's to God for us." " I say
with Paul," answered the confessor, '• there is no
mediator between God and us but Christ Jesus his
Son, and whatsoever they be who c^ill or pray to
any saint departed, they spoil Christ Jesus of his
office." " Heretic," ;igain exclaimed Piior Camji-
bell, " thou sayest it is all in vain to sing soul-
masses, psalms, and dirges for the relaxation of
souls departed, who are continued in the ])ains of
pm-gatory." " Brother," said the Peformer, " I have
never read in the Scripture of God of such a place
as purgatory, nor yet believe I tliere is anything
that can purge the souls of men but the blood of
Jesus Christ." Lifting \ip his voice once more
Campbell shouted out, as if to di'own the cry in his
own conscience, " Heretic, detestable, execrable,
impious heretic!" "Nay, brother," said Hamilton,
directing a look of compassion towards the wretched
man, " thou dost not in thy heart think me heretic
— thou knowest in thy conscience that I am no
heretic."
Not a voice was there on that bench but in con-
demnation of the prisoner. " Away with him !
away with him to the stake !" said they all. The
archbishop rose, and solemnly pronounced sentence
(111 Hamilton as a heretic, delivering liim over to
the secular arm — that is, to his own soldiers and
executioners — to be punished.
This sentence, Beaton believed, was to stamp out
heresy, give a perpetuity of dominion and glory to
the Papacy in Scotland, and hallow the proud fane
in which it was pronounced, as the high sanctuary
of the nation's worship for long centuries. How
would it have amazed the proud prelate, and the
haughty and cniel men around him, had they been
told that this sairpassingly grand pile should in a
few years cease to be — that altar, and stone image,
and archiepiscopal throne, and tall massy column,
and lofty roof, and painted oriel, before this genera-
tion had passed away, smitten by a sudden stroke,
should fall in ruin, and nothing of all the glory on
which their eyes now rested remain, save a few
naked walls and shattered towers, with the hoarse
roar of tlie ocean sounding on the shingly beach
PATRICK HAMILTON AT THE STAKE.
477
beneath, iind the loud scream of the sea-biid, as it
flew past, echoing through their ruins !
Escorted by a numerous armed band, Hamilton
was led back to the castle, ami men were sent to
])repare the stake in front of St. Salvator's College.'
The interval was passed by the martyi- in taking
his last meal and conversing calmly with hisfriemls.
When the horn' of noon struck, ho rose up and bade
the governor be admitted. He set out for the
])lace where he was to die, carrying his New Testa-
ment in his hand, a few friends by his side, and his
t'nithful servant following. He walked in the midst
of his guards, his step tirni, his countenance serene.
When he came in sight of the pile he halted,
and uncovering his head, and raising his eyes to
heaven, he contuiued a few minutes in prayer. At
tJie stake he gave liis New Testament to a friend
:is his last gift. Tlien calling his servant to him,
he took off his cap and gown and gave them to
liiiji, saying, " Tliese will not profit in the fii-e ;
tliey will profit thee. After this, of me thou canst
recei\'o no commotlity except the example of my
deatli, which I jiray tliee bear in mind. For albeit
it be liitter to the flesh, and fearful before man, yet
is it the entrance to eternal life, which none shall
possess that denies Christ Jesus before this \\-icked
generation."
He now ascended the pUe. The executioners
drew an iron band round his body, and fastened
him to the stake. They piled up the fiigots, and
put a bag of gunpowder amongst them to make
them ignite. " In the name of Jesus," said the
martyr, " I give up my body to the fire, and commit
my soul into the hands of the Father."
The torch was now brought. The gunpowder
wa.s exploded ; it shot a fagot in the martp-'s face,
but did not kindle the wood. More powder was
Ijrought and exploded, but without kindling the
l)ilo. A third supply was procured ; still the
fagots would not burn : the}' were green. Turn-
ing to the deathsnian, Hamilton said, " Have you
no dry wood?" Some jiersons ran to fetch some
fi-om the castle ; the sufferer all the while standing
at the stake, woimded in the face, and partially
scorched, yet " giving no signs of impatience or
anger." So testifies Alesius, who says, " I was
myself present, a spectator of that tragedy. " =
Hovering near that pile, drawn thither it would
seem by some dreadful fascination, was Prior
( 'ampbell. While the fi'esh supplies of powder and
wood were being brought, and the executioners
> Now the united CoUeRO of St. Salvator's and St.
Leonard's. The Martyrs' Free Chm-ch marks the site of
tlio martyrdom.
•' Alesius, Liber Psalm,
were anew heaping up the fagots, Campbell, with
frenzied voice, was calling on the martyr to recant.
" Heretic," he shouted, " be converted ; call upon
Our Latly; onlj' say, iS'ah-e Regina." "If thou
belie vest in the truth of what thou sayest," replied
the confessor, " bear witness to it by putting the
ti]) of thy finger only into the fire in which my
whole body is burning."^ The Dominican biu-st oul
afresh into accusations and insults. " Depart from
me, thou messenger of Satan," said the martyr, " and
leave me in peace." The wretched man was un-
able either to go away or cease reviling. " Submit
to the Pope," he cried, "there is no salvation but
in union to him." " Thou wicked man," said
Hamilton, "thou knowest the contrary, for thou
toldest me so thyself. I appeal thee before thu
tribimal-seat of Jesus Clu'ist." At the hearing of
these words the friar rushed to liLs monastery : in
a few days his reason gave way, and he died raving-
mad, at the day named in the citation of the
mni't^T.''
Patrick Hamilton was led to the stake at noon :
the afternoon was wearing, in fact it was now past
sunset. These six hours had he stood on the pile,
his face bruised, his limbs scorched ; but now the
end was near, for his whole body |was burning in
the fire, the iron band round his middle was red-
hot, and the niax-tyr was almost burned in two.
One approached him and said, " If thou still
boldest true the doctrine for which thou diest, make
us a sign." Two of the fingers of his right hand
were already burned, and had dropped off. Stretcli-
iug out his arm, he held out the remaining three
lingers till they too had fallen into the fire. The
last words he was heard to utter were, " How long,
O Lord, shall darkness overwhelm this realm I how
long wilt thou suffer this tyramiy of men ? Lord
.Tesus, receive my spirit."
We have given promriience to this gi-eat martyr,
because his death was one of the most powerful
of the instrumentalities that worked for the emanci-
pation of his native land. It was around his stake
that the first decided dawn of Scotland's Reformation
took place. His noble birth, the fame of his learn-
ing, his spotless character, his gi'aeious manners,
his protracted suft'erings, borne ■svitli such majestic
meekness, and the awful death of the man who had
I)een his accuser before the tribunal, and his tor-
mentor at the stake, conrbined to give unusual
■' Alesius, L9>er Psalm.
■* So Fox narrates, on the testimony of men who nad
been present at the bnrninu, imd wlio wore alive in
Scotland when tlie matei-ials of liis history were collected.
See Laing, A'do.r, vol. I., Appendix iii. ; also AlesiuF, Liber
Pialm. ; and Buchanan, lib. xiv., ann. (1527) 1528.
478
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
grandeur, not unminglod with tei-ror, to his martyi--
dom, and made it touch a chord in the nation's
heart, that never ceased to vibrate till " the rage of
the great red dragon" was vanquished, and " the
black and settled night of ignorance and auti-Cliris-
tian tjrannj " having been expelled, "the odour of
the retui-ning Gospel " began to bathe the land
with "the fragrancy of heaven."'
CHAPTER HI.
WISIL\RT IS BURNED, AND KNOX COMES FORWARD.
Growing Discredit of the Hierarchy — Martyrs— Henry Forrest — David Straiton and Norman Gourlay — Their Trial
and Burning— Thomas Forrest, Vicar of DoUai- — Burning of Five Martyrs — Jerome Rnssel and Alexander Kennedy
— Cardinal David Beaton — Exiles — Number of Sufferers— Plot to Cut off all the Nobles favourable to the New
Opinions — Defeat at the Solway, and Discovery of the Plot — Ministry and Martyrdom of George Wishart— Birth
and Education of Knox.
Between tlie death of Hamilton and the appear-
ance of Knox there intervenes a jieriod of a
chequered character ; nevertheless, we can trace
all throughout it a steady onward march of Scot-
land towards emancij)ation. Hamilton had been
bumed ; Alesius and others liad fled iu terror ; and
the priests, deeming themselves undisputed masters,
demeaned tliemselves more liaughtily than ever.
But their pride hastened theii- downfall. The nobles
combined to set limits to an an-ogance which was
unbearable; the greed and profligacy of the hiei'-
archy discredited it in the eyes of the common
people ; the plays of Sir David Lindsay, and the
satires of the illustrious George Buchanan, heljied
to swell tlie popular indignation ; but the main
forces in Scotland, as in every other country, whicli
weakened the Church of Rome, and eventually
overthrew it, were the reading of the Scriptures
and tlie deaths of the mart^Ts.
The burning of Patrick Hamilton began im-
mediately to bear fruit. From his ashes arose
one to continue his testimony, and to repeat his
martyrdom. Henry FoiTest was a Benedictine in
the monastery of Linlitligow, and hatl come to a
knowledge of the truth by the teaching and examjjie
of Hamilton. It was told the Archbishop of St.
Andrews that Forrest had said that Hamilton
"was a martyr, and no heretic," and that lie li.ad a
New Testament in his possession, most [)robably
Tyndale's, wliich was intelligible to the Scots of the
Lowlands. " He is as bad as Master Patrick," said
Beaton ; " we must burn him." A " men-y gentle-
man," James Lindsay, who was standing beside the
archbishop when Forrest was condemned, \entur('fl
to hint, " My lord, if ye will bum any man, let him
l>e burned in how [hollow] cellars, for the reek
[smoke] of Patrick Hamilton has infected as many
as it did blow upon." The rage of Beaton blinded
him to the wisdom of the advice. Selecting the
highest ground in the immediate neighbourhood of
St. Andrews, he ordered the stake of Forrest to l)e
planted there (1.532), that the light of liLs pile,
flashing across the Tay, might warn the men of
Angus and Forfarshii'e to shun liis heresy.-
The next two martjTs were Da\'id Straiton and
Norman Gourlay. Da\dd Straiton, a Forfarshii-e
gentleman, whose ancestors had dwelt on their
lands of Lauriston since the sixth century, was a
great lover of field sports, and was giving himself
no concern whatever about matters of religion. He
happened to quarrel with Patrick Hepburn, Prior
of St. Andrews, about his ecclesiastical dues. His
lands adjoined the sea, and, daring and venturous,
he loved to launch out into the deep, and always
returned with his boat laden with fish. Prior Hep-
burn, wlio was as gi-eat a fisher as himself, though
in other waters and for other spoil, demanded his
tithe. Straiton threw every tenth fish into the sea,
and gniftiy told the prior to seek his tithe wliere he
had found the stock. Hepburn summoned the
laird to answer to a charge of heresy. Here.sy !
Straiton did not even know what the word meant.
He began to inquire what that thing called heresy
might be of which he was accused. Unable liimself
to read, he made his nephew open the New Testa-
ment and read it to him. He felt his .sin ; "he was
changed," says Knox, " as if by miracle," and
began that course of life wliich soon drew upon
him the eyes of the hierarchy. Norman Goui-lay,
' Milton, Prose Worlcs : Of Reformation in England.
- Knox, History. Calderwood, History. Fox, Acts
and Hon. Lorimer, Scottish Reformation,
MARTYRS AND EXILES.
479
the other person who now fell under the dis-
pleasure of the priesthood, had been a student at
•St. Ancb-(!ws, and was in priest's orders. The trial
of the two took place in Holyi'ood House, in ])re-
seueo of King James V., "clothed all in red ;" and
James Hay, Bishop of Ross, acting as commissioner
for Archbishop Beaton. Tiiey wei'e condemned,
and in the afternoon of the same day they were
taken to the Rood of (freenside, and there burned.
This was a high gi-onnd between Edinburgh and
Leith, and the (execution took plact; there " that the
inhabitants of Fife, seeing the tire, might be stricken
wth terror." To the martyrs themselves the fire
had no terroi', because to them death had no sting.'
Fwur years elapsed after the death of Straiton
and Gourlay till another pUe was raised in Scotland.
In 1.538, five pci'sons were burned. Dean Thomas
Forrest, one of the five martyrs, had been a canon
regular in the Augustini;in monastery of St. Cohne
Inch, in the Frith of Foi-th, and had been brought
to a knowledge of the tiiith by perusing a volume
of Augustine, which was lying unused and neglected
ill the monastery. Lest he should infect his
brethren he was transferred to the rural paiisli
of Dollar, at the foot of the picturesque Ochils.
Here he spent some busy years j»reacliLng and
catechLsing, till at last the eyes of the Archbishop
of St. Andrews were di'a\vn to him. There had
been a recent change in that see — the uncle, James
Beaton, being now dead, the more cruel and
bloodthii'sty nephew, David Beaton, had succeeded
him. It was before this tyrant that the diligent
and loving Vicar of Dollar was now summoned.
He and the four companions who were tried along
with him were condemned to the stake, and on the
afternoon of the .same day were burned on the
Castle-hill of Edinburgh. Placed on this elevated
site, these five blazing piles ])i-oclaimed to the men
of Fife, and the dwellers in the Lotliians, how great
was the rage of the jn'iests, Init how much greater
tlie hei'oism of the niartvrs whieh overcame it."
If the darkness threatened to close in again, the
hierarchy always took care to disperse it by kin-
dling another pile. Only a year elajjsed aftei- the
burning of the five martyi-s on the Castle-hill of
Edinburgh, when otlier two confessors were called
to .<!ufler the fire. Jerome Russel, a Black Friar,
and Alexander Kennedy, a gentleman of AjTshire,
were i)ut on their trial before the Archbishoji of
(Ma.sgow and condemned for heresy, and were
' Laing. Knox, vol. i., pp. 58—60, and foot-notes. CaJ-
tlorwood, History, vol. i., p. 106. MvCrie, TJfe of Knox,
vol. i., pp. 35G— 369, notes.
- Knox, History. Foi, Acts and Hon. Scots Worthies;
Glasgow ed. , 1876.
bm-ned next day. At the stake, Russel, the mora
courageous of the two, taking his youthful fellow-
sufferer by the hand, bade him not fear. " Death,"
he said, " cannot destroy us, seeing our Lord and
-Master has already destroyed it."
The blood the hierarchy was sjnlling was very
fi'uitful. For every confessor that perished, a little
company of disciples arose to till his place. The
martyr-piles, lit on elevated sites and flashing their
gloomy splendour over city and shire, set the in-
habitants a-talking ; the story of the martjTS was
rehearsed at many a fire-side, and then- meekness
contrasted with the cruelty and arrogance of their
persecutors ; the Bible was sought after, and the
consequence was that the confessors of the trath
rapidly increased. The first disciples in Scotland
wcro men of rank and learning; but these burnings
carried the cause down among the humbler classes.
The fuiy of the clergy, now presided over by the
truculent David Beaton, daily waxed greater, and
nximbers, to escape the stake, fled to foreign coun-
tries. Some of these were men illustrious for
their genius and their scholarsliip, of whom were
Gawin Logie, Principal of St. Leonard's College,
the renowned George Buchanan, and BlrAlpine,
or Maccabreus, to whom the King of Denmark
gave a chair in his Univei-sitj'- of Copenhagen. The
disciples in humble life, iniable to flee, had to brave
the terrors of the stake and cord. The gi-eater part
of their names have passed into oblivion, and only
a few have been preserved.' In 154.3, Cardinal
Beaton made a tour thi-ough his diocese, illustrating
his pride by an ostentatious display of the symbols
of his rank, and his ciiielty l)y hanging, burning,
and in some cases dro\vning heretics, in the towns
where it pleased him to set up his tribunal. The
profligate James V. had fallen under the power of
the hierarchy, and this emboldened the cardinal to
venture upon a measure which he doubted not
would be the death-blow of heresy in Scotland, and
would secure to the hierarchy a long and tranquil
reign over the country. He meditated cutting
off by violence all the nobles who were known to
favour the Reformed opinions. The list compiled
I)y Beaton contained above 100 names, and
among those marked out for slaughter were Lord
Hamilton, the first peer in the realm, the Earls of
Cassillis and Glencaii-n, and the Earl MarischaU —
a proof of the hold which the Protestant doctrine
had now taken in Scotland. Before the bloody
l)lot could be executed the Scottish ai-my sustained
a terrible defeat at the Solway, and the lung soon
■' See a list of sufferers in M'Crie, Life of ICnox, vol. i.,
pp. 350—369, notes ; Edin., 1831.
480
HISTOKY OF PKOTESTANTISM.
thei'eaftci- flying of a bi-okeu heai-t, tlie list of the
proscribed was fownd upon his pei-son after death.
The nation saw with horror how narrow its escape
had been from a catasti'ophe which, beginning with
the nobility, would have qiiickly extended to all
the favourers of the Protestant opinions.' The dLs-
covery helped not a little to pave the way for the
dowidall of a hierarchy which was capable of con-
cocting so diabolical a plot.
Instead of the nobility and gentry of Scotland, it
was the king himself whom the priests had brought
to destruction; for, hoping to prevent the Reformed
opinions entering Scotland from England, the priests
had instigated James V. to offer to Henry VIII. the
affront which led to the disaster of Solway-moss,
followed so quickly by the death-bed scene in the
royal palace of Falkland. The throne now vacant,
it became necessary to appoint a regent to govern
the kingdom during the minority of the Princess
Mary, who was just eight days old when her
father died, on the 16th of December, 1542. The
man whose name was first on the list of nobles
marked for slaughter, was chosen to the regency,
although Cardinal Beaton sought to bar his way
to it by producing a forged will of the late king
appointing himself to the post." The fact that
Arran was a professed Reformer contributed quite
as much to his elevation as the circumstance
of his being premier peer. Kii-kaldy of Grange,
Learmonth of Balcomj', Balnaves of Halhill, Sii-
David Lindsay of the Mount, and other known
friends of the Refonned opinions became his ad-
visers. He selected as his chaplains Thomas
Guilliam and John Rough, and opening to them
the Chiu'ch of Holyrood, they there preached " doc-
trine so wholesome," and so zealously reproved
"impiety and superstition," that the Grey Friars,
says Knox, "rowped as they had been ravens," crying-
out, " ' Heresy ! heresy ! Guilliam and Rough will
carry the governor to the devil ! ' "^ But the most
important of all the measiires of the regent was the
passing of the Act of Parliament, 1.5th of March,
1543, which made it la-wful for every subject in the
realm to read the Bible in his mother tongue.
Hitherto the Word of God had lain under the
' Sadler, Papers, vol. i., p. 94. Memoirs of Sir James
Melvil, pp. 3, 4 ; Edinburgh, 1735. Laing, Knox, vol. i.,
pp. 80—84, and notes. Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter to
Henry VIII., 27th March, 1543, detailing a conversation
he had with Governor Hamilton, says that " the scroll
contained eighteen score noblemen and gentlemen, all
well-minded to God's Word."
- Keith has sought to discredit this allegation, but the
great preponderance of testimony is against him. (See
Laing, Knox, vol. i., p. 91, foot-note.)
^ Knoi, Hist., vol. i., pp. 96, 67; Laing's edition.
ban of the hierarchy ; that obstniction now re-
moved, " then might have been seen," says Knox,
" the Bible Ipng upon almost every gentleman's
table. The New Testament was borne about in
many men's hands." And though, as Knox tells
us, some simulated a zeal for the Bible to make
court to the governor, " yet thereby did the know-
ledge of God wondrously increase, and God gave
his Holy Spirit to simple men in great abundance.
Then were set forth works in our own tongue,
besides those that came from England, that did
disclose the pride, the craft, the tyranny and abuses
of that Roman Antichrist."*
It was only four months after Scotland had re-
ceived the gift of a free Bible, that another boon
was given it in the person of an eloquent preacher.
We refer to George Wishart, who followed Patrick
Hamilton at an interval of seventeen years.
Wishart, born in 1512, was the son of Sir James
Wishart of Pitarrow, an ancient and honourable
family of the Meams. An excellent Grecian, he
was the fii-st who taught that noblest of the tongues
of the ancient world in the grammar schools of
Scotland. Erskine of Dun had founded an academy
at Montrose, and here the young AVishart taught
Greek, it being then not uncommon for the scions
of aristocratic and even noble families to give in-
stnictions in the learned languages. Wishart,
becoming " suspect " of heresy, retired first to
England, then to Switzerland, where he passed a
year in the society of Bullinger and the study of
the Helvetic Confession. Returning to England,
he took up his abode for a short time at Cam-
bridge. Let us look at the man as the graphic pen
of one of his disciples has painted him. " He was
a man," says Tylney — writing long after the noble
figure that enshrined so many sweet vii'tues, and
so much excellent learning and burning eloquence,
had been reduced to ashes — " he was a man of tall
stature, polled-headed, and on the same a I'ound
French cap of the best. Judged of melancholy
complexion by his physiognomy, black-haired, long-
bearded, comely of personage, well-spoken after his
country of Scotland, courteous, lowly, lovely, glad
to teach, desirous to learn, and was well-travelled ;
having on him for his habit or clothing never but
a mantle, frieze gown to the shoes, a black Milan
fustian doublet, and plain black ho.sen, coarse new
canvass for liis shirts, and white falling bands and
cuffs at the hands." ^
Wishart returned to Scotland in the July of
•• Laing, Knox, vol. i., p. 100.
' Fox, quoted by Professor Lorimer, Scottish Reforma-
tion, p. 99.
WISHART PREACHING AT DUNDEE.
481
1543. Arran's zeal for the Reformation had by
this time spent itself; and the astut« and reso-
lute Beaton was dominant in the nation. It was
in the midst of perils that Wishart began his
ministry. " The beginning of his doctrine " was
''^ Montrose, at that time the most Lutheran
of the greatest pulpit orator that had arisen in
Scotland for centuries, when they were surprised
by a visit from the governor and the cardinal, who
brought with them a train of field artillery. Be-
lieving the town to be full of Lutherans, they had
come prepared to besiege it. The citizens retired.
OEOROE WISHART.
(From a Print hi t?ie possessicni of David Laing, Esq., LL.D.]
town perhaps in Scotland. He next visited Dundee,
where his eloquence drew around him great crowds.
Following the example of Z^vingle at Zurich, and
of Calvin at Geneva, instead of discoursing on
desultory topics, he opened the Epistle to the
Romans, and proceeded to expound it chapter by
chapter to his audience. The Gospel thus rose
before them as a grand unity. Beginning with the
" one man " by whom sin entered, they passed on
to the " one Man " by whom had come the " free
gift." Tlie citizens were hanging upon the lips
146
taking with them, it is probable, their preacher,
leaving the gates of the city open for the entrance
of the Churchman and his unspii-itual accompani-
ments. ^Vhen the danger had passed Wishart and
his flock retm-ned, and, resuming his exposition
at the point where the cardinal's visit had com-
pelled him to break olF, he continued his labours
in Dundee for some months. Arran had sunk
into the mere tool of the cardinal, and it was
not to be expected that the latter, now all-power-
ful in Scotland, would permit the erection of a
482
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Lutlieran stronghold almost at his very door. He
tlu-eatened to repeat his visit to Dundee if the
preacher were not silenced, and Wishart, kno\ving
that Beaton woidd keep his word, and seeing some
of the citizens beginning to tremble at the prospect,
deemed it prudent to obey the charge delivered to
him in the queen's name, while in the act of jireach-
ing, to " depart, and trouble the town no more."
The evangelist went on his way to Ayr and Kjde.
That was soU impregnated mth seed sown in it by
the hands of the Lollards. The church doors were
locked against the preacher, but it was a needless
precaution. No church could have contained the
congregations that flocked to hear him. Wishart
went to the market crosses, to the fields, and making
of a "dry dyke"' a pulpit, he preached to the eager
and awed thousands seated round him on the grass
or on the heather. His words took efi'ect on not a
few who had been previously notoi-ious for their
wickedness ; and the sincerity of their conversion
was attested, not merely by the tears that rolled
down their faces at the moment, but by the purity
and consistency of their whole after-life. How
greatly do those err who believe the Reformation
to have been but a battle of dogmas !
The Reformation was the cry of the human con-
.science for pardon. That great movement took its
rise, not in the conviction of the superstitions,
exactions, and scandals of the Roman hierarch}%
but in the conviction of each individual of his own
sin. That conviction was wrought in liim by the
Holy Spu-it, then abundantly poured down iTpon
the nations ; and the Gospel which showed the way
of forgiveness delivered men from bondage, and
imparting a new life to them, brought them into
a world of liberty. This was the true Reformation.
We would call it a revival were it not that the term
is too weak : it was a creation ; it peopled Christen-
dom with new men, in the fir.st place, and ill the
second it covered it with new Churches and States.
Hardly had Wishart depai-ted from Dundee when
the plague entered it. This was a visitant whose
shafts were more deadly than even the cardinal's
artUlery. The lazar-houses that stood at the "East
Port," round the shrine of St. Roepie, the protector
from pestilence, were crowded with the sick and the
dying. Wishart hastened back the moment he
heard the news, and mounting on the top of the
Cowgate — the healthy inside the gate, the plague-
stricken outside — he preached to the two congi-e-
gations, choosing as his text the words of the lOTtli
Psalm, " He sent his Word and healed them." A
new life began to be felt in the stricken city ;
measures were organised, by the advice of Wishart,
for the distribution of food and medicLae among the
sick,- and the plague began to abate. One day his
labours were on the point of being brought to an
abrupt termination. A i)riest, hired by the cardinal
to assassinate him, waited at the foot of the stairs
for the moment when he should descend. A cloak
thrown over him concealed the naked dagger which
ho held in his hand ; but the keen eye of Wishart
read the murderous design in the man's face. Going
lip to him and putting his hand upon his arm, he
said, "Friend, what would ye?" at the same time
disarming him. The crowd outside iiished in, and
would have dispatched the would-be assassin, but
Wishart threw himself between the indignant
citizens and the man, and thus, in the words of
Knox, "saved the life of him who sought his."
On leaving Dundee in the end of 1545, Wishart
repaii-ed to Edinburgh, and thence passed into East
Lothian, preacliing iir its towns and ^allages. He
had a deep jiresentiment that his end was near, and
that he would fall a sacrifice to the 'wi-ath of Beaton.
Apprehended at Ormiston on the night of the 1 Gth
of January, 1546, he was carried to St. Andrews,
thrown into the Sea-tower, and brought to trial on
the 28tli of February, and condemned to the flames.
Early next morning the preparations were begun
for his execution, which was to take place at noon.
The scaffold was erected a little way in front of the
cardinal's palace, in the dungeons of which Wishart
lay. The guns of the castle, the gunners by their side,
were shotted and turned on the scaflfold ; an iron
stake, chains, and gunpowder were provided for the
martyr ; and the windows and wall-tops were lined
with cushions, and draped with green hangings, for
the luxurious repose of the cardinal and bishops
while witnessing the spectacle. At noon Wishart
was led forth in the midst of soldiers, liis hands
tied behind his back, a rope round his neck, and an
iron chain round his middle. His last meal in the
hall of the castle before being led out he had con-
verted into the " Last Supper," which he partook
with his friends. "Consider and behold my visage,"
said he, " ye shall not see me change my colour.
The grim fire I fear not. I know surely that
my soul shall sup with my Saviour this night."
Having taken his place at the stake, the jjowder-
bags were first exploded, scorching him severely ;
the rope round his neck was then drawn tightly
to strangle him, and last of all his body was burned
to ashes. "^
" It was Wishart," says Dr. Lorimer, " who
first moulded the Reformed theology of Scotland
' Laing, Knox, vol. i., p. 128.
- Laing, Enox, vol. i., p. 130.
Ibid., pp. 169-171.
KNOX AT THE FEET OF AUGUSTINE.
483
upon the Helvetic, as distinguished from the Saxon
type ; and it was he who first taught the Chui-ch of
Scotland to reduce her ordinances and Sacraments
with rigorous fidelity to the standard of Christ's
Institutions."'
It is at the stake of Wishai-t that we first catch
sight as it were of Knox, for the parting between the
two, so affectingly recorded by Knox himself, took
place not many days before the death of tlie martyr.
Jolm Knox, descended from the Knoxes of Ranferly,
was born in Gifibrd-gate, Haddington,- in 150.5.
From the school of liis native town he passed (1522)
to the University of Glasgow, and was entered under
the celebrated Jolm Major, then Principal Regent
or Professor of Philosophy and Divinity. After
leaving college he passes out of \'iew for ten or a
dozen years. About thi.? time he would seem to
have taken priest's orders, and to have been for
upwards of ten years connected with one of the
religious establishments in the neighbourhood of
Hatldington. He had been enamoured of the
scliolastic philosophy, the science that sharpened
the intellect, but left the conscience unmoved and
tlie sold unfed ; but now loathing its diy crusts, and
turning away from its great doctors, he seats him-
self at the feet of the great Father of the West.
He read and studied the writings of Augustine.
Rich in evangelical truth and impregnate with the
tire of Di^dne love, Augustine's pages must have
had much to do with the moiilding of Knox's mind,
and the imprinting upon it of that clear, broad, and
heroic stamp which it woi'e all his life long.
Augustine and Jerome led Knox to the feet of
a Greater. The future Reformer now opens the
Sacred Oracles, and he who had once wandered in
the dry and thii-sty wilderness of scholasticism
finds himself at the fountain and well-head of
Divine knowledge. The wonder he felt when the
doctrines of the schools vanished around him like
mist, and the eternal verities of the Gospel stood
out before him in the clear light of the Bible, we
are not told. Did the day which broke on Luther
and Calvin amid lightnings and great thunderings
da^vn peacefully on Knox 1 We do not think so.
Doubtless the Scottish Reformer, before escaping
from the yoke of Rome, had to undergo struggles
of sold akin to those of his two great predecessoi-s ;
but they have been left luu'ecorded. We of tliLs
age are, in tliis respect, free-born ; the men of the
sixteenth century had to buy their liberty, and ours
at the same time, ^vith a great sum.
From the doctors of the Middle Ages to the
Fathers of the fii-st ages, from the Fathers to the
Word of God, Knox was being led, by a way he
knew not, to the great task that awaited him.
His initial course of preparation, begun by Augus-
tine, was perfected doubtless by the private
instructions and public sermons of Wishart, which
Knox was privileged to enjoy diu-ing the weeks
that immediately preceded the martjVs death.
That death would seal to Knox all that had fallen
from the lips of Wishart, and would bring him to
the final resolve to abandon the Roman communion
and cast in his lot with the Reformers. But both
the man and the country had yet to pass through
many sore conflicts before either was ready for that
achievement which crowned the labours of the one
and completed the Reformation of the other.
CHAPTER IV.
KNOX S CALL TO THE MINLSTRV AND FIRST SERMON.
Cardinal Beaton Assassinated— Castle of St. Andrews Held by the Conspirators— Knox Enters it— Called to the
Ministry- ffis First Sermon— Key-note of the Reformation Struck— Knox in the French Galleys— The Check
Useful to Scotland— Useful to Knox— What he Learned Abroad— Visits Scotland in 1555— The Nobles With-
draw from Mass— A " Congregation "— Elders— The First "Band" Subscribed— Walter Mill Burned at St.
AndrewB- The Last Martyr of the Eeformation in Scotland.
On Saturday morning, the 29th of May, the Castle
of St. Andrews was suiinised by Noi-man Leslie and
' The Scottish Rfformaiion, p. 1.54.
' An entry in the archives of the H6tel de Ville of
Geneva, first brouglit to light by Dr. David Laing, places
it l)eyond a doubt that Knox's birth-place was not the
his accomplices, and Cardinal Beaton slain. This
was a violence which the Reformation did not need,
and from which it did not profit. The cardinal
village of Gifford, as Dr. M^Crie had been led to suppose,
but the Gifford-gate, Haddington. (See Laing, Knox,
vol. vi., preface; ed. IS&l.)
484
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTTSIvr.
was romovecl, but the quccn-dowager, Mary of
Guise, a woman of consummate craft, and devoted
only to France and Rome, remained. The weak-
minded Ai'ran Lad now consummated his apostacy,
and was using Iiis power as regent only at the bid-
ding of the priests. Moreover, the see which the
dagger of Leslie had made vacant was tilled by a
man in many respects as bad as the bloodthirsty
and truculent priest who had preceded him. John
Hamilton, brother of the regent, did not equal
Beaton in vigour of mind, but he equalled him iii
profligacy of manners, and in the unrelenting and
furious zeal with which he piu-sued all who favoured
the Gospel. Thus the persecution did not slacken.
The cardinal's corpse flung upon a dung-hill, the
conspirators kept possession of his castle. It had
been recently and strongly repaired, and was well
mounted with guns ; and although the regent be-
sieged it for months, he had to retire, leaving its
occupants in peace. Its holders were soon joined
by theii- friends, favourers of the Reformation,
though with a purer zeal, including among others
Kirkaldy of Grange, Mehille of Raith, and Leslie
of Rothes. It had now become an asylum for the
persecuted, and at Easter, 1547, it opened its gates
to receive John Knox. Knox had now reached the
mature age of forty-two, and here it was that he
entered on that public career which he was to
pursue without pause, through labour and son'ow,
through exile and peril, till the grave should bring
him repose.
That career opened afiectingly and beautifully.
The company in the castle had now grown to up-
wards of 150, and "perceiving the manner" of
Knox's teaching, they "began earnestly to travail
with him that he would take the preaching place
upon him," and when he hesitated they solemnly
adjured him, as Beza had done Calvin, " not to
refuse this holy vocation." The flood of tears,
which was the only response that Knox was able
to make, the seclusion in which he shut himself up
for days, and the traces of sore mental conflict
which his countenance bore when at last he
emerged from his chamber, paint with a ^dvid-
ness no words can reach the sensibility and the
conscientiousness, the modesty and the strength of
liis character. It is a great oflice, it is the greatest
of all offices, he feels, to which he is called; and
if he trembles in taking it upon him, it is not alone
from a sense of unfitness, but from a knowledge of
the thoroughness of his devotion, and that the oflice
once undertaken, its responsibilities and claims
must and will, at whatever cost, be discharged.
Knox preached in the castle, and at times also
in the parish church of St. Andrews. In Lis first
sermon in the latter place he struck the key-note
of the Reformation in his native laud. The Chui-ck
of Rome, said he, is the Antichrist of Scripture,
No movement can rise higher than its fundamental
principle, and no doctrine less broad than tliis
which Knox now proclaimed could have sustained
the weight of such a Reformation as Scotland needed.
" Othei's sned [lopped] the branches of the Papis-
trie," said some of his hearers, " but he strikes at
the root to destroy the whole."' Hamilton and
Wishart Lad stopped short of this. They had
condemned abuses, and pointed out the doctrinal
eiTors in which these abuses had theii- source, and
they had called for a purging out of scandalous
persons — in short, a reform of the existing Church.
Knox came with the axe in his hand to cut do-\vu
the I'otten ti'ee. He saw at once the point from
which lie must set out if he would arrive at the right
goal. Any principle short of this would but give
him an improved Papacy, not a Scriptural Church
— a temporary abatement to be followed by a fresh
outburst of abuses, and the last end of the Papacy
in Scotland would be woi'se than the first. Greater
than Hamilton, greater than "Wishart, Knox took
rank with the fii-st minds of the Reformation, in
the depth and comprehensiveness of the principles
from which he worked. The deliverer of Scotland
stood before his comitrymen.
But no sooner had he been revealed to the eyes
of those who waited for deliverance than he was
withdrawal. The fii-st gun in the campaign had
been fired ; the storming of the Pajiacy would go
vigorously forward imder the intrepid cLampion
wLo Lad come to lead. But so it was not to be ;
the struggle was to be a proti-acted one. On the
4th of June, 1547, the French war-ships appeai-ed
in the ofling. In a few hours the castle, with its
miscellaneous occupants, was enclosed on the side
towards the sea, while the forces of Arran besieged
it by land. It fell, and all in it, including Knox,
were put on board the FrencL galleys and, in vio-
lation of the terms of capitulation, borne away
into foreign slaveiy. The last French ship had
disappeared Ijclow the horizon, and ■n-ith it had
vanished the last ho]ie of Scotland's Reformation.
The priests loudly triumphed, and the friends of
the Go.sjiel Lung their heads.
The work now stood still, but only to the eye — it
was all the while advancing underground. In this
check lay hid a blessing to Scotland, for it was
well that its people shoiild have time to meditate
upon the initial principle of the Reformation which
Knox had put before them. That principle was
1 Laing, Knox, vol. i., p. 192.
JOHN KNOX IN EXILE.
485
the seed of a new Church and a new State, but it
must have time to unfold itself. The people of
Scotland had to be taught that Eeformation could
not be fiu-thered by the dagger; the stakes of
Hamilton and Wishart had advanced the cause,
but the sword of Norman Leslie had thrown it
back ; they had to be taught, too, that to reform
the Papacy was to perpetuate it, and that they
must return to the principle of Knox if they wore
over to see a Scriptural Church rising in. their
land.
To Kno.K himself this check was not less neces-
sary. His preparation for the great task before
him was as yet far- from complete. He wanted
neither zeal nor knowledge, but his faculties had
to be widened by observation, and his character
strengthened by suffering. His sojourn abroad
shook him free of those merely insular and home
views, which cling to one who has never been
be3'ond seas, especially in an age when the channels
of intercourse and iirformation between Scotland
and the rest of Christendom were few and con-
tracted. In the French galleys, and scarcely less
in the city of Frankfort, he saw deeper than he
had ever done before into the human heai-t. It
was there he learned that self-control, that patience
of laboiir, that meek endurance of wrong, that
calm and therefore steady and i-esolute resistance
to vexatious and unrighteous opposition, and that
self-possession in difficulty and danger that so
gi'eatly distinguished him ever after, and which
were needful and indeed essential in one who was
called, in planting religion in his native land, to
confront the hostility of a Popish court, to moderate
the turbulence of factious barons, and to inform
the ignorance and control the zeal of a people who
till that time had been strangers to the blessings of
religion and liberty. It was not for nothing that
the hand which gave to Scotland its liberty, should
itself for nearly the space of two years have worn
fetters.
It was another advantage of his exile that from
a foreign stand-point Kno.x could have a better view
of the drama now in progress in his native land,
and could form a juster estimate of its connection
with the rest of Christendom, and the immense
i.ssue.s that hung upon the Refonnation of Scotland
as regarded the Reformation of other countries.
Here he saw deeper into the cunningly contrived
plots and the wide-spread combinations then form-
ing among the Popish princes of the .age — a race of
rulers who will remain renowned through all time
for their unparalleled cnielty and their unfathom-
able treacheiy. Tliese lessons Knox learned abroad,
and they were worth all the years of exile and
wandering aiid all the hope deferred which they
cost him ; and of how much advantage they were to
him we shall by-and-by see, when we come to nar-
rate his supreme efforts for his native land.
Nor could it be other than advantageous to come
into contact with the chiefs of the movement, and
especially with him who towered above them all.
To see Calvin, to stand beside the source of that
mighty energy that pervaded the whole field of
action to its farthest extremities, must have been
elevating and inspii'uig. Knox's views toucliing
both the docti-ine and the polity of the Church
wei-e formed before he visited Calvin, and were not
altered in consequence of that visit ; but doubtless
his converse with the great Reformer helped to
deepen and enlarge all his views, and to keep alive
the fire that burned within him, first kindled into
a flame during those days of anguish which he
passed shut iip in his chamber in the Castle of
St. Andrews. In all his wanderings it was Scot-
land, bound in the chains of Rome, riveted by
French steel, that occupied his thoughts; and
intently did he watch every movement in it, some-
times from Geneva, sometimes from Dieppe, and at
other times from the nearer point of England ; nor
did he ever miss an opportunity of letting his
bui-ning words be heard by his countrymen, till at
length, in 1555, eight years from the time he had
been carried away with the French fetters on his
arm, he was able again to visit his native land.
Knox's present sojourn in Scotland was short, but
it tended powerfully to consolidate and ad^'ance the
movement. His presence imparted new life to its
adherents; and his counsels led them to certain
practical measures, by which each strengthened the
other, and all were united in a common action.
Several of the leading nobles were now gathered
round the Protestant banner. Among these were
Archibald, Lord Lome, afterwards Earl of Argyle ;
John, Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar; Lord
James Stuart, afterwards Earl of Murray; the
Earl Marischall ; the Earl of Glencairn ; John
Erskine of Dun ; William Maitland of Lcthington,
and others.' Up to this time these men had at-
tended mass, and were not outwardly sepai-ato
from the communion of the Roman Church ; but, at
the earnest ad^dco of the Reformer, they resolved
not to participate in that rite in future, and to
withdraw themselves from the Roman worship and
pale; and they signalised their secession by re-
ceiving the Sacrament in its Protestant form at the
hands of Knox.= We see in this the laying of the
> MrCrie. Life of Knox, vol. i., p. 177.
■ Ibid., p. 17.5.
486
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tirst i'ouiuliitious of tlic Reformed Chiu-cli of Scot-
land. In the days of Hamilton and Wishart the
Reformation in Scotland was simply a doctrine ;
now it was a congregation. This was all that the
times permitted the Reformer to do for the cause of
the Gospel in Scotland ; and, feeling that his con-
tinued presence in the country would but draw
upon the intant community a storm of persecution,
Knox retired to Geneva, where his English flock
anxiously waited his coming. But on this his
such times, as circumstances permitted, for theii'
mutual edification. The most pious of theii- number
was appointed to read the Scriptures, to exhort, and
to ofier up prayer. They were of all classes — nobles,
barons, burgesses, and peasants. They felt the
necessity of order in their meetings, and of purity
in their lives ; and mth this view they chose elders
to watch over theii- morals, promising subjection to
them. Thus gi'adually, stage by stage, did they
approach the outward organisation of a Church, and
I'lEW 01' THE RUINS Or THE CASTLE, ST. ANDREWS. (CARDINAl's PALACE.)
second de]iarture from Scotland, he was cheered by
the thought that the movement had advanced a
stage. The little seed he had deposited in its soil
eight years before had been growing all the while
he was absent, and now when a second time he
goes forth into exile, he leaves behind him a living
organisation — a company of men making [irofession
of the truth.
From this time the progress of the Reformation
in Scotland was rapid. In the midland counties,
comprehending Forfar, Fife, the Lothians, and A>t,
there were few places in which there were not now
professoi-s of the Reformed faith. They had as yet
no preachers, but they met in such places, and at
it is interesting to mark that in the Reformed Church
of Scotland elders came before ministers. The be-
ginning of these small congregations, pi-esided over
by eldei'S, was in Edinbui'gh. The first town to be
jjrovided ^vith a pastor, and favoured with the dis-
pensation of the Sacraments, was Dundee, the scene
of Wishart's labouis, of which the fruits were the
zeal and piety that at this early stage of the Refor-
mation distinguished its citizens.' Dundee came to
be called the Geneva of Scotland ; it was the earliest
and loveliest flower of that spring-time.
The next step of the " lords of the Congregation"
' Lain--, Aiio.v, i. 300. M'Cric, Life of Knox, i. 227, 22S.
488
flISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
was the framing of a " band " or covenant, in wliich
they promised before " the Majesty of God and his
Congregation " to employ their " whole power, sub-
stance, and very lives " iu establishing the Gospel in
Scotland, in defending its ministers, and biulding up
its " Congregation." The earliest of these " bands"
is dated the 3rd December, 1557;' and the sub-
scribers are the Earls of Argyle, Glencairn, Morton,
Lord Lome, and Erskinc of Dun. Strengthened by
this " oath to God " and pledge to one another, they
went forth to the battle. The year that followed
(1558) witnessed a forward movement on the pai-t
of the Protestant host. The lords of the Congi-e-
gation could not forbid mass, or change the pubUc
worship of the nation ; uor did they seek to do
so ; but each nobleman within his own jurisdiction
caused the English " Book of Common Prayer,"
together with the lessons of the Old and New
Testament, to be read every Sunday and festival-day
in the parish chui'ch by the curate, or if he were
unable or un\\'illing, by the person best qualified in
the parish. The Reformed teachers were also invited
to preach and interpret Scripture in private houses,
or in the castles of the reforming nobles, till such
time as the Government would allow them to exer-
cise their functions in public- The latter measures
in particular alarmed the hierarchy.
It began to be apparent that destruction impended
over the hierarchy unless speedy measures were
taken to avert it. But the priests unhappily knew of
only one weapon, and though their cause had reaped
small advantage from it in the past, they were still
detei-mined to make use of it. They once more
lighted the flames of mai-tyi'dom. Walter Mill,
parish priest of Lunan, near Montrose, had been
adjudged a heretic in the time of Cardinal Beaton,
but effecting his escape, he preached in various
parts of the country, sometimes in private and
sometimes in public. He was tracked by the spies
of Beaton's successor, Archbishop Hamilton, and
brought to trial in St. Andrews. He ajipeared
before the com-t with tottering step and bending
figure, so that all who saw him despaired of his
being able to answer the (piostions about to be put
to him. But when, on lieiug helped up into the
' Lain?, Knox, vol. i., pp. 273, 274; ed. 1846. Dr. MfCrie
mentions a similar " band " in 1556, but tlie earliest extant
is that referred to in the text. An original copy of it,
with the autographs of the subscribers, was discovered
in 1860 by the Eev. James Young in the charter-chest of
Cuninghame of Balgownie. The author has had an oppor-
tunity of comparing it with Knox's copy : the two exactly
agree, as do also the names of the subscribers.
- Mf Crie, Life of Knox, vol. i., pp. 228, 229.
pulpit, he began to speak, " his voice," says Knox,
'• had such courage and stoutness that the church
rang again." "Wilt thou not recant thy errors'!"
asked the tribunal after he had been subjected to a
long questioning. " Ye shall know," said he, look-
ing into the faces of his enemies, "that I will not
recant the truth, for I am corn and not chaff. I
will not be blo\vn away with the wind, nor burst
with the flail, but I wUl abide both."
He stood before his judges ^vith the burden of
eighty-two years upon him, but this could procure
him no jiity, nor could his enemies wait till he
should di-op into the grave on the brink of which
he stood. He was condemned to the flames. A
rope was wanted to bind the old man to the stake,
but so great was the horror of his burning among
the townsmen that not a merchant in all St. An-
drews would sell one, and the archbishop was
obliged to furnish a cord from his own palace.
When ordered by Oliphant, an ofiicer of the arch-
bishop, to mount the pile, " No," replied the martyi",
" I wUl not unless you put your hand to me, for I
am forbidden to be accessory to my own death."
Whereupon Oliphant pushed him forward, and MUl
ascended with a joyful countenance, repeating the
words of the Psalm, " I will go to the altar of
God." As he stood at the stake. Mill addressed
the people in these words : " As for me, I am four-
score and two years old, and cannot live long by
coui-se of nature ; but a hundred better shall rise
out of the ashes of my bones. I trust in God that
I shall be the last that shall sufi"er death in Scot-
land for this cause."' He expii-ed on the 28th of
August, 1558.
These few last words, dropped from a tongue fast _
becoming unable to fulfil its ofiice, pealed forth from
amid the flames with the thrilling power of a
trumpet. They may be said to have rung the
death-knell of Popery in Scotland. The citizens of
St. Andrews raised a pile of stones over the spot
where the martyr had been burned. The priests
caused them to lie carried ofi" night by night, but
the ominous heap rose again duly in the morning.
It would not vanish, nor would the cry from it be
silenced.'' The nation was roused, and Scotland
waited only the advent of one of its exiled sons,
who was day by day drawing nearer it, to start up
as one man and rend from its neck the cruel yoke
which had so long weighed it down in serfdom and
superstition.
^ Lindsay of Pitscottie, Hisi., p. 200. M^ Crie, Life of
Knox, vol. i., p. 2.S2.
^ Calderwood, Hiat, vol. i., pp. 242, 243.
MAEY OF GUISE AND HEE POLICY,
489
CHAPTER V.
KNOXS FINAL RETURN TO SCOTLAND.
e Priests Eenew tlie Persecution— The Queen Eegent openly Sides with them — Demands of the Protestant Lords
— Rejected — Preacldng Forbidden — The Preachers Summoned before the Queen— A Great Juncture — Arrival of
John Knox— Consternation of the Hierarchy- The Reformer of Scotland— Knox Outlawed— Resolves to Appear
with the Preachers before the Queen — The Queen's Perfidy- Knox's Sermon at Perth— Destruction of tlie Grey
Friars' and Black Friai's' Monasteries, ic. — The Queen Regent Marches against Perth — Commencement of the
Civil War.
It was now tliii-ty years since the stake of Patrick
Hamilton had lighted Scotland into the path of
Reformation. The progress of the country had
been slow, but now the goal wa.s being ueai'ed, and
events were thickening. The two great parties
into which Scotland was divided stood frowning at
each other : the crime of burning Mill on the one
side, and " the oath to the Majesty of Heaven" on
the other, rendered conciliation hopeless, and nothing
remained but to bring the controversy between the
two to a final issue.
The stake of Mill was meant to be the fii'st of a
series of martyrdoms by which the Reformers were
to be exterminated. Many causes contributed to
the ado])tion of a bolder policy on the part of the
hierarchy. They could not hide from themselves
that the Reformation was advancing with rapid
strides. The people were deserting the mass ; little
companies of Protestants were forming in all the
leailing towns, the Soriptvu-es were being interpreted,
and the Lord's Supper dispensed according to the
primitive order ; many of the nobles were sheltering
Protestant ]jrcachers in their castles. It was clear
that Scotland was going the same road as Wittem-
berg and Geneva had gone ; and it was equally clear
that the champions of the Papacy must strike at
once and with decision, or surrender the battle.
But what specially emboldened the hierarchy
at this hour was the fact that the queen regent had
openly come over to their side. A daughter of the
House of Lorraine, she had always been with them
at heart, but her ambition l)oing to secure the crown-
matrimonial of Scotland for her son-in-law, Francis
II., she liad jioiscd herself, with almost the skill of
a Catherine de ISIodici, between the bishops and tlie
lords of tlie Congi-ogation. She needed the sup-
port of both to carry her political objects. In
October, \^}i)8, the Parliament met; and the queen
regent, with the a.ssistance of the Protestants, ob-
tained from " the Estates " all that she wished. It
being no longer necessary to wear the mask, the
queen now openly sided with her natural part)-,
the men of tue sword and the stake. Hence the
courage which emboldened the priests to re-kindle
the fires of persecution ; and hence, too, the vigour
that now animated the Reformers. Disenchanted
from a spell that had kept them dubiously poised
between the mass and the Gospel, they now saw
where they stood, and, shutting their ears to Mai-y's
soft words, they resolved to follow the policy alike
demanded by their duty and their safety.
They assembled at Edinburgh, and agreed upon
certain demands, which they were to present by
commissioners to the convention of the nobility and
the council of the clergy. The reforms asked for
were three — that it should be lawful to preach and to
dispense the Sacraments in the vulgar tongue ; that
bishops should be admitted into then- sees only
with the consent of the barons of the diocese, and
priests with the consent of the parishioners ; and
that immoral and incapable pei-sous should be re-
moved from the jiastoral office. These demands
were rejected, the council having just concluded a
secret treaty with the queen for the forcible sup-
pression of the Reformation.^ No sooner had the
Protestant nobles left Edinburgh than the regent
issued a proclamation prohibiting all persons from
jireaching or dispensing the Sacraments without
authority from the bishops.
The Reformed preachers disobeyed the procla-
mation. The queen, on learning this, summoned
them to appear before her at Stirling, on the 10th
of May, and answe*- to a charge of heresy and
rebellion. There were only four preachei-s in
Scotland, namely, Paul Methvon, John Christison,
William Harlow, and John Willock. The Earl of
Glencaini and Sir Hugh Campbell, Sheriff of Ayr,
waited on the queen to remonstr.ate against this
arbitrary proceeding. She haughtily replied that
" in spite of them all theii- preachei-s should bo
' M''Crie, lAfe of Knox, vol. i., pp. 251, 252. See their
" Protestation," given in to Parliament, in Laing, Knox,
voh i., pp. 309-314.
490
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
banished from Scotland." "What then," they
asked, " became of her oft-repeated promises to
protect their preachers ] " JIary, not in the least
disconcerted, replied that " it became not subjects
to burden theii' princes with promises further than
they pleased to keep them." " If so," replied
Glencairn, " we on our side are free of our
allegiance." The queen's tone now fell, and she
promised to think seriously over the further pro-
secution of the affair. At that moment, news
arrived that France and Spain had concluded a
peace, and formed a league for the sujjpression of
the Reformation by force of arms. Scotland would
not be overlooked in the orthodox crusade, and the
regent already saw in the contemplated measures
the occupation of that country by French soldiers.
She issued pei'emptory orders for putting the four
Protestant ministers upon their trial. It was a
strange and startling juncture. The blindness of
the hierarchy in rejecting the very moderate reform
which the Protestants asked, the obstinacy of the
queen in putting the preachers upon their trial,
and the league of the foreign potentates, which
threatened to make Scotland a mere dependency of
France, all met at tliis moment, and constituted a
crisis of a truly momentous character, but which
above most things helped on that very consumma-
tion towards which Scotland had been struggling
for upwards of thirty years.
There wanted yet one tiling to complete this
strange conjunctm-e of events. That one thing
was added, and the combination, so formidable and
menacing till that moment, was changed into one
of good promise and happy augury to Protest-
antism. Wliile the queen and the bishops were
concerting their measures in Edinburgh, and a few
days were to see the four preachers consigned to
the same fate which had overtaken Mill ; while
the Kings of Spain and France were combining
theii- armies, and meditating a gi-eat blow on the
Continent, a certain ship had left the harbour of
Dieppe, and was voyaging northward with a fair
wind, bound for the Scottish shore, and on board
that ship there was a Scotsman, in himself a gi'eater
power than an army of 10,000 men. This ship
caitied John Knox, who, wthout human pre-
arrangement, was an-iving in the very midst of his
countrjf's cnsis.
Knox landed at Leith on the 2nd of May, 1.5.')9.
The provincial council was still sitting in the Monas-
tery of the Grey Fiiars when, on the morning of the
3rd of May, a messenger entering in haste amiounced
that Jolm Knox had arrived from France, and had
slept last night in Edinburgh. The news fell like a
thunder-bolt upon the members of council. They
sat for some time speechless, looking into one
another's faces, and at last they broke up in con-
fusion. Before Knox had uttered a single word,
or even shown himself in public, his very name had
scattered them. A messenger immediately set off
with the unwelcome news to the queen, who was at
that time in Glasgow ; and in a few days a royal
proclamation declared Knox a rebel and an outlaw.'
If the proclamation accomplished nothing else, it
made the fact of the Reformer's presence known to
all Scotland.
The nation had now found what it needed, a man
able to lead it in the great war on which it was
entering. His devotion and zeal, now fully ma-
tured in the school of suffering ; his sincerity and
uprightness ; his magnanimity and courage ; his
skOl in theological debate, and his political insight,
in wliich he excelled all living Scotsmen ; the
confidence and hope with which he was able
to inspire his fellow-countrymen ; and the terror
in which the hierarchy stood of his very name,
all marked him out as the chosen iiLstrument for
his country's deliverance. He knew well how
critical the hour was, and how arduous his task
would be. Religion and liberty were within his
country's gi'asp, and still it might miss them. The
chances of failui-e and of success seemed evenly
poised ; half the nobles were on the side of Rome ;
all the Highlands, we may say, were Popish ; there
were the mdifference, the gross ignorance, the old
murky superstition of the rural parts ; these were
the forces bearing down the scale, and making the
balance incline to defeat. On the other side, a full
half of the barons were on the side of the Reforma-
tion ; but it was only a few of them who could
be thoroughly depended upon ; the rest were luke-
waiTU or wavering, and not without an eye to the
spoils that would be gathered from the upbreak
of a hierarchy owning half the wealth of the king-
dom. The most disinterested, and also the most
steadfast, supporters of the Reformation lay among
the merchants and traders of the great towns — the
men who loved the Gospel for its own sake, and
who would stand by it at all hazards. So evenly
poised was the balance ; a little thing might make
it incline to the one side or to the other ; and what
tremendous is.sues hung upon the turning of it !
Not an hour did Knox lose in beginning his
work. The four preachers, as we have already
.said, had been summoned to answer before the
queen at Stirling. " The hierarchy," said the lords
of the Congregation, " hope to draw our pastors
into their net, and sacrifice them as they did Walter
' M'lCrie, Life of Knox, vol. i., p. 256.
IMAGE-BREAKING AT PERTH.
491
Mill. We will go witli tliem, and defend them."
" And I too," .said Knox, not daunted by the out-
lawry which had been passed upon him, " shall
accompany my brethren, and take pai't in what
may await them before the queen." But when the
queen learned that Knox was on his way to present
liimself before her, she deserted the Diet against
the preachers, and forbade them to appear; but
■with the characteristic perfidy of a Guise, when the
day fixed in the citation came, she ordered the sum-
mons to be called, and the preachers to be outlawed
for not appearing.^
When the news reached Perth that the men
who had been forbidden to apjiear before the queen,
were outlawed for not appearing, indignation was
added to the surprise of the nobles and the towns-
people. It chanced that on the same day Knox
preached against the mass and image-worship. The
semion was ended, and the congi-egation had very
quietly dispersed, when a priest, " to sho\y his
malapert presumption," says Knox, "would open
ane glorious tabernacle that stood upon the high
altar," and began to say mass. A boy standing
near called out, "Idolatry !" The priest repaid him
with a blow : the youth retaliated by throwing
a stone, which, missing the priest, hit one of the
images on the altar, and shivered it in pieces. It
was the sacking of Antwerp Cathedral over again,
but ou a smaller scale. The loiterers in the church
caught the excitement; they fell upon the images,
and the crash of one stone idol after another re-
echoed thi'ough the edifice ; the crucifixes, altars,
and church ornaments shared the same fate. The
noi.se brought a stream of idlers from the street into
the building, eager to take part in the demolition.
Mortified at finding the work finished before theii'
arrival, they bent their steps to the monasteries."
Oue tempest took the direction of the Grey Friars
on the south of the town, another rolled away to-
wards the Black Friars in the opposite quarter, and
soon both monasteries were in ruins, then- inmates
being allowed to depart vfith. as much of their
treasure as they were able to carry. Not yet had
the storm expended itself; it burst next over the
abbey of the Charter House. This was a sumptuous
edifice, \vith pleasant gardens shaded by trees. But
neither its splendour, nor the fact that it had been
founded by the first James, could prociu-e its exemp-
' LainpT, Jtnox, vol. i., pp. 318, 319.
- This site is now the burial-place of the city.
tion frona the fury of the iconoclasts. It perished
utterly. This tempest burst out at the dinner
hour, when the lords, the burghers, and the Re-
formers were in their houses, and only idlers were
abroad. Knox and the magistrates, as soon as they
were informed of what was going on, hastened to
the scene of destruction, but their utmost eflbrts
could not stop it. They could only stand and look
on while stone cloister, painted oriel, wooden saint,
and fruit-tree, now clothed in the rich blossoms of
early summer, fell beneath the sturdy blows of the
"rascal multitude." The monasteries contained
stores of all good things, which were divided
amongst the poor; "no honest man," says Knox,
" was enriched thereby the value of a groat."*
It is to be remarked that in Perth, as in the
other towns of Scotland, it was upon the monas-
teries that the iconoclastic vengeance fell ; the
cathedrals and churches were spared. The monas-
teiies were in particularly evil repute among the
population as nests of idleness, gluttony, and sin.
Dark tales of foul and criminal deeds transacted
wthin their walls were continually in circulation,
and the hoarded resentment of long years now
burst out, and swept them away. The spai-k
that kindled the conflagration was not Knox's
sermon, for few if any of those rioters had heard
it : Knox's hearers were in their own houses when
the afiair began. The more immediate i^rovoca-
tive was the wanton perfidy of the queen, which
more disgraced her than this violence did the
mob ; and the remoter cause was the rejection of
that moderate measure of Reformation which the
lords of the Congregation had asked for, protesting
at the same time that they would not be respon-
sible for the irregularities and violences that might
follow the rejection of theii- suit.
Knox deplored the occurrence. Not that he
mourned over idol slain, and nest of lazy monk
and moping nun rooted out, but he foresaw that
the violence of the mob would be made the crime
of the Reformers. And so it happened; it gave
the queen the very pretext she had waited for.
The citizens of Perth, with the lords of the Con-
gi'egation at then- head, had, in her eye, liseu in
rebellion against her government. Collecting an
army from the neighbouring counties, she set out
to chastise the rebels, and lay waste the city of
Perth with fu-e and sword.
3 Laing, Knox, vol. i., pp. 317—324.
492
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER VI.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.
Peace between the Queen and the Keformers — Consultation — The Lords of the Congregation Eesolre to Set up the
Protestant Worship — Knox Preaches at St. Andrews — His Sermon — St. Andrews Beformed — Glasgow, Edin-
burgh, &o., Follow— Question of the Demolition of the Images and Monasteries— The Queen and her Army at
Leith — The Lords Evacuate Edinburgh — Knox Sets out on a Preaching Tour — His Great Exertions— Scotland
Roused — Negotiations with England — England Aids Scotland — EstahUshment of the Reformation in Scotland.
When the queen regent arrived before Perth at
the head of 8,000 men, she found the Reformers so
well prepared to receive her that, instead of offer-
ing them battle as she had intended, she agreeably
surprised them with overtm-es of peace. Although
fully resolved to repel by arms an assault which
they deemed none the less illegal and murderous
that it was led by the queen, the lords of the
Congregation joyfully accepted the olive-branch
now held out to them. " Cursed be he," said they,
" that seeks effusion of blood, war, or dissension.
Give us liberty of conscience, and the free profession
of the ' Evangel,' ' and none in all the realm will be
more loyal subjects than we." Negotiations were
opened between the regent and the Reformers,
which terminated amicably, and the strife ceased
for the moment. The lords of the Congregation
ilisbanded theii- army of about 5,000, and the
queen took peaceable possession of the city of Perth,
where her followers began to make preparations for
mass, and the altars having been overturned, theu'
place was supplied by tables from the taverns,
which, remarks Knox, " were holy enough for that
use."
The Reformers now met, and took a sm-vey of
theii- position, in order to determine on the course
to be adopted. They had lost thirty years waiting
the tardy approach of the reforms which the queen
had promised them. Meanwliile the genius, the
learning, the zeal which would have powerfully
. aided in emancipating the country from the sin
and oppression under which it groaned, were
perishing at the stake. Duped by the queen, they
had stood quietly by and witnessed these irreparable
sacrifices. The reform promised them was as far
off" as ever. Abbot, bishop, and cowled monk were
lifting up the head higher than before. A French
army had been brought into the country, and the in-
dependence and liberties of Scotland were menaced.-
This was all the Reformers had reaped by giving
' Laing, Knox, vol. i., p. 342.
2 Memoirs of Sir James Melvil, p. 49 ; Edin., 1735.
ear to the delusive words of Mary of Guise. While
other countries had established their Reformation
Scotland lingered on the threshold, and now it
found itself in danger of losing not only its
Reformation, but its very nationality. The lords
of the Congi-egation, therefore, resolved to set up
the Reformed worship at once in all those places
to which their authority extended, and where a
majority of the inhabitants were favourable to the
design.'
A commencement was to be made in the eccle-
siastical metropolis of Scotland. The Earl of
Argyle and Lord James Stuart, Prior of St.
Andrews, arranged with Knox to meet in that
city on an early day in June, and inaugurate there
the Protestant worship. The archbishop, apprised
of Knox's coming, hastened in from Falkland with
100 spears, and sent a message to him on Saturday
night, that if he dared to appear in the pulpit of
the cathedral to-morrow, he would cause his soldiers
to shoot him dead. The lords, having consulted,
agreed that Knox should forego the idea of preaching.
The resolution seemed a pnident one. The disposi-
tions of the townspeople were unknown ; the lords
had but few retainers with them ; the queen, with
her French army, was not more than fifteen miles
oft'; and to preach might be to give the signal for
bloodshed. Knox, who felt that to abandon a great
design when the moment for putting it in execution
had arrived, and retire before an angry threat, was
to incur the loss of prestige, and invite gi-eater
attacks in future, refused for one moment to
entertain the idea of not preaching. He said that
when lying out in the Bay of St. Andrews in
fonner years, chained to the deck of a French
galley, his eye had lighted on the roof of the
cathedral, which the sun's rays at that moment
illuminated, and he said in the hearing of some
still alive, that he felt assured that he should yet
preach there before closing his career ; and now
when God, contrary to the expectations of all men,
3 MfCrie, Life of Knox, vol. i., pp. 264, 265.
KNOX PREACHING AT ST. ANDREWS.
493
had broaglit him back to tliis city, he besought
them not to hiucler what was not only his cherished
wish, but the deep-rooted conviction of his heart.
He desii-ed neither th<! hand nor weapon of man to
defend him; He whose glory he sought woidd bo
his shield. " I only crave audience," said he,
" which, if it be denied here unto me at this time,
I must .seek where I may have it."'
The intrepidity of Knox saved the R<'forination
from the brand of timidity
which the counsel of the lords,
had it been followed, would
have brought upon it. It was
a display of courage at the
right time, and was rewarded
with a career of success. On
the morrow Knox preached to
perhaps the most influential
audience that the Scotland of
tliat day could furnish ; nobles,
priests, and townspeople crowd-
ing to hear him. Every part
of the vast edifice was filled,
and not a finger was lifted,
nor a word uttered, to stop
him. He preached on the
cleansing of the Temple of old,
picturing the crowd of buyers
and sellers who were busy
trafficking in that holy place,
when One entered, whose awful
glance, i-ather than the scourge
of cords which he carried,
smote with terror the unholy
ci-ew, and di'ove them forth
a panic-stricken crowd. The
preacher then called up before
his hearere a yet gi-eater crowd '^'"''' ^ ' i ■ ' n. i "^
of traffickers, occupied m a yet
nnholier merchandise, therewith defiling, with im-
measurably greater pollutions and abominations,
the New Testament temple. As he described
the corruptions which had been introduced into
the Church under the Papacy — the gi'eat crowd
of simonists, pardon-mongers, sellers of relics and
charms, exorcists, and traffickers in the bodies and
souls of men, with the sin and shame and ruin that
followed — his eye began to bum, his words grew
graphic and trenchant, the tones of hLs righteous
yet ten-ible reproof iiing out louder and fiercer, and
rolled over the heads of the thousands gathered
around him, till not a heart but quailed under the
solemn denunciations. It seemed as if pa.st ages
' Laing, Knox, vol. i., pp. 347—340.
146
were commg up for trial ; as if mitred abbots
and bishops were lea^■ing their marble tombs to
stand at the judgment-seat ; as if the voices of
Hamilton, and Wishart, and Mill — nay, as if the
voice of a yet Greater were making itself audible by
the lips of the preacher. The audience saw as they
had never done before the superstitions which had
been practised as religion, and felt the duty to com-
ply \\itli the call which the Reformer urged on all,
according to the station and
opportunity of each, to assist
in removing these abomina-
tions out of the Church of God
before the fire of the Di^^.ne
wrath should descend and con-
sume what man refused to put
away. When he had ended,
and sat down, it may be said
that Scotland was reformed.
Knox, though he did not
possess the all-grasping, all-
subduing intellect of Calvin,
nor the many-toned eloquence
of Luther, which could so
easily rise from the humorous
and playful to the pathetic and
the sublime, yet, in concen-
trated fiery energy, and in the
capacity to kindle his hearers
into indignation, and rouse
them to action, excelled both
these Reformers. This one
sermon in the parish church
of St. Andrews, followed as
it was by a sermon in the
same place on the thi-ee con-
secutive days, cast the die, and
determined that the Reforma-
tion of Scotland should go
forward. The magistrates and townspeople as-
sembled, and came to a unanimous resolution to
set up the Reformed worship in the city. The
church was stripped of its images and pictui'es,^
and the monasteries were pulled down. The
example of St. Andrews was quickly followed
by many other places of the kingdom. The Pro-
testant worship was set up at Crail, at Cupar, at
Lindores, at Linlithgow, at Scone, at Edinbiu-gh
and Glasgow.^ This was followed by the purgation
of the churches, and the demolition of the monas-
teries. Tlie fabrics pulled down were mostly those
in the service of the monks, for it was the cowled
- Laing, Knox, i. 350. Mi'Crio, Life of Knox, i. 2G7.
= MrCrie, p. 208.
H CHUliCH.
494
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
portion of the Romisli clergy whom the people held
in special detestation, knowing that they often did
the dishonourable work of spies at the same time
that they scoured the country in (juest of alms. A
loud wail was i-aised by the priests over the destruc-
tion of so much beautiful architecture, and the
echoes of that lamentation have come down to our
day. But in all righteoiisly indignant mobs there is
excess, and however much it may be regretted that
their zeal outran theii- discretion, their motives
were good, and the result they helped achieve was
enduring peace, progress, and prosperity.
The peace between the queen regent and the
Reformers, agreed upon at Perth, was but short-
lived. The queen, hearing of the demoKtion of
images and monasteries at St. Andrews, marched
with her French soldiei-s to Cupar-Moor, and put
herself in order of battle. The tumult of a mob
she held to be the rebellion of a nation, and threat-
ened to chastise it as such. But when the lords of
the Congi-egation advanced to meet her, she fled at
theii- approach, and going round by Stirlmg, took
refuge in Edinburgh. On being followed by the
forces of the " Congregation," she quitted the
capital, and marched to Dunbar. After a few
weeks, learning that the soldiers of the Reformers
had mostly returned to their homes, she set out
mth her foreign ai'my for Leith, and took possession
of it. The lords of the Congregation now found
themselves between two fires : the queen threatened
them on the one side, and the gans of the castle
menaced them on the other, and their new levies
ha\'ing left them, they were forced to conclude a
treaty by which they agi-eed to evacuate Edinburgh.
The stipidation secured for the citizens the right of
worshipping after the Protestant form, and Willock
was left with them as their minister. Knox, who
had preached in St. Giles's Cathedral, and in the
abbey church, had been chosen as pa.stor by the
inhabitants, but he was too obnoxious to Mary of
Guise, to be left in her power, and at the earnest
request of the lords of the Congregation he accom-
panied them when they left the cajiital. On re-
tiring from Edinburgh the Reformer set out on a
preaching-tour, which embraced all the towns of
note, and almost all the shires on the south of the
Grampian chain.
From the time of his famous sermon in 8t.
Andrews, Knox had been the soul of the rao^■e-
ment. The year that followed was one of incessant
and herculean labour. His days were spent in
preaching, Ids nights in -svi-iting letters. He roused
the country, and he kept it awake. His voice like
a great trumpet rang through the land, firing the
lukewarm into ■■leal, and inspii'iting the timid into
courage. When tlie friends of the Reformation
quan-elled, he reconciled and imited them. When
they sank into despondency he rallied their spirits.
He himself never desponded. Chci-ishing a firm
faith that his country's Reformation would be
consummated, he neither sank under labour, nor
fell back before danger, nor paused in the efforts he
found it necessary every moment to put forth. Ht^
knew how precious the hours were, and that if the
golden opportunity were lost it would never return.
He appealed to the patriotism of the nobles and
citizens. Pie told them what an ignominious
vassalage the Pope and the Continental Powers had
prepared for them and their sons, namely, that of
hewers of wood and cbawers of water to France.
He especially explained to them the nature of the
Gospel, the pardon, the purity, the peace it brings
to individuals, the stable renown it confers on
kingdoms ; he forecast to them the immense issues
that hung ujiou the struggle. On the one side stood
religion, lilce an angel of light, beckoning Scotland
onwax-ds ; on the other stood the dark form of Poper_y,
pulling the country back into slavery. The crown
was before it, the gidf behind it. Knox purposed
that Scotland should win and wear the crown.
The Reformer was declared an outlaw, and a
price set upon his head ; but the only notice we
find him deigning to take of this atrocity of the
regent and her advisers, was in a letter to his
brother-in-law, in which with no nervous trepida-
tion whatever, but good-humouredly, he remarks
that he "had need of a good horse."' Not one
time less did Knox jareach, although he knew
that some fanatic, impelled by malignant hate, or
the greed of gain, might any hour deprive him of
life. The rapidity of his movements, the fire he
kindled wherever he came, the light .that burst out
all over the land — north, south, east, and west — con-
founded the hierai'chy ; unused to preach, unskilled
in debate, and too corrupt to think of reforming
themselves, they could only meet the attack of
Knox with loud wailings or impotent threatening.s.
A second line of action was forced upon Knox,
and one that not oidy turned the day in favour of
the Reformation of Scotland, but ultimately proved
a protection to the liberties and religion of Eng-
land. It was here that the knowledge he had
acquired abroad came to his helj), and enabled him
to originate a measure that saved two kingdoms.
Just the year before — that is, in 1558 — Spain and
France, as we liave previously mentioned, had united
their ai-ms to effect the complete and eternal extir-
pation of Protestantism. The plan of the great
M^Crie, Life of Knox, vol. i., p. 294, foot-note.
PROTESTANTISM ESTABLISHED IN SCOTLAND.
495
campaign — a profounder secret then than now —
had been penetrated by Calvin and Knox, who were
not only the greatest Reformers, but the gi-eatest
statesmen of the age, and had a deeper insight into
the politics of Europe than any other men then
living. The plan of that campaign was to occupy
Scotland with French troops, reduce it to entire
dejjendency on the French crown, and from Scot-
land march a French army into England. While
France was assailing England on the north, Spain
would invade it on the south, put down the Govern-
ment of Elizabeth, raise Mary Stuart to her throne,
and restore the Romish religion in both kingdom.s.
Knox opened a correspondence with the great
statesmen of Elizabeth, in which he explained to
them the designs of the Papal Powers, their pur-
pose to occupy Scotland with foreign troops, and
having trampled out its religion and liberties, to
strike at England through the side of Scotland. He
showed them that the plan was being actually carried
out ; that Mary of Guise was daily bringing French
soldiers into Scotland ; that the r.aw levies of the
Reformers would ultimately be worsted by the dis-
ciplined troops of France, and that no more patriotic
and enlightened policy could England pursue than
to send help to dx-ive the French soldiers out of tlie
northern country ; for assuredly, if Scotland was put
down, England could not stand, encompassed as she
then would be by hostile armies. Happily these
counsels were successful. The statesmen of Elizabeth,
con'S'inced that this was no Scottish quarrel, but that
the liberty of England hung upon it also, and tluit
in no more eflectual way could they rear a rampart
around theii- own Reformation than by supporting
that of Scotland, sent military aid to the lords of
the Congi-egation, and the residt was that the French
evacuated Scotland, and the Scots became once more
masters of their own country. Almost immediately
thereafter, Mary of Guise, the regent of the kingdom,
wa.s removed by death, and the government passed
into the hands of the Reformei-s. The way was
now fully open for the establishment of the Refor-
mation. It is hardly possible to over-estimate the
imi)ortance of the service which Knox rendered. It
not only led to the establishment of Protestantism
in Scotland, and the perpetuation of it in England ;
but, in view of the critical condition in which
Europe then was, it may indeed with justice be said
that it saved the Refonnation of Christendom.'
The fifteen months which Knox had spent in
Scotland had brought the movement to its cul-
minating point. The nation was ready to throw
oft" the Popish yoke ; and when the Estates of the
Realm met on the 8th of August, 15G0, they simply
gave expression to the nation's choice when they
authoritatively decreed the suppression of the
Romish hierarchy and the adoption of the Pro-
testant faith. A short summary of Christian
doctrine had been drawn up by Knox and his
colleagues ;- and being read, article by article,
in the Parliament, it was on the 17th of August
adopted by the Estates.^ It is commonly kno'wai
as the First Scots Confession.* Only thi'ee tem-
poral lords voted in the negative, saying " that
they would believe as their fathers believed." The
bishops, who had seats as temporal loi'ds, were
silent.
On the 24th of August, Parliament abolished
the Pope's jurisdiction ; forbade, mider certain
penalties,^ the celebration of mass ; and rescinded
the laws in favour of the Romish Church, and
against the Protestant faith."
Thus speedily was the work consummated at
last. There are supreme moments in the life of
nations, when theii- destiny is determined for ages.
Such was the moment that had now come to
Scotland. On the 17th of August, 1560, the Scot^
land of the Middle Ages passed away, and a New
Scotland had bii-th — a Scotland destmed to be a
sanctuary of religion, a temple of liberty, and a
fountain of justice, letters, and art. Intently had
the issue been watched by the Churches abroad,
and when they learned that Scotland had placed
itself on the side of Protestant truth, these elder
daughters of the Reformation welcomed, with songs
of joy, that country wliich had come, the last of the
nations, to share with them their glorious inherit-
ance of liberty.
' See account of Knox's negotiations with the English
Government in M?Crie'8 Life of Knox, vol. i., pp. 283—
294 See also Knox's letters to Cecil, Sadler, and Queen
Elizabeth, in Br. David Laing's edition of Kiiox's Worls.
vol. ii., pp. 15 — 56, and foot-notes: and Calderwood's
History of the Kirlc of Scotland, vol. i., pp. 490 — 497,
Wodrow ed. 1842.
- Laing, Know, vol. ii., p. 92.
•■> Act. Pari. Scot. vol. ii., p. 534.
'' See copy of Confession in Laing, Knox, vol. ii., pp.
95—120; Calderwood, History, vol. ii., pp. 17-35.
5 Death was decreed for the third offcnor, but the
penalty was in no instance inflicted. No Papist ever
suffered death for his religion in Scotland.
5 Act. Pari. Scot., vol. ii., p. 534.
496
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER VII.
CONSTITUTION OF THE " KIRK " — ARRIVAL OF MARY STUART.
A Second Battle— Knoi's Idea of tlie Church— Spiritual Independence Essential— Differs from Popish Indepen-
dence— Calvin demanded a Pure Communion-table ; KnoXj a Free Assembly — Organisation of Scottish " Kirk "
— Ministers, Doctors, Elders, and Deacons — Kirk Session— Presbytery, Synod, and Assembly — Knox's Educational
Plan— How Defeated — Mary Stuart— Her Accomplishments — Her Beauty— Her Life in France— Her Widow-
hood—Invited to Return to Scotland — Sails from France— Arrives at Leith— Enters Holyrood.
Knox had now the sublime satLsfaction of think-
ing tliat his country was emancipated from the
superstition and thraldom of Popery, and Ulummed
in no small degi-ee with the light of the "Evangel."
But not yet had he rest ; no sooner had he ended
one battle than he had to begin another j and the
second battle was in some respects more arduous
than the first. He had called the Reformation into
being, .and now he had to fight to preserve it.
But before following him in this gi-eat .stiiiggle, let
us consider those organisations of an ecclesiastical
and educational kind which he was called to
initiate, and which alone coidd enable the Reforma-
tion to spread itself over the whole land, and ti-ansmit
itself to after-ages.
Knox's idea of a Church was, in brief, a tlivinely
originated, a divinely enfranchised, and a divinely
governed society. Its members were all those who
made profession of the Gospel ; its law was the Bible,
and its King was Christ. The conclusion from
these principles Knox did not hesitate to avow and
can-y out, that the Church was to be governed
solely by her own law, administered by her own
officers, whose decisions and acts in all things fall-
ing within the spiritual and ecclesiastical sphere
were to be final. This freedom he held to be al-
together essential to the soundness of the Church's
creed, the purity of her members, and that vigour
and healthfulness of operation without which .she
could not subserve those high ends which she had
been ordained to fulfil to society. This indepen-
dence he was careful to confine to the spiritual
sphere ; in all other matters the ministers and
members of the Church were to be subject to the
civil law of their countiy. He thus distinguished
it from the independence of the Romish Cliurch,
which claimed for its clergy exemption from tlio
civil tribunals, and exalted its jurisdiction above
the power of the crown. The beginning of this
theory was with Wicliffe ; Calvin developed it ;
but in a little city like Geneva, whore the same
persons nearly composed both the Church and the
State, it was neither very easy nor very necessary
to draw the line between the two jiirisdictions. The
power of admitting or excluding members from the
Communion-table was all that Calvin had de-
manded ; and he had a hard battle to fight
before he could obtain it ; but having won it, it
gave a century of glory to the Church of Geneva.
Knox in Scotland had more room for the de-
velopment of all that is implied in the idea
of a Church with her own law, her own govern-
ment, and her own monarch. An independent
government in things spiritual, but rigidly re-
.stricted to things spiiitual, was the root-idea of
Knox's Chiu'ch organisation. Kirox hinged this
independence on another point than that on which
Calvin rested it. Cahin said, " Take from ns the
purity of the Commmiion-table, and you take from
us the ' Evangel.' " Knox said, " Take from us the
freedom of Assemblies, and you take from us the
' Evangel.' " It was, however, the same battle on
another field : the contest in both cases had for its
object the freedom of the Church to administer her
own laws, without which she could exist for no
useful end.
A few sentences will enable us to sketch the
Church organisation which Knox set up. Parliament
had declared Protestantism to be the faith of the na-
tion: Knox would make it so in fiict. The orders of
ecclesiastical men instituted by him were four : — 1st,
Ministers, who preached to a congi-egation ; 2nd,
Doctors, who expounded Scripture to the youth in
the seminaries and universities ; 3rd, Elders, who
were associated with the minister in ruling, though
not in teaching, the congregation ; and, -Ith, Dea-
cons, who managed the finance, and had the care
of the poor. In every parish was placed a minis-
ter ; but as the paucity of ministers left many
places without pastsral instruction meanwhile,
pious persons were emploj'ed to read the Scriptures
and the common praycre ; and if such gave proof
of competency, they were permitted to supplement
their readiirg of the Scriptures with a few plain
exhortations. Five Superintendents completed the
ecclesiastical staff, and then- duty was to travel
KNOX'S ECCLESIASTICAL AND EDUCATIONAL SCHEMES.
497
tlii-ougli tlieii- several districts, with the view of
phiuting Churclics, and inspecting the conduct of
ministers, readere, and exhorters.'
The government of the Church, Knox regarded
;is hardly second to her instruction, believing that
the latter could not preserve its jjurity unless the
otiier Wius maintained in its vigour. Fu'st came
the Kii'k Session, composed of the minister and
cldei"s, who managed the affaii's of the congi-egation;
next came the Presbytery, formed by the delegation
of a minister and elder from every congregation
within the .shire ; above it was the Synod, consti-
tuted by a minister and elder from each congrega-
tion within the province, and having, like the court
below it, power to decide on all causes arising within
its bounds. La.st of all came the General Assembly,
which was constituted of a certain number of dele-
gates from every Presbytery. This scheme gave to
every member of the Church, dnectly or indu'ectly,
a voice in lier government ; it was a truly popu-
lar rule, but acting only through constitutional
chamiels, and determining all cases by the laws of
Scripture. In the lowest court the laity greatly
outnumbered the ministers ; in all the others the
two were equal. This gradation of Church power,
whicli liad its b.ises in the Kirk Sessions distri-
buted all over the land, found its unity iii the
General Assembly; and the concentrated ^visdom
and experience of the whole Church were thus
available for the decision of the weightiest causes.
The Reformer no more overlooked the genei'al
tuition of the people than he did then- indoctrina-
tion in the faith. He sketched a scheme of educa-
tion more complete and thorough than any age or
country had ever yet been privileged to enjoj'.
He proposed that a school should be planted in
eveiy parish, that a college should be erected in
every notable towm, and a university established
in the three chief cities of Scotland.- He de-
laianded that the nobility and gentiy should send
their sons to these seminaries at theii" owti
expense, and that provision should be made for
the free education of the entire youth of the
humbler classes, so that not a cliUd in all Scot-
l.ind but should be thoroughly instnictod, and
the path to all departments of knowledge and the
highest offices of the State opened to every one who
had inclination or talent for the ])ursuit. Such Wius
the scheme proposed by Knox in the First Book
' Pastors were elected by the congresration, examined
by the Presbytery, and admitted into office in presence
of the people. Superintendents were admitted in the
Bamo way as other officers, and were subject to the Gene-
ral Assembly.
- Seo First Book of DueipUti£, chap. 7.
of Discipline. In order to carry it out, the Re-
former proposed that the funds set free by the fall
of the Romish Church, after due provision for the
dismissed incumbents, should be divided into three
parts, and that one-thii-d should go to the support
of the Protestant Church, another to the endow-
ment of the schools and colleges, and the remaining
portion to the support of the deserving poor.
Could these funds have been devoted to worthier
objects? Was there any class in the country who
had a prior or a stronger claim upon them ! How
then came it that a tliiixl only of the revenues of
the fallen establishment was given to these objects,
and that the munificent scheme of Knox was never
carried out, and to this day remains unrealised?
The answer of history to this question is that the
nobles rapaciously seized upon these lands and
heritages, and refused to disgorge theii- plunder.
The disappointment must have been unspeakably
bitter to the great patriot who devised the plan :
but while disgusted at the greed which had ren-
dered it frustrate, he places his scheme sorrowfully
on record, as if to challenge futme ages to produce
anjiihing more perfect.
Had the grand and patriotic device of Knox been
fully carried out, Scotland would have rivalled, it
may be eclijised, the other kingdoms of Europe, in
the number of its educational institutions, and in the
learning of its sons. As it was, an instantaneous
impulse was given to all its energies, intellectual
and industrial. Learning and art began to flourish,
where for four centmies previously nothing had
jirospered save hierarchic pride and feudal tyranny.
And if Scotland has attained no mean rank among
the nations despite the partial and crippled adoption
of the Reformer's plan, how much more brilliant
would have been its place, and how much longer
the roll of illustrious names wliioh it would have
given to letters and science, to the senate, the
aiTU}', and the State, had the large-hearted plan of
Knox been in operation during the three following
centui'ies ?
The Refonner was yet smarting from the ava-
riciousness of those who preferred the filling of
then- purses and the aggi-andising of their families
to the welfare and grandeur of their countiy,
when another powerful adversary stood up in his
jjath. This new opponent sought to strip him of
all the fruits of his labour, by plucking up by the
very roots the ecclesiastical and educational institu-
tions he had just planted in Scotland. On the 19th
of August, l.OGl, Mary Stuart arrived at HoljTood
from France. There are few names in Scottish
histoi-y that so powerfully fascinate to this day a.s
that of Mary Stuart. She could have been no
498
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
common woman to have taken so firm a hold upon
the imaginations of her countrymen, and retained
it so long. Great qualities she must have possessed,
and did no doubt possess. Her genius was quick
and penetrating ; she was an adept in all field
exei'cises, more particularly those of riding and
hunting ; she was no less skilled in the accomplish-
ments of her age. She was mistress of several
languages, and was wont, when she lived in France,
to share -with her husband, Francis II., the cares of
last into bloody crimes. The sufiierings of Mary
Stuart have passed into a proverb. Born to a
throne, yet dying as a felon : excelling all the
women of her time in the gi-ace of her pei-son and
the accomj)lishments of her mind, and yet surpass-
ing them in calamity and woe as far as she did in
beauty and talent ! Unhappy in her life — evei-y
attempt to retrieve her fallen fortunes but sank her
the deeper in guUt ; and equally unhappy in death,
for W'henever the world is on the point of forgetting
11 1 VL II ISBIRGH
State, and to mingle in the deliberations of the
Cabinet. In person she was tall and gi-aceful : the
tradition of her beauty, and of the fascination of
her manners, has come down to our days. Had
Mary Stuart known, to choose the better part, had
she taken the side of her countiy's religion and
liberty, she might, with her many valuable and
brilliant qualities, her wit, her penetration, her
courage, her capacity for afiaivs, her power of
awakening affection and winning homage, have
been one of the happiest of women, and one of the
best of sovereigns. But these great faculties, per-
vei-ted by a sinister influence, led her first of all
into hurtful follies, next into mean deceptions and
debasing pleasm'es, then into dark intrigues, and at
a life from the odiousness of which tlierc is no
escape but in oblivion, there comes forward, \vith
a certainty almost fated, — the Nemesis, one might
say, of Mary Stuart — an apologist to rehearse the
sad story over again, and to fix the memoiy of her
Climes more indelibly than ever in the minds of
men.
It is at the tragic death-bed of her father, James
v., in the palace of Falkland, that we first hear
the name of Maiy Stuart. A funereal shadow rests
above her natal hour. She was born on the 8th of
December, 1542, in the ancient palace of Linlith-
gow. The infant had seen the light but a few days
when, her father dying, she succeeded to the crown.
Wliile only a girl of six years of age, Mary Stuart
500
HISTORY OF PR0TESTANTIS3iI.
was sent to France, accomj)anieil by four yomig
ladies of family, all of her own age, and all bear-
ing the same name with their royal mistress,
and known in history as the " Queen's Maries."
Habituated to the gallantry and splendour of the
Prcnch court, her love of gaiety was fostered into
a passion ; and her vanity and self-will were
strengthened by tlie homage constantly paid to her
personal charms. Under the teaching of her uncles,
the Duke of Guise and the ■Cardinal of Lonauie,
she contracted a blind attachment to the religion of
Rome, and an equally blind detestation of the faith
of her future subjects. So had passed the youth of
Mary Stuai-t. It is hardly possible to conceive a
course of ti'aining that could have more unfitted
her to oceujiy the throne of a Protestant nation,
and that nation the Scots.
Fortune seemed to take a delight in tantalising
her. A mishap in the tournament field suddenly
raised her to the throne of France. She had hartUy
time to contemplate the Ijoundless prospect of
happiness which appeared to be opening to her on
the thi-one of a powerful, polished, and luxurious
nation, when she was called to descend from it by
the death of her husband. It was now that the
invitation reached her to retui-n to her native
countiy and assume its government. No longer
Queen of France, Mary Stuart turned her face
towards the northern land which had given her
birth. She set sail from Calais on the 15th of
August, 1561. The iuiguish that wrung her heai-t
in that hour it is easy to conceive, and impossible
not to sympathise with. She was leaving a land
^^•here the manners of the people were congenial to
li(!r tastes, where the religion was dear to her heart,
and where the years as they glided past brought
her only new pleasnres and brighter splendours.
Maiy took her stand on the deck of the vessel that
was bearing her slowly away, and fixed her eyes on
the receding shores of France. The smi sank in the
ocean ; tlie shades of evening descended ; but the
queen made her couch be placed on the vessel's
deck. The morning dawned : Mary was still there,
gazing in the direction of the shore, which w.is
still in .sight. But now a breeze springing up,
she was <piickly borne awaj' into the North Sea.
"Farewtll," said she, as the land sank finally be-
neath the wave, " farewell, hapjiy France ! I shall
nevermore see thee." '
The queen arrived at Leith on the 19th of
August. The citizens, who had not reckoned on the
voyage being completed in four days, were not pre-
pared to receive her, and they had to extemporise a
cavalcade of ponies to convey their queen to the
palace of Holyrood. This simplicity could be no '
agreeable surprise to the young sovereign. Nature
seemed as much out of unison \\'ith the event as
man. It had di-essed itself in sombre shadows
when jNIary was about to step upon the ancient
Scottish shoi-e. A dull vapour floated over-head."
The shores, islands, and bold rocky prominences
that give such grandeur to the Frith of Forth were
wholly hidden ; a gi'ey mist covered Arthui* Seat,
and shed a cold cheerless light upon the city which
lay stretched out at its feet. Edinburgh, which in
romantic beauty throvt^s even the Pai-is of om- day
into the shade, was then by no means imposing, and
needed all the help wliich a bright sun could give
it ; and the region around it, which in oiu- times
much excels in riches and careful cultivation the
coimtry around the French capital, must then to
an eye accustomed to the various fruitage of France
have looked neglected and wild ; for the principle
from which were to spring all the maiTels which
now adoni this same spot had not yet had time to
display its pla.stic energy. Nevertljeless, despite
this conjunction of xmtoward circumstances, which
made Mary's arrival so unlike the first entrance of
a sovereign into the capital of her dominions, the
demonstrations of the jieople were loyal and hearty,
and the youthful queen looked reaUy pleased, as
surrounded by her Scottish nobles and her French
attendants, and dressed in widow's weeds, she
passed in under those gi'ey towers, which were
destined to wear from this day the halo of a tragic
interest in aU coming time.
1 Brautoine, p. 483.
- Knox says: "In the memory of man, that flny of the
year, was never seen a more dolorous face of the heaven
than was at her avi'ival. The sun was not seen to shine
two days before nor two days after." Brantome also
mentions the thick fog (grand brouillard) which prevailed,
so that they could not see from one end of the vessel to
the other. (Laing, A'nov, vol. ii.,pp.269, 270; CalderwooU,
History, vol. il, pp. 1'12, lt.'3.)
.-MARY STUAKT AND THE PROTESTANT NOBLES.
501
CHAPTER VIII.
KNOXS INTERVIEW WITH QLEEN MARY.
Mary's Secret Purposo— Her Blandislaments— The Protestant Nobles begin to Yield— Mass in the Chapel of Holyrood
— Commotion — Knox's Sermon against Idolatry — The Mass more to be Feared than 10,000 Armed Men — Eeason-
ableness of the Alarm— Knox .Summoned to the Palace of Holyrood— Accused by the Queen of Teaching Sedition
— His Defence— Debate between Knox and Mary— God, not the Prince, Lord of the Conscience — The Bible, not the
Priest, the Judge in Matters of Faith, &c. — Importance of the Interview.
The nobles had welcomed witli a chivalrous
enthusiasm the daughter of their ancient kings ;
and tlie people, touched by her beauty and her
widowhood, had begun to regax'd her with mingled
feelings of compassion and admiration. All was
going well, and would doubtless have continued so
to do, but for a dark pui-jiose which Mary Stuart
can-ied in her breast. She had become the pivot
around which revolved that plot to which those
monstrous times had given birth, for the extermi-
nation of the Protestant faith in all the coiuitries
of the Refomiation. If that conspiracy shouhl
succeed, it would open the Scottish queen's way to
a faii-er realm and a mightier throne than the king-
dom she had just arrived to take jjossession of The
fii'st step in the projected (h-ama was the foi'cible
suppi'ession of the Protestant faith in Scotland, and
the restoration in it of the Church of Rome. This
was the dark pm-pose which Mary had carried across
the seas, and brought with her to Holyrood.'
But meanwhile, as tutored by her uncles the
Guises, who accompanied her, she dissembled and
temporised. Smiles and caresses were her fii-st
weapons: the nobles were to be gained over by
couit blandishments and favoiu-s ; the mmisters
were to be assailed by hypocritical promises ; and
the people were to be lured by those fawning ai-ts
of which there lived no gi-eatcr adept than Mary
Stuart. The " holy water of the court " soon began
to tell upon the Protestant leaders. Even the
lords of the Congregation were not proof against
the fascination which the young queen seemed to
exert upon every one who entci-ed her presence. If
her thinly-veiled Romish proclivities had at lirst
alarmed or oflended them, they had been no long
time in the queen's presence till their anger cooled,
tlieir feai-s were laid aside, and their Protestant zeal
in some measure evaporated. Every man, one man
excepted, who entered this charmed circle was
sti-aightway transformed. Knox in his History has
qiuiintly described the change that passed upon
the nobility under tliis almost magical influence.
" Eveiy man as he came uj) to court," says he,
'■ accused them that were before him ; but, after
they had I'emained a certain space, they came out
as quiet as the former. On percei^-ing this, Camp-
bell of Kinyeancleugh, a man of some humour and
zealous in the cause, said to Lord Ocliiltree, whom
he met on his way to court, ' My lord, now ye are
come la.st of all, and I perceive that the fire edge is
not yet ofi" you, but I fear that .after the holy water
of the com-t be spiinkled upon you, ye shall become
as temperate as the rest. I think there be some
enchantment by ^yluch men are be\^-itched.' " -
On the first Sunday after her arrival, Mary
adventured on an act, by the advice of her xnicles,
which was designed to feel the pulse of her Pro-
testant subjects f at all events, it umuistakably
notified to them what her futui'e course was to
be : mass was said in her chapel of Holyrood. Since
the establishment of the Reformation, mass had not
been publicly celebrated in Scotland, antl in fact
was prohibited by Act of Parliament. When the
citizens learned that preparations were making foi-
its celebration in the Chapel Royal, they were thrown
into excitement and alarm, and but for the inter-
position of Knox would have forcibly jirevented it.
Lord James Stuart, Prior of St. Andrews, and the
brother of Mary, stood sentinel at the door oi the
chapel, all the time the service was going on ; the
man who canied iii the candle trembled all over ;
and the priest who jierformed the rite was, at its
conclusion, conducted to his chamber bj- two Pro-
testant lords. Tlie queen's relatives and attendants
threatened that they would instantly return to
France, for they could not live in a land where
mass could not be said, without which they could
not have the pardon of their sins. " Would," says
Knox, " that they, together with the mass, had
taken good night of this i-e«lm for ever." '
On the following Sunday, Knox, although he had
' Caldcrwood, UUlory, vol. ii., pp. 130, 131.
- Lainjf, Knox, vol. iL, p. 275.
' M''Orie, Life of Knox, vol. ii., p. 21.
< Laing, Knox, vol. ii., pp. 270, 271.
602
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
restrained the nioi* zealous of the Protestants who
souij;lit by force to suppress the celebration, sounded
a note of waruinj^ from the pulpit of St. Giles's. He
preached on the sin of idolatry, " showing what
terriljle plajjues God had taken upon realms and
nations for the same ;" and added, " One mass is
more fearful to mc than if 10,000 armed enemies
were landed in any part of the realm, of purpose to
suppress the whole religion."' We are apt at this
day to think that the alarm expre.ssed was greater
than its cause warranted. So thought the queen's
guards at the time, who said openly in the church
that " such fear was no point of their faith." But,
we may ask, had mass no more significance in the
Scotland of the sixteenth centiu-y than it wovdd
have in the Scotland of the nineteenth 1 Mary had
not yet ratified the Act of Parliament establishing
the Protestant faith, and alienating the national
revenues from the Romish Church. Her refusal
implied that what the Estates had done in changing
the national faith was illegal, and that the Refor-
mation was rebellion. What construction then
could her subjects put upon this mass, but that it
was the first step towards the overthrow of the
Protestant Church, and the restoration of the
Romish ritual and hierarchy ? Nor did they do
theii' sovereign injustice in so construing it. To
compel her subjects to abjure their Protestantism,
and to embrace again the creed they had renounced,
by soft methods if possible, and if not by the stake
and the cord, was Mary's settled purpo.se. In Italy, in
Spain, in France, and in the Netherlands, pOes were
at that moment blazing in support of the mass. The
same baleful fires were but newly extinguished in
England and in Scotland ; and were they to be
lighted before they had well ceased to burn, or the
ashes of the noble men who had perished in them
had gl■o^vn cold ? Had not all their past experience
told them that the stake followed the mass as in-
variaVjly as the shadow followed the substance; that
the written law of the Popish system, and its in-
eradicable instincts, made it at all times and in all
places a persecutor ! The Scots would have sho\\ni
themselves incapable of reading the past, and fore-
casting the future, had they failed in these circum-
stances to take alarm. It was the alarm not of
timidity, but of wisdom ; not of bigotry, but of
patriotism.
It is probable that the substance of the Re-
former's sermon was reported to the queen, for in a
few days after its delivery she sent a message to
Knox, commanding his attendance at the palace.
This intei-view has gathered round it great historic
' Laing, Knox, vol. ii. , p. 27G.
gi'andeur, mainly from the sentiments avowed by
Knox before his sovereign, which made it one of
the turning-points in the history of the man and of
the country, and partly also from the charge which
the flatterers of despotic princes have founded
upon it, that Knox was on that occasion lacking in
courtesy to Mary as a woman, and in loyalty to her
as his sovereign ; as if it were a ciime to defend, in
words of truth and soberness, the religion and
liberties of a country in the presence of one bent on
ruining both. The queen opened the conference, at
which only her brother. Lord James Stuart, and
two ladies in waiting were present, with a reference
to the Reformer's book on the " Regiment of
Women," and the "necromancy" by which he
accomplished his ends; but depai-ting from the
grave charge of magic, she came to what was
uppermost in her mind, and what was the head and
front of Knox's ofiending.
" You have taught the people," remarked the
queen, " to receive another religion than that which
then- princes allow ; but God commands subjects to
obey their prince;" erc/o, "you have taught the
people to disobey both God and their prince." Mary
doubtless thought this syllogism unanswerable, till
Knox, with a little plain sense, brushed it away
completely.
" Madam," replied the Reformer, " as right re-
ligion received neither its origin nor its authority
from prmces, but from the eternal God alone, so
are not subjects bound to frame theii- religion ac-
cording to the tastes of their pi-inces. For oft it is
that princes, of all others, are the most ignorant of
God's true religion. If all the seed of Abraham
had been of the religion of Pharaoh, whose subjects
they long were, I jiray you, madam, what religion
would there have been in the world 1 And if all in
the days of the apostles had been of the religion of
the Roman emperors, I pray you, madam, what
religion would there have been now upon the earth '(
. . . . And so, madam, you may perceive that
subjects are not bound to the religion of their
princes, although they are commanded to give them
reverence."
" Yea," replied the queen, " but none of these
men raised the sword against their princes."
" Yet, madam," i-ejoined Knox, " they resisted,
for they who obey not the commandment given
them, do in .some sort i-esist."
"But," argued the queen, " they resisted notwitli
the sword."
"God, madam," answered the Refoi-mer, "had
not given them the power and the means."
" Tliink ye," said the queen, " that subjects
having the power may resist their princes?"
KKOX'S INTERVIEW WITH QUEEN MARY
503
"If princes exceed tlicir boimcls, madam, and do
that which they ought not, they may doubtless be
resisted even by power. For neither is greater
Iionouj- nor gi-eater obedience to be given to kings
and princes, than God luis commanded to be given
to father and mother. But, madam, the father
may be struck with a frenzy, in wliich he would slay
his own children. Now, madam, if the children
arise, join together, apprcliend him, take the swoid
from liim, bind liLs hands, and keep him in prison
till the frenzy be over, think ye, madam, that the
oliildren do any ^vl■ong ? Even so is it, madam,
vnth. princes who would murder the children of
God who are subject imto them. Their blind zeal
is nothing but a mad frenzy ; and, therefoi'e, to
take the sword from them, to bind their hands, and
to cast them into prison till they be brought to a
sober mind, is no disobedience against princes, but
a ju.st obedience, because it agreeth vidth the will
of God."
We must carry ourselves three centiu'ies back,
and think of the .slavish doctrines then prevalent
all over Christendom — that it was taught as in-
fallibly true in theological canons and juridical
codes, and echoed back from university chaii's, that
kings reigned by Divine right, and that the un-
derstandings and consciences of their subjects were
in their keeping ; and we must think too of the
high-handed way in which these demoi'alising and
en.slaving doctrines were being carried out in Europe
— that in every Popish country a scaffold or a stake
was the certain fate of every man who dared to
maintain the right of one's thinking for oneself —
we must transjjort ourselves into the midst of
these times, we say, before we can fully estimate
the coiu-age of Knox in avowing these sentiments
in the presence of Mary Stuart. These plain
bold words, so different from the glozing terms in
which she had been accu.stomed to be addressed
iu France, fell upon her ear like a thunder-peal.
She was stunned and amazed, and for a quarter
of an hour stood speechless. If her passion found
not vent in words, it showed itself in the pallor
of her face. " Her coimtenance altered." The
past age of feudalism and the coming age of liberty
stood confronting each other imder the roof of
Holyrood. We wait with intense anxiety during
that quarter of an hour's silence, to see what the
next move in this great battle shall be, and whether
it is to be maintained or abandoned by Knox. Vast
issues hang ujinn the words by which the silence
is to be broken ! If Knox yield, not only will
Scotland fall witli him, but Christendom also ; for
it is Philip of Spain, and Pius IV. of Rome, who
:ire coiifionting him in the jierson of Maiy Stuart.
At last Lord James Stuart, feeling the silence
insupportable, or fearing that his sister had been
seized with sudden illness, began to entreat her
and to ask, "What has oflendod you, raadiun?"
But she made him no answer. The tempest of her
pride and self-will at length spent itself Her com-
posiu'e i-etiu-ned, and she resumed the argument.
'■Well then," said she, "I clearly perceive that
niy subjects shall obey you, and not me ; and shall
ilo what they list, and not what I command ; and so
must I be subject to them, and not they to me."
" God forbid," promptly rejoined the Reformer,
" that ever I take upon me to command any to obey
me, or to set subjects at liberty to do whatever
])leases them." Is then Knox to concede the "right
Divine?" Yes; but he lodges it where alone it is
safe ; not in any throne on earth. " My travail,"
add.s he, " is that both subjects and princes may
obey God. And think not, madam, that wrong is
done yon when you are required to be subject unto
God ; for he it is who subjects peoples imto princes,
and causes obedience to be given unto them. He
craves of kings that they be as it were foster-fathers
to his Church, and commands queens to be nurses
to his people."
" Yes," replied the queen ; " but ye are not the
Kirk that I ■wdll nourish. I will defend the Kirk
of Rome, for it is, I think, the true Kii-k of God."
" Your will, madam," said Knox, "is no reason;
neither doth it make that Roman harlot to be the
true and immaculate spouse of Jesus Christ. I
ofl'er myself, madam, to prove that the Church of
the Jews which crucified Christ Jesus was not so
far degenei-ate from the ordinances and statutes
given it of God, as the Church of Rome is declined,
and more than 500 years hath declined, from the
purity of that religion which the apostles taught
and planted."
" My conscience," said Mary, " is not so."
"Conscience, madam," saitl Knox, "requu'es
knowledge, and I fear that right knowledge ye have
none."
" But," said she, " I have both heard and read."
" Have you," inquired Knox, " heard any teach
liutsuch as the Pope and cardinals have allowed ?
You may be a.ssured that such will speak nothing
to oflend theii- own estate."
" You interpret the Scrii)ture in one way. and
they intei-jiret it in another," said Mary: "whom
shall I believe, and who shall be judge?"
" You .shall believe God, who plainly speaketh iu
his Word," wiis the Reformer's answer, "and fai-ther
than the Word teaches yo\i, ye shall believe neither
the one nor tlie other. The Word of God is plain
in itself, and if in any one place there be obscurity,
504
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
I'OBTBAIT OP MARl STIART, QLEEN OT SCOTS.
the Holy Ghost, who never is contrary to liimself,
explains the same more clearly in other places,
so that there can remain no doubt but unto such
as are obstinately ignorant." He illustrated his
reply by a brief exposition of the passage on which
the Romanists found their doctrine of the mass;
when the queen said that, though she was unable
to answer him, if those were present whom she had
heard, they would give him an answer. " Madam,"
replied the Reformer, "would to God that the
learnedest Papist in Europe, and he that you would
best believe, were present with your Grace, to sustain
KNOX'S INTERVIEW WITH QUEEN MARY.
505
tlie ai-gument, ami that you would patiently liear
the matter debated to an end ; for then I doubt
not, madam, you would know the vanity of the
Papistical religion, and how little foundation it has
ill the Word of God."
"Well," said she, "you may perchance get that
sooner than you believe."
" A.ssuredly," said Knox, " if I ever get it in my
life I get it sooner than I believe ; for the ignorant
Pajiist cannot patiently reason, and the learned and
Luther before Charles V. at Worms, Calvin
before the Libertines in the Cathedral of St. Pierre,
and Knox before Queen Mary in the Palace of
HoljTOod, are the three most dramatic points in the
Reformation, and the three grandest passages in
modern history. The victory in each of these three
cases was won by one man, and was due solely to
his faith. Luther, Calvin, Knox at these unspeak-
ably critical moments stood alone ; their friends
could not or dared not show themselves ; they were
UULbE, HIGH STllEET, EDINblKCiH.
crafty Papist will not come in your presence, madam,
to have the grounds of his belief searched out, for
thoy know that they cannot sustain the argument
unless fire and sword and their own laws be judges.
When yo\i shall let me see the contrary, I shall
gi-ant myself to have been deceived in that point."
The ilinner-hour was announced, and the argu-
ment ended. " I pray God, madam," said Knox in
parting, " th.at ye may be as blessed within the
commonwealth of Scotland, as ever was Deborah
in the commonwealth of Israel."'
' Knox, Hiatory (Laing's edition), vol. U., pp. 277—286.
upheld only by the truth and greatness of their cause,
and the aid of Him whose it was. A concession, a
compromise, in either case would have mined all ;
and Worais, St. Pierre, and Holyrood would have
figured in histoiy as the scenes of irretrievable dis-
aster, over which nations would have had cause to
weep. They are instead names of glorious victory ;
Marathon, Morat, and Bannockburn shine not with
so pure a splendour, nor will they stir the liearts
of men so long. The triumph of Luther at Worms
secured the commencement of the Reformation,
that of Calvin in St. Pien-e its consummation,
and that of Knox in Holyi-ood its preservation.
147
50G
niSTOEY OF rrvOTEtiTANTISM.
CHArTER IX.
TRIAL OP KSOX FOR TKE.VSOX.
Distribution of Ecclesiastical Eevenues— Inadequate Provision for the Protestant Ministry— Krst Booli of Discipline
—Mary Refuses to Ratify the Ecclesiastical Settlement of 1560— Faithlessness of the Nobles— Grief of Knox— His
Sermon — Rebuke of the Protestant Nobles — Summoned to the Palace — Interview with the Queen— Knox's Hard-
ness— Mass at the Palace — Threatened Prosecution of Protestants — Kuox"s Circular— Put upon his Trial for
Treason— Maitland of Lethington— Debate between Maitland and Knox — Knox's Defence on his Trial — His
Acquittal— Joy of the Citizens— Consequences of his Acquittal— Knox's Political Sentiments— His Services to the
Liberties of Gi'eat Britain.
Tx the room of a sacerdotal liierarcliy there had
been planted in Scotland a body of teacliing pastors.
Tlie change had been accomplished witli the sanction
of Parliament, but no pro^asion wiis made foi' the
temporal support of the new ecclesiastical estab-
lishment. This was a point on which Knox was
not iimiattirally anxious, but on which he was
doomed to experience a bitter disappointment. The
Eomisli Cliurch in Scotland had jiossessed a bound-
less affluence of houses, valualjles, and lands. Her
abbacies dotted the country, mountain and mea-
dow, forest and corn-field, were hers ; and all this
■wealth had been set free by the suppression of the
priesthood, and ought to have been transferred, so
ftir as it was needed, to the Protestant Church.
But the nobles rushed in and appropriated nearly
the whole of tliis vast spoil. Knox lifted up his
voice to denounce a transaction which was alike
damaging to the highest interests of the country, and
the characters of those concerned in it : but he failed
to warn off the covetous hands that were clutching
this rich booty ; and the only arrangement he suc-
ceeded in effecting was, that the revenues of the
Popish Church should be divided into three parts,
and that two of these should be given to the
former incumbents, to revert at then- death to the
nobility, and that the thii'd part should be divided
between the court and the Protestant ministers.
The latter had till now been entirely dependent
npon the benevolence of their hearers, or the
hospitality of the noblemen in whose houses some
of them continued to reside. When Knox beheld
the revenues which would have sufficed to plant
Scotland with churches, colleges, and schools, and
suitiibly provide for the poor, thus swallowed up, he
could not refrain from expressing his mortification
and disgust. " Well," exclaimed ho, " if the end
of this order be hap])y, my judgment fails me. I
see two parts freely given to the devil, and the
third must be divided between God and the devil.
Who would have thought that when Josepli ruled
in Egypt his brethren would lia\-e tra^•elled for
victuals, and would have returned with empty
sacks to their families !" It was concern for his
brethren's interest that drew from the Reformer
this stern denunciation, for his own stipend, ap-
jjointed by the magistrates of Ediubui'gh, was an
adequate one.
The same cause occasioned to Knox his second
gi'eat disappointment. He had received from the
Privy CounoU a commission, along with Winram,
Sijottiswood, Douglas, and Row, to draft a plan of
ecclesi;i.stical government. Comprehensive in out-
line and perfect in detiul, incalculable, we have
already seen, would have been the moral and literary
benefits this jilan would have conferred upon Scot-
land had it been fully carried out. But the nobles
liked neither the moral rules it prescribed, nor the
pecuniary bui'dens it imposetl, and Knox failed to
procure for it the ratification of the Privy Council.
Many of the membei-s of Council, however, sub-
scribed it, and being approved by the first General
Assembly, which met on the 20th of December,
1.560,' it has, imder the name of the "First Book
of Discipi'me," always held the rank of a standard
in the Protestant Church of Scotlaud.-
A tliii-d and still more grievous disajipointment
.awaited the Reformer. The Parliament of 1560,
which had abolished the Pajxil jurisdiction, and
accepted Protestiuitism as the national religion, had
been held when the cjueen was absent from the
kingdom, and the royal assent had never been given
to its enactments. Not only did Mary, lurder
various pretexts, refuse to ratify its deeds while
she resided in Fi-ance, but even after her return to
Scotland she still withheld her ratification, and
rej)eatedly declared the Parliament of 1560 to be
illegal. If so, the Protestant establishment it liad set
' It consisted of forty members, only six of whom were
ministers. It met in the Magdalene Cliapel, Cowgate.
This cliapel stUl exists, and is the property of the
Protestant Institute of Scotland.
- Dunlop, Collect, of Confessions, vol. ii., p. 430 M': Ctie,
Life of Knox, vol. ii-, pp. 4, 5.
KNOX'S SERMON^ IN ST. GILES'S.
507
itp wa.s also illegal, and no man could doubt that it
was tlie queen's intention, so soon as she was able,
to overthrow it and restore the Komish hierarchy.
This was a state of matters which Knox deemed
intolerable ; but the Protestant lords, demoralised
by the spoils of the fallen establishment and the
blandishments of the court, took it very easily.
The Parliament — the first since Mary's arrival —
was about to meet ; and Knox fondly hoped that
now the royal ratification would be given to the
Protestant settlement of the country. He pressed
the matter upon the nobles as one of vital impor-
tance. He pointed out to them that till such assent
was given they had no law on their side ; that they
held their religion at the mere pleasure of their
sovereign, that they might any day be commandeil
to go to mass, and that it was indispensable that
these uncertainties and fears should be set at rest.
The nobles, however, found the matter displeasing
to the queen, and agreed not to press it. Knox
learned their resolve with consternation. He could
not have believed, unless he had seen it, that the
men who had summoned him from Geneva, and
carried their cause to the battle-field, and who had
entered into a solemn bond, pledging themselves to
God and to one another, to sacrifice goods and life
in the cause if need were, could have so woefully
declined in zeal and courage, and could so prefer
the good-will of their sovereign and their own selfish .
interests to the defence of their religion, and the
welfare of their country. This exhibition of fiiith-
lessness and servility wellnigh broke his heart, and
would have made him abandon the cause in despair
but for his faith in God. The Parliament had not
yet ended, and in the pulpit of St. Giles's, Knox
poured out the sorrows that almost overwhelmed
him in a strain of lofty and indignant, yet mournful
eloquence. He reminded the nobles who, with
some thousand of tlie citizens, were gathered before
him, of tlie slavery of body, and the yet viler slavery
of .soul, in wliich they had been sunk ; and now, when
the merciful hand of God had delivered them, where
was their gratitude ^ And then addressing liimself
in particular to the nobility, he continued, " In
your most extreme dangers I have been \vith you ;
St. Jolinston, Cupar-Moor, tlie Craigs of Edinburgh "
(names that recalled past perils and terroi-s) " are
yet fresh in my heart ; yea, that dark and dolorous
night wherein all ye, my lords, with shame and fear
left this town, is yet in my mind, and God forl)i(l
that e^-er I forget it. What was, I say, my exhortation
to you, and what has fallen in vain of all that ever
God promised unto you liy my mouth, ye yoiirselves
are yet alive to testify. There is not one of you,
against whom was death and destruction threatened,
perished ; and how many of your enemies has God
plagued before your eyes ! Shall this be the thank-
fulness that ye shall render unto your God? To
betray his cause when you have it in your hands
to establish it as you please ? . . . Their religion
had the authority of God, and was independent of
human laws, but it was also accepted within this
realm in public Parliament, and that Parliament he
would maintain was as free and lawful as any that
had ever assembled in the kingdom of Scotland."
He alluded, in fine, to the reports of the queen's
marriage, and bidding his audience mark hLs words,
he warned the nobility what the consequences
would be should they ever consent to their sovereign
marrpng a Papist.'
Knox himself tells us in his History that this
plainness of speech gave offence to both Papists and
Protestants. He had not exjjected, nor indeed in-
tended, that his sermon should please the latter any
more than the former. Men who were sinking
their patriotism in cupidity, and their loyalty in
sycophancy, would not be flattered by being told
to their face that they were ruining their countiy.
Another result followed, which had doubtless also
been foreseen by the preacher. There were those in
his audience who hurried ofl" to the palace as soon
as the sermon was ended, and reported his words
to the queen, saying that he had preached against
her marriage. Hardly had he finished his dinner
when a messenger arrived from Holy rood, ordering
his attendance at the palace. His attached friend.
Lord Ochiltree, and some others, accompanied
him, but only Erskine of Dun was permitted to go
with him into the royal cabinet. The moment he
entered, Mary burst into a passion, exclaiming that
never had pi-ince been vexed by subject as she had
been by him; " I vow to God," said she, " I shall
once be revenged." " And with these words,
hardly could her page bring napkins enough to hold
her tears." Knox was beginning to state the
paramount claims that governed him in the pulpit,
when the queen demanded, " But what have you to
do with my mamage 1 " He was going on to vin-
dicate his allusion to that topic in the pulpit on tho
gi'ound of its bearing on the welfare of the country,
when she again broke in, " Wliat have you to do
with my marriage ? or what are you in this
commonwealth 1 " Posterity has answered that
question, in temis that would have been less pleasing
to Mary than was Knox's own reply. " A subject
1 lorn ^\'ithin the .same, madam," he at once .said with
a fine blending of courtesy and dignity : " a subject
born within the same, madam, and albeit I be
> Knox, History (Laing's edition), vol. ii., pp. 381—386.
COS
Hl!=5T0rA^ OF TKOTESTANTISM.
iR-ithcv earl, lord, uorbaroii in it, yet ImsGoilmiulo
3iie (how iiliject that ever I lie in your eyes) a
)iroHtal)le luciiiljpr within the same ; yes, madam, to
me rt appertains no less to forewarn of such tilings
as may hurt it, if I foresee them, than it doth to any
of the nobility, for both my vocation and my con-
, science requii'e plainness of me ; and, therefore,
madam, to yourself I say, that which I spake in
l)ublic place : — Whensoever the nobility of this
realm shall consent that ye be obetlient to an un-
faithful husband, they do as much as in them lieth
to renounce Christ, to banish his truth from them,
to betray the freedom of this realm, and perchance
shall in the end do small comfort to yoiu'self."
Mary's reply to these words was a burst of tears.'
Erskine of Dun stepped forward to soothe her, but
with no great success. Knox stood silent till the
queen had composed herself, and then said he was
constrained, though nn\\'illingly, to sustain her tears,
rather than hurt his conscience and betray the
commonwealth by his silence. This defence but the
more incensed the queen ; she ordered him to leave
her presence and await in the ante-cliamber the sig-
nification of her pleasure. Tliere he was surrounded
by numbers of liis acquaintances and associates, but
he stood " as one whom men had never seen."
Lord Ochiltree alone of all that dastardly crowd
found courage to recognise him. Turning from the
male, but not manly, courtiers, Knox addressed
himself to the queen's ladies. " 0 fair ladies," said
he, in a vein of raillery which the queen's frown had
not been able to extinguish, "how pleasing were
this life of yours, if it should ever abide, and then, in
the end, we nriglit pass to heaven with all this gay
gear ! but fie upon that knave Death that will come
whether we will or no." Erskine now came to him
to say that the queen permitted him to go home
for the day. Mary was bent on a prosecution of the
Reformer, but her councillors refused to concur, and
so, as Knox says, " this storm blew over in appear-
ance, but not in heart." -
Sternly, uncompromisingly, Knox pursues his
course ! Not an uncourteous, undignified, trea-
sonable word does he ntter ; yet what iron in-
flexibility ! He sacrifices friends, he incui-s the
mortal hatred of his sovereign, he restrains the
yearnings of his own heart ; the sacrifice is pain-
ful— painful to himself and to all about him, but
it is the saving of his country. What hardness !
exclaim many. We grant it ; Knox is hard as the
rock, stubborn as the nether mill-stone ; but when
' " There are some of that sex," says Randolph, writint;
to Cecil, and narrating a similar cxliibition, "who can
weep for ancer as well as jji'ief."
- Knox, Histonj (Laing's edition), vol. ii., pp. 3SG— 389.
men seek to erect a beacon that may save the mari-
ner from the reef on wldcli the tumultuous billows
are about to pitch liLs vessel headlong, it is tho
rock, not the sand-heaj-), that they select as a founda-
tion.
At last, as the queen thought, tho Reformer had
put himself in her power. Had it been as Maiy
believed, no long time would have elapsed till his
head had fallen on the scaffold, and with it, in all
human reckoning, woidd have fiillen the Protestant
Church of his native land. Diu'ing the queen's
absence at Stirling, the same summer, mass was
celebrated at Holyrood by her domestics with
greater pomp than usnal, and numbers of the
citizens resorted to it. Some zealous Protestants of
Edinburgh forced theii' way into the chapel, princi-
pally to see who of their fellow-citizens were present,
and finding the priest attired for celebration, they
asked him why he durst do these things in the qiieen's
absence. The cliajjlain and the French domestics,
taking fright, raised a cry which made Comptroller
Pitarrow hasten to their aid, who found no tumult,
however, save what he brought with him. Informa-
tion having been sent to the queen, she caused two
of the Protestants to be indicted for " forethought
felony, hamesucken, and invasion of the palace."
Fearing that it might go hard with the accused,
the ministers ui-ged Knox, agi-eeably to a com-
nussion he had received from the Church, to address
a circular to the leading Protestants of the country,
i-equesting tlieir presence on the day of trial. A
copy of this letter having been sent to the queen,
she submitted it to the Privy Council ; and the
Council, to her gi-eat delight, pronounced it treason-
able.
In December, 1.tG3, an extraordinary meeting of
Council was called, and Knox w^as put upon his
trial. Mary took her seat at the head of the table
with an aflectation of great dignity, which she
Titterly spoiled by giving way to a fit of loud
laughter, so great was her joy at seeing Knox
standing uncovered at the foot of the table.
" That man," .said she, " made me weep, and .shed
never a tear himself ; I will now see if I can make
him weep." Secretary Maitland of Lethington
conducted the prosecution, and seemed almost as
eager as Mary herself to obtaui a conviction against
the Reformer. Maitland was a formidable oppo-
}icut, being one of the most accomplished dialec-
ticians of the age. He had been a zealous Protestant,
but caring little at heart for any religion, he had
now cooled, and was trying to form a middle party,
between the court and the Church. Nothing has
a greater tendency to weaken the insight than the
want of definite views and strong convictions, and
KNOX TEIED FOR TREASON.
509
So the secretary was labouring with all his might
to realise his narrow and impracticable scheme, to
the success of which, as he deemed, one thing only
was wanting, namely, that Knox should be got rid of.
The offence for which the Reformer was now made
answerable was, "convening the lieges" Ijy his
circular ; but the sting of his letter lay in the sen-
tence which affirmed that the threatened prosecution
" was doubtless to make preparation upon a few,
that a door may bo opened to execute cruelty ujion
a gi'cater number." Knox had oflended mortally,
for he had penetrated the designs of the court, and
liroclaimed them to the nation.
The proceedings were commenced by the reading
of the circular for which Knox had been indicted.
" Heard you ever, my lords," said Mary, looking
round the Council, " a more spiteful and treasonable
letter ? " This was followed uj) by Maitland, who,
turning to Knox, said, " Do you not repent that
such a letter has passed your pen 1 " The Reformer
avoided the trap, and made answer, " My lord
secretary, before I repent I must be shown my
offence." "Offence!" exclaimed Maitland, in a
tone of sui-prise ; " if there were no more but the
convocation of the queen's lieges, the offence cannot
be denied." The Reformer took his stand on the
plain common-sense of the matter, that to convene
the citizens for devotion, or for deliberation, was
one thing, and to convene them with arms was
another ; and Maitland laboured to confound the
two, and attach a treasonable pui-pose to the con-
vocation in question. " What is this ] " interposed
the queen, who was getting impatient ; " metliinks
you tiifle with him. Who gave him authority to
make convocation of my lieges 1 Is not that
treason r' " No, madam," replied Lord Ruthven,
whose Protestant spii-it was roused — " no, madam,
for he makes convocation of the people to hear
prayers and seiTaon almost daily, and whatever
your Grace or others will think thereof, we think it
no trea.son."
After a long and sharp debate between the
Reformer and the secretar}', the " cnielty upon a
greater multitude," for which the summons sen'cd on
the two Protestants would, it was affirmed, prepare
the way, came next under discussion. The queen
insisted that she was the party against whom this
allegation was directed ; Knox contended that its
ni)plication was general, and that it was wan-anted
by the notorious i)ersccutions of the Papacy to
exterminate Protestants. He was enlarging on
this topic, when the chancellor interrupted him.
" A'ou forget yourself," said he ; " you are not
now in the puljjit." " I am in the place," replied
the Reformer, "where I am demanded of con-
science to speak the trath, and therefore the truth I
speak, impugn it whoso list." At last Knox was
■svithdrawn, and the queen having rotu-ed, in order
that the judgment of the Council might be given,
the lords unanimously voted that John Knox had
been giiilty of no violation of the laws. Secretary
Maitland stormed, and the courtiers stood aghast.
The queen was brought back, and took her place
at the head of the table, and the votes were called
over again in her presence. " What ! " said the
members, " shall the Laird of Lethington make us
condemn an innocent man 1 " The Council pro-
nounced a second unanimous acquittal. They then
rose and departed. The issue had been waited for
with intense anxiety by the Protestant citizens of
Edmburgh, and during the sitting of Council a
dense crowd filled the court of the palace, and
occupied the stall's up to the veiy door of the
council-chamber. That night no instruments of
music were brought before the queen ; the darkened
and silent halls of Holyrood proclaimed the gi'ief
and anger of Mary Stuart. But if the palace
mourned, the city rejoiced.'
We have missed the true character of this scene if
we have failed to see, not Mary Stuart and Knox,
but Rome and the Reformation struggling together
in this chamber. Wliere would Scotland have been
to-day if the vote of the Privy Council that night
had consigned Knox to the Castle, thence to pass, in
a few days, or in a few weeks, to a scaffold in the
Grass Market? The execution of the Reformer
would have been immediately followed by the sup-
pression of the ecclesiastical and educational insti-
tutions which he had set up, and Scotland plunged
again into Popery would have been, at this day, a
second Ireland, 'with a soil less fertUe, and a popu-
lation even more pauperised. Nay, the disastrous
consequences of the Reformer's imprisonment or
death would have extended far beyond his native
land. Had Scotland been a Popish country at the
time of the Annada, in all human probability the
throne of Elizabeth would have been overturned.
Nay, with Scotland Popish, it may be doubted
whether the tluone of Elizabeth would have stood
till then. If Mary Stuart had succeeded iii re-
storing the Paj)acy in Scotland, the coiuitry would,
as an almost inevitable consequence, have fallen
under the power of France, and would have become
the door by which the Popish Powers would have
entered England to sujipress its Relbrmation, and
jilace the Queen of the Scots upon its throne. Had
Knox that night descended the stairs of the royal
' Knox, History (Lainp's edition), vol. ii., pp. G93— 41'2,
M^'Crie. Lij'c of Knox, vol. ii-, p. 295.
510
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
cabinet of Holyi'ood with a sentence of condemna-
tion upon him, his countrymen would have had
more cause to mourn than himself, and England
too would, in no long time, have learned the extent
of the calamity which had befallen the great cause
with which she had identilied herself, when she
saw the fell of the northern kingdom followed by
the destruction of her
own Protestant religion
and liberties.
Even yet we hear at
times echoes of the
charge preferred against
Knox at the counod-
table of the queen.
Tried by the political
creed of Mary Stuart,
it must be confessed
that his sentiments
were disloyal. Mary
held by the principle,
to sovereigns a con-
venient one, of "the
right divine of kings to
govern wrong;" Knox,
on the contrary, held
that " all power is
founded on a compact
expressed or under-
stood between the
nilers and the ruled,
and that no one has
either divine or human
right to govern, save
in accordance \vith the
will of the people and
the law of God." This
is the amount of all
that Knox advanced
under that head in his
various interviews with
Queen Mary. His
opinions may have
sounded strange to one reared in a despotic court ;
and when the Reformer enunciated them with
such emphasis in the Palace of Holyrood, they
were before theii' time ; but the world has since
seen cause to ratify them, and States of no mean
name have acted upon them. Holland embodied
them in its famous declaration of independence
twenty years afterwards ; they leceived a signal
triumph when the British nation adopted them
at the Revolution of 1688; and they form, at
this day, the basis of that glorious constitution
under which it is our happiness to live. Branded
*^^ -^. • .'Ji
as treason when fii-st uttered beneath the royal roof
of Holyrood, not a day now passes without our
reading these same sentiments in a hunthed journals.
We hear them proclaimed in senates, we see them
acted on in cabinets, and re-echoed from the throne
itself. Let us not forget that the first openly to
avow them on Scottish soil was John Knox.
Let it be remembered
too, that there was then
no free press, no free
platfonu, no one organ
of public sentiment but
the pulpit ; and had
Knox been silent, the
cause of liberty would
have been irretrievably
betrayed and lost. He
had penetrated the de-
sign of Mary, inflexibly
formed, and craftily
yet steadily pursued, of
overturning the Refor-
mation of her native
land. Knox was the
one obstacle in Mary's
path to the accomplish-
ment of that design.
When nobles and bur-
gesses were bowing
down he stood erect,
unshaken in his firm
resolve, that come what
might, and forsake it
who would, he would
stand by the cause of
his country's Reforma-
tion. He
saw in the
back-ground
of Mary's
throne the
dark pha-
lanx of the
Popish despots who were banded together to crush
the Reformation of Christendom by making a
beginning of theii- work in Scotland, and he stood
forward to denounce and, if possible, prevent the
perpetration of that gigantic ci'ime. In that
chamber of Holyrood, and in the pulpit of St.
Giles's, he fought the noblest battle ever waged
upon Scottish soil, and defeated a more formidable
foe than Wallace encountered at Stirling, or Bruce
vantpiished at Bannockburn. He broke the firm-
knit league of Papal conspirators, plucked from
their- very teeth the little country of Scotland,
j^Ztf^ -e^°
rORTKAIT AND AVTOGKAI'H 01' JOHN KNOX
(Fac-siiiulc /rom Bcza's, " Icoiifs.")
THE SCOTTISH REFORMATION IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
511
whicli tliey had made their prey, and, rescuing it
from the vile uses to which tliey had destined it,
made it one of the lights of the woi-ld, and, along
with England, a mother of fi'ee nations. Through
all the ages of the future, the foremost place among
Scotsmen must belong to Knox.'
CHAPTER X.
THE LAST DAYS OF QUEEN MARY AND JOHN KNOX.
Prosperous Events— Ratification of the Protestant Establishment by Parliament— Culmination of Scottish Eefor-
mation— Knox Wishes to Retire— New Storms— Knox Retires to St. Andi-ews- Knox in the Pulpit— Tulchan Bishops
—Knox's Opposition to the Scheme— The St. Bartholomew Massacre— Knox's Prediction— His Last Appearance
in the Pulpit— Final End of Mary's Crimes— Darnley—Rizzio—Kirk-of-Field— Marriage with Bothwell—
Carberry Hill— Lochleven Castle— Battle of Langside— FUght to England— Execution— Mary the Last Survivor
of her Partners in Crime— Last Illness of Knox— His Death— His Character.
The dangerous crisis was now past, and a tide of
])rosperous events began to set in, in favour of the
Scottish Reformation. The rising of the Earl of
Huntly, in the north — who, knowing the court to
be secretly favoui'able, had unfurled the standard
tor Rome— was suppressed. The alienation which
hMd parted Knox and Lord James Stuart, now Earl
of Murray, for two years was healed ; the Protestant
spii-it in the provinces was strengthened by the
preaching tours undertaken by the Reformer ; the
joalou.sios between the court and the Church, though
not I'cniovcd, were abated ; the abdication of the
queen, whicli grew out of the deplorable occurrences
that followed her marriage with Darnley, and to
which our attention must briefly be given, seeing
they were amongst the most powerful of the causes
which turned the balance between Protestantism
and Romanism, not in Scotland only, but over
Europe ; and, as a consequence of her abdication, the
apjiointment, as regent of the kingdom, of the Earl
of Murray, the intimate friend of Knox, and the
great outstanding patriot and Reformer among the
Scottish nobles — all tended in one direction, to the
establishment, namely, of the Scottish Reformation.
Accordingly, in 15G7, the infant James being king,
and Murray regent, the Parliament which met on the
15 th of December ratified all the Acts that had been
passed in 1560, abolishing the Papal jurisdiction,
and accepting the Protestant faith as the religion of
tlic nation. Valid legal secmities were thus for
the tiret time reared around the Protestant Church
of Scothmd. It was further enacted, "That no
luince should aftei-wards be admitted to the exercise
of authority in the kingdom, without taking an oatli
to maintain the Protestant religion ; and that none
but Protestants should be admitted to any oftice,
■with the exception of those that were Leretlitary,
or held for Hfe. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction,
exercised by the Assemblies of the Church, was
formally ratified, and commissioners appointed to
define more exactly the causes which came within
the sphere of theii' judgment." '
The Scottish Reformation had now reached its
culmination in that century, and from this point
Knox could look back over the battles he had
waged, and the toUs he had borne, and contemplate
with tliankfulness their issue in the overthrow of
the Papal tyranny, and the establishment of a
Scriptural faith in Scotland. He had, too, received
legal guarantees from the State that the abolished
jurisdiction would not be restored, and that the
Protestant Church woidd have liberty and protection
given it in the exercise of its worship and the
administration of its discipline. The two yeare that
followed, 1568 and 1569, were perhaps the happiest
in the Reformer's life, and the most prosperous in
the history of his country during that centurv.
Under the energetic and patriotic administi-ation of
the "Good Regent" Scotland enjoyed quiet. The
Reformed Church was enlarging her borders ; all
was going well ; and that yearning for rest which
often visits the breasts of those wlio have been long
tossed by tempests, began to be felt Ijy Knox. He
remembered the quiet years at Geneva, the loving
' One who is noitlier a Scotsman nor a Presbyterian
says justly as generously : " The time has come when
English history may do justice to one but for whom the
Reformation would have been overthrown among our-
selves ; for the spirit which Knox created saved Scotland,
and it Scotland had been Catholic again, neither the
wisdom of Elizabeth's ministers, nor the teaching of her
bishops, nor her own chicaneries, wouM have presoi-ved
England from revolution." (Froude, IlUlory of Mnjland,
vol. X., pp. 19:!, 194: Lond., 1870.)
'- M'. Crie, Life of Kiiox, vol. ii., pp. 158, 159.
5i:
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISSL
Hock to whom he liacl there iiiiiiistercd the Word
of Life, autl he expressed a wish to return thither
and spend the evening of his life, and lay his
wearied body, it might lie, by the side of greater
dust in the Plain-palais.
But it was not to be so. Other storms were to
roll over him and over his beloved Chiu'ch before he
sliould descend into his gi-ave. The assassination
of tlie Regent ]Murray, in January, 1570, was the
forerunner of these evils. The tidings of his death
occasioned to Knox the most poignant anguish, but
gi'eat as was his own loss, he regarded it as nothing
in comparison with the calamity which had befallen
the country in the murder of this great patriot and
able administrator. Under the Earl of Lennox,
who succeeded Miu-ray as regent, the former con-
fusions returned, and they continued under Mar,
by whom Lennox was succeeded. The nobles were
divided into two factions, one in favoiu" of Mary,
while the other supjiorted the cause of the young
king. In the midst of these contentions the life of
the Refoi-mer came to be in so great danger that it
was thought advisable that he should remove from
Edinburgh, and take up his residence for some time
at St. Andrews. Here he often preached, and
though so feeble that he had to be lifted up into
the pulpit, before the sermon had ended his earnest-
ness and vehemence were such that, in the words of
an eye-witness, " He was like to ding tite pidpii in
hlculs^ aiulflie out of it."
Weary of the world, and longing to dejiart, he
had nevertheless to wage battle to the very close of
his life. His last years were occupied iia oiiposing
the introduction into the Presbyterian Church of
an order of bishops known only to Scotland, and
termed Tidchanr Several rich benefices had be-
come vacant by the death of the incumbents, and
other causes; and the nobles, coveting these rich
livings, entered into simoniacal bargains with the
least worthy of the ministers, to the effect that they
should fill the post, but that the patron should
receive the richest portion of the income : hence the
term Tulchan bishops. Knox strongly objected to
the institution of the new order of ecclesiastics —
first, because he held it a robbery of the Church's
patrimony; and secondly, because it was an invasion
<iu the Presbyterian equality which had been settled
in the Scottish Kirk. His ojjposition delayed the
completion of this disgi'aceful arrangement, which
was not ■carried through till the year in which ho
died. In August, 1572, he returned to Edinburgh,
' i.e., break the pulpit in pieces. (.James Melville,
A'ltohiography.)
" A tulchan is a calf's sldn stuffed with straw, set up
to make the cow give her uiilk freely.
and soon thereafter received the news of the
St. Bartholomew Massacre. We need not say how
deeply he was affected by a crime that drowned
France in Protestant blood, including that of many
of Ids own personal friends. Kindling into prophet-
like fire, he foretold from the jiulpit of St. Giles's a
futiu'e of revolutions as awaiting the royal house
and throne of Fi'ance ; and his words, verily, have
not fallen to the gi-ound.
' His last appearance in public was on the 9tli of
November, 1572, when he preached in the Tolbooth
Church on occasion of the installation of JNIr. Lawson
as his colleague and successor. At the close of the
service, as if he felt that no more should flock see
their pastor, or pastor address his flock, he protested,
in the presence of Him to whom he expected soon
to give an account, that he had walked among them
with a good conscience, preaching the Gospel of
Jesus Christ in all sincerity, and he exhorted and
charged them to adhere steadfastly to the faith
which they had professed. The services at an end,
he descended the pulpit^staLrs, with exhausted yet
cheerful look, and walked slowly down the High
Street leaning on the arm of his servant, Richard Ban-
natyne ; his congregation lining the way, reverently
anxious to have their last look of their beloved
pastor. He entered his house never again to jiass
over its threshold.^ It was meet he should now
depart, for the shadows were falling thickly, not
around himself only, but around Christendom.
Wliile the events we have so rapidly narrated
were in progress, Mary Stuart, the other gi-eat tigiu'e
of the time, was pursuing her career, and it is
necessary that we should follow — not in their detail,
for that is not necessary for our object, but in their
outline and issue — a series of events of which she
was the centre, and which were acting with marked
and lasting effect on both Romanism and Pro-
testantism. We have repeatedly referred to the
league of the three Papal Powers — France, Spain,
and Rome — to quench the new light which was then
dawning on the nations, and bring back the night
on the face of all the earth. We have also said
that of this plot Mary Stuart had become the
centre, seeing the part assigned her was essential
to its success. It is surely a most instructive fact,
that the seiies of frightfid crimes into which this
princess plunged was one of the main instrumen-
talities that Providence emploj^ed to bring this
plot to nought. From the day that Mary Stuart
put her hand to this bond of blood, the tide in her
fortunes turned, and all things went against her.
First came her sudden and ill-starred affection for
^ M'.Crie, Life of Knox, vol. ii., rP- 21", 218.
CAKEEK OF JFAllY (JUEEN OF 8C0TS.
513
Lord Darnley, tlie son of the Eurl of Leiiuox ; then
followed her mairiage with him, accomplished
through treachery, and followed by ci\'il war. Tlie
passion which Mary felt for Darnley, a weak, vain,
and frivolous youth, and addicted to low company,
soon gave place to disgust. Treated with neglect by
her Imsband, !Mary was thrown upon others, and
tlicn came her worse than unseemly intimacy with
the low-born and low-bred Italian, Dimd llizzio.
This awakened a fierce and revengeful jealousy in
the breast of Darnley, which led to the midnight
assassination in the palace. A band of vizored
barons, with naked swords, suddenly appeared in
tlie supper-chamber of the
queen, and seizing her
favouiite, and loosening
his grasp on the dress of
his mistress, wliich he
liad clutched in despair,
they dragged him out, and
dispatched him in the ante-
clianiber, his screams ring-
ing in tlie ears of tlie
(pieen, who wa.s held back
by force from rescuing
him. Then came the
settled purpose of revenge
in tlie heart of Mary Stuart
against her husband, for
liis sliare in the murder of
llizzio. This pui-pose, con-
cealed for a time under
an affectation of tenderer
love, the more eft'ectually
to lure tlie vain and con-
fiding Lord Daniley into the snare she had set for
liim, was steadily and coolly pui'sued, till at last it
was consummated in the horrible tragedy of the
" Kirk-of-Field." The huid blaze which lighted the
sky of Edinburgh that night, and the shock that
roused its sleeping citizens from their beds, bring
ujion tlie stage new actors, and pave the way for
outrages that startle the imagination and stupefy
the moral sense. Darnley has disappeared, and now
an infamous and bloody man starts up by the side
of Mary Stuart. Thei'c comes next, her strange
jiassion for Bothwoll, a man without a single spark
of chivaliy or lionour in him — coarse-minded, domi-
neering, with an c\-il renown hanging about him
for deeds of violence and blood, and whoso gross
features and badly-moulded limljs did not furnish
Maiy witli the poor apology of manly beauty for
the almost insane passion for liim to which she
abandoned hereelf. Then, before the blood of her
husband was drj-, and the i-uins of the Kii-k-of-
JOHN x^ox
(From the Portrait m Br:a's " Icoucs." See ante, p. 510.)
Field had ceased to smoke, came her marrLago with
Eothwell, whom the nation held to be the chief
perpetrator of the cruel murder of her former
liusband. To take in marriage that hand whicli
had spilt lier husband's blood was to confess in act
wliat even she dared not confess in words. From
this moment her fatuous cai-eer becomes more
reckless, and she rushes onward with awful
speed towards the goal. Aghast at such a career,
and humiliated by being ruled over by such a
sovereign, her subjects broke out in insurrection.
The queen flew to arms ; she was defeated on the
field of Carbeny Hill ; brought as a captive to
Edinburgh ; thence sent
to Lochleven Castle, where
she endured a lonely
impiisonment of some
months. Escaping thence,
she fled on horseback all
night long, and at morn-
ing presented herself at the
castle-gates of the Hamil-
tons. Here she rallied
round her the supportei-s
whom her defeat had
scattered, and for the last
time tried the fortune of
arms against her subjects
on the field of Langside,
near Glasgow. The battle
went against her, and she
fled a second time, riding
night and day across
country towards the Bor-
der, where, fording the
Solway, she bade adieu to Scottish soil, nevermore
to return. She had left her country behind, not
her evil genius, nor her iLl-fortune; these, as a
terrible Nemesis, accompany her into England.
There, continuing to be the principal card in the
game the Popish Powers were playing, she was
drawn to conspire against the life and throne of
Elizabeth. It was now that doom overtook her.
On a dull winter morning, on the 8th of February,
she who hail dazzled all eyes by her beauty, all
imaginations by her liveliness and gaiety, and who
had won so many hearts by her f:vscinating iiddrcss
—the daughter of a king, the wife of a king, and
the mother of a king, and wlio herself had sat ou
two thrones— laid lier head, now discrowned, grey
with sorrows, and stained with crimes, ujjon the
1 iloek. At the very time that the Armada was being
built in the dockyards of Siiain, and an immense
host was being collected in tlie Netherlands, with
the view of making vacant Elizabeth's throne, and
514
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
elevating Mary Stuart to it, the head of the latter
piincess fell on the scaflbld.
It Ls noteworthy that Queen Mary sur%-ived all
who had been actors along with her in the scenes of
crime and blood in whicli she had so freely mingled.
Before she herself mounted the scaffold, she had
seen all who had sided with Iier in Scotland against
Knox and the Reformation, die on the gallows or in
the field. Before her last hour came the glory of
the House of Hamilton had been tarnished, and the
member of that house who fired the .shot that
deprived Scotland of her " Good Regent " had to
seek asylimi in France. Kirkaldy of Grange, who
espoused Mary's quarrel at the last hour, and held
the Castle of Edinburgli in her behalf, was hanged
at the Market Cross ; and Maitland of Lethington,
who had lent the aid of his powerful talents to the
queen to bring Knox to the block, died, it is sup-
posed, by his own hand, after living to witness the
utter wreck of all Mary's interests in Scotland.
Bothwell, who had stained his life and conscience
with so many horrid deeds to serve her, rotted for
years in a foreign dungeon, and at last expired
there. The same fatality attended all in other lands
who took part with her or embarked in her schemes.
Her co-conspirators in England came to violent end.s.
The Earls of Westmoreland and Northnmberland
were executed. The Duke of Norfolk, the premier
peer, was beheaded in the Tower. All concerned in
the Babington plot were swept off by the axe. In
France it was the same. Her uncles had died
violent and bloody deaths ; Charles IX. expired,
blood flo^^ong from every opening in his body ;
Catherine de Medici, after all her crimes, trod
tlie same road ; and last of all Maiy herself went
to her great audit. As she stands this dark
morning before the block in Fotheringay Castle,
it could hardly fail to put a double sting into
death to reflect that she had seen the ruin of all
her friends, and the utter overthrow of all her
projects, while the Refomiation against which she
had so sorely combatted was every year striking its
roots deeper in her native land.
From this lilood-stained block, with the headless
corpse of a queen beside it, we turn to another
death-scene, tragic too — not with hoiTors, as the
other, but with triumph. We stand in a humble
chamber at the foot of the High Street of Edin-
burgh. Here, on this bed, is laid that head over
which so many storms had burst, to find at l.ast the
rest which, wearied with toil and an.xiety, it had so
earnestly sought. Noblemen, ministere, burgesses
pour in to see how Knox will die. As he had
lived so he dies, full of courage. From his djdng
bed he exhorted, warned, admonished all who
approached him as he had done from the pulpit.
His brethren in the ministry he adjured to " abide
by the eternal tnith of the Gospel." Noblemen and
statesmen he coimselled to uphold the "Evangel"
and not forsake the Church of their native land, if
they would have God not to strip them of their
riches and honoius. He made Calvin's sei-mons on
the Ephesians be read to him, as if his spii-it soiight
to commu.ne once more on earth with that mightier
spirit. But the Scriptures were the manna on
which he mostly lived : " Turn," said he to his wife,
" to that passage where I first cast anchor, the
seventeenth of the Gospel of John." In the midst
of these solemn scenes, a gleam of liLs wonted
geniality breaks in. Two intimate friends come to
see him, and he makes a cask of French wine which
was in his cellar be pierced for their entertainment,
and hospitably urges them to partake, saying that
" he will not tarry till it be all dnink." He was
overheard breathing oiit short utterances in prayer :
" Give peace to this afflicted commonwealth ; raise
up faithful pastors." On the day before his death,
being Sunday, after lying some time quiet, he
.STiddenly broke out, "I have fought against spiritual
wickedness in heavenly things," referring to the
troubled state of the Church, " and have prevailed ;
I have been in heaven and taken possession, I have
tasted of the heavenly joys." At eleven o'clock in
the evening of the 2-lth of November, he heaved a
deep sigh, and ejaculated, " Now it is come." His
friends desired of him a sign that he died in peace,
whereupon, says the chronicler of his last horn's,
" As if he had received new strength in death, he
lifted one of liis hands towards heaven, and sighing
twice, departed ^vith the calmness of one fallen into
sleep." '
The two master-qualities of Knox were faith and
courage. The fundamental quality was his faith,
courage was the noble fruit that sprang from it.
The words of Regent Morton, spoken over his dust,
have become provei'bial, " There lies one who never
feai-ed the face of man." John Knox never feared
man because he never mistrusted God. His faith
taught him, first of all, a fearless submission of his
understanding to the Word of God. To this jiro-
found submission to the Bible we can trace all the
noble and rare qualities which he displayed in his
life. To this was owing the simplicity, the clearness
and the vdgour of all his views, his uniform con-
sistency, and that remarkable foresight which to
his countrymen appeared to .approach alnio.st to
prophecy. Looking along the lines of the Divine
' Smetoniiffs/ionsio, p. 12.3. M''Crie. Li/Vo/'K'wo.r, vol. ii..
pp. 224, 232.
KNOX'S MASTER-QUALITIES.
515
govorameiit, as revealed iii the Scriptui-es, he could
foretell wliat would ine\'itably be tlie issue of a
certain coiu-se of conduct or a certain train of
events. It might come sooner or it might come
later, but he no more doubted that it would
come than he doubted the uuifoi-mity and equity
of God's rule over men. To tliis too, namely, his
submission to the Bible, was owing at once the
solidity and the breadth of hLs Reform. Instead
of trammelling ]iim.sGlf by forms he threw himself
fearlessly and broadly upon great principles. He
.spread his Reformation over the whole of society,
going down till he had reached its deepest spiings,
and travelling outwards till he had regenerated his
country in all departments of its action, and in all
the spheres of its well-being. He was an advocate
of constitutional govenunent, and a friend, as we
liave seen, of the highest and wdest intellectual
culture. It is no proof of narrowness, surely, but
of insight and breadth, that he discerned the ti-ue
foimdation on which to build in order that his
Reformation might endure and extend itself. He
placed it upon the Bible. His wide and patriotic
views on public liberty and education, which he Jield
and inculcated, we gratefully acknowledge ; but the
great service which he rendered to Scotland was
the religious one — he gave it liberty by giving it the
" Evangel." It would have but little a-\-ailed Scots-
men in the nineteenth century if Knox had wrought
uji their fithers to a little political enthusiasm, but
had failed to lead them to the Bible, that great
awakenei- of the human soul, and bulwark of the
rights of conscience. If this had been all, the Scots,
after a few abortive attempts, like those of mis-
guided France, to reconcile political freedom with
spiritual servitude, would assuredly have fallen
back under the old yoke, and would have been
lying .at this day in the gulf of " Papistrie."
Discarding this narrow visionary jiroject, Knox
gi-asped the one eternal principle of liberty, the
government of the human conscience by the Bible,
and planting his Reformation upon this great
foundation-stone, he endowed it with the attribute
of durability.
CHAPTER XI.
ANDREW MELVILLE — THE TULCIIAN BI.SHOPS.
The Tulehan Bishops— Evils that grow out of this Arrangement— Supported by the Government— A Battle in
Prospect— A Champion Wanting— Andrew Melvillo — His Parentage— Education — Studies Abroad — Goes to Geneva
— Appointed Professor of Humanity in its Academy— Returns to Scotland in 1574— State of Scotland at his
Arrival— War against the Tulehan Bishops— The General Assembly Abolishes the Order— Second Book of
Discipline— Perfected PoUty of the Presbyterian Kirk— The Spmtual Independence— Geneva and Scotland— A
Great Struggle.
The same year (l.'iTS) wliicli saw Knox descend
into the grave beheld the rise of a system in Scot-
land, which was styled episcopacy, and yet was not
episcopacy, for it possessed no authority and exer-
cised no ovei-sight. We have already indicated the
motives which led to this invasion upon the
Presbyterian equality which had till now prevailed
in the Scottish Chiu-ch, and the significant name
boi-ne by the men who filled the offices created
under this arrangement. They were styled Tulehan
bishops, being only the image or likeness of a
bishop, set up as a convenient vehicle through
wliich the fniits of the benefices might flow, not
into the treasury of the C'hvuch, their rightful
tlesti nation, but into the pockets of patrons and
landlords. We have seen that Knox resisted this
scheme, ius stained with the double guilt of simony
.and robbery. He held it, moreover, to be a viola-
tion of one of the fundamental laws of the Presby-
terian polity, so far as the new bishops might
possess any real superiority of power or rank. This
they hardly did as yet, for the real power of the
Church lay in her coiu-ts, and the Tulehan bishops
were subject to the jurisdiction of the Spiods and
Assemblies equally wth their brethren ; but the
change was deemed ominous by all the more faithful
ministers, as the commencement of a policy which
seemed certain in the end to lay prostrate the
Presbyterianism of the Church of Scotland, and
with it the Reformed religion and the liberties of
the country.
Meanwhile, numerous other evils grew out of
this arrangement. Tlie men who consented to
be obtruded into these equivocal posts were mosUy
unqualified, some by their youth, olhei-s by their
old age ; some by inferior talents, others by
THE DEATH-WARRAyT OF MARY QUEEN OP SCOTS. {After tTic Pairdmg iy Wchte.)
ANDREW MELVILLE.
5i;
their blemished character. They were de.spised
by the people iis the tools of the coui-t and the
aristocracy. Hardly an Assembly met but it had
to listen to comitlaiiits against them for neglect
of duty, or irregularity of life, or tyrannical ad-
ministration. The ministers, who felt that these
abuses were debasing the purity and weakening
the influence of the Church, sought means to correct
them. But the Government took the side of the
Tulchan dignitaries. The regent, IMorton, declared
and ardently attached to the piinciples of the Pres-
byterian Chiu-ch ; but there was no one who
possessed Knox's sagacity to devise, or his in-
trepidity to apply, the measures which the crisis
demanded. They felt that the Tulchan episcopacy
which had lifted up its head in the midst of them
must be vigorously resisted if Presbyterianism was
to live, but a champion was wanting to lead in the
battle.
At last one not unworthy to succeed Knox
VIEW OF THE KflNS OF liLACKFRI.\US CHAPEL, ST. ANDREWS.
the speeches against the new bishops to be seditious,
threatened to deprive the Cluiroh of the liberty of
her Assemblies, and advanced a claim to the same
supremacy over ecclesiastical affiiirs which had been
declared an inherent prerogative in the crown of
England.' Into this complicated and confused state
ha^l matters now come in Scotland.
Tlie man who had so largely contributed by his
unwearied laboui-s to i-ear the Scottish ecclesia-stical
establishment, and who had watched over it with
such \mslumboring \'igilanco, was now in his grave.
Of those who remained, many were excellent men,
' Buih of Univ. Kirk, p. 58.
vol. i., p. 154.
148
M'^.Crio, Life of Melville,
came forward to fill the p.ace where that great
leader had stood. This man was Andrew Melville,
who in 1574 returned from Geneva to Scotliuid.
He was of the Melvilles of Baldovy, in the Mearns,
and having been left an orphan at the age of four
years, was received into the family of his elder
brother, who, discovei-ing his genius and taste for
learning, resolved to give him the best education
the country afforded. He acquired Latin La the
gi-ammar-school of Montrose, and Greek from
Pierre de Miu-silliers, a native of France, who
taught in those parts; and when the young Melville
entered the Univereity of St. Andrews he read the
original text of Aristotle, while his professors,
unacquainted with the tongue of their oracle, com-
nis
HISTORY OF ?r>OTESTAXTIS>[.
iiioiiteil uiiou liis works from a Liitiii tnuislation. '
From St. Aiiilrews, Melville went to prosecute liis
studies at that ancient seat of learning, tlic Uni-
versity of Paris. The Sorbonne was then lisin;,'
into lii,>,'lior renown and attracting greater crowds
of students than ever, Francis I., at the advice of
tlie great scholar Bud.eus, having just added to it
tin-ee new chairs for Latin, Crreek, and Hel)rew.
These vndocked the gates of tlie ancient world, and
admitted the student to the philosophy of the
G-reek .<iages and the diviner knowledge of the
Hebrew prophets. The Jesuits were at that time
intriguing to obtain admission into the University
of Paris, and to insinuate themselves into the edu-
cation of youth, and the insight Melville obtained
abroad into the character and designs of these
zealots was useful to him in after-lLfe, stimulating
him as it tlid to put the colleges of his native land
on such a footmg that the youth of ScotLand might
have no need to seek instruction in foreign coun-
tries. Fi'om Paris, Meholle repaired to Poictiers,
where, diu-ing a residence of three years, he
discharged the duties of regent in the College
of St. Marceon, tUl he was compelled to quit it
by the troubles of the ci'vil war. Leaving Poictiei's,
he journeyed on foot to Geneva, his Hebrew Bible
sliing at his belt," and in a few days after his
arrival he was elected to fill the chair of
Humanity, then vacant, in the famous academy
which Calvin had founded ten years before, and
which, as regards the fame of its ma.stei's and the
number of its scholars, now rivalled the ancient
iiniversities of Europe.^ This appointment brought
him into daily intercourse with the scholars, minis-
ters, and senators of Geneva, and if the Scotsman
delighted in their lu'banity and learning, they no
less admii-ed his candour, "vivacity, and manifold
acquii'ements. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew
took place dining Melville's residence in Geneva,
and that terrible event, by crowding Geneva with
refugees, vastly enlarged his acquaintance wth the
Protestants of the Continent. There were at one
time as many as 120 French mmisters in that
hospitable city, and among other learned strangers
was Joseph Scaliger, the greatest scholar of his
age, with whom MelvUle I'enewed an acquaintance
which had been begim two years before. The
hon-ors of this massacre, of which he had had so
near a ■vdew, deepened the detestation he felt for
tyranny, and helped to nerve him in the efforts he
made in subsequent years for the liberties of his
• James Melville, Autobiography and IHary, p. 39;
Wodrow ed., 1842.
- Bid., p. 41.
3 Ibid., p. 41.
native land. Surro\inded with congenial friends and
occupied in inqiortant laboiu's, that land he had
all but forgotten, till it was recalled to his heart
liy a visit from two of his coiiutiymen, who, .striick
with his great capabilities, urged him to return
to Scotland. Ha^dng obtained with ditliculty per-
mission from the Senate and Church of Geneva to
return, he .set out on his way homeward, with a
letter from Beza, in which that illustrious man said
that " the Chui'ch of Geneva could not give a
sti'onger token of affection to her sister of Scotland
than by despoUiug herself of his sei-vices that the
Chm-ch of Scotland might therewith be enriched."^
Passing through Paris on the very day that Charles
IX. died in the Louvre, he amved in Eduibiugh
in July, 1574, after an absence of ten yeai-s from
his native country. " He brought with him," says
James Melville, " an inexhaustible treasiuy of
learning, a vast knowledge both of things human
and cUvine, and, what was better stUl, an upright
and fervent zeal for true religion, and a firm
resolution to devote all his gifts, with unwearied
painfulness, to the service of his Kirk and country
without recompense or gain."-'
On his arrival in Scotland he found the battle
against the Tulchan episcopate, so incongruously
joined on to the Presbyterian Church, halting for
one to lead. Imjiressed with the simple order
which Calvin had established in Geneva, and as-
cribing in large degree to that cause the glory to
which that Church had attained, and the purity with
which religion flourished in it, and belie^'ing with
Jerome that, agreeably to the interchangeable use
of the words '• bishop " and " presbjrter" in the New
Testament, all ministers of the Gospel wei'e at
first equal, Melville resolved not to rest till he had
lopped off the unseemly addition which avaricious
nobles and a tyrannical Government had made to
the Church of his nati^'e land, and restored it to the
simplicity of its first order. He began the battle in
the General Assembly of 1.57.5 ; he continued it in
following Assemblies, and yntli such success that the
General Assembly of 1580 came to a unanimou.s
resolution, declaring " the office of a bishop, as then
used and commonly imderstood, to be destitute of
wan-ant from the Word of God, and a human inven-
tion, tending to the great injury of the Church, and
ordained the bishops to demit their pretended ofhce
.limpliciti'r, and to receive admission as ordinary
])astors (/« novo, under pain of excommunication."''
Not a holder of a Tulchan mitre but bowed to tlie
decision of the Assembly.
•• James Melville, Autohiography, p. 42.
■'■' Jri>td.,p. 44.
' MrCrie, Life of Melville, vol. i., p. 102
THE SECOND BOOK OF DISCIPLINE.
619
While, on the one hand, this new episcopacy was
being cast down, the Church was labouring, on the
other, to build up and perfect her scheme of Pres-
byterian polity. A committee was appointed to
prosecute tliis important matter, and in the course of
a series of sittings it brought its work to completion,
and its phin was sanctioned by the General Assem-
bly which met in the Magdalene Chapel of Edin-
burgli, in 1578, under the presidency of Ancli'ew
Melville. " From tliis time," says Dr. M^Crio,
"the Book of Policy, as it was then styled, or
Second Book of Discipline, although not ratified
by the Privy Council or Parliament, was regarded
by the Church as exhibiting her authorised form of
government, and the subsequent Assemblies took
steps for caiT)Tng its an-angements into eflect, by
erecting presbyteries throughout the kingdom, and
committing to them the oversight of all ecclesias-
tical affixirs within theii' bounds, to the exclusion of
bisliops, superintendents, and visitors."'
It may be well to pause and contemplate the
Scottish ecclesiastical polity as now perfected. Never
before had the limits of the civil and the ecclesias-
tical powers been drawn with so bold a hand as in
this Second Book of Discipline. In none of the
Confessions of the Reformation had the Chm-ch been
.so clearly set forth as a distinct and, in spii-itual
matters, independent society as it was in this one.
The Second Book of Discipline declared that
"Clu-Lst had appointed a government in his Church,
distinct from civil government, which is to be
executed in Ins name by such office-bearere as he
has avithorised, and not by civil magistrates or
under tlieir direction." This marks a notable
advance in the Protestant theoiy of Church power,
wliich differs from the Popish theory, inasmuch as
it is co-ordinate with, not superior to, the civnl
jwwer, its claims to supremacy being strictly
limited to things spiiitual, and subject to the State
in things temporal. Luther had grasped the idea
of the essential distinction between the two powers,
but he shrank from the difficidty of embodying his
views in a Church organisation. Calvin, after a great
battle, had succeeded in vesting tlie Chm-ch of
Geneva with a certain measure of spiritual indepen-
dence ; but the State there was a theocracy with
two branches — the spiritual administration of the
' Builc of Univ. Kirk, pp. 73, 74. Mf Crie, Ufe of Mel-
ville, vol. i., p. 1C5.
consistory, and the moral administration of the
senate — and hence the impossibility of instituting
definite boundaries between the two. But in
Scotland there was more than a city ; there were a
kingdom, a Parliament, a monarch ; and this not
only permitted, but necessitated, a fuller develop-
ment of the autonomy of the Church than was pos-
sible in Geneva. Hence the Scottish arrangement
more nearly resembles that which olitaincd in France
than that which was set up in Geneva ; besides,
Mary Stuart was Romish, and Knox could not give
to a Popish sovereign the power which Calvin had
given to the Protestant senate of Geneva. Still the
First Book of Discipline was incomplete as regards
its arrangements. It was compiled to meet an emer-
gency, and many of its jarovisions were necessarily
temporary. But the Second Book of Discipline
contained a scheme of Church polity, developed from
the root-idea of the supernatural origin of the
Church, and which alike in its general scope and
its particular details was framed with the view of
providing at once for the maintenance of the order,
and the conservation of the liberty of the Chiu'ch.
The Parliament did not ratify the Second Book of
Discipline till 1592 ; but that was a secondary
matter with its compilers, for in their view the
gi-anting of such ratification could not add to, and
the withholding of it could not take from, the in-
herent authority of the scheme of government, which
had its biniUng jjower from the Scriptures or had no
binding power whatever. Of what avail, then, was
the ratification of ParKament t Simply this, that
the State thereby pledged itself not to interfere
■with or overthi'ow this discipline; and, further, it
might be held as the symbol of the nation's ac-
ceptance of and submission to this discipline as a
Scrijrtural one, which, however, the Church neither
wished nor sought to enforce by civil penalties.
It was out of this completed settlement of the
Presbyterian polity that that great struggle arose
which ultimately involved both England and Scot-
land in civU war, and which, ivfter an immense
efi'usion of blood, in the southern kingdom on the
battle-field, and in the northern on the scaffolds of
its martyrs, issued in the Revolution of 1688, which
placed the Protestant House of Orange on the
throne of Great Britain, and secured, under the
sanction of an oath, that the constitution and
sovereigns of the realm should in all time coming
bo Protestant.
520
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER XII.
BATTLES FOR PRESBYTERIANISM AND LIBERTY,
James TI. — His Evil Counsellors— Love of Arbitrary Power and Hatred of Presbyterianism— State of Scotland —
The Kirk its One Free Institution— The Presbyterian Ministers the Only Defenders of the Nation's Liberties—
The National Covenant— Tulchan Bishops— Piobert Montgomery— His Excommunication— MelviUe before the
King— Raid of Euthven— The Black Acts— Influence of the Spanish Armada on Scotland — Act of 1592 Ratifying
Presbyterian Church Government— Return of Popish Lords— Interview between MelviUe and James VI. at
Falkland— Broken Promises— Prelacy set up— Importance of the Battle— James VI. Ascends the Throne of
England.
France ; to fill James's mind with exalted notions
of his own prerogative ; to inspii-e him \vith a
detestation of Presbyterian Protestantism, the
greatest foe of absohite power ; and to lead him
l)ack to Rome, tlie great uphohler of the Divine
right of kings. Accordingly Esme Stuart did not
come alone. He was in due time followed by
Jesuits and .seminary pi-iests, and the secret in-
fluence of tliese men soon made itself manifest in
the open defection of some who had hitherto pro-
fessed tlie Protestant faith. In short, this was an
off-shoot of that great plot which was in 1587 to
be smitten on the scaffold in Fotheringay Castle,
and to receive a yet heavier blow from the tem-
pest that strewed the bottom of the North Sea
with the hulks of tlie " Invincible Ai'mada," and
lined the western shores of Ireland with the coiijses
of Spanish warriors.
The Presbyterian ministers took the alarm.
This flocking of foul bu'ds to the court, and this
crowding of "men in masks" into the kingdom, fore-
boded no good to that Protestant establishment
which was the main bulwark of the country's
liberties. The alarm was deepened by intercepted
letters from Rome gi-anting a dispensation to
Roman Catholics to profess the Protestant faitli
for a time, provided they cherished in their hearts
a loyalty to Rome, and let slip no opportunity
their di-sguise might offer them of advancing her
interests.' A crisis was evidently approaching,
and if the Scottish people were to liold possession
of that impoi-tant domain of liberty which tliey had
conquered they must fight for it. Constitutional
government had not indeed been set up as yet in
f\ill form in Scotland ; but Buchanan, Knox, and
now Melville were tlie advocates of its principles ;
thus tlie germs of that form of government had been
planted in tlie country, and its working initiated by
I\ 1578, James VI., now twelve years of age, took
tlie reins of government into his own hand. His
preceptor, the illustrious Buchanan, had laboured
to inspire him witli a taste for learning — the capa-
city he could not give him — and to qualify him for
his future duties as a sovereign by instructing him
in the prmciples of civU and religious liberty.
But unhappUy the young king, at an early period
of his reign, fell under the influence of two worth-
less and profligate courtiers, who strove but too
successfully to make hmi forget all that Buchanan
had taught him. These were Esme Stuart, a
cousin of his father, who now arrived from
France, and was afterwards created Earl of
Lennox ; and Captain James Stuart, a son of
Lord Ochiltree, a man of profligate manners,
whose unprincipled ambition was rewarded with
the title and estates of the unfortunate Earl of
Arran. The .sum of what these men taught James
was that there was neither power nor glory in a
throne unless the monai'ch were absolute, and that
as the jurisdiction of the Protestant Church of his
native countiy was the gi-eat obstacle in the way
of his governing according to his own arbitrary
will, it behoved him above all tilings to sweep
away the jurisdiction of Pre.sbyterianism. An
independent Kirk and an absolute throne could
not co-exist in the same realm. These maxims
accorded but too well with the traditions of his
house and his own prepossessions not to be eagerly
imbibed by tlie king. He proved an apt scholar,
and the e\'il transformation wrought upon him bj'
the counsellors to whom he had surrendered liim-
self was completed by his initiation into scenes of
youthful debauchery.
The Popish politicians on the Continent foresaw,
of course, that James VI. would mount the throne
of England ; and there is reason to think that the
mission of the polished and insinuating but un-
principled Esme Stuart liad reference to that
expectation. The Duke of Guise sent liini to
restore the broken link between Scotland and
' MrCrie, Life of Melville, vol. i., p. 262. See also note
AA, ed. 1819. Spottiswood, p. 308. Strypc, Annals,
vol. ii., pp. 630, 631.
THE SWEARING OP THE NATIONAL COVENANT.
521
the erection of the Presbyterian Cliureli Couits ;
limits had been put ujjon the arbitrary will of the
monarch by the exclusion of the royal [lower from
tlie most imjiortant of all departments of human
liberty and rights ; and the great body of the people
were inflamed with the resolution of maintaining
these great acquisitions, now menaced by both the
secret and the open emissaries of the Guises and
Home. But there were none to rally the people to
the defence of the public liberties but the ministers.
The Parliament in Scotland was the tool of the
court ; the com-ts of justice had theii' decisions
dictated by letters from the king ; there was yet
no free press ; there was no organ through which
the public sentiment could find expression, or shape
itself into action, but the Kii-k. It alone possessed
anj-thiug like liberty, or had courage to opjjose tlie
iii'bitrary measures of the Government. The Kirk
tlierefore must come to the front, and give ex])ression
to the national voice, if that voice was to be heard at
all ; and the Kirk must put its machinery in action
to defend at once its own independence and the
independence of the nation, both of wlricli were
threatened by the same blow. Accordingly, on this
occasion, as so often aftei-wards, the leaders of the
ojiposition were ecclesiastical men, and th*: measures
they adopted were on their outer sides ecclesiastical
also. The cii-cumstances of the country made this
a necessity. But whatever the foinns and names
employed in the conflict, the question at issue
was, shall the king govern by his own arbitrary
irresponsible will, or .shall the power of the
throne be limited by the chartered rights of the
people 1
This led to the swearing of the National Cove-
nant. It is only ignorance of the gi-eat conflict of
the sixteenth centm-y that would represent this as a
mere Scottish peculiarity. We have already met
with repeated instances, in the course of our liistory,
in which this expedient for cementing union .and
strengthening confidence amongst the fi-iends of
Protestantism was had recourse to. The L>itheran
jiriuces rc])eatedly subscribed not unsimilar bonds.
Tiie Waldenses assembled beneath the rocks of
Bol)bio, and with uplifted hands swore to rckindk;
their "ancient lamp" or die in the attempt The
citizens of Geneva, twice over, met in their gi-eat
Church of St Peter, and swore to the Eternal to
resist the duke, and maintain their evangelical
confession. The capitals of other cantons also
hallowed their stniggle for the Gospel by an oath.
The Hungarian Protestants followed this example.
In l.")Gl the nobles, citizens, .and troops in Erlau
bound themselves by oath not to foi-sake the tnitli.
and circulated their Covenant in the neighbouring
jjarishes, where also it was subscribed.' The
Covenant from which the Protestants of Scotland
sought to draw strength and confidence has attracted
more notice than any of the aljove instances, from this
cii-cumstance, that the Covenanters were not a party
but a nation, and the Covenant of Scotland, like its
Eefonnation, was national. The Covenanters swore
in brief to resist Popery, and to maintain Pro-
testantism and constitutional monarchy. They
first of all explicitly abjured the Eomish tenets,
they promised to adhere to and defend the doctrine
and the government of the Reformed Church of
Scotland, and finally they engaged under the same
oath to defend the person and authority of the king,
" with our goods, bodies, and lives, in the defence of
Christ's Evangel, liberties of our country, ministra-
tion of justice, and pvmishment of iniquity, against
all enemies mthin this realm and without." It was
subscribed (1.581) by the king and his household
and by all ranks in the country. The arrangement
with Rome made the subscription of the co>u-tiers
almost a matter of course ; even Esme Stuart, now
Earl of Lennox, seeing how the tide was flowing,
professed to be a convert to the Protestant faith. -
The national enthusiasm in behalf of the Reformed
Church was gi-eatly strengthened by this solemn
transaction, but the intrigues against it at court
went on all the same. The battle was begun by the
appointment of a Tvlchnii, bishop for Glasgow.
The pei-son prefeiTed to this (juestionable dignity
was Robert Montgomery, minister of Stirling, who,
said the people, " had the title, but my Lord of Len-
nox (Esme Stuart) had the milk." The General
Assembly of 1582 were proceeding to suspend the
new-made bishop from the exercise of his oflice,
when a messenger-at-arms entered, and charged the
moderator and members, " under pam of rebellion
and putting them to the horn," to stop procedure.
The Assembly, so fiir from complying, pronounced
the heavier sentence of exeommmiication on Mont-
gomery ; and the sentence was publicly intimated
in Edinburgh and Glasgow, in spite of Esme Stuart,
wiio, fmious with r.age, threatened to jioignard the
preacher. It shows how .strongly the popular feel-
ing was in favour of the Assembly, and against the
court, that when Montgomery came soon after to
liay a visit to his patron Lennox, the inhabitants of
Edinburgh rose in a l)ody, demanding that the
town should not be jjolluted with his presence, and
literally chased him out of it. Nor was he, with all
' This document is preserved in Presburff. in the library
of Georgo Adonys. (Hist. Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 7S;
Lond., 18.54.)
- Buik of Unir. Kirk, pp. 9C-99. M'Crie, Life "/af--!-
ville, vol. i, p. 262.
522
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
his speed, able to escape a few "bufiets in the neck "
as he hastily made his exit at the wicketrgate of the
Potter Row.
The matter did not end with the ignominious
expulsion of Montgomery from the capital. The
next General Asscmljly adopted a simited re-
monstrance to the king, setting forth that the
came forward, one after another, and appended their
signatures. Even the insolent Arran was abashed ;
and Melville and his brethren were peaceably
dismissed. Protection from noljlc or- from other
ijuarter the ministers had none ; their courage was
their only shield.'
There followed some chequered years; the nobles,
OEOEGE EUCIIANAX.
(From nil authentic PoHrait in the iiossession of V, Lainfj, Esq., LL.D.)
authority of the Church had been invaded, her
sentences disamiulled, and her ministers obstructed
in the discharge of their duty, and begging redress
of these giievances. Andrew Melville with others
■was appointed to present the paper to the king
in council ; having obtained audience, the com-
missioners read the remonstrance. The reading
finished, An-an looked round with a ^^^•athful
countenance, and demanded, " Who dares sul)scribe
these trea.sonable articles t " " We dare, " re-
plied Melville, and, advancing to the table, he took
the pen and subscribed. The other commissioners
roused liy the courageous bearing of the ministers,
made an attempt to free themselves and the countiy
from the ignominious tyranny of the unworthy
ftivourites, who were trampling upon their liberties.
But then- attempt, kno^vTl as the "Raid of Ruthvcn,"
was ill-advised, and very unlike the calm and con-
stitutional ojiposition of the ministei-s. Tlie nobles
took possession of the king's person, and compelled
the Frenchmen to leave the country. The year's
' James Melville, Autobiography, pp. 129, 133.
Life of Melville, vol. i., p. 273.
MfCrie.
THE KIRK AND THE NATIONAL LIBERTIES.
fi53
peace which this violence procured for the Cliurch was
ilcarly purchased, for the tide of opjiression imme-
diately returned with all the greater force. Andrew
Melville had to retii-e into England, and that in-
trepid champion oft' the scene, the Parliament (1584)
the only organ of public sentiment, and the only
bulwark of the nation's liberties. The General
Assembly could not meet unless the king willed,
and thus he held in his liands the whole power of
the Church. This was in violation of repeated Acts
OUY PAWKES 8 CELLAK.
overturned the independence of the Church. It
enacted that no ecclesiastical Assembly should meet
without the king's leave ; that no one should de-
cline the judgment of the king and Privy Council
on any matter whatever, under perU of treason, and
that all ministei-s shoidd acknowledge the bishops
as their ecclesis.atical superiors. These decrees were
termed the Black Acts. Their effect was to lay at
the feet of the king that whole machinery of eccle-
siastical courts which, as matters then stood, was
of Parliament, which had vested the Church with the
power of convoking and dissolving her Assemblies,
wthout which her liberties were an illusion.
The Reformed Church of Scotland was lying in
what seemed ruin, when it was lifted up by an
event that at fii-st threatened destruction to it and
to the whole Protestantism of Britain. It was at
this time that the storm-cloud of the Ai-mada
gathered, burst, and passed away, but not without
rousing the spirit of liberty in Scotland. The Scots
S24
HISTORY OF PEOtESTANTlSM.
resolved to set theii* house m order, lest a second
Ai'mada should approach their shores, intercepted
letters having made them aware that Huntly and
the Popish lords of the north were lu-ging Philip II.
of Spain to make another attempt, and promising
to second his eflbrts with soldiers who would not
only place Scotland at his feet, but would aid him
to subjugate England.^ Even James VI. paused
in the road he was travelling towards that oldest
and staunchest friend of despotic princes, the Church
of Rome, seeing his kingdom about to depart from
liim. His ardour had been cooled, too, by the
man}' difficulties he had encountered Ln his attempts
to impose upon his subjects a hierarchy to which
they were repugnant ; and either through that
fickleness and inconstancj' which were a part of his
nature, or through that incurable craft which
characterised him as it had done all his race, he
became for the time a zealous Presbyterian. Nay,
he " praised God that he was bom in such a place
as to be king in such a Ku-k, the purest Kirk in
the world. I, forsooth," he concluded, " as long
as I brook my life and crown shall maintain the
same against all deadly."^ Andrew Melville had
returned from London after a year's absence, and
his first care was to resuscitate the Protestant liber-
ties which lay buried imder the late Parliamentary
enactments. Nor were his labours in vain. In
1592, Parliament restored the Presbyterian Church
as it had formerly existed, I'atifying its government
by Kirk-sessions, Presbytex'ies, Provincial Synods,
and National Assemblies. This Act has ever been
held to be the grand charter of Presbyterianism in
Scotland." It was hailed with joy, not as adding
a particle of inherent authority to the system it
recognised — the basis of that authority the Church
had already laid do^vn in her Books of Discipline —
but because it gave the Church a legal pledge that
the jurisdiction of the Romish Church would not be
restored, and by consequence, that of the Reformed
Church not overthrown.'' This Act gave the Church
of Scotland a legal groimd on which to fight her
future battles.
But James VI. wa.s incapable of being long of
one mind, or persevering steadily in one coiuse.
In 1596 the Popish lords, who had left the country
on the .suppression of their rebellion, returned to
Scotland. Notwithstanding that they had risen
in arms against the king, and had continued
theii- plots while they lived abroad, Jame.s was
' See copy of letters, with the cipher in which they were
written, and its key, in Calderwood, Hist., vol. v., p. 7 et sc./.
-' Calderwood, Hist., vol. v., p. lOG.
^ Act James VT., 1592.
* Calderwood, Hist., vol. v., pp. liiO— IGfi.
willing to receive and reinstate these conspirators.
His Council were of the same mind with himself.
Not so the country and the Chui'ch, which saw new
conspiracies and wars in jjrospect, should these
inveterate plotters be taken back. Without loss of
time, a deputation of ministers, appointed at a
convention held at Cupar, proceeded to Falkland to
remonstrate with the king on the ])roposud recall of
those who had shown themselves tl>e enemies of his
throne and the disturbers of his realm. The
ministers were admitted into the palace. It had
been agi'eed that James Melville, the nephew of
Andrew, for whom the king entertained great
respect, being a man of courteous address, should
be theii' spokesman. He had only uttered a few
words when the king violently interrupted him,
denouncing him and Ids associates as seditious
stirrers up of the people. The nephew would
soon have succumbed to the tempest of the royal
anger if the uncle had not stepped forward. James
VI. and AniU-ew Melville stood once more face to
face. For a few seconds there was a conflict be-
tween the kingly authority of the sovereign and the
moral majesty of the patriot. But soon the king
yielded himself to Meholle. Taking James by the
sleeve, and calling him " God's sillie vassal," he
proceeded, says M^Crie, "to address him in the
following strain, perhaps the most singular, in point
of freedom, that ever saluted royal ears, or that
ever proceeded from the mouth of loyal subject,
who would have spilt his blood in defence of the
person and honour of his piince : — ' Sir,' said
Melville, 'we will always humbly reverence your
Majesty in public, but since we have this occasion
to be with your Majesty in private, and since you
are brought into extreme danger both of your life
and crown, and along with you the coiuitry and
the Church of God are like to go to wreck, for not
telling you the truth and gi^dngyou faithful counsel,
we must discharge oiir duty or else be traitors, both
to Christ and you. Therefore, sii', as divers times
before I have told you, so now again T must tell
you, there are two kings and two kingdoms in
Scotland : there is Christ Jesus the King of the
Church, whose subject King James the Sixth is, and
of whose kingdom he is not a king, nor a lord, nor
a head, btit a nu^mber. . . . We will yield to
you your place, and give you all due obedience ; but
again I say, you are not tlie head of the Church ;
you cannot give us that eternal life whicli even in
this world we seek for, and you cannot deprive lis
of it. Permit us then freely to meet in the name
of Christ, and to attend to the interests of that
Church of whioJi you are the chief member. Sir,
when you were in your swudilliug-clotlu's, Christ
ANDREW MELVILLE AND JxlMES VL
025
Jesus iX'igiu'd iVtrly in this land, in spite of all liis
enemies ; his olKcei'S and ministers convened for
the ruling and the welfare of his Church, which
was ever for your welfare, defence, and preserva-
tion, wlien these same enemies were seeking your
destruction and cutting off. Aud now, when
there is more than extreme necessity for the con-
tinuance of that duty, ^vilI you hinder and dishearten
Christ's servants, and your most faithful subjects,
quarrelling them for theii' convening, when you
sliould rather commend and countenance them as
the godly kings and emperors did^'"' The storm,
which had risen with so great and sudden a violence
at the mild words of the nephew, went down be-
foi'e the energy and honesty of the uncle, and the
deputation was dismissed with assurances that no
favour should be shown the Popish lords, and no
march stolen upon the liberties of the Church.
But hardly were the ministers gone when steps
were taken for restoring the insurgent nobles, and
undermining the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The
policy adojited for accomplishing this was singularly
subtle, and reveals the hand of the Jesuits, of
whom there were then numbers in the coimtry.
First of all, the king preferred the apparently imio-
eent request that a certain number of ministers
shoidd Ije appointed as assessors, with whom he
might advise in " all affixirs concerning the weal of
the Church." Fourteen ministers were appointed :
" the very needle," says James Melville, " which
drew in the episcopal thread." The second step was
to declare by Act of Parliament that Prelacy was
the third Estate of the Realm, and that those mini-
stei-s whom the king chose to raise to that dignity
should be entitled to sit or vote in Parliament.
The third step was to enact that the Church should
be represented in Parliament, aud that the fourteen
assessors already chosen should form that repre-
sentation. The matter having reached this hopeful
stage, the king adventured on the foui-th and last
step, which was to nominate David Lindsay, Peter
Blackbin-n, and George Gladstanes to the vacant
bislio])rics of Ross, Aberdeen, and Caithness. The
iiew-mado bishops took their seats in the next
Parliament. Tlie art and finpssp, of the king and
his counsellors had triunqihed ; but his victory was
not yet complete, for the Genei-al Assembly still
continued to manage, although with diminished
authority and freedom, the affairs of the Church.
' MfCrie, Life of Melville, vol. ii., pp. 62—65.
The war we have been contemplating was waged
witliin a small area, but its issue was world-wide.
The ecclesiastical names and forms that appear on
its surface may make this struggle repulsive in the
eyes of some. Waged in the Palace of Falkland,
and on the floor of the General Assemblj-, these
contests are apt to be set down as having no
higher origin than clerical ambition, and no wider
object than ecclesia.stical supremacy. But this, in
the present instance at least, would be a most
superficial and erroneous judgment. We see in
these conflicts infant Liberty struggling -with the
old hydra of Despotism. The independence and
freedom of Scotland were here as really in question
as on the fields waged by Wallace and Bruce, and
the men who fought in the contests which have been
passing before us braved death as really as those do
who meet mailed antagonists on the battle-field.
Nay, more, Scotland and its Kirk had at this time
become the key-stone in the arch of European
liberty ; and the unceasing efforts of the Pope, the
King of Spain, and the Guises were directed to
the displacing of that key-stone, that the arch which
it upheld might be destroyed. They were sending
their agents into the country, they were fomenting
rebellions, they were flattering the weak conceit
of wisdom and of arbitrary power in James : not
that they cared for the conquest of Scotland in
itself so much as they coveted a door by which
to enter England, and suppress its Reformation,
which they regarded as- the one thing wanting to
complete the success of their schemes for the total
extermination of Protestantism. With servile
Parliaments and a spiritless nobility, the public
liberties as well as the Protestantism of Scotland
would have perished but for the vigilance and in-
trepidity of the Presbyterian ministers, and, above
all, the incorniptible, the dauntless and unflinch-
ing courage and patriotism of Andrew INIelville.
These men may have been rough in speech; tliey
may have permitted tlieii- temper to be ruffled, and
their indignation to be set on tii'e, in exposing craft
and -withstanding tyranny ; but that man's under-
standing must be as narrow as his heart is cold,
who woidd think for a moment of weighing such
things in the balance against the priceless lilessing
of a nation's liberties.
The death of Queen Elizabeth, in 1603, called
James VI. to London, and the centre of the conflict,
which widens as the j-ears advance, changes with
the monarch to England.
626
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER XIII.
JAMES VI. IN ENGLAND — THE GUNPOWDER PLOT.
Steps to Hinder a Protestant Successor to Elizabeth — Bulls of Clement VIII. — Application to Philip II. — English
Jesuits thrown on theii- own Resources — The Gunpowder Plot Proposed — Catesby — Percy — Preparations to Blow
up the Parliament — Pacific Professions of Romanists the while — Proofs that the Plot was Known to the Roman
Catholic Authorities— The Spanish Match — Disgraceful Treaty — Growing Troubles.
When it became known at Rome that the reign of
Elizabeth was drawing to a close, steps were imme-
diately taken to prevent any one mounting her
throne save a prince whose attachment to Roman
Catholicism could not be doubted, and on whom
sure hopes could be built that he would restore the
Papacy in England. The doubtful Protestantism of
the Scottish king had, as we have already .said, been
somewhat strengthened by the destruction of the
Spanish Armada. It was further steadied by the
representations made to him by Elizabeth and her
wise ministers, to the effect that he could not hope
to succeed to the throne of England unless he should
put his attachment to the Protestant interests be-
yond suspicion ; and that the nobility and gentry
of England had too much honour and spii-it ever
again to bow the neck to the tyranny of the Church
of Rome. These representations and warnings
weighed with the monarch, the summit of whose
wishes was to ascend the throne of the southern
kingdom, and who was ready to protest or even
swear to maintain any set of maxims, political or
religious, which the necessity of the hoar made
advisable, seeing that his principles of kingcraft
peitnitted the ado]ition of a new policy whenever
a new emergency arose or a stronger temptation
crossed his ])ath. Accordingly we find James, in
the instructions sent to Hamilton, his agent in
England in 1600, bidiliiig him "assure all honest
men, on the princely word of a Christian king, that
as I have ever without swerving maintained the
same religion within my kingdom, so, as soon as it
shall please God lawfully to possess me of the crown
of that kingdom, I shall not only maintain the pro-
fession of the Gospel there, but withal not suffer
any other religion to be professed within the bounds
of that kingdom." This strong assurance, doubt-
less, quieted the fears of the English statesmen, but
in the same degree it awakened the fears of the
Roman Catholics.
They began to despair of the King of the Scots —
prematurely, we think ; but they were naturally
more impatient than James, seeing the restoration
of their Chui'ch was with them the first object,
whereas with James it was only the second, and
the English crown was the first. The conspii-ators
in England, whose hopes had been much dashed by
the strong declaration of the Scottish king, apjJied
to Pope Clement VIII. to put a bar in the way of
his mounting the throne. Clement was not hard
to be persuaded in the matter. He sent over to
Garnet, Provincial of the Jesuits in England, two
bulls of Ms apostolical authority — one addressed to
the Romish clergy, the other to the nobility and
laity, and both of the same tenor. The bulls
enjoined those to whom they were directed, in virtue
of their obedience, at whatever time "that miser-
able woman,"' for so he called Elizabeth, shoidd
depart this life, to permit no one to ascend her
throne, how near soever in blood, imless he swore,
according to the example of the former monarclis
of England, not only to tolerate the Roman Catholic
faith, but to the utmost of his power uphold and
advance it. Armed with this authoritative docu-
ment, the Romish faction in the kingdom waited
till Elizabeth should breathe her last.
On the death of the queen, in March, 1G03, they
instantly dispatched a messenger to announce the
fact to Winter, their agent at the Coiu't of Spain.
They charged him to represent to his most Catholic
Majesty that his co-religionists in England were
likely to be as gi-ievously oppressed luider the new
king as they had been under the late sovereign,
that in this emergency they turned then- eyes to
one whose zeal was as imdoubted as his arm was
powerful, and they prayed him to interpose in their
behalf The disaster of the Armada was too fresh
in Philip's memory, the void it had made in his
treasury, and which was not yet replenished, was
too great, and the eflects of the ten-ible blow on
the national sjjirit were too depressing, to permit
his responding to this appeal of the English
Catholics by arms. Besides, he had opened nego-
tiations for peace with the new king, and these
must be ended one way or the other before he could
take any step to prevent James mounting the throne,
' " Miseram illam f ceminam."
THE GUNrnWDER PLOT.
527
or In dispossess liiin of it iifter he had ascended
it. Thus, the English Jesuits were left with the
two bulls of Clement VIII., and the good wslies
of Philip II., as their only weapons for carrying
out their great enterjirisc of restoring their Church
to its former supremacy in England. They did not
<lespair, however. Thrown on their own resources,
they considered the means by which they might
gi\e triumph to their cause.
The Order of Jesus is never more formidable than
when it appears to be least so. It is when the
Jesuits are stripped of all external means of doing
harm that they devise the vastest schemes, and
execute them with the mo.st daring courage. Ex-
tremity but compels them to retreat yet deeper into
the dai-kness, and arm themselves with those terrible
)io\vers wherein their gi-eat strength lies, and the
lull unsparing ajiplication of which they reserve
fur the conflicts of mightiest moment. The Jesuits
in Engliuid now Ijegan to meditate a great blow.
They had delivered an astounding .stroke at sea but
A few yeai's before ; they would signalise the pre-
.sent emergency by a nearly as astounding stroke on
land. They would prepare an Armada in the heart
of the kingdom, which would inflict on England a
ruin sudden, strange, and terrible, like that which
Philiji's fleet would have inflicted had not the
" winds become Lutheran," as Medina Sidonia said
^vith an oath, and in their sectarian fury sent his
ships to the bottom.
In September, 1G0.3, it would seem that the first
meeting of the leading spirits of the party was held
to talk over the course the new king was pursuing,
and the measures to lie adopted. Catesby, a gentle-
man of an ancient family, began by recouiiting the
grievances under which the Roman Catholics of
England gi'oaned. His words kindling the anger of
Percy, a descendant of the House of Northumberland ,
he observed that nothing was left them but to kill the
king. "That," said Catesby, "is to run a great risk,
nnd .accomplish little," and he proceeded to unfold to
Percy a much grander design, which could be exe-
cuted with greater safety, and would be followed ly
far greater consequences. "You have," he continued,
" taken off the king ; but his children remain, who
will succeed to his throne. Suppose you destroy the
whole royal family, there will still remain the no-
bility, the gentry, the Parliament. All these we must
sweep away with one stroke ; and when our enemies
have sunk in a common ruin, then may we i-estore
the Church of Rome in England." In short, he pro-
])Osed to l)low up the Houses of Parliament with
gunpowder, when the king and the Estates of the
Itenlm should be there assembled.
The manner in which this plot was proceeded
with is too well known, and the detail.s are too
accessible in the ordmary histories, to require that
we should here dwell upon them. The contemplated
destruction was on so great a scale that some of the
conspirators, when it was first explained to them,
shrunk from the perpetration of a wickedness so
awful. To satisfy the more scrupulous of the party
they resolved to consult their spiritual advisers.
" Is it lawful," they asked of Garnet, Tesmond, and
Gerard, " to do this thing?" These Fathers assureit
them that they might go on with a good conscience
and do the deed, seeing that those on whom the
destruction would fall were heretics and excom-
municated persons. '■ But," it was replied, " some
Catholics will perish with the Protestants : is it
lawful to destroy the righteous with the wicked'?"
It was answered, " Yes, for it is expedient that
the few should die for the good of the many."
The ])oint of conscience having lieen resolved, and
the way made clear, the next step was an oath of
secrecy, to inspire them with mutual confidence : the
conspirators .swore to one another by the Blessed
Trinity and by the Sacrament not to disclose the
matter, directly or indirectly, and never to desist
from the execution of it, unless released by mutual
consent. To add to the solemnity of the oath, they
retired into an inner chamber, where they heard
mass, and received the Sacrament from Gerard.
They had sanctified themselves as the executioners
of the vengeance of Heaven upon an apostate
nation.
They .set to work ; they ran a mine under the
Houses of Parliament ; and now they learned by
accident that with less ado they might compass
theii- end. The vault under the House of Lords,
commonly used as a coal-cellar, was to be let. They
hired it, placed in it thirty-six barrels of gun-
powder, and strewing plenteously over them billets,
fagots, stones, and ii'on bars, threw open the doors
that all might see how harmless were the materials
with which the vault was .stored. The plot had
been brewing for a year and a half ; it had been
entrusted to some twenty persons, and not a whisper
had been uttered by way of divulging the terrible
secret.
The billets, fiigots, and iron bars that concealed
the gunpowder in the vault were not the only
means by which it was sought to hide from the
people all knowledge of the terrible catastrophe
which was in preparation. " The Lay Catholic
Petition" was at this time published, in whicli they
supplicated the king for toleration, protesting their
fidelity and unfeigned love for his Majesty, and
ofiering to be bound life for life with good sureties
for theii' loyal behaviour. Wlien the jilot approached
528
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
execution, Father Garnet began to talk much of
bulls and mandates from the Pope to charge all
the priests and their flocks in England to carry
themselves with profound peace and quiet. Garnet
sent Fawkes to Rome with a letter to Clement,
supplicating that " commandment might come from
his Holiness, or else from Aq^^a^'iva, the General of
the Jesuits, for staying of all commotions of the
Catholics in England." So anxious were they not
to hurt a Protestant, or disturb the peace of the
kingdom, or shake his Majesty's throne. The
sky is clearing, said the Protestants, deceived by
iniquity was not the afl'air of a few desperate men
in England only, but that the authorities of the
Popish world knew of it, sanctioned it, and lent it
all the help they dared. Del Rio, in a treatise
printed in IGOO, puts a supposititious case in the
confessional : " as if," says Dr. Kemiet, " he had
already looked into the mine and cellai-s, and had
surveyed the barrels of powder in tliem, and had
heard the whole confession of Fawkes and Catesby."'
The answer to the supposed case, which is that of
the Gunpowder Plot, the names of the actors left
out, forbade the divulging of such secrets, on the
Christopher j^^^
Robert- ^^'^/^L Wrlghty Thomas Guldo
Winter, j^ L AiS/, - -^ Percy Fai^kss
GUY 1-AWKES AND THE CHIEF CONSPIllATOKS. (From a coiitcmporar!/ Print.)
these arts ; the winter of Catholic discontent is
past, and all the clouds that lowered upon the land
in the days of Elizabeth are buried in the " deep
sea " of mutual conciliation. They knew not that
the men from whom those loud protestations of
loyalty and brotherly concord came were all the
while storing gunpowder in the vault underneath
the House of Lords, laying the train, and counting
the hours when they should fire it, and shake down
the pillars of the State, and dissolve the whole
frame of the realm. The way in which this hideous
crime was prevented, and England saved — namely,
by a letter addressed to Lord Monteagle by one of
the consj)irators, whose heart would seem to have
fixiled him at the last moment, leading to a search
below the House of Lords, followed by the discoveiy
of the aatoimding plot — we need not relate.
There is evidence for believing that the projected
gi-ound that the seal of the confessional must
not be violated. Tliis treatise, published at so
short a distance from England as Louvain, and
so near the time when the train was being laid,
shows, as Bishop Burnet remarks, that the plot
was then in their minds. In Sully's Memoirs
there is oftener than once a reference to a " sudden
blow " which was intended in England about this
time ; and King James was warned by a letter
from the court of Hemy IV. to beware of the
fiite of Henry III. ; and in the oration pronounced
at Rome in praise of Ra\'aillac, the assassin of
Henry IV., it was .said that he (Henry IV.) was
not only an enemy to the Catholic religion in his
heart, but that he had obsti-ucted the glorious
enterprise of those who would have restored it in
' Dr. Kcnnet, Sermon, Nov. 5, 1715.
EOMAN CATHOLICS AND THE GUNPOWDER PLOT.
629
England, and had caused them to be crowned with
martyrdom. It is not easy to see to what this can
refer if it be not to the Gunpowder Plot, and the
execution of the conspirators by which it was fol-
lowed. The proof of knowledge beforehand on the
part of the Popish authox'ities seemed to be com-
pleted by the action of Pope Paul V., who appointed
a jubilee for the year 1G05 — the year when the plot
w.a.s to be executed — for the purpose of " praying
for help in emergent necessities," and among the
saw his portrait among the martp-s in the hall c
the Jesuit College at Rome, and by his side an
angel who shows him the open gates of heaven.'
That the Romanists should thus plot against the
religion and liberties of England was only what
might be expected, but James himself became a
plotter towards the same end. Instead of being
warned off from so dangerous neighbours, he began
industriously to court alliances with the Popish
Powers. In these proceedings he laid the foundation
VIEW OF IIOI.YIIOOI) l'AL.\CE.
reasons assigned by the Pontiff for fixing on the year
160.5, was that it was to witness "the rooting out
of all the impious errors of the heretics.'" Copely
says that " he could never meet with any one
Jesuit who blamed it." ^ Two of the Jesuit con-
spiratoi-s who made their escape to Rome wero
rewarded ; one being made penitentiary to the
Pope, and the other a confessor in St. Peter's.
Garnet, who was executed as a traitor, is styled by
Bellarmiii a martyr ; and Misson tells us that he
' "Impios heretioorum errores undique evellere."
(Bennet, Memorial of the Rcfornuttion, p. 130.)
- Copely, AVas. o/ Conversion, p. 23. Bui-net, Sermon, 5tU
Nov., 1710.
149
of all the miseries which afterwards overtook his
house and his kingdom. His first stop was to send
the Earl of Bristol to Spain, to negotiate a marriage
with the Infanta for his sou Prince Charles. He
aftcrward.s dispatched Buckingham with the prince
himself on the same errand to the Spanish Court —
a proceeding that surprised everybody, and which
no one but the "English Solomon" could have been
capable of. It gave fresh life to Romanism in
England, greatly emboldened the Popish recusants,
and was the subject (lG21)ofa remonstrance of the
' Misson, Travels in Italy, vol. ii., part 1, p. 173. Misson
adds, in a marginal note, " Some travellers have told mo
latuly that tliia picture has been taken away."
530
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTIS:\r.
Commons to the king. The same man who had
endeavoured to stamp out the infant constitutional
liberties of Scotland began to plot the overthrow of
the more ancient franchises, privileges, and juris-
dictions of England.
While the prince was in Spain all arts were
employed to bring him within the pale of the
Roman Clnu'cli. An interchiuige of letters took
place between him and the Pope, in which the
Pontiff expresses liis hope that " the Prince of the
Apostles would be put in possession of his [the
prince's] most noble island, and that he and lus
royal father might be styled the deliverers and
restorers of the ancient paternal religion of Great
Britain." The prince i-eplies by expressing his
ardent wishes " for an alliance with one that hath
the same apprehension of the true religion with
myself."' A Papal dispensation was granted; the
marriage was agreed upon ; the terms of the treaty
were that no laws enacted against Roman Catholics
should ever after be put in execution, that no new
laws should ever hereafter be made against them,
and that the prince should endeavour to the utmost
of Lis power to procm-e the ratification by Par-
liament of these ai'ticles; and that, further, the
Parliament " should approve and ratify all and
singular articles in favour of Roman Catholics
capitulated by the most renowned kings." The
mairiage came to notliing ; nevertheless, the con-
sequences of the treaty were most disastrous to
both the king and England. It filled the land
with Popish priests and Jesuits ; it brought over
the titular Bishop of Chalcedon to exercise epis-
copal jurisdiction ; it lost King James the love of
his subjects ; it exposed him to the contempt of his
enemies ; and in addition it cost him the loss of
his honour and the .sacritice of Sir Walter Raleigh.
Extending beyond the bounds of England, the evil
effects of this treaty were felt in foreign countries.
For the sake of his alliance with the House of
Austria, James sacrificed the interests of hLs son-
in-law : he lost the Palatinate, and became the
immediate cause, as we have seen in a pre\dous part
of this history, of the overthrow of Protestantism
in Bohemia.
James VI. did not grow wiser as he advanced
in years. Troubles continued to embitter his life,
evils to encompass his throne, contempt to wait
upon his person, and calamity and distraction to
darken his realm. These manifold miseries grew
out of his rooted aversion to the religion of his
native land, and an incurable leaning towards
Romanism wliich led him to truckle to the Popish
Powers, whose tool and dupe he became, and to
cherish a reverence for the Church of Rome, wliich
courted him only that she might rob him of his
kingdom. And the same man who made himself
so small and contemptible to all the world abroad
was, by his invasion of the laws, his love of
arbitrary power, and his unconstitutional acts, the
tyi-ant of his Parliament and the oppressor of his
people at home.
CHAPTER XIV.
DEATH OF JAMES VI., AND SPIRITUAL AWAKENING IN SCOTLAND.
The Nations Dead— Protestantism made them Live— Examples— Scotland— James VI. Pursues his Scheme on the
Throne of England— His Arts— Compliance of the Ministers— The Prelates— High Commission Court— Visit of
James to Scotland— The Five Articles of Perth-" Black Saturday "—James's Triumph a Defeat— His Death—
A gi-eat Spiritiual Awakening in Scotland— Moral Ti'ansformations- David Dickson and the Awakening at
Stewarton— Market-day at Irvine— John Livingstone and the Kii'k of Shotts— The Scottish Vine Visited and
Strengthened.
The fii-st part of the mighty task which awaited
Protestantism in the sixteenth century was to
' The King of Scotland's Neqotiaiions at Rome for Assis-
tance against the Commonwealth of England. Published to
satisfy as many as arc not willing to he deceived. By
Authority. Lond., printed by William Dugard, 1650. In
this pamphlet the letters are given in full in French and
English. They are also published in Bushworth's Col-
lections.
breathe life into the nations. It found Christen-
dom a vast sepulchre in which its several peoples
were laid out in the sleep of death, and it said to
them, " Live." Arms, arts, political constitutions,
cannot quicken the ashes of nations, and call them
from their tomb : the mighty voice of the Scriptures
alone can do this. Conscience is i/ie life, and the
Bible awoke the conscience.
The second part of the great task of Protes-
PRELACY SET UP IN SCOTLAND.
531
tantism was to make the nations free. It fii-st
gave them life, it next gave them freedom. We have
seen this order attempted to be reversed in some
modem instances, but the result lias shown how
impossible it is to give liberty to the dead. The
amplest measure of political freedom cannot profit
nations when the conscience continues to slumber.
It is like clothing a dead knight iii the ainnoui" of
a living warrior. He reposes proudly in helmet
and coat of mail, but the pulse throbs not in
the limbs which these cover. Of all the nations
of Christendom there was not one in so torpid a
state as Scotland. When the sixteenth century
dawned, it was twice dead : it was dead in a
dominant Romanism, and it was dead in an equally
dominant feudalism ; and for this reason perhaps
it was selected as the best example in the eu-
tii'e circle of the European nations to exldbit the
power of the \'italising principle. The slow, silent,
and deep permeation of the nation by the Bible
dissolved the fetters of this double slavery, and
conscience was emancipated. An emancipated
conscience, by the first law of nature — self-pre-
servation— immediately set to work to trace the
boundary lines aroimd that domain in which she
felt that she must be sole and exclusive mistress.
Thus arose tlie spii-itual jurisdiction — in other
words, the Church. Scotland had thus come into
possession of one of her liberties, the religious. A
citadel of freedom had been reared in the heart of
the nation, and from that imier fortress religious
liberty went forth to conquer the suri'ounding
territory for its yoke-fellow, civil liberty ; and that
kingdom wliich had so lately been the most enslaved
of all the European States was now the freest in
Christendom.
Thus in Scotland the Church is older than the
modern State. It was the Church that called the
modern, that is, the free State, into existence. It
watched over it in its cradle ; it foiight for it in its
youth ; and it cro^vned its manhood witli a perfect
liberty. It w.as not the State in Scotland that gave
freedom to the Church : it was the Church that
gave freedom to the State. There is no other
philosophy of liberty than this ; and nations that
have yet tlieir liberty to establish might find it
useful to study this model.
Tlio demise of Elizabeth called James away
before lie had completed his scheme of reai-ing the
fabric of arbitrary power on the ruins of the one
independent and liberal institution which Scotland
possessed. But he prosecuted on the throne of
England the gi-and object of his ambition. We
cannot go into a detail of the chicaneries by which
he ovci-reached some, the threats wth which he
ten-ified others, and the \-iolence with which he
assaUed those whom his craft could not deceive,
nor his power bend. ]\Ielville was summoned to
London, thrown into the Tower, and when, after
an imprisonment of four years, he was liberated, it
was not to return to his native land, but to retiro
to France, where he ended his days. The fiiithful
ministers were silenced, imprisoned, or banished.
Those who lent themselves to the measures of the
court shrunk from no perfidy to deceive the people,
in order to secure the honours which they so
eagerly coveted. Gladstanes and others pursued
the downward road, renewing the while their sub-
scription to the National Covenant, " promising
and swearing by the gi-eat name of the Lord
our God that we shall continue in the obedience
of the doctrine and discipline of this Kirk, and
.shall defend the same according to our vocation
and power all the days of our lives, imder the
pains contained in the law, and danger both of
body and soul in the day of God's fearful judg-
ment." At length, in a packed assembly which
met in Glasgow in 1610, James succeeded in carry-
ing his measure — prelacy was set up. The bishops
acted as perpetual moderators, and had dioceses
assigned them, within which they performed tli&
ordinary functions of bishops. Alongside of them
the Presbyterian courts continued to meet : not
indeed the General Assembly — this court was su.s-
pended — but Kii'k sessions, presbyteries, and synods
were held, and transacted the business of the
Chui'ch in something like the old fashion. This
was a state of matters pleasing to neither jiarty,
and least of all to the court, and accordingly the
tribunal of High Commission was set up to give
more power to the king's bishops ; but it failed to
procure for the men in whose interests it existed
more obedience from the mini.sters, or more respect
from the people ; and the sentiment of the country
was still too strong to permit it putting forth all
those despotic and unconstitutional powers wth
which it was armed. Making a 'virtue of necessity,
the new dignitaries, it must be confessed, wore their
honours with commendable humility ; and this state
of matters, wliich conjoined in the same Chiu'ch
lawn robes and Geneva cloaks, mitred ajiostles and
plain presbyters, continued until 1618, when yet
another stage of tliis affixii' was reached.
Seated on the throne of England, the courtly
divines and the famed statesmen of the southern
kingdom bowmg before him, and offering continual
incense to his " wisdom," liis " scholarehip," and
his "theological erudition," though inwardly they
must liavo felt no little dLsgust at that curious
mixtui'e of pertness, pedantry, and profanity that
532
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM,
made up James VI. — wth so much to please liim,
we say, one would have thought that the monarch
would have left in peace the little kingdom from
which he had come, and permitted its sturdy plain-
spoken theologians to go their o'WTi way. So far
from tliLs, he was more intent than ever on consum-
mating the transformation of the northern Church.
He purposed a visit to his native land,' having, as
he expressed it -viith characteristic coarseness, " a
natural and salmon-like affection to see the place of
Lis breeding," and he ordered the Scottish bishops to
have the kingdom put in due ecclesiastical order
before his anival. These obedient men did the
best in their power. The ancient chapel of Holy-
rood was adorned with statues of the twelve
apostles, finely gilded. An altar was set up in it,
on which lay two closed Bibles, and on either side
of them an \iulighted candle and an empty basin.
The citizens of Edinburgh had no difficulty in per-
ceiving the " substance " of which these tilings
were the " shadow." Every parish church was
expected to aiTange itself on the model of the
Royal Chapel. These innovations were followed
next year (1618) by the Five Articles of Perth, so
called from having been agreed upon at a meeting
of the clergy in that city. These articles were :
1st, Kneeling at the Communion; 2nd, Tlie obser-
vance of certain holidays ; 3rd, Episcopal con-
' "King James, tliis time, was returning northward
to visit poor old Scotland aprain, to get his Pretended-
Bisliops set into activity, if he could. It is well known
that he co.uld not, to any satisfactory extent, neither now
nor afterwards : his Pretended-Bisliops, whom by cun-
ning means he did get instituted, had the name of
Bishops, but next to none of the authority, of the re-
spect, or, alas, even of the cash, suitable to the reality of
that ofSce. They were by the Scotch People derisively
called Tidchan Bishops. — Did the reader ever s^e, or
fancy in his mind, a Tulchan ? A Tulohan is, or rather
was, for the thing is long since obsolete, a Calf-skin
stuffed into the rude similitude of a Calf, — similar
enough to deceive the imperfect perceptive organs of a
Cow. At milking-time the Tulchan, with head duly
bent, was set as if to suck ; the fond cow looking round
fancied that her calf was busy, and that all was right,
and so gave her milk freely, which the cunning maid was
straining in white abundance into her pail all the whUe !
The Scotch milkmaids in those days cried, 'Where is the
Tulchan ; is the Tulchan ready ? ' So of the Bishops.
Scotch Lairds were eager enough to ' milk ' the Church
Lands and Tithes, to get the rents out of them freely,
which was not always easy. They were glad to constnict
a Fonn of Bishops to please the King and Church, and
make the milk come without disturbances. The reader
now knows what a Tulchan Bishop was. A piece of
mechanism constructed not without difficulty, in Par-
liament and King's Council, among the Scots ; and torn
asunder afterwards with di-eadful clamour, and scattered
to the four winds, so soon as the Cow became awake to
it ! " (Carlyle, Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, vol. i., p. 30 j
People's Ed., 1871.)
firmation ; 4th, Pri\ate baptism ; Rth, Private
communion.
A beacon-light may be white or it may be
red, the colour in itself is a matter of not the
smallest consequence ; but if the one colour should
draw the mariner upon the rock, and the other
warn him past it, it is surely important that he
shoidd know the significance of each, and guide
himself accordingly. The colour is no longer a
trifling aflaii- ; on the contrary, the one is life, the
other is death. It is so with rites and symbols.
They may be in themselves of not the least
importance ; their good or evil lies wholly iu
whether they guide the man who practises them to
safety or to ruin. Tlie symbols set up in the Chapel
Royal of Holyrood, and the five ordinances of Perth,
were of this description. The Scots looked upon
them as sign-posts which seduced the traveller's
feet, not into the path of safety, but into the road
of destruction ; they regarded them as false lights
hung out to lure the vessel of their commonwealth
upon the rocks of Popery and of arbitrary govern-
ment. They refused to sail by the.se lights. Their
determination was strengthened by the omens, as
they accounted them, which accompanied their enact-
ment by Parliament in July, 1G21. On the day on
which they were to be sanctioned, a heavy cloud had
hung above Edinburgh since morning ; that cloud
waxed ever the darker as the hour approached when
the articles were to be ratified, till at last it filled
the Parliament Hall with the gloom of almost
night. The moment the Marquis of Hamilton, the
commissioner, rose and touched the Act mth the
royal sceptre, the cloud burst in a terrific storm
right over the Parliament House. Three lurid
gleams, darting in at the large window, flashed their
vivid fires in the commissioner's face. Then came
terrible peals of thunder, which were succeeded by
torrents of rain and hail, that inundated the streets,
and made it difficult for the members to reach their
homes. The day was long remembered in Scotland
by the name of " Black Saturday. "-
The king, and those ministers who from cowardice
or selfishness had furthered Ids measures, had now
triumphed ; but that triumph was discomfiture.
- "Just as the sceptre was laying to the cursed Act,"
says Eow, "the loudest thunder-clap that ever Scotland
heard was just over the P.irliament House, whilk made
them all quake for fear, looking for nothing less than
that the house should have been thrown down by
thimderbolts." (Hist., ann. 1G21.) This storm was the
more noticeable that a similar one had burst over Perth
in 1618, when the Five Articles were first concluded in the
Assembly. " Some scoffers," says Calderwood, said that
" as the law was given by fire from Mount Sinai, so did
these fires confirm their laws." {Hist., vol. vii., p. 505.)
SPIRITUAL AWAKENING IN SCOTLAND.
533
In the really Protestant parts of Scotland — for the
Scotland of that day had its cities and shires in
■which flourished a pure and vigorous Protestantism,
while there were remote and niral parts where,
thanks to that rapacity which had created a
wealthy nobility and an impoverished clergy, the
old ignorance and superstition still lingered —
the really Protestant people of Scotland, we say,
were as inflexibly bent as ever on repudiating a
form of Church government wliich they knew was
meant to pave the way for tyranny in the State,
and a ritualistic worship, which they held to be of
the nature of idolatry ; and of all his labour in the
matter the king reaped notliing save disappoint-
ment, vexation, and trouble, which accompanied
him till he sank into his grave in 16:25. Never
woidd Scottish monarch have reigned so happily
as James VI. would have done, had he possessed
but a tithe of that wisdom to which he laid claim.
The Keformation had given him an independent
clergy and an intelligent middle class, which he so
much needed to balance the tui'bulence and power
of his barons ; but James fell into the egregious
blunder of believing the religion of his subjects to be
the weakness, in.stead of the strength, of his throne,
and so he laboured to destroy it. He blasted his
reputation for kingly honour, laid up a store of mis-
fortunes and sorrows for his son, and alienated
from his house a nation which had ever borne a
chivalrous loyalty to his ancestors, despite their
many and gi-eat faults.
The year of the king's death was rendered
memorable by the rise of a remarkable influence
of a spiritual kind in Scotland, which continued
for years to act upon its population. Tliis invisible
but mighty agent moved to and fro, appearing now
in this district and now in that, but no man could
discover the law that regulated its course, or foretell
the spot where it would next make its presence
known. It turned as it listed, even as do the winds,
and was quite as much above man's control, who
could neither say to it, " Come," nor bid it depart.
Wherever it passed, its track was marked, as is
that of the rain-cloud across the burned-uj) wilder-
ne.ss, by a shiniiig line of moral and spiritual
verdure. Preachers had found no new Gospel,
nor liad they become suddenly clothed -svith a new
eloquence ; yet their words had a power they had
formerly lacked ; they went deeper into the hearts
of their hearers, who were impressed by them in a
way they had never been before. Truths they liad
heard a himdred times over, of which they had gi-own
weary, acquired a freshness, a novelty, and a power
that made them feel as if they heard them now for
the flret time. They felt inexpressilile delight in that
^^■hich aforetime had caused them no joy, and trem-
bled under what till that moment had awakened no
fear. Notorious profligates, men who had braved
the brand of public opinion, or defied the penalties of
the law, were under this influence bowed down, and
melted into penitential tears. Thieves, drunkard.s,
loose livers, and profane swearers suddenly awoke
to a sense of the sin and shame of the courses they
had been leading, condemned themselves as the
chief of transgi-essors, trembled under the appre-
hension of a judgment to come, and uttered loud
cries for forgiveness. Some who had lived years of
miserable and helpless bondage to evil habits and
flagrant vices, as if inspired by a sudden and su]ier-
natural force, rent their fetters, and rose at once to
liurity and virtue. Some of these converts fell back
into their old courses, but in the case of the majority
the change was lasting ; and thousands who, but
for this sudden transformation, would have been
lost to themselves and to society, were redeemed to
virtue, and lived lives which were not less profit-
able than beautiful. Tliis influence was as calm as
it was strong ; those on whom it fell did not vent
their feelings in enthusiastic expressions ; the
change was accomjjanied by a modesty and delicacy
which for the time forbade disclosure ; it was the
judgment, not the passions, that was moved ; it was
the conscience, not the imagination, that was called
into action ; and as the stricken doer retires from
the herd into some shady part of the forest, so these
jiersons went apart, there to weep till the arrow
had been plucked out, and a healing balm poured
into the wound.
Even the men of the world were impressed with
these tokens of the working of a supernatural
influence. They could not resist the impression,
even when they refused to avow it, that a Visitant
whose dwelling was not ^vith men had come
down to the earth, and was moving about in the
midst of them. The moral character of whole
towns, villages, and parishes was being suddenly
changed ; now it was on a solitary individual, and
now on hundreds at once, that this ray.sterious
influence made its power manifest ; plain it was
that in some region or other of the imiverse an
Influence was resident, which had only to be un-
locked, and to go forth among the dwell iiigs of
men, and human wickedness and oppression would
dissolve and disappear as the winter's ice melts at
the approach of spring, and joy and singmg would
break forth as do blossoms and verdure when the
summer's sun calls them from their chambers in
tlie earth.
One thing we must not pass over in connection
with this movement : in at least its two chief centres
534
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
it was distinctly traceable to those ministers who
had suffered persecution for their faithfulness under
James VI. The locality where this revival first
appeared was in Ayrshire, the particular spot being
the well-watered valley of Stewarton, along which
it spi'cad from house to house for many miles.
But it began not with the minister of the ])arish,
an excellent man, but with Mr. Dickson, who was
minister of the neighbouring parish of Irvine.
Mr. Dickson had zealously opposed the passing of
the Ai'ticles of Perth ; this drew upon him the
disi)loasiu-e of the prelates and the king ; he was
banished to the north of Scotland, and lived there
some yeare, in no congenial society. On his return
to his pai'ish, a remarkable power accompanied his
sermons ; he never preached without effecting the
conversion of one or, it might be, of scores. The
market-day in the town of Irvine, where he was
mmister, was Monday ; he began a weekly lecture
on that day, that the country people might have an
ojjportunity of hearing the Gospel. At the hour
of sermon the market was forsaken, and the church
was crowded ; hundreds whom the morning had
seen solely occupied with the merchandise of earth,
before evening had become possessors of the heavenly
treasure, and returned home to tell their families
and neighbours what riches they had found, and
invite them to repair to the same market, where
they might buy wares of exceeding price " without
money." Thus the movement extended from day
to day.'
The other centre of this spiritual awakening was
a hundred miles, or thereabout, away from Stewarton.
It was Shotts, a liigh-lying spot, midway between
the two cities of Glasgow ixnd Edinburgh. Here,
too, the movement took its rise with those who
had been subjected to persecution for opposing the
measures of the court. A very common-place
occui'rence originated that train of events which re-
sulted in consequences so truly beneficial for Shotts
and its neighbourhood. The Marchioness of Hamil ■
ton and some ladies of rank happening to travel
that road, then- carriage broke down near the manse
of the parish. The minister, Mr. Home, invited them
to rest in his house till it should be repaired, when
they could proceed on their journey. This gave them
an opportunity of observing the dilapidated state of
the manse, and in return for the hospitality they had
experienced within its walls, they arranged for the
building, at their own expense, of a new manse for
the miuister. Ho waited on the Marchioness of
Hamilton to express his thanks, and to ask if there
was anything he could do by which he might tes-
tify his gratitude. The marchioness iuskcd ouly that
she might be permitted to name the ministers who
should assist him at the approachuig celebration of
the Lord's Supper. Leave was joyfully given, and
the marchioness named some of the more eminent of
the ministers who had been suftcrers, and for whoso
character and cause she herself cherished a deep
sympathy. TJie first w;us the Veneraljle Robert
Bruce, of Kinnaird, a man of aristocratic liirth,
majestic figure, and noble and fervid elotpieuce ;
the second was Mi-. David Dickson, of whom we have
ah'eady spoken ; and the third was a young man,
whose name, then unknown, was destined to be
famous in the ecclesiastical annals of his country
— Mr. John Livingstone. The rumour spread that
these men were to preach at the Kirk of Shotts on
occasion of the Communion, and when the day came
thousands flocked from the surroiuiding comitry to
hear them. So great was the impression pi'oiluced
on Sunday that the strangers who had assembled,
instead of I'eturning to their homes, formed them-
selves into little companies and passed the night on
the spot in singing psalms and offering prayers.
When morning broke and the nndtitude were still
there, lingeiing around the cluu'ch where yesterday
they had been fed on heavenly bread, and seeming,
by their imwillingness to depart, to seek yet again
to cat of that bread, the ministers agreed that one
of their number should preach to them. It had not
before been customary to have a sermon on the
Monday after the Communion. The minister to
whom it fell to preach was taken suddenly ill ; and
the youngest minister present, Mr. John Livingstone,
was appointed to take his place. Fain woidd he
have declined the task ; the thought of his youth,
his unjireparedness, for he had spent the night in
prayer and converse with some friends, the sight
of the great multitude which had assembled in
the churchyard, for no edifice could contain them,
and the desires and expectations which he knew
the people entertained, made him tremble as he
stood up to address the assembly. He discoursed
for an hour and a half on the taking away of the
" heart of stone," and the giving of a " heart of
flesh," and then he purposed to make an end ;
but that moment there came such a rush of ideas
into his mind, and he felt so gi-eat a melting of the
heart, that for a whole hour longer he ran on in
a strain of fervent and solemn exhortation.-
Five hundred persons attributed their conversion
to that sermon, the vast majority of whom, on the
testimony of contemjaorary witnesses, continued
' Wodrow, Life of Dickson. Gillies, His*. Collections,
bk. iii., chap. 2, pp. 182, 183; Kelso, 1845.
' Life of John Livingstone, i. 138, 139; Wodrow Society.
536
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISIL
steadfastly to theii- lives' end iii the profession of the
truth ; and seed was scattered throughout Clydes-
dale which bore much good fruit in after-years.'
In memory of this event a thanksgiving ser^^ce has
ever since been obser\-ed in Scotland on the Monday
after a Communion Sunday.
Thus the Scottish Vine, smitten by the tyranny
of the monarch who had now gone to the grave,
was visited and re\i\ed by a secret dew. From
the high places of the State came edicts to blight
it ; from the chambers of the sky came a " plenteous
rain " to water it. It struck its roots deeper, and
spread its branches yet more widely over a land
wliich it did not as yet wholly cover. Other and
fiercer tempests were soon to pass over that goodly
tree, and this strengthening from above wiis given
beforehand, that when the gi'eat winds .should blow,
the tree, though shaken, might not be overturned
CHAPTER XV.
CHARLES I. AND ARCHBISHOP LAUD. — RELIGIOUS INNOVATIONS.
Easilicon Doron—A Defence of Arbitrary Government— Character of Charles I.— His Trench Marriage— He Dissolves
lus Parliament— Imposes Taxes by his Prerogative— A Popish Hierarchy in England— Tonnage and Poundage-
Ship-money— Archbishop Laud — His Character — His Consecration of St. Catherine Cree Church— His Innovatione
—The Protestant Press Gagged— Bishop Williams— The Puritans Exiled, &c. — Preaching Kestricted— The Book
of Sports — Alarm and Gloom.
Along with his crown, James VI. bequeathed one
other gift to his sou, Charles I. As in the ancient
story, this last was the fatal addition which turned
all the other parts of the brilliant inheritance to evil.
We refer to the Basilicon Doron. This work was
composed by its royal author to supply the prince
with a model on which to mould his character, and
a set of maxims by which to govern when he came
to the throne.
The two leading doctrines of the BasUicon Doron
are, 1st, the Divine right of kings; and, 2nd,
the anarchical and destructive nature of Presby-
terianism. The consequences that flow from these
two fundamental propositions are deduced and
stated with a fearless logic. " Monarchy," says
James, " is the true pattern of the Divinity ;
kings sit upon God's throne on the earth ; their
subjects are not permitted to make any resistance
but by flight, as we may see by the example of
brute beasts and imreasonable creatures." In
support of his doctrine he cites the case of Elias,
who under " the tyranny of Ahab made no rebel-
lion, but fled into the wilderness ; " and of Samuel,
who, when showing the Israelites that their future
king would spoil and oppress them, and load them
with all manner of burdens, gave them neverthe-
less no right to rebel, or even to murmur. In
short, the work is an elaborate defence of arbitraiy
government, and its correlative, passive obedience."
' Sdtd Biographies, vol. i., p. 348; Wodrow Society.
- The True Law of Free Monarchies ; or, the Reciprock and
Under the head of Presbyterianism, the king's
doctrine is equally explicit. It is a form of Church
government, he assures the prince, utterly repug-
nant to monarchy, and destructive of the good
order of States, and only to be rooted up. " Parity T'
he exclaims, " the mother of confusion, and enemy
to unity." " Take heed therefore, my son, to such
Puritans, very pests in the Church and common-
weal, whom no deserts can oblige, neither oaths or
promises bind ; breathing nothing but sedition and
calumnies, aspiring without measure, railing with-
out reason, and making their own imaginations,
without any warrant of the Woi-d, the square of
their conscience. I protest before the great God,
and since I am here as upon my testament it is no
place for me to lie in, that ye shall never find with
any Highland or Border thieves gi-eater ingratitude,
and more lies and vile perjuries, than with these
fanatic spirits ; and sufi"er not tlie principals of them
to brook your laud, if ye like to sit at rest, except
you would keep them for trying your patience, as
Socrates did an evil wife."' Such were the ethical
and politiail creeds with which James VI. descended
into the gi-ave, and Charles I. mounted the throne.
These maxims were more dangerous things in the
Mutual Duty betwixt « Free King and his Natural Subjects.
(No paging.) Edinburgh : printed by Robert Waldegrave,
printer to the King's Majesty, 1603.
=* haa-i\iK'bi' Aapov, or. His Majesty's Instructions to his
dearest Son, Henry the Prince, pp. 41, 42. Edinburgh:
printed by Eobert Waldegrave, printer to the King's
Majesty, 1G03.
LAWLESSNESS AND TYRANNY OF CHAELES L
537
case of the son than in that of the father. Charles I.
had a stronger nature, and whatever was gi-afted
upon it shot up more vigorously. His convictions
went deeper, and were more stubbornly carried out.
He had not around him the lets and poises that
curbed James. There was no Andrew MelvUle
among the prelates of the court of Charles I. When
baffled, he would cover his retreat under a dissimu-
lation so natural and perfect that it looked like
truth, and again he would return to his former
design. His private character was purer and more
respectable than that of his father, and his deport-
ment more dignified, but his notions of his own
prerogative were as exalted as his father's liad been.
In this respect, the Basilicon Doroii was his Bible.
Kings were gods. All Parliaments, laws, charters,
privileges, and rights had their being from the
prince, and might at his good pleasure be put out
of existence; and to deny this doctrine, or with-
stand its practical application, was the highest crime
of which a subject could be guilty. There was but
one man in all the three kingdoms who could plead
right or conscience — namely, himself. Charles had
not Presbyterianism to fight against in England, as
his father had in Scotland, but he had another oppo-
nent to combat, even that liberty which lay at the
core of Presbyterianism, and he pursued his conflict
with it through a succession of tyrannies, doublings,
blunders, and battle-fields, imtil he arrived at the
scaffold.
Wo can touch upon the incidents of his reign
only so far as tliey bear upon that Protestantism
which was marching on through the plots of Jesuits,
the armies of kings, the calamities of nations, and
the scaffolds of martyi's, to seat itself upon a throne
already groat, and to become yet greater. The first
error of Charles was his French marriage. This
match was concluded on much the same conditions
which his father had consented to when the Spanish
marriage was in prospect. It allied Charles with a
daughter of France and Rome ; it admitted him, in
a sense, within the circle of Popish sovereigns ; it
introduced a dominating Popish element into his
co\incils, and into the education of his children.
"The king's marriage ^vith Popery and France,"
says Dr. Kennet, "was a moi'e inauspicious on\en
than the great plague that signalised the first year
of Iiis reign." His second eiTor followed fast upon
the fii'st : it was the dissolution of his Parliament
because it insisted upon a redress of grievances
before it would vote him a supply of money. This
spread discontent through the nation, and made
Charles be distrusted by all his future Parliaments.
His second Parliament was equally summarily dis-
missed, and for the same reason ; it would vote no
money till first it had obtained redress of gi-ievances.
Advancing from one great en'or to a yet gi-eater,
Charles proceeded to impose taxes without the
consent of Parliament. He exacted loans of such
citizens as were wealthy, or were believed to be so,
and many who opposed these unconstitutional im-
posts were thrown into prison. " The loi-d may
tax his villain high or low," said Sir Edward Coke,
" but it is against the franchises of the land for
freemen to be taxed but by theu- consent in Parlia-
ment."
The nation next came to see that its religion was
in as great danger as its liberty. In a third Parlia-
ment summoned at this time, the indignant feelings
of the members found vent. In a conference
between the Lords and Commons, Coke called the
attention of the members to a Popish hierarchy
which had been established in competition with the
national Church. " They have," says he, " a bishop
consecrated by the Pope. This bi.shop hath his
subaltern oflicers of all kinds ; as vicars-general,
arch-deans, rural-deans, (fee. Neither are these
titular officers, but they all- execute their jurisdic-
tions, and make then' ordinary visitations through
the kingdom, keep courts, and determine ecclesias-
tical causes ; and, which is an argument of more
consequence, they keep ordinary intelligence by
their agents in Rome, and hold correspondence ^vith
the nuncios and cardinals, both in Brussels and in
France. Neither are the seculars alone grown to
this height, but the regulars are more active and
dangerous, and have taken deep root. They have
already planted their colleges and societies of
both sexes. They have settled revenues, houses,
libraries, vestments, and all other necessary pro-
visions to travel or stay at home. They intend to
hold a concurrent assembly mth tliis Parliament."
This Parliament, like its predecessors, was speedily
dissolved, and a hint was dropped that, seeing Par-
liaments understood so ill the cardinal virtue of
obedience, no more assemblies of that kind would
be held.
Tyranny loves simplicity in the instrumentalities
with which it works : such are swift and sure.
Taking leave of his Parliaments, Charles governed
by the prerogative alone. Ho could now tax his
subjects whenever, and to whatever extent, it suited
him. " Many unjust and scandalous projects, all
very grievous," says Clarendon, " were set on foot,
the reproach of which came to the king, the profit
to other men."' Tonnage and poundage were
imposed upon merchandise ; new and heavy duties
fettered trade ; obsolete laws were revived — among
1 Kisionj of the Rebellion, bk. i., p. G7.
538
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
othei-s, that by which every man with £40 of yearly
rent was obliged to come and receive the ordii-
of knighthood ; and one other device, specially
vexatious, was hit npon, that of enlarging tlio
royal forests bej'ond theii- ancient bounds, and
fining the neighbouring land-owners on pretence
that they had encroached npon the royal domains,
although theu' families had been in quiet possession
for hundreds of years.
But the most odious and oppressive of these im-
posts was the project of "ship-money." This tax
was laid upon the port towns and the adjoining
counties, which were required to fui'nish one or
more fully equipped war-ships for his Majesty's use.
The City of London was required to funaish twenty
ships, with sails, stores, ammunition, and guns,
which, however, the citizens might commute into
money ; and seeing that what the king wanted was
not so much ships to go to sea, as gold Caroli to fill
his empty exchequer, the tax was more acceptable
in the latter foi'm than in the former. One
injustice must be supported by another, and very
commonly a greater. The Star Chamber and the
High Commission Com-t followed, to enforce these
exactions and protect the agents employed in them,
whose wc.k made them odious. These coiu-ts were
a sort of Inquisition, into which the most loyal of
+kc hation were dragged to be fleeced and tortured.
Those who sat in them, to use the words applied by
Thucydides to the Athenians, " held for honom-able
that which pleased, and for just that which profited."
The authority of religion was called in to sanction
this civil tyramiy. Sibthorpe and Mainwarmg
preached sermons at Whitehall, in which they ad-
vanced the doctrine that the king is not bound to
observe the laws of the realm, and that his royal
command makes loans and taxes, without consent
of Parliament, obligatory npon the subject's con-
science upon pain of eternal damnation.'
The history of all nations justifies the remark
that civil tyranny cannot maintain itself alongside
religious liberty, and whenever it finds itself in the
proximity of freedom of conscience, it must cither
extinguish that right, or suffer itself to be extin-
guished by it. So was it now. There presided at
this time over the diocese of London a man of very
remarkable character, destined to precipitate the
crisis to which the king and nation were advancing.
This was Laud, Bishop of London. Of austere
manners, industrious habits, and violent zeal, anil
esteeming forms of so much the more value by how
much they were iu themselves insignificant, this
1 Eushworth, vol. i.. p. 422. Hume, Sist., chap. 50.
Bennet, Memorial, y>. Ihi.
ecclesiastic acquh'ed a complete ascendency in the
councils of Charles. " If the king was greater on
the thi-one than Laud," remarks Bennet, "yet
according to the word of Laud were the people
ruled." The extravagance of his folly at the
consecration (January 16, 1630-31) of St. Cathe-
rine Cree Church, in Leadenhall Street, London,
is thoroughly characteristic of the man. " At the
bishop's approach," says Rushworth, " to the west
door of the church, some that were prepai-ed for it
cried with a loud voice, ' Open, open, ye everlasting
doors, that the king of glory may come in.' And
presently the doors were opened, and the bishop,
with three doctors, and many other principal men,
went in, and immediately falling down upon his
knees, with his eyes lifted up, and his arms spread
abroad, littered these words : ' This place is holy, tins
gi-ound is holy: in the name of the Father, Son,
and Holy Ghost, I pronounce it holy.' Then he
took up some of the dust and thi-ew it up into
the air several times in his going up towards the
chm'ch. When they approached near to the rail
and Communion-table, the bishop bowed towards
it several times, and returning they went roimd
the chm-ch in procession, saying the Hundredth
Psalm, after that the Nineteenth Psalm, and then
said a form of prayer, ' The Loi'd Jesus Christ,'
(fee. ; and concluding, ' We consecrate this church,
and separate it to Thee as holy gi-oimd, not to be
profaned any more to common use.' After this,
the bishop, being near the Communion-table, and
taking a wi-itten book in his hand, pronounced curses
upon those that should afterwaixls jwofane that holy
place by musters of soldiers, or keejiing profane
law-courts, or carrying burdens thi'ough it ; and at
the end of every ciu'se he bowed towai-d the east,
and said, 'Let aU the people say. Amen.' Wlien the
curses were ended, he pronounced a number of
blessings upon all those that had any hand in
framing and building of that sacred church, and
those that had given, or should hereafter give, cha-
lices, plate, ornaments, or utensils ; and at the end
of every blessing he bowed towards the east, saymg,
' Let all the people say, Amen,' After this followed
the sermon, which being ended, the bishop conse-
crated and administered the Sacrament in manner
following. As he approached the Communion-table
lie made several lowly bowings, and coming up to
the side of the table where the bread and wine were
covered, he bowed seven times. And then, after the
reading of many prayers, he came near the bread, and
gently lifted up the corner of the napkin whereui the
bread was laid ; and when he beheld the bread, he laid
it down again, flew back a step or t\vro, bowed three
several times towards it ; then he drew near again,
LAUD'S SUPERSTITIONS AND PERSECUTIONS.
53D
and opened tlie napkin, and bowed as before. Then
he laid his hand on the cup, which was full of
wine, with a cover upon it, wliich he let go again,
went back, and bowed thrice towai-ds it. Then ho
came near again, and liftuag up the cover of the
cup, looked into it, and seeing the wine, he let fall
the cover again, retired back, and bowed as before ;
then he received the Sacrament, and gave it to some
principal men ; after which, many prayers being
said, the solemnity of the consecration ended."'
Laud bent his whole energies to mould the
religion and worship of England according to the
■N'iews he entertained of what religion and worehip
ought to be, and these were significantly set forth
in the scone we have just described. The bishop
aimed, in short, at rescuing Christianity from the
Gothicism of the Reformation, and bringing back
the ancient splendours which had encompassed
worship in the Greek and Roman temples. When
Archbishop of Canterbury, he proceeded to refonn
his diocese, but not after the manner of Cranmer.
He erected a raU around the Communion-table,
and issued peremj)tory orders that the prebends
and chapter, as they came in and out of the choir,
" should worship towards the altar." He provided
candlesticks, tapers, and copes for the administra-
tion of the Sacrament. He set up a large crucifix
above " the high altar," and filled the window of
the chapel with a picture representing God the
Father, with a glory round his head.
Such of the clergy as refused to fall into his
humour, and imitate his fancies, he pi-osecuted as
guilty of schism, and rebels against ecclesiastical
government. Those who spoke against images
iinil crucifixes were made answerable in the Star
Chamber, as persons ill-aflocted towards the dis-
cijiline of the Church of England, and were fined,
suspended, and imprisoned. He made use of forms
of prayer taken from the Mass-book and Roman
Pontifical ; " as if he wished," says one, " to try
how much of a Papist might be brought in without
Popeiy." There were some who said that the arch-
bishop was at no gi-eat pains to make any wide
dLstinction between the two; and if distinction
there was, it was so very small that they were
unable to see it at Rome; for, as Laud himself
tells us in his Diary, the Pope twice over made him
the ofl'er of a red hat.
It added to the confusion in men's minds to find
that, while the Protestants wore severely handled
in the Star Chamber and High Commission Court,
Papists were treated with the utmost tenderness.
While the former wei-e being fined and imprisoned,
» Rnshworth, toI. ji., pp. 76, 77. Welwo«d, p. 275.
favours and caresses were showered on the latter.
It was forbidden to write against Popery. The
Protestant press was gagged. Fox's Book of
Martyrs could not appear; the noble defences of
Jewell and Willct were refused licence ; Mr. GUla-
brand, professor of mathematics in Gresham College,
was prosecuted for inserting in hLs Almanach the
names of tlie Protestant martyrs out of Fox, instead
of those of the Roman calendai- ; while the arch-
bishop's chaplain licensed a book in which the first
Reformers, who had died at the stake, were stig-
matised as traitors and rebels.
Dr. Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, had been the
warmest and most powerful of Laud's patrons ; but
all his past services were forgotten when Williams
wrote a book against the archbishop's innovations.
The solid learning and sound logic of the book were
ofi'ence greater than could be condoned by all the
favours conferred on Laud in former years ; the
good bishop had to pay a fine of £10,000 to the
king, was suspended by the Court of High Com-
mission from all his dignities, oflices, and functions,
and sentenced to imprisonment during the king's
pleasure. The Puritans were compelled to trans-
port themselves beyond seas, and seek in America
the toleration denied them in England. The Dutch
and French Protestant congregations, which had
flourished in the nation since the days of Edward
VI., had their liberties all but entii'ely swept away.
Such of their members, within the diocese of Canter-
bury, as had been born abroad, were permitted to
retain their own form of worship, but all of them
who had been born in England were commandeil
to repair to their owm parish chiu'ches, and pre-
paration was made for the ultimate extinction of
their communities by the injunction to biing up
their children in the use of the English Liturgy,
which for that end was now translated into French
and Dutch.
The scafi'old was not yet set up, but short of this
every severity was employed which might compel
the nation to worship according to the form pre-
scribed by the king and the archbishop. Prynne,
a member of the bar ; Bastwick, a physician ; and
Burton, a divine, were sentenced in the Star
Chamber to stand in the pillory, to lose their ears
at Palace Yard, Westminster, to pay a fine of
.£.500 each to the king, and to be imprLsoned during
life. The physician had ^vTitten a book which was
thought to reflect upon the hierarchy of the Church;
the clergyman had attacked the innovations in a
seinnon which he preaclied on the 5th of November ;
and the lawyer, who was held the arch-ofl'ender,
had sharply rejirobated stage-plays, to which the
queen was said to l)e greatly addicted.
540
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
One sermon each Sunday was lield to be sufficient
for the instruction of the people ; and afternoon
and evening preaching was stringently forbidden.
That the parishioners might till up the vacant
time, and forget as speedily as possible what they
had heard in church, the " Book of Sports " put
forth hy King James was re-enacted, and every
Simday turned into a wake. James had enjoined
that " his good people be not let from any lawful
recreation, such as dancing, archery, leaping, vault-
ing, itc, though none must have this indulgence that
abstain from coming to chui'ch." And Charles " out
of the like pious care for the service of God," it was
said, " and for suppressing of any humours that
oppose truth, doth ratify and publish this his
blessed father's declaration." All ministers were
enjoined to read tliis edict from the pulpit during
the time of Divine sei-vice, and several were visited
with suspension for i-efusing obedieiice.
Alarm and discontent, with a smouldering spirit
of insurrection, the consequences of this policy,
pervaded all England. Tlie more the position of
the country was considered, the greater the peril
was seen to be. Slavish principles were being
disseminated in the nation ; the ancient laws of
England were being subverted by the edicts of
arbitrary power; privileges and rights conveyed
by charter, and hallowed by long custom, were being
buried under unconstitutional exactions ; the spirit
of the people was broken by cruel and shameful
pimishments ; superstitious rites were displacing
the pure and Scriptural forms which the Reforma-
tion had introduced ; and a civil and ecclesiastical
tyranny was rearing its head in the land. Nor
was the darkness of the outlook relieved by the
prospect of any one, sufficiently powerful, rising
up to rally the nation around him, and rescue it
from the abyss into which it appeared to be
descending. It was at this moment that an occur-
rence took place in Scotland which tm-ned the tide
in affairs, and brought deliverance to both king-
doms. This recalls us to the northern country.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE NATIONAL COVENANT AND ASSEMBLY OF 1638.
Preparations in Scotland for introducing Prelacy — The King's Commission to Archbishop Laud — The Book of
Canons sent down to Scotland — The New Liturgy— Indignation in Scotland— The First Reading of the
Liturgy — Tumult — The Dean Assailed in the Pulpit— He Flees — The Bishop Mobbed— Charles's Eesolve to
Force the Canons and Liturgy upon the Soots — Their Eesistance — The Four Tables— The National Covenant
Framed — Its Provisions— Sworn in the Greyfriars' Church — Solemnity of the Scene— Alarm of the Bishops
and the Court — The General Assembly at Glasgow, 1C38— The Assembly Overthrows Prelacy.
We have noted the
several steps by which
James VI. advanced
his cherished project of
planting prelacy in
Scotland. First came
an order of Tulchan
bishops. These men
were without jurisdic-
tion, and, we may add,
without stipend ; their
main use being to
convey the Church's pa-
trimony to their p.atrons.
In IGIO the Tulchan
bishop disappeared, and
the bishop ordinary took
his place. Under cover
of n, pretended Assembly
which met that year in
AUCUBiaHOF LAVD. (From the Portrait by Vaniyck.)
Glasgow, diocesans with
jurisdiction were intro-
duced into the Church
of Scotland ; and a
Coiu-t of High Commis-
sion was set up for
ordering causes ecclesi-
astical. In 1G18 some
conclusions agi-eeable to
the English C'hiirch were
jiassed at Perth. In
1G17 an Act was passed
in Parliament to this
(licet, "That whatever
his Majesty should de-
termine in the external
government of the
Church, with the advice
of the archbishop,
bishops, and a competent
542
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
number of the miiustry, should haVe the strength
of a law." James VI. liad made a begmnuig,
Charles I. witli the help of liis primate piu-posed
to make an end. It is necessary, in order to a
true insight into the struggle that followed, to bear
in mind what we have already explained, that with
their form of Church government were bound uj)
the civil right.s of the Soots, .since, owing to the
recent redemjjtion of tlie nation from feudalism, tlie
conservator of its libcrtie-s was not the Parliament
as in England, but the Kirk.
The Scottish bishops, in a letter to Laiid, expressed
a wish for a nearer conformity with the Chm'ch of
England, adding for the primate's satisfaction that
their countrymen shared -with them in this wish.
If they really believed what they now affirmed,
they were gi'ievously mistaken. The flower of their
ministers banished, and their places filled by men
who possessed neither learning nor piety, tlie
Scottish people cherished mourafully the memory
of former times, and only the more disliked, the
longer they knew it, the prelacy which was being
thrust upon them. But the wishes of the peoiile,
one way or other, counted for little with the king.
His Grace of Canterbury was bidden tiy his hand
at framing canons for the government of the
Scottish Church, and a Liturgy for her worshij).
Tlie primate, notliing loth, addressed himself to the
congenial task. The Book of Canons was the first-
fruits of his labours. Its key-note was the un-
limited power and supremacy of the king. It laid tlie
axe at tlie root of liberty, both in Cliurch and State.
Next came the Liturgy, of which every minister
was enjoined to provide himself \nth four copies
for the use of his church on pain of dejirivation.
When the Liturgy was examined it was found to
be alarmingly near to the Pojiish breviary, and in
some points, j)articularly the Communion Service,
it borrowed the very words of the Mass Book.'
The 23rd of July, 1637, was tixed on for beginning
the use of the new Service Book.
As the day Jipproached it began to be seen that
it would not pass without a tempest. This sum-
mons to fall down and worship ;us the king should
direct, roused into indignation the sons of the
men who had listened to Knox, and who saw the
.system being ag:un set up which their fathers,
under tlie leading of their great Pieformer, had cast
down. Some of tlie bisliops were alanned at tliese
manifestations, well knowing the .spirit of tlieir
countrymen, and counselled the king, with a tempest
' The Boohe of Common Prayer, and Administration of
the Sacrnnifnts, and other parts of Divine Service, for the
use of the Church of Scotland. Edia., 1C37.
in the air, not to tliink of rearing his new edifice,
but to wait the return of calmer times. The head-
strong monarch, urged on by his self-willed primate,
would not listen to this prudent advice. The
Liturgy must l)e enforced.
The day arrived. On the morning of Sunday,
the 23rd July, about eight of the clock, the reader
ap])eared in the de.sk of St. CUes's and went over the
usual prayers, and having ended, said, witli tears
in his eye.s, " Adieu, good people, for I think thLs
is the last time I shall ever read prayers in this
church." The friends of the new service heard in
this last reading the requiem of the Protestant
worship. At the stated hour, the Dean of Edin-
burgh, clad in canoiucals, appeared to begin the
new service. A va.st crowd had assembled, both
within and without the church, and as the dean.
Liturgy in hand, elbowed his way, and mounted the
stairs to the desk, the scene was more animated
than edifying. He had hardly begun to read wlien
a frightful clamour of voices rose round him. His
tones were drowned and liis composure shaken.
Presently he was .startled by the ivhizz of a missile
passing dangerously near his ear, launched, as
tradition says, by Janet Geddes, who kept a stall
in the Higli Street, and who, finding notliing more
convenient, flung her stool at the dean, with the
objurgation, " Villain, dost thou say mass at my
lugV The dean sluit the obnoxious book, IiastDy
threw ofl' the siu-plice, which had lielped to draw
tlie tempest upon him, and fled with all speed.
The Bishop of Edinburgh, who was present, think-
ing, perhaps, that the greater dignity of his office
would procure him more reverence from the crowd,
ascended the pulpit, and exei-ted himself to pacify
the tumult, and continue the service. His appear-
ance was the signal for a renewal of the tempest,
which gi-ew fiercer than ever. He was saluted with
cries of " A Pope — a Pope, — Antichrist ! PuU him
down ! " He managed to escape from the pulpit to
his coacli, tlie magistrates escorting him home to
defend him from the fury of the crowd, which wan
composed mostly of tlie baser sort.
If the liatred which the Scottish people enter-
tained of the Litiu-gy had found vent only in
iinjiremeditated tumults, the king would liave
triumphed in the end ; but along with this effer-
vescence on the surface there was a strong and
steady current flowing underneath ; and the intel-
ligent determination whicli pervaded all ranks
shaped itself into well-considered measures. The
Privy CouncU of Scotland, pausing before the firm
attitude assumed by the nation, sent a represen-
tation to the king of the true state of feeling in
Scotland. The reply of Charles was more insolent
THE SWEARING OF THE NATIONAL COVENANT.
543
than ever : the new Liturgy must be brought into
use ; and another proclamation was issued to that
effect, branding with ti-eason all who opposed it.
This was all that was needed thoroughly to rouse
the spii'it of the Scots, which had slumbered these
thii'ty years, and to band them together in the most
resolute resistance to a tyranny that seemed bent on
the utter destniction of their liberties. Noblemen,
gentlemen, and burgesses flocked from all the cities
aaid sliires of the Lowlands to Edinbm-gh, to concert
united action. Foiu' committees, termed " Tables,"
were formed — one for the nobility, one for the
barons, a thiixl for the boroughs, and a foui'th for
the Church. These submitted proposals to a
General Table, wldch consisted of commissioners
from the other four, and decided finally on the
measures to be adopted. The issue of then- de-
liberations was a unanimous resolution to renew
the National Covenant of Scotland. This expedient
had been adopted at two former crises, and on both
occasions it had gi-eatly helped to promote union
and confidence among the friends of liberty, and to
disconcert its enemies ; and the like effects were
expected to follow it at this not less momentous
crisis. The Covenant was re-cast, adapted to the
present juncture, and subscribed with gi-eat solem-
nity in the Greyfriars' Chiu'ch at Edinburgh, on
the 1st of March, 1638.
The " underscribed " noblemen, barons, gentle-
men, burgesses, ministers, and commons promised
and swore, " all the days of our life constantly to
adhere unto and to defend the true religion ; " and
"to labour by all means lawful to recover the
purity and liberty of the Gospel as it was estab-
lished and professed " before the introduction of the
late innovations; "and that we shall defend the
same, and resist all these contraiy erroi's and cor-
ruptions, according to our vocation, and to the
utmost of that power which God hath put into
our hands, all the days of our life." The Covenant
further pledged its swearers to support " the king's
majesty," and one another, " in the defence and
presei'v'ation of the aforesaid true religion, liberties,
and laws of the kingdom."
It will not be denied that nations are liound to
defend their religion and liberties ; and surely, if
they see cause, they may add to the force of this
duty tlie higher sanctions of vows and oaths. In
doing so they invest the cause of patriotism with
the sacredness of religion. This was what the Scots
did on this occasion, which is one of the gi-eat events
of their history. From the Grampian chain, whicli
shut out the Popish north, to the Tweed, whicli
pai-ts on the south their country from England, the
nation assembled in the metropolis, one sentiment
animating the whole mighty multitude, and moving
them all towards one object, and that object the
highest and holiest conceivable. For, gi-eat and
sacred as liberty is, liberty in this case was but the
means to an end still loftier and more sacred, namely
the pure service of the Eternal King. This added
unspeakable solemnity to the ti'ansaction. God
was not merely a witness, as in other oaths. He
was a party. On the one side was the Scottish
nation ; on the other was the Sovereign of heaven
and earth : the mortal entered into a covenant
with the Eternal : the finite allied itself with the
Infinite. So did the Scots regard it. They stood
on the steps of the Divine throne as they lifted
up then- hands to swear to " the Lord, the ever-
lasting God." A scene like this stamps, as with
photogi'aphic stroke, the impress of its gi'andeur
upon a nation's character, and the memory of it
abides as a creative influence in after-generations.
Let us view the scene a little more nearly. The
hour was yet early when a stream of persons began
to flow towards the Church of the Grey Friars. No
one fabric could contain a nation, and the multitude
overflowed and covered the churchyai'd. All ranks
and ages were commingled in that assembly — the
noble and the peasant, the patriarch and the strip-
ling. One fire burned in all hearts, and the glow
of one enthusiasm lighted up all faces. The pro-
ceedings of the day were opened wth a confession
of national sins. Then followed a sermon. The
Covenant was then read by Sir Archibald Johnston,
afterwards Lord Wavriston. He it was who had
drafted the bond, and few then li\'ing could have
taught Scotland so fittingly the words in which to
bind hereelf to the ser\ice of the God of heaven.
There was breathless silence in the gi'eat assembly
while the Covenant, so reverent in spirit, and so
compendious and appropriate in phraseology, was
being read. Next the Eiui of Loudon, considered
the most eloquent man of his age, rose, and with
sweet and persuasive voice exhorted the jjeople to
steadfastness in the oath. Alexander Henderson,
who not unworthily tilled the place which Andrew
Melville had held among the ministers, led the de-
votions of the assembly. With .solemn awe and rapt
emotion did he address " the high and lofty One "
with whom the Scottish nation essayed to enter
into covenant, " the vessels of clay ^^'ith the
Almighty Potter." The prayer ended, there was
again a pause. The profound stillness lasted for a
minute or two, when the Earl of Sutherland was
.seen to rise and .step forward to the table. Lifting
up his right hand, he swore the oath ; and taking
the pen, the first of all the Scottish nation, he affixed
his name to the Covenant. Noble followed noble,
641
HISTOllY OF PEOTESTANTISM,
Bweai-iiig with uplifted haiul, and subscribing. The
barons, the niinistei-s, the burgesses, thousands of
every age and rank subscribed and swore. The vast
sheet was filled with names on both sides, and
subscribers at last could find room for only theii-
initials. The solemn enthusiasm that filled the
assembled thousands found varied expression : some
wept aloud, others shouted as on a field of battle,
and others opened their veins and subscribed mth
tlieir blood.
This transaction, which took place in the Grey-
friars' Churchyard at Edinburgh, on the 1st of
;Marcb, 1G38, was the opening scene of a struggle
that drew into its vortex both kingdoms, that
lasted fifty years, and that did not end till the
Stuarts had been ckiven from the throne, and
William of Orange raised to it. It was this that
closed all the gi-eat conflicts of the sixteenth cen-
tury. By the stable political position to wliieh it
elevated Protestantism, and the manifold influences
of development and propagation with which it sur-
rounded it, this conflict may be said to have
crowned as well as closed all the straggles that went
before it.
"To this much-vilified bond," says a historic
wi-iter, " every true Scotsman ought to look back
with as much reverence as Englishmen do to Magna
CJiarta!' ^ "It is known by all who are acquainted
with this country," say the nobilitj^, ifec, in their
Eemonstrance, "that almost the whole kingdom
standeth to the defence of this cause, and that
the chiefest of the nobles, barons, and burgesses
[the subscribers] are honoured in the plac&s
where they live for religion, wisdom, power, and
wealth, answerable to the condition of this kuig-
dom." " The opposing party were few in numbers,
they were weak in all the elements of influence
and jiower, and the only thing that gave them
the least importance was then- having the king on
their side. The prelates were thundei'struck by
the bold measure of the Covenanters. When
Spottiswood, Archbishop of St. Andrews, heard
that the National Covenant had been sworn, he
exclaimed in despair, " Now all that we have been
<loing these thirty years byepast is at once tlirown
ilown." Nor was the court less startled when the
news reached it. Chaiies saw all his visions of
arbitrary power vanishing. " So long as this
Covenant is in force," said the king to Hamilton,
" I have no more power in Scotland than a Duke
of Venice."^ Promises, concessions, threats, were
' Aikman, Kisi. of Scotland, vol. iii., p. 453 ; Glas., 1848.
= Remonstrance of the NoUlity, Barons, S(c., February 27,
1639, p. 14.
* Burnet, Memoin of the Diike of Hamilton, p. CO.
tried by turns to break the phalanx of Scottish
patriots which had been formed in the Greyfriars'
Churchyard, but it refused to dissolve.* Their
Co\enant bound them to be loyal to the king,
but only while he governed accoriling to law.
Charles placed himself above the law, and was at
that moment making jireparations to carry out by
force of arms the extravagaiit notions he entertained
of Ms jirerogative. To this tyi-anny the Scots were
resolved not to yield. " We know no other bands
betv.-een a king and his subjects," said the Earl of
Loudon to the royal commissioner, " but those of
religion and the laws. If these are broken, men's
lives are not dear to them." It was not long
till the echoes of these bold words came back in
thunder from all parts of Scotland.
The king at last found himself obliged to convoke
a free General Assembly, which was summoned to
meet at Glasgow on the 21st of November, 1C38.
It Avas the fii'st fi'ee Assembly which had met for
forty yeais ; the Marquis of Hamilton was sent
down as commissioner. He came with secret
instructions which, had he been able to carry
them out, would have made the meetirj of the
Assembly of no avail as regarded the vindication
of the national liberties. Hamilton was in-
structed to take care of the bishops and see that
then- dignities and powers were not curtailed,
and generally so to manage as that the Assembly
should do only what might be agreeable to the king,
and if it should show itself otherwise minded it
was to be dissolved. The battle between the king
and the Assembly turned mainly on the question of
the bishops. Had the Assembly power to depose
from ottice an order of men disallowed by the Pres-
byterian Church, and imposed on it by an extrinsic
authority 1 It decided that it had. That was to
sweep away the king's claim to ecclesiastical
supremacy, and along with it the agents by whom
he hoped to establish both ecclesiastical and civil
supremacy iir Scotland. Hamilton strenuously re-
sisted this decision. He was met by the firmness,
tact, and eloquence of the moderator, Alexander
Henderson. The commissioner promised, protested,
and at last shed tear.s. All was in vain ; the As-
sembly, unmoved, proceeded to depose the bishops.
•* Prince Bismarok, in a letter now before xis, of date
February 21, 1875, addressed to Messrs. Fair and Smith,
Edinburfe'li. who had sent his Excellency a copy of the
National Covenant, says : " From my earliest reading of
history, I well remember that one of those events that
more particularly affected my feelings used to be the
Covenant— the spectacle of a loyal people uniting with
tlieir king in a solemn bond to resist the same ambitions
of foreign priesthood wo have to fight at the i>rcsent
day."
THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1G38.
545
To u\Ti't tlip IjIow, so fiitrtl to the king's projects,
ilaiuiltoii rose, and in tlie king's name, as head of
the Cliurch, dissolved the Assembly, and discharged
its fnrther proceedings.
Tlie ciisis was a great one ; for the question at
issue was not merely whether Scotland should have
free Assemblies, but whether it should have free
Parliaments, free laws, and frei; subjects, or whethei-
all these should give way and the king's sole and
ai'bitrary prerogative should come iu their room.
The king's act dissolving the Assembly was illegal ;
for neither the constitution nor the law of Scotland
gave him supremacy in ecclesiastictil aflairs ; and
liad the Assemlsly broken up, the king's claim woidd
have been acknowledged, and the liberties of the
country laid at the feet of the tyrant.
The commissioner took his leave ; but hardly had
his retreating figure vanished at the door of the
Assembly, when the officer entered with lights, and
a protest, which had been prepared beforehand, was
read, in which the Assembly declared that " sitting
in the name and by the authority of the Lord Jesus
Christ, the only Head and IMoxAucn of his
Church, it could not dissolve." The members went
on with their business as if nothing had occun-ed.
They proceeded to try the bishops, fourteen in
number, who were chai-ged with not a few moral
as well as ecclesiastical delinquencies. The two
archbishops and six bishops were excommunicated
— four deposed and two suspended. Thus the fabric
of prelacy, which had been thirty years a-building,
was overturned, and the Church of Scotland re-
stored to the purity and vigour of hei' early days.
AVlien its thorough and memorable work was
finished, the Assembly was dismissed by the mode-
rator with these remarkable words: " We have now
cast down the walls of Jericho ; let him that
rebuildeth them beware of the curse of Hiel the
Bcthelite ! "
The Reformed Church of Scotland uprose in new
power ; the schemes of tj'rants who had hoped to
plant arbitrary power ujion its ruins were baffled ;
and the nation hailed its recovered liberties with a
shout of joy.
CHAPTER XVIL
CIVIL WAR — .SOLEMN LEAGUE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY.
War with the Scots— Charles sends a Fleet and Army— The Scots March to the Border— Treaty of Peace— "Violated
by tlie King— Second "War with the Scots— Charles Defeated— Makes Peace— Church of Scotland has Rest— The
Long Parliament— Grievances— Concessions of Charles- Irish Massacre— Suspected Complicity of the King-
Execution of StraiTord and Laud— Civil "War in England— Scotland .Joins England— Solemn League— Summary of
its Principles— Sworn to by the ParUament of England— The "Westminster Assembly— Its General Appearance
—Its Individual Members— Frames a Form of Church Government and Confession of Faith— Influence of these
Documents.
The Scots had initiated their rebellion by swear-
ing the National Covenant, and they crowned it
by continuing to sit in Assembly after the royal
commissioner had ordered them to dissolve. In
tlic oiiinion of Charles I. nothing remained to
liini but the hist resort of kings — the sword. In
April, 1640, the kuig summoned a Parliament to
vote him supplies for a war with the Scots. But
the Loi-ds and Connnons, having but little heart
for a war of Laud's kindling, and knowing more-
over that to suppress the rights of Scotland was to
throw down one of the main ramparts around their
own lilierties, refused the money which the king
asked for. Charles had i-ecourse to his iirerogative,
and called upon the bishops to furnish the help
which the laity withheld. Less lukewarm than
the Parliament, the clergy raised considerable sums
in the various dioceses. The queen addressed a
letter to the Roman Catholics, who wci-e far from
heing indiffi'rent spectators of the quarrel between
the king and his northern subjects. They willingly
contributed to the war, and as the result of the
joint subsidy Charles raised an army, and marched
to'tlic Scottish Border; he ordered a fleet to blockade
the Frith of Forth, and he sent the Marquis ot
Hamilton ^vith a body of troops to co-operate ^\ith
Huntl}', who had unfurled the standard on the
king's side in the North.
The Scots were not taken unawares I)y the king'.s
advance. They knew that he w;is preparing to
invade them. They had sworn their Covenant, and
tkey were as ready to shed their blood in fultilment
646
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
of their oath as they had been to subscribe their
names. Thirty thousand able-bodied yeomen offered
themselves for the service of their country. They
were marshalled and drilled by General Leslie, a
veteran soldier, who had acquired skill and won
renown in the wars of Gustavus Adolphus. Hardly
had their preparations been comjileted when the
bonfire, which was to announce the arrival of the
invading force, summoned them to battle. Charles's
fleet appeared at the mouth of the Forth ; but the
Scots mustered in such numbers on the shore that
not a man could land. The main body of the
army, under Leslie, in their uniforms of olive or
grey plaiden, with a knot of blue ribbons in their
bonnets, had meanwhile marched to the Border.
Their progress was a victorious one, for it was the
flower of the Scots that were in arms, whereas the
English soldiei's had little heart for fighting. Nego-
tiations were opened between the king and the
Scots at Dunse Law, a pyramidal hill that rises
near the town of that name, on the north of the
Tweed. A treaty of peace was concluded, and,
though its terms were neither clear nor ample, the
Scots in the excess of their loyalty accepted it.
Tiicy fought for neither lands nor laurels, but for
the peaceable practice of their religion and the quiet
enjoyment of their civil rights, under the sceptre of
their native pi'ince. " Had our throne been void,"
says an eye-witness, "and our voices sought for the
tilling of Fergus' chair, we woidd have died ere any
one had sitten down on that fatal marble but
Charles alone."'
This devoted loyalty on the one side was repaid
with persistent perfidy on tJie other. Next year
(1640) Charles anew denounced the Scots as rebels,
and prepared to invade them. Not waiting this
time till the king's army should be on the Border,
the Scots at once unfurled the blue banner of the
Covenant, entered England, encountered the king's
forces at Newburn on the Tyne, and discomfited
them, almost without sti-iking a blow. The A-ictors
took possession of the towns of Newcastle and Dur-
ham, and levied contributions from the whole of
Northumberland. Meanwhile the king lay at York ;
his army was dispirited, his nobles were lukewarm;
he was daily receiving letters from London, urging
liim to make peace with the Scots, and he was per-
suaded at last to attempt extricating himself from
the labyrinth into which liis rashness and treachery
had brought him, by opening negotiations with the
Scots at Rij)on. The treaty was afterwards trans-
fen-ed to London. Thus had the king brought the
fire into Eli'dand.
' Baillie, Letters, vol. i., p. 215.
The Church of Scotland had rest for twenty years
(1640—1660.) The Scots had repelled the edicts
and the soldiers of an arbitrary monarch, for though
chivalrously loyal to their kings, they would give
them no obedience but such as it was meet for
freemen to render; and Scotland being again
mistress of herself, her General Assemblies con-
tinued to meet, her Presbyterian Church govern-
ment was administered, her flocks were supplied
with faithful and diligent pastors, some of whom
were distinguished by learning and genius, and
vital Christianity flourished. The only drawback
to the pi'osperity of the country was the raids of
Montrose, who, professing a zeal for the king's
interests, stained indelibly his own character for
humanity and honour, by ravaging many parts of his
native land vnth fire and sword. All the whUe there
raged a great storm in England, and the northern
country was too near the scene of strife not to feel
the swell of the tempest. Nor could Scotland re-
gard her own rights as secure so long as those of
England were in question. It was her own quaiTel
mainly which had been tiuusferred into the sister
kingdom, and she felt called upon to contribute
what help she could, by mediation or by arms, to
bring the controversy between the king and the
Parliament to a right issue. The poise of the
conflict was in the hands of the Scots ; for, balanced
iis parties then were in England, whichever side
the Scots should espouse would be almost certain
of victory. Could they hesitate to say whether
Poijery or Pi'otestantisni should be established in
England, when by the triumph of the latter a
bulwark would be raised against the advancing
tide of desjiotisni which was then threatening all
Europe ? A strange concurrence of events had
thrown the decision of that question into the hands
of the Scots ; how they decided it, we shall see
immediately.
In November, 1640, a Parliament met at West-
minster. It is known in history as the Long
Parliament. The grievances under which the
nation groaned were boldly discussed in it. The
laws were infringed ; religion was being changed,
and evil counsellors surrounded the throne ; such
were the complaints loudly urged in this assembly.
Wisdom, eloquence, patriotism, were not lacking to
that Parliament ; it included the great names of
Hyde and Falkland, and Digby, and others ; but
all this could not prevent a rupture between the
king and the people, which widened every day till
at last the breach was irreparable. The king's two
favourites, Strafford and Laud, were impeached and
brought to the block. The Star Chamber and High
Commission Court were abolished. Ship-money,
548
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
and other illegiil imposts, the growth of recent
yeare of despotism, were swept away ; and the siiiiit
of reform seemed even to IvAve readied the throne,
/ind made a convert of the king. In his speech on
the 2.5th of Januarjr, 1641, the king said, " I ^\ilI
willingly and cheerfully concur with you for the
reformation of all abuses, Vjoth in Church and com-
iiionwoaltli, for my intention is to reduce all tilings
to the best and purest times, as they were in the
days of Queen Elizabeth." Tiic olive-branch was
held out to even the Presbyterians of Scotland.
Char'les paid a visit at this time to his ancient
kingdom, for the end, as he .issured liis Parliament
of Scotland, "of quieting the distractions of his
kingdom ; " for, said- he, " I can do nothing with
more cheerfulness than to give my people a general
satisfaction." And, by way of seconding these
promises with deeds, lie ratifieil the National
Covenant which liad been sworn in 1638, and made
it law. The black clouds of war seemed to be
rolling away ; the Arinds of faction were going down
in both countries ; the biting breath of tjTanny had
become sweet, and the monarch who had proved
false a score of times was now almost trusted by
his I'ejoicing sulijects.
The two kingdoms were now, as a speaker in the
Engli.sh Parliament expressed it, "on the vertical
point." The scales of national destiny hung evenly
poised between remedy and niin. It was at this
moment that terrible tidings an-ived from Ireland,
by which these. fair prospects were all at once
overcast. We i-efer to the Irish Massacre. This
butchery was only less horrible than that of St.
Bartholomew, if indeed it did not equal it. Tlie
slaughter of the Protestants by the Roman Catholics
commenced on the 23rd of October, 1041, and
continued for several months ; forty thousand, on
the lowest estimate, were murdered ; many \vi'iters
say from two liundred to throe hundred thousand.
The northern parts of Ireland were nearly de-
populated ; and the slaughter was accompanied by
all those disgusting and harrowing cruelties which
marked similar butcheries in the AValdensian
valleys. The persons concerned in this atrocity
pleaded the king's authority, and produced- Charles's
commission with his broad seal attached to it.
There is but too much ground for the dark susinciou
that the king was privy to this fearful massacre;'
but what it concerns us to note here is that this
massacre, occurring at this juncture, powerfully and
' The foots on this head given in Bennet's Meyiiorial,
pp. 194, 195 ; Calaniy's Life of Baxter, p. 143 ; and Reid's
History of Presb. Churrh in Ireland, vol. ii., p. 30.1, leave
little douljt that the king and the Irisli Eoman Catholics
understood one another.
fatally inliuenced the future course of affairs, re-
vived the former suspicions of the king's sincerity,
kindled into a fiercer flame the passions that had
seemed expiring, and Jiurried the king and the
nation onwards at accelerated speed to a terrible
catastrophe.
Charles, on liis return to England, was imme-
diately presented with the famous Pelitiun and
Rr monstrance of tlie iState of (he Nuiion. This was
no agi-eeable welcome home. Dark rumours began
to cii'culate that the court was tampering with the
ai-my in the North, with a view to bringing it to
London to suppress the Parliament. The House
provided a guard for its safety. These the king
dismissed, and appointed his own train-bands in
then- room. The members felt that they were not
legislators, but prisoners. The king next denounced
five of the leading members of Parliament as
ti-aitors, and went in jierson to the House with an
armed followmg to apprehend them. Happily, the
five members liad left before the king's arrival,
otherwise the civil war might have broken out there
and then. The House voted that a great breach of
pri\'ilege had been committed. Immediately London
bristled with mobs, and the precincts of Whitehall
resounded with ciies for justice. These tumults,
said the king, " were not like a stonn at sea, which
yet wants not its terror, but like an earthqiiake,
.shaking the very foundation of all, than which
nothing in the world hath more of horror."- The
king withdrew to Hampton Coui't.
Confidence was now at an end between Charles
and the Parliament ; and the Jesuits, who were
plentifully scattered through England, by infiamiiig
the passions on both sides, took care that it .should
not be I'estored. After some time spent in remon-
strances, messages, and answei's, the king marched
to Hull, where was store of all kinds of arms, the
jjlace having been made a magazine in the war
against the Scots. At the gates, Charles was re-
fused entrance hj the governor, Sir John Hotham,
who held the city for the Parliament. Pronouncing
him a traitor, the king turned away and directed
his course to Nottingham." There on the 22iul of
August, 1G42, Charles set up his standard, which,
as Lord Clarendon takes note, was blo'sv'n down
the same night, nor could it be replaced till two
days thereafter, from the violence of the storm then
blowing. It was a worse omen that conipai-ati-\ely
few assembled to tliat .standard. Tlie king now
issued his summons to the sjentlemeu of the North
- Eilon Basilile : the Portraiture of his Sacred Majesty in
his SoUtxide and Siiffcrinri':. Papre I-"'. Lond., l&IS.
" rhid., p. 42.
THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT.
519
to meet liim at York. Tlio -woi-cl, " To youi- tents,
O Israel," had gone foitli ; tlie civil war luwl com-
menced.
TliLs recalls us once more to Scotland. The two
kingdoms were at that moment tlu'eateued with a
common peril, and this summoned them to a common
duty. That duty was to unite for their mutual
defence. They looked around them for a basis on
wliich they might combine, each feeling that to let
the other sink was to betray its own safety. The
groiuid ultimately chosen was partly civil and
partly religious, and necessarily so, seeing that
the quarrel conjoined inseparably the two interests.
The bond of alliance finally adopted was the
Solenui League and Covenant. Whether we ap-
|)rove or disapprove of its form, it was in its
substance undeniably lawful and even nscessary,
being for the defence of religion and liberty; and in
its issue it saved the liberties of Great Britain.
There is a prevalent idea that the Solemn League
and Covenant was a merely religious bond, the
device of an exclusive and sour Presbyterianism—
a propagandist measure, promoted maiidy by pro-
pagandist zealots. Nothing could be farther from
tlie truth of Idstory. The Solemn League was
the matuVed and compendious deliverance of the
people of England and Scotland on the great ques-
tion of civil and religious liberty, as it stood in
that age ; and it piit into shape the practical
steps which it behoved the two nations to take,
if they woidd retain the blessings of a free Govern-
ment and a Protestant Church. This bond was
framed with much care by the Scottish Parliament
and the General Assembly of the Scottish Church,
with the concurrence and assistance of the English
commissioners who were sent down for that pur-
pose. It was heartily accepted by the ablest
statesmen, the most learned divines, and by the
whole body of the Protestant people in both
England and Scotland. The analysis which Hallam
has given of tins famous document is remarkably
concise and eminently fair. We quote the yet more
conqiendious statement of its provisions by another
historical writer, who says : " Looking at both
( 'oven.ants [the National and the Solenni League],
and tieating them as one document, the princii)les
therein emliodied were the following : —
" 1. Defence of Reformed Presbyterian religion
in Scotland. 2. Promotion of uniformity among
the Chiu'clies of the three kingdoms. .'?. E.xtirpa-
tion of Popery, Prelacy, and all unsound forms of
ri^igion. 4. Preservation of Parliaments, and of
the liberties of the peojjle. .'). Defence of the
sovereign in his maintaining the Reformed religion,
the Parliaments, and the liberties of the people.
G. Discovery and punishment of malignants, and
disturbers of the peace and welfare of the nations.
7. Mutual defence and protection of each indi-
vidually, and of all jointly, who were within the
bonds of the Covenant. 8, Sincere and earnest
endeavour to set an example before the world of
jjublic, personal, and domestic virtue and godli-
ness."'
The signing of the Solemn League by the Scottish
Convention of Estates and the General Assembly
recalled the memorable scene transacted in the
Greyfriars' Churchyard in 1638. Tears rolled
down the face of the aged as they took the pen to
subscribe, while the younger testified by their
shouts or their animated looks to the joy with which
they entered into the bond. In the City of Lon-
don the .spectacle was scarcely less impressive, l)ut
more novel. On the 25th of September, 1643, the
two Houses of Parliament, with the Assembly of
Divines, including the Scottish Commissioners, now
sitting at Westminster, met in St. Margaret's
Church, Westminster, and after sei-mon the Solemn
League was read, article by article, the members
standing uncovered, and swearing to it with up-
lifted hands. Afterwards, Alexander Henderson,
who presided over the famous assembly at Glasgow,
delivered an address ending with these words : —
" Did the Pope at Rome know what is this day
transacting in England, and were this Covenant
written on the plaster of the wall over against
him, where he sitteth, Belshazzar-like, in his sacri-
legious pomp, it would make his heart to tremble,
his coinitenance to change, his head and mitre
to shake, his joints to loose, and all his cardinals
.and prelates to be astonished." The Scots fol-
lowed iqi their Covenant by sending an army into
England to assist the Parliament against the royal
forces. While the controversy is finding its way
to an issue through the bloody fields of the civil
war, we must turn for a little space to a more
peaceful scene.
These civil convulsions, which owed their origin
in so large a degi'ee to the innovations and cere-
monies of Laud, led many in England to ask
whether the National Church had been jiliu-cd
under the best form of goveriunent, and wlu'tlicr
something more sim])le than the lordly and coni-
yjlicated rc(jbne enacted by Elizabeth might not bo
more conservative of the piirity of the Church and
the liberties of the nation! Might it not, they
said, be better to complete our Reformation more
on tlu! uuicli'l of the other Protestant Churches of
' Dodds, Tlie Fifty Years' Struggle; or, the Scottish
Co counters. Pages U, 42. Lond., 1868.
550
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
ChxisteiKilom 1 The Scots, too, in their negotiations
^vith them in Iti-tO and 16-tl, had represented to
them how much a " nearer conformity " in worship
and discipline woidd tend to cement the union be-
tween the two kingdoms. If the Reformation had
brought the two nations together, a yet greater
accord in ecclesiastical matters would make their
union still stronger, and more lasting. There was
profound policy in these views in an age when
nations were so powerfully influenced by the
principle of religion. From this and other causes
the question of Church government was being very
anxiously discussed in England ; pamplilets wei'e
daily issuing from the press upon it ; the gi'eat
boily of the Puritans had become Presbyterians ;
and in 1642, when the royal .standard was set up at
Nottingham, and the king unsheathed the sword
of civil war, the Parliament passed an Act abolish-
ing prelacy ; and now came the question, what
was to be put in its room 1
On the 1st of July, 1643, the Lords and Commons
passed an ordinance "for the calling of an Assembly
of learned and godly divines and others, to be con-
sulted with by the Parliament for the settling of the
government and Liturgy of the Church of England,
and for vindicating and clearing of the doctrines
of the said Church from false aspersions and inter-
pretations." To this Assembly 121 divines were
summoned, with thirty lay assessors, of whom ten
were Lords and twenty Commoners. The divines
were mostly clergymen of the Church of England,
and several of them were of episcopal rank. It
would be hard to find in the annals of the Church,
coimcU or synod in which there were so many men
of great talents, ripe scholai-ship, mature theological
knowledge, sober judgment, and sincere piety as in
the Assembly which now met at Westminster.
The works of many of them, which have descended
to our day, attest the range of their acquii-ements
and the strength of their genius. Hallam admits
theii" " learning and good sense ;" and Richard
Baxter, who must be allowed to be an impartial
judge, says, " Being not worthy to be one of them
myself, I may the more freely speak that tnith
which I know, even in the face of malice and envy
— that the Christian world had never a synod of
more excellent divines (taking one thing with
another) than this synod and the synod of Dort."
At the request of the English Parliament, seven
commissioners from Scotland sat in the Assembly
— three noblemen and four ministers. The names
of the four ministers — the best proof of whose
superiority and worth is that they are household
words in Scotland to this day — were Alexander
Henderson, Samuel Rutherford, Robert Baillie,
and George Gillespie. The elders associated with
them were the Earl of Cassilis, Lord Maitland, and
Sir Archibald Johnston of Warriston. They met
in Heiu-y VII. 's Chapel, and on the approach of
winter they retii-ed to the Jerusalem Chamber.
They were presided over by Dr. William Twiss,
the prolocutor — "a venerable man verging on
seventy years of age, with a long pale countenance,
an im])Osmg beard, lofty brow, and meditative eye,
the whole contour indicating a life spent in severe
and painful study."' More the scholar than the
man of business, he was succeeded in the cliair,
after a year's occupancy, by Mr. Charles Herle —
" one," says Fuller, " so much Christian, scholar,
gentleman, that he can unite in aflection with those
who are disjoined in judgment from him."' At
the prolocutor's table sat his two assessors — Dr.
Cornelius Burgess, active and intrepid, and Mr.
John Wliite, the " Patriarch of Dorchester." On
either hand of the prolocutor ran rows of benches
for the members. There they sat calm, grave,
dignified, with moustache, and peak beard, and
double Elizabethan nifl", dressed not in canonicals,
but black coats and bands, as imposing an Assembly
as one could wish to look upon. There with pale,
gracious face, sat Herbert Palmer, one of the most
scholai ly and eloquent men of the day. There was
Stephen Marshall, the powerful popular declaimer,
who made his voice be heard, in pulpit, in Parlia-
ment, in the Assembly, all through these stormy
times ; there was Edmund Calamy, the gi'andfather
of the yet more celebrated man of that name;
there was Edward Rejaiolds, the scholar, orator, and
theologian ; there were Arrowsmith and Tuckney,
to whom we mainly owe the Larger and Shorter
Catechisms ; there were Vines, and Staiuiton, and
Hoyle; there were Ashe, Wliitaker, Caryl, Sedgwick,
and many othere, all giving their speeches and votes
for Presb3rteilan government.
On the Erastian side there were the learned Light-
foot, the pious Coleman, and the celebrated John
Selden, a man of prodigious erudition, who was
deputed as a lay assessor by the House of Commons.
His model of Church and State was the Jewish
theocracy; "Parliament," he said, "is the Church."''
Apart there sat a little party ; they amounted
to ten or eleven diWnes, the most distinguished of
whom were Philip Nye and Thomas Goodwin, whom
Wood, in his Atlieme, styles "the Atlases and
patriarchs of independency." On the right hand of
the prolocutor, occupying the front bench, sat the
' M''Crie, Annals of English Presbytery, p. 145.
" Fuller, Church Hist., vol. iii., p. 467.
3 Baillie, Letters, vol. ii., p. 268.
THE WESTMINSTER STANDARDS.
.551
Scottish coiiuiii.'ssioners. A large Kliare in the debate
oil all questions foil to them ; and their dialeutiu
skill and theological learning, having just come
from the long and earnest discussion of tho same
ijuostions in their own country, enabled them to
inlluencc powerfully tho issue.
Each projiosition was tiret considered in com-
mittee. There it was long and anxiously debated.
It was next discussed sentence by sentence and
word by word in the Assembly. Into these discus-
sions it is unnecessary for us to enter. Laboriously
and patiently, during the slow process of more than
live years, did the builders toil in the reaiing of
tlieir edifice. They sought to the best of their
knowledge and power to build it on the rock of
the Scriptures. They meant to rear a temple in
which three nations might worship ; to erect a
citadel within which three kingdoms might entrust
their independence and liberties. We need not
analyse, we need only name the documents tJiey
framed. These were the Confession of Faith, the
Form of Church Government, the Directory for
Public Worship, and the Larger and Shorter
Catechisms, all of wliicli were voted by an over-
whelming majority of the Assembly. "It would be
difficult to fix upon any point of doctrine," says an
ecclesiastical writer who labours under no bias
in favour of Presbytery, " in whicli the Confession
of Faith materially diflers from the [Thii'ty-niue]
Articles. It lias more sjstem The majority
of the miuLsters of the Assemljly were wOlin" to
set aside episcopacy, though there were some who
wished to retain it. The majority were also willin"
to set up Presbytery in its place, tliough Uicrc were
a few who ])referred tho Independent or Cou'tc-
gational government. On one subject they were
all united, and that was in their adherence to tho
doctrines of Calvin."'
There will be vai-ious opinions on the system of
doctrine exhiliited in the foin- documents mentioned
above, compendiously styled the "Westminster
Standards." There will be only one opinion re-
specting the logical fearlessness and power, the
theological compreliensiveness, and the intellectual
grandeur of these monuments. The collected
genius and piety of the age — if we may not call
it the first, yet hardly inferior to the first age of
England's Protestantism — were brought to the con-
struction of them. They have mfluenced less the
country in which they had their birth than they
have done other lands. During the succeeding
years they have been moulding the ojjinions of
individuals, and inspiring the creed of Churches, in
all parts of the world. They are felt as plastic
agencies wherever the English sceptre is swayed or
the English tongue is spoken; nor are there yet any
decided signs that their supremacy is about to pass
away.
CHAPTER XVIII.
I
PARLIAMENT TlilUMPHS, AND THE KINO IS BEHEADED.
Scotland Receives the Westminster Standards — England becomes Presbyterian — The Civil War— Army of the King
— Ai-my of the Parliament— 2lforaic of each— Battle of Maa-ston Mooi-— Military Equipment— The King Surrenders
to the Scots— Given up to the English— Cromwell— The Army takes Possession of the King— Pride Purges
Pai'liament— Charles Attainted and Condemned— The King's Execution — Close of a Cycle— Thirty Years' Plots
and Wars- Overthrow of the Popish Projects.
In 1(U7 the "Westminster Standards" were re-
ceived by the Church of Scotland as a part of the
•niifonnity of religion to which the three kingdoms
iiad become bound in the Solemn League. These
Acts were afterwards ratified by the Estates in
Parliament, and sworn to by all ranks and classes
in the kingdom. Scotland laid luside her simple
creed, and accepted in its room an elaborate " Con-
fession of Faith," composed by an Assembly of
English divines. She put lier rudimental cati'-
ckisms on the shelf, and began to use those of tho
" Larger and Shorter " which had first seen the
light in Henry Vll.'s Chapel ! Her " Book of
Connnon Order" no longer regulated her public
worship, which was now conducted according to a
"Directory," aiw framed on English soil and by
English minds. Her old Psalter, whose chants
had Ijeen so often heard in dtiys of sorrow and in
lioius of triumph, siie exchanged for a new PsaJni-
Hunt, Hdiii'ious Thoncjht in EiujhiiiJ, p. 199; Loud.,
552
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
book, executed by Mr. Francis Rous, an Indepen-
dent of the Long Parliament. Tlie discarded
documents had been in use for nearly a centmy,
Scotland had received tbeni from the most vene-
rated Fathers of her Church, but she would sutler
no national predilection to stand in the way of her
honourable fiiltilment of her gi-eat engagement with
England. She wished to be thoroughly united in
heart with the sister kingdom, that the two might
stand up together, at this gi-eat crisis, for the cause
of civil and religious liberty. England on her part
made greater concessions than Scotland had dared
to hope. Thcigh the English Parliament does not
appear ever to bi.ve ratified the scheme of doctrine
and government drawn up, at its own request, by
the Westminster Assembly, the Chiu-ch and nation
nevertheless adojited it, and for some time acted
upon it. Episcojsacy was abandoned, the Liturgy
was laid aside, and worship conducted according to
the " Du'ectory for the Public Worship of God."
The country was divided into Provinces ; each Pro-
vince was subdivided into Presbyteries ; and so
many delegates from each Pre.sbytery were to form
a National Assembly. England was Presbyterian —
it is an almost forgotten chapter in its history — and
its Presbyterianisra was not borrowed from either
Geneva or Scotland : it had its birth m the
Chapel of Heuiy VII., and was set up at the wdsh
of its own clergy. And although it flourished only
for a brief space in the land where it arose, it has
left its mark on Scotland, where it modified the
Presbyterianism of John Knox, and stamped it
with the impress of that of Westminster.
From that unique transaction, which, as we have
seen, had assembled two nations before one altar,
where they swore to combat together for religion,
for law, and for liberty, we turn to the battle-field.
Fierce and tjloody were these fields, as ever liappens
in a civil war, where the hate,; and passions of
rival factions contend together with a bitterness
and f\iry unknown to foreign s rife. The two
armies fii-st met at EdgehOl, War\ ""ckshire. The
hard-contested field was claimed by both sides. To
either victory could not be other than mournful,
for the blood that moistened the dust of the battle-
field was that of brother shed by the hand of
brother. The campaign thus opened, the tide of
battle flowed hither and thither through Eng-
land, bringing in its train more than the usual
miseries attendant on war. The citizens were
di-agged away from their quiet indu.stries, and the
peasants from their peaceful agricultui-al labours,
to live in camps, to endure the exhausting toil of
marches and .sieges, to perish on the battle-field,
and be flung at last into the trenches, instead of
sleeping with ancestral dust in the churchyards of
then- native village or parish. It was a terrible
chastisement that was now inflicted on En'dand.
The Royalists had at first the supeiiority in arms ;
their soldiers were well disciplined, and they were
led by commanders who had learned the art of war
on the battle-fields of the Continent. To these
trained combatants the Parliament at tlie outset
could oppose only raw and undisciplined levies ;
but as time wore on, these new recruits acquired
skill and experience, and then the fortune of battle
began to turn. As the armies came to be finally
constituted, the one was brave from principle : the
consciousness of a just and noble cause inspii-ed
it with ardour and courage, while the want of any
such inspiriting and ennobling conviction on the
other side was felt to be an element of weakness,
and sometimes of cowardice. The longer the war
lasted, this moral disparity made itself but the more
manifest, and at last victory settled unchangeably
with the one side, and defeat as unchangeably with
the other. The gay and dissolute youths, who
drank so deeply and swore so loudly, and who in the
end were almost the only persons that assembled to
the standard of th® king, were on the day of battle
trodden down like the mire of the streets by the
tenible Ironsides of Cromwell, who reserved their
enthusiasm for the fight and not for the revel, and
who, bowing their heads before God, lifted them up
before the enemy.
The day of Marston Moor, 1st of July, 1644,
virtually decided the fate of the war. It was here
the Scottish army, 9,000 strong, first took their
place alongside the soldiers of the Parliament, in
pursuance of their compact with England, and
then- iinion was sealed by a gi-eat victory. This
field, on which were assembled larger masses
of aimed men than perhaps had met in hostile
ari-ay on English soil since the wars of the Roses,
was a triangle, of which the base was the road
running east and west from York to Wetherby,
and the two sides were the rivers Nidd and Ouse,
the junction of which formed the apex.' Here it
was covered with gorse, there with crops of wheat
and rye. Forests of spears — for the bayonet had
not yet been invented — mai-ked the positions taken
up by the pikemen in their steel morions, their
corsets and proof-cuirasses. On either flank of
theii- squares were the musketeers, similarly armed,
with their bandoliers tlu'own over theii- shoulders,
holding a dozen charges. They were supported by
the cavalry: the cuirassiers in casque, cuirass,
gauntlet, and greave ; the carbineers and th-agoons
1 Markham, Life of Lard Fairfax, p. 56; Lond., 1S70.
BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR.
(From Ihc Painlhvj hij Vandtjck.)
in their buff coats, and anned with sword, pistols,
and short nuisket. Tlien came the artillery, with
their culverins and falconets.' The Royalist forces
appeared late on the field ; the Scots, to beguile
' Life of Lord Fairfax, pp. 60, Gl.
161
the time, began to sing jisalms. Theii* general,
Leslie, now Earl of Leven, had mingled, as we
have already said, in many of the blood)' scenea
of the Thirty Years' War, and so bravely acquitted
himself that he was the favourite field-marshal
of Gustavus Adolphus. Altogether there were
554
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISJI.
close on 50,000 men on that memorable field, now
waiting for the signal to join battle. The sun had
sunk low — it was seven of the evening, but the
day was a midsummer one — ere the signjil was
given, and the two armies closed. A bloody
struggle of two lioiu's ended in the total rout of the
king's forces. Upwards of 4,000 coipses covered
the field : the wounded were in proportion. Be-
sides the slaughter of the battle, gi-eat numbers of
the Royalists were cut down in the flight. The
allies captured many thousand stand of arms, and
some hundred colours. One eye-^vitness wi-ites
that they took colours enough, had they only been
white, to make surplices for all the cathedrals in
England.!
From this day the king's fortunes steadily
declined. He was worsted on every battle-field ;
and in the spring of 16-iG, his affairs having come
to extremity, Charles I. threw himself into the
ai-ms of the Scots. In the Parliament of England the
Independent party, with Cromwell at its head, had
attained the supremacy over the Presbyterian, and
the king's choice having to be made between the
two, turned in favour of the Presbyterians, whose
loyalty was far in excess of the deserts of the man
on whom it was lavished. This was an acquisition
the Scots had not expected, and which certainly
they did not \n.sh, seeing it placed them m a very
embarrassing jDosition. Though loyal — loyal to a
weakness, if not to a fault — the Scots were yet
mindful of the oath they had sworn with England,
and refused to admit Charles into Scotland, and
place him again upon its tlu'one, till he had signed
the terms for which Scotland and England were
then in amis. Any other course would have been
a violation of the confederacy which was sealed by
oath, and would have involved them in a war with
England." But Charles refused Ms consent to the
' Ufe of Lord Fairfax, pp. 170—175. Two Letters, &c., in
King's Pamphlet, No. 164.
'■' Alexander Henderson was appointed to confer with
the king. A series of papers passed between them at
Newcastle on the subject of Church government, but
the discussion was resultless. The king pleaded that
his coronation oath bound liim to uphold prelacy.
Henderson replied that the Parliament and nation wore
willing to release him from this part of the oath.
Charles denied that the Houses of Parliament had this
power, and we find liim maintaining tliis by the fol-
lowing extraordinary argument : " I am confident,"
says he, " to make it clearly appear to you that this
Church never did submit, nor was subordinate to them
[the Houses of ParHamentl, and that it was only the
king and clergy who made the Reformation, the Parlia-
ment merely seiwing to help to give tlie civil sanction.
All this being proved (of which I make no question),
it must necessarily follow that it is only the Church
of England (in whose favour I took this oath) that can
release me from it. Wherefore when the Church of
conditions required of him, and the Scots had now
to thhik how the monarch should finally be disposed
of. They came ultimately to the resolution of
delivering him up to the English Parliament, on
receiving assurance of his safety and honour. The
disposal of the king's person, they held, did not
belong to one, but to both, of the kingdoms. The
as.siirance which the Scots asked was given, but in
woi-ds that implied a tacit reproof of the suspieion.s
which the Scots had cherished of the honom-able
intentions of the English Parliament ; for, " as all
the world doth know," said the}', " this kingdom
hath at all times shown as great aflection for theix-
kings as any other nation."^
But the Parliament soon ceased to be master of
itself, and the ten'ible catastrophe was quickly
reached. The king being now a prisoner, England
came under a dual directorate, one half of which was
a body of debating civilians, and the other a conquer-
ing army. It was very easy to see that tliis state
of matters could not long continue, and as easy to
divine how it would end. The army, its pride
fanned by the victories that it was daily wiiming,
aspired to govern the country which it believed
its valour was saving. Lord Fairfax was the
nominal head of the army, but its real niler and
animating spirit was Cromwell. A man of indomi-
table resolution and vast designs, with a style of
oratory singularly tangled, labyrinthic, and hazy,
but with clear and p-'Ctical conceptions, and a
fearless com\age that led him right to the execution
of his purposes, Cromwell j)ut himself at the head
of afiairs, and soon there came an end to debates,
protestations, and delays. Colonel Joyce was sent
to Holmby House, where Charles was confined, to
demand the surrender of the kmg, and he showed
snch good authority — an armed force, namely — that
Charles was immediately given up. Colonel Pride
was next sent to the House of Commons, and taking
liis stand at the door, with a regiment of soldiers,
he admitted only such as could be relied on with
reference to the measures iii prospect. The numbers
to which Parliament was reduced by " Colonel Pride's
England (being lawfully assembled) shall declare that I
am free, then, and not before, I shall esteem myself so."
(The Papers lohich 2>assed at N(ni' Castle heiwixt His Sacred
Majesty and Mr. Alexander Henderson, concerning the
change of Church Government, Anno Dam. 1G4G. London,
1G49. His Majesties Second Paper, p. 20.)
3 Tlie Eikon Basilike (p. 183) first propagated the ridi-
culous calumny tliat the Scots sold their king. It has
since been abundantly proved that the ^£400,000 paid to
the Scots were due to them for service in the campaign,
and for. delivery of the fortresses which they held on the
Border, and that this matter was arranged five months
before the question of the disposal of the king's person
was decided, with which indeed it had no connection.
EXECUTION OF CHARLES 1.
555
purge," as it was called, did not exceed Jifty or sixty,
and tlieso were mostly Independents. This body,
termed the Rump Parliament, voted that no further
application should be inaile to the king; and soon
thereafter drew up an ordinance for attainting
Charles Stuart of high treason. They appointed
commissioners to form a High Court of Justice, and
Charles, upon being brought before this tribimal,
and declining its jurisdiction, was condemned as a
traitor, and sentenced to be beheaded. The scaftbld
was erected in front of Whitehall, on the 30th of
January, 1649. An immense crowd filled the
spacious street before the palace, and all the
avenues leading to it, on which shotted cannon
were turned, that no tumult or rismg might inter-
rupt the tragedy about to be enacted. The citizens
gazed awed and hon-or-struck ; so suddenly had the
.spectacle risen, that it seemed a horrid dream
thi'ough which they were jiassing. A black scaffold
before the royal palace, about to be wetted with
their sovereign's blood, was a tragedy unknown in
the history of England ; the nation could scarcely
believe even yet that the terrible drama would go
on to an end. They took it " for a pageantry,"
says Burnet, " to strike a terror." At the appointed
hour the king stepped out upon the scaftbld. The
monarch bore himself at that awful moment with
calmness and dignity. " He died gi-eater than he
had lived," says Burnet.' He bent to the block ;
the axe fell, and as the executioner held up the
bleeding head in presence of the spectators, a deep
and universal groan burst forth from the multitude,
and its echoes came back in an indignant protest
from all i)arts of England and Scotland.
From this scaffold in front of AVhitehall, with
the unwonted and horrid spectacle of a royal corpse
upon it, let us tiu-n to the wider drama with which
the death of Charles I. stands connected, and inquire
what were the bearings of the king's fall on the
higher interests of human progress. In his execu-
tion we behold the close of a cycle of thirty
years' duration, spent in plotting and warring against
the Reformation. That cycle opened with a scaftbld,
and it closed with a scaftbld. It conmienced with
the execution of the martyrs of Prague in 1G18,
recorded in ])receding chapters of this history, and
it closed at Whitehall on the scaflx)ld of Charles I.
in 1649. Between the.se two ixjints what a multi-
tude of battles, sieges, and tragedies — the work of
the Popish Powers in their attempt to overthrow
that great movement that w,i.s bringing with it a
tempor.il and spiritual emauciiiatiou to the human
' Bi$t. of his own Time, vol. i., p. 65; Lond., 1815.
race ! Who can count the number of martyrs that
had been called to die during the currency of that
dark cycle ! No history records even a tithe of their
names. What oceans of blood had watered the
Bohemian and Hungarian plains, what massacres
and devastation had overthrown their cities and
villages ! These nations, Protestant when this
cycle began, were forced back and trodden down
again into Popish superstition and slavery when it
had come to an end. This period is that of the
Thii-ty Years' War, which continued to sweep with
triumphant force over all the Protestant kingdoms of
Germany till a gi-eat champion was summoned from
Sweden to roll it back. After Gustavus Adolphus
had gone to his gi-ave, the Roman Catholic reaction
seemed to gather fresh force, and again threatened
to overflow, with its devastating anas and its
debasing doctrines, all the Gei-man countries.
But by this time the area of Protestantism had
been enlarged, and England and Scotland had
become more important theatres than even Ger-
many. The Reformation had drawn its forces to
a head in Britain, and the unceasing aims of the
Popish Powers were directed vnth the view of
destroying it there. While abroad Ferdinand of
Austria was endeavouring to waste it with armies,
the Jesuits were intriguing to cori-upt it in Great
Britain, and thereby recover to the obedience of
Rome those two nations where Protestantism had
entrenched itself with such power, and without
which their triumphs in other parts of Christendom
would have but little availed. Their efforts were
being attended with an ominous success. James
VI. and Charles I. seemed instraments fashioned
on purpose for their hands. Filled with an uncon-
querable lust of arbitrary power, constitutionally
gloomy, superstitious, and crafty, nowhere could
better tools have been found. The Jesuits began
by throwing the two countries into convulsions —
their established mode of proceeding ; they marked
out for special attack the Presbyterianism of the
northern kingdom ; they .succeeded in gi-afting pre-
lacy upon it, which, although it did not extermi-
nate it, greatly emasculated and crippled it ; they
took from the Church the freedom of her As-
semblies, the only organ of public sentiment then in
Scotland, and the one bulwark of its liberties. In
England they managed to marry the king to a
Po]iish princess ; they flooded the kingdom with
Romish emissaries ; they overlaid the Protestant
worshi]) with Popish rites ; and the laws of Eng-
land they were replacing with the tribunals of
desjiotisin. Their design .seemed on the very eve
of being crowned with complete success, when sud-
denly the terrible ajiparition of a royal scaffold arose
556
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
before tlie Palace of Whitehall. It was only a few
months before this that the Thirty Years' War had
been ended by the Peace of Westphalia, which gave
j^eatly enlarged liberties to Protestantism, and now
the western branch of the great plot was brought to
nought. So sudden a collapse had overtaken the
schemings and j>lottings of thii-ty years ! The sky
of Europe changed in almost a single day ; and
that great wave of Popi.<h reaction which had rolled
over all Germany, and dashed itself against the
shores of Britain, thi'eatening at one time to sub-
moi'ge all the Protestant States of Chiistendom, felt
the check of an unseen Hand, and subsided and
retired at the scaflbld of Charles 1.
CHAPTER XIX.
RESTORATIOX OF CHARLES 11., AND ST. BARTHOLOMEW D.^Y, 1GG2.
The Struggle to be Eenewed— The Commonwealth — Cromwell's Eule — Charles II. Restored— His Welcome — Enthu-
siasm of Scotland — Character of Charles II. — Attempted Uuion between the Anglican and Presbyterian Paitios
— Presbyterian Proposals— Things to bo Rectified — Conference at the Savoy — Act of Uniformity — The 24th of
August, 1662 — A Second St. Bartholomew— Secession of 2,000 Ministers from the Chui-ch of England — Grandeur
of their Sacrifice — It Saves the Reformation in England.
This long cycle, which had seen so many flourishing
Protestant Chui'ches exterminated, so many martyrs
lay down their lives, and so many fail- lauds
covered -with ruins, had ended, as we have seen, in
the o^'erthrow of the Popish projects, and the eleva-
tion of Protestantism to a higher platform than
it had ever before attained. Nevertheless, the end
was not yet : the victory was not assured and com-
plete, and the defeat of the Popish Powers was not
a final one. The struggle was to be renewed once
more, and another crisis had to be passed through
before Protestantism should be able to surround it-
self with such political bulwarks as would assure it
against a repetition of those armed attacks to which
it had been perpetually subject from the Vatican
and its vassal kings, and be left in peace to pursue
its evangelical labours.
The fall of the Monarchy in England was suc-
ceeded by a Commonwealth. The Commonwealth
soon passed into a military Dictatoi'ship. The
nation felt that the constitutional liberty for which
it had contended on the battle-field had escaped it,
and that it had agaiir fallen under that arbitrary
government wliich many hojied had received its
mortal woimd when the head of Charles rolled on
the scaffold. Both England and Scotland felt the
heavy weight of that strong hand which, putting
away the crown, had so fii-mly grasped the scejjtre.
Perhaps England, swarming with Royalists and
Republicans, with factions and sectaries, was not yet
fit for freedom, and had to return for a little whUe
longer into bonds. But if the forms of the rule
under wliich she was now placed were despotic, the
spirit of liberty was there ; her ail' had been purified
from the stifling fog of a foreign slavery ; and licr
people could more freely breathe. If Cromwell
was a tyrant, he was so after a very difierent
piattern from that of Charles I. ; it was to evil-
doers at home and despots abroad that he was a
terror. England, under his government, suddenly
bounded up out of the gulf of contempt and weak-
ness mto wliich the reigns of the two Stuarts had
sunk her. Rapidly mounted upward the prestige
of England's arms, and brightly blazed forth the
splendour of her intellect. She again became
a power in Christendom, and was feared by all
who had evil designs on hand. The Duke of
Savoy at the bidding of the Lord Protector stayed
his massacres in the Waldensian Valleys, Cardinal
Mazarin is said to have changed countenance when
he heard his name mentioned, and even the Pope
trembled in the Vatican when Oliver threatened to
make his fleet visit the Eternal City. He^ said he
should make " the name of an Englishman as great
as ever that of a Roman had been." At home his
severe countenance scared the persecutor back into
his cell, and the streets of the capital were cleansed
from the horrible sights, but too common in the
days of Charles and Laud, of men standing in the
pilloiy to have their noses slit, their ears cropped
off, and their cheeks branded with red-hot ii-ons,
for no oflence save that of being imable to practise
the ceremonies that formed the king's and the
archbishop's religion. His death in 1658 was fol-
lowed by the Protectorate of his son Richard, who
finding the burden, which even the Atlantean
CHARLES II. AND THE EESTORATION.
557
shoulders of his father had borne imcasily, insup-
jiortiiblo to Iiim, speedily resigned it, and retired
into private life.'
Weary of the confusions and alarms that pre-
vailed under the " C'oniuiittee of Safety" that was
now formed to guide the State, the nation as one
man turned their eyes to the son of their former
sovereign. They sent a deputation to him at
Breda, inviting him to take possession of the throne
of liLs ancestors. The Scottish Pre.sbyterians were
among the most forward in tliis matter; indeed
they had proclaimed Charles as king upon first re-
ceiving tidings of his father's execution, and had
cro\vned him at Scone on the 1st January, 1651. We
rcricct with astonishment on the fact that, dosijitc
all the blood which the two nations had shed in
resistance of arbitrary power, Charles II. was now
received back without conditions, vmless a vague
declaration issued from Breda should be considered
as such. The nation was stupefied by an excess of
joy at the thought that the king was returning.
From Dover, where Charles II. lauded on the 26th
May, 1660, all the way to London his j)rogress
was like that of a conqueror returning from a
campaign in which his victorious arms had saved
his country. Gay pageantries lined the way, while
the ringing of beUs, the thunder of cannon, the
shouts of a frantic people, and at night the blaze of
bontii-es, proclaimed the ecstasy into which the
nation had been thrown." A like enthusiasm was
dis])layed in Scotland on occasion of the return of
the royal exile. The 19th of Jime was appointed
to be oUserved as a thanksgiving for the king's
icstoration, and after sennou on that day the
magistrates assembled at the Cross of Edinburgh,
where wa.s set a table ^vith wine and sweetmeats.
CJlasses wei^e broken, trumpets were soimded,
drums were beat ; the church-bells sent forth their
merriest peals, and in the evening a gi-eat fire, in
which was burned the effigy of Cromwell, lilazed
on the Castle-hill.'''
Charles was cro^vncd at London on tlie 2'.)th of
May, a truly fatal day, which was followed by a
flood of jirofimity and vice in England, and :i
tori-ent of righteous blood in Scotland. This had
Ix-en foreseen by some whose feelings were not so
perturbed as to be incapable of observing the true
ciiaracter of Charles. Mr. John Livingstone, one
' For a full and able account of ecclesiastical affairs in
Scotland during Cromwell's administration, see irislory
of the Church of Srntland during flic Commonwealth, by
the Key. James Bcattie; Edin., 1842.
-' Clarendon, Hist, of the IlrbclHon, vol. vii., p. .")0.'>.
'■> Wodrow, Hist, of Church of Scotland, vol. i., p. G2;
Glas., 1828.
of the Scottish ministers sent to accompany the kin"
from Holland, is said to have remarked, when
stepping on board the ship with Charles, "that
they were bringing God's heavy wrath to Britain. "■•
For all who approached liim Charles II. had a
smiling face, and a profusion of pleasant words. He
was as yet only thirty years of age, but he was
already a veteran in vice. He was a consum-
mate dissembler. The school of adversity, which
strengthens the virtues of other men, had only per-
fected Charles Stuart in the arts of hypocrisy and
falsehood. The English Presbyterians sent over
some of their number — among others Reynolds,
Manton, and Calamy — to wait on him in Holland ;
and he so regaled them with pious discourse, after
the manner of his gi-andfather, that they thought
they were getting for their king an experienced
and matui'ed Christian. " He knew how to bewail
the sms of his father's house, and could talk of the
power of godliness as fluently as if he had been pupil
all his days to a Puritan."^ When seated on the
tlu'one he took several of the Presbyterian ministers
into the number of his chaplains, and even heard
Richard Baxter preach. Charles II. had retui-ned t(3
England with his mind made up touching the form
of Church government which was to be established
in the kingdom, but the time was not yet ripe for
caiTying his project into execution. There were
two things that Charles lacked notwithstanding his
merry countenance and his pious talk ; the one was
conscience, and the other was a heart. He was the
coldest of mankind. He was a tyrant, not from
ambition, and certainly not from that sort of am-
bition which is " the last infirmity of noble minds,"
but from the cold, cruel selfishness of the volup-
tuary ; and he prized his throne for no object of
gloi-y or honour, the stirruigs of which he never
felt, but because it enabled him to wallow in low,
bestial pleasures. From that throne, as fi'om an
overspreading Upas, distilled the jwison of moi'al
death all over the kingdom. He restored to
England in the seventeenth centuiy one of those
royal sties which had disgi-aced pagan Rome in the
fu-st. His minister was Clarendon, on whom, as
Asiatic Sultan on vizier, Charles devolved all the
care and toil of go^'ernment, that he might pass
his hours less interruptedh' in his seraglio.
The first me.isure after Charles's restoration was
an attempted union between the Anglican and the
Presbyterian parties, the latter being the chief pro-
moter of the project. Having as yet free access to
the king, the Presbyterians brought in their pi'O-
posals. The things of which they complained were
■• Bennct, MemA)rial, p. 241.
558
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISINI.
mainly tliese : — the gi-eat extent of the dioceses,
the pci-formance of the bishop's duty by deputy, his
assuming the ■whole power of ordination and juris-
diction, the imposition of new ceremonies, and the
arbitrary suspension of ministers. For reforming
these evils they proposed that " Bishop Usher's n-
duction of episcopacy to the form of synodical
government, received in the ancient Church, should
be the gi-ound-work of an accommodation." They
proposed that suffragans should be chosen liy the
The answer returned by those with whom they
were negotiating, and whom they had not yet been
permitted to meet in conference, though desirous of
doing so, was not such as to inspire them with
sanguine hopes. Some little while after, the king
put forth a declaration, containing some concessions
which came nearer what the Presbyterians thought
might form a basis of union.' But neither did
this please the Royalist and prelatic party. All it
led to was a conference between a certain number
respective synods ; that the ministers should be
under no oaths or promises of obedience to thcu-
bishops ; and that the Vnshoijs should govern ac-
cording to the canons and constitutions to be ratified
and established by Parliament. As to ceremonies,
they humbly represented that the worship of God
was perfect without them : that they had been
fruitful in disputes, schisms, and the silencing of
pious pastors in the past ; and being, on the con-
fession of their advocates, in themselves matters of
indifference, they prayed to be released from kneel-
ing at the Sacrament, wearing of sacerdotal vest-
ments, making the sign of the cross in baptism, and
bowing at the name of Jesus. They also craved a
slight revision of the Liturgy.
of ministers of both parties, who met at the Savoy.
The Presbyterian ministers were invited to con-
ference, and encouraged to unbosom themselves, in
the way of revealing all their difficulties and scraples.
But for what end? That their scruples might be
removed, said the prelates ; though in truth the
real object of the opposite party was that, being
masters of the sentiments of the Presbyterians, they
might the more easily overreach them. It was a fore-
gone conclusion that no union should be formed ;
but that, on the contraiy, the Puritan element should
once for all be purged out of the Church of England.
> The main provisions of the royal declaration arc given
in Bennet's Memorial, pp. 246— 2t8.
SECESSION OF PURITAN MINISTERS.
559
The king and prelates now knew how far the
Puritans would yield, and on what points they
would make no compromise, and so they were able
to frame theu- contemplated Act of Uniformity, so
as to place the Puritan ministers between the
alternative, as they phrased it, of proving knaves
or becoming martyrs. On the 19th May, 1G62,
was passed the followng fiimous Act : — " That all
who had not received episcopal ordination should
be re-ordained by bishops: that every minister
should, on or before the 24th of August following,
being the feast of St. Bartholomew, declare his
imfeigned assent and consent to everything con-
tained in the Book of
Common Prayer, on
pain of being ipso J'acio
deprived of his benefice;
that he should also ab-
jui-e the Solemn League
and Covenant as an un-
lawful oath, and swear
the oath of supremacy
and allegiance ; and de-
clai'e it to be unlawful,
imder any pretext what-
soever, to take up arms
against the sovereign." '
Under this Act,
equally remarkable for
what it tolerated as well
as for what it stringently
prohibited, it was lawful
to preach another gospel
than that which Paul ricu.viiij haxter. (F,
l)reached, but it was a
crime to preach at all without a surjilice. Under
this Act it was lawful to believe in baptismal
regenci-ation, but a crime to admiiiister baptism
without the sign of the cross. Under this Act it
was lawful to profane God's name every hour of
the day, but it was a crime to mention the name
of Jesus without lifting one's hat. Some have dis-
tinguished between principles and points ; in this
controversy all the principles were on one side,
and all the points on the other ; for the men
enforcing the latter admitted that for these rites
there was no foundation in the Word of God, and
that they were inatters of indifference.
A space for deliberation was allowed. The 2-ttli
of August was fixed upon as the term when they
must cxj)ress their submission to the Act, or abide
the consequences. That day had already been
' Burnet, Hitt. of his own Time, vol. i., pp. 182, 183;
Lend., 1724,
marked by a horror unspeakably great, for on the
24th of August, 1.572, had been enacted one of the
most terrible crimes of all history — the Massacre
of St. Bartholomew.
With very difl'erent feelings was that day waited
for in the halls of the voluptuous court of Charles
II., in the conclave of a tyrannical hierarchy, and
in the parsonages and homes of the godly ministere
and people of England. Issues of tremendous
magnitude hung on the part which the Puritan
party should act on that day. If they should suc-
cumb, farewell to the Reformation in England : it
would be laid in its gi'ave, and a great stone rolled
to the mouth of its
sepulchre. The day ar-
rived, and the sacrifice
it witnessed saved the
realm of England, by
preserving the Protes-
tant element in the
nation, which, had the
Puritans conformed,
would have utterly
perished. On the 24th
of August, two thou-
sand ministers, rather
than submit to the Act
of Uniformity, surren-
dered their livings, and
left their sanctuaries and
parsonages. They went
out each man alone.
The England of their
a r..i(,-ni t.,).rii u, inT/ I day was no free country
in which they were at
liberty to organise and carry on their Church in
a state of secession. They had no gi-eat leader
to march before them in then- exodus ; they had
no generons press to proclaim their wi'ongs, and
challenge the admu-ation of then- country for their
sacrifice ; they went forth as Abraham did, at the
call of God, " not kno'wing whither they went,"
not kno'sving where they should find the next meal,
or where they should lay theii- head at night.
They were ordered to remove to a distance of
twenty miles from then- own parish. It was
farther enjoined on the ejected ministers to fix their
residence not nearer than six miles to a cathedral
town, nor nearer than three miles to a royal burgh ;
and it was made unlawfvd for any two of them to
live in the same place. What a glory this army of
confessors shed on England ! What a victory for
Protestantism ! The world thought they were
defeated. No ; it was the king whom this S])ectacle
startled amid his revels ; it was the prelates whom
560
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
this noble sacrifice at the shrine of conscience
rebulted and terrified ; it was a godless generation,
whom this sight for a moment roused from its indif-
ference, that wiis conquered.
These men were the strength and glory of the
Church of England. The author of The Reformed
Pastor, sm-ely a fair judge of ministei-ial qualifica-
tions, says of them : " I do not believe that ever
England had as faithful and able a ministry, since
it was a nation, as it hath at this day ; and I fear
few nations on earth, if any, have the like." " It
raised a giievous ciy over the nation," writes Bishop
Burnet ; " for here were many men much valued,
and distinguished by theii' abilities and zeal, cast
out ignominiously, reduced to great jDoverty, and
provoked by spiteful usage." " Worthy, learned,
pious, orthodox divines," says the philosophic Locke,
" who did not thi'ow themselves out of service, but
were forcibly ejected."
St. Bartholomew's Day, 1662, is one of the great
outstanding epochs in the long combat of conscience
against power. But it is well to bear in mind that
the victories of conscience must always, from the
very nature of the case, as indeed the St. Bartholo-
mew and all similar days teach us, bear outwardly
the guise of defeat, and the checks and discomfitures
of power must come in the garb of victory; and
thus it is through seeming triumph that error
marches to ruin, and thus it is, too, through ap-
parent defeat that truth advances to dominion.
CHAPTER XX.
SC0TL.4.ND— 3IIDDLET0N S TYRAJfNY — ACT EECISSORY.
Extravagant Loyalty of the Scots — A Schism in the Eanks of the Scottish Presbyterians — Eesolutioncrs and Pro-
testers— Charles's Purpose to Restore Prelacy — Clarendon — Maitland— James Sharp— The "Judas of the Kirk of
Scotland" — The Scottish Parliament of 1661 — Decline of the Scottish Presbytei-ians — Acts passed in Parliament
^Act of Supremacy — Lays the Scottish Kirk at the King's Feet — The Oath of Allegiance — The Act Reoissory—
Tyranny and Revolution — Sudden Destruction of Scottish Liberties — Legislation and Drunkenness.
The .Jesuits had anew betaken themselves to
spinning that same thread which had been so sud-
denly and rudely severed on the scafibld which the
.30th of January, 1649, saw erected before the
Palace of Whitehall. There had been a pause in
their schemings during the administration of
Cromwell, but no sooner had the head of that
great ruler been laid in the grave, and a Stuart
again seen on the throne of England, than the
Fathers knew that their hour was come, and
straightway resumed their plots against the religion
and liberties of Great Britain. We have seen the
tii'st outburst of that cloud that descended upon
England with the advent of Chailes II. in the
expulsion of the 2,000 Nonconformists ; but it was
on the northern kingdom that the tempest was
destined to break in gi'eatest fury, and to rage the
longest. We return to Scotland.
We have seen the exti-avagant j<iy with which
the king's return was hailed in Scotland. This
ecstasy had its source in two causes, and a brief
exfilanation of these will help to make clearer the
course which events took afterwards. The first
cause was the almost idolatrous loyalty which the
Scots bore to the House of Stuart, and from which
all their dire experience of the meanness, fickleness,
and perfidy which had chai-acterised the recent
sovereigns of that house had not been able to wean
them. The second was a decay of that spirit of
pui'e i^atriotism that had animated the Scots in
the days of Alexander Henderson, and the im-
mediate consequence of which was a deplorable
disunion in their ranks at a time when it behoved
them above all things to be united. The schism to
which we refer is that known in histoiy as the
Besohttioners and the Protesters, which had arisen
in 1651. The question between the two parties
into wliicli the once united band was now split,
had its first rise in the suspicions of the sincerity
of Charles II., that began to be entertained by
some of the ministers, who blamed their bretlu-en
for admitting him to make solemn professions
which all they knew of his conduct and character
belied. This led to the formation of a Royalist
party in the Church ; and the breach between them
and their lirethren was widened by what soon
thereafter took place. Cromwell invaded Scotland
with his army, and the question was raised, shall
the whole fencible population be enrolled to resist
him, or shall those only who ai-e the known friends
MIDDLETON AND SHARP.
661
of the Refoniiation be permitted to bear arms 'i It
was resolved to admit all sorts into the army,
and the Parliament proceeded to fill up some of
the highest military commands, and some of the
most dignified and influential offices in the Civil
Service, from among those who were the avowed
and bitter enemies both of the Presbyterian Church
and tlie civil liberties of the kingdom. The
General Assembly of 1G51 was divided on the
(juestion ; a majority supported the action of Par-
liament, and were termed Benolut loners ; the
minority protested against it, and were known as
the I'rotesteiv. Tlie latter were headed by James
Gutlirie, who was afterwards martyred. Many
plausible arguments were pleaded on both sides ; in
the ordinary state of affairs the course approved by
the Resolutioners was the natural one ; but in the
circumstances in which Scotland then was, it was,
to say the least, inexpedient, and in the end it
proved most fatal. It cleft the Protestant phalanx
in twain, it embittered the minds of men liy the
sharp contention to which it led, and above the
brutal violence of Middieton, and the dark craft of
Sharj), two men of whom we are about to speak, it
j)aved the way for the fall of Presliyterianism and
th(^ triumph of Charles II.
Hardly had Charles mounted the throne, when he
resumed the work of his father and grandfather in
Scotland. His sure instincts taught him that there
was no gi-eater obstacle to his cherished object of
arbitrary government than the Scottish Kirk
watching jealously over the popular liberties, and
by the working of its courts reading daily lessons
to the people on liberty in the best of all ways,
that of teaching them to use their rights, and to
defend thcii" privileges. He could no more tolerate
an Independent Presbyteiian Church alongside an
absolute throne than James VI. had been able to do,
believing such an anomaly to be just as impossible
in the wider realm of Britain as his grandfather
had deemed it in the narrower domaui of Scotland.
But Charles was too indolent to prosecute in person
his grand scheme, and its execution was handed
over to others. Lord Clarendon, we have said, was
his minister, and knowing his master's wishes, one
of his first cares was to find fitting tools for the
woik that was to be done in Scotland. Clarendon
.accounted liimself exceedingly fortunate, no doubt,
in discovering two men whom nature seemed to
have shaped and moulded for his very purpose. The
two men on wliom Clarendon's eye liad lighted were
not only richly endowed with all the vile rpialities
that could fit them for the base task to which he
destined them, but they were equally distingiiished
by the happy absence of any noble and generous
endowment vi'hich might have enfeebled the working
and impaired the success of those opposite qualities,
the posses.sion of which had led to theii- selection.
These two men were Middleton and Sharp.
The first was the less base of the two. Obscurely
born, we know nothing of Middleton tOl we find
him acting as " a pickman in Colonel Hepbiun's
regiment in France." ' He next served under
the Parliament in England, " taking the Covenant
as he would have put a cockade in his hat, inereh'
as the badge of the side on which he fought." -
Afterwards he took arms for the king ; he adhered
to the royal cause in exUe ; and on the death of
Montrose, Charles's imacknowledged lieutenant in
Scotland, Middleton succeeded to his place. His
daring and success on the field brought him rapid
promotion. He had now attained the rank of earl.
He retained the coarse, brutal, overbearing habits of
the camp; he (h-ank deeply, withheld himself from no
vice, answered all appeals to reason or justice with
a stroke of his sword. Cruel by disposition, and
with heart still further hardened by the many scenes
of atrocity and outrage in which he had mingled, he
was set over the people of Scotland, as the fittest
tool for taming their obdurate .and haughty spiiits
into compliance with tlie mandates of the court.
James Sharp was in some respects very unlike
the man with whom he was mated in the infamous
work of selUng his Church and betraying his
country ; in other respects he bore a very close
resemblance to him. With placid face, stealthy
eye, and grave, decorous exterior, Sharp seemed to
stand far apart from the fierce, boisterous, and
debauched Middleton ; nevertheless, in their iiuier
qualities of suppleness, imscrupulousness, and ambi-
tion, the divine and the soldier were on a level. Sharp
was a person of very ordinaiy capacity ; he had but
one pre-eminent talent, and even that he was careful
to hide tUl it revealed itself in the light of its
crooked working : he was a consummate deceiver.
Sent to London by the Scottish ministers at the
period of the Restoration, with instructions to watch
over the Presbyterian interests, he not only be-
trayed the cause confided to him, but he did so with
an art so masterly, and a dissimulation so comjilete,
that his treachery was not once suspected till it had
borne its evil fniit, and was beyond remedy. The
letters which he wrote to his brethren in Scotland,
and by which he kept their eyes closed till their
Church was overthrown, are embodied in the Intro-
duction to Wodrow's Ilidori/, and will remain a
monument of his infamy to all coming time. His
' Kirkton, Hist, of Church of Scotland, p. GO,
- Dodds, Fifty Years' Struggle, p. 95.
562
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
name bns become a synonym among his countrymen
for all that is dark and hypocritical. He received
the wages for which lie had undertaken his work,
and became known henceforth among his contempo-
rai-ies asthe Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Primate
of all Scotland. He stands in the pillory of history
as the " Judas of the Kiik of Scotland."
It was resolved to establish prelacy in Scotland ;
and only a few months elapsed after Charles II.
ascended the throne till a beginning was made of
the work ; and once commenced, it was ui-ged for-
ward wtliout pause or stop to the end. In
January, 1G61, the Scottish Parliament was as-
sembled. It was opened by Middleton, as royal
commissioner. The appearance of this man was to
Scotland a dark augury of the work expected of
the Pai'liament. Had the nation been fairly repre-
sented, the religion and liberties of the country
would have been in small danger ; for even yet
the majority of the aristocracy, almost all the
ministei-s, and the great mass of the people re-
mained true to the principles of the Reformation.
But " Middleton's Parliament," for by this name
was it kno^v^l, did not fairly represent the nation.
Wholesale bribery and open force had been em-
ployed to pack the House. The press was gagged,
many gentlemen known to be zealous Presbyterians
were imprisoned, and some popular ministers were
banished, the better to secure a Parliament that
would be subservient to the court. Scotland
enjoyed no Act of Indemnity, such as protected
England, and not a public man was there in the
northern countiy who was not liable to be called
to account for any word or action of his during
the past ten years which it might please the
Government to construe imfavoirrably. This let
loose a reign of violence and terror. The ministers,
though pious and diligent, did not possess the in-
trepid spirit of Melville and Henderson, and those of
their tune. The grand old chiefs of the Covenant —
Loudon, Sutherland, Rothes — were dead, and the
young nobles who had arisen in their room, quick
to imbibe the libertine spirit of the Restoration,
and to conform themselves to the pattern shown to
them at Whitehall, had forgotten the piety, and
with that the patriotism, of their fathers. The
great .scholars and divines who had illumined
the sky of Scotland in the latter days of James
VI. and the reign of Charles I. — the Hendersons,
the Hallyburtons, the Gillespies — had died as
these troubles were beginning. Rutherford lived
to publish his Lex Rex in 1660, and to hear that
the Government had burned it by the hands of the
hangman, and summoned its author to answer to
a charge of high treason, when he took his depar-
ture " to where," in his own words, " few kings
and gi-eat folk come." The existing race of clergy,
never having had the bracing influence which grap-
pling with gi-eat questions gives, and emasculated
by the narrow and bitter controversies which had
raged in the Church dui'ing the twelve preceding
years, were somewhat pusillanimous and j'ielding,
and incapable of showing that bold front which
would repel the bad men and the strong measures
with wliich they were about to be assailed. " The
day was going away," but no one had foreseen how
black would be the night that was descending on
the poor Church of Scotland, and how long its
hours of darkness would continue.
The tirst measure passed in Parliament was of
such vast significance that it may be said to have
consummated the work which it professed only to
have begun. This was the Act of Supremacy,
which transferred the whole power of the Church
to the king, by making him absolute judge in both
ci%il and ecclesiastical mattei-s. This was a blow
at the root. It did not indeed set up prelacy, but
it completely subverted the Presbyterian Kh-k
wliich Knox had established in Scotland ; for that
Church is independent in things spiiitual, or it is
nothing.
This Act was immediately followed by another,
which was meant to carry into eflfect the former.
This second Act imposed an Oath of Allegiance.
Allegiance to the king was what every Scotsman
was mlling to render as fully ■svithout as wth an
oath ; but the allegiance now exacted of him went
beyond the just measure of obedience due by
Scottish subject to sovereign. The new oath
bound the swearer to uphold the supremacy of the
king in all religious as well as all civil matters ;
and to refuse the oath, or deny the principle it
contained, was declared to be high treason. This
left to Scotsmen no alternative but perjury or
treason. The whole Scottish nation, only twenty-
three years before, had taken an oath which
declared that " the Lord Jesus Christ is the
only King and Head of his Church," an exjiression
which was meant to repudiate and shut out the
ecclesiastical supremacy of the monarch. The new
oath was in flat contradiction of the old, and made
the swearer vest in an eai-thly throne that which
he had declared with all the solemnity of an oath
was the exclusive prerogative of the Heavenly
King. How then could the Scottish people swear
this second oath without perjuring themselves 1 The
Act laid a yoke on the consciences of the Christian
people. On those who had no conscience, it im-
posed no burden ; but all were not in a condition
to swear contradictory oaths, and to feel that they
SCOTTISH LIBERTIES OVERTHROWN.
5G3
Lacl incurred neither siu nor shame, and the latter
class were the greater as well as the more loyal part
of the nation.
The flood-gates of tyranny now thrown wide open,
the deluge poiu'ed in. As if tyranny had become
giddy — had gi'owu delirious — an almost insane
attempt was uiado to blot out, and cause to perish
from the memories of men, that whole period of
the mitiou's history dm'ing which the Church of
Scotland had administered her doctrine and govern-
ment, subject only to her Divine Head. We refer
to the period dui'uig which her Assemblies and
comts had been free to meet and legislate. The
"Act Recissory " was passed. This Act swept away
all the Parliaments, all the General Assemblies — in
short, the whole legislation of Scotland since the
year 1G38. All were by a single .stroke bui-ied in
oblivion. Thus the men who now reigned, not
content with having the future in then- hands,
made war upon the past. The National Covenant
was declared an unlawfid oath and condemned.
The Solemn League was also condemned as an
unla\vful and treasonable compact. The Glasgow
Assembly of 1G.38, over which Alexander Hender-
son presided, could not be other than specially
obno.xious, seeing it overturned the prelacy of the
previous period, and accordingly it was declared to
be a seditious and unlawful meeting, and put under
the ban of Government.
We know not whether the wildest revolutionist
(iver committed greater excesses, or showed himself
under the .spmt of a more delii-ious madness, than
the men who now unhappily governed Scotland.
We behold them scorning all truth and equity,
making void all oaths and promises, tearing do'svn
all the fences of the State, and leaving the tlu'one
no claim to obedience and respect save tliat which
the sword and the gallows can enforce. Although
they had plotted to bring all authority into con-
tempt, to vilify all law, and destroy society itself,
they coidd not have adopted fitter methods. In a
neighboiu'ing country, liable to be visited ^vith
periodic revolutionary tempe.sts, we have seen no-
thing wilder than the scenes now being transacted,
and about to be transacted, in Scotland. In France
the tempest rises from below ; it ascends from the
Communistic aljyss to assail the seats of power and
the tribunals of justice : in tlio instance we are now
contemplating the storm descended upon the country
from the throne : it was the closet of the monarch
that sent forth the devastators of order. Never
before, perhaps, had country made so swift and
tenible a descent into, not social anarchy, but
monarchical and military despotism. Scotland up
to this hour was enjoying an ample Ubei-ty — that
liberty was fenced round on all sides by legal
securities : a single edict laid them all in the
dust, and confiscated that whole liberty which they
giiarded, and the country went sheer down at a
plunge into the gulf.
The tyranny that -WTOught all this havoc in a
moment, as it were, has been stigmatised as
"intoxicated." History has preserved the fact
that the intoxication was moi-e than a figure.
" It was a maddening time," says Bumet, " when
the men of affkirs were per'jietually drunk." '
Middleton, who jiresided over this revolutionary
crew, was a notorious inebriate, and came seldom
sober to the House ; and it is an accepted fact that
the framers of the Act Recissoiy passed the night
that preceded the proclamation of their edict in a
deep debauch.
CHAPTER XXI.
ESTABLISHMENT OP rUELACY IN SCOTLAND.
Destruction of Scottish Protestantism— Marquis of Argyle — His Character — His Possessions — His Patriotism — His
Services to Charles II. — How Requited — He is Condemned as a Traitor — His Demeanour in Prisou— on the Scaffold
—Mr. James Guthrie— His Character— Sentenced to be Hanged— His Behaviour on the Sc.iffold— His Head Affixed
to the Netherbow — Prelacy set up— Tlie Now Bishops — Their Char.octer— Robert Leighton— The Ministers re-
quired to Receive Presentation and CoUation Anew— WiU Scotland Submit ?
We have seen the scheme resumed, after a short
jiause, of seating a Popisli prince upon the throne of
England, and carrying over the whole power and
influence of the three kingdoms to the interests of
Rome. A beginning hatl been made of the bold
project in the restoration of Charles II., whose con-
' Burnet, Ilisi. of his own Time, vol. i., pp. 119-151,
JJO-t
HISTOllY OF PROTESTANTISM.
cealed Popery better served the purpose of the meu
who were behind the scenes than an open profes-
sion of the Romish faith would have done. The
next part of tlie programme was the destruction of
the Protestantism of Scothiud. The three infamous
edicts passed in the Parliament of IGGl had stripped
the Presbyterian Church of Scotland of every legal
security, had imposed upon the Scots a virtual ab-
juration of Presbyterianism, and left the Protestant
Church of the northern country little better than a
was cautious, eminently wise, liberal in politics,
eloquent in discourse, and God-fearing, and to the
graces of the true Chi-istian he added the virtues of
the jiatriot. His inheritance was a magnificent
one. -From those western isles which receive the
first shock of the Atlantic wave as it rushes toward
the mainland, his possessions stretched southward
to the Clyde, and away towards the Tay on the
east, comprehending many a grand mountain, many
a far-extending forest, many a strath and moorland,
VIKW OF THE Uri
T. ANDREWS CATUZDUAL.
wreck. A fourth edict was about to complete the
work of the former three. But at this stage it
was found necessary to set up the scaffold. There
were two men in Scotland of pre-eminent position
and influence, who must be taken out of the way
before it would be safe to proceed with the measure
now contemplated, namely, that of abolishing Pre.s-
byterianism and substituting prelacy. These two
men were the Marquis of Argyle and Mr. James
Guthrie, minister at Stirling.
Archibald, Marquis of Argyle, stood conspicuous
among the nobles of Scotland ; in grandeur and
influence he towered high above them all. Nature
had endowed him with excellent talents, which a
careful education had developed and trained. He
watered liy great i-ivers, and dotted with meadow
and corn-land — the seat of a mighty clan, who knew
no king but the Maccallum-More. To his Highland
princedom he added many an acre of the I'icher
south, and he owned many a mansion in the great
cities, where he occasionally kept court. In those
years when Scotland had no king, Argyle bore the
burden of the State, and charged himself ^vith the
protection of the Presbyterian interests.
That he was wholly free from the finesse of the
age, that threading his way amid the snares and pit-
falls of the time he never deviated from the straight
road, and that amid his many plans he never
thought of the aggrandisement of his own family,
we will not venture to affirm ; but in the main
ARGYLE BEFORE HIS EXECUTION.
565
his desifTis were noble, and his aims steadily and
"■randly patriotic. He had rendered some impor-
tant services to Charles Stuart when the fortunes of
tlie royal liouse were at the lowest. Argyle had
protested against the execution of Charles I., and
when England rejected the son, Argyle was the tirst
to invite Charles to Scotland, and he it was who
placed the crown of that ancient kingdom upon his
head. He naturally expected that these services,
done at a time which made them trebly valuable,
A deep serenity filled his mind, which imparted
a calmness, and even majesty, to his demeanour
during the hours between his sentence and its exe-
cution. In his prison he had a ravishing sense of
God's love, and a firm assurance of his admission
into the heavenly joys. All night through he slept
sweetly, and rose refreshed in the morning. He
dined with his friends on the day of his execution,
discoursing cheerfully with them, and retu-ing after
dinner for secret prayer. The procession to the
VIEW OF EDINBUKOU CASTLE FIIOM THE Glt.lSS MAKKET.
would not be wholly forgotten. Argyle posted up
to London to congi-atulatethe king on his restoration.
It was now that he discovered the utter baseness
of the num by whose side he had stood when so
many hail forsaken him. Without even being ad-
mitted into Charles's presence, he was seized, and
sent down by sea to Scotland, to be tried by the
Parliament for high treason. On Saturday, the
25th of l\Iay, 1G61, he wa,s sentenced to be beheaded
on the Monday following. He was the most pro-
minent Protestant in Scotland, and therefore he
must die.
Argyle shrank from physical suffering ; but now,
sentenced to the axe, he conquered his constitu-
tioual weakness, and rose above the fear of death.
152
scaffold being formed, " I could die like a Roman,"
said he, " but choose rather to die as a Christian.
Come away, gentlemen ; he that goes tirst goes
cleanest." He stopped a moment on his way to
execution, to greet James Guthrie, nowundersentenco
of death, and confined in the same prison. They
embraced. " Were I not under sentence of death
myself," said the minister to the marquis, " I would
cheerfully die for your lordship." Tliey parted as
men do who are soon to meet again, and Ai-gyle,
his step firm, and the light of triumph on his brow,
went on his way. On the scaffold he addressed the
people with great composure, bidding them prepai-e
for times which would leave them only this alter-
native, to "sin or sull'er." When about to lay his
566
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISHL.
licad on the block bis physician approached liim and
loiiched his pulse, and found that it was beating at
its usual rate, calm and strong.' He kneeled down,
and after a few minutes' prayer, he gave the signal,
the uxe fell, and that kingly head rolled on the
scaflbld." It was affixed to the west end of the
Tolbooth, "a monument," says Wodi-ow, "of the
Parliament's injustice and the land's misery."-'
In a few days Mr. James Guthrie was brought
forth to die. Guthrie was descended from an
ancient Scottish family, and was distinguished for
liis pietj', his loaming, his eloquence, and his sweet-
ness of disposition, combined with great firmness of
principle. HLs indictment charged him mth a
variety of ofl'ences, amounting in the eyes of hLs
enemies to high treason ; but his real offence was his
being a consistent, eloquent, and influential Protes-
tant, which made it necessary that he should be put
out of the way, that Middleton might rule Scotland
as he liked, and that James Sharj) might march in
and seize the mitre of St. Andrews. He was sen-
tenced to be "hanged at the Cross of Edinburgh as a
traitor, on the 1st of June, 1G61, and thereafter his
head to be struck off and affixed on the Nethei-bow,
Ids estate to be confiscated, his coat-of-arms torn
and reversed, and his chilcb'en declared incapable, in
all time coming, to enjoy any office, dignities, ifcc,
within this kingdom." His composure was not in
the least disturbed by hearing this sentence pro-
nounced as doom ; on the contrary, he expressed,
with much sweetness, a hope that it would never
affect their lordships more than it affected him, and
that his blood would never be required of the lung's
house. On the day of his execution he dined with
his friends in prison, diffusing round the table the
serenity and joy that filled his own soul, and cheer-
ing the sorrow of his guests by the hopes that found
eloquent expression from liis lips. The historian
Burnet, who witnessed his execution, says that "on
the ladder he spoke an hour with the composedness
of one who was delivering a sermon rather than his
last words."'' The martyr himself said that he had
often felt greater fear in ascending the pulpit to
preach than he now did in mounting the gallows to
die. " I take God to record upon my soul," said
he in conclusion, " I would not exchange this
scaflbld with the palace or miti-e of the greatest
prelate in Britain." His face was now covered with
' Burnet, Hist, of his own Time, vol. i., p. 57; Lond., 1815.
- Wodrow, bk. i., sec. 3. Burnet, Hist, of Ms own Time,
vol. i., p. 179 ; Edin. ed.
^ The body of Argylo was, immediately on liis execu-
tion, carried into the Magdalene Chapel, and laid upon a
table still to be seen there.
* Bin-net, vol. i., p. 159.
the fatid napkin ; he made it be lifted a moment,
and said, " The Covenants shall yet be Scotland's
reviving." ''
His head was affixed to the Netherbow, and there
it remained, blackening in the sun, through all the
dark years of persecution that followed. The
martyrs on their way to the Grass Market to die
passed the spot where these honoured remaiiis were
exposed. They must have felt, as they looked up
at them, that a ray of glory was cast athwart their
path to the scaflbld, though the persecutor had not
meant it so. " Courage," would these mouldering
lips seem to say, and strengthened by the thought
that James Guthrie had trodden this road before
them, the martyrs passed on to the gallows. Having
hung all these mournful years, and been obsei-ved
of many martyr processions, Guthrie's head was at
last taken down by a young man named Hamilton,
who was at the time a student in Edinburgh, and
afterwards became successor at Stirling to the man
to whose remains he had performed thLs kind
office.
The two men of all living Scotsmen whom
Middleton and Sharp most feared were now in
their grave, and the way was open for the execution
of the project on which then- heai-t, as well as that
of the king, was so much set — the institution of
prelacy in Scotland. Accordingly, on the Gth of
September, 1661, Charles II. issued a proclamation,
restoring " the ancient and legal government of the
Church by archbishops and bishops, as it was
exercised in the year 1637." The only reason
assigned for so vast a change was the king's good
pleasure. The royal mandate must serve for the
wishes of the people, the law of the coimtry, and
the warrant of Scripture. In the December fol-
lo\ving, five ministers set out for London, and got
themselves appointed bishops, and consecrated in
AVestminster. The first was James Sharp, who
now, as the reward of his treachery, obtained the
archiepisoopal mitre of St. Andrews. The second
was Fairfoul, who was made Bishop of Gla.sgow.
If a slender theologian, he had some powers as a
humourist ; but his censors said that Jiis morals
were not so pure as his lawn. The third was
Wishai-t, who had the See of Edinburgh. He, too,
was of damaged character, and had a habit, when
he had drunk freely, of emjihasising his talk with
oaths. The fourth was Sydserf, now in his dotage,
and made Bishop of Orloiey. The fifth was a man
of pure character, and fine genius, who was thrown
' Wodrow, bk. i., sec. 4. Mr. Guthrie's indictment, his
speech in court, and his speech on the scaffold, are aU
given in full in Wodrow, vol. i. ; GHas., 1828.
EPISCOPACY IN SCOTLAND.
567
in to reconcile the Scots to the new Establishment.
This was Robert Leighton, appointed to the epis-
copal chair of Dunblane. His exposition of the
fii'st Epistle of Peter, so chaste and gi'aceful in
style, and so rich in evangelical ti-uth, will long
remain a montiment of his fervent piety. Leighton
held that nothing had been laid down, even inferen-
tially, in Scripture on the subject of Chiu'ch govern-
ment; and he looked ou episcopacy as the best form,
but he knew that, as matters then stood in Scotland,
the liberties of the nation were bound up with the
maintenance of the Presbj'terian government ; and
that government, moreover, he had sworn to main-
tain. This, if nothing else, ought to have inspired
him with a salutary fear of becoming the tool of the
tyrant and the partner of renegades in a traitorous
scheme for sapping the ancient liberties of his native
land, and overthrowing the sacred independence
of his Church. His genius and piety but made the
part he acted the more criminal, seeing they were
employed to support measures which he condemned.
The blood of Argyle and Guthrie had to be poured
out before he could wear his mitre, and one would
have thought that never could he put it on his head
without feeling that it imprinted its red marks on
his brow. In those days there were few genume
honours to be gained in Scotland save those which
the headsman bestowed.
Soon after their consecration the new prelates
an-ived in Scotland. They entered Edinburgh with
some little pomp, being not unwilling to air their
new dignity — all except Leighton, who, as if
ashamed of his companions, and unwilling to be
paraded in the train of Sharp, stole away when the
party approached the city, and made his entrance
privately. One of their first acts after setting foot
on their native soil was to ordain other ten bishops.
These had tUl now been Presbyterian ministers ;
their anointing took place in the Chapel of Holy-
rood. Scotland was now divided into fourteen
dioceses, and over each diocese was set a regularly
consecrated bishop with jurisdiction. The new
shepherds to whom the Scottish flock was committed
by Charles II. had all, before receiving then- second
consecration, renounced their Presbyterian ordina-
tion as null. This throws an interesting light on
the mission they had now taken in hand, and the
condition of that countiy, as it appeared in their
eyes, in which they were to fulfil it. If their
Presbyterian ordination was worthless, so was that
of all Presbyters in Scotland, and equally worth-
less were the powere and ministrations of the
whole Presbyterian Church. Scotland, in short,
was a pagan country. It possessed neither valid
pastors nor valid Sacraments, and had been without
both since the Eeformation ; and these men, them-
selves consecrated in Westminster, now consecrated
others in Holyrood, and came with the benevolent
design of restoring to Scotland the valid orders of
which Knox had deprived it. In short, they
came to plant Christianity a second time in Soot-
land. Let us mark how they proceeded in theii'
work.
Ou the 8th of May, 1662, the Scottish Pariia-
ment sat. The new bishops took their places in
that Assembly, gi-acing it, if not by their gifts of
learning and apostleship, on which history is silent,
by their titles and official robes. Their presence
reminded the Parliament of the necessity of show-
ing its zeal in the king's service, and especially
that branch of it on which Charles was at that time
so intent, the transforming a Presbytei'ian country
into a predatic one, and changing a constitutional
government into an arbitrary monarchy. The
Parliament was servile and compliant. Act followed
Act, in rapid succession, completing the work which
the king had commenced in his proclamation of the
September previous ordaining episoopacj'. In the
first Act of Parliament it was laid down that "the
ordering and disposing of the external government
and policy of the Church doth [jroperly belong unto
his Majesty as an inherent right of the crown, by
vii-tue of his royal prerogati\'e and supremacy in
causes ecclesiastical."' The next Act restored the
bishops to all their ancient privileges, spiritual and
temporal ; another Act was passed against all resis-
tance to the king's government ; another forbidding
all attempts for any alteration in Church or State,
and another declaring the Covenants imlawful and
seditious. To this Act was added a curious appen-
dage, wliich would not have been surprising had
it issued from the Vatican, but coming from a
tempoi'al government was certainly a novelty. A
dispensing clause was sent forth from Whitehall,
releasing all who had taken the Covenant from the
obligation of fulfilling the oath. That oath might
or might not be valid, but for the government to
publish a release of conscience to all who had sworn
it was one of the startling assumptions of this
extraordinary time.
One other edict remains to be specially noted.
It required all ministers in Scotland ordained since
1649, on or before the 20th of September to present
themselves before the patron to take presentation
anew to their livings, and before the bishop of the
diocese to receive collation. The year 1 649 was fixed
on as that fi-om which commenced this second ordina-
tion because, the strict covenanting party being then
' See Act in Wodi-ow, bk. i., chap. 3, sec. 2.
568
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
in power, patronage had been abolished. But now,
patronage being restored, those who had entered
the Church by the free choice of the people, and not
by the nomination of the patron, were called on to
retrace their steps, and begin anew by j)assing
through this ordeal. Collation from the bishop,
which was also requii'ed of them, implied something
more than that they had been informal niiiristers,
namely, that they had not been ministers at all, nor
had (!ver discharged one valid function. One of
the clauses of that collation ran tluis — "I do hereby
receive him into the functions of the holy ministry."
Tliat certainly meant that the man now receiving
collation had not till then been clothed with the
ministerial office, and that for the first time was he
now validly to discharge its functions. The pruiciple
on which all these changes proceeded was plainly
this, that government was restoring to Scotland a
true miniistry, which it had lost when its ancient
hierarchy was overthrown.
It was not necessary in order to the carrying oiit
of these edicts that Charles II. should leave London,
the scene of his ease and of his pleasures, and visit
the northern kingdom. The royal voluptuary,
dearly as he loved power, would perhaps have fore-
gone it in pai-t, had he been required to earn it at
the price of anxiety and drudgery. But there was
no need he should submit to this sacrifice ; he had
zealous and tnisty tools on the spot, who were but
too willing to do the work which he was too indolent
to undertake himself The Prii^ Council exercised
supreme power in his name in Scotland, and he
coidd safely leave with the members of that Council
the prosecution of all the schemes of tyi'amiy then
on foot. There were men around him, too, of
darker counsels and wder schemings than liimself —
men who, though he little suspected it, were just as
ready to tlu'ust him aside as they would have been
to dispatch any Covenanter in all Scotland, should
he stand in their way ; these persons devised the
steps which were necessary to be taken, the king
sanctioned them, and the perjured and biiitid jimto
who served Charles in Scotland carried them out.
We behold the work already almost completed.
Only two years have elapsed since Charles II.
ascended the throne, and the liberties and religion
of Scotland have been all but entirely swept away.
What it had taken a century and a half to achieve
— what had been painfully won, by the stake of
Hamilton, the labours of Knox, and the intrepidity
of Melvillo and Henderson, had, as it now seemed,
been lost in the incredibly short space from 1600
to 1602. The tame acquiescence of Scotland at so
gTeat a ci-isis amazes us ! Have all become un-
laitliful ? Is there no one to fight the old battle 1
Of the tens of thousands who twenty-four years
before assembled in the Greyfriars' Chiu-ch-yai-d
of Edinburgh, their hands lifted up to heaven, is
thei'e no select band — a thousand ? a hundi'ed 1
fifty ? — willing to throw themselves into the
breach, and stem the torrent of Popish intrigue and
tyrannical violence that is flooding Scotland, and,
having overwhelmed it, will next rush on England,
burying beneath its swelling wave the Pl'otes-
tanti.sm of the southern kingdom, and along with
it the Protestantism of all Chiistendom ? Is there
none to avert a catastrophe so a^\•ful i We shall
see.
CHAPTER XXII.
FOUR HUNDRED MINISTEltS EJECTED.
The Bishops hold Diocesan Courts— Summon the Minister.s to Receive Collation— Tlie Ministers Disobey — Middleton's
Wrath and Violence— Archbishop Fairfoul's Complaint—" Drunken Act of Glasgow "—The 1st of November,
1C62— B'our Hundred Ministers Ejected— Middleton's Consternation- Sufferings of the Ejected— Lamentations of
the People— Scotland before the Ejection— The Curates— Middleton's Fall— The Earl of Rothes made Commi.s-
sioner— Conventicles— Court of High Commission— Its Cruelty— Turner's Troop— Terrible Violence.
The Parliament, h.-iving done its work, dissolved.
It had promulgated those edicts which placed the
Church and State of Scotland at the feet of Charles
II., and it left it to the Privy Council and the
bishops to carry into eflect what it had enacted as
law. Without loss of time the woi-k was com-
menced. The bishops held diocesan courts and
summoned the ministers to receive collation at
their hands. If the ministers should obey the
summons, the bishops would regard it as an ad-
mission of their office: they were not unnaturally
desii'ous of such recognition, and they waited with
'DRUNKEN ACT OF C4LASG0W."
569
impatience and anxiety to sec what response their
citation should receive from the Presbyterian
pastors. To their gi-eat mortification, very few
ministers presented themselves. In only a few
solitary instances were the episcopal mandates
obeyed. The bishops viewed this as a contempt
of their office and an atiront to their persons, and
were \vi'otk at the recalcitrants. Middleton, the
king's prime minister in Scotland, was equally
angry, and he had not less cause than the bishops
for being- so. He had assured the king that the
royal sceptre once firmly stretched out would com-
pel the Pi'esbyterians of the North to bovi^ to the
crosier; and if, after all, iiis project should fiiU,
he would be ruined in the eyes of Charles. To
the irascibility and imperiousness with whicli
nature had endowed him, Middleton added the
training of the camp, and he resolved to deal with
this matter of conscience as he would with any
ordinary breach of military discipline. He did not
understand this opposition. The law was clear :
the king had commanded the ministers to receive
collation at the hands of the bishop, and the king
must be obeyed, and if not, the recusant must take
the consequences — he must aljide both Middleton's
and the king's wrath.
Having made up his mind to decisive measures,
Middleton and the other members of the Privy
Council set out on a tour of inspection of the
western counties, whei-e the more contumacious
lived. Coming to Glasgow, Ai-chbishoiJ Faufoul
complained that "not one minister in his whole
diocese had presented liimself to own him as
bishop, and receive collation to his benefice ; that
he had only the hatred which attends that office in
Scotland, and nothing of the jiower ; and that his
Gi'ace behoved to fall upon some other and more
effi;ctual methods, otherwise the new-made bishops
would be mere ciphers."' Middleton consoled the
poor man l)y telling him that to the authority
of his crosier he would add the weight of his
sword, and he would then see who would be so
bold as to refuse to own him as his diocesan. A
meeting of the Privy Council was held in tlic
College Hail of Glasgow, on the 1st of October,
16G2. They met in a condition that augured ill
for the adoption of moderate measures. The
bishops urged thom to extreme courses ; wth these
counsels their own passions coincided ; they drank
till they were maddened, and could tliink only of
vengeance. It was resolved to cxtriule from tlioir
livings and banish from thoir parishes all the
ministers who had been ordained since 1649, and
' Wodrow, bk. i., chap. 3, sec. 3.
had not received presentation and collation as
tho king's Act requii-cd. In pursuance of this
summary and violent decision a proclamation was
drawn up, to be published on the -Itli of October,
conmianding all such ministers to withdraw them-
selves and their families out of llieir parishes
before the 1st of November next, and forbidding
them to reside within the bounds of their respective
presb3rteries. They had three weeks given them
to determine which they would choose, submission
or ejectiou.-
This Act came afterwards to be known as the
" Drunken Act of Glasgow." It is hardly con-
ceivable that sober men would, in the cii'cum-
stances, have issued so ferocious an edict. " Duko
Hamilton told me," says Burnet, " they were all so
drunk that day that they were not cajiable of con-
sidering anything that was before them, and would
hear of nothing but executing the law without any
relenting or delay. "^ The one sober man at the
board, Sh- James Lockhart of Lee, remonstrated
against the madness of his fellow-councillors, but
he could recall them neither to sobrietj' nor to
humanity. Their fiat had gone forth : it had
sounded, they believed, the knell of Scottish Pres-
byterianism. " There are not ten men in all my
diocese," said Bishop Fairfoul, " who will dare to
disobey." Middleton was not less confident. That
men should cast themselves and their families
penniless upon the world for the sake of conscience,
was a height of fanaticism which he did not ba
lieve to be possible even in Scotland. Meanwhile
the day drew on.
The 1st of November, to which Middleton had
looked forward as the day that was to crown his
bold policy with success, and laying the Presby-
terianism of Scotland in the dust, to establish on
its ruins prelacy and arbitrary government, was, on
the contrary, in the issue to hurl him from power,
and lift up that Presbyterianism which he thought
to destroy. But to Middleton retribution came
in tho guise of victory. Hardly four weeks had
ho given the ministers to determine the gi-ive
question whether they should renounce their
Presbyterianism or surrender their livings. They
did not need even that short space to make up
their minds. Four hours — four minutes — were
enough where the question was so manifestly
whether they should obey God or King Charles.
When the 1st of November came, four hundred
ministers — more than a third of the Scottish
^ The Act is said to have been tho suggestion of Tair-
foul, Archbishop of Glasgow. (Wodrow, bk. i., chap. 3,
sec. n.)
^ Uurnet, Hist. ofJiis own Time, vol. i., pp. 19t, 195.
570
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
clergy — rose up, and quitting their manses, their
churches, and their parishes, went forth with their
families into banishment. INIiddleton was as-
tounded. He could never have believed that the
gauntlet he had flung do\vn would be taken up
so boldly. It was submission, not defiance, he had
looked for from these men. The bishops shared
his consternation. They had counselled this
violent measure, and now they trembled when
they saw how well it had succeeded. They had
It was the beginning of winter, and the sight of the
bare earth and the bleak skies would add to the
gloom around them. They went forth not know-
ing whither they went. Toiling along on the
rough miry road, or laying them do\vn at night
under the roof of some poor hovel, or seated with
their little ones at some scantily furnished table,
they nevertheless tasted a joy so sweet that they
would not have exchanged their lot for all the
delights of their persecutors. They had incurred
VIEW OF GLASGOW CATHEDRAL.
thought that the Scotland of Knox was dead, and
this Act was meant to consign it to its sepulchre ;
the Act, on the contrary, had brought it to life
again ; it was rising in the strength of old days,
and they knew that they must surely fall before it.
Middleton's rage knew no Vjounds : he saw at a
glance all the fatal consequences to himself of the
step he had taken — the ultimate failure of his
planSj the loss of the royal favour, and the eventual
triumph of that cause to wliich he thought he had
given tlie death-blow.
Meanwhile, the sufferings of the ejected ministers
were far from light. Tlie blow had come suddenly
upon them, and left them hardly any time to provide
accommodation for themselves and their families.
their monarch's sore displeasure, but they knew
that they had the approval of then- heavenly King,
and this sweetened the bitter cup they were drink-
ing. Tlie sacrifice they were now making had only
added to their guilt in the eyes of their monarch,
and they knew that, distressing as was their present
condition, then- futiu-e lot was sure to be more
wretched ; but rather than take their hands from
the plough they would part with even dearer posses-
sions than those of which they had been stripped.
They had counted the cost, and would go forward
in the path on which they had set out, although
they plainly descried a scafibld at the end of it.
The religious people of Scotland followed with
their affection and theii- prayei-s the pastors who
THE EJECTED PASTORS AND THEIR FLOCKS.
571
had been torn from them. The throne had loosened
its hold, prelacy had sealed its doom, but the firm-
ness of principle shown by the ministers liad exalted
the cause of Presbytery, and rallied once more
24th of August to the Presbyterians in England.
Tears, loud waOings, and bursts of sorrow broke in
in many cases upon the public service. It was a
day not only of weeping but howling, like the
A (O.NVENTICLC: WORSIIH' ON THE HILL-SIDE.
round it the better portion of the Scottish people.
The sliepherds had been smitten, but the flocks
would not long escape, and they prepared to sufler
when their day of trial should come. Meanwhile,
lamentation and woe overspread the country.
" Scotland," says Wodrow, " was never witness to
such a Sabbath as the last on which these ministens
preached ; and I know no parallel . to it save the
weeping of Jazer, as when a besieged city is sacked."
The Sunday that followed the ejection was sadder
even than that on which the pastors had bidden
their congregations farewell. The silence as of
death brooded over a large portion of Scotland.
All over tlic western counties of Ap- and Lanark ;
over many parts of Lothian, Fife, Eskdale, Teviot-
dale, and Nithsdale the churches were closed. To
572
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
quote "N:iplit:ili's" son;:; of Lamcntatimi (a woll-
kno\\Ti book ill Irfcotlancl) — " Then might wo have
seen the shepherils smitten and the flocks scat-
tered, our teachers removed into corners, and the
Lord's vineyard and sanctuaiy hiid most dcsohite,
so that in some wliolc counties and ])rovinccs no
preacliing was to be licard, nor could the Lord's
Day be otherwise known than by the sorrowful
remembrance of those blessed enjoyments whereof
now we are deprived."
From this scene of desolation let us turn to
the Scotland of only two years before, as graphic-
ally depicted by an old chronicler. " At the
king's return every parish had a minister, every
village had a school, every family almost had a
Bible, yea, in most of the countiy all the children
of age could read the Scriptures, and were provided
of Bibles, either by their parents, or by thcu-
ministei-s. . . . . I have lived many years in
a parish where I never heard an oath, and you
might have ridden many mOes before you heard
one ; also you could not for a great part of the
country have lodged in a famUy where the Lord
was not wor.shipped by reading, singing, and public
prayer. Nobody complained more of oiu- Chu^-ch
government than our taverners ; whose ordinary
lamentation was — their trade was broke, people
were become so sober."^ It was from this flourish-
ing condition that Scotland, in the short space of
two years, was plunged into her jiresent desolation.
The numerous vacant pulpits had to be tilled.
Tlie bishops turned their eyes to the northern
counties in quest of men to succeed the pious and
learned ministers who had been ejected. Some
hundreds of raw untaught young men were brought
from that part of Scotland, drafted into the Church,
and taught to do duty as curates. The majority of
them were as incapable as they were unwelcome.
They were all of them without liberal education,
and many of them lacked morals as well as letters.
" They were ignorant to a reproach," says Bishop
Burnet, " and many of them o{)enly ■\'icious ; they
were a disgrace to the order and the .sacred functions,
and were indeed the dregs and refuse of the northern
parts."- In some cases then* arrival in the parish
was met by a shower of .stones ; the church-door
was barricaded on Sunday morning, and they had
to make their entrance by the window.
Middleton wa-s now di'awing near the close of his
career. He had dragged Argyle to the block and
Guthrie to the gallows, and he had filled up his cup
by extruding from their charges four hundred of
' Kirkton, Hist, of the Church of Scotland, pp. Gt, 65.
= Burnet, vol. i., p. 229.
the best ministers of Scotland, and now his fiill fol-
lowed hard on the heels of his great crime. But in
his case, as in so many similar ones, infatuation pro.
ceded destruction. Middleton had now few sober
hours ; for no sooner had the fumes of one debauch
been dissipated than those of another began to act
upon him. Even Charles became; disgusted at his
habitual intoxication. His passionate violence and
drunken recklessness had completely lost the oppor-
tunity for the peaceable establishment of prelacy in
Scotland. He had but damaged the king's interests
by his precipitation, and the Earl of Rothes was
sent down to supersede him. The new commissioner
was a son of that Earl Rothes who had been one of
the early leaders of the Covenanters. The son was
as distinguished for his profligacy as the father had
been for his piety and his talents. He was coarse,
avaricious, licentious, and the policy of violence
which had been inaugurated under Middleton was
continued under Rothes.
It was now that field-meetings termed conventicles
arose. The greater part of the pious ministers cast
out, and their places filled by incapable men, the
people left the new preachers to hold forth within
empty walls. It was in vain that the church-
doors were thi'own open on Sunday morning, few
entered save the curates' dependants, or the repro-
bates of the place ; the bulk of the jjopulation were
elsewhere, listening to those ministers who, not
being comprehended in the Act of 1 662, having been
ordained before the year 1649, were still permitted
to occupy their pulpits ; or they had gathered by
hundreds or by thousands, devoixt and reverend,
on some moorland, or in some sequestered glen,
or on some mountain-side, there to listen to one
of the ejected ministers, who, taking his .stand on
some rock or knoll, preached the Woi-d of Life.
It was exceedingly mortifj'ing to the bishops to see
their curates despised, their churches empty, and
the people travelling miles in all weathers to hear
those whom they had extruded. They immediately
obtained an Act forbidding any one to preach unless
he had a licence from a bishop, and commanding
the people to attend their parish churches imdcr
the penalty of a fine. This Act was termed the
" Ijishops' drag-net." It failed to fill the empty
pews of the parish churches. One tjTannical mea-
.sure only necessitates another and more tyi-annical.
Ai'chbi.shop Sharp posted up to London to olitain
additional powers. He returned, .and set iqi the
Court of High Commission. This w.as the Star
Chamber of England over again. In truth, it bore,
in its flagrant defiance of forms, and its inexor.ably
merciless spirit, a close resemblance to the " Holy
Office " of tho Inquisition. Soldiers were sent
PERSECUTION IN THE SOUTH AND WEaT OE SCOTLAND.
573
forth to scour tlie country, and if one was found
■who had been absent from the parish church, or
liad given a little aid to jny of the outed ministers,
or was suspected of the sin of Presbyterianism, he
was dragged to the bar of the High Commission
Court, where sat Sharp, like another Pihadaman-
thus, ready to condemn all whom the soldiers had
captured and haled to his dread tribunal. The
lay-judges in disgust soon left the entii-e business in
the hands of the archbishop and his assistant pre-
lates. Their process was simple and swift. The
labour of compiling an indictment, the trouble of
examining witnesses, the delay of listening to
pleadings were all dispensed with. The judges
walked by no rule or statute, they kept no record
of theii- proceedings, and they suffered no one to
escape. All who came to that bar left it under
condemnation. The punishments awarded from
that judgment-seat were various. Some it amerced
in heavy fines : some it ordered to be publicly
whipped : some it sent into banishment : others it
consigned to dungeons ; and some it branded on
the cheek with hot irons, and sold as slaves, and
shipped off to Barbadoes. The times, bad as they
were, were not so bad as to suffer such a court to
exist. In two years the High Commission sank
under the odium which its atrocious injustice,
cruelty, and tyi-anny drew down upon it.
" Sir," said the minister of Colvend on the
Solway, addressing Sharp one day from the bar of
this terrible court. " Know you," gi-owled Eothes,
"to whom you speak?" "Yes," replied the un-
daunted pastor, " I speak to James Sharp, once
a fellow-minister vdih myself." Without further
intjuiry into his ofiences, he was laid in irons,
thrown into the " Thieves' Hole " in the Tolbooth,
with a lunatic for his companion, and idtimately
banLshed to the Shetland Islands, where " for four
years," says Wodrow, " he lived alone in a wild
desolate island, in a veiy miserable ])light. He
had nothing but barley for his bread, and his fuel
to prepare it with was sea-tangle and wreck ; and
had no more to preserve his miserable life."
In Scotland, Presbytery and Liberty, like the
twuis of classic story, have ever flourished and faded
together. After 1GG3 no Parliament met in Scot-
land during sLx years. The laws were virtually
defunct, and the will of the king was the sole autho-
rity in the State. Charles II. issued proclamations,
liis Privy Council in Scotland turned them into
Acts, and the soldiers executed them with theii"
swords. It was in this way that the country was
governed. Its Presbyterian religion and its consti-
tutional liberties had fallen together.
No part of the country south of the Grampian
chain escaped this most teiTible tyramiy, but the
south and west in particular were mercilessly
scourged by it. The ■wretched inhabitants of these
covmties had been given into the hands of Sir
James Ttu-ner. Turner ■was a man naturally of
choleric temper, and when his passions were in-
flamed by tb-Lnk, which often happened, his fury
rose to madness. His troop was worthy of himself.
Drawn from the dregs of the populace, they merited
the name, not of soldiers, but of rufiiaus, who were
in their element only when carousing, pillaging, and
shedding blood. It would be endless to recount
the barbarities which Turaer's troop exercised upon
the poor peasantry.
The great public offence of each parish was still
the empty church of the curate. To pimish and so
abate this scandal, the following device was fallen
upon. After sermon the curate called over the
roll of the parisluoners, and marked those not pre-
sent. A list of the absentees was given to the
soldiers, who were empowered to le-vy the fine to
which non-attendance at church rendered the per-
son Liable. If the family was not able to pay the
fine, a certain number of the troop took up their
quarters in the house, cursing, blaspheming, carous-
ing, wasting by their riotous li-viug the substance
of the family, and, before taking leave, destroying
what they had not been able to devour. Rum was
almost the inevitable consequence of such a visit,
and members of families, recently in affluence,
might now be seen wandering about the country in
circumstances of destitution. After the landlord,
it came to be the tenant's turn to be eaten up. As
the locust-swarms of the East, so passed these mis-
creant bands from parish to parLsh, and from family
to family, leaving their track an utter waste. Tlie
sanctity of homo, the ser^vices of devotion, the de-
cencies of morality, respect to rank, and reverence
for age, all perished in the presence of this obscene
crow. Lou<ler and louder every day waxed the
cry of the suffering country.
574
HlSTOflY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER XXIII.
BREACH OF THE " TRIPLE LEAGUE " AND WAR WITH HOLLAND.
The same Policy pursued in England and Scotland — Scheme for Introducing Popery and Ai-bitrary Goveruiuent
— Test Acts — Non-resistance — Power of the Militia Given to the King — Humiliation of the Nation — The Queen-
mother — Surrender of Dunkirk — Breach of the "Triple League" — The King's Sister — Interview at Dover—
M. Colbert— War with Holland resolved on— How the Quarrel was Picked — Piratical Attack on Dutch Merchant-
men by the Navy of England — The Exchequer Seized by the King — An Indulgence Proclaimed— War Commenced
— Eapid Ti-iumphs of the French — Duplicity of Louis XIV. — William, Prince of Orange, made Stadtholder of
HoUand — The Great Issue.
The gi-eat project planned and moved by the Jesuits
for reconquering England, and through England
subjugating Christendom, and restoiing the Church
of Rome to her former domLnancy in every coun-
try of Europe, was proceeding on parallel Lines,
stage by stage, in both England and Scotland at
once. On the 24th of August, 1662, two thousand
ministers, who formed the strength and glory
of English Pi'otestantism, were driven out of the
Church of England. In the November following, a
similar measure was adopted in Scotland. Fom-
hundred men, the flower of the Scottish clergy,
were extiiided from their churches, and soon there-
after forbidden all exercise of their oflice under
pain of death. The Protestantism of Great Britain
was not indeed entu'ely smitten down by these
gi-eat blows, but it lay wounded and bleeding, and
had scarce spirit or strength left it for continuing
the battle with a yet powerful foe. This was an
entire revereal of the policy which had been pursued
before the Restoration. The policy of the Solemn
League was to unite the two kingdoms of Scotland
and England on a thoroughly Protestant basis, that
they might be able in concert to establish a consti-
tutional throne, maintain the authority of the laws,
and fortify the domain of civil and religious liberty.
Now the policy of the Government was to break up
the concord which had been formed between the two
countries, that on the niins of their Protestantism
they might plant ai'bitrary power and the Popish
religion. What Charles mainly aimed at, we grant,
was absolute power ; what the yet deeper plotters
arotmd him sought to compass was the restoration
of the Romish faith ; but they found it easy to
persuade the monarch that he could not gain his
own object except by advancing theirs. Thus each
put then- shoulder to the gi-eat task, and the kuig's
pi'erogative and the iisurpations of the tiara ad-
vanced by equal steps, while English liberty and
national honour sank as the other rose.
The fii-st more manifest step of this national de-
cline wa.s the famous declaration inserted in the
Act of Uniformity, and which every ecclesiastical
functionary, from the Primate of all England down to
the village schoolmaster, was requii-ed to subscribe,
and in which he declared it to be " unlawful, on
any pretence whatever, to take up arms against the
king." This test pledged beforehand all who took
it to submit to any act of tyranny, however gross,
and to any invasion on their property and person,
however monstrous. It left to Englishmen a
strange measure of liberty, namely that of passive
obedience and non-resistance. Soon thereafter, there
followed another declaration which all civil and
military functionaries were enjoined to make, and
which ran thus : " I do swear I will not endeavour
any alteration in the government of this kingdom
in Church or State, as it is by law established." The
nation was thus pledged neither to amend anything
that might be wi'ong, however glaringly so, in the
existing state of matters, nor to offer resistance to
any aggi'ession, however unjust and oppressive,
that might be attempted in future. WliUe it dis-
aimed itself, and stood literally manacled before
the throne of Charles, the nation armed him with
full means for tp-annising over itself, by handing
over to him the sole power of the militia, which
then occupied the place of the army. Thus was
arbitrary government set up. To resist the king,
said the men of law, is treason ; to dissent from
his religion, said the divines, is anathema. What
was this biat an apotheosis of the prerogative 1 and
the only maxim to which Charles now found
it needful to have respect in i-uling, was to make
the yoke press not too heavily at first, lest the
nation should break the fetters with which it
had bound itself, and resume the powers it had
sun-endered.
There now opens a chapter in English history
which is sad indeed, being a continuous succession
of humiliations, disasters, and dishonours. Soon
after Charles II. ascended the throne, the queen-
mother, who had been residing in Paris since the
execution of her husband, Charles I., came across to
CHARLES II.'s TRUCKLING AND BASENESS.
575
pay her son a visit. Tlie ostensible object of her
journey was to congratulate her son, but her true
errand was to ripen into an alliance a friendship
already formed between Charles IL and Louis
XIV., termed the Grand jMonarch, and truly worthy
of tlie name, if a hideous and colossal combination
of dissoluteness, devotion, and tyranny can make
any one great. It would mightily expedite the
gi-eat scheme then in hand that the King of Eng-
land should be in thorough accord with the King
of France, whose anus were canying the fame of
Louis and the faith of Rome over so many countries
of the Continent of Europe.
The tirst-fruits of this interview were the suixen-
der of Dunku-k to the French. This fortress had
been deemed of so gi'eat importance, that Parliament
a little before had it in contemplation to prepare an
Act amiexing it for ever to the crown of these
realms ; it was now sold to the French king for
£400,000 — a sum not more than sufficient to cover
the value of the guns and other military stoi-es
contained in it. The loss of this important place
deeply grieved the nation, but what affected the
English people most was the deplorable sign which
its sale gave of a weak and mercenary court.
The next public jiroof that the Coiu-t of England
was bemg drawn into the scheme for the destruction
of the Protestant faith, was the breach of the "Triple
League" on the part of Charles IL, and his uniting
with France to make war upon Holland. This
famous Alliance had been formed between England,
Holland, and Sweden ; and its object was to stem
the torrent of Louis XIV.'s victorious arms, which
were then threatening to overrun aU Europe and
make the Roman sway again universal. This Triple
Alliance, which the great minister Su' William
Temple had been at gi-eat pains to cement, was at
that time the political bulwark of the Protestant
religion and the liberties of Europe, and its betrayal
was a step to the ruin of more than England.
Britain was very artfully detached from her Pro-
testant allies and her own true interests. Tlie
Duchess of Orleans, King Charles's sister, was dis-
patched (1G70) on a private interview with her
brother at Dover, on purpose to break this design
to him. Having bi-ought her negotiation a certain
length .she returned to Paris, leaving behind hcu- a
lady of acknowledged charms. Madam Carewell,
aftenvards Duchess of Portsmouth, and the king's
favourite mistress, to jjrosecute what she had been
unable to conclude. Next, M. Colbert, amljassador
from the Court of France, came across with 100,000
pistoles to lay out to the best advantage. With so
many and so convincing reasons Colbert had little
difficulty in pei-suading the muiistry, knowi as the
Cabcd,^ to espouse the French interests, and per-
suade the king to foil out \vith the Dutch. Mr.
Coventry was sent across to Sweden to induce that
Government also to withdraw from the League. He
succeeded so far that Sweden first grew lukewarm
in the cause, and after having anned itself at the
expense of the Alliance, and dissembling for a
while, it dropped the vizor, and drew the sword
on the side of France." Thus Protestant Holland
was isolated.
A war with Holland having been resolved upon,
the next thing was to pick a quarrel. This task
required no little invention, for the Dutch had
not only behaved with j^erfect good faith, but had
studied not to give offence to England. A new
and hitherto untried device was fallen upon. In
August, 1671, the Dutch fleet was cruising m the
North Sea, in fulfilment of their treaty engagements :
a "sorry" yacht carrying the English flag suddenly
sailed into the fleet, and singling out the admiral's
ship, tmce fired into hei-. The Dutch commandei",
having regard to the amity existing between the
two nations, paid a visit to the captain of the yacht,
and inquu'ed his reason for acting as he had done.
The admiral was told that he had msulted Eng-
land by failing to make his whole fleet strike to his
little craft. The Dutch commander civilly excused
the omission, and the yacht returned to England,
bearing as her freight the quarrel she had been
sent to open.^ This, with a few other equally
frivolous incidents, furnished the English Court
with a pretext for deelarmg war against Holland.
The Dutch could not believe that England was
in earnest. They were conscious of no offence,
and piu-sued then- commerce in our seas without
suspicion. A rich fleet of merchantmen, on their
voyage from Smyrna, were passing thi-ough the
Channel, with a feeble convoy, when they were set
upon by English men-of-war near the Isle of Wight.
The king had thought to seize this rich booty, and
therewith defray the expenses of the war which he
was meditating. His attempt at playing the pti-ate
upon his own coasts did not succeed : the merchant-
men defended themselves mth spuit, and the king's
prize was so meagi'e that it scarce sufficed to pay
the surgeons who attended the wounded, and the
caqienters who repah-ed the battei-ed ships. The
next attempt of Charles II. to put himself in funds
' So termed because the initial letters of their names
form that word— Clifford, Ai-lington, Buckingham, Ashley,
Lauderdale.
- Andrew Marvell, Growth of Popery and Arbitrary
Oovernment in England, pp. 2S, 29 ; .\insterdam, 1677.
•■' Sir William Temple, Works and Letters, vol. iii., pp.
502,503; Edin., ITS'!.
576
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
for the war was to seize on the Exchequer, unJ con-
fiscate all moneys laid up there to the use of the
State. To the terror of the whole nation and the
ruin of the creditors, the Crown issued a proclama-
tion declaring itself bankrupt, " made prize of the
subject, and broke all faith and contract at home in
order to the breaking of them abroad with more
advantage." '
While the king's fleet was in the act of attacking
the Dutch merchantmen in the Channel, his printers
were busy on a proclamation of Indulgence. On
the 15th of JNIarch, 1672, a proclamation was issued
repealing all the penal laws against Papists and
Nonconformists, and granting to both the free
exercise of their worship. A gift in itself good only
alarmed the nation, by the time at which it was
issued, and the ground on which it was placed.
The Indulgence was based on the king's inherent
supremacy in ecclesiastical aflairs, a prerogative in
virtue of which he might reimpose the fetters on
Nonconformists when he chose, and the end woidd
be that only Papists would be free, and the nation
would lose its religion. So did the people reason.
It was now (17th March, 1672) that the stroke
fell upon Holland. Charles II. and the powerful
Louis XIV. miited in a simultaneous attack on the
little Protestant State, the former by sea and the
latter by land. The invasion was the more suc-
cessful that it had been so little expected. The
victorious arms of France poured across the frontier
of the United Provinces in an irresistible torrent.
The towns and fortresses upon the German side
opened their gates to the invaders, and the French
made themselves masters of the inland cities " in
as little time as travellers usually employ to view
them." - Tliis rapid advance of the French armies
was aided by an extraordinary drought which that
summer rendered their rivers and canals easily
fordable, and which may be said to have opened the
gates of their country to the enemy.'
The English had not the success at sea which the
French king had on land, nor did this displease
Louis XIV. He had declared by his ambassador
at Vienna that he had undertaken this war for the
extiipation of heresy, and he had instructed his
admiral so to arrange the line of battle in the joint
fleets as that the English heretics should have a
large share of the promised extirpation. " He only
studied," says Marvell, " to sound our seas, to spy
our ports, to learn our buildings, to contemplate
our way of fighting, to consume ours and to pre-
' Andrew Marvell, Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Qo-
vemment in England, pp. 30, 31. Hume, vol. ii., chap. 65.
• Bowyer, His*, of King William III., p. 17 ; Lond., 1702.
" Sir William Templa, The United Provinces, p. 185.
serve his own navy, and to order all so that the
two gi-eat naval Powers of Europe being crushed
together, he might remain sole arbitrator of the
ocean, and by consequence master of all the isles
and continents. " *
In truth Louis XIV. wanted but little of ac-
complishing his whole design. In the short space
of three months he had, with his army of 150,000
men, overrun Holland, and reduced the States to
the brink of ruin. Many of the richest families,
belieraig all to be lost, had fled from the country.
The conqueror was refusing to make peace on any
other terms than the establishment of the Romish
Church in Holland. The French king, prompted by
his Jesuit advisers, scorned to accept of toleration
for " the Catholic Apostolic Roman religion," and
demanded its public exercise throughout all the
United Provinces, and that provision should be
made from the public reveniie for its maintenance.
The English Government seconded the French king's
demands, and the fall of Holland as a Protestant
State seemed imminent. With dragoons hewing
do\vn Protestantism in Scotland, \vith arbitrary
edicts and dissolute maxims wasting it in England,
with Holland smitten down and Louis XIV. stand-
ing over it with his great sword, it must have seemed
as if the last hour of the Reformation was come, and
the triumph of the Jesuits secured. As Innocent X.
surveyed Europe from the Vatican, what cause he
had for exultation and joy ! He was nearing the
goal of his hopes in the speedy accession of a
Popish monarch to the throne of England.
It was out of the great wreck caused by the
triumph of the Spanish arms in the preceding
century that William the Silent emerged, to achieve
liis mighty task of rescuing Protestantism from
impending destruction. Sinking States, discomfited
armies, and despairmg Protestants sun-ounded him
on all sides when he stood up to retrieve the
mighty ruin. A second time was the grand marvel
to be rejjeated. The motto of his house, Tandem
Jit surculus arbor,'' was once more to be verified.
Out of this mighty disaster produced by the French
arms, was a deliverer, second only in glory to the
Great William, to arise to be the champion of a
sinking Protestantism, and the upholder of perishing
nations. The House of Orange had for some time
past been under a cloud. A generation of Dutch-
men had arisen who knew not, or did not care to
know, the services which that house had rendered
to their country. The ambition of burgomasters
had eclipsed the splendour of the glorious line of
William, and the strife of factions had brought low
* Marvell, p. 46.
' "At last the sprig becomes a tree."
WILLIAM OF ORANGE, HEREDITARY STADTHOLDER.
577
the country which his patriotLsm and wisdom had
laisod so high. Thf> office of Stadtholder liad been
iibolished, and the young Prince of Orange, the heir
not only of the name, but of the virtues and abilities
of his great ancestor, forbidden access to all offices
of the State, was living as a private person. But the
afflictions that now overtook them chastened the
Hollanders, and turned their eyes toward the young
prince, if haply it might please Providence to save
them by his hand. The States-General appointed
opposed by all the Jesuits of Europe, by the vic-
torious arms of France, by the treachery and the
fleet of Charles II. ; but he feels the grandeur as
well as the gravity of his noble mission, and he
addresses himself to it with patience and courage.
The question is now who shall occupy the throne
of England? Shall it be the Prince of Orange,
under the title of William III. ? or shall it be a
protege of the Jesuits, under the title of James II. 1
In other words, shall the resources of Great
r IilNKIKK lUUM THE SE.\
him Captain and Admiral-General of the United
Provinces.' From this hour the spirits of the
Dutch began to reNive, and the tide in their for-
tunes to turn. The conflict was nearly as arduous
as that which his illustrious progenitor had to
wage. He dealt Louis XIV. several repulses,
obliged him to surrender some of his conquests,
and by his prudence and success so won upon his
countrymen, that their sufii-ages jilaced him in the
high ])Osition of Hereditary Stadtholder. We now
behokl a champion presenting himself on the Pro-
testant side worthy of the crisis. He must wage
his great fight against tremendous odds. He is
' Bowyer, Hist, of William III., vol. i., p. 19.
153
Britain be wielded for Protestantism, or shall its
power be employed to uphold Popery and make its
sway again triumphant and universal 1 Fleets and
armies, prayers and ftxith, must decide this ques-
tion. Tlie momentous issues of the conflict were
felt on both sides. Tlie Kings of France and Eng-
land pressed William of Orange to accept of a
sovereignty under their suzerainty, in the hope of
beguiling him from liis destined mission. The
prince replied that he would never sell the liberties
of his country which his ancestors had so long
defended : and if he could not prevent the over-
throw with which they threatened it, he had one
way left of not beholding its ruin — and that was
" to lie in the last ditch."
IIIS'L'OUY OF l'ROTi:STANTlSM.
CTrAPTER XXTV
THE POnSII PLOT, AN'D DFATH OF fHARLES I!.
The Issue Adjusted— Who shall Sit on the Throne of Britain ?— Peace with Holland— Charles II. a Pensioner of
Louis XIV.— English Ships Seized by France— No Eedress— Duke of York's Second Marriage— William of Orange
.Marries the Princess Mary— The Duke of York's Influence in the Government— Alarm— Test Acts— The Duke's
Exclusion from the Throne demanded — The Popish Plot— Titus Gates- The Jesuit Coleman— His Letter to PfTe
la Chaise — Murder of Sir Edmundbm-y Godfrey— The Duke's Exclusion— Attempts to throw the Plot on the
Presbyterians— Execution of Essex, EusseU, and Sidney— Judge Jeffreys— Illness and Death of the King— AVhat
they Said of his Death at Home.
In the great -war of Tnith and Liberty against
Error and Slavery which had raged since the day.s
of Wiclift'e, and in which there had been so many
momentous crises, but no crisis so momentous as
the present, the grand issue had now been adjusted.
That issue was simply this : Shall a Protestant or
a Popish regime be established in Christendom?
In order to arrive at the final determination of this
issue the question had first to be decided, as one
of the essential preliminaries, to whom shall the
throne of Great Britain belong] — whether shall
a Protestant or a Popish sovereign occupy it ? The
house of Orange had for some time been in obscurity,
but it was the singidar fortune of that illustrious line
to emerge into prominence at all the great epochs of
the Reformation, and with its re-emergence the light
of victory ever returned to gild again the banners
of Protestantism. The present horn- produced a
second William of Orange, who, devoting himself to
the cause of his country and of Christendom, when
the condition of both seemed desperate, turned the
tide of the French victories which were overflois-ing
Europe, uplifted the sinking balance of the Pro-
testant interests in England, and elevated the cause
of the Reformation to so stable a position, that of
the second William it may be truly said that he
crownied the great struggle which the first William
liad commenced more than a century before.
We cannot follow in its details the progi-ess of
this gi'eat struggle, we can only indicate the direction
and flow of its current. The veteran warriors of the
French king had to retreat before the soldiers of
the young Stadtholder, and the laurels which Louis
XIV. had reaped on so many bloody fields, he had
at last to lay at the feet of the yoimg prince. The
English, who had conducted their operations by sea
with as little glory as the French had carried on
theirs by land, found it expedient in 1 G74 to conclude
a j)eace with Holland. The union between England
and France was thus at an end, but though no
longer confederate in arms, the two crowns con-
tinued to prosecute in concert the greater plot of
overthrowing Protestantism. A deeper influence
than perhaps either Power was aware of, steadily
moved both towards one goal. The more success-
fully to undermine and ruin the Protestantism of
Great Britain, England was kept dependent on
France. The necessities of the English monarch
were gi'eat, for his Parliament was unwilling to
furnish him with supplies while he and his Govern-
ment pursued measures which were in opposition to
the nation's wishes and interests. In the straits to
which he was thus reduced, Charles II. was but too
glad to have recourse to Louis XIV., who freely
permitted him access to his purse, that he might the
more efiectually advance the glory of France by
lowei-ing the prestige of England, and securing the
co-operation of the English king in the execution of
his projects, and more especially of those that had
for their object the overthrow of Protestantism,
which Louis XIV. deemed the gi-eat enemy of his
throne and the great disturber of his kingdom.
Thus Charles II., while he played the tyrant at home,
was content to be the pensioner abroad.
The subserviency of the English Government to
France was carried still further. After England
had made peace with Holland the French king sent
out his privateers, which scoured the Channel, made
prizes of English merchantmen, and came so close
in shore in these piratical expeditions, that our
ships were .seized at the very entrance of their
harboura. The king's Government submitted to
these insults, not indeed from any principle of
Christian forbearance, but because it dared not
demand reparation for the wrongs of its subjects
at the hand of the King of France.' Instead of
enforcing redress, in.sults were recompensed \^'ith
favours, and vast stores of warlike ammunition, guns,
' We find the Lords of the Committee of Trade present-
ing to his Majesty in Council in 1676, in the name of all
the merchants in London, a list of the ships taken by the
French, amounting to fifty-four, andbegging his Majesty's
interference. (A List of Several Ships betonging to the
English Mercliants, &c. ; Amsterdam, 1677.)
MAERIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
579
fron, shot, gunpowder, pikes, and other weapons
were sent across, to arm the fortresses and ships of
France. This transportation of warlike material
continued to go on, more or less openly, from June,
1675, to June, 1677.' Such was the i-eprisal we
took of the French for burning our ships and rob-
bing our merchants, as if King Charles were bent
on doing what he had urged the Prince of Orange to
do in respect of Holland, and were content to hold
the sovereignty of England under the protection of
France. The two crowns were drawn yet closer by
the marriage of the king's brother, the Duke of
York. His tirst wife, a daughter of Lord Clarendon,
having died, Louis XIV. chose a second for him in
the person of the Princess of Modena, a relation of
the reigning Pope. The princess was a pensioner of
France, and Louis XIV. admitted her husband to
the same honour, by offering his purse to the duke,
since their interests were now the same, to assist
liim against all his enemies.
While one train of events was going forward,
and the throne of England was being drawn over to
the side of Rome, another train of events was in
[irogress, tending to link that same throne to the
Protestant interests. Another marriage, which took
place soon after the duke's, paved the way for
that great Lssue in which this complication of affairs
was to end. The Prince of Orange, having finished
his campaign of 1677, came across to England,
accompanied by a noble retinue, to open marriage
negotiations with the Princess Mary. This princess,
the daughter of the Duke of York by his fh'st wife,
was a lady of graceful person and vigorous intellect,
and the prince on seeing her was foschiated with
her charms, and eagerly pressed his suit. After
some delays on the part of the king and the duke,
the marriage was at last arranged, and was consum-
mated to the great joy of the people of both countries. -
To that general satisfaction there was one exception.
Louis XIV. was startled when he learned that an
affair of such consequence had been transacted at a
court where, during many years, nothing of moment
had been concluded without his knowledge and
advice. Our ambassador at Versailles, Montague,
said that he had never seen the king so moved as
on receiving this news. "Tlie duke," he said, " had
given his daughter to the gi-eatest enemy he had in
tlie world.'"* Men saw in it another proof that the
great conqueror had liogvm to fall before the young
Stadtholder. The marriage placed William in the
lino of succession to the English throne, though
still there were between him and this high dignity
' Andrew Marvell, p. 69.
= Bowycr, Ilisi. of William III., vol. i., pp. 95—97.
' Burnet, Hist, of his own Time, vol. ii., p. 13 ; Lond., 1815.
the possible offspring of Chailes II. and also James,
Duke of York.
Meanwhile the kingdom was filled witli priests
and Jesuits. Their numbers had been recruited by
new arrivals in the train of the Princess of Modena.
Mass was said openly in the queen's chapel at
Somerset House, and the professors of the Romish
faith were raised to the highest offices of the king-
dom. Charles wore the crown, but the Duke
of York governed the nation. The king, aban-
doning himself to liis pleasures, left the care
of all affair's to his brother ; whom, although a
member of the Church of Rome, no one durst call
a Papist without incurring the penalty of death.
All who had eyes, and were willing to use them,
might now see the religion of Rome marching like
an armed man upon the liberties of England.
The Parliament was at last arou.sed, and set
about concerting measures to save the country.
They had often addressed the kuig on the matter,
but in a manner so little in earnest that nothing
came of it. If Charles was of any faith it was that
of Rome, and his usual answer to the supplications
of the Commons, i)raying him to take steps to pre-
vent the growth of Popery, was the issue of a new
proclamation, which neither hurt the Romanists
nor benefited the Protestants. Now the ParliiV
ment, more in earnest, resolved to exclude all
Papists from any share in the government. For
this end the " Test Act " was framed. This Act
required, " Tliat all persons beaiing any office, or
place of trust and profit, shall take the oaths of
Supremacy and Allegiance in public and open court,
and shall also receive the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper according to the usage of the Church of
England." The swearer was also required to sub-
scribe a declaration that he did not believe in Tran-
substantiation. This test aimed at a great deal,
but it accomplished little. If it excluded the more
honest of the professors of the Roman creed, and
only these, for no test could bar the entrance of
the Jesuit,'' it equally excluded the Nonconfoiinists
from the service of the State. Immediately on the
passing of the Bill, the Duke of York and the Lord
Treasurer Clifford laid down all their offices. These
were the first-fruits, but they were altogether de-
ceptive; for while the duke professed to bow to
* "The reverend Fathers of the Society have given
order to erect several private workhouses in England for
case-hardening of consciences. The better to carry on
this affair there are thousands of Italian Wzards sent
over, that shall make a wolf seem a sheep, and aa rank a
Papist as any in .Spain pass for a good English Protes-
tant."—T/ic Poinsh Courant, Dec. 11th, 1678. (The Popish
Courant was published alternately with The Weekly
Pacquet of Advice from Rome.)
r,sa
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the nation's wishes by publicly stripping himself of
his ottices, he continued to wield in private all the
influence he had before exercised openly.
The fears of the nation rose still higher. The
Test Act had done little to shelter them from the
storm they saw approaching, and they demanded
other and gi-eater securities. The duke had laid
down his staff as commander of the army, but by-
and-by he would grasp a yet mightier rod, the
sceptre of England namely. The nation demanded
Ids exclusion from the throne. There could be no
permanent safety for the liberties of England, they
believed, till the duke's succession was declared
illegal. The army lay encamped at Blackheath ;
this also aggi'avated the popular terror. The ex-
cuse pleaded by the oouii; for stationing the army
so near to London was the fear of the Dutch. The
Dutch again.st whom the army are to act, said the
people, are not so far off as Holland, they are the
men who assemble in St. Stephen's. The coiu't
has lost all hope of the Parliament e.stablishing the
Roman religion by law, and here is the army ready
at a stroke to sweep away all Parliaments, and
establish by the sword the Roman Church and
arbitrary government. These su.spicions were held
as all but confirmed, when it was found that in the
coiarse of a single month not fewer than fifty-seven
commissions were is.sued to Popish recusants, with-
out demanding either the oath of supremacy or the
test. The Secretary of State who countersigned
the warrants was committed to the Tower by the
Commons, but liberated next day by the king.
The alarm rose to a panic by an exti'aordinary
occuiTence which happened at this time, and which
was enveloped in considerable mystery, from which
it has not even yet been wholly freed. We i-efer
to the Popish Plot. Few things have so deeply
conviil.sed England. The information was in some
parts so inconsistent, incredible, and absurd, and in
others so circumstantial, and so certainly true, and
the story so fell in with the character of the times,
which were prolific in strange surmises and un-
natural and monstrously wicked devices, that few
people doubted that a daring and widely ramified
conspiracy was in progi-ess for burying England
and all its Protestant institutions in ruins. Titus
Gates was the first to give information of this
astounding project. Gates, who had received
orders in the Church of England, but had re-
conciled himself to Rome, appeared before the king
and Council, and stated in effect, " That there had
been a plot carried on by Jesuits and other
Catholics, against his Majesty's life, the Protestant
religion, and the go\"ernment of this kingdom."
Gates was only half informed ; he was to a large
extent guessing, and hence the variations, mistakes,
and contradictions into which he fell. He may
ha^'c been pai-tially admitted into the secret by the
conspirators ; but however ho came liy his know-
ledge, there can be no doubt that a plot there was.
The papers of Coleman, the Jesuit, were seized, and
these fully corroborated the substance of Gates'
information. Coleman's letters during the three
preceding years, addressed to Pere la Chaise, the
confessor of Louis XIV., left no doubt that he was
in concert with high personages in France for
restoring Popery in England. " We have here,"
saj-s he in one of these, " a mighty work upon our
hands, no less than the conversion of three king-
doms, and by that perhaps the utter subduing of a
pestilent heresy, which has a long time domineered
over this northern world. There were never such
hopes since the death of our Queen Maiy as now in
our days. God has given us a prince," meaning
the duke, " who has liecome (I may say by a
miracle) zealous of being the author and instrument
of so glorious a work ; but the opposition we ai'e
sure to meet with is also like to be great ; so that
it imports us to get all the aid and assistance we
can." In another letter he said, " I can scarce
believe myself awake, or the thing real, when I
think of a prince, in such an age as we live in,
converted to such a degi-ee of zeal and piety as not
to regard anything in the world in comparison of
God Almighty's glory, the salvation of his own
soul, and the conversion of our poor kingdom." '
The murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey con-
firmed the popular suspicions, as well as deepened
the fear in which the nation stood of the con-
spirators. Godfrey, who was the most popular
magistrate in London, had been specially active in
the discovery of the ])lot, and was the first to take
the evidence of Gates relating to it. The Jesuits
had dropped liints that he should pay dearly for his
pains, and the good man himself knew this, and
remarked that he believed he should be the fii-st
martyr ; and so it happened. After he had been
missing four days, his body was found in a ditch
near Primrose Hill, a mile's distance outside of
London, and in such a posture as to make the
world believe that he had mui-dered himself. His
gloves and cane were lying on the bank near him,
and his body was run through with his own sword.
But there was neither blood on his clothes, nor
other wound on his person, save a cu'cular discolora-
tion on his neck, showing that he had been strangled,
as was afterwards found to have been the fact bv
' Hume, Hist. Eng., cliap. 67, sec. 3. Hallam, Constiiut.
Hist., vol. ii., pp. 115j 116.
THE POPISH PLOT.
581
the confession of one of Lis murJenn-s, Pmnce.'
Tlie Parliament, from the evidence laid before it,
was convnnced of the existence of a plot, " contrived
and carried on by Popish recusants for assassinating
and murdering the king, subverting the Govern-
ment, rooting out and destroying the Protest;»nt
religion." The House of Lords came to the same
conclusion.
Bat seeing the plot, among other objects, con-
templated the murder of the king, what motive had
the Jesuits to seek to be rid of a man who was at
heart friendly to them? Charles II., it was com-
monly believed, had been reconciled to Rome when
at Breda. He was sincerely desii'ous of having the
Roman religion restored in England, and a leading
object of the secret treaty signed at Dover between
France and England in 1670 was the advancement
of the Popish faitli in Great Britain. Nevertheless
the object of the Jesuits in planning his assassina-
tion was transparent : Charles loved their Church,
and would do all in his power to further her in-
terests, but he would not sacrifice Ids crown and
pleasures for her. Not so the Duke of York. A
zealot, not a voluptuaiy, he would not stay to
balance interests, but would go thi-ough with the
design of restoring the Church of Rome at all
hazards. James, therefore, was the sovereign
whom the Jesuits wished to see upon the throne of
England.
But the more the Jesuits strove to raise him to
tlie throne, the more resolved were the people of
England to exclude liini from it. A Bill to that
cflect passed the House of Commons on November
loth, 1680, and was carried up to the House of
Lords by Lord William Russell. It was thi-own out
of the Upi)er House by a majority of thirty voices.
The contest, in which was involved the fate of
Britain, continued. The Parliament struck, time
after time, against the di'.ke, but the king was
staunch to his interests. The House of Lords and
the bishops espoused his cause, and the duke
triumphed. The Commons, despite their zeal,
failed to alter the s'.iccession, or even to limit the
prerogative.
But the duke, notwithstanding his victory in
Parliament, found that the feeling of the nation,
ai-ising from the Popish plot, set strongly against
him ; and now he set to work to discredit the plot,
' "Htre is litely discovered a strange mirack', bpyond
that of St. Denis or St. Winifred. A gentleman first
stifled and then strangled, that should afterwards get up
and walk invisibly almost five miles, and then, having
I'ocn dead four days before, run himself through with hi'J
owu sword, to itcstify his trouble for wronging Catholic
tniitoi's whom he never iiyuruj.' {The Popish Courant,
Dec. 3rd, 1C7S.)
and to persuade the public that it never had existed
save in the imagination of fanatics.- The skill of
a general is shown in conducting a safe retreat as
well as in ordering a successful charge. Treasons
are never to be acknowledged unless they succeed.
When the Gunpowder Plot failed it was disowned ;
the credulous were told that only a few desperadoes
were concerned in it ; in truth, that it was a State
trick, a plot of Secretary Cecil against the Roman
Catholics. The same tactics were pursued a second
time. Writers were hired to render the Popish plot
ridiculous, and laugh down the belief of it. One or
two conspirators were executed, but in great haste,
lest they should tell too much. Coleman, whose
papers had supplied such strong evidence of the
conspiracy, died protesting stoutly his innocence,
and vindicating the duke." But of what worth
were such protestations 1 Treason and murder
cease to be such when directed against heretics. To
tell the truth at the last moment to the jirejudice
of the Church is to forfeit paradise ; and it is even
lawful to curse the Pope, provided it be done in his
own interests.
Their success in getting the plot to be disbelieved
not being equal to their expectations, the duke and
his party next tried to throw it upon the shoulders
of the Nonconformists. One of the arts employed
for this purpose was to drop prepared papers in
the houses of the chief persons concerned in the
discovery of the Popish plot ; and on their dis-
covery— an easy matter, seeing those who had
left them knew where to search for them — to pro-
ceed against those in whose dwellings they had
been found. Colonel Mansel was one of the first
to be arraigned on a charge so supported ; but he
was acquitted by the Attorney-General, who, in
addition to finding Mansel iimocent, declared that
this ajjpeared " a design of the Papists to lay the
plot upon the Dissenters." This judgment being
accounted disloyal by the court, the Attorney-
General was dismissed from his oflice.'
The charters of the City of London were next
attacked.' Parliaments were summoned only to be
dissolved. The king was weary of holding such
troublesome assemblies. The tragedy of England's
^ " The great work is now to damn that plot which we
could not go through with." [The rojtish Courant, Feb.
24th, 1679.) The Wcekbj Paeqnct of A(hicc/i-om Rome was
at this time seized by order of the court, and tlie author
punished for printing without a licence ; the celebra-
tion of the 5th of November was suppressed, and it was
forbidden to mention the Popish plot, unless it were to
attribute it to the Protestant fanatics.
•' Uurnet, Hisi. of his own Time, vol. ii., pp. ill, 50.
< Bennet, Memorial, p. 283.
' Hume, Hist. Eng., chap. 69, sec. 5.
582
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
ruin was proceeding apace. It was treason to lament
the nation's approaching fate. There were still a
few in that evil time who had courage to open their
mouth and plead for the sinking liberties and religion
of theii- countrj'. Among these we mention Johnson,
the ruin of their country. England was a limited
monarchy, and that gave its suVijccts, in their view,
the right of resistance when the monarch exceeded
his constitutional powers; otherwise, a limited
monarchy meant nothing. The excess in the pre-
THE INTERIOR OF THE CHAI'EL ROYAL (eANQVETIXG HOISE), WHITEHALL.
who won for himself the high displeasure of the
court by his Julian. Tliis was a parallel between
Popery and Paganism, based on the life of the
great apostate, in which the author gave a scathing
exposure of the doctrine of passive obedience.
Johnson was amerced in a heavy fine, and sent to
the prison of the King's Bench till it was paid.
Nobler victims followed. The Earl of Essex,
Lord Russell, and Algernon Sidney had met to-
gether to consult by what steps they might prevent
sent case was flagrant, the Crown had broken
through all restraints, and it behoved every patriot
to do what in him lay to recall it within the boun-
daries of the constitution. So far, and no farther,
had these men plotted. Against the life, and the
constitutional rule of Charles Stuart, they had
devised nothing. But, unhappily, the Rye House
plot was contemporaneous with their consultation,
and the Government found it an easy matter, by
means uf the false witnesses which such Govern-
534
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTIS-M.
nicuts have always at tliiir command, to connect
these patriots with a plot they had no concern in,
and in truth abhoired. They were condemned to
die. Lord Essex was murdered in the Tower ;
Kussell and Sidney died on the scaflbld. With the
calumess and joy of Christian patriots they gave
tlieir blood for the Protestant religion and tlie con-
stitutional liberty of Great Britain.' Thiis the
Popish plot, though it had missed its immediate
object, gained virtually its end. Charles II. still
lived ; but the laws of England were being annulled,
the nation had sunk deeper in despotism, the enemies
of the duke had been destroyed, and his succession
to the throne secured.
The work of destruction was carried still farther.
Xo pains were spared to render Nonconformists
odious. They were branded with vile names, they
were loaded with the guilt of murderous plots, their
enemies being intent on drawmg upon them a
tempest of popular vengeance. The Government
liad no lack of instruments for executing their- base
ends ; but the hour yielded another agent more
monstrous than any the court till now had at its
service. This monster in human form was Jeifreys.
Regarding neither law, nor reason, nor conscience,
he was simply a i-uflian in ennine. " All people,"
says Burnet, " were apprehensive of very black
designs when they saw Jeffreys made Lord Cluef
Justice, who was scandalously vicious, and was
drunk every day ; besides a di-unkenness in his
temper that looked like enthusiasm."- He made
liis cii-cuit like a lictor, not a judge ; the business
of his tribunal was transacted with an appallmg
dispatch. Nonconformity, at that judgment-seat,
was held to be the sum of all villainies ; and when
one chargeable ■vfith that crime appeared there
he could look for nothing less fearful than death.
Jeffreys scowled upon him, roared at liim, poured a
torrent of insultuig and vilifying epithets upon
him, and then ordered him to the gallows. " His
beha'^'iour," says Burnet, " was beyond anything
that was ever heard of in a civilised nation." '•' On
one circuit," says the same authoritj', '• he h:inged
in several places about six hundred persons
England had never known anything like it."^
In the year 1683, as Jeffreys was making his
northern cu-cuit, he came to Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
Here he was informed that some twenty young men
of the tovni had formed themselves into a society,
and met weekly for prayer and religious conver-
sation. Jeffreys at once saw in these youths so
many i-ebels and fanatics, and he ordered them to
' Burnet, Hisl. of his oicii Time, vol. ii., pp. 20G— 200.
= Ibid., vol. ii., p. 21G.
= Ibid. .vol. ii., pp. 314, 315.
be apprehended. The young men were brought
before his tribunal. A book of rules which thoy
had dra^vn out for the regulation of their societj'
was also produced, and was held by the judge as
sufficient jjroof that they were a club of plotters.
Fixing his contemptuous glance on one of them,
whose looks and dress wei'e somewhat meaner than
the others, and judging him the most illiterate, he
resolved to expose his ignorance, and hold him
up as a fair sample of the rest. His name was
Thomas Verner. " Can you read, sirrah ? " said
the judge. " Yes, my lord," answered Mr. Verner.
" Reach him the book," said Jeffrej's. The clerk of
the court put his Latin Testament into the hand of
the prisoner. The young man opened the book, and
read the first verse his eye lighted upon. It was
Matt. vii. 1,2: "iVe Judicate, nc judicemiui," ic.
"Construe it, siirah," roared the judge. The pri-
soner did so : " ' Judge not, that ye be not judged ;
for with what judgment ye judge, ye shall be
judged.' " Even Jeffreys changed countenance, and
sat a few minutes in a muse ; but instantly re-
covering himself, he sent the young men to prison,
where they lay a year, and would without doubt
have been brought to the scaffold, had not the
death of the king, which occm-red ui the meantime,
led to their release.*
Meanwhile, the king's last hour was drawing
nigh. To be surprised by death in the nudst of his
profligacies and tyrannies was a doom unspeakably
terrible — far more terrible than an}' to which he was
condemning his victims. Such was the fate of
Charles II. The king had of late begun to reflect
seriously upon the state of his affairs and the con-
dition into which his kingdom had fallen, which
bred liim constant uneasiness. He complained
of his confidence having been abused, and dropped
a hint with some warmth, that if he lived a
month longer he would find a way to make him-
self easier the rest of his life. It was generally
Ijelieved by those about tlie court that the king
meant to send away the duke, and recall IMonmouth
from Holland, summon a new Parliament, and have
his son acknowledged as his successor. This in-
volved an entire change of policy, and in particular
an utter frustration of the cherished project of the
Romani.sts, so surely, as they believed, approaching
consummation. The king confided his plans to the
Duchess of Portsmouth, the favourite mistress ; she
kept the secret from all save her confessor. Whether
the confessor kept that secret we know not ; what
he would consider the higher good of the Church
would, in this instance, release him from the oblig;i-
Bennct, Memorial, pp. 290, 291.
STTRPIOTOUS DEATH OF CHAF>LES TT.
585
tion to secresy, if 1ip tliouglit fit to break it. Be
that as it may, the king, who had previously been
in good liealth, was suddenly seized with a violent
illness. The symptoms of the malady, all agi-ecd,
were those of poisoning. When it became evident
that the king was dying. Priest Huddlestono was
admitted by a back door vdth the materials for
mass, Chailes received the Sacrament, and the host
liaving stuck in liis throat it was washed dovni with
a draught of water. After this the king became
calm. Tlie English bishops were now admitted,
but Charles paid no attention to their exhortations.
He gave special directions to the duke liLs brother
about his mistresses, but he spoke not a word
of his wife, nor of his subjects, nor servants.
What a mournful spectacle, what a chamber of
liorrors ! Surprised by death in the midst of his
harem ! How ghastly his features, and how racking
his pains, as he complains of the fire that burns
within him ! and yet his courtiers gaze with perfect
indifference on the one, and listen with profound
unconcern to the other. Behind him what a past
of crime ! Ai'ound him are two kingdoms groaning
under his twanny. Before him that great Tribunal
before wliich Charles, as well as tlie humblest of
his subjects, must give account of his stewardship ;
and yet lie neither feels the burden of guilt, nor
dreads the terrors of the reckoning. This utter
callousness is the saddest feature in this sad scene.
" No part of his character looked wickeder, as well
as meaner," says Bishoj) Burnet, " than that he, all
tlie wliile that he was professing to be of the Church
of England, expressing both zeal and afiection to
it, was yet secretly reconciled to the Church of
Rome : thus mocking God, and deceiving the world
with so gross a prevarication. And his not having
the honesty or courage to own it at the last : his
not showing any sign of the least remorse for his ill-
led life."' Charles II. died on the 6th of February,
1684, in the fifty-fourth year of his age. With his
life departed all the homage and obsequiousness that
had waited round the royal person ; his corpse was
treated almost as if it had been so much carrion ;
' Burnet, Hist, of his own Time, vol. ii., p. 274.
liis burial was mean, and v/iihout the pomp that
usually attended the funeral of the kings of England.
If one spoke of the king's death ho had to bo
careful in what terms he did so. His words were
caught up by in\isiblo auditors, and a hand was
stretched out from the darlmcss to pimLsh the im-
prudence of indiscreet remarks. A physician who
gave it as his opinion that the king had been
poisoned was seized with a sudden illness, the
symptoms of which closely i-esembled those of the
king, whom he followed to the grave in a few days.
But at Rome it was not necessary to observe the
same circumspection. The deuth of Charles II.
was there made the theme of certain orations, which
eulogised it as singidarly opportune, and it was
delicately insinuated that his brother was not with-
out some ■ share in the merit of a deed that was
destined to introduce a day of gloiy to the Roman
Church and the realm of England. Misson has
given a few extracts from these orations and
epigrams which are somewhat curious. " James,"
says the author of one of these pieces, " intending
to notify to the gods his accession to the crown,
that he might send the important message by an
ambassador worthy of them and liim, he sent his
brother."- And again, " His brother, who is to be
his successor, adds wings to him that he may arri-\-e
sooner at heaven."^ The author of these orations,
unable to restrain his transports at the accession of
James, breaks out thus — " We will declare that he
gives a new day to England ; a day of joy ; a day
free from all obscui'ity. That kingdom enlightened
liy the setting of Charles, and the rising of James,
shall suffer night no more. O happy England ! a
new constellation of twins, Charles and James, Ls
risen in thy horizon. Cast thy eyes on them, and
care no more for Castor and Pollux. At least divide
thy veneration. And while Castor and Pollux will
be the guides of thy ships, as they hitherto have
been, let James and Chailes conduct thee to hea\en
whither thou aspirest, as thou deservest it." ■*
- JlisGon, Travels in Itahj, vol. II., part i., p. 218.
■' " Eegnaturus a tcrpo frater, alaa Carolo ad cesium
addidit." (Misson, vol. ii., part ii., p. 606.)
■• Misson, vol. ii., part ii., p. 670.
586
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE FIRST RISING OF THE SCOTTISH PRESBYTERIANS.
Barbarities— Inflexible Spirit of the Scots— Dragoons at Dairy— The Presbyterians of the West take Ai-ms— Capture
of Sir James Tiu'ner— The March to Lanark— They Swear the Covenant, and Publish a Declaration— Their
Sufferings on the Marcli— Arrive near Edinburgh— Battle of the Pentlauds— Defeat of the Presbyterians —
Prisoners— Their Trial and Execution— Neilson of Corsac and Hugh McKail— The Torture of the Boot— Execution
of Hugh McKail— His Farewell.
In returning to Scotland, as we once more do, it is
necessary to go back some twenty years, and briefly
narrate the dismal tragedy which was being enacted
in the northern kingdom while the events which
liave occupied us in the last few chapters were
passing in England. The last scene which we
witnessed in Scotland was the ejection of four
hundred ministers, and the irruption into their
pari.shes and pulpits of an equal number of young
men from the northern parts, who were totally
devoid of learning, many of them being as devoid
of morals ; while all, by their glaring unfitness
for their office, were objects of contempt to the
people. The ejected ministers were followed to
tjie woods and the moors by their parishioners,
and dragoons were sent out to hunt for these
worshipjiers in the wilderness, and bring them back
to fill the chui'ches their desertion had left empty.
The men who acted for the Government in Scotland,
brutal, unprincipled, and profligate, observed no
measure in the cruelties they inflicted on a people
whom they were resolved to bend to the yoke of a
despotic monarch and an idolatrous Church. In-
decencies of all sorts desecrated the heai-ths, and
fines and violence desolated the homes of the
Scottish pea!5antiy. The business of life all but
stood still. Vu'tue fled from the scene of such
\inhallowed outrage, and many families who had
lived till then in affluence, become the sudden prey
of greedy informers and riotous spoilers, sank into
poverty and beggaiy. But the spirit of the nation
would not yifild. Every new oppression but
deepened the resolution of the sufferers to stand
l)y their Church and their country, despite all
the attempts to cornipt the one and enslave the
other. The glorious days of the past, the uplifted
hands of their fathers, the majesty of their Gene-
ral Assemblies, the patriarchal and learned men
who had preached the Word of Life to them,
their own vows, all these grand memories came
back upon them, and made it impossible for them
to comply with the mandates of the court. Tlieir
resistance had so far been only passive, but now
tlie hour was come when a passive resistance was
to be exchanged for an active and organised oppo-
sition.
The first rising of the persecuted Presbyterians
was owing to an occurrence purely accidental. On
Tuesday morning, the 13th of November, 1666,
four of the persecuted wanderers, whom cold and
himger had forced to leave their solitudes amid
the mountains of Glen-Ken, appeared in the vil-
lage of Dairy, in Kirkcudbrightshire. They came
just in time to prevent one of those outrages
which were but too common at that time. A
party of Sii- James Turner's soldiers were le%'y-
ing fines in the village, and having seized an old
man whose poverty rendered him unable to dis-
chai'ge his penalties, they were binding him hand
and foot, and tlu-eatening to strip him naked
and roast him on a gridii'on. Shocked at the
threatened barbarity, the wanderers interposed in
behalf of the man. The soldiers drew upon them,
and a scuffle ensued. One of the rescuing party
fired his pistol, and wounded one of the soldiers,
whereupon the party gave up their prisoner and
their arms. Having been informed that another
party of Turner's men were at that moment engaged
in similar outrages at a little distance from the
village, they resolved to go thither, and make them
prisoners also. This they did with the help of
some country-people ' who had joined them on the
way, killing one of the soldiei's who had offered
resistance.
All this was the work of an hour, and had been
done on impulse. These countrymen had now time
to reflect on what was likely to be the consequence
of disai-ming and capturing the king's soldiers.
Tliey knew how vindictive Sir James was, and that
he was sure to avenge in his own cruel way on
the whole district the disgrace that his soldiers had
sustained. They could not think of leaving the help-
less people to his fury ; they would keep together,
' Wodrow, vol. ii., pp. 17, 18; Qlasg., 1830. Kirkton,
pp. 229—231. Blackadder, Memoirs, p. 136.
THE BATTLE OF BULLION GREEN.
587
and go on with the enterprise in whicli they had
so unexpectedly embarked, thougli that too was a
serious matter, .spping it was \-irtually to defy the
CioNernmeiit. They mustered lo the number of
fifty horsemen and a few foot, and resolving to be
heforehnnd with .Sir James, marched to Dumfries,
drank tlie king's health at tlie cross, and after this
display of loyalty went straight to Turner's house
and made him their prisoner. The revolt had
broken out, and a special messenger, dispatched
from Carlisle, carried the news to the king.
It happened that, a day or two before the occur-
I'ence at Dalrj', Commissioner Rothes had set out
for London. On presenting himself at Whitehall
the king asked him, "What news from Scotland?"
Rothes replied that " all v.-as going v,-ell, and that
the people were qitiet." His majesty instantly
handed him the despatch which ho had received
of the " homd rebellion." The commissioner's con-
fusion may be imagined. Charles had set up the
machine of episcopacy to amplify liis power in
Scotland, and procure him a quiet reign ; but here
was an early presage of the troubles -with which it
was to fill his life. It had ali-eady dethroned him
in the hearts of his Scottish subjects, and this was
l)ut an earnest of the greater calamities which were
to strike his house after he was gone.
The party who had captured Sir James Turner
turned northwards, carrying with them their pri-
soner, as a trophy of their courage. Their little
army swelled in mimbers as they advanced,
by continual contributions from the towns and
villages on the line of their march. Late on the
evening of Sunday, the 25th of November, they
i-eached Lanark. Then- march thither had been
accomplished under many disadvantages : they had
to traverse deep moors; they had to endm-e a drench-
ing lain, and to lie, wet and weary, in churches
and bams at night, with a most inadequate supply
of victuals.' Their resolution, however, did not
flag. On the Monday the horse and foot mus-
tered on the high street, one of their ministers
mounted the Tolbooth stairs, preached, and after
sermon read the Covenant, which the whole army,
who were joined by several of the citizens, swore
\vith uplifted hands. They next published a decla-
ration setting forth the reason of their appearing
in arms, namely, the defence of their Presbyterian
government and the liberties of their country. -'
" Here," says Kirkton, " this rolling snow-ball was
at the biggest." Their numbers were variously
estimated at from 1,500 to 3,000, but they were
' Kirkton, Hist., pp. 234-236.
- The declaration is given in Wodrow, vol. ii., p. 25.
necessarily deficient in Ijoth drill and arms. Sir
James Turner, their enforced comrade, describes
them as a set of brave, lusty fellows, well up in
their exercises for the short time, and can-j-iiig
arms of a very mi.scellaneous description. Besides
the usual gun and sword, they were provided with
scythes fixed on poles, forks, staves, and other
weapons of a rude sort. Had they now joined
battle, victory would probably have declared in their
favour, and if defeated they were in the midst of a
friendly population who would have given them
safe hiding. Unfortunately they gave credit to a
report that the j:)eople of the Lotliians and the
citizens of Edinburgh but waited their approach to
rise and join them. They continued their march
to the east only to find the population less friendly,
and their own ntimbers, instead of increasing as
they had expected, rapidly diminishing. The
weather again broke. They were buifeted by
toiTents of rain and occasional snow-drifts ; they
marched along in deep roads, and crossed swollen
rivers, to arrive at night foot-sore and hungry, with
no place to sleep in, and scarcely any food to re-
cruit their wearied strength. In this condition they
advanced within five miles of Edinburgh, only to
have their misfortunes crowned by being told that
the citizens had closed their gates and mounted
cannon on the walls to prevent their entrance.
At this point, after several consultations among
themselves, and the exchange of some communi-
cations with the Pri\-y Cotmcil, they came to the
resolution of returning to their homes.
With this view they marched round the eastern
extremity of the Pentlands — a range of hills about
six miles south of Edinburgh — with the intent
of pursuing then- way along the south side of the
chain to their homes. It was here that Dalziel
with his army came up with them. The insurgents
hastily mustered in order of battle, the foot in the
centre and the horse on the two wings. The action
was commenced by Dalziel's sending a troop of
cavalry to attack the right wing of the enemy.
The insurgents drove them back in confusion. A
second attack was followed by the rout of the
Government troops. There came still a third,
which also ended in victory for the Presbji;erians,
and had their cavaliy been able to pursue, the day
would have been won. Dalziel now saw that he
had not silly and fanatical countrymen to deal
with, but resolute fighters, ill-armed, way-worn,
and faint through sleeplessness and hunger, but
withal of a tougher spirit than his ovvn well-drilled
and well-fed dragoons; and ho waited till the main
body should arrive, which it now did through a
defile in the hills close by the scene of the action.
688
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
The odds were now very unequal. The Presby-
terian host did not exceed 900, the Govei-nment
army was not less than 3,000. Dalziel imw
moved liis masses to the assault. The sun had
gone down, and the sombre shadows of a winter
twilight were being jn-ojected from the summits
above tliem as the two armies closed in conflict.
The insurgents, under their courageous and skil-
ful leader. Captain Wallace, fought gaUantly,
but they were finally borne down by numbers.
tinued in the courts of law. The prisoners were
brought to Edinburgh, crowded into various prisons,
and brought to their trial befm-p a tiibunal where
death more certainly awaited them than on the
battle-field. Fifty had fallen by the sword on
Rullion Green, but a greater nimiber were to die
on the gallows. In the absence of Rothes it fell to
the primate, Sharp, to preside in the Council, "and
being now a time of war, several of the lords
grumbled very much, and spared not to say openly
THE PENTLAND HILLS.
As the night fell the fighting ended ; in truth,
they had prolonged the contest, not for the
coming of victory, which now they dared not
hojie for, but for the coming of darkness to cover
their flight. Leaving fifty of their number dead
on the battle-field of Rullion Green — for such was
the name of the spot on which it was fought — the
rest, excepting those taken prisoners, who were
about 100, made their escape over the hills or along
their southern sloiies towards their native shires in
the west.'
The slaughter begun on the battle-field was con-
with oaths, ' Have we none in Scotland to give
orders in such a juncture but a priest 1' "' Sharp,
on being told of the rising, was seized -with some-
thing like panic. In his consternation he wrote
urgent letters to have the king's army sent down
from the north of England, and, meanwhile, he
proposed that the Council should shut them-
selves up in the castle. His temfied imagination
pictured himself surrounded on all sides by rebels.
But when he received the news of the defeat of
the insurgents, "then," says Bumet, "the com-
mon observation that cruelty and cowardice go
' Kirkton, pp. 242, 245. Burnet, vol. i.,p. 303.
2 Wodrow, Hist., vol. ii., p. 20.
CRUEL TREATMENT OF THE CAPTIVE COVENANTERS.
589
together, was too visibly verified." ' The prisoners
had been admitted to quarter by the soldiers on
the battle-field, and in all common justice this
ought to have been held as the king's promise
judicial murders carried through, that the firat ten,
who were mostly men of property, suffered only a
few days after the battle. They were sentenced to
be hanged at the Cross of Ediubui-gh, their heads
THE OLU COVE.V.lXXr.U's LAST SEKMON.
of their lives. The cleiical members of Council,
however, refused to Uike that view of the mat-
ter, insisting that the quarter to which they had
been admitted was no protection, the war being one
of rebellion. Tliey were tried, condemned, and
executed in batches. With such speed were these
' Bui-net, Hist, of his own Time, vol. i., p. 303
154
to be dispersed over the countr}^ and affixed as
monuments in the piincipal cities, and their riglit
arms to be exposed on the Tolbooth of Lanark,
where their hands had been lifted up to swear the
National Covenant. They all died with undaunted
courage. Tliey niight have saved their lives by
subscribing the declaration of submission to the
bishops, but all of them refused. They fell a sacri-
JOO
HISToltY OF l*[;OTFXrANTr.S.Al.
fice to Prelacy, giving their blood in opposition to
those manifold evils which had rushed in like a
torrent upon their country through the dostriic-
tion of its Presbj-terinn Government. Nor ditl
their punishment end with their lives. Their
families were plundered after their death ; their
substance was swallowed up in fines, and their
lands were confiscated. Theii- homes were invaded
by soldiei"s, and the inmates driven out to a life of
poverty in their o\vn country, or to wander as
exiles in a foreign land.'
One batch of prisoners succeeded another on the
gallows till all were disposed of " It was a moving
sight," says Burnet, " to see ton of the prisoners
hanged upon one gibbet at Edinburgh. Thirty-five
more were sent to theii- counties, and hanged up
before their own doors, their ministers (the curates)
all the while using them hardly, and declaring them
damned for their rebellion." -
Among these sufl'erers there are two over whose
last hours we shall pause a little. These are Mr.
John Neilson of Corsac, and Mr. Hugh McKail, a
minister. Both were made to undergo the torture
of the boot in prison, the CouncU reviving in their
case a horrible practice which had not been known
in Scotland in the memory of living man." The
object of theii- persecutors in subjecting them to this
terrible ordeal was to extort from them information
respecting the origin of the insurrection. The
rising had been wholly unpremeditated. Neverthe-
less the judges continued the infliction, although the
two tortured men protested that it was impossible
to disclose a plot which never existed. The shrieks
of Neilson were heai-trending ; but the only effect
they had upon the judges was to bid the execu-
tioner strike yet again."* The younger and feebler
prisoner stood the infliction better than the other.
The slender and delicate leg of the young McKail
was laid in the boot ; the hammer fell, the wedge
was driven down, a pang as of burning fire shot
along the leg, making every limb and feature of
the prisoner to quivei-. McKail uttered no groan.
Six, seven, eight, ten strokes were given; the
hammer was raised for yet another; the suflcrer
solemnly protested in the sight of God " that he
could say no more, although every joint in his body
was in as gi-eat torture as that poor leg."
' "Wodrow, Hist, vol. ii., pp. 48—51. Kirkton, Hist.,
pp. 248, 249.
- Burnet, Hist, of Ws oii'n Time, vol. i., p. 304.
•■' The boot consisted of four narrow boards nailed
together, so as to form a case for the leg. The limb being
laid in it, wedges were driven down, which caused intoler-
able pain, and frequently mangled the leg to the extent
of bruising both bone and marrow.
■• Wodrow, Hist., vol. ii., p. Si.
The real offence of McKail was not his join-
ing the insm-gents, but his ha\-ing preached in
the high church of Edinburgh on the Sunday pre-
ceding that on wliieh the "Four Hundred" were
ejected, and having used some expres.sions which
were generally iniderstood to be levelled at the
Ai-chbishop of St. Andrews. The young minister
took occasion to refer in his sermon to the suffer-
ings of the Church, saying that " the Scripture doth
abundantly evidence that the people of God have
sometimes been persecuted by a Pharaoh upon the
throne, sometimes by a Haman in the State, and
sometimes by a Judas in the Church." The hearers
had no difficulty in finding the living representa-
tives of all three, and especially of the last, who
stood pre-eminent among the dark figures around
him for his relentless cruelty and unfathomable
perfidy. The words changed Sharp iiato a pillar of
salt : he was henceforth known as " the Judas of
the Scottish Kirk."
When Hugh McKail was sentenced to the gal-
lows he was only twenty-six years of age. He was
a person of excellent education, gi-eat elevation of
soul, an impressive eloquence, and liis person seemed
to have moulded itself so as to shadow forth the
noble lineaments of the spirit that dwelt within it.
He had a freshness and even gaiety of mind which
the near approach of a violent death could not ex-
tinguish. On entering the prison after his trial,
some one asked him how his limb was. " The fear
of my neck," he repUed, "makes me forget my leg."
In prison he discoursed sweetly and encouragingly
to his fellow-sufferers. On the night before his exe-
cution he laid him down, and sank into quiet sleep.
When he appeared on the scaffold it was with a
countenance so sweet and grave, and an air so
serene and joyous, that he seemed to the spectatoi-s
i-ather like one coming out of death than one enter-
ing into it. " There was such a lamentation," says
Kirkton, " as was never kno-vvir iir Scotland before;
not one dry cheek upon all the street, or in all the
numberless windows in the market-place."" Having
ended his last words to the people, he took hold of
the ladder to go up. He paused, and tm-ning yet
again to the crowd, he said, " I care no more to go up
that ladder and over it than if I were going to my
father's house."
Having mounted to the top of the ladder, he
lifted the napkin that covered his face, that he might
utter a few more last words. Never was sublimer
or more pathetic farewell spoken.
" And now I leave off to speak any more with
creatures, and begin my intercourse with God
5 Kirkton, Hist., p. 249.
THOMAS DALZIEL OF BINNS.
591
•which shall never be broken ofif ! Farewell, father
and mother, friends and relations ! Farewell, the
world and all delights ! Farewell, sun, moon, and
stars ! Welcome, God and Father ! Welcome,
sweet Jesus Christ, the Mediator of the New
Covenant ! Welcome, blessed Spirit of Grace, the
God of all consolation ! Welcome, glory ! Wel-
come, eternal life ! And welcome, death ! "
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE FIELD-PREACHING OR " CONVENTICLE.
Scotland to be Crushed— Thomas Dalziel of Binns— His Character— Barbarities exercised by his Soldiers — A Breath-
ing Time — Duke Lauderdale — Tlie Indulgence — Its Fruits— The Accommodation — Failure of both Plans— The
Conventicle— Field-preaching at East Nisbet, Mearse— Place of Meeting — The Assembling — The Guards — The
Psalm — The Prayer— The Sermon— The Communion-tables— Tlie Communicants— The Communicating— Other
Services — Blackadder's Account— Terror of the Government.
The insurgent Covenanters were condemned and
executed as rebels. In a constitutional country the
law is the king, and whoever rises up against it,
be he sovereign or subject, he is the rebel. The
opposite doctrine is one which is fit only for slaves.
The Government, feeling themselves to be the
real law-breakers, were haunted by the continual
fear of insurrection. Having suppressed the
Pentland rising, they scattered over the king-
dom, and exposed to public view in its chief cities,
the heads and other ghastly remains of the poor
sufferers, to warn all of the danger they should
incur by any disobedience to the edicts or any
resistance to the violence of the ruling party. But
the Government coiild not deem themselves secure
till the spirit of the people had been utterly crushed,
and the down-trodden country rendered incapable of
offering any resistance. In order to reach this end
they resolved to begin a reign of terror. In Thomas
Dalziel of Binns, whom we have already named,
tliey found an instrument admirably adapted for
their p\irpose. This man united the not uncon-
genial characters of fonatic and savage. If ever he
had possessed any of the " milk of human kind-
ness," he had got quit of what certainly would have
been a gi-eat disqualification for the work now put
into his liands. In his wars among the Tartais
and Turks his naturally cruel disposition had been
rendered utterly callous ; in .short, he had gi-own
not less the Turk than any of those with whom ho
did battle. From these distant campaigns he
returned to inflict on his countrymen and country-
women the horrid cruelties which he had seen and
practised abroad.
His outward man wa.s a correct index of the
fierce, fieiy, fanatical, and malignant spirit that
dwelt within it. His figure was gaunt and weird.
To have seen the man striding along at a raiiid
pace, with his flinty face, his hard cheek-bones, his
gleaming eyes, his streaming beard — for he had not
shaved since Charles I. was beheaded — and his
close-fitting antique dress, making him so spectre-
like, one would have thought that he was other
than an inhabitant of earth. The aii- of huny and
violence that hung about him betokened him crazy
as well as cruel.
This man was sent by the Government to be
the scourge of the Presbyterians in the western
counties of Scotland. He was accompanied by a
regiment of soldiers quite worthy of their leader.
Void of every soldierly quality, they were simply
a horde of profligates and rufiians. Terror,
wretchechiess, and misery overspread the counti-y
on their approach. Dalziel tortured whom he
would, shot men on the most venial charges with-
out any forms of law, hung up peojile by the arms
all night, and threw women into prisons and holes
filled with snakes.' Of the exploits of this modern
Attila and his Huns, Bishop Burnet gives us the
following account. " The forces," says he, '• were
oi'dered to lie in the west, where Dalziel acted the
Muscovite too gi-ossly. He threatened to spit
men and to roast them ; and he killed some in cold
blood, or rather in hot blood, for he was then
drunk when he ordered one to be hanged because
he would not tell where his father was, for whom
he was in search. Wlien he heard of any who did
not go to church, he did not trouble himself to set
a fine upon him, but he set as many soldiei-s upon
him as should eat him up in a night
Tlie clergy (the curates) never interceded for any
compassion to their people. Nor did thej' take
' Kirkton, Hist., pp. 2o(), 25?.
592
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTTS^r.
cai'e to live move reg>il<ivly, or to laboui" more care-
fully. They looked on the soldiexyas their patrons,
they were ever in their company, complying with
them in their excesses; and it" they were not much
wronged, they rather led them into them, than
chocked thorn for them."' These oppressions bnt
burned the deeper into the nation's heart a detesta-
tion of the system which it was sought to thrust
npon it.
In 16G7 came a lull in the tempest. This .short
calm was owing to various causes. The cry of
Scotland had reached even the ears of Charles II.,
and ho sent do'wn Lauderdale, who had not quite
forgotten that he had once been a Presln-terian, and
was still a Scotsman, to take tiie place of the cruel
and profligate Rothes. The policy of the Court of
London had also undergone a change for the better,
though not from the high principles of justice, but
the low motives of interest. A tolerant policy
towards tlie English Nonconformists was deemed
the likeliest way of disarming the opposition of the
enemies of the Duke of York, who was known,
thoiigh he had not yet avowed it, to be a Papist,
and the only means of pa\-ing his way to the throne ;
and Scotland was permitted to share ^vith Eng-
land in this milder rcijinie. Its administrators
were changed, the standing anny was disbanded,
much to the chagrin of tliose who were enriching
themselves by its plunder, and Sharp was bidden
confine himself to his dioce.se of St. Andrews."
Thus there came a breathing-space to the afBicted
country.
Lauderdale opened his administration in Scotland
with an attempted reconciliation between Presby-
terianism and Prelacy. In one respect he was well
qualified for the work, for having no religion of his
own he was equally indifferent to that of the two
parties between whom he now undertook to mediate.
Nature had endowed Lauderdale \vith gi-eat talents,
but with nothing else. He was coarse, mean, selfish,
without a spark of honour or genei-osity, gi-eedy
of power, yet greedier of money, arrogant to those
beneath him, and cringing and abject to his supe-
riors. His bloated features were the index of
the vile passions to which he often gave way, and
the low excesses in which he habitually indulged.
It was easy to see that should he fail in his project
of reconcilmg the two parties, and, on the basis of
their union, of managing the country, his violent
temper and unprincipled ambition would hniTy him
into cruelties not less great than those which had
made his predecessor infamous.
' Burnet, Bist. of his own Time, vol. i., p. SOfi.
= Ibid., pp. 307—309. Kirkton, Hist., pp. 2G9— 271.
The new policy bore fruit at last in an Indul-
gence. In 1GG9 a letter arrived from the king,
granting a qualified liberty to the outed ministers.
If willing to rccci^•e collation from the bishop, the
ministers were to Ijo inducted into vacant jiarishes
and to enjoy the whole benefice ; if unwilling to
acknowledge the bishop, they were nevertheless to
be at liberty to preach, but were to enjoy no tem-
porality save the glebe and manse. This Indulgence
grew out of a despaii- on the part of Govennnent of
ever compelling the jwople to return to the parish
churches and place themselves under the ministry
of the curates ; and rather than permit the country
to relapse into heathenism they gi-anted a limited
permission to the Presbyterian pastors to discharge
their oifice. The Government, moreover, foresaw
that this would divide the Presbyterians. And in
truth this consequence followed to a deplorable
extent. Those who accepted the Government's
fixvour were accused by their brethren who declined
it of homologating the royal supremacy, and were
styled the " king's curates ; " while, on the other
hand, those who stood out against the Indulgence
were regarded by the Government as impracticable,
and were visited with gi-eater se^•erities than ever.
Those who took advantage of the Indulgence to
resume their functions might justly plead that the
king's letter only removed an external violence,
which had restrained them from the exercise of an
ottice which they held from a Higher than Charles,
and that their preaching in no sense traversed
the great fundamental article of Presbyterianism,
namely, that Christ is the sole fountain of all office
in his Church. Nevertheless, their conduct tended
somewhat to obscure this vital article, and more-
over the unbroken union of Presbyterianism was a
far gi'eater good than any benefit they could expect
to reap from availing themselves of the royal
licence. This union was sacrificed by the accept-
ance of the Indulgence, and heats and animosities
began to embitter their spirit, and weaken the
Presbyterian phalanx.
The Government made trial of yet another plan.
This was the proposal of Archbishop Leighton, now
ti-anslated to the See of Glasgow, and is known
as the Accommodation. The archbishop's scheme
was a blending of the two forms of Prelacy and
Pre.sln'tery. It was proposed that the Ijishop
should keep his place at the head of the Church
and wield its government, but that in doing so he
should to some extent make use of the machinery
of Presbj'terianism. It was easy to see that this
method could not long endure ; the Presbyterian
admixture would speedily be purged out, and onl}-
Prelacy, pure and simple, would remain. The
A CONVENTICLE ON THE WHITADDER.
593
Bcheme was never brought into oper;ition. The
iimiable and pious archbishop bemoaned its failure ;
but he ought to have reflected that the men whose
unreasonable obstinacy, as doubtless he deemed it,
had defeated his project, were maintaining views
which subjected them to lines, imprisonment, and
death, and in which, therefore, it was to be jire-
sumed they were entu-ely conscientious, whereas he,
though doubtless equally conscientious, had no such
opportunity of giving proof of it, inasmuch as his
sentiments, happily for himself, were in accordance
with his interests and honours.
These plans and others to allay the opposition of
Scotland, and quietly plant Prelacy and arbitrary
government, had been tried, and had all failed.
What was now to be done? There remained to
the Government only the alternative of confessmg
their defeat, and desisting from further attempts, or
of falling back once more upon the sword. Those
who were puslaing on the Government have no such
word in their vocabulary as " desist." They may
pause, or turn aside for a little, but they never
desist. They stop only when they have ariived at
success or ruin. The Government was still de-
liberating whether to turn back or go forward
when there appeared on the horizon of Scotland
another sign, to them most portentous and
menacing. That Presbyterianism which they had
driven out of the churches, and were tiying to
extirpate mtli the sword, was rising up in the
^vild8 and moorlands to which they had chased
it, mightier and more courageous than ever. The
outed Presbyterimis had found a sanctuar}- in the
heart of their mountains or amid the solitudes of
their moorlairds ; and there, envu-oned by the
majestic peaks or the scarcely less sublime spaces
of the silent wilderness, they worshipped the
Eternal in a temple of his own rearing. Never
had the Gospel possessed such power, or their
hearts been so melted under it, as when it was
preached to them in these wilds ; and never had
their Communion Sabbaths been so sweet and
hallowed as when their table was spread on the
moorland or on the mountain ; nor had their psalm
been ever sung with such thrilling ra])tui'e as when
its .strains, rising into the oiien vault, died away
on the wilds. This they felt was wor.ship, the wor-
ship of the heai-t — real, fervent, sublime.
It will brighten this dark page of our history to
place upon it a little pict\ue of one of these gather-
ings, where children of the Covenant worshipped,
far from city and temple, in the holy calm of the
wilderness. We shall take an actual scene. It is
the year 1G77. The Comminiion is to bo celebrated
on a certain Sunday in the Mearso, in the south of
Scotland. Notice of the gathering has been cii-cu-
lated by trusty messengers some time before, and
when the day arrives thousands are seen converging
on the appointed spot from all points of the horizon.
The place chosen is a little oblong hollow on the
banks of the Whitadder, its verdant and level bosom
enclosed on all sides by ascending grassy slopes.
Here, as in an amphitheatre, gather the crowd of
worshippers. There is no hurry or distraction, each
as he enters takes his place in silence, till at length
not only is the bottom of the hollow covered
like floor of church, but the worshippers over-
flow, and occupy row on row the slopes that
form its enclosure. At the head of the little plain
there is a low mound, which serves as a pulpit.
There stands the minister about to begin the ser-
vice. His wliite locks and furrowed face tell of
suffering ; he is there at the peril of life, but he
betrays no fear and he feels none. He is a true
servant of Him who planted the mountains that
rise round him, and hung the azui'e vault above
them. The Almighty wing covers him.
Around this congregation of unarmed wor-
shipj^ers, a little way off, are posted a ti-oop of
horsemen, who keep watch and ward over the
assembly. They may amount to a hundi-ed, and
are variously armed. It may be that the dragoons
of Dalziel are on the seai-ch, or that some of the
persecutors have got notice of then- meeting, and
intend dispersing it with murderous violence. It
is to prevent any surpiise of this sort that armed
scouts are stationed all roimd them. Outside the
fii-st circle of watchers is a second, fiii-ther off, and
amounting, it may be, to a score of horsemen in
all. There is still a third line of watchers. Some
dozen men ride out into the wilds, and disposing
themselves in a -wide circuit, sit there on horse-
back, theii" eyes fijced on the distant horizon,
ready, the moment the figure of trooper appears
on the far-off edge of the moor, to signal his
approach to the cu-ele behind them, as they to the
inner line. In this way an extent of country some
fifty miles in circuit is obseiwed, and the congre-
gation within its triple lino worsliip iu comparative
security, knowing that should danger appear they
will have time to escape, or pivpare for its aj)-
proach.
The day was one of the loveliest that the
Scottish summer affords. The sky was -without
a cloud, and the air was perfectly calm. No gust
of wind broke the cadence of the speaker's voice,
or lost to the assembly a word of what he uttered.
The worship is commenced with praise. The
psalm is tii-st read by the minister ; then its notes
may bo heard rising in soft sweet strains from
594
IIlSTOltY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tliose immediately around him. Aiion it swells. into
fuller volume, wiudiig ever louder and loftier as
voice after voice strikes in. Now the whole ii-s-
sembly have jouied in the psalm, and the climax
of the praise is reached. The majestic anthem
fills the dome over them. It pauses, and again it
bursts out ; again its melodious numbers ascend into
are expressed ! After the prayer the text is read
cut, and the sermon commences.
The preacher on the occasion of which we speak
was Mr. John Welsh, and liis text was selected
from the Song of Solomon, ii., 11, 12 — that
sweetest of all lyrics, which paints the passinc
away of winter of the Old Economv, and the
THOMAS DALZIEL OF BINNS. (Proiii o Portrait ofler D. Patton, in the JlihUollicqiic Rationale.)
the sky ; again they roll away over the face of the
wilderness, awakening its silence into song. The
moorland begins to sing with its children.
The psalm ended, praj'er is oflered. The feeling
that he is the channel through which the petitions
and thanksgivings of the thousands around him are
ascending to the Mercy-seat deepens the solemnity
of the minister, and enkindles his fervoiu-. With
what reverence he addresses the " Mo.st High!"
How earnestly he pleads, how admii'able the order
in which his supplications airange themselves, and
how chaste and beautiful the words in which they
coming of the spring-time of the Gospel, as
comes the Eastern spring with its affluence of
verdure, and blossoms, and songs : — " Lo, the
winter is past : the rain is over and gone :
the flowers appear on the earth : the time of the
singing of birds is come, and the voice of the turtle
is heard in our land." The jn-eaoher took occasion
to refer to the spring-time of the Reformation in
Scotland, when the earth was so gi-een, and the
skies so fair. Its short summer had been chased
away by a winter of black tempests, but not
finally, nor for long, he was assured. The Scottish
596
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
earth would again gi-ow mollient, its skies would
clear up, and the Gospel would again be heai-d in
its now silent pulpits. The sight around him
showed that the Evangelical Vine had struck its
roots too deeply in the soil to be overturned by the
tempests of tjTamiy, or blighted by the mephitic
air of a returning superstition. The sermon ended,
there followed, amid the deep stillness of the multi-
tude, the prayer of consecration. The communicants
now came forward and seated themselves at the
Communion-tables, which were arranged much as in
an ordinaiy church. Two parallel tables, covered
with a pure white cloth, ran along the plane of the
hollow : these were joined at the upper end by a
C1-0S3 table, on which were placed the bread and the
wine. The persons seated at the table were no
promiscuous crowd. Though set up in the open
wilds, the ministers never forgot that the Commu-
nion-table was " holy," and that none but the
disciples of the Saviour could be, in their opinion,
worthy commiuiicants. Accordingly, as was the
custom among the French Huguenots, so also
with the Scottish Covenanters, the usual " token "
was given to the people on the Saturday pre-
ceding, and this "pass" no one could obtain
unless he was known to be of Christian deport-
ment. To rally round the war-standard of the
Covenant did not of itself entitle one to a seat
at the Communion-table, for well did the leaders
know that in character and not in numbers lay the
strength of the movement. While the bread and
cup were being distributed, a minister addressed
the communicants in a suitable exhortation. The
elders, who were generally men of position, and
always men of kno^vn piety, waited at table : when
one body of communicants had partaken they rose,
and others took their places. On the present occa-
sion there were not fewer than sixteen successive
tables : and as the number that each table accom-
modated was not less than 200, the entire body of
persons who that day joined in the celebration of the
Lord's Supper could not be below 3,200. Others
were present besides the communicants, and the
entire assemblage could not be reckoned at less
than between 4,000 and 5,000. The sen-ices were
conducted by five ministers. After " celebration,"
another sermon was preached by Mr. Dickson, who
took for his text Gen. xxii. 14: "And Abraham
called the name of that place Jehovah-jii-eh : as it
is said to this day. In the mount of the Lord it
shall be seen." The duty he pressed on his hearers
was that of walking by faith through the darkness
of the night now covering them, till they should
come to the mount where the day of deliverance
would break upon them. The services were not
confined to the Communion Simday, but included
the day before and the day after ; the people thus
remained three days on the spot, retiring every
night from their place of meeting, mai-shalled in
rank and file under then- guards ; and retwrning to
it, in the same order, next morning. They found
resting-places for the night in the villages and fai-m-
houses in the neighbourhood ; their provisions they
had brought with them, or they purchased with
money what they needed.
Before quitting a spot to be sacred ever after,
doubtless, in their memory, three sermons were
preached on the Monday — the first by Mr. Dickson,
the second by ]Mr. Riddel, and the thii'd by
Mr. Blackadder. The same man who closed these
public services has left us his impression of this
memorable scene. " Though the people at first
meetmg," says Mr. Blackadder, " were something
apprehensive of hazard, yet fi'om the time the
work was entered upon till the close of it, they
were neither alarmed nor afirighted, but sat as
composed, and the work was as orderly gone about,
as if it had been in the days of the gi'eatest peace
and quiet. For there, indeed, was to be seen the
goings of God, even the goings of their God and
King in that sanctuaiy, which was encoui'aging to
them, and terrible to his and theii- enemies out
of his holy place Many great days
of the Son of Man have been seen in thee, O
now how desolate Kirk of Scotland ! but few like
this." '
These field-preachmgs were in ti-uth regarded with
terror by the Government. The men who ruled
Scotland would rather have seen ten thousand
warriors arrayed against them in battle, than have
beheld these men and women, armed only with
prayers and patience, assembling in the wilds, and
there bowing in worship before the God of heaven.
And, indeed, the Government had good reason for
fear ; for it was at the conventicle that the
nation's heart was fed, and its courage recruited.
While these gatherings were kept up, in vain were
all the edicts with which the persecutors proscribed
Pi'esbyterianism, in vain the swords and scaflbhls
with which they sought to suppress it. The fiold-
jireachings multi])lied soldiers for fighting the
battles of religion and liberty faster than thoir
dragoons could shoot them down on the moors, or
their hanciuien strangle them in the Grass Market.
Blackadder, Memoirs, MS. coiiy.
HARSH MEASUPiES AOAIXST THE CONVENTICLE.
507
CHAPTER XXVII.
DKUMCI.OG — liOTir.VCLL EHIDGE — THE ■• KILLING TIMES.
The Conrsnticlo to bo Crushed — Storm of Edicts — Letters of lutercommimiug — Sharp's New Edict— His Assassination
— The Hij^hland Host — Graham of Clavurhouse — His Defeat at Driimclog — Dissensions in tlie Covenanters' CiimiJ
— Battle of Bothwell Bridge — Prisoners— They are Penned in Greyfriars' Cliurchyard— Shipped off to Barbadoes—
The " Killing Times" — .Tames II. — His Toleration — Tlie Sanquhar Declaration— Tlie Stuarts Disowned — The Last
Two Martyrs, Argyle and Renwick— Importance of the Covenanting Struggle.
Despaiuino of being .able to go tlirongh with their
ilesigns so long as the field-prcacliijig.s were pei'-
mittecl to take place, tlie Privy Council summoned
all their powers to tlie suppression of these
assemblages. Lauderdale's insolence and tyranny
li.ad now readied their fullest development. He
was at this time all-powerful at court ; lie could, as
a consoquenco, govern Scotland as lie listed ; but
])roud and ])owerful as lie was, Sharj) continued to
make liim liis tool, and as the conventicle was the
special object of the primate's abhorrence, Lauder-
dale was compelled to jjut forth liis whole power to
crush it. The conventicle was denounced as a
rendezvous of rebellion, and a rain of edicts was
directed agaiiiust it. All persons attending field-
preachings were to be punished with fine and
couliscation of their property. Those informing
against them were to share tlie fines and the
])ropcrty confiscated, save wlien it chanced to be
the estate of a landlord that fell under the Act.
These good things tlie Privy Council kept for
themselves, Lauderdale sometimes carrying off
the lion's share. Magistrates were enjoined to see
that no conventicle was held within their burgh ;
landlords were taken bound for their tenants ;
master.s for their servants ; and if any .should
transgi-css in this respect, by stealing away to hear
one of the outed ministers, his superior, whether
magistrate, landlord, or master, was to denounce or
jiunish the culprit; and failing to do so, was himself
to incur tlie penalties he ought to have inflicted
upon his dependants. These unrighteous edicts
received rigorous execution, and sums were extorted
tliereby whicli amazed one when he reflected to
what extent tlio country had suflored from previous
)iillagings. It was not enough, in order to escape
tills legal robl)ery, that one eschewed the con-
venticle ; he must lie in his place in the parish
church on Sunday ; for every day's absence ho was
liable to a fine.'
> 'Wodvow, HUi. 0/ Churrh nf fii-ollavil. bk. ii., ch.ap. 12.
Aikman, Hist, of Scotland, vol. iv., p. 003.
The misery of the country was .still further
deepened by the macliineiy whicli was set up
for the working of this system of ruinous oppres-
sion. The Privy Council, too large, it was judged,
for the quick dispatch of business, wa,s reduced to
a " Committee of Aff"airs." Sharp was president,
and with him were associated two or three others,
true yoke-fellows of tlie " Red Primate." This
court was bound by no statute, it permitted no
ajijieal, and like the cave of ancient story,
although many footsteps could be seen going in,
there were none visible coming out. Another
means of executing the cruel laws which had re-
placed the ancient statutes of the kingdom, was to
raise an additional force, and place garrisons in the
more disaflected shires. This, again, necessitated a
"cess," which was felt to be doublj' gricNous, inas-
much as it obliged the country to furnish the means
of its own destruction. The peasantry had to pay
for the soldiers who were to pillage, torture, and
murder them. A yet further piece of ingenious
wickedness were the " Letters of Intcrcommuning,"
which were issued by the Government against tlie
more eminent Presbyterians. Those against whom
these missives were fulminated were cut ofl" from
human society : no friend, no relation, dur.st give
them a night's lodging, or a meal, or a cup of cold
water, or address a word or a letter to them ; they
were forbidden all help and sympathy of their
fellow-creatures. For a minister to preach in
the fields was to incur the penalty of deatli, and a
price was set upon his head. The nation was
diiided into two classes, the oppressors and the
oppressed. Government had become a system of
lawless tribunals, of arbitrary edicts, of spies, im-
prisonings, and niurderings. Sucli was the state
of Scotland in the year 1076. Nevertheless, the
conventicle still flourished.
Till the field-preaching was entirely and utterly
swe]it away, the persecutor felt that he liad accom-
|)lished nothiiig. After all. the severities he had
)iut ill force, would it be jiossible to find more
rigorous moans of suiijiression ! The )iersecutor's
598
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
invention was not yet at an end. Move tenible
severities were devised ; and Sharp proposed and
carried in Council the most atrocious edict which
had yet been passed. Tlie edict in question was no
less than to make it a capital ciime on the part of
any to attend a field-preaching in arms. This was,
in fact, to pass sentence of death on four-fifths of
the people of Scotland;' in some districts the
entii-e population came within the scope of the
penalty. But so it was : it was death to be present
at a field-preaching ; and judges, officers, and even
sergeants were empowered to kill on the spot, as
traitors, all persons whom they found going armed
to the conventicle. This barbarous law only
nursed what the Government wished to extirpate.
If liable to be murdered by any Government official
or spy who met him, what coxild the man so threat-
ened do but cany anns ? Thus the congi-egation
became a camp ; the attenders on field-pi'eachiiigs
came prepared to fight as well as to worship ; and
thus were the Covenanters forced by the Govern-
ment into incipient war.
Through Sharp's influence and cruelty mainly had
this unbearable state of matters been realised. His
violence at last provoked a terrible retaliation.
Only a few days before his departure for London,
where the atrocious edict of his own drafting was
afterwards ratified by the king, he was surprLsed at
a lonely spot on Magus Moor, as he was passing
(3rd May, 1679) from Edinburgh to St. Andrews,
dragged from his carriage, and massacred. Tliis
was a gi'eat crime. The French state.sman would
have said it was worse — it was a gi-eat blunder ;
and indeed it was so, for though we know of no
Presbyterian who justified the aet, its guilt was
imputed to the whole Presbyterian body, and it
furnished a pretext for letting loose upon them a
more ferocious and exterminating violence than any
to which they had yet been subjected. The edict
lived after its author, and his assassination only
secured its more merciless and rigorous enforce-
ment.
In this ten-ible drama one bloody phase is suc-
ceeded by a bloodier, and one cniel actor is followed
by another still more cruel and ferocious. The
Government, in want of soldiers to cany out their
measures on the scale now contemplated, turned
their eyes to the .same quai-ter whence they had
obtained a supply of curates. An army of some
10,000 Highlanders was brought down from the
Pojiish north,- to spoil and torture the inhabitants
of the western Lowlands. Tliis Highland host, as
' Aikman, Eist. of Scotland, vol. iv., p. 603.
' Wodrow, Hist. Ch. of Scotland, bk. ii., ch. 13.
it was tenned, came armed with field-pieces,
muskets, daggers, and spades, as if to be occupied
against some great fortified camp ; they brought with
them also shackles to bind and lead away prisoners,
whose ransom would add to the spoil they might
take in war. These savages, who neither knew nor
cared anything about the quarrel, were not a little
.surprised, on arriving in the shires of Lanark and
A3'r, to see neither army nor fortified city, but, on
the contrary, the pursuits of peaceful life going
calmly on in the workshops and fields. Defrauded
of the pleasure of fighting, they betook them,
to the more lucrative business of stealing. They
quartered themselves where they chose, made the
family supply them -with strong drink, rifled lock-
fast places, drew their dii-ks on the slightest pro-
vocation, and by thi-eats and tortures compelled the
mmates of the houses they had invaded to reveal
the places in which their valuables were liidden.
At the end of two months they were withdrawn,
the Government themselves having become ashamed
of them, and being disappointed that the jiopula-
tion, by submitting patiently to this infliction, had
escaped the massacre which insurrection would
have drawn down ujjon them from this ruthless
horde. This host returned to their native hills,
loaded with the multifarious spoil which they had
gathered in their incursion. " Wlien this goodly
army retreated homewards," says Kirkton, " you
would have thought by their baggage that they had
been at the sack of a besieged city."^
John Graham of Claverhouse and his dragoons
next appear upon the scene. His trooi)s are seen
scoiu-ing the countiy, now skinnishing with a party
of Covenanters, now attacking a field-meeting, and
dyeing the heather with the blood of the worship-
pers, and now shooting peasants in cold blood in
tlie fields, or murdering them at their own doors.
Defeat checked for a little their career of riot,
jirofanity, and blood. It is Sunday morning, the
1st of June, 1079. On the strath that runs ea.st-
ward from Loudon Hill, Avondale, the Covenantee
had resolved to meet that day for worship. The
rounded eminence of the hill, with its wooded
top, was on one side of them, the moss and
heath that make up the bosom of the valley on
the other. The watchmen are .stationed as usual.
Mr. Douglas is ju.st lieginning his sermon when a
signal-gun is heard. Claverhouse and his dragoons
are advancing. The wor.shippers sit still, but the
armed men step out from the others and put them-
selves in order of battle. They are but a small
host — fifty horsemen, fifty foot with muskets, and
^ Kirkton, Hist., pp. 390, 391.
BATTLES OF DRUMCl/Xi AND JiOl'HWKIJ, lUMDOK.
599
fi Iiimdred and fifty armed witli halberds, forks, and
similar weapons. Sir Robert Hamilton took the
command, and was supported by Colonel Cleland,
Balfour of Burley, and Hackston of Eathilet.
Their step was firm as, singing the Seventy-sixth
Psalm to the tune of " Martyrs," they advanced
to meet the enemy. They met him at the Morass
of Druniclog. The first mutual volley left the
Covenanters untouched, but when the smoke had
rolled away it was seen that there were not a few
empty saddles in Claverhouse's cavalry. Plunging
into the moss, trooper and Covenanter grappled
hand to hand with each other ; but the enthusiastic
valour of the latter earned the day. The ch-agoons
began to reel like drunken men. Claverhouse saw
that the field was lost, and fled with the remains
of his troop. He left foi-ty of his men dead on
the field, with a considerable number of wounded.
The Covenanters had one killed and five mortally
wounded.'
It was the heroism, not the numbers, of the
Covenanters which had won the field ; and the
lesson which the victory taught them was to main-
tain the spirit of devotion, which alone could feed
the fire of their valour, and to eschew division.
The nation was ^vith them in the main, tlieir recent
success had brought prestige to their cause, num-
bers were now flocking to their standards, some of
them men of birth, and seeing the royal forces in
Scotland were few, their chances wei-e now better
than when they measured swords with the Govern-
ment at Rullion Green. But unhappily they were
split up by questions gi'owng out of the Indulgence,
and they laboured under the further disadvantage
of having no master-mind to pre.side in council
and command in the field. It was under these
fatal conditions that, a few weeks afterwards, the
battle of Bothwell Bridge was fought.
After Diiimelog the Covenanters pitched their
camp on Hamilton Moor, on the south side of the
Clyde. They were as.sailable only by a nari'ow
bridge across that river, which might be easily
defended. The royal army now advancing against
them, under Monmouth, numbered about 15,000;
the Presby-terian host was somewhere about .'5,000.
But they were weakened in presence of the enemv
more by disunion than by disparity of numbers. The
Indulgence had all along been productive of evils,
and was now to inflict upon them a crowning
disaster. It was debated whether those who had
accepted the Indulgence should be permitted to join
in arms with their brethren till first they had
condemned it. A new and extreme doctrine had
' Aiknian, Hist, of Scotland, vol. v., p. 5.
sprung up, and was espoused by a party among the
Presbyterians, to the eflect that the king by the
Erastian power he claimed over the Church had
forfeited all right to the civil obedience of the sub-
jects. The days and weeks that ought to have been
spent in drilling recruits, providing ammunition,
and forming the men into regiments, were wasted
in liot discussion and bitter recrimination ; and
when the enemy at last approached they were found
unprepared to meet him. A gallant partj' of 300,
headed by Hackston, defended the bridge for many
houi-s, the mam body of the covenanting army re-
maiiang idle spectators of the unequal contest, till
they saw the brave little party give way before
overwhelming numbers, and then the royal forces
defiled across the bridge. Panic seized the Presby-
terian host, left without oflicers ; rout followed ;
the royal cavalry pursued the fugitives, and mer-
cilessly cut down all whom they overtook. The
banks of the Clyde, the town of Hamilton, in .short
the whole surrounding country became a scene
of indiscriminate slaughter. No fewer than 400
perished. This disastrous battle was fought on
Sunday morning, the 22nd of June, 1679.
It was now that the cup of the suflering Presby-
terians was filled to the brim. The Government,
eager to improve the advantage they had obtained
on the fatal field of Bothwell Bridge, struck more
terribly than ever, in the hope of eflecting the utter
extermination of the Covenantei-s before they had
time to rally. Twelve hundred had sun-endered
themselves pi'isoners on the field of battle. They
wei'e stripped almost naked, tied two and two,
driven to Edinburgh, being treated with great
inhumanity on the way, and on arriving at their
destination, the prisons being full, they were
penned like cattle, or rather like wild beasts, in
the Greyfi-iars' Churchyard. What a diflcrent
spectacle from that which this famous spot had
exhibited forty years before ! Their miseiy was
heartrending. The Government's barbarity to-
wards them would be incredible were it not too
surely attested. These 1,200 persons were left
without the slightest shelter ; they were ex-
posed to all weathers, to the rain, the tempest, the
snow ; they slept on the bare earth ; their guard
treated them capriciously and cnielly, robbing
them of their little money, and often di-iving
away the citizens who sought to relieve their
great sufferings by bringing them food or clothing.
Some made their escape ; others were released
on signing a bond of non-resistance ; others were
freed when found to be sinking under wounds,
or diseases contracted by e.xposui-e. At the end
of fne months — for so long did this miserable
600
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
crowd remain shut up within the walls of the
gravej-ard — the 1,200 were reduced to 250. On
the morning of the 1.5tli of November, 1679, these
250 were taken down to Leith and embarked on
board a vessel, to be transported to Barbadoes.
They were crowded into the hold of the ship,
where there was .scarce room for 100. Awful
were the heat, the thirst, and other horrors of
this floating dungeon. Their ship wa.s overtaken
by a terrible tempest oflf the coast of Orkney. It
filled with fresh victims brought in by the spies
with whom the country swarmed. Several gentle-
men and many leai'ned and venerable ministers were
confined in the dungeons of Blackness, Dunottar,
and the Bass Rock. Aged matrons and pious
maidens were executed on the scaffold, or tied to
stakes within sea-mark and drowned. The pei-se-
cution fell with equal severity on all who appeared
for the cause of their country's religion and liberty.
No eminence of birth, no fame of talent, no lustre
was thrown hy the winds u[)on the rocks, and many
of the poor prisoners on board were drowned.
Those who escaped the waves were carried to Bar-
badoes and sold as slaves. A few only survived to
return to their native land at the Revolution.
The years that followed are known as " the killing
times ; " and truly Scotland during them became not
unlike that from which the term Ls boiTowed —
a shambles. The Presbyterians were hunted on
the mountains and tracked by the bloodhounds of
the Privy Coimcil to the caves and dens where they
had hid themselves. C'laverhouse and his dragoons
were continually on the pursuit, shooting down
men and women iir the fields and on the highways.
As fast as the prisons could be emptied they were
of \-irtue could .shield their possessor from the most
horrible fate if he opposed the designs of the court.
Some of lofty intellect and famed statesmanship
were hanged and quartered on the gallows, and the
ghastly spectacle of their heads and limbs met tlw
gazer in the chief cities of the kingc^om, a.s if the
land were still inhabited by cannibals, and had
never known either ci\'ilisation or Christianity.
It is calculated that during the twenty-eight yeare
of persecution in Scotland 18,000 persons suSered
death, or hardships approaching it.
There came a second breathing-time under James
II. This monarch, \vith the view of introducing
Popery into the three kingdoms, published a Tolera-
tion, which he made universal. It was a treacherous
THE SANQUHAR DECLARATION.
601
gift, but tlie niiijority of Nonconformista in both
England and Scotland availed themselves of it.
The bulk of the oiited Piesbyteiian pastors accepted
it, and returned to the discharge of their fimctions.
up the street of that ancient burgh, and on ar-
riving at the cross one of them dismounted, and the
others forming a ring round him, while the citizens
congregated outside the circle, he read aloud the
ROnEllT LEIOIITON, ARCHIIISHOP OF fiL.\SGOW (jET. 40).
(From a Poi-trait of the period engraved by E, Wldte.)
There was a party, however, who refused to profit by
King James's Toleration, and who continued to be
the objects of a relentless persecution. Tliey had
previously raised the question whether the House
of Stuart had not, by their jjerversion of the Consti-
tution, religious and civil, and then- systematic and
habitual tyranny, forfeited all right to the throne.
The conclusion at which they arrived they announced
in their famous proclamation at Sanquhar. On the
22nd of June, 1680, a little troop of horsemen rode
165
following dechu-ation : — " We do by these presents
disown Charles Stuart, that lias been reigning, or
rather tyramrising, on the throne of Britain these
years bygone, as having any right, title, or interest
in the crown of Scotland, for government — as for-
feited se\'eral years .since, by his perjury and breach
of covenant both, to God and His Kirk, and by
his tyranny, and breach of the essential conditions
of reigning in mattera civil. . . We do declare a
war with such a tyrant and usurper." The reading
G02
HISTORY Ob' PnOTESTAXTISxAI.
einloil, tliey atlixed their jiaper to the market cross,
and rodo away into the moorhuuls from wliich tlicy
liad so suddenly and mysteriously issued.
From this little landward town was sounded out
the tirst knell of the coming downfall of the House
of Stuart. It looked eminently absurd in these
twenty men to dethrone the sovereign of Great
Britain, but however we may denoiuice the act as
extravagant and even treasonable, the treason of
these men lay in their not having fleets and armies
to put down the tji-ant that the law might reign.
The Sanquhar Declaration however, ^vith all its
seeming extravagance, did not exhaust itself in the
solitudes in which it was first heard. It startled the
court. The Government, instead ot letting it die, took
it up, and published it all over the three kingdoms.
It was read, pondered over, and it operated with
other causes in awakening and guiding public senti-
ment, till at last the feeble echoes first raised among
the moors of Lanark, came back in thunder in
1688 from the cities and capitals of the empii-e.
The close of the persecution was distinguished by
two remarkable deaths. As Argyle and Guthrie
had opened the roll of Scottish mai-tyi's, so now it
is closed by Argyle and Eenwick. It was meet
surely that the son of the proto-raartyr of the
Twenty-eight Years' Persecution, .should pour out
his blood on the same scaffold on which that of his
great ancestor, and of so many besides, had been shed,
and so seal as it were the testimony of them all. The
deep sleep into which he fell just before his execu-
tion has become historic. He was taken aside in pre-
sence of his enemies into a pavilion, to rest awhile,
before departing to his eternal rest. Equally his-
toric are his last words: " I die with a heart-hatred
of Popery, prelacy, and all superstition whatever."
Having so spoken he laid his head upon the block.
The scaffold, before being taken down, was to
be wetted with the blood of yet another martyi- —
James Renwick. He was of the number of those
who refused to o^vll James as king ; and fearlessly
avowing his sentiments on this as on other matters,
he was condemned to be executed. He appeared
on the scaffold on the 17th of Februaiy, 1688 —
calm, courageous, and elevated. In his last prayer
he expressed a confident hope that the dawn of
deliverance for Scotland was near, and that days of
glory yet awaited her. He essayed to address the
vast concourse of sorrowing spectators around the
scaflbld, but the drums beat all the while. There
came a pause in their noise, and the martyr was
heard to say, or rather to sing, " I shall soon be
above these clouds — I shall soon be above these
clouds, then shall I enjoy thee, and glorify thee, O
my Father, without intemiption, and without in-
termission, for ever." The martyr's death-song was
Ihe morning hynm of Scotland, for scarcely had its
ilnilling strains died awa3' when deliverance rame
in the manner we shall jiresently see.'
^Meanwhile we l)eliold Scotland apparently
crashed. All her noblemen and gentlemen who
had taken the .side of the nation against the court
had perished on the scaffold, or had been chased
into exile ; her people were lying by thousands in
their quiet graves among the moors or in the city
churchyards, their withering limbs illuminating
with ghastly yet glorious light the places where
they were exposed to view ; and when Renwick
ascended the ladder to die, the last minister of the
' We have quoted a few only of the authorities consulted
in the compilation of this brief sketch of the Twenty-
eight years' Persecution. For the information of other
tliau Scottish readers, we may state that details com-
prehending the dying speeches of the martyrs are to be
found in the Scots Worthies, Naphtali, Cloud of Witnesses,
De Foe, Simpson's Traditions, Dodd's Fifty Years' Strugijle,
MfCrie's Story of the Scottish Church, &c. &c.
At p. 606 we give an engraving of the Martjrrs' Monu-
ment, Edinburgh. Upon the slab of tlie monument are
inscribed the following earnest verses and the notes
accompanying them :—
" Halt, passenger, take heed what you do see.
This tomb doth shew for what some men did die.
" Here lies inteia-'d the dust of those who stood
'Gainst perjury, resisting unto blood;
Adlieriug to tlie Covenants, and laws
Establisliing the same ; which was the cause
Their lives were saerific'd unto the lust
Of Prelatists abjur'd. Tliough here their dust
Lies mixt with murderers, and other crew,
Wliom justice justly did to death pursue :
But as for them, no cause was to be found
Worthy of death, but only they were sound.
Constant and stedfast, zealous, witnessing
For the Prerogatives of CHRIST their KING.
Which Truths were seal'd by famous Guthrie's head.
And all along to Mr. Eenwick's blood.
They did endure the wrath of enemies,
Eeproaches, torments, deaths and injuries.
But yet they're those who from such troubles came.
And now triumph in glory with the LAMB.
"From May 27th, 1661, that the most noble Marquis
of Arqyle was beheaded, to the 17th of Febry., 1688,
that Mr. James Eenwick suifcred; were one way or other
Murdered and Destroyed for the same Cause, about
Eighteen thousand, of whom were execute at Edinbtirgh,
about an hundred of Noblemen, Gentlemen. Ministers
and Others : noble Martyi's for JESUS CHRIST. The
most of them lie here.
"For a particular account of the cause and manner of
their Sufferings, see the Cloud of Witnesses, Crookshank's
and Defoe's Histories."
The opened book below the slab contains certain texts
from The Revelation of St. John, namely, vi. 9—11; a part
of \'ii. 14; and a part of ii. 10.
At tlie very foot of the monument we are told that
" This Tomb was first erected by James Currie, Mercht.
in Pent land, and otliers, 1706 : Renewed, 1771."
ACCESSION OF JAMES II.
603
Presbyterian body still in arms against the Govern-
ment had Mien. There now remained none but a
few country -people around the blue banner of tlie
Covenant. Never did defeat appear more complete.
As a nation Scotland seemed to be crushed, and as
a Church it seemed utterly overthrown.
Yet in reality Scotland liad gained a great vic-
tory. By her twentj^-eight j-ears of sufl'ering she
had so illustrated the fundamental principles of the
straggle and the momentous issues at stake, and
she had so exalted tlie contest in the eyes of the
world, investing it with a moral grandeur that
stimulated England, that she mainly contributed to
the turning of the tide, and the triumph of the
Protestant cause all over Clu'istendom. The world
was then in one of its gi-eatest crise.s. The Ee-
formation was ebbing in Germany, in France, in
Holland, in all the countries of Christendom ; every-
where a double-headed tyranny was advancing on
men, trampling down the liberties of nations and
the rights of Churches. Scotland retreated behind
the bulwai-k of her Presbyterian Church ; she
fought against the " supremacy of King James,"
which meant simply arbitrary government ; she
fought for the " supremacy of King Jesus," which
meant free Parliaments not less than free Assem-
blies— the supremacy of law versus the supremacy
of the monarch — conscience versits power. Di.s-
guised under antiquated names and phrases, this
was the essence of the great struggle, and though
Scotland lost her people in that struggle she won
her cause. Her leaders have all fallen ; the last
of her ministei-s has just expired on the scaflbld ;
there is but a mere handful of her people around
her blue banner as it still floats upon her moun-
tains ; but there is an eye watching that flag from
beyond the sea, ready whenever the hour shall
strike to hasten across and reap the victory of these
twenty-eight years of maityrdom, by grasping that
flag and planting it on the throne of Britain.
CHAPTEPv. XXVIII.
JAMES 11. — PROJECTS TO RESTORE POPERY.
James II.— Suspicions of the Nation— His Promises to Maintain the Protestant Religion— Joy of the People — Fears
of Louis XIV. — His Coronation— Goes to Mass — Imposes Taxes without his Parliament — Invasion of Argyle—
Insurrection of Monmouth— These Eisings Suppressed — Cruelties of Jeffreys — The Test Act — Debates respecting
a Standing Army — State of Protestantism throughout Christendom — Its Afflicted Condition Everywhere — A
Moment of Mighty Peril— Hopes of the Jesuits.
Charles II. being dead, his brother, the Duke of
York, ascended tlie throne under the title of
James II. The peace and quietness in which he
took possession of the cro^vn may well surprise
us, and doubtless it surprised James himself
Universally suspected of being a Papist, the law
which made it caj)ital for any one to afiirm that
he was so, so far from allaying, rather tended to
confinn the wide-spread suspicions respecting him.
It was only a few years since the entire nation
almost had appeared to concur in the jiroposal to
exclude him from the throne, and strenuous efforts
liad been made in Parliament to pass a Bill to that
effect. Nevertheless, when the ho<n- an-ived,
Jame.s's accession took jjlace with general acquies-
cence. It is tnie, that as there had been no tears
for the death of Charles, so there were no sliouts
for the accession of James : the heralds wlio pro-
claimed him passed through silent streets. But if
there was no enthusiasm there was no opposition :
no one thought it his duty to raise his voice and
demand securities Ijefore committing the religion
and liberties of England into the hands of the new
sovereign.'
Knowing the wide distrust entertained by the
nation, and fearing perhaps that it might break
out in tunuilt, James met his Council the same day
on wliich his brother died, and voluntarily made
in their presence the following declaration : — " I
sliall make it my endeavour to preserve this govern-
ment, both in C'lnirch and State, as it is now by
law established. I know, too, that the laws of
England are sufficient to make the king as great
a monarch as I can wish ; and as I shall never
depart from the just rights and prerogatives of the
crown, so I shall nt^ver invade anj' man'.s projierty."
These words, printed and difl'used over the coun-
tiy, quieted the feai-s of the nation. Tliey were
' Burnet, Hisi,, vol. ii., p. 28
604
HISTORY (^P PROTESTANTISM.
ficcepted ns an explicit pi'omise of two things : first,
that Jfimes would not cliangp the religion of the
nation ; and secondly, that he would not tax the
people but with the consent of his Parliament.
The nation persuaded itself that it had obtained
a sure and solid guarantee of its rights. These
few vague words seemed in its eyes an invincible
rampart, and it abandoned itself to an excess of
joy. It had buried all its suspicions and jealousies
in the grave of the defunct monarch, and now it
had nothing but welcomes and rejoicings for the
new sovereign. " The conmion phrase," sajs
Burnet, " was, ' We have now the word of a
king ; ' and this was magnified as a greater
security than laws could give."^ Numerous ad-
(h'esses from public bodies were carried to the
foot of the throne, extolling the wtues of the late
king, and promising lo3'alty and obedience to the
new one, under whom, it was confidently predicted,
the prestige and renown of England would be
very speedily and mightily enhanced. Even the
Quakers, who eschew flattery, and love plaiiuiess
and honesty of speech, presented themselves in
the, presence of James II. with a petition so art-
fully worded, that some took occasion to say that
the Jesuits had inspii-ed their pen. " We are
come," .said they, " to testify our sori'ow for the
death of our good friend Charles, and our joy for
thy being made our governor. We are told thou
ai-t not of the persuasion of the Church of England,
no more than we ; wherefore we hope thou wilt
grant us the same liberty thou allowest thyself ;
which doing, we wish you all manner of happiness." -
The assurances that were accepted by the people
of England as solid securities, and which fUled
them with so lively a joy, were those of a man
whose creed permitted hun to promise everything,
but required him to fulfil nothing, if it was preju-
ilicial to the interests of his Church. James was
feeding the nation upon delusive hopes. Once
firmly seated on the throne, he would forget all
that he now jiromised. Meantime, these assurances
were repeated again and again, in terms not less
explicit, and in manner not less solemn. The
religion and laws of England would not be changed,
the king would have all men know." And so ap-
parently frank and sincere were these protestations,
that if they cpiieted the alarm of the people of Eng-
land, they awakened the fears of the French king.
Louis XIV. began to doubt James's fidelity to
the Church of Rome, and the compact between
' Bumet, Hist., vol. ii., p. 281.
- Bowyer, Hist. James 11., p. 10.
' Ibid., p. 11,
the crowns of France and England to restore
the sway of that Church in all the counti-ies of
Christendom, and to fear that he was preferiing
the safety of his crowni to the supremacy of his
creed. He wrote to his ambassador in London,
inquiring how he was to construe the conduct of
the English sovereign, adding, "If he and his
Parliament come to a cordial tinist one of another,
it may probably change all the measures we have
been so long concerting for the glory of our throne
and the establishment of the Catholic religion."
Meanwhile the king gave ordei-s to prepare for
his coronation, which he appointed for St. George's
Day. The ceremony was marred by several un-
toward occurrences, which the people inteipreted as
bad omens. The canopy which was carried over liim
broke dowii. The crown was too big, and sat so
low on his forehead as partially to blindfold him.
On that same day his son by Mrs. Sidley died.
Certain other things fell out, which, although of
less moment, tended to tarnish the pomp of the
ceremonial, and to inspire the sjiectators with in-
auspicious forebodings. There were surer omens
of impendmg evO presented to theii- eyes if they
could have read them. The king was mounting
the throne ^vithout legal pledge that he would
govern according to law. And though he and the
cpieen had resolved to have all the seiwices con-
ducted in the Protestant form, the king refused to
take the Saci-ament, which was always a part of the
ceremony ; " and he had such senses given him
of the oath," says Burnet, " that he either took it
as luilawful, ^^^th a resolution not to keep it, or
he had a reserved meaning in his own mind." *
James, deeming it perhaps an unnecessary labour
to presei've appearances before those who were so
willing to be deceived, began to drop the mask a
little too soon. The first Sunday after his brother's
death, he went openly to mass. Tliis was to avow
what till then it was death for any one to assert,
namely, that he was a Papist. His next indiscre-
tion was to piiblish certain papers found in the
strong-box of his brother, sho\ving that during his
lifetime Charles had reconciled himself to Rome.
And, lastly, he ventured iqjon the bold step of
levying a tax, for which he had no authority from
Parliament, and which he exacted simply in virtue
of his prerogative. These acts traversed the two
pledges he had given the nation, namely, that he
would not change the religion, and that he would
govern by Parliament ; and though in themselves
trivial, they were of ominous significance as
indicating his future policy. To be an arbitrary
•• Burnet, ^ir'■«^, vol. ii., p. 290.
JUDGE JEFFEEYS.
605
monarch, to govern without law, without Par-
liaments, to consult only his own will, and to
plant this absolute power on the dominancy of the
faith of Rome, the only stable basis he believed on
wliich he could rest it, was the summit of James's
ambition. His besotted wife, who so largely
governed him, and the fawning Jesuits who sur-
rounded him, persuaded him that this was the true
glory of a monarch, and tliat this glory was to bo
attained by the peojDio being made entirely sub-
missive to the priests, and the priests entirely
submissive to the throne ; and that to accomplish
this it was lawful in the first place to make any
number of false promises, and not less dutiful in
the second to break them. It was a dangerous
course on which he was entering. The scaffold of
his father bade him beware, but James took no
heed of the warning.
The more sagacious saw that a ciisis was
approaching. To the indications the kmg had
already given that he was meditating a change of
the Constitution, another sign was added, not less
ominous than those that had gone before it. The
Parliament that had assembled was utterly coiTupt
and subser%dent. With a Papist on the throne, and
a Parliament ready to vote as the king might be
pleased to direct, of what force or value was the Con-
stitution? It was already abrogated. Many, both
in England and Scotland, fled to Holland, where
they might concert measures for the rescue of king-
doms now threatened with niin. The immediate
results of the deliberations of these exUes were the
descent of Argyle on Scotland, and the invasion
of England by Monmouth, the natural son of
Charles II., a favom-ite of the English peojjle as
he had all along been of his father. An adverse
fortune pursued both expeditions from their com-
mencement to their disastrous close. Both were ill-
planned, both were unskilfully led, and both were
inadequately supported. Argyle, in 1685, sweeping
round the north of Scotland with a few ships, un-
furled the standard of insurrection among the
mountains of his native Highlands. Penetrating
at the head of 4,000 men to the banks of the Clyde,
he was there overthrown ; Monmouth, setting sail
from Holland at the same time, landed at Lyme, in
Dorsetshire, and gathering round liis standai'd a
few thousand men, he joined battle with the king's
forces and encountered titter defeat. Both leadei-s
were taken and executed. Neither was the crisis
ripe, nor were the leaders competent. The neck of
England had to be more grievously galled by the
yoke of the tjnaut before its people should be
prepared to adopt the conclusion at which a ) tarty
of the persecuted Presbyterians in Scotland had
arrived, and which had been proclaimed at the
market cross of Sanquhar, namely, that the House
of Stuart, by their perjuries and tyrannies, had for
ever forfeited the throne of these realms. When
the hour should have fully come, a mightier de-
liverer than either of the two would be found to
execute vengeance on the royal house, and to break
the fetters of the enslaved nations.
The failure of these two attempts had the effect,
like all suppi'essed insurrections, of strengthening
the Government wliich they were intended to over-
throw. His enemies discomfited, the next care of
James was to take vengeance on them. His foes
were entirely at his mercy. This would have been
a plea for clemency with ordinary tyrants ; but
James II. was a tp-ant after the pattern of Caligula
and other despots of ancient times, and he smote his
prostrate enemies with a frightful and merciless
violence. He sent Lord Cluef Justice Jeffreys, and
four judges worthy to sit on the same bench with
him, along with General Kirk and a troop of
soldiers, to chastise those counties in the west
which had been the seat of Monmouth's rising.
The cruelties inflicted by these ferocious ministei's
of the tyrant were appalling. Jeffreys hanged men
and women by thirties at a time ; and Kirk had the
gallows erected before the windows of his ban-
queting-room, that the sight of his struggling
victims might give zest to his debauch. Fi'om the
bar of Jeffreys there was no escape but by buying
with a gi'eat sum that life which the injustice of
the judge, and not the guilt of the prisoner, had
put in the power of the tribunal, and when the
Lord Chief Justice retmmed to London he was
laden with wealth as well as blood. Jeffreys
boasted -^vith a horrible pleasure that " he had
hanged more men than all the judges of England
since William the Conqueror." Nor did any one
gainsay his averment, or dispute his pre-eminence
in the work of shedding innocent blood, save Kirk,
who advanced his own pretensions- — on perfectly
good grounds, we doubt not — to share in the merit
of the Lord Cliief Justice. Some of the apologists
of James IT. have afiirmed that when the monarch
learned the extent of Jeffreys' cnielty and barbarity,
he expressed his disappro\'al of these dveds. If so,
he took a strange way of showing his displeasure ;
for no sooner had Jeffreys returned from the gory
field of his triumphs to London, than lie was
punished by being promoted to the office of Lord
High Chancellor of England, and made a peer of
the realm.'
' Bowyer, Hist. James II., pp. 33, 'M. Burnet, HUt.,
vol. ii., p. ol5. Benuct, Memorial, pp. 21'3— i!Ul.
606
HlSTOllY OF PHOTESTANTISM.
Among the other prisoners hrought to the bar of counsel moved for postponement of the trial. " I
this ferocious judge was the renowned and most will not," cried Jeffreys, " give liim a minute's time
eloquent IJichard Baxter. Tlie scene that followed to save his life. We have had to deal with other
IIEW or THE MAUTVUs MO.NC.MENT, G1;LY1 UIAUs ClU l.l II VAIIII, LIILN BUKGH.
•we shall give in tlie words of Bennet. It will
enable us to realise the monstrous tyranny of the
times, and the utter shame into which England had
sunk. Baxter was committed on Jefl'reys' warrant
for his paraphrase on the New Testament, which
was called a scandalous and seditious book against
the Government. Being much indisposed, Baxter's
sort of persons, but now we have a saint to deal
with. I know how to deal with saints as well as
sinners. Yonder stands Oates in the pillory, and
he says he suftirs for truth, and so says Baxter ;
but if Baxter did but stand on the other side of the
])illory with him, I wovdd say two of the greatest
rogues and rascals in tlie kingdom stood there."
608
HISTORY OF niOTKSTANTISM.
'■ His counsel," says Bennet, " were not suflerod to
])ioceed in the defence of their client, but were
lirow-beatcn and hectoi'ed by the judge in a manner
that suited Billingsgate much better than a tribunal
of justica Mr. Baxter beginning to sjieak for him-
self, says Jeifrcys to him, ' Richard, Richard, dost
thou think we will hear thco poison the court ?
And, Richard, thou art an old fellow, an old knave;
thou hast written books enougli to till a cart, every
one as full of sedition — I may say treason — as an
egg's full of meat. Hadst thou been whijit out of
thy writing forty years ago, it had been hai^jsy- I
know thou hast a mighty party, and I see a great
many of thy brotherhood in corners, to see what
will become of their mighty Don, but by the grace
of Almighty God I ^vill crush them all.'
"After this strange insult, another of Mr.
Baxter's counsel begins to speak, and to clear Mr.
Baxter, would have read some passages of the Ijook,
but Jeffreys cried out, ' Yon shall not draw me
into a conventicle with your annotations, nor your
snivelling parson neither.' So that when neither he
himself nor the la-\\'yers could be heard, but were all
silenced by noise and fury, the judge proceeds to
sum up the matter to the jury : ' It is notoriously
known,' says he, ' that there has been a design to
ruin the king and nation, the old game has been
renewed, and this has been the main incendiary.
He is as modest now as can be, but the time was
when no man so ready at ."Bind your kings in
chains and youi- nobles in fetters of ii-on ;" and " To
youi- tents, O Israel !" Gentlemen, for God's sake
do not let us be gulled twice in an age.' Wlien he
had done his harangue, Mr. Baxter presumes to say,
' Does your lordship think any jury ^vill pretend to
pass a verdict on me upon such a trial?' 'I will
warrant you, Mr. Baxter,' says he ; 'do not trouble
your head about that.' The jury immediately laid
their heads together at the bar, and brought him in
guilty. This was Jlay 30th, and on the 29th of June
follo^ving, judgment was given against him that
he should pay a fine of 500 marks, lie in prison till
it was paid, and be bound to his good beha\iour
seven years."'
The troubles of Monmouth's insurrection having
been got over by the help of the army and Jeffreys,
the next step taken by the king for the establish-
ment of arbitrary power and the Romish religion in
Britain was the abolition of the Test Acts. Those
declared Papists incapable of serving in public
em]5loyments, and cs]iecially of holding commissions
in the anny. These laws had been passed, not
because the faith of the Romanist was a false one,
' Bennet, Memorial, pp. 303—305.
but because his allegiance was given to another
so\ereign. But the point in the present case was.
Can the king simply in ^-ii-tue of his prerogative
i-epeal these laws 1 Parliament had enacted them,
and Pai-liament, it was argued, was alone competent
to repeal them. In the Parliament that met on
November 9th, 168.5, James declared his resolution
of forming a standmg amiy, and of cntrustuig
Romanists with commissions in it. The sudden
outbreak of the late rebellion, the king argued,
showed how necessary it was for the peace of the
nation, and the safety of the throne, to have a
certain number of soldiers always in pay. And as
regarded the second point, the employment of
officers excluded by the Test Acts, he had frankly
to acknowledge that he had emjiloyed many such in
the late camjiaign, and that he had been so well
served by them, and they had so approved the
loyalty of their principles by their practices, that
he would neither expose them to the disgrace of
dismissal nor himself to the loss of their services.
In short, James declared that he would have a
standing armj', and that it should be ofhcered by
Romanists.
This speech from the throne surprised and
bewildered Parliament. They now saw of how
little value were the promises with which the
king had amused them. Already the sword of
arbitrary power was suspended above their heads,
and the liberties of England were about to pass
into the hands of those whose allegiance had been
given to a foreign jirince. They had a Popish king,
and now they were aboiit to have a Popish army.
Long and warm debates followed in Parliament.
At last the House of Commons resolved to present
an address to the king, representmg to him that
members of the Church of Rome could not by law
hold either civil or military employment, nor could
their disabUities be removed save by Act of Parlia-
ment ; but that out of the reverence thej' entertained
for his Majesty they were ■willing to capacitate ))y
law such a number of Roman Catholic officers as he
might be pleased to include in a list to be pre-
sented to Parliament. This compromise was not
satlsfiictory to the king ; neither did it suit his
designs that the Pai-liament should continue its
debates. Accordingly it was prorogued on the 20th
of November, 1685, and dissolved on the 2nd of
July, 1687. On the ruins of Parliament rose the
prerogative.
This was but one of the many calamities that
were at this same hour darkening the skies of
Protestantism. The year 1685 was truly a fatal
one. In all the countries of Europe the right hand
of Rome had been upraised in triumph. Just five
A CRISIS IN CHRISTENDOM.
609
weeks Ijefore .Tames II. ilismissed his Parliaiuent,
the Edict of Nantes, the only security of the
Huguenots, had been revoked in France. The
calamities that followed we have already described.
Smitten by the whole power of Louis XIV., the
Protestants of that unhappy country were llocing
from its soil in wretched crowds, or overtaken Ly
the ofiicers of the tyrant, were rotting in dungeons
or pouring out their blood on the mountains and on
the scaffold. It was now, too, that the most terrible
of all the tempests that ever descended upon the
poor Vaudois broke over their mountains. Fire
and sword were carried through their land; theii-
lioni(«teads and sanctuaries were razed, a miserable
remnant only were left of this once flourishing
people, and they, after languishing for some time
in prison, were carried to other countries, and for
the first time in history their valleys were
seen to be empty. Nor did these close the
list of Protestant reverses. The Electorate of
the Palatinate passed to a most bigoted Popish
fomily. In the same year, too, the structure of
arbitrary power in Scotland was advanced a stage.
The Parliament wliich met m May of that year was
so submissive that it passed two Acts : the first for
" the security of the Protestant religion" — " that is,"
says Dr. Kennet, " for the extirpation of the Pres-
byterians;" and the second for settling "the Excise
of inland and foreign commodities upon his Majesty
and heirs for ever." In the preamble of this last
Act, they declai'e " that they abhor all principles
that are derogatory to the king's sacred, supreme,
and .absolute power and authority, which none,
whether private persons or collegiate bodies, can
participate of any manner of way, but in dependence
on him, and therefore they take this occasion to
renew their hearty and sincere ofler of their lives
and fortunes, to assist, and defend, and maintain
his rights and prerogatives against all mortals."'
It was not the Scottish nation that thus basely
]ii>ostrated itself before the tyrant, placing their
conscience as well as their fortune at his service,
for the supremacy wluch was so obsequiously as-
cribed to him would have been manifestly a
violation of theii- great national oath ; the party
whose voice is now heard ofiering this idolatrous
wor.ship to James II. is that of the unprincipled,
debauched, and servile crew to whom he had com-
mitted the government of the northern country,
where now .scarcely were left any remains of an
ancient and sacred liberty.
The present was, perhajis, the gloomiest moment
which had occurred in the aniials of Protestantism
since l.')72, the era of the St. Bartholomew Massacre.
In fiict the gloom was moi'e universal now than it
was even then. Everywhere disaster and defeat
were lowering upon the Protestant banners. The
schemes of the Jesuits were prospeiing and their
hopes were high. Bishop Burnet, who at that time
withdrew from England, and made a visit to Rome,
says, " Cardinal Howard showed me all Iiis letters
from England, by which I saw that those who
wrote to him reckoned that their designs were so
well laid that they could not miscarry. They
thought they should certainly cany everything in
the next session of Parliament. There was a high
strain of insolence in their letters, and they reckoned
they were so sure of the king, that they seemed to
have no doubt left of their succeeding in the reduc-
tion of England. "-
CHAPTER XXIX.
A GRFAT CRISIS IN ENGL.\ND AXD CHRISTENDOM,
Ix'eland— Duke of.Orinond Dismissed from the Liputen.incy— The Army Ee-modelled — Tyrconnel made Lord Lieutenant
— Appoint.s Popish Judges— Lord ChauCLdlor of Ireland— The Charters of the Corpoi-Jitions Abolished— Civil
Eights of the Protestants Confiscated— Their Religious Eights Invaded— Protestant Tithes and Churches Seized
—Parliament Dissolved— English .ludges give James II. a Dispensing Power — A Popish Hierarchy— Clergymen
Forbidden to Preach against Popery- Tillotson, Stillingfleet, i-c— Ecclesiastical Commission— Bishop of London
and Dr. Sharp Suspended— The Army .at Hounslow Heath — A New Indulgence- Seven Bishops sent to the Tower
—Birth of the Prince of Wales— Acquittal of the Bishops— Eejoicings— Crisis.
Meanwhile the Jesuits' projects were pushed for-
ward with great vigour. A universal toleration
was published in Scotland. James had recoui'se to
the not unconimou device of employing toleration
to establish intolerance, and the olijcct at which he
aimed was pei-fectly \niderstood in Scotland. But it
' Bowyer, Hist. James I/., p. 48.
= Bui-net, Hist, vol. ii., pp. 331, 332.
610
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
wixs in Ireland where the king's design of ensla\'ing
his kinijdoms, and bowing the necks of his people
to the Romish yoke, was most undLsgviisedl}- sho^\^^,
and most audaciously pursued. Within less than
two months after he had ascended the throne, the
Duke of Oi-mond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, a
man of .sterling uprightness, and of inviolable zeal
for the Protestant religion and the English interests,
was commanded to deliver up the sword of state.
The Privy Council was next changed ; nearly all the
Protestant members were expelled, and their seats
given to Papists. The army was re-modelled by
Colonel Talbot. It consisted of 7,000 Protestants
who had rendered good service to the crown, but
theii- Protestantism was a huge disqualification in
the eyes of the monarch, and accordingly all of
them, officers and men, were summarily dismissed
to make room for Papists. Talbot robbed them
before tui-ning them adiift, by denjTJig to the
officers compensation for their commission, and by
defrauduig the private soldiers of theii- arrears of
2)ay. Talbot was one of the most infamous of men.
Abhorred and detested above all men in the three
kingdoms by the English in Ireland, tliis did
not prevent his rising to the highest posts in the
State. After revolutionising the army, he went
across to London, where, through the influence of
the queen, and Father Petre, now become the
intimate and trusted adviser of the king, he was
first created Earl of Tyrcomiel, and next appointed
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.' The news that the
government of Ireland had been put into the hands
of Tyrconnel fell like a thunderbolt on the poor
Protestants of that country. "Perhaps no age,"
Bays Bishop King, " can parallel so dreadful a
catastrophe among all ages and sexes, as if the day
of doom was come, every one lamenting their con-
dition, and almost all that could abandoning the
kingdom."^ Animated by a furious zeal, Tyrconnel
hastened to the coast, eager to cross the chamiel,
and enter on his work of overthrow in Ireland.
But the winds were contrary. The Protestants
accounted them merciful winds, for while TjTconnel
was dialing and fuming at the delay, the Earl of
Clarendon, who meanwhile held the Lord Lieu-
tenancy, was aiTanging affairs, and jiroviding, so
far as he could, for the safety of the Protestants in
prospect of the tempest which all saw was sure to
burst as soon as Tyrconnel had set foot in Ireland.^'
An-ived at last. Clarendon jiut the sword of state
into the liand of,T3Tconnel, who lost not a moment
in bectinnins the work for which he had been so
eager to grasp that symool of power. Tlie fii-st
change effected was in the important department of
justice. The Protestant judges were mostly dis-
missed, and the weakest and most profligate men
in the profession were promoted to the bench. We
can give but one specimen of these poitentous
changes. Sir Alexander Fitton was made Lord
High Cliaucellor of Ireland. He was " a man
notorious on record, as convicted of forgery both in
'Westminster Hall and at Chester, and fined for it
by the Lords in Parliament." He was taken out
of the King's Bench Prison to be keeper of the
King's conscience. " He had no other merit to
recommend him but being a convert to the Popish
religion ; and to him were added as masters in
Chancery, one Stafibrd, a Romish priest, and O'Neal,
the son of one of the most busy and notorious
murderere in the massacre of 1641."' Ignorant of
law, Fitton gave judgment accorclLig to his mclina-
tions, affii-niing that the Court of Chancery was
above all laws ; and after heai'ing a cause between
a Protestant and a Papist, he would often declare
that before giving judgment he would consult a
divine — that is, his confessor, educated in Spain,
and furnished with distinctions — to satisfy his con-
science. " In the year 1687 there was not a Pro-
testant sheriff in the whole kingdom, except one,
and he put in by mistake for another of the same
name that was a Papist. Some few Protestants
were continued in the commission of the peace, but
they were rendered useless and insignificant, being
overpowered in everything by the gi'eat number of
Roman Catholics joined in commission with them ;
and those for the most part the very scum of the
people, and a great many whose fathers had been
executed for theft, robbery, and murder.""'
The next step of the Government for cnishing the
Protestantism of Ireland was to ^vrest from the
Protestants their Parliamentary vote. Their right
to choose their own representatives in Parliament
was one of the main defences of the peoi)le's
liberties in both England and Ireland. The
great massacre in 16-11 had read a lesson which
the Protestants of Ireland did not neglect, on the
necessity of fortifying that important jirivilege.
With this view they had founded corporations to
which Protestants only were admissible ; and thoy
had built at their own charges many corporate towns
from the chai-ter.'s of which Romanists were excluded.
This barrier was throwai down liy the dissolution of
all the corporations in the kingdom. This sweejiing
change was effected by the threats or promises of
' Bowyer, Hist. James II., \). Gl.
- King, Stateof Ireland— apud Bennet's Memorial, p. 313.
•* Bowyer, Hist. James II., p. 02.
■* Bowyer, Hist. James II., p. G5.
' Ibid., p. 6(3.
OPPRESSION OF THE IltlSH PROTESTANTS.
611
Tyrcoiinfl, liy tlio insinuations of his secretary
FM'iH, and, wlien these failed, by Quo-war rtinios
hroii'^lit into the Exchequer Court. New cliarters
were (granted, filled u)) chiefly with Romanists, or
men of desperate or of no fortune ; and a clause was
inserted in every one of them placing them under
the absolute control of the king, so that the Lord
Lieutenant could put in or exclude from these cor-
porations whomsoever ho would. Thus the barrier
of free Parliamentary representation in Ireland was
levelled with the dust. '
All being now ready — a Popish Lord Lieutenant,
a Popish bench of judges, Popish corporations, and
a Popish army being set up — the civil rights of
Protestants were largely confiscated. Odious and
treasonable charges were laid at their door ; these
were supported by false oaths ; fines, imj^rison-
ments, and confiscation of estates followed. The
Protestant was actually placed beyond law. If a
Popish tenant owed his Protestant landlord his rent,
he paid him by swearing him into a plot. If a
Papist owed his Protestant neighbour any money,
lie discharged his debt in the same coin. The
Protestants were disarmed and left defenceless
against the frequent outrages and robberies to
which they were sulijected. The abstraction of a
cow or a sheep from his Protestant neighbour would
sometimes be enjoined on the penitent in the con-
fessional in order to absolution. A counterfeit deed
would transfer a Protestant estate to a Roman
Catholic owner. But at last these petty robberies
were deemed too tedious, and a wholesale act of
plunder was resolved on. A register was compiled
of all the names of Protestants of whatever rank
and age who could be discovered, and an Act of
Attainder was passed in the Irish Parliament
again.st all of them as guilty of high treason, and
tlieir estates were vested in the king.-
Their religious rights were not less grievously
invaded. James II. professed to be a patron of
liberty of conscience, as if the same religion which
compelled the King of Spain to set up the Inquisi-
tion should require the King of England to practise
toleration. There came some curious illustrations
of James's understanding of that liberty which he
vaunted so much ; it seemed to mean an unrestricted
right of appropriation on the part of the Romanist,
and an equally unrestricted obligation of surrender
on the part of the Protestant of whatever the latter
possessed and the former coveted. In accordance
with this new species of toleration, the priests began
to declare openly that the tithes belonged to them,
' Bowyer, Hist. James II-, p. 6C.
- Bemiet, Memorial, pp. 318, 319.
and forljade their people under pain of anathema to
pay them to the Protestant incumbents. An Act
of I'arliament was next passed, ))y which not only
all tithes payable by Romanists were gi\-en to tlieir
own priests, but a method was devised of drawing
all the tithes, Protestant and Popish, to the Romish
clergy. The Protestant clergj'uian was forbidden
by the Act to receive any ecclesiastical dues from
Roman Catholics, and as soon as liis place became
vacant by demission or death, a Popish incumbent
was appointed to it, who, as a matter of com'se,
received all the tithes. The University of Dublin,
the one great nurseiy of learning in the kingdom,
was closed. Protestant schools throughout Ireland
were shut up, or converted into Popish seminaries.
The Protestant churches in many parts of the
country wei-e converted into mass-houses. Their
seizure was effected with a mixture of violence and
devotion. The mayor, accompanied by the priests,
would proceed to the edifice, send to the sexton for
the keys, and if these were refused, break open the
door ; the building entered, the pews would be torn
up, the floor cleared, mass would be said, and then
the church would be declared consecrated, and not
to be given back to the Protestants under pain of
sacrilege.
Death was not as yet decreed against the Protes-
tants, but they were called to endure every violence
and wrong short of it ; and in not a few instances
this last penalty was actually meted out to them,
though not ostensibly for their Protestantism.
Many were mui'dered in their houses, some were
killed by the soldiers, some perished by martial
law, and others were starved to death in prisons.
Things were in train for a general slaughter, and
there is some ground to fear that the horrible carnage
of 1641 would have been re-enacted had James II.
returned victorious from the Boyne.
We return to England. Parliament, as has
already been said, James prorogued on the 20th of
November, 1685, and after repeated prorogations,
he at last dissolved it on the 2nd of July, 1687.
Finding his Parliament intractable, notwithstand-
ing the many methods he had taken to pack it,
the king resolved to try another tack. He
began to tamper with the judges, in order to
procure from them an opinion that the preroga-
tive was above the law. The first with whom
he was closeted, Sir Thomas Jones, told the king
that twelve judges might be found who were
of his mind, but certainly twelve lawyere would
not be found who were of that opinion.' Jones
and all the judges who refused to bend were
■' Bowyer, Hist. James II., pp. 70, 71.
C12
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
removed, and others put in their room, who were
more at the devotion of tlie king. The bench, thu3
re-modelled, was willing to fall in with the measures
of the court, and to advance the royal prerogative
to that extravagant pitch to which some fawning
land are sovereign princes ; " secondly, " that the
laws of England are the king's laws ; " thirdly,
" that therefore it is an incident, inseparable pre-
rogative of the Kings of England, as of all other
sovereign princes, to dispense with all penal laws
VIEW OF JUBGE Jtlilti.\s HOI SL, 1)1 KL STREET, WESTMINSTER.
(From an Ori-jinal Drnriiiy lij .Sliqihcril.)
courtiers, and a few equally obsequious prelates and
preachers, had exalted it in their fidsome harangues :
that " monarchy and hereditary succession were by
Divine right ; " that " the legislature was vested in
the person of the prince ; " and that " power in the
king to dispense with the law was law." Accord-
ingly the bencli, in a case that was tried on purpose,'
gave it as judgment, first, " that the Kings of Eng-
' Bumet, Hist, vol. ii., p. 341.
in particular ca.ses, and upon particular necessary
reasons ; " fourthly, " that of those reasons and
necessities the king is tlie sole judge ; " and fifthly,
" that this is not a trust invested in or gi-anted to
the king, but the ancient remains of the sovereign
power of the Kings of England, wliich never was
yet taken from them, nor can be."- This sapped
- Burnet, vol. ii., pp. .342, 343. Bowyer, Hist. James
//., pp. 72, 73. Bennet, Memorial, pp. 322, 323.
156
PORTUAITS OF THE SEVEN Bisiioi's. (from a coiiftrnporara Pr.nt.)
fiU
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
the liberties of England at their veiy root : it was
an ovei-throw of the powers of the Constitution as
comiilcte as it was sudden : the prerogatives of the
three branches of the State — the nation, the Parlia-
ment, the throne — were all lodged in the king, and
swallowed uj) in the royal prerogative. This de-
struction of all law was solemnly pronounced to be
law ; and the very men whose office it was to pre-
serve the law incorrupt, and its administration pure,
were the men who, to their eternal reproach, laid
the liberties of England at the feet of the monarch.
This mighty attribute James did not permit to
lie idle. It was not to be worn as a State jewel,
but ^^'ielded as a sword for the destruction of what
yet remained of the liberties of England. The
king proceeded to exercise the dispensing power
without reserve. Promotions, favours, and smiles
were showered all round on the members of the
Church of Rome. The PopLsh community, like the
fleece of Gideon, was wet with the dew of the
royal beneficence, wliile the rest of the nation was
dry. Popish seminaries and Jesuit schools wei'e
erected not only in Loudon, but in all the moi'e
considerable towns, and Romish ecclesiastics of
every rank and name, and in every variety of
costume, multitudinous and cloudy like the swarms
of Egypt, began to cover the land. The Pioman
Church was regularly oi-ganised. Four Popish
bishops were publicly consecrated, and, under the
title of Vicars Apostolic, sent down to the pro-
vinces to exercise theii- functions in the dioceses
te which they had been appointed. Theii- pastoral
lettei-s, printed by the king's printei", were openly ■
di.spersed over the kingdom. The regidar clergy
appeared in their habits at Whitehall and St.
James's, and openly boasted that " they hoped in
a little time to walk in procession through Cheap-
side." A mighty harvest of converts was looked
for, and that it might not be lost from want of
labom-ers to reap it, regulars and seculars from
beyond the sea flocked to England to aid in gather-
ing it in. The Protestant Church of England was
rapidly losing her right to the title of "national;"
she was gradually disappearing from the land under
the operation of the law referred to above, by
which her preferments and dignities were being
swallowed up by Popish candidates. Preferment
there was none, unless one Was of the religion of
the king and of Edward Pctre, Clerk of the
Closet, and Father Confessor to his ^Majesty.
The dispensing power, while daily enlarging the
s])here of the Romish Church, was daily contracting
that of the Protestant one. A royal order, directed
to the bisliops, enjoined them "to discharge all their
inferior clergy from preaching upon controverted
points in divinity." While the Protestant pulpit
was fettered, an unbounded licence was gi\en to
the Popish one. The priests attacked the Protestant
faith with all the vigour of which they were
capable, and their sennons, printed by authority,
were dispersed over the kingdom. This order was
modelled on a worthy precedent. One of the first
acts of Queen Mary, for the restoration of Popery,
was a proclamation forbidding all preaching upon
controverted points, for fear, it was said, of awaki-n-
ing animosities among her subjects. The same
tender regard tor the peace of his kingdom moxed
James II. to issue his edict.
The king's order had just the opposite eSect of
that which he intended. It called forth in defcucf
of Protestantism a host of mighty intellects and
brilliant writers, who sifted the claims of Rome to
the foundation, exposed the falsehood of her pre-
tensions, and the tyrannical and immoral tendency
of her doctrines, in such a way that Popery came
to be better understood by the people of England
than it h.ad ever been before. The leaders in tliisi
controversial war were Tillotson, Stillingfleet,
Tennison, and Patrick. " They examined all the
points of Popery," says Burnet, " with a solidity of
judgment, a cleai-ness of arguing, a depth of learn-
ing, and a vivacity of writing far beyond anything
that had before that time appeared in our langu.age."'
Against these powerful and accomplished writers
was pitted, perhaps the shallowest race of Popish
controversialists that ever put on harness to do
battle for their Church. They could do little besides
translating a few meagi-e Frencli works into bad
English. On theii- own soil these works had done
some service to Rome, backed as they were by
Louis XIV. and Ms dragoons ; but in England,
where they enjoyed no .such aids, and where they
were exposed to the combined and well-directed
assaults of a powerful Protestant phalanx, they
were instantly crushed. Hardly a week passed with-
out a Protestant sermon or tract issuing from the
press. Written with a searching and incisive
logic, a scathing wit, and an overwhelming power
of argument, they consumed and burned up the
Romanist defences as fii'e does stubble. The ex-
posiu'e was complete, the rout total ; and the
discomfited Romanists could only exclaim, in
impotent rage, that it was exceeding bad manners
to treat the king's religion with .such contem])t.
Tillotson and liis companions, however, did not aim
at playing the courtier ; they were in deadly
earnest ; they saw the Protestantism of England
and of Christendom in danger of perishing ; they
' Burnet, vol . ii., p. 34G.
THE ARMY AT HOUNSLOW HEATH.
615
beliekl scaffolds and stakes coming fast npon them ;
they felt assured that the horrors of Mary's reign
were about to renew themselves under James ; and
they resolved to wield voice and pen with all the
energy they possessed, before they should be stifled
in dungeons and strangled at stakes. The moral
courage and dialectic power of these men largely
contributed to the saving of England, for, while on
the one hand they diffused among the people a clear
and full intelligence on the point at issue, on the
other they threw the court on measures so desperate
by way of defending itself, that they proved in the
end its own undoing.
To silence these Protestant champions, a new
Court of Incpiisition was established, styled a "Com-
mission for Ecclesiastical Affairs." The members
nominated were the Archbishop of Canterbur}',
Lord Chancellor Jeffreys, the Earls of Rochester
and Sunderland, the Bishops of Rochester and
Durliam, and Lord Chief Justice Herbert. All
the persons named refused from the fii-st to act
upon it, save Jeffreys and the BLshop of Durham,
in whose hands was thus left the business of the
newly-created court. The members of the com-
mission were empowered to " exercise all manner
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the fullest manner ;"
in other words, to put the Church of England
(piietly into its grave.
A beginning was made with Dr. Sharp. He was
a learned divine, and an eloquent preacher, and had
distinguished himself by his able defences of Pro-
testantism and liis vigorous attacks on Romanism
in the pulpit. This was interpreted into "an attempt
to beget an ill ojiinion in the minds of his hearers
of the king and his Government, and to lead the
people into schism and rebellion," and consequently
a contempt of " the order about preachers." The
king sent an order to the Bishop of London to
Kusjiend Dr. Sliarp. The bishop excused himself
on the ground that the order was contrary to law,
whereupon both the Bishop of London and Dr.
Sharp wei-e suspended by the Court of Ecclesias-
tical Commission.'
This incident convinced the Jesuits that the dis-
pensing power was not safe so long as it rested
.solely upon the opinion of the judges. The prero-
gative might be, and indeed was, disputed by the
tlivines of the Church of England. The army
wo\ild be a much firmer basis for so great a fabric.
Accordingly, the Jesuits represented to the king
what gi'eat things Louis of France was at that
hour accomplishing by his dragoons, in the way of
' Burnet, vol. ii., pp. 347, 348. Bowyer, Hist, of James
I/., pp. 77—83.
converting men to the Roniish faith ; and Jame.s,
zealous of rivalling his orthodox brother, and fore-
seeing how efficient dragonnades would be for up-
holding the dispensing power, assembled his army
to the number of about 1.5,000 at Hounslow Heath.
Erecting a chapel, he had mass said daily at head-
quarters, although the great majority of the .soldiers
were Protestants. The nation saw a cloud gather-
ing above it which might burst upon it any hour in
ruin. Its forebodings and alarms found expression
in a tract which a learned divine, Jlr. Samuel
Johnson, addressed to the army. "Will you be
aiding and assisting," asked he, " to set up mass-
houses, to erect that kingdom of darkness and
desolation amongst us, and to train up all our
children to Popery ] What service can you do
your country by being under the command of
French and Irish Papists, and by bringing the
nation under a foreign yoke 1 . . . . Will you
exchange your birth-right of English laws and
liberties for martial and club law, and help to
destroy all others, only at last to be eaten up youi'-
selvesf " " For this patriotic advice, Mr. Johnson
was degraded from his office, whipped from New-
gate to Tyburn, and made to stand three times in
the pillory. He had sown seeds, however, in the
army, which bore fruit afterwai'ds.
It was while the king was pursuing this course
— trampling down the laws, subjecting some of
the most eminent of his subjects to barbarous in-
dignities, and preparing the army to deal the final
coup to the Protestant religion and the liberties of
England — that he published (April 4th, 1687) his
" Gracious Declaration for Libertj' of Conscience."
In this edict his Majesty declared it to be his opinion
that "conscience ought not to be constrained," anil
accordingly he suspended all oaths and tests for
oflice, and all penal laws for nonconformity to the
established religion, and in general removed all dis-
abilities from every one, in order that all fit to serve
him might be eligible to public employment. All
this James gi-anted solely in virtue of his royal
prerogative.
To the Nonconformists this Indulgence was the
0])ening of the prison doors. They had been
grievously harassed, and having a natural right to
their liberty, it does not surprise us that they were
Avilling to part with their fetters. They could now
walk the streets without the fear of having their
steps dogged by an ecclesia.stical bailiff, and could
woi'ship in their own houses or in their churches
without the terror of incurring the ignominy of the
pillory. The change to them was immense ; it was
• Bowyer, pp. 85, SH.
niG
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
fi-ppiloni fiftor filavM-y, and tlieir joy being in pro-
iiortion, tlie terms in wliicli they thanked James
wero warm indeed, and in some cases extravagant ;
thongli it must be confessed that had this Indulgence
been honestlj- meant, it wo\dd have been worthy
of all tlie praises now lavished u))on its author. But
tlie gift was not Iionestly intended. James's Tolera-
tion was a sweetened cup holding a deadly poison.
Tlie gi'eat uiajority of the Nonconformists perfectly
understood the motive and oliject of the king in
granting this Indulgence, and appreciated it at its
true worth. It rested solely on the royal preroga-
tive. It did not establish liberty of conscience ; it
Ijut converted that great principle into a pede.stal
of arbitrary power. James had given the English
nation a year's liberty, or a month it might be, or
a day, to be succeeded by an eternity of ser\-itude.
Having set up the dispensing power, James pro-
ceeded to \ise it for the overturn of all institutions
and princi])les, not excepting that liberty for the
sake of which, as he said, he had assiimed it. The
bolt fell tirst on the two luiiversities. The Idng
sent his mandate to Cambridge, ordering the admis-
sion of one Allan Francis, a Benedictine monk, to
the degree of Master of Arts, without taking the
usual oaths. The senate replied that they could not
do so without breaking their own oaths, and be-
sought the king not to compel them to commit -wilful
perjiu'v. The king insisted that the monk .should
be admitted, and, the senate still refusing, the vice-
chancellor was dejH-ived of his office. The storm
next burst over Oxford. The presidency of Mag-
dalen College being vacant, the Romanists coveted
exceedingly this noblest and richest of the founda-
tions of learning in Christendom. The king ordered
the election of Anthony Farmer, a man of bad repu-
tation, but who had promised to become a Papist.
The authorities of Oxford must either violate their
oatiis or disobey the king. They resolved not to
perjiu-e themselves ; they refused to admit the
king's nominee. James stormed, and threatened
to make them feel the weight of his displeasure,
which in no long time they did. The president
and twenty-five fellows were extruded from the
university, and declared incapable of receiving or
being admitted into any ecclesiastical dignity, bene-
fice, or promotion. The nation looked on with just
indignation. "It was accounted," says Burnet, "an
open piece of robbery and bnrglary when men, au-
thorised by no legal commission, came and forcibly
turned men out of their profession and freehold." '
The more tyrannical his measures, the louder
.James protested that he would uphold the Church
' Burnet, vol. ii., p. 381. Bowyer, p. 123.
of England as by law estahlished, and hence the
submission of the nation to these attacks upon its
rights. But the next step on which the king
ventured threw the people into greater alarm
than they had yet felt. This was the imprisomng
of seven bishops in the Tower. This bold act grew
out of a new Declai-ation of Liberty of Conscience
which the king thought right to issue. This decla-
ration wa.s accompanied with an order enjoining the
bishops to distribute it throughout their dioceses,
and cause it to be read during Divine .service in all
the churches of the kingdom. Several of the bishops
and vast numbers of the clergy refused to read this
paper, not because they were opposed to liberty of
conscience, Imt because they knew that under this
phrase was couchexl a dispensing power, which the
king was using for the destruction of the laws and
in.stitutions of the kingdom, and to read this paper
was to make the Church of England accessory in-
directly to her own ruin. Six bishops,- -with the
Archbishop of Canterburj', were summoned before
the Ecclesiastical Commission, and, after being hec-
tored by JefR-eys, were sent (.lune 29, 1688) to the
Tower. London was thunderstruck.
To prevent timiult or insurrection, the bishops
were conveyed by water to their prison. But the
thing could not be hid, and the ])eople in vast
numbers crowded to the banks of the Thames, and
by loud demonstrations extolled the constancy of
the bishops, while some, felling on their knees,
invoked their blessing as their barge passed down
the river. When they arrived at the Tower, the
bishops ascended the stairs between a double row
of officers and soldiers, who, receiving them as con-
fessors, kneeled to receive their blessing.^
Wliile armed force was being put forth to extir-
pate the Protestant faith, Jesuitical craft was busily
exerted to propagate the Roman creed. The city
and the country were filled with catechisms and
manuals, in which the gi'osser eiTors of Popery were
glossed over with a masterly skill, and the two
faiths were made to wear so close a resemblance
that a vidgar eye could scarce discern the difference
between them. A Pojnsh orphanage was erected ;
noblemen were closeted with the king and solicited
to be converted ; Father Petre was designed for the
See of York. At last, almost all disguise being
thrown oflT, the Papal Nuncio made his entry into
London in open day, passing through the streets in
gre.at pomp, preceded by a cross-bearer, and followed
- Tliey wore Kon, Bishop of B.atli and 'Wells, Lloyil of
St. Asaph, Turner of Ely, Lake of Chichostev, Wliito of
Peterborough, and Trcl.a-mipy of Bristol. The primate
was William Sancroft.
'■' Burnet, vol. ii., p. 430. Bowyer, pp. 1C2. 103.
ACQUITTAL OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS.
617
by a crowd of priests :uicl monks in the habits of
their orders.
To these signs was added another yet more re-
markable. The Jesuits had foretold that should
the king abolish the penal laws, a work so accept-
able to Heaven would not fail to be rewarded with
a Prince of Wales. It was now that the jjrophecy
was fultilled. Humours had been spread tluough
the nation some time before that the queen wa.s
pregnant. On Saturday, the 9th of June, 1688,
after playing cards at Whitehall till eleven of the
clock at night,^ the queen made herself be carried
to St. James's, where a bed had previously been
prejiarcd, and the public were not a little surpiised
to be told that next morning, between the hour.s of
ten and eleven, she had there given birth to a son.
This was the one thing wanted to complete the i>ro-
^ramme of the Jesuits. James was growing into
yeai-s; his two daughters were both man-ied to
Protestant princes ; and however zealous for Rome,
wthout a son to inherit his crown and Ids religion,
the Papists considered that they but reposed imder
a gourd, which, like that of sacred story, might
wtlier in a night ; but now they were secured
against such a catasti'ophe by a bii'th which they
themselves called mii-aculous. The king had now
been provided with a successor, and the arrangement
was complete for seciu-ing the perpetuity of that
Romish establishment in England which every day
was bringing nearer.
There was but one little trouble in .store for the
Jesiiits. On the 30th of June the bishops were
acquitted. The presence of the judges could not
restrain the joy of the people, and the roof of West-
minster Hall resounded with the shouts that hailed
the sentence of the court. The echoes were caught
up by the crowd outside, and repeated iu louder
demonstrations of joy. The great news was
speedily communicated to the cities ef Westminster
and London : " Not guilty !" " Not guilty ! " {)asse(l
from man to man, and from street to street ; the
enthusiasm of the citizens was awakened as the
words flew onwards, and so loudly did the two
cities rejoice that their shouts were heard at
Hounslow Heath. The soldiers now burst into
luizzahs, and the noise of the camp fell on the king's
ear as he was being that day entertained iu the Earl
of Feversham's tent. Wondering what the unusual
noise might mean, the king sent the earl to inquire,
who, speedily returning, told the king, " nothing
but the soldiers shouting upon the acquittal of the
bishops." "And do you call that nothing!" replied
the king, evidently discomposed. There was cause
for agitation. That storm, the first muttermgs of
wliich had been heard at the Market Cross at
Sanquhar, was rolling darkly up on all sides.
But the king took not warning. He was stead-
fastly purposed to pursue to the end those projects
wliich appeared to him and his Jesuit advisers to
be rapidly approaching the goal. He had set uy)
the dispensing power : with it he was overturning
the laws, fLUing the judicial bench with his own
creatures, re-modelling the Chm-ch and the univer-
sities, and daily swelling the Popish and murderous
elements in the army by recruits from Ireland ;
Parliament he had dissolved, and if it should please
him to re-assemble it, the same power which had
given him a subservient army could give him a sub-
servient Parliament. The reqiusite machinery was
ready for the destruction of the religion and liljer-
ties of England. Is the work of two centuries to
be swept away? Has the knell of Protestantism
rung out I If not, in what quarter is deliverance
to arise'? and by whose arm will it please the great
Ruler to lift up a sinking Christendom, and restore
to stability the cause of liberty and truth I
CHAPTER XXX.
PROTESTANTISM MOUNTS THE THRONE OF GREAT BRITAIN.
The Movement Eoturns to the Land of its Birth-England Looks to William of Orange— State of Parties in Europe-
Preparations ill England against Invasion— Alarm and Proclamation of James II.— Declaration of William of
Orange— The Dutch Fleet Sails— A Storm— Tlic Dutch Fleet Driven Back— William's Appeals to tlie English
Soldiers and Sailors-The Fleet again Sets Sail-Shi f tings of the Wind-Landing at Torbay-Prince of Orange's
Address— The Nation Declares for liim-King James Deserted— His Flight- The Crown .Settled on the Prince
and Princess of Orange — Protestantism on the Throne.
Christendom, had returned to the land from which
After the revolution of three centuries. Protes-
tantism, in its march round the countries of
' Bowyer, p. K^i.
it had set out. On the very spot where Wielifle
had opened the war in 1300, Protestantism was
now lighting one of the most momeiitou.s of its
61S
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
miiny great battles, inasmuch as this conflict would
determine what fruit was to remain of all its past
labours and contendings, and what position it
would hold in the world during the coming cen-
turies— whether one of ever-lessening influence.
afliliated disciple of the Jesuits upon the throne, ^
with its institutions, one after anotlier, attacked, un-
dermined, and overthrown, England was rapidly
sinking into the abyss from which Wiclifl'e's
spirit had rescued it, and along with it would
VIEW OF THE INTERIOR OF THE CHAPEL KO\AL ST JAMES !
till finally it should vanish, like some previous
premature mo\ements, or whether it was to find
for itself a basis so solid that it should spread
abroad on the right hand and on the left, continu-
ally gathering fresh brightness, and constantly
creating new instrumentalities of conquest, till at
last it should be acce^ited as the ruler of a woi-ld
which it had libei-ated and regenerated.
The first part of the alternative seemed at this
moment the likelier to be realised. With au
descend into the same abyss the remains of the
once glorious Churches of Geneva, of France, and
of Scotland. Help there appeared not in man.
No voice was heard in England powei-ful enough
to awaken into life and action that spirit which
had given so many martyrs to the stake in the days
of Mary. This spirit, though asleep, was not dead.
There were a few whose suspicions had been awake
' See Burnet, vol. ii., pp. 395, 396.
APPEALS TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
619
ever since the accession of James II.; and of those
who liad sunk into lethargy many were now
thoroughly aroused by the violent measures of the
king. The imprisonment of the bishops, and the
birth of the " Prince of Wales," were two events
which the nation interpreted as sure portents of a
coming slaveiy. The people of England turned their
mysterious child, at whose christening the Pope,
through his nuncio, stood god-father, and on whom
it pleased the king to bestow the title of " Piince
of Wales."
Many had ere this opened correspondence with
the Stadtholder, entreating him to interpose and
prevent the ruin of England ; the number of such
eyes in search of a deliverer beyond the sea, and
fixed them upon a prince of the illustrious House of
Orange, in whom the virtues, the talents, and the
self-sacrificing heroism of the gi'eat William lived
over again, not indeed with greater splendour, for
that was impossible, not even with equal si)lendour,
but still in so pre-eminent a glory as to mark him
out as the one man in Europe capable of sustaining
the burden of a sinking Christendom. Besides the
cardinal qualification of his Protestantism, William,
by his maniage with the daughter of James II.,
was the next heir to the throne, after that
was now greatly increased, and among others the
Archbishop of Canterbury addressed him from the
Tower, and the Bishop of London from his i-etire-
ment in the country. Others crossed the sea, some
on pretext of visiting friends, and some, as they
said, to benefit by the German spas. A majority
of the nobility favoured the intervention of William,
and found means of letting their wishes be kno-rni
at the Hague. Despatches and messengers were
constantly crossing and recrossing the ocean, and
James and his Jesuits might ha\e known that
gi'eat designs were on foot, had not tln'ir secure
620
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISIiL
holcl on England, as they fancied it, blinded them
to their danger. The representatives of most of the
liistoric houses in England were more or less openly
suj)porting the movement. Even so eai'ly as the
death of Charles II., the Elector of Brandenburg is
said to have urged William to undertake the
deliverance of English Protestantism, otfering to
assist him ; but the prince answered that he would
attempt nothing against his father-in-law without
.in absolute necessity, " but at the same time he
protested that if he could not otherwise prevent the
subversion of the laws and religion of England, he
would undertake the voyage, though he should
embark in a fishing-boat." ' On a sui'vey of the
case, it appeared to William that an absolute
necessity had arisen, and he proceeded to make
preparations accordingly.
In weighing the chances of success, William had
to take into account the state of parties in Europe,
and the foi'ces, both friendly and hostile, that would
come into J'lsy the moment he should set sail for
England. Ranged against him were Austria, Spain,
Erance, and, of course, the monarch to be attacked,
James II. These powerful kingdoms, if not bound
in actual treaty, were all of them leagued together
l)y a common faith and a common interest. Austria
had held the balance in Europe for five centuries,
and was not prepared to resign it. Spain, fallen
from the height on which it stood a century before,
WiXH nevertheless ready to devote what strength it
still possessetl to a cause which it loved as dearly
Hs ever. France, her exchequer full, her armies
immerous, and her generals flushed '\\'ith victorj',
had never been more formidable than now. Louis
XIV. might make a diversion in favour of his ally,
James II., by attacking Holland as soon as William
had withdrawn his troops across the sea. To guard
himself on this side, the Prince of Orange sought to
detach Austria and Spain from France by repre-
senting to them the danger of French ascendency,
and that Louis was not fighting to advance the
Roman religion, but to make himself universal
monarch. His representations were ,so far success-
ful that they cooled the zeal of the Coui'ts of
Vienna and Madrid for the " Grand Monarch,"
and abated somewhat the danger of William's
great enterpi'ise.
On the other hand, the ]irince gathered round him
what allies ho could from the Protestant j)oition
of Europe. It is interesting to find among the con-
federates ai'ound the great Stadtholder thu represen-
tatives of the men who had been the chief champions
of the. Protestant mo\emeut at its earlier stages.
' Bfuuct, Manorial, p. 337.
The old names once more appear on the stage, and
the close of the great drama carries us back as it
were to its Ijcginniug. At Minden, in Westj)halia,
William of Orange met the Electors of Saxony and
Brandenburg, the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, and
the Princes of the House of Luueburg, who, on
a mutual exchange of sentiments, wwe found to Ijo
of one mind, that the balance of Europe as settleil at
the Peace of Westphalia after the Thirty Years' War
had been grievously disturbed, and that it urgently
needed to be redressed by upholding the Protestant
Church, restoring the ancient liberties of England,
and setting bounds to the growing power of France."
At this moment an event happened which fur-
nished William with a pretext for the warlike
preparations he was so busily pushing forward with
a view to his English expedition, and also closed the
door by which the French might enter Holland in
his absence. On the 2nd of June, 1688, the Elector
of Cologne tiled. This principality commanded
twenty leagues of the Rhine, and this placed the
keys of both the Netherlands and Holland in the
hands of its chief. It was therefore a matter of
grave importance for the peace and safety of the
Dutch States who should fill the vacant electorate.
Germany and France brought forward each its
candidate. If the French king should succeed in
the election, war was inevitable on the Rhine, and
for this it behoved William of Orange to be pre-
j)ared, and so his naval armaments went foi-ward
without exciting suspicion. It was the German
candidate who was eventually elected, and thus an
affair which in its progress had masked the prepara-
tions of the Prince of Orange, in its issue extended
protection to an undertaking which otherwise would
have been attended with far gi-eater difficulty.^
Early in September, however, it began to be
strongly suspected that these great preparations in
Holland both by sea and land pointed to England.
Instantly precautions were taken against a possible
invasion. The chief ports, and in particular Ports-
mouth and Hull, then tlie two keys of England, were
]int into Popish hands, and the garrisons so modelled
that the majority were Papists. Officers and pri-
vate soldiers were brought across from Ireland
,'ind drafted into the army, but the king lost more
than he gained by the offence he thus gave to the
Protestant soldiers and their commanders. The
rumours from the Hague grew every day more
certain, and the fitting out of the fleet went on at
j-edouljled speed. Orders were dispatched to Tvr-
conncl to send over whole regiments from Ireland ;
Bowyer, ji. 191. Burnet, vol. ii., p. •t.'jfl.
Ibid., p. I'Jl. Burnet, vol. ii., pp. -157—402.
PREFARATION.S OF WILLIAM OF OEANOE.
621
and meanwhile to allay the jealousies of the people
another proclamation was published (September
21st), to the efl'ect that his Majesty would call a
Parliament, that he would establish a universal
liberty of conscience, that he would inviolably ujihold
the Church of England, that he would exclude
Romanists from the Lower House, and that he woidd
repeal all the tests and penalties against Non-
conformity. It had hapi)ened so often that while
the king's words breathed only liberty liLs acts
contained nothing but oppression, that this procla-
mation had little or no effect.
The king ne.xt received, through his envoy at
the Hague, certain news of the prince's design to
descend on England. At the same time James
learned that ninnerous lords and gentlemen had
crossed the sea, and would return under the banners
of the invader. " Upon the reading of this letter,"
says Bowyer, " the king remained speechless, and
as it were thunder-struck. The airy castle of a
dispensing arbitrary power, raised by the magic
spells of Jesuitical counsels, vanished in a moment,
and the deluded monarch, freed from his enchant-
ment by the apju-oach of the Prince of Orange,
found himself on the brink of a preciiiice, whilst
all his intoxicating flatterers stood amazed and con-
founded at a distance, without daring to ofl'er him
a supporting hand, lest his greater weight should
hurry both him and them into the abyss." '
The first device of the court was an attempt to
prepossess the nation against their deliverer. A jiro-
clamation was issued setting forth that " a gi-eat and
s\iilden invasion from Holland, with an armed force
of foreigners, would speedily be made," and that
under "some false pretences relating to liberty, pro-
jierty, and religion, the invasion proposed an absolute
conquest of these his ilajesty's kingdoms, and the
utter subduing arid subjecting them, and all his
peojJe, to a foreign Power." Besides this proclama-
tion other measures were taken to rally the people
round the sinking dynasty. The bishops were
courted ; the Anabaptist Lord Mayor of London was
replaced by a member of the Church of England ;
the Duke of Ormond, who had been dismissed from
the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, had the gartej-
bestowed upon him ; and a general pardon was
issued, from which, however, a score of persons were
excepted. These measures availed not their author,
for late and forced amnesties are always acce]ited
by the people as signs of a monarch's weakness and
not of his clemency.
On the ."ird of October, the bishops, at the king's
command, waited on him with their advice. They
I Bowyor, p. 2(1 1.
strongly counselled an entire reversal of his wliolo
jiolicy, and the now docile monarch conceded nearly
all their demands. The reforms began to be put in
execution, but news arriving in a few days that J;he
Dutch fleet had been driven back Ijy a storm, the
king's concessions were instantly withdrawn. James
sank lower than ever in the confidence of the nation."
No stay remained to the king Imt his fleet and army ;
the first was sent to sea tii watch the Dutch, and
the latter was increased to :iO,000, by the arrival of
regiments from Ireland and Scotland.
Meanwhile, on the other side of the German
Ocean, the PrLnce of Orange was providing trans-
ports and embarking his troops mth the utmost
diligence. To justify his undertaking to the world,
he published, on the 10th of October, a declaration
in six-and-twenty articles, comprehending, first, an
enumeration of the oppressions under which the
English nation groaned; secondly, a statement of the
remedies which had been used in vain for the i-e-
moval of these grievances ; and thirdly, a declaration
of the reasons that moved him to undertake the de-
livei-ance of England. " His expedition," he said,
" was intended for no other design but to have a
free and lawful Parliament assembled," to which all
questions might be refen-ed, touching "the esta-
blishment of the Protestant religion, and the peace,
honour, and happiness of these nations upon lasting
foundations."
All things being ready, the Prince of Orange
took solemn leave of the States. Standing on the
threshold of his great enterprise, he again jjrotested
that he had no other objects than those set forth
in his declaration. Most of the senators wei-e melted
into tears, and could oidy in l)roken utterances
declare their love for their prince, and their wshes
for his success. " Only the )n-ijice himself," says
Burnet, " continued firm in his usual gra\'ity and
})hlegm."
On the 19th of October, William went on board,
and the Dutch fleet, consisting of fifty-two men-of-
war, twenty-five frigates, as many fire-ships, mth
four hundred victuallers, and other vessels for the
transportation of 3,660 horse, and 10,692 foot, i)ut
to sea from the flats near the Brielle, with a wind
at south-west by south.'' Admiral Herl)ert led the
van, and Vice-Admiral Evertzen brought up the
rear. The prince placed himself in the centre,
canying an English flag, emblazoned with his aims,
s\nTounded with the legend, " For the Protestant
Religion and Liberties of England." ITndemeath
was the motto of the House of Nassau, Jo. Mn'in-
tii'u.drni/ (T will maintain).
liowyor, pp. l.'Oil- 210.
■' VnJ.. p. 227.
622
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Gathei-ed beneath the bannere of William, now
advancing to deliver England and pnt the cro^vii
upon many a previous conflict, was a brilliant
assemblage, representative of several nations.
Besides the Count of Nassau, and other Dutch and
German commanders, there came with the prince
those English and Scottish noblemen and gentlemen
wliom ])ersec\ition had compelled to tlee to Holland.
Among these were men of ancient family and
liistoric name, and othera distinguished by their
learning or theii- services to the State. The most
illustrious of the French exiles joined in this expe-
dition, and contributed by theii- experience and
bravery to its success. With the prince was the
renowned Marshal Schomberg and his son, Count
Charles Schomberg, and M. la Caillemote, son of
the Marquis de Ruvigny. Moreover, 73G oflicei-s,
mostly veterans, accustomed to conquer under
Turenne and Conde, commanded in William's bat-
talions. Besides these was a chosen body of three
regiments of infantry and one squadron of cavalry,
composed entirely of French refugees. Each regi-
ment numbered 750 fighting men.' Marshal Schom-
berg commanded under the orders of the Prince of
Orange, and such was the confidence reposed in his
character and abilities that the Princess of Orange
gave him, it is said, secret instructions to assert her
rights and carry out the enterprise, should her
husband fall. Two other refugee oificers were
similarly commissioned, should both the prince and
the marshal fiill." Thus had his two greatest
enemies provided William with an army. Louis
of France and James of England had sent the
flower of their generals, statesmen, and soldiei-s
to swell this expedition ; and Popish tyi-anny had
gathered out of the various countries, and assembled
under one avenging banner, a host that burned to
fight the great cro%vning battle of Protestantism.
The first night the fleet was at sea the wind
veered into the north, and settled in the north-west.
It soon rose to a violent storm, which continued all
next day.- The fleet was driven back, some of the
sliips finding refuge in Helvoetsluys, from which
they had sailed, others in the neighbouring har-
bours, but neither ship nor life was lost, save one
man who was blown from the shrouds. It was
rumoured in England that the Dutch armament
had gone to the bottom, whereupon the Romanists
sang a loud but premature triiimph over the fancied
disaster, which they regarded as a compensation for
the destruction of the Amiada exactly a hundred
years before. To keep up the delusion, and make
' Weiss, French Protestant Refugees, p. 231.
-• Ibid.., p. 232.
the English Court more remiss in their pi-epara-
tions, the Amstei'dam and H:uirlem gazettes were
ordered to make a lamentable relation of the great
damage the Dutch fleet and the amiy had sus-
tained, that nine men-of-war, besides smaller vessels,
were lost. Dr. Burnet and several English gentlemen
drowned, the States out of humour \y\t\\ the ex-
pedition, and, in fine, that it was next to impossible
for the prince to resume his design till next spring.''
While waitmg for the re-assembling and re-fitting
of his fleet, the Prince of Orange issued a declara-
tion to the army in England, in which he told them,
" We are come to preserve your religion, and restore
and establish your liberties and properties, and
therefore we cannot sufier ourselves to doubt but
that all true Englishmen will come and concur
with us in our desii-e to secure these nations from
Popery and slavery. You must all plainly see that
you ai'e only made use of as instruments to enslave
the nation and ruin the Protestant religion, and
when that is done, you may judge what you your-
selves may expect. . . . We hope that you
will not sufler yourselves to be abused by a false
notion of honour, but that you will in the first
place consider what you owe to Almighty God, and
next to your country, yourselves, and your poste-
rity." Admiral Herbert addressed a similar letter,
at the same time, to Ms Majesty's navj', exhorting
them to join the prince in the coumion cause.
" For," .said he, " should it plea.se God for the sins
of the English nation to sufier your arms to prevail,
to what can your victory serve you, but to enslave
you deeper, and overthi'ow the true religion in
which you have lived and yoiu" fathers died?"
These appeals had the best efiect upon the soldiers
and sailore ; many of whom x-esolved not to draw
a sword in this quarrel till they had secured a free
Parliament, and a gu.arantee for the laws, the
liberties, and the religion of England.
The storm continued for eight days, during which
the fleet was re-fitted and re-victualled. When all
was ready the wind changed into the ea,st. With
this " Protestant wind," as the sailors called it, the
fleet a second time stood out to sea. It was divided
into three squadrons. Tlie English and Scottish
division of the armament sailed under a red flag ;
the Brandenburghers and the guards of William
under a white ; and the Dutch and French, com-
manded by the Count of Nassau, under a blue.
The tack chosen at first w.is northerly ; but the
wind being strong and full from the east, the fleet
abandoned that course at noon of the .second day
and steered westward.'' Had the northerly coui'se
' Bowyer, p. 22;
Burnet, vol. ii., p.
LANDING OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
623
been }-)ersLstecl in, the fleet would have encountered
the Englisli navy, which was assembled near Har-
well, in the Ijelief that the prince would land in
the north of England ; but happily the wind, rising
to a brisk gale, carried them right across to the
mouth of the Channel, and at the same time ke])t
the English fleet wind-bound in their roadstead.
At noon on the .Srd of November, the D\itc'h fleet
passed between Dover and Calais. It wtis a lirave
sight — the armament ranged in a line seven leagues
long, sailing proudly onwards between the shores
of England and France, its decks crowded with
officers and soldiers, while the coast on either hand
was lined with crowds wliich gathered to gazp ©n
the grand spectacle. Before night fell the fleet
had sighted the Isle of Wight. The next day was
Sunday: the fleet carried but little sail, and bore
slowly along before the wind, which still kept in
the ea.st. It was the anniversary of the prince's
birth, and also his marriage, and some of his officers,
deeming tlie day auspicious, advised him to land at
Portsmouth ; but William, choosing rather to give
the fleet leisui-e for the exercises appropriate to the
aacred day, forbore to do so. The Bay of Torquay
was under their lee, and here William resolved to
attempt a landing. The pilot was bidden be careful
not to steer past it, but a haze coming on he had
gi'eat difficulty in measuring his course. When the
mist cleared ofl', it was found that the fleet was con-
siderably farther down-channel than the intended
))oiut of debarkation, and as the wind still blew
from the east it was imjjossible to return to it. To
go on to Plymouth, the next alternative, involved
considerable hazard, for it was uncertain how the
Earl of Bath, wlw) commanded there, might receive
them. Besides, Pl}Tnouth was not nearly so com-
modious for landing as the Bay of Torquay, which
they had passed in the haze. While the jirince was
deliber.ating, the wind .shifted ; there came a calm
of a few moments, and then a breeze set in from the
so\ith-west : " a soft and happy gale," says Bin-net,
who was on board, " which earned in the whole
fleet in four hoiu-s' time into Torbay." Scarcely
had the shi])s dropped their anchors when the wind
returned, and blew again from the ea.st.'
Tlie landing was safely efiected ; the peasants of
Devonshire flocked in crowds to welcome their
deliverer and supply his troops with provisions ;
the mild air refreshed them after their sea-voyage.
Tlie landing of the horees, it was feared, would be
a matter of gi'eat difficulty ; Ixit they were shown
a place, says Bm-net, " so happy for our landing,
' Burnet, vol. ii., p. 499. Bowyer, Hist, of King
WiUiam III., vol. i., pp. 235, 28G.
though we came to it by mere accident, that if we
had ordered the whole island round to be sounded
we could not luive foruid a properer ]')l;ice for it."
There was, moreover, a dead cahn all that morning,
and a business which they had reckoned woiild
occuj)y them for days was got through in as many
hours. When the jiiinee and Mai'shal Schomberg
had stejijied on shore, William, says Bishop Burnet,
'• took mo heartily by the hand, and asked me if I
would not now believe jii-edestination." " He was
cheerfuller than ordinary," he adds, " yet he re-
turned soon to his usual gravity."
They had no sooner effected the debarkation of
men, horses, and stores, than the wind changed
again, and setting in from the west, it blew a violent
storm. Sheltered by the western arm of the bay,
William's ships suflered no damage fi'om this tem-
pest ; not so the king's fleet, which till now had
been wind-bound at Harwich. They had learned
that William's ships had passed down the Channel,
and the commander was eager to pursue them. The
calm which enabled William to enter Torbay, had
also allowed the king's navy to leave their
roadstead, and setting out in pursuit of the enemy
they had come as far as the Isle of Wight when
they were met by this storm. They were tossed
on the rollers of the Chamiel for some days, and
though at last they managed to enter Portsmouth,
it was in so shattered a condition that they were
unfit for service that yeai-. " By the immediate
hand of Heaven," says Bumet, " we were masters
of the sea without a blow. I never found a dis-
jiosition to superstition in my temper ; I was rather
inclined to be philosojihical u})on all occasions. Yet
1 must confess that this strange ordering of the
wiTids and seasons, just to change as our aff'airs
I'oquired it, could not but make deep impressions
u])on me, as well as on all who observed it.""
For the first few days it was doubtful what re-
ception England would give its deliverer. The
winds were " Protestant," every one acknowledged,
but would the currents of the political and social
firmament prove equally so'! The terror of the
executions which had followed the rising under
Monmouth still weighed on the nation. The forces
that William had brought with him appeared in-
adetiuate, and on these and other gi'ounds many stood
in doubt of the issue. But in a few days the tide
of Protestant feeling began to flow; fii-st the people
declared in favour of William — next the gentry
of the neighbouring counties gave in their accession
to him ; and lastly tlie nobles gathered under liis
banners. Of soul t<io magnanimous and strong to
' Bumet, vol. ii., pp. 489, 500.
o2-t
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
be eitlier etisily olated or easily cast down, this
tardiness of the people of England to assert theii*
liberties, wliich William ha<i^ come across the sea
to vindicate, drew from the prince a dignified re-
buke. Addressing the gentlemen of Somersetsliii'e
and Dorsetshire (November 15), we find him saying,
"You see we are come according to your invita-
tion and our promise. Our duty to God obliges
us to protect the Protestant religion, and our love
to mankind your liberties and properties. We
expected you that dwelt so near the place of our
landing would have joined us sooner ; not that it
is now too late, nor that we want yom- mili-
tary assistance so much as your countenance and
presence, to justify our declared pretensions, in
order to accomplish our good and gi-acious design
. . . . Therefore, gentlemen, friends, and fellow
Protestants, we bid you and all your followers most
heartily welcome to our court and camp. Let the
whole world now judge if our pretensions are not
just, generous, sincere, and above price, since we
might have even a bridge of gold to return back ;
but it is our principle rather to die in a good cause
than live in a bad one."'
Courage is as contagious as fear. The first ac-
cessions to the prince were followed by crowds of
all ranks. The bishops, the great cities, the nation
at large declared on his side. The king made
hardly any show of opposition. The tempests of
the ocean had disabled his fleet ; a spu-it of deser-
tion had crept in among his soldiers, and his army
could not be relied on. The priests and Jesuits, who
had urged him to violent measures, forsook him now,
when he was in extremity, and consulted their own
.safety in flight. The friends on whom formerly he
had showered his favours, and whom he believed
incapable of ever deserting him, proved false ; even
his own children forsook him. No one stood by
him at this hour b\it his queen, and she deemed it
prudent to retire to France. The man who but a
few days before stood at the head of one of the
most powerful kingdoms of Europe, who had fleets
and armies at his command, who had around him
so numerous and powerful an aristocracy, was in a
moment, with hardly a sword unsheathed against
' Bowyer, Hitt. WiUiam III., voL i., pp. 241, 242.
him, stripped of all, and now stood alone, his friends
scattered, his armies in revolt, his kingdom alienated
and his power utterly broken. Overwhelmed by
the suddenness and gi'eatness of his calamities, he
fled, no man pursuing, throwing, in his flight, the
great seal into the Thames ; and having reached the
sea-coast, the once mighty monarch threw himself
into a small boat, ci-ossed the Channel, and sought
the protection of the man whose equal he had beefl
till this unhappy hour, but on whose bounty he
was henceforth content to subsist.
The throne being thus vacated, a Convention was
held, and the crown was settled on the Prince and
Princess of Orange. William ascended the throne
as the representative of Protestantism. That throne,
destined to become the greatest in the world, we
behold won for the Reformation. This was the
triumph, not of English Protestantism only, it was
the triumph of the Protestantism of all Christendom.
It was the resurrection of the cause of the French
Huguenots, and through them that of Calvin and
the Church of Geneva. It was the revival not
less of the cause of the Scots Covenantei's, whose
torn and blood-stained flag, upheld at the latter end
of their struggle by only a few laymen, was soon to
be crowned with victory. WiUiam the Silent lives
once more in his great descendant, and in William
III. tights over again his great battle, and achieves
a success more glorious and dazzling than any
that was destined to cheer him in his mortal life.
Protestantism planting herself at the centre of an
empire whose circuit goes round the globe, and
whose sceptre is stretched over men of all kindreds,
languages, and nations on the eai-th, with letters,
science, colonies, and organised churches round her
as her ministers and propagators, sees in this
glorious outcome and issue the harvest of the toils
and blood of the hundreds of thousands of heroes,
confessors, and martyrs whom she has reared. One
sowed, another reaped, and now in the accession of
William III. both rejoice together.
We found Protestantism at the bar of the
hierarchy in St. Paul's in the person of John
Wicliffe, we leave it on the throne of England in the
person of William III. While the throne of England
continues to be Protestant, Great Britain -will stand;
when it ceases to be Protestant, Britain will fall.
GENEEAL INDEX.
157
GEl^ERAL INDEX
Abelard of Paris, the father of modom scepticism, i., 57 ;
his genius, 57 ; he stands at the parting of the three
great schools of thought in Europe, 57 ; ever since hia
days three currents of thought in Christendom, 58.
AuRiAN VI., his birth, i., 477; tutor to Charles V., 477;
elected Pope, 477 ; his policy, 477 ; his fear of the
Turk, 488 ; his brief against Luther, 488 ; his scheme
of reform, 488 ; his nuncio at the Diet at Nuremberg,
489; the "Hundred Grievances" and Adrian's rage,
489 ; his death, 490.
AiOLE, Farel visits it, and acts as schoolmaster in it, ii., 248
Bern empowers him to explain the Scriptures at Aigle,
248 ; he founds a Reformed Church in it, 248.
Alasco, John, his parentage, iii., 166 ; educated at Louvain,
visits Zwinglc, and takes up his abode with Erasmus,
1G6 ; his recaU to Poland and proffered dignities, 167 ;
severs himself from the Romish Church and goes to
East Friesland, 167; reforms East Fricsland, 1G7;
retires to England, 169; his friendship with Cranmer,
169 ; superintendent of the Reformed congregation in
London, 169 ; sails for Denmark on the accession of
Mary, 169 ; his wanderings, 170 ; his reforming labours
in Poland, 170 ; his death and burial, 171.
Albekt, Archbishop of Mainz, farms the Pope's indul-
gences, i., 256; employs Tetzel to sell them, 256;
Miltitz's interview with, 290.
Albioenses, crusades against, i., 38 ; region of, 39 ; their
arts, agriculture, and cities, 39 ; edicts against, 39 ;
massacres under Count of Toulouse, 41.
Alesius, a canon of St. Andrews, iii., 472 ; converted by
Patrick Hamilton, 472 ; an eye-witness of the burning
of Hamilton, 477 ; flees into exile, 478.
Alexius, Luther's companion, i., 233; his sudden death,
233.
Alkmaau besieged by Alva, iii., 98; encouraging letter of
William, and terrible threats of Alva, 98 ; cannonaded,
breached, and the foe repulsed, 99 ; what Ensign
Solia saw within its walls, 99 ; the siege raised, 100.
Alva, Duke of, his character, person, blood-thirstiness, iii.,
66; crosses Mont Cenis with an army, 67; eutnmce
into the Low Countries, 67 : arrests Counts Egmont
and Horn, 68 ; made President of the Council of Blood,
69 ; Brandt's summary of its horrors, 69 ; loses the
battle of Dam, and orders, in his rage, nineteen Con-
federate noblemen for immediate e-xecution, 72 ; be-
heads Counts Egmont and Horn, 74 ; erects a statue
to himself at Antwerp, 77; exercises teiTible cruelties
on Mons, Mechlin, Zutphen, and Naarden, 88 ; his
capture of Haarlem, and what it cost him, 98 ; his
recall and manner of leaving, 100 ; numbers executed
during his government, 100.
Ambolse, Conspiracy of, ii., 542 ; executions at, 543 ; Pacifi-
cation of, 574.
Ambrose, his diocese, 19 ; independence of his See of Milan,
19 ; his death, 20 ; his theology, 20.
Amsterdam, battle of Dutch and Spanish fleets before it,
iii., 100; defeat of the Spaniards, 100 ; joins the Pro-
testant side, 123 ; civic revolution in, 124.
Anabaptists in Switzerland, ii., 59 ; their first disciples,
creed, and morals, 61 ; severities of the magistrates
against, 62 ; horrible Anabaptist tragedy, 62 ; Zwingle's
views on, 63; German Anabaptists, or the " Heavenly
Kingdom," 100; Matthias the baker, and John Buck-
holdt the tailor, 101 ; tenets and death of Buckholdt,
102.
Antwerp, outbreak of Lutheranism in Augustinian convent
of, iii., 9; drowning of Nicholas the preacher at, 10;
sack of its cathedral by Iconoclasts, 53 ; liberty to the
Reformed to build churches in it, 58; bows its neck
again to the regent, 64 ; spoiled by Spanisli mutineers,
105 ; terrible sack of, by the Spanish army, the "Ant-
werp Fury," 113.
Appenzell reformed by Klarer, i., 447
Arovle, Archibald, Marquis of, his great power in Scot-
land, iii., 563; services to the royal house, 564; last
hours and behaviour on the scaffold, 565.
628
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Akmai)A, Spanish, its object, iii., 446; its building, 447;
its numbers and equipment, 447 ; attempts to delude
Enghind, 448 ; anothei- Amiadii prepared in Flanders,
448 ; preparations of England for resisting it, 449 ;
the Armada SiiOs, 450 ; is off the coast of England,
452 ; battles in the Channel, 453 ; roadstead of Calais,
455 ; a fire-ship and flight, 456 ; bloody battle in the
North Sea, 456 ; storm and shipwreck, 458 ; dreadful
catastrophes on the Irish coast, 458 ; interview between
the lliuister of Anstruther and a Spanish admii-al,
459 ; mourning in Spain, 459 ; rejoicings of Protestant
States over its total destruction, 460.
Arnold of Brescia, i., 51 ; a pupil of Abelard, 51 ; his
eloquence, 51 ; returns to Italy, and preaches in Brescia,
51; his picture of the times and scheme of Reform,
52; inveighs against the wealth of the clergy, and is
condemned by Innocent II., 52 ; banished from Italy,
53 ; on the Pope's death returns to Kome, and labours
there ten years, 53 ; demands separation of temporal
and spiritual powers, 53 ; seized and burned, 54.
Arundel, his Constitutions, i., 361 ; purges Oxford, 364 :
Aves to Mary and himself, 365 ; he becomes the evil
genius of Henry V., 371; persecutes Lord Cobham,
374; enacts new festivals, 393 ; his death and character,
381.
Askew, Anne, trial and torture of, iii., 406; her martj-rdom.
407.
AuGsnvKG, Diet at, i., 582 ; assembling of princes, 583 ;
emperor's arrival, 586; the Diet opened, 589; the
Torgau Articles, 585 ; subscribing of Augsburg Con-
fession, 594 ; its reading, 596 ; its articles, 597 ; its
results, 599 ; the place and uses of the Confession, 602;
plottings to counteract the Confession, 603 ; demand
made on the Protestants, 604 ; attemj)ted refutation
of the Confession, 610; the play of the masks, 611 ;
second attempt at refutation of Confession, 614 ; Ban
of Augsburg, ii., 96.
B
Badby, John, his condemnation, i., 353; his conversation
at the stake with the Prince of Wales, 354.
Bakkeb, John de Waerden, his martyrdom, iii., 14.
Basle, its importance, ii., 71 ; proportion of Protestants and
Eomanists, 71 ; Protestants demand abolition of the
mass, 71 ; the magistrates temporise, 72 ; conflict
between the citizens and the Senate, 73 ; night of the
8th of February, 73 ; the idols broken and burned, 74 ;
Erasmus quits Basle, 75 ; description of the town and
its environs, 221 ; Calvin arrives there, and lodges in
the house of Catherine Klein, 224 ; writes his " Insti-
tutes " and departs, 237.
Beda, head of the Sorbonnc, ii., 138; zeal against Pro-
testantism, 140; obtains an Act for the burning of
Lutherans, 201.
" Beggaks,'' or League of Flemish nobles, iii., 41; their
objects, 42 ; procession and petition to the Regent
Marg;iret, 44 ; speech of Brederode and reply of the
regent, 45 ; their livery, 45 ; " Beggars of the Sea,"
82 ; they capture Brill and found the Dutch KopubUc,
83 ; battle with the Spanish fleet, 102.
Belgic Co.nfessiox of Faith, its compilation, iii., 32 ; dift'ers
from the Augsburg Confession on the Lord's Supper,
but is in agreement with all the other Reformed Confes-
sions, 33 ; it originates with a few private Christians, 33 ;
its aim to guide, not fetter the understanding, 33 ; rati-
fied in 1566 by a Synod at Antwerp, 34 ; a copy of, sent
to King of Spain, 34 ; a "Representation " appended, to
magistrates of the Netherlands, 34 ; its teachings on
toleration, 34.
Bern, Conference at, ii., 64 ; journey of Swiss deputies
thither, 65 ; the theses and disputation, 66 ; the fete
of St. Viucent, 68 ; Bern embraces the Refoimation,
69 ; the citizens celebrate the Lord's Supper together,
70 ; Bern proposes blockade of the Five Cantons, 89 ;
assists Geneva against the Duke of Savoy, 276 ; inter-
feres adversely in the question of ceremonies at Geneva,
280 ; consulted in the matter of Servetus, 333 ; takes
the part of the Libertines, 354.
Berengarius of Tours, i., 47 ; opposes transubstantiation,
47 ; condemned by numerous CouncOs, 47 ; he recants,
47 ; his repentance and death, 48.
Bernard, St., his zeal, i., 51 ; preaches in south of
France in opposition to Henri, 51.
BERariN, Louis de, his conversion to the Gospel, ii., 159 ;
his zeal and courage, 160 ; liis imprisonment and release
by the king, 160 ; his condemnation and martyrdom,
101.
Beza, Theodore, his birth and education, ii., 319 ; becomes
the feUow-laboui'er of Calvin, 319 ; his personal appear-
ance, 550 ; his address at the CoUoquy of Poissy, 550 ;
at the request of Catherine de Medici, collects statistics
of the Protestant Church of France, 550 ; presides at
the Synod of La EocheUe (1571), 587.
Beziers, destruction of, i., 41, 42.
Bilnev, Thomas, his personal appeai-ance, iii., 3.'J9 ; the
first convert at Cambridge, 359 ; his labours at Cam-
bridge, 365 ; his device to convert Latimer, 300 ; sets out
on a preaching tour, 378 ; his arrest and trial, 379 ; his
fall and recovery, 380; the "Lollards' Pit," 380; his
burning, 381 ; followed by numerous martyrs, 381.
Bohemia, first preachers of the Reformed doctrine in, iii.,
194 ; heroism of its early martjTS, 195 ; invasion of
Ferdinand I. and flight of the pastors, 196 ; the Jesuits
introduced, 197; MaximUian II. and Joachim Neuhaus,
198 ; its creed ratified by the king, 199; the Majestiits-
Bricf, 199 ; flourishing state of the Bohemian Pro-
testant Church, 200 ; its constitution, &c., 200 ; joy of
the Protestants, 201 ; reaction under the Emperor
GENERAL INDEX.
629
JIatthias, 201 ; election of Ferdinand II., and the
troubles growing out of it, 201 ; battle of the White
Hill, and consequent overthrow of Protestantism, 202 ;
apprehension of nobles and senators, 202 ; condemned
to death, 203 ; a strange phenomenon, 206 ; the Bohe-
mian martyrs one by one, 207 ; their last words and
heroic hehainour on the scaffold, 207 — 210; their
execution the obsequies of their country, 212; murder
of ministers by the troops, 212 ; the Anabaptists
banished from Moravia, 213; sorrowful departure of
the Calvinistic and Lutheran pastors, 214 ; school-
masters banished and books burned, 215; the grandees
o.vpelled, 216 ; reign of terror in the towns, 21G ; alter-
native: apostacy or banishment, 217; Bohemia a desert,
and the nation trampled out, 218.
BoiEvx, Anne, her bii-th and character, iii., 375 ; Henry
A^III.'s passion for, 375 ; her marriage and coronation,
399 ; her execution, 402.
BoLocM.\, its situation and magnificence, i., 572; meeting
between Pope and Emperor at, 574 ; fetes and mid-
night interriews, 574 ; Charles V. crowned, 579 ; coro-
nation rites, and theii- significance, 579.
CoxivAui), Prior of St. Victor, his accomplishments, ii.,
240 ; lashes satirically Alexander VI. and other Popes,
241; his journey to Kome, 242 ; imprisoned in Castle of
ChUlon, 243.
BossuET, " the Eagle of Meaux," iii., 345 ; his bigotrj-,
346.
BouKBON, Anthony, Duke of Vendume, his character, ii.,
533 ; man-ies Jeanne d'Albret and becomes ICing of
Navarre, 533 ; killed at siege of Eouen, 570.
liRADWAiiDiNE tcaches the Gospel at O.xford, i., 61.
BU190NNET, Bishop of Meaux, goes on embasay to Rome,
ii., 130; professes Protestantism, 131; his influence at
court, 132; circulates the Bible, 134 ; Reformation in
his diocese, 135; his fall, 141; his inter\-iew with
Denis in prison, 142.
Bbo-vvn, John, of Ashford, iii., 357 ; story of his martyr-
dom, 357.
Bkvssels, first martjTS of the Reformation burned at,
i., 490.
Buuys, Peter d(^ founder of the Petrobrusians, i., 50 ; is
burned, 50.
BuD.nus, his efforts to save Berquin, ii., 160.
BuLLiNOER, Dean, his address to his parishioners, ii., 77 ;
his Bon Henry succeeds him, 78.
CAJETA.V, Cardinal, his character, i., 273 ; tries the cause of
Luther, 278 ; his haughtiness, 280 ; his opinion of
Luther, 281 ; his letter to the Elector Frederick, and
Frederick's reply, 285.
Calvin, John, his birth and lineage, ii., 146; his dispo-
sition and training, 146 ; appointed to Chaplaincy of
La Gesine, 147 ; Calvin under Mathurin Cordier at La
Marche, Paris, 147 ; his influence on the French Ian-
guagc, 148 ; enters the College of Montaigne, 149 ;
discussions with his cousin Olivetan, 150 ; his struggles
of soul, 152 ; opens the Bible and sees the Cross, 153;
goes to Orleans and begins the study of law, 156 ; his
coUege companions, 156; repairs to Bourgea and
studies Greek, 157 ; begins to evangelise, 158; recalled
from Boui-ges by news of his father's illness, 159;
Calvin at No}-on, 164; preaches at Pont I'Eveque, 165 ;
his missionary labours in Paris, 166 ; his interview
with the Queen of Navarre, 175 ; writes an inaugural
for Rector Cop, 176; his flight from Paris, 176; takes
up his abode with Du TiUet at Angouleme, 177 ; his
inter\-iew with Lefe\-re, 178; goes to Poictiers, 178;
dispenses there the Lord's Supper for the first time in
France, 179 ; sends out three missionaries, 179 ; re-
nounces his ecclesiastical preferments and sells his
patrimonial inheritance, 200 ; meets Servetus at Paris,
201 ; resumes his evaugehstie labours, 202 ; his forecast
of communism, 204 ; quits Paris for the last time, 204 ;
arrives at Strasburg, 220 ; ascends the Rhine to Basle,
221 ; his interview with Erasmus, 222 ; compiles the
" Institutes," 225 ; enters Geneva, 280 ; adjured by
Farcl to remain, 281 ; lectures in the cathedral, and
compiles a creed and catechism, 282 ; fi-ames the Con-
stitution of Geneva on model of old theocracy, 284 ;
frames a code of morals, 285 ; the Libertines obtain
a majority in the Council against him, 286; Easter
Sunday, 1538, 287 ; Calvin and Farel in presence of the
tumult, 287 ; their banishment, 290 ; Calvin becomes
pastor and professor of theology at Strasburg, 291 ;
his letters to Geneva and Sadoleto, 292 ; goes to the
Conference at Frankfort, 295; his interviews with
Melancthon, and love for him, 296; Calvin among
the Latin, and Luther among the Teutonic peoples,
296 ; tragic death of Calvin's four chief opponents at
Geneva, 300 ; the tide turns in his favour, 301 ; his
return to Geneva, 301 ; his marriage, 303 ; his eccle-
siastical ordinances, 304 ; the Venerable Company, 305 ;
the Consistor}- and Council, 305 ; a theocratic republic
established at Geneva, 306 ; Calvin's studies, sermons,
and coiTespondcncc, 308 ; estimate of his Commentaries,
309 ; his battles with the Libertines, 310 ; his coUisiou
with the family of Pcrrin, 311 ; his defence before the
Council, 312; personal outrages upon, 314; sufferings
of Calvin and Luther compared, 314 ; death of Ideletto
de Bure, his wife, 314 ; Calvin turns with hope to
England, 316 ; what he judged necessary for the
Reformation of England, 316; his efforts for union,
317 : Calvin's and Zwingle's views on the Lord's Supper
practically the same, 317 ; biilliant gi-oup round Cah-in,
319; the man at the centre, 320; his encounter with
Servetus, 321 {see Servetus); his conflict with Ber-
630
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tholior and tho Libertines, 323 ; Calvin debars from, and
the Council admits to the Commimion-tablc, the Liber-
tines, 325 ; Sunday, 3rd September, 1553, 32G ; Cal-
vin's Tictory over the Libertines, 327 ; the two beacons,
328 ; Cal\'in'8 connection vnth the condemnation and
death of Servetus examined, 338 ; his letter to the five
martyrs of Lyons, 341 ; his correspondence with the
Duke of Somerset, Cranmer, and Edward VI., 342;
his longings for union, 344 ; dedications of his works,
345 ; his vast correspondence, 346 ; Calvin and Knox,
346 ; Calvin and Innocent III. compared and con-
trasted, 347 ; last attack of the Libertines on Calvin,
349 ; spiritual supremacy of the Consistory the key
of his position, 350 ; the refugees, 351 ; grandeur of
Calvin's rule, 352 ; spiritual glory of the Church of
Geneva under Calvin, 353 ; collision with Bolsec and
Castalio, 354 ; his care of the French Church, 354 ;
makes Geneva a missionary propaganda, 356 ; his
organisation of the French Church, 357 ; founds an
academy at Geneva, 358 ; Cardinal Sadoleto visits him,
359 ; his poverty, 360 ; his last appearance in the
pulpit, 365 ; his last visit to the CouncU, 368 ; receives
the pastors and senators on his death-bed, 368 ; Farel
visits him, 369 ; he dies, 369 ; his grave, 370 ; estimate
of his work, 371 ; Luther and Calvin compared, 371 ;
successive theories of Presbyterian Church govern-
ment, 374 ; the key of Calvin's position, 376 ; the two
great lessons, 376.
CiMPAGNA di Roma, Luther's journey across, i., 250 ; its
present condition, 251.
Capito, Wolfgang, i., 427; preaches at Basle, 443.
Cakaccioli, Galeazzo, a noble Neapolitan and convert, ii.,
423 ; Calvin's testimony to, 423.
Cakaffa, a member of the Oratory of Divine Love, ii., 422;
attends the Evangelical reunions at Chiaja, Naples,
423 ; re-establishes the Inquisition, 423 ; becomes Paul
IV., 425.
Caklstadt, Archdeacon of Cathedral, Wittemberg, his
Obelisks, i., 291 ; his disputation with Dr. Eck at
Leipsic, 292 ; his personal appearance, 293 ; what he
maintains on the power of the will, 294 ; dispenses the
Lord's Supper at Wittemberg, 482 ; opposes Luther on
the Sacrament, 508 ; leaves Wittemberg for Orlamund,
509 ; disputes with Luther on images, 510.
Caenesecchi, Pietro, a patrician of Florence and martyr,
ii.,423.
Caspak, Leonard, and other martyrs in Bavaria, i., 546.
Charles I. of England, his father's gift the Basilicon Boron,
iii., 536 ; his character, 537 ; his arbitrary acts and
measures, 538; the "Book of Sports," 540; sends
down canons and Liturgy to Scotland, 542 ; scene in
St. Giles' on first reading of Liturgy, 542 ; makes war
on the Scots, 545 ; peace, and second war, 546 ; the
Long Parliament meets, 546 ; tho Irish massacre and
the king's suspected complicity, 548 ; sets up his
standard at Nottingham, 548 ; Scots join the English,
549; the king defeated at Marston Moor, 552 ; attainted
and condemned, 554 ; his execution, 555.
Charles II., joy at his restoration, iii., 557 ; his hypocrisy,
657 ; purposes the overthrow of Scottish Presbj-tery,
561 ; his infamous tools — Middleton, Sharp, Lauder-
dale, 562 ; Acts, Eecissory, &c., for destruction of
Scottish Protestantism, 562 ; legislation and drunken-
ness, 563; sets up prelacy in Scotland, 566 {see Scottish
" Kirk ") ; scheme for introducing Popery and arbi-
trary government, 574 ; breach of the " Triple Al-
liance " and war with Holland, 575 ; Charles becomes
a pensioner of Louis XIV., 578; the Test Act, 579;
Charles's Ulness and death, 584 ; suspicions of poison,
685.
Charles IV., his Golden Bull, 133 ; chai-acter of his reign
in Bohemia, 134.
Charles V., his character, i., 303; his dominions, 304;
elected to the Empire, 305; Luther's appeal to, 309;
coronation as emperor, 320 ; opens the Diet at Worms,
323 ; Aleander pleads before the emperor and the Diet
against Luther, 320 ; his first impressions of Luther,
339; his ban against him, 347; war between Charles
V. and Francis I., 476 ; victory at Pa via leaves
Charles V. at the head of Europe, 520 ; the Pope forms
a League against him, 624 ; the emperor sacks Rome,
631 ; Charles and the Pope unite to destroy heresy,
544 ; aims at being supreme in Christendom, 564 ; lays
the train for extinction of Protestantism, 568 ; lands
at Genoa, 569 ; audience and arrest of Protestant
deputies, 670 ; sets out for Bologna, 572 ; interviews
with Clement VII. at Bologna, 575 ; proposes a Coun-
cil, and summons a Diet at Augsburg, 578 ; his
coronation, 579 ; crosses the Tyrol, 580 ; arrives at
Innspruck, 581 ; entrance into Augsburg, 686 ; his
speech at the Diet, 691 ; his labours and vexations,
ii., 100; his League with Pope Paul III. in order to
war against the Schmalkald princes, 112 ; his ban
against the Elector of Saxony and Landgrave of Hesse,
116; tho climax of his power, 119; Maurice turns
against him, 120; flight of the emperor, 121; abdi-
cation and retirement into Monastery of St. Juste, 122 ;
his end, 123; his persecuting edicts in the Nether-
lands, iii., 8, 11 ; his abdication, 14 ; his own summary
of his labours, 15.
Charles IX., assembles the States-General at Orleans, ii.,
546 ; influence of his mother on his character, 677 ; his
dissimulation with Admiral Coligny, 593 ; his interview
with the legate of Pius V., 596; his doublings, 697; his
afEected anger at Coligny's being wounded, 698; his
hesitation before the massacre, 599 ; fires on his sub-
jects, 603 ; his sweat of blood, 612 ; his Huguenot nurse,
613; his death, 613.
Chatelaix, Bishop of Ma(,'on, his sudden death, ii., 519.
GENERAL INDEX.
631
CiiiCHELEY, Primate, instigates Henry V. to war with
Franee, i., 386 ; edicts against the Lollards, 389 ;
reprimanded by the Pope, 394 ; advises Henry V. to
refuse entrance to the Legate-a-latere, 398.
Church, Primitive, early triumphs, i., 3; corruptions of
fourth century, 3; modelled on the pattern of the
Empire, 3 ; rites brought into her by the Northern
nations, 4, 5 ; her ministry changed to a sacrificing
priesthood, 8 ; Churches of Lombardy in seventh and
eighth centuries, 20; services of Koman Church to
Western nations, 23 ; submission of Lombard Churches
to Rome, 23.
Clacdius of Tui-in, i., 21 ; his Commentaries, 21 ; his doc-
trine of the Lord's Supper, 21 ; his battle against
images, 22 ; his views on the primacy, 22 ; approved
by Councils in France, 23.
Clement VII., his character, i., 490 ; sends Campeggio to
the Diet at Nuremberg, 491 ; letter to Charles V., 503;
Charles to Clement, 504 ; interviews with emperor at
Bologna, 574 ; sails to Marseilles to meet Francis I.,
ii., 186 ; marries his niece to second son of Francis I.,
188; returns to Rome and dies, 189; perplexities
caused him by English divorce, iii., 376; his doublings,
377.
Clement XIV. (GanganeUi) , his character, ii., 418 ; he
suppresses the Jesuits, 419 ; his sudden death, 419.
ComE receives the Reformed Faith, i., 447.
CoLET, Dean, studies at Florence, iii., 350 ; founds St.
Paul's School, 350; his lectures at St. Paul's, 351.
CoLiGNY, Gaspard de, his lineage and early career, ii., 534 ;
his daily life at ChatiUon, 535 ; sots out for the civil
wars, 562 ; becomes commander-in-chief in the civil
wars, 572 ; plot to seize him and the Prince of Conde,
581 ; proclaimed an outlaw, 584 ; magnanimity amid his
calamities, 584 ; Charles IX.'s deceitful negotiations
with him, 593; shot at on leaving the Louvre, 598;
murdered on the night of St. Bartholomew, 602.
CoNDE, Prince of, his character, ii., 534 ; sentenced to die,
545 ; escapes by the death of Francis II., 546 ; seizes
Orleans and begins the civil wars, 562 ; taken prisoner
at battle of Dreux, 572 ; Idllod in battle of Jarnac,
582.
Confessions : Augsburg {sec Augshuro) ; Belgic {see
Belgic); Tetrapolitan Confession, ;602 ; Netherland
Confession, iii., 78.
Conscience more powerful than philosophy, ii., 95.
Consensus Tiguhinis, ii., 317.
Constance, Council of, its assembling, i. 146 ; canonises
St. Bridget, 149 ; declares a General Council above the
Pope, 149; tries and deposes John XXIII., 153; de-
poses three Popes, 153; elects Martin V., 179; breaking
up of the Council and magnificent departure of the
Pope, 182.
CoNSTANTiNE, Emperor, complains of the disputes of the
clergj', i., 4 ; his "Donation," 11.
Constantine of Samosata, i., 32 ; his disciples, 33 ; stoned
to death, 33 ; succeeded by Simeon and Sergius, 33 ;
their labours and death, 33.
CoNTAiiiNi, Cardinal, his character, ii., 297 ; recommends
reform at Hagenau Conference, 298.
Cordier, Mathurin, Calvin's first schoolmaster, ii., 147.
Cosmo de Medici, his merchandise and love of letters, ii.,
184 ; becomes Duke of Tuscany, 185.
Council of Blood in the Netherlands, its constitution, iii.,
69; destroys men at the rate of about fifty per day, 70;
"William of Orange cited before it, 71 {see Netherland
Martyrs).
Council of Trent, its programme of European massacre,
iii., 40, 41.
Councils : persecuting edicts of Councils of Toulouse,
Lateran, Tours, i., 39, 40; CouncQ of Basle, 202;
debates with the Hussites, 206 ; CouncU of Pisa, 363 ;
deposes two rival Popes, 363 ; of Trent, ii., 113.
Covenants of the various Reformed Chui-ches, iii., 521 ;
National Covenant of Scotland, 521 ; National Covenant
renewed, 543 ; its provisions, 543 ; solemn scene in
Grej'friars' Churchyard, 543; swearing of covenant,
followed by the Free Assembly of 1638 and fall of pre-
lacy, 544 ; the Solemn League framed, 549; summary of
its principles, 549 ; Westminster Assembly, 550 ; West-
minster Standards, 551 ; their influence on the Churches
of the world, 551 ; England Presbyterian, 552.
Cr.4^mer, Thomas, birth and education, iii., 389 ; intro-
duced to the king, 392 ; advises Henry to ask opinion
of the Universities on his marriage, 392 ; made Primate
of England, 399; pronounces divorce of Catherine, 399 ;
reforms the Church of England, 408 ; difiiculties of his
work, 416 ; proposed Protestant Convention, 416; con-
demned for treason, 423 ; disputes, along with Ridley
and Latimer, on the mass at Oxford, 423 ; his recan-
tation and repentance, 430 ; his martjT-dom, 431.
Cromwell, Oliver, vigour of his protectorate, iii., 356.
Cromwell, Thomas, his early career and first meeting with
Henry VIII., iii., 392 ; ad%'ises Henry to abolish the
Papal jurisdiction in England, 392 ; taken into the
king's service, 393 ; counsels the king to abolish the
Pope's supremacy in England, 392 ; is beheaded, 404.
D
D'Alrret, Jeanne, Queen of Nav.arre, ii., 536 ; establishes
Protestantism in her kingdom, 537 ; her greatness as a
sovereign, 637 ; joins the Protestant chiefs at La
Rochelle, and presents her son to the Protestant army,
582 ; comes to court of France on occasion of her son's
marriage, 593 ; her sudden death, 694.
632
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Denmauk, Arcimbold sells indulgences in, ii., M, 33; Paul
Elia, its first herald of Protestantism, 33 ; Taussanus,
its great licformcr {sec Tavssanvs) ; the Danish New
Testament, 34 ; meeting of Estates at Odenscc, and
edict of toleration, 39; influence of Church song in the
Eefoi-mation of Denmark, 39 ; theological college estab-
lished at Malmoe, 40; new translation of the New
Testament, 41 ; the theology of Danish Protestants
agrees with Augsburg Confession, 42; a disputa-
tion challenged and declined, 44 ; monasteries dissolved
and Protestantism established, 44 ; futile invasion of
ex-lCing Christian II., 45 ; accession of Christian III.,
47 ; new ecclesiastical constitution framed by Pome-
ranus, 49 ; Keformation completed, and Christian III.
crowned, 50.
DiAHA of Poictiers, mistress of Heniy II., ii., 517; insti-
gates the king to persecute, 51S ; Diana and the tailor,
519; her avarice, 521.
Diet of Bohemia, i., 207 ; of Worms summoned, 322 ;
opened, 323 ; Aleander pleads before it, 326 ; Luther
cited to it, 329 ; his arrival at Worms, 333 ; appears
before the Diet, 336 ; his address, 34 1 ; ban pronounced
upon him, 347 ; Diet of Nuremberg (1522), 488 ; edict
permitting the Gospel to be preached, 489 ; second
JDict at Nuremberg (1524), 401 ; Diet at Spires (1526),
624 ; second Diet of Sijircs (1529), 548; asked to repeal
the edict of toleration, 549 ; consultations, 550 ; the
Great Protest, 551; Diet at Augsburg, 582 [see
Augsbukg) ; Diet at Zurich (1529), ii., 78, Confer-
ences at Hagenau and Eatisbon, 297.
Dominic, St., organises the Inquisition, i., 45; founds a
new Order, 81 ; Dominicans foim twoTaands — preachers
and inquisitors, 82.
DoiiT, first National Sj-nod at (1578), iu., 124 ; its
sentiments on toleration, 125 ; Synod of Dort (1618),
148 ; Calvinism the common theology of the Eefonna-
tion and of the early Dutch Church, 148; Arminius
and rise of Anninianism, 149 ; his tenets, as developed
by his disciples, 149; the five points, 150; the
Remonstrants, 152; opening of the S)-nod, 152; con-
demns and deposes the Remonstrants, 153 ; the
theology of the first and second ages of the Reforma-
tion compared, 154 ; influence of the Sjmod, 154.
Du Bellay sent to negotiate an alliance with the Pro-
testant princes, ii., 166.
Dii BouRG, the merchant, ii., 203; his arrest, 209; his
burning, 210.
DiTRAT, Chancellor of France, ii., 140; persecutes the
Protestants of Meaux, 141.
EcK, Dr., professor of philosophy at Ingolstadt, opposes
Luther, i., 2G9 ; disputation at Leipsic, 291 ; his
entrance into that city, 291 ; propositions maintained
against Carlatadt and Luther, 294 ; Eck at Rome, 301 ;
procures bull against Luther, 311 ; Aleander publishes
the bull, and bums Luther's -iTOtings, 312 ; Eck a.?
spokesman of the Diet at Worms, 338 ; appointed to
write a refutation of the Augsburg Confession, 608,
614 ; invited to oppose Taussanus, the Danish Re-
former, ii., 37 ; flattering letter of Danish bishops to
him, 38 ; chosen champion for tho disputation at
Baden, 57; personal aiipcarance, 58; Eck and Charles
V. helping the Reformation, 59.
Edward III., Urban V. demands tribute from him, i., 68;
edict passed in his reign to restrain Papal encroach-
ments, 69 ; debates in Parliament on the Pope's
demand, 70.
Edward VI., education and piety, iii., 408; coronation,
409 ; encourages Somerset and Cranmcr in theii'
Church Reforms, 409; case of Joan of Kent, 417;
death of Edward VI., 418.
Egmokt, Lamoral, Count of, his appearance, iii., 16 ; sent
to Spain to demand meeting of States-General, &c., 35 ;
his severities against the image-breakers of Flanders,
60 ; his resolution at Dendermonde, and William
the Silent's warning, 65 ; arrested and thrown into
the Castle of Ghent by Alva, 68 ; condemned and be-
headed, 74.
Elizabeth of England, joy at her accession, iii., 431 ; her
Protestant policy and its eifeets, 432 ; her ministers,
Cecil and Bacon, 434 ; the Marian exOcs welcomed,
437 ; excommunieated by Pius V., 441 ; the Babington
conspii-acy, 444 ; execution of conspirators, 444 ; queen
at Tilburj-, 449 ; thanksgi%-ing ijrocession to St. Raid's,
460 ; persecutes the Puritans, 462 ; her character, 464 ;
outburst of mind in her reign, 465.
EuFiBE, The, revived by the Pope under Charlemagne, i.,
215; the seven electors, 215 ; ceremonial of coronation
according to golden bull, 217 ; limits of the emperor's
power, 218 ; splendour of the Empire under Charles V.,
219; the Empire threatens liberty, 220.
England, the cradle of the Reformation, i., 124, 400;
ii., 8 ; iii., 347 ; made the custodian and dispenser of
the Bible, 358 ; Parliament of, authorises a new trans-
lation of the Bible, 400 ; Act permitting the Bible to be
read, and a copy to be placed in every parish church,
405 ; in conjunction mth Scotland, the head-quarters
of Protestantism, 441; greatness of Protestant Eng-
land, 461, 464.
England, Church of, Henry VIII. dedai-ed head of, iii.,
395, 398; ecclesiastical changes consequent on aboli-
tion of Papal supremacy, 396 ; a Bible in everj- church,
405 ; King Henry's Institution of a Christian Man, and
Necessary Erudition of a Christian Man, 406 ; Cranmer's
Reformation of, 410; Book of Homilies, 410; super-
stitious usages forbidden, and the Comjnunion in both
kinds, 411; Cranmer's Cato/iwm, 411 ; Book of Common
Traycr, 412; the Communion Service, 412; the Articles,
GENERAL INDEX.
633
413 ; Litany and Gospels in English, 434 ; Elizabeth,
Act of Uniformity, 434 ; changes in the Prayer Book
on the head of the Sacrament, 435 ; the " stone pulpit,"
sermons, additional homilies, 436 ; itinerant preachers,
438 ; Eeformcrs' view of the royal supremacy, 440.
Erasmus of Rotterdam, his character and career, i., 318;
comes to Basle and issues his New Testament, 428 ;
leaves Basle and retires to Friburg, ii., 75 ; his advice
to Louis dc Bcrquin, ICO ; his interview with Cahnn,
222 ; Paul III. enlists his pen, and offers him a
cardinal's hat, 224 ; timidity of the gi-eat scholar, 224 ;
his letter to the people of the Netherlands, iii., 11 ; his
services to the English Rcf oi-mation, 3.3 1 ; publica-
tion of his Greek and Latin New Testament, 358.
F.UJEU, early history of, i., 458 ; disputes with Zwingle af^
Zurich, 459 ; joined with Eck to refute the Augsburg
Confession, 614.
Fahel, WOliam, his parentage, ii., 128 ; his devotion to
Rome, 129 ; a pupil and fellow-labourer of Lefevre at
Paris, 129 ; he arrives at Aigle, in Switzerland, 248 ;
begins to preach there, 248 ; his character as a preacher,
248 ; repulsed from Lausanne and goes to Morat, 249 ;
preaches at Neuf chatel, 249 ; consummates its Reforma-
tion, 250; Vallangin reformed, 251 ; turns his ej'e to-
wards Geneva, 253 ; evangelises at Orbe, 254 ; Swiss
towns reformed by him, 255 ; enters Geneva and re-
forms it, 264 {see Geneva) ; adjures Calvin to become
his feUow-labourer, 281 (see Calvin); banished from
Geneva and goes to Neuf chatel, 291 ; attends Servetus
in his last hours, 338 ; \-isits Calvin on his death-bed,
369 ; goes with Saunier to the Waldensian Sj-nod,
349.
Fekdin.vxd I., brother of Charles V., his policy at Diet of
Spires (1526), i., 526; his secret orders at Diet, 529;
presides at Diet (1529), 548 ; suddenly qiuts the Diet,
550.
Ferdinand II. educated by the Jesuits, iii., 230 ; his vow,
231 ; aims at the extinction of Protestantism and the
liberties of Germany, 261 [see Hungary and the Thirty
Years' WjVr).
France, great, but misses the Reformation, ii., 3 ; its central
position, 123 ; tragic grandeur of its Protestantism,
124 ; Louis XII., 124 ; its early Reformers, 128 ; its
crisis, 172; its grand purgation, 213 ; an ominous day
in its calendar, 218 ; its first martjTS and e.xilcs, 218 ;
their glory, 219; first Protestant assemblies, 525 ; its
book -hawkers, 525 ; testimony of Florimond de Eaemond
to its early Protestants, 526 ; list of Protestant con-
gregations at Henry II.'s death, 526 ; strength of Pro-
testantism in, 564.
FR.iNCis I., his campaign against Charles V. in Italy, i.,
519; taken captive at battle of Paria, 520; violates
his treaty with Charles V., and war ensues, 643 ; his
humiliations, ii., 100; his character, 132; makes ad-
vances to the Protestant princes of Germany, 166 ;
repulsed and turns to England, 167; meets Henry
VIII. at Boulogne, 167 ; offers to marry his second
son to the niece of Clement VII., 183 ; aims at uniting
Rome and the Reformation, 191 ; summons a meeting
in the Louvre to discuss Melaucthon's programme of
union, 195 ; Francis I. sketches a basis of union, 196 ;
alarm awakened by it in the Sorbonne and the Vatican,
196 ; Francis in the grand procession of 1535, 214 ;
his speech in Notre Dame, 215 ; witnesses the dreadful
executions that followed, 216 ; turns again to the Ger-
man Protestants, 219 ; takes Piedmont and Savoy from
the duke, 278 ; his death-bed and lying in state, 513.
Francis II., his character, ii., 532 ; governed by the Guises,
533 ; bums Du Bourg, 538 ; establishes Chambres
ardentes, 539 ; violence of his persecutions, 539 ; Con-
spiracy of Amboise, 542 ; barbarous executions of the
insurgents, 543; death and funeral of Francis II.,
545.
Francis, St., his birth, i., 80 ; early habits, SO ; journey to
Rome, and interview with Innocent III., 80, 81 ; com-
missioned to found a new order, 81 ; their rapid and
wide diffusion, 81.
Frederick, Elector of Saxony, builds the Schloss-kirk,
Wittemberg, i., 262 ; his dream, 263 ; protects Luther,
273 ; requests Luther to quit Saxony, 286 ; Pope offers
bim the golden rose, 288 ; Empire offered to, but de-
clined, 304 ; Leo X.'a letter to, 311 ; his death, 512.
French Church, first National Synod of, ii., 528 ; its con-
fession of faith, 530 ; its constitution and courts, 531 ;
Quick's testimony to flourishing condition of French
Church, 532 ; French and Scottish ecclesiastical or-
ganisations compared, iii., 315.
French Church of the Desert, iii., 343 ; places of meeting
and worship, 344 ; her persecutions and martyrs, 345 ;
her pastors, Paul Rabaut and Antoine Court, 346 ;
Revolution of 1789, 347.
French Dragonnades, confiscation of Protestant churches,
iii., 328 ; persecuting amts, 328 ; fimd for purchase
of consciences, 329 ; Pere la Chaise and Madame de
llaintenon, 329 ; the dragonnades commenced, 330 ;
consummated in revocation of Edict of Nantes, 332
{see Nante.s).
French Protestants, their eminence in agriculture, iii.,
321 ; in trade and manufactures, 321 ; their probity
and command of foreign commerce, 322 ; illustrious
names in law, in oratory, in letters, 322 ; the pulpit
eloquence and pulpit orators of France, 323 ; French
Protestant seminaries, 324 ; eminent French pastors,
325.
634
HISTOBY OF PROTESTANTISM.
Frytk, John, his character and conversion, iii., 359 ; his
dreadful sufferings with eight others in the cellar at
Oxford, 371 ; his martyrdom, 399.
G
Gardiner, with Bonner and Cardinal Pole, becomes the
instrument of Mary's cruelties, iii., 420 [see Mary).
Geneva, grandeur of its site, ii., 238 ; diminutive size, and
sneers of Voltaire, 238 ; places itself under its bishop,
who swears to preserve its franchises, 239 ; Martin V.
deprives its citizens of the right of electing their bishop,
239 ; he appoints a prince of the House of Savoy to be
their bishop, 240 ; war between the bishop and the
citizens, 240 ; Berthelier and Levrier stand up for its
independence, 242 ; Berthelier beheaded, 243 ; Levrier
apprehended, tried, and beheaded, 244 ; Geneva allies
itself with Bern and Friburg, 246 ; strength of
Popery in Geneva and Leman VaUey, 256 ; Farel
preaches the great pardon in it, but is expelled, 257 ;
its Reformation begun by Froment, the schoolmaster,
258 ; Froment's New Year's Day sermon, 260 ; first
Protestant Communion in Geneva, 2G1 ; plot to mas-
sacre all the converts, 261 ; war on its streets, 262 ;
its bishop, Pierre de la Baume, flees, 263 ; edict of
Council, permitting free preaching of the Gospel, 263 ;
Farel, Viret, and Froment enter it, 264 ; plot to seize
Geneva under cover of a hunting party, 266 ; duke
and emperor combine against it, 267 ; its suburbs razed
by its citizens in self-defence, 268 ; Geneva needed as
a new foothold of Protestantism, 269 ; Friburg and
Bern abandon it, 270 ; the bishop departs, and the
citizens assume its government, 270 ; attempt to poison
the Protestant ministers, 271 ; public disputations
between the monks and the ministers, 272 ; miracles
and exposures, 273 ; strange symbolical figures, 274 ;
mass forbidden by the Council, 275; the Popish faith
ceases to be the religion of Geneva, ■ 275 ; Geneva
blockaded by the Duke of Savoy, 275 ; Bern inter-
venes, 276 ; the Savoy army beaten off, 277 ; Geneva
completes its Reformation, 278 ; motto, and com-
memorative tablet, 279 ; Geneva becomes the mate-
rial basis of a great moral empire, 280; Cali-in
enters it [see Calvin) ; civil constitution of the
Genevan republic, 282 ; the Old Testament theo-
cracy taken as a model, 284 ; the sumptuary laws,
285 ; rise of the Libertine party, 286 ; banishment of
Calvin and Farel, 287 ; Rome draws near to Geneva,
292 ; Calvin's letter to Senate and people, 292 ; Calvin's
return to Geneva, 301 ; ecclesiastical constitution of
Geneva, 304 ; the new Geneva, 306 ; two Genevas— the
Protestant and Libertine, 309 ; the Thermopyk-c of
Christendom, 309 ; the Libertines' kst attack, 349 ; their
complaints of Calvin's sermons and publications, 350 ;
their plot to massacre the refugees, and its failure, 352 ;
glory of Geneva under Calvin, 352 ; its academy, 358 ;
daily life of its citizens, 362 ; vast increase of its trade
and wealth, 363 ; the Sabbath in Geneva, 364.
Germany, causes disposing it towards the Reformation, ii.,
2 ; picture of, before the Thirty Years' "Wax, iii., 256 ;
frightful desolation of, after the war, 308.
GlANAVELLo, a Waldensian patriot, ii., 488 : his bravery
and skill, 489 ; repeatedly repulses Pianezza's soldiers,
490 ; Valley of Rora ravaged and desolated, 490 ;
Gianavello renews the war, and performs prodigies of
valour, 491 ; Cromwell's letters to the Duke of Savoy
and Louis XIV. in behalf of the "Waldenses, 492;
treaty of peace, 494.
Gregory VII. begins War of Investitures, i., 14 ; his theo-
cratic idea, 15 ; humbles Henry IV. of Germany, 15 ;
his idea realised by Innocent III., who exalts the mitre
above the Empire, 16.
GcisE, Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, his cowardliness, ii.,
515; transfers trial of heresy from the Parliament to
the bishops, 521.
Guise, Francis, Duke of, his descent and character, ii.,
515 ; perpetrates the massacre at Vassy, 558 ; entrance
into Paris after massacre, 560 ; his assassination, 673.
GusTAVus Adolphus, his birth and early training, iii., 248 ;
his first campaigns, 274 ; resolves to embark in the
Thirty Years' War, 275 ; parting address to his Diet,
275 ; lands in Germany, 277 ; takes Stettin and Pome-
rania, 278 ; conquers at Leipsic, and routs the Impe-
rialists, 285 ; his object the restoration of Protestantism,
290 ; terms proposed by him to the Romanists, 290 ;
enters Bavaria, and defeats TUly, 291 ; falls at Liitzen,
294 ; his burial at Stockholm, 297 ; his character and
mission, 298 [see Thirty Years' War).
Guthrie, James, minister at Stirling, his character, iii.,
566 ; executed, and his head afiixed to the Netherbow,
Edinburgh, 566.
H
Haarlem, siege of, iii., 92 ; its defences, 92 ; its army of
Amazons, 92 ; breach, assault, and repulse of the foe,
93 ; mining and countermining, battles below the
earth, 94 ; blockade, famine, and dreadful misery, 94 ;
its fall and its massacre, 95 ; a moral victory to thp
Protestant cause, 96.
Haller, Berthold, the Reformer of Bern, i., 444 ; he
preaches and administers the Lord's Supper in the
Cathedral of Bern, ii., 70.
Hamilton, Patrick, proto-martyr of Scotland, iii., 470; his
lineage, and studies abroad, 470 ; preaches at Linlith-
gow, 471 ; his doctrine, 471 ; his marriage, 471 ; in-
veigled to St. Andrews, and arrested, 472 ; his
evening party, 472; panoramic view of contemporary
GENERAL ESTDEX.
635
Christendom, 473; final arrest, 474; liis trial, and
accusations of Prior Campbell, 476 ; his six hours at
the stake, 477; Campbell's dreadful death, 477; im-
pression made by Hamilton's martj-rdom, 477.
Henby IV. of England, enacts the first death-penalty for
reUgion, i., 3.51; De Uarctico Combttrcntlo, 3.52, 369;
his letter to Pope Gregory XII., 362; projects a
crusade, 369 ; dies in the Jerusalem Chamber, 370.
Henry V., his coronation, i., 370 ; change of character,
370 ; his -war with France, 387 ; fights the battle of
Agincourt, 387 ; his death, fimeral, and character, 388.
Henby VI., distractions of England during his infancy,
i., 393.
Henry VII. hetroths his son Henry (VIII.) to his
brother's widow, Catherine of Spain, iii., 353.
Henry VIII., his disposition, ii., 10 ; his troubles, 99 ; his
education and popularity, iii., 349 — 352 ; his coronation,
and marriage to Catherine, 353 ; his book against
Luther, 363; the divorce stirred, 378; bull for dis-
solving his marriage, 383 ; commission to try the cause
in England, 385 ; Henry and Catherine cited before it,
but trial adjourned, 385; Henry's wrath, 385; cited
to Rome, 386 ; inhibits bull of citation, 386 ; casts his
clergy in the penalties of prcsmunire, 394 ; made head
of the Church of England, 395 ; foreign imiversities
approve the divorce, 398 ; divorces Catherine, and
marries Anno Boleyn, 399 ; is excommunicated by the
Pope, 400 ; tyrannical enactments, 404 ; his executions,
405 ; his death, 407 ; his character, 407.
Henry II. of France, his dislike of business, ii., 515;
parties at his comt, 515 ; Henry witnesses the burning
of the tailor, 519 ; numerous martjTS in his reign,
520 ; his quarrel with Julius III., and Edict of Chateau-
briand, 520 ; dispensed from his oath to Charles V. by
legate of Paul IV., 521 ; treaty of Cateau Cambresis,
and loss inflicted by it on Henr)-, 522 ; holds a " Mer-
curiale," 522 ; arrests Du Bourg, 523 ; killed at a
tournament, 524 ; lies in state, 525 ; motto on the
tapestry covering his corpse, 525.
IIbnby III. of Franco, his shameful character, ii., 614 ;
quarrels with the Duke of Guise, 615 ; murders the
Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Lorraine, 616 ; joins
Henry (of the White Plume), and is excommunicated
by the Pope, 610; marshes on Paris, and is assassi-
nated by the monk Clement, 616.
Henry IV. of France, King of Navarre, presented to the
Protestant army by his mother at La RochcUe, ii.,
682 ; his marriage with Charles IX.'s sister, 597 ;
rejoicings at, 598 ; shall he be massacred ? 600 ; his
march on Paris with Henry III., 616 ; his birth and
rearing, 017; assumes the crown of France, 018; his
battles, 019 ; question of renunciation of Protestantism,
and different counsel of Sully and Duplcssis, 020 ; joins
the Church of Rome, 021 ; promulgates the Edict of
Nantes, 622 ; is assassinated by RavaiUac, 023 ; his
character, 624.
Hesse, Philip, Landgrave of, i., 506 ; first meeting between
him and Melancthon, 507 ; Philip at Diet of Spires,
and skill in debate, 525 ; constitution of Church of
Hesse, 537 ; presides at Conference at Marburg, 554 ;
undertakes reconcilement of Luther and Zwingle, 555 ;
his disappointment, 562 ; his flight from Augsburg,
615 ; takes arms for restoration of Duke of Wurtem-
berg, ii., 104 ; he surrenders to Charles V., 116 ; is led
about in chains by the emperor, 117.
HoLlJtND, epitome of its history, ii., 4 ; naval ascendency,
iii., 3 {see Netherlands) ; offers its sovereignty to
Prince Maurice on the death of his father, WUliam the
Silent, 147; greatness and decline, 155 (see United
Provinces) ; England's war with, 574 ; overrun by
Louis XIV., and saved by WiUiam, Prince of Orange,
576.
Horn, Count, iii., 16 ; persecutes the Calvinists at Toumay,
62 ; arrested by Duke of Alva, 08; condemned and exe-
cuted, 74.
Hosius, Cardinal, his parentage, iii., 185 ; his great powers
and prodigious activity, 186 ; introduces the Jesuits
into Poland, 186.
Huguenot, origin of the term, ii., 546 ; their iconoclastic
zeal, 554; " Edict of January ," granting partial freedom
of worship to, 556 ; barbarous edicts against, 561 ;
rapid revival after the St. Bartholomew, 608 ; de-
generacy in the reign of Louis XIII., iii., 311 ; their
poUtical conventions, and outbreak of the wars of
religion, 311 ; suppression of Protestantism in Beam,
313 ; capture of St. Jean d'j\ngely, 314 ; siege of
Montauban, 315; siege of La Rochelle, 316; English
fleet sent to succour it, 317 ; its fall, and end of the
religious wars, 318 ; liberty ia France falls with the
Huguenots, 320 ; Mazarin subjects aU classes to the
tyranny of the crown, 321.
HuN, Richard, his murder in the Tower, iii., 356.
Hungary and Transylvania, entrance and rapid spread of
Protestantism in, iii., 219; its first preachers, 219; Louis
II. and his terrible edict, 220 ; the Turk steps in — the
battle of Mohacz, 221 ; contest for the Hungarian
sovereigntj', 221 ; labours of Devay, the Hungarian
Reformer, 221 ; reforming efforts of Count Nadasdy,
222 ; discussion before Ferdinand I. and its results,
224 ; the New Testament in Hungarian, 225 ; dispute
about the Lord's Supper, 226 ; Sjmod of Erdoed and
Confession of the Five Cities, 226 ; Diet declares for the
Reformation, 227 ; the preacher Szegedin, 227 ; Pro-
testantism flourishes in Hungary and Transylvania,
228 ; Ferdinand II. and era of persecution, 229 — 232 ;
the Jesuits and their plans, 233 ; a million of corpses,
233; Leopold I. and the golden age of the Jesuits,
236 ; the tjTant's instrument, Lobkowitz, 237 ; two
636
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
monsters, 237 ; Protestants rotbed of their churches
and schools, 237 ; forbidden the rights of citizenship,
238 ; tragedies enacted by the Archbishop of Gran,
242 ; tragic story of Dabricius, 243 ; banishment of the
pastors, 244 ; four bundled ministers condemned and
banished to the galleys, 244 ; fe;irf ul sufferings on their
journey, 244; a second band sent to the gaUeys, 245;
released by Admiral de Ruj'ter, 245 ; utter desolation
of the Protestant Church of Hungary, 247.
Hvss, John — Huss's pioneers in Bohemia, i., 130; his birth,
134 ; university career, 134 ; becomes preacher in
Bethlehem Chapel, Prague, 134 ; studies the writings
of Wieliife, 136 ; his sermons, 137 ; is exiled, 137 ;
places the Bible above the Church, 139; efiect of the
Papal schism on Huss, 141 ; posts his " Six Errors,"
142 ; his final retreat from Prague, 143 ; his journey
to Constance, 148; the emperor's safe-conduct, 154;
Huss imprisoned, 154 ; Husa before the Council of
Constance, 156 ; his second appearance, and the eclipse,
158 ; his views, 158 ; efforts to make him retract, 159 ;
his dream, 160 ; his third appearance before the Council,
161 ; Sigismund and Huss face to face, 161 ; is con-
demned and degraded, 161, 162; his burning, 164;
Huss and Wicliffe compared, 165 ; testimony of a
Polish poet to, iii., 159.
Hussites, their wars : efiect of Huss's martjTdom in
Bohemia, i., 178; Council's buU against the Hussites,
182; outbreak of war, 184; Ziska's manifesto, 185;
Prague besieged by the emperor, 185 ; repeatedly re-
pulsed, 186; the Hussites refuse the crown to Sigismund,
188 ; victories of Ziska, 188; influence of these on the
Reformation, 189; Hussite mode of warfare, 189; the
Wagenburg, the iron flail, &c., 189, 190; bull and
second crusade against Bohemia, 191; battle of Aussig,
192; ballad of the battle, 194; third crusade, 195;
number of the crusaders, 195; their defeat, 196; the
Hussites invade Germany, 197 ; a new crusade, 200 ;
panic and flight of invaders, 201 ; negotiations at
Council of Basle, 202; arrival of Hussite deputies at
Basle, 203; debates in the Council on their four
articles, 203, 204 ; the Compactata, 207 ; Calixtines
and Taborites, 208 ; war between the two, 208 ; .^neaa
Sylvius' account of the Taborites, 209 ; the Taboritea
become the "United Brethren," 212; they elect three
pastors by lot, 212 ; their condition in 1516, 213.
Iceland, introduction of Protestantism into, ii., 51.
Innocent III. founds the Inquisition, i., 37, 38 ; commences
the crusades, 39 ; opens the fourth Latcran Council,
40; sends monks to preach the crusades, 4 1 ; persecutes
the Albigenscs, 41 ; smites England with interdict,
65; annuls Magna Charta, and excommunicates the
barons, 66.
Inquisition founded, i., 45 ; its organisation and working,
45 ; it roots out the Protestantism of the thirteenth
century, 46 ; Inquisition restored by Caraffa (Paul
IV.), ii., 422 ; Inquisition at Nuremberg, 427 ; torture-
chamber, 427 ; instruments of torture described, 428 ;
the Iron Virgin, 429.
"Institutes : " what led Calvin to write them, ii., 225; the
inductive method followed in them, 226 ; pioneers of the
"Institutes," 227 ; their two tremendous facts, 228 ; their
successive editions, 228 ; their order and arrangement,
229 ; the " Institutes" on predestination and election,
231 ; opinions of divines and philosophers on, 233 ; an
apology for the Reformed, 236 ; grandeur of the appeal
to Francis I., 237.
Intention, Jesuit doctrine of, ii., 395 ; illustrative cases,
397 ; marvellous virtue of, 398.
Interim, The, enforced on Germany, ii., 118; a virtual
restoration of Popery, 118; Melancthon accepts it,
119; calamities of Germany under it, 315.
Investitures, "War of, i., 14.
Isidore, his forged decretals, i., 13.
Italy, pride of the past her stumbling-block, ii., 4 ; spread
of Protestantism in the sixteenth century, 423.
James II. of England, his influence as Duke of York with
his brother's government, iii., 579 ; proposed exclusion
from the throne, 580 ; his accession, and promise to
maintain the Protestant religion, 603 ; crowned, and
goes to mass, 604 ; rising in the West of England, 605 ;
cruelties of its suppression, 605 ; state of Protestantism
throughout Christendom, 608 ; crisis in England and
Christendom, 609 ; Tyrconnel made Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland, 610; judges, corporations, and army
Romanised, 611; frightful oppressions of Protestants
in Ireland, 611 ; a dispensing power set up, 612; a
Popish hierarchy, 614; commission for ecclesiastical
affairs established, 615; the indulgence, 615; seven
Protestant bishops sent to the Tower, 616 ; birth of a
Prince of Wales, 617 ; James's consternation at news
of William's expedition, 621 ; aU forsake him, 624 ; he
flees, 624.
James V. of Scotland presides at a trial for heresj- at
Holyrood, iii., 479 ; plot for assassinating the nobles
favourable to the Reformation, 479 ; defeat at the
Solway, and death at Falkland Palace, 480.
James VI. of Scotland, influence of evil counsellors upon
iii., 520 ; love of arbitrary power, 620 ; Andrew
Melville before him, 522 ; passes the " Black Acts,"
523 ; interview of Andrew Melville with, at Falkland,
624 ; ascends the English throne, 526 ; the proposed
GENERAL INDEX.
637
Spanish match, iV29 ; pursues, on the throne of England,
his plan for the destruction of Scottish Presbyterianiam,
531 ; visits Scotland, and sets up prelacy, 531 ; passes
the Five Ai-ticles of Perth, 532 ; dies, 533 ; remark-
able awakenings in Scotland the year of the king's
death, 533—536.
Jeffkeys, Lord Chief Justice, his ferocity, iii., 584 ; tries
twenty young men at Newcastle, 584 ; his cruelties in
the suppression of Blonmouth's insurrection, 605 ; made
Lord Chancellor of England, 605.
.Jerome of Prague, studies at O.xford, i., 140; returns to
Bohemia, and becomes the fellow-labourer of Huss,
140; becomes to Constance, 167; his imprisonment,
167; his fall, 168; his repentance, 170; his defence
before the Council, 171 ; his interview with Cardinal
of Florence, 172; his condemnation and degradation,
173; his martjTdom, 176; the place of Huss and
Jerome in the Kefonnation, 177.
Jesuits, The, founded by Ignatius Loyola {see Loyola)
vow of first nine disciples in Montmartre, ii., 383
Loyola and Lainez frame their " Constitutions," 387
powers of their General, 388 ; organisation of the
society, 388 ; their six grand divisions sub-divided into
thirty-seven provinces, 389 ; their houses, &c., 389 ;
the world naked and open to their General, 389 ; novi-
tiates, 389; second novitiate, iSrc, 390; the scholars,
the coadjutors, the professed, 390 ; their oath of
obedience, 392 ; rigours of their discipline, and their
devotion, 393 ; their moral code {see Pkobabilism and
Intention) ; their doctrine of regicide, 398 ; M.
Chalotais' report to Parliament of Bretagne on Jesuit
doctrine of king-killing, 398 ; proofs from history,
399 ; their doctrine of mental reservation, 399 ; direc-
tions for swearing falsely, 400 ; when are blasphemy
and murder lawful? 400; theft lawful, 401 ; illustrative
case from Pascal, 401 ; Jesuit morality the consumma-
tion of wickedness, 402; the "Secret Instructions,"
404 ; how to plant their establishments, 404 ; gain the
parochial clergy, 405 ; search out rich men, 405 ;
attract youth, 405; gain the ear of the great and
princes, 405 ; draw rich widows into their power, 407 ;
discover the revenues and heirs of noble houses, 410 ;
illustrations from Spain, 410; the "Instructions" to
be kept secret, 411; how the "Instructions" came to
light, 411, 418; spread of the Jesuits, 412; in Italy,
412; in Spain and Portugal, 413; in France and
<fcrmany, 413; in Cologne and Ingolstadt, 413;
characteristics of their spread in Germany, 414 ; their
career in Poland, 416 ; their missions in the East
Indies and Abyssinia, 417; their kingdom of Para-
guay, 417 ; their trading establishments in the
West Indies, 417; a Jesuit bank-ruptcy, 418;
their banishments and suppressions, 418; Pius VII.
restores the order, 419 ; they effect the ruin of Poland
(see PoLANii) ; thi ir arts in Hungary {see Hunoaky) ;
158
they enter England, 442 ; dispensation to take orders
in the Church of England, 442 ; repeated attempts on
the Ufo of Elizabeth, 443 ; intrigues in England under
Charles II., 580 ; hopes under James II., 609.
John, Bastard of Savoy, made Bishop of Geneva, ii., 240 ;
his miserable death, 244.
John, Don, of Austria, made Governor of the Netherlands,
iii., 120 ; seizes the Castle of Namur, 121 ; intercepted
letters between him and Philip, 122 ; his disappoint-
ment and death, 126.
John Fkedebick, Elector of Saxony, goes to the Diet at
Spires, i., 525 ; issues a commission to Luther to
organise the German Church, 536 ; his League with
Landgrave of Hesse to protect Protestantism, 545 ; hia
courageous conduct at the Diet of Spires (1529), 550;
subscribes the Great Protest, 551 ; his character, 554;
joins the Schmalkald League, 573 ; Luther's letter to,
574 ; his journey to Augsburg, 582 ; commissions the
Wittemberg theologians to compile a summarj- of Pro-
testant faith, 584 ; shall he join the imperial procession
to mass f 589 ; the first to sign the Augsburg Confession,
594 ; iJresents Confession to the emperor, 596 ; attempts
of the emperor to shake his steadfastness, 614 ; out-
lawed by the emperor, ii., 116 ; defeated by Charles V.
at Mtihlberg, 116; led about a captive in the emperor's
train, 117 ; refuses to bow to the " Interim," 119.
John, King, quarrels with Innocent, iii., 64 ; places
England at the Pope's feet, 65.
John of Gaunt befriends Wicliffe, i., 94 ; his altercation
with Bishop Courtenay, 94 ; deserts Wicliffe, 118.
John XXIII., his bull against the King of Hungary, i., 142 ;
his infamous character, 143 ; summons a Council at
Constance, 146 ; his entrance into that city, 148 ; trial
and terrible indictment, 151; his flight, 152; is de-
posed, 153.
Jubilee of Julius III., ceremonies of, ii., 315 ; the golden
hammer, 315.
JuDA, Leo, i., 427 ; Leo Juda and the monk, 454 ; mingles
in disputation at Zurich, 458.
Junius, Franciscus, his birth and early life, iii., 41 ; his
conversion, and courage as a preacher, 42.
K
Keyser, Pastor, of Switzerland, seized and burned, ii.,
77, 80.
Knox, John, his birth-place, iii., 483; scholastic studies,
483 ; call to the ministry, 484 ; his first sermon the
key-note of the Scottish Reformation, 484 ; the galleys,
and what he learned in them, 485 ; visits Scotland in
1555, 485; what his \-isit accomplished, 485; retires
to Geneva, 486 ; the lords of the Congregation and the
first " band," 488 ; Ivnox's final return to Scotland,
638
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
490 ; outlawed by the regent, 490 ; his sermon at
Perth, 491; he preaches at St. Andrews, 492; Pro-
testant worship set up in many towns as the result,
493; his incessant and llcrculcin labours, 494 ; he
counsels negotiations witli England, 494 ; licformation
estahlished, 495; his idoul of thu Church, 496; his
educational plan, 497 ; sermon in St. Giles's against
idolatry, 501 ; dehates -with Mary in HoljTOod, 502 ;
rebukes the Protestant nobles, 507 ; second interview
with Mary, 507 ; tried for high treason, 508 ; his
acquittal, 509; what liberty owes him, 510; grief at
Regent Murray's assassination, 512 ; retires to St.
Andrews, 512 ; James Meh-ille's picture of him in the
pulpit, 512; opposes the Tulchan bishops, 512; his
denunciation of the St. Bartholomew Jlassacre in St.
Giles's, 512 ; his death and character, 513.
Lambert, Francis, of Ai-ignon, quits his monastery, i.,
537 ; passing through Switzerland, comes to Wittem-
berg, 538 ; his Paradoxes, 538 ; a young priest impugns
them, 538 ; Lambert constitutes the Church of Hesse,
539 ; attends Marburg Conference, 558 ; sides with the
Swiss divines, 5G0.
Lambert, his disputation with Henry VIII., iii., 404 ; his
cruel martyrdom, 404.
La Rochelle, comedy at, witnessed by King and Queen
of Navarre, ii., 527 ; founding of Protestant Church at,
528 ; Protestant chiefs assemble at, 582 ; Synod at, and
greatness of French Protestantism at that period, 587 ;
the capital of French Protestantism, 609 ; its siege, and
brave defence of its citizens, 609 ; the siege raised,
610.
Latimer, Hugh, birth, education, and conversion, iii., 365 ;
his power in the pulpit, 3GG ; disputes on the mass at
Oxford, 423; burned, with Ridley, at O.xford, 429;
his prophetic words at the stake, 430.
Laud, Archbishop, his consecration of St. Catherine Cree
Church, London, iii., 538; innovations and perse-
cutions, 639; tumult in St. Giles's, Edinburgh, at
introduction of his Liturgj', 542 ; executed, 546.
Laurent de la Croix, a Dominican friar, embraces the
Gospel, ii., 172; his labours, 172; apprehension and
martyrdom, 173 ; the populace of Paris sides with the
persecutor, 174.
Lausanne, its site, ii., 248 ; commencement of Reformation
in, 249.
League, The, formed to crush the Protestants, ii., 614.
Lecleec, the wool-comber and martjT, ii., 143 ; founds
Protestant Church at Metz, and is burned, 143 ; com-
pared with Bri(;onnet, 144.
Lefevke, Jacques, his birth and early life, ii., 125 ; teaches
a free justification, 126; agitation in tho Sorbonne,
128; translates the Bible, 134; Lefevre anxious for
tho conversion of Francis I., 155.
Leo X., his literary and artistic tastes, i., 256 ; ho rebuilds
St. Peter's, 256 ; commissions Tetzel to soli indul-
gences, 256 ; his bull against Luther, 311 ; fulminates
bull, Cccna Domini, at Rome, 328; joy at tho expulsion
of the French, 476 ; his illness, death, and burial, 47G ;
his "profitable fable," ii., 130; splendours of Rome
imder him, 130.
Leopold I. of Austria, his training, iii., 236 ; personal
appearance, 236 ; devotion to the Jesuits, 236 ; attempt
to poison him, 241 ; Leopold and the chemist, 242.
L'Etoile, Pien-e de, professor of law at Orleans, ii., 156;
his code of jurisprudence, 156.
Leydex, its situation, iii., 106; its siege, 106; the dykes
cut, 107 ; the waters do not rise, 107 ; famine and
pestilence, 108 ; the winds shift, and ocean roUs in,
108; Leyden relieved, 109; ocean roUed back, 110;
a university founded in, 110.
L'Hopital, Michel de. Chancellor of France, advocates
toleration in States-General, ii., 546 ; pleads in favour
of the Reformed at Colloquy of Poissy, 549 ; services
to the Protestants at Assembly of Notables, 656.
Lilly and Linacre, their service, as scholars, to Protes-
tantism, iii., 350.
Lollards, views of English LoUards, i., 359 ; persecution
of, 3G6 ; their petition for re-distribution of ecclesiastical
property, 368 ; accused of treason, 377 ; midnight
meeting at St. Giles-in-the-Fields, 378 ; martj-rdoms
of, 381 ; their services to English liberty, 383 ; more
stringent ordinances against, 385 ; Lollard martjTS —
Claydon, Taylor, White, &c., 388 ; Lollardism essen-
tially Protestant, 400 ; LoUards of Scotland, iii., 468.
Louis XIII. of France, iii., 309 ; his mother, Maria de
Medici, regent and real sovereign, 310.
Louis XIV., his accession, iii., 320 ; his absolutism, 327 ;
his licentiousness, 327 ; his persecutions, 328 (sec
Draoonnades) ; his death, 346.
Louisa of Savoy, her character, and hostility to Pro-
testantism, ii., 140.
Loyola, Ignatius, his birth, ii., 377 ; wounded at Pampe-
luna, 378 ; his enthusiasm kindled by reading the Le-
gends of the Saints, 379 ; the cave of Manressa, 380 ;
Luther and Loyola compared, 381 ; his vision of two
camps, and \-isit to Jerusalem, 382 ; returns and'makes
Christendom his field of labour, 382 ; his first disciples,
383 ; the regimen to which he subjected them, 383 ;
TOW in llontmartre, Paris, 383 ; the Spiritual Exercises,
384 ; the four weeks of meditation, 385 ; Loyola' visits
Rome, and obtains a bull constituting the Society of
Jesus, 386 ; he contemplates the conquest of all naitions,
387 ; becomes General of the Order, 387.
GENERAL INDEX.
G39
LuTUEK, his parents, i., 229 ; birth of Martin, 229 ; his
childhood, 230; his school-days, 231 ; sings for bread
in Eisenach, and is taken into the Cotta family, 231 ;
enters Erfurt University, 232 ; lights upon a Bible, 233 ;
his conscience awakens, and he enters the Augustiruau
convent, 234 ; anger of his father, 236 ; drudgery of
the convent, 237 ; studies the Bible, 237 ; his agony,
238 ; Vicar-General Staupitz, 239 ; his conversation
with Luther, 239; the "forgiveness of sins," 241;
the Kcformation rehearsed in Luther, 242 ; his ordi-
luition as a priest, 243 ; becomes professor in Wittem-
berg University and lectures from the Bible, 244 ; his
first church, 244 ; his fame as a preacher, 245 ; his
journey to Rome, 245; monasteries of Italy, 248; his
illness at Bologna, and the " voice," 248 ; Florence
and Savonarola, 249 ; his first sight of Eome, 250
Luther in Rome, 251 ; enchantment dispelled, 253
Luther on Pilate's Stairs, 254 ; his resolution, 255
returns to Wittemberg, 255 ; Apposes Tetzel's indul-
gences, 261 ; All Saints' Eve and Luther's Theses, 262 ;
dissemination of the Theses, 266 ; attacked by Prierio,
268 ; by Dr. Eck, 269 ; Luther cited to Rome, 272 ;
Cajetan deputed to try the cause in Germany, 273 ;
Luther and Uelancthon's first meeting, 273 ; Luther
goes to Augsburg, 275 ; a borrowed coat, 275 ; Urban
of Serra Longa counsels Luther, 275 ; Luther before
Cajetan, 278 ; discussion on the Sacrament, 279 ; last
interview, 280 ; flight from Augsburg, 281 ; Rome's
beforehand condemnation, 282 ; resumes his work in
university, 284 ; his appeal from the Pope to the
Church, 286 ; requested to quit Saxony, 286 ; Luther's
interviews with Miltitz, 290 ; disputation at Leipsic,
291; discussion between Luther and Eck on the pri-
macy, &c., 297 ; enLargod views, 299 ; appeal to the
princes and people of Germany, 305 ; picture of the
Papacy, 306 ; Leo's bull against Luther, 310 ; his
Sabylonish Captivity, 312 ; his letter to Pope Leo,
314 ; burns Leo's bull, 315 ; the emperor importuned
to execute bull against Luther, 320 ; emperor's edict
for execution of bull, 326 ; princes demand a hearing
for Luther, 328 ; Luther cited to "Worms, 329 ; his
journey thither, and reception at Erfurt, itc, 330;
arrival at Worms, 334 ; Luther in prayer, 335 ; he
appears before the Diet, 336 ; Luther again in prayer,
340 ; second appearance before the Diet, 340 ; " Hero
I stand," &c., 344 ; the draught of beer, 345 ; shall
the safe-conduct bo violated ? 346 ; Luther leaves
Worms, and Charles fulminates his ban, 347 ; enters
the Wartburg, 347 ; his "idleness," 478; he translates
the New Testament, 478 ; beauty of translation, 479 ;
Prince George of Anhalt's estimate of, 479 ; leaves the
Wartburg and returns to Wittemberg, 483 ; his sermon,
484 ; translates the Old Testament, 485 ; his theory of
impanation, 508 ; Luther at the Inn of Jena, 509 ;
disputes with Carlstadt, 510; Luther and the War of
the Peasants, 515 ; ravages of the war and its lessons,
517; Luther marries Catherine von Bora, 521; he
organises the Lutheran Church, 532 ; his theory of
universal priesthood, 533 ; what constitutes the Church,
534 ; commission for re-institution of Church, 636j
Saxony the model for other German Churches, 537 ;
moderation of Luther in his Church ^-isitation, 540 ;
his Shorter and Larger Catechisms, 542 ; counsels Ger-
man princes to shun war, 545 ; debate with Zwingle
at Conference of Marburg, 556 ; his battle-sermon, 567 ;
Luther and Charles V. compared, 568 ; Luther in the
Castle of Coburg, 592 ; his letter to Melanethon, 593 ;
his wrestlings in the Coburg, 609 ; his journey to Eis-
leben, ii., 107; his Ulness and death, 107; Varilla's
estimate of him as a preacher, 110 ; the supper-table in
the Augtistine, Ul; his funeral, 111.
M
Maestricht, siege of, by Duke of Parma, iii., 128 ; horrors
of its massacre, 128.
M.\GDEEUKG, its wealth and importance, ui., 280 ; its siege
and capture by TUly, 281 ; horrors of its sack, 284 ;
destruction of, 285.
Makburg, Conference at, i., 554; its object, 555; arrival
of Luther and Zwingle, 555 ; the debates on the
Sacrament, 556 ; failure of the Conference to unite the
Lutheran and Reformed divines, 561 ; grief of Zwingle,
561 ; articles drafted by Luther, and signed by both
parties, 563.
Margaret of Valois, her character, ii., 132; makes the
Gospel be preached in the Louvre, 170 ; retires to
Beam, 220 ; reforming labours in Beam, 220.
Maetlv v. demands repeal of statutes of Provisors and
Praemunire, i., 394 ; appoints foreigners to livings in
England, 395 ; sends Legate-a-latere to England, 398 ;
his nuncio imprisoned in England, 399 ; annuls statutes
of Provisors and Praemunire, 399 ; appoints to English
sees, 400.
Martyrs, Marian, from Rogers to death of Mary, iii., 425
—431.
Mary of England, training and disposition, iii., 419; her
false promises, 420 ; undoes the work of Edward VI.
and Cranmer, 420 ; imprisons the Protestant preachers,
422 ; repeals the laws in favour of the Reformation,
423; marries Philip II., 423; restores Popish laws
and customs, 424 ; reconciles England with Rome,
424; the martyrs of her reign, 425 — 430; her death,
431.
Mary of Guise, Regent of Scotland, sides with the hier-
archy, iii., 489 ; summons the Protestant preachers to
Stirling, 489 ; her treacherj', and consequent sack of
monasteries at Perth, 490 ; marches against Perth,
491 ; puts herself in order of battle at Cupar Moor,
640
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
49-4 ; retires with her army to Loith, 495 ; her death,
495.
Maky Sti-.uit arrivea at Holyrood, iii., 497 ; beauty and
disposition, 49S ; lifo in France, 500 ; quits it, and
arrives at Leith, 500 ; her influence on the Scottish
noWes, 501; mass in the royal chapel, 502; Knox's
interview with, 502 ; refuses to ratify Protestant
establishment, 507 ; puts Knox on his trial for high
treason, 508; simimary of her career, 512; her execu-
tion, 514.
Max Toweu at Nuremberg, the old Inquisition, ii., 428.
Mazarin, his extravagance, iii., 321 ; brings on the war of
the Fronde, 326 ; makes the crown absolute, 327 ; dies
at the summit of his power, 327.
JIE.4VX, first Protestant flock in France, ii., 134 ; it flourishes,
135—137.
Medici, Catherine de, her birth, ii., 184 ; Catherine as a
gii-1, 186; her character, 186; married to second son
of Francis I., 188; Catherine and Death, 189 ; Calvin
and Catherine — a contrast, 190; her self-control, 518;
her dream the night preceding her husband's death,
524 ; her testimony to Protestantism, 526 ; her poHcy
under Francis II., 533; attains the government of
France under Charles IX., 546 ; opens the haUs of
Fontainebleau to the Protestant preachers, 548 ; her
, policy in the first civil war, 569 ; present at siege of
Kouen, 570 ; attains supremo control in France, 573 ;
how served by Death, 575 ; progress in the south of
France with her son, 577 ; her conference with the Duke
of Alva at Bayonne, 579 ; a massacre concocted, 580 ;
revokes Edict of January, and forbids profession of
Protestantism on pain of death, 582 ; picture of the
French Court imder her, 594 ; inspirits her son for the
St. Bartholomew Jlassacre, 596—599 ; anticipates the
hour fixed for it, 602 ; continues to govern France
under her son, Henry III., 614; her death, 617.
Melanctiion, Philip, arrives at Wittemberg, i., 273 ; birth
and training, 274 ; inaugural lecture, 274 ; parting
between him and Luther, 332 ; revises Luther's trans-
lation of New Testament, 478 ; his Commonplaces,
485 ; with Luther, prepares the Torgau Articles, 584 ;
compiles the Augsburg Confession, 585 ; his fears at
Augsburg, 609; concessions and fall, 616 ; sends pro-
gramme of union to Francis I., ii., 194 ; meetings with
Cah-in at Frankfort, 296.
Melville, Andrew, birth and education, iii., 517; his life
at Paris and Geneva, 518 ; returns homo, and begins his
war against the Tulchan episcopate, 518 ; first interview
with James VI., 522; second interview at Falkland,
524 ; European importance of his struggles, 525 ; is
banished to France, where he dies, 531.
MiDDELBURG, siege and capture by the Sea Beggars, iii.,
102.
Mill, Walter, the last martyr in Scotland under Popery,
iii., 488 ; his trial and burning at St. Andrews, 488.
MiLON, Bartholomew, the hunchback, his conversion, ii.,
202 ; courageous behaviour. at the stake, 210.
MoLLio, professor at Bologna, ii., 425 ; his address co his
judges of the Inquisition, 425.
Monasteries, visitation of English, iii., 400 ; their fright-
ful disorders and suppression, 401.
Monastic Orders, their rise, i., 76 ; false pictures of, 76 ;
corruption of older orders, 77 ; contemporary wit-
nesses, 77 ; constitution of new orders, 82 ; their vow
of poverty, how evaded, 83 ; their rapid and vast cor-
ruption, 83 ; Armachanus' battle with them, 84.
Montmorency, Anne de, Constable of France, ii., 515 ; hie
influence over Henry II., 515 — 518 ; a member of the
Trium\'irate, 548 — 564 ; slain in battle of St. Denis,
581.
More, Sir Thomas, first meeting between him and Erasmus,
iii., 352 ; his execution, 402.
MuNZER and the War of the Peasants, i., 512; Munzer's
opinions, 513; his terrible death, 518.
Myconius, Oswald, Rector of the Cathedral School at Basle,
i., 443; labours at Lucerne, 443.
N
Nantes, Edict of, ii., 622 ; its revocation, iii., 332 ; churches
demolished and pastors banished, 333 ; lay Protestants
forbidden to emigrate, 334 ; their flight not-n-ith-
standing, their disguises, and sufferings, 334 ; des-
truction of literature, trade, manufactures, &c., 335 ;
panegyrics of the clergy, 336 ; Te Dcum at Rome, 338 ;
sufferings in the prisons and galleys, 338 ; Quick's
description, 339 ; martyrs, 341 ; medals of, 342.
Netherlands, how formed, iii., 1 ; their first settlers, 2 ;
their early history, 2 ; theii- trade and commerce, 3 ;
power of the Roman Church in them during thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, 4 ; ebb in the fifteenth, 5 ; fore-
runners of the Reformation in them, 5 ; influence of
Romaimt version of Bible and Wicliffe's writings, 6 ;
influence of commerce, 6 ; Charles V. and his perse-
cuting edicts, 8 ; the emperor's Placards from 1521 to
1540, 10; spread of Lutheranism in, 13; bull for ex-
tension of hierarchy in, 23 ; terrible oppression and
cruelties, 26, 27 ; rhetoric clubs, 30 ; field-preachings,
46 [sec Netherlamd Field-I'Reachings) ; image-break-
ings, 51 [see Netherland Image-isreakinos) ; reaction
and submission of the Southern Netherlands, oS ;
whirlwinds from the south, 64 ; terrible calamities on
William of Orange's retirement to Nassau, 65 ; meeting
of Netherland Synod and establishment of Presby-
terian Church government, 77 ; peace negotiations at
Cologne, 129; the Netherlands abjure Philip II., 132;
greatness of the revolution, 132 ; the Walloons return
under the yoke of Spain, 134 ; tumults excited by the
GENERAL INDEX.
641
Jeauitsin, against toleration, 143; William compelled to
issue edict forbidding pubHc exercise of Komish wor-
ship in the Provinces, 145 ; the Catholic cities of
Antwerp and Brussels issue similar edicts, 13G ; con-
dition subsequent to William of Orange's death {see
United Pkovinces).
Netherland Church grows up amid battle-fields and
stakes, ui., 137 ; its infant springs, 138 ; the " Forty
Ecclesiastical Laws," 138 ; its four grades of ministers,
and manner of their election, 138 ; their examination
and admission, 140; the fortnightly exercise, visitation,
worship, schools, 140 ; power of the magistrate in, 141 ;
its constitution completed by Synod of Middelburg in
1581, 142 ; keen agitation on the subject of the magis-
trate's power in, 143.
Netherland Field-preachixgs: first field-preaching near
Ghent, iii., 46; 7,000 present, 46; the second field-
preaching at same place, 47 ; arrangements, wall of
waggons, sentinels, &c., 47 ; baptism dispensed, and
Psalms of Darid sung, 47 ; first public sermon in
Brabant, 47 ; edicts against, disregarded, 47 ; field-
preachings at Toumay, 47 ; their preacher, Ambrose
WiUc, and their congregation of 20,000, 48 ; .it Horn,
in HoDand, 48 ; enormous conventicle near Haarlem,
49 ; distinction between the Confederates and the field-
preachers, 50 ; preachings at Delft, Utrecht, Hague,
51; influence of the field-preachings, peaceful, .51.
Netherland Image-breakixgs : sudden and mysterious out-
break of, iii., 52 ; overspread the Low Coimtries in a
week, 52 ; first appear at St. Omer, Flanders, 52 ;
extend into Brabant and sack Antwerp Cathedi-al, 53 ;
purgation of all the churches and chapels in Antwerp,
54 ; preachers and converts take no part in the
image-breakings, 56 ; true iconoclast hammer, 56 ;
preacher Modet's Apology, 56 ; image-breaking at
Valenciennes, 56 ; at Hague, Delft, Haarlem, Rotter-
dam, and Amsterdam, 57 ; what Protestantism teaches
concerning image-breaking, 57 ; the popular outbreaks
of the Heformation and of the French Eevolution com-
pared, 58 ; Philip's anger and terrible resolve on
hearing of the image-breakings, 59.
Netkerlakd ILiRTYBS: drowning of Nicholas, iii., 10;
execution of Bakkor, 14 ; burning of Ogier and his two
sons, 27 ; of Mulere, schoolmaster at Oudenard, 27 ;
tragic story of Capel, 28 ; burning of three martjTS
connected with England, 28 ; what the Netherlands
owe to their martj-rs, 29 ; Joost de Cruel beheaded at
Eosen, and cruel martj-rdom of John de Graef, 38 ;
four martjTS burned at LiUe, 45 ; John Cornelius
Winter beheaded, 46 ; the gallows full, 65 ; Brandt's
description of the persecutions, 65 ; two sisters, 65 ;
Shrovetide, and a projected holocaust, 70 ; the Inquisi-
tion passes sentence of death upon all the inhabitants
of the Netherlands, 70 ; execution of two widows at
Utrecht, 75 ; of Herman Schinkel at Delft, 76 ; m:ir-
tyrdom of Peter van Kulen and his maid-servant, 76 ;
a new gag invented, 76 ; the Blood Council and
numerous martyrs, 80, 86.
" NoBLA LEYyoN," i., 25 ; antiquity, 25 ; its teachings, 28.
Norway, establishment of Protestantism in, ii., 50.
Nuremberg, Diet at, i., 488, 491 ;it3 " Hundred Grievances,"
489 ; site of Nuremberg, 495 ; its trade and citizens
in Middle Ages, 496 ; its burgrave, 497 ; its arts,
498 ; Albert Diiror, 498 ; architecture of Nuremberg,
499 ; Rath-Haus and state dungeons, 500 ; Protestantism
enters it, 502 ; torture-chamber and Inquisition {see
Max Tower).
0
OcHiNO, Bernardino, the Capuchin and orator, ii., 423 ;
preaches the Lent sermons at Naples, 423 ; Charles V.
among his audience, 423 ; cited before the Holy Ofiice,
and flees, 425.
(EcoLAMPADius, his birth and studies, i., 428; aids Erasmus
in his edition of the New Testament, 428 ; reforms
Basle, 443 ; present at Marburg Conference, 550 ;
debates with Luther at Conference, 557 ; Protestant
champion at disputation at Baden, ii., 58 ; lodged at
the Pike Inn, 58 ; his personal appearance, 58 ; his
letter to the Churches of Provence, 446.
Oldcastle, Sir John, embraces doctrines of Wicliffe, i.,
371 ; patronises Lollard preachers, 371 ; his interview
with the king, 371 ; is excommiinicated, 373; confes-
sion of his faith, 373 ; his examination before Arch-
bishop Arundel, 374 ; his sentence and escape, 375 ;
seized and brought to London, 382 ; condemnation and
burning, 382.
Olivetan, discussions between him and Cah-in, ii., 150.
Orleans, martyrs of, i., 47 ; betrayed by a pretended
disciple, 50 ; their noble confession, 50 ; condemned
as Manicheans and burned, 50 ; siege ef town by the
Duke of Guise, 572.
Oxford, teaching at, in the fourteenth century, i., 60 (see
Wicliffe, Cranmer, &c.).
Pack, Otto, his plot, i., 545.
Papacy, its rise traced, i., 8 ; first pastors of Rome, 8 ; edict
of Valcntinian makes Rome head of the Western
Churches, 9 ; prestige of the city of Rome, 9 ; the
Bishop of Rome made supreme over all bishops by
Phocas, 9 ; a divine foundation claimed by the Roman
bishops on the fall of the Western Empire, 9 ; gifts of
Pepin and Charlemagne, 11 ; influence of forgeries, 13;
its noon under Innocent III., 16 ; its success viewed by
Baronius as a proof of its divinity, 1 7 ; complex cousti-
642
HISTOEY OF PROTESTANTISM.
tution of Papacy, 220 ; the temporal sovereignty
limited, the spiritual supremacy universal, 221 ; the
governmental machinery of Papacy, 122 ; the Papacy
absolute in temporals as in spirituals, 226 ; Luther's
picture of, 305 ; Papacy the originator of the wars in
Bohemia, in Italy, in Spain, in Switzerland, 401 ;
instigator of the Crusades, the War of Investitures,
&c. &c., 402, 404 ; the wars in Poland, France, the Wars
of the Roses, &c., 404, 405.
Parma, Alexander Farnese, Duke of, made Governor of the
Netherlands, iii., 128 ; his character, 128 ; defeats from
Prince Maurice, 155 ; his death, 156.
Paesia, Margaret, Duchess of, appointed Kegent of the
Netherlands, iii., 20 ; her character, 23 ; three Councils
under her for administration of the Netherlands, 22 ;
storms in them, 25 ; summons a meeting of the Knights
of the Golden Fleece and the Stadtholders of the
Provinces, 30 ; commanded to prosecute heretics with
more vigour, 32 ; her perilous position, 39 ; procession
of " Beggars" to, 44, 51 ; Margaret resigns her regency,
and retires from the Netherlands, 68.
Paschale, Jean Louis, a Waldensian martyr, ii., 470 ;
hecomes pastor in the Waldensian colony of Calabria,
471 ; apprehended, and brought in chains to Rome,
471 ; condemned to death, 473 ; burned in presence of
Paul IV., 474.
Paschasivs Radbertl's, invents transubstantiation, i., 47 ;
opposed by Berengarius, 47.
Passav, Peace of, ii., 122 ; followed by Treaty of Augsburg
(1655), 122.
Patebsen, Olaf and Lawrence, first Reformers of Sweden,
ii., 15 ; they translate the Bible, 15 ; Oiaf debates with
Peter Gallus at TJpsala, 17 ; his second debate with
Gallus on ecclesiastical possessions, 24.
Paulicians, i., 32 ; their origin, 33 ; their tenets, 33 ; perse-
cutions, wars, and victories, 34 ; settle in Thrace, and
spread over the West, 34.
Paulines of AquUeia, i., 20 ; his opinion on the Lord s
Supper, 20.
Pavane, first martyr of Protestantism in France, ii., 142 ;
his fall, repentance, and martyrdom, 142.
Pavia, battle of, i., 520 ; its influence on Protestantism,
i., 520, and ii., 166.
Perrenot, Anthony, Bishop of Arras and Cardinal Gran-
velle, his character, and influence with Philip II., iii.,
23 ; conflicts between him and WOliam of Orange and
Counts Egmont and Horn, 25 ; his haughtiness at the
councU-board, 25 ; secretly instigates Philip II. to
severities, 26 ; his cruelties, 26 ; attacked in plays,
farces, and lampoons, 30 ; he leaves the Nether-
lands, 32.
Philip II. of Spain, his personal appearance and mental
qualities, iii., 15 ; renews the persecuting edicts of his
father in the Netherlands, 17 ; sets up the Inquisition,
1 8 ; retains his troops in Flanders, in violation of his
oath, 18 ; appoints Margaret, Duchess of Parraa,
regent, and sets sail for Spain, 20 ; overtaken by a
tempest, 22 ; promulgates the canons of the Council of
Trent as law throughout the Netherlands, 38 ; orders
the secret drowning of heretics, 39 ; consummate
duplicity and Jesuitry of, in his letters to Margaret
and the States, 59 ; the Marquis of Berghen and the
Baron de Montigny sent as ambassadors to him, 51 ;
he puts them to death, 68 ; passes sentence of death on
the whole Netherlands, 70 ; pronounces a ban on
William of Orange, 130.
Pisa, Council of, deposes Gregory XII. and Benedict
XIII., i., 363 ; elects Alexander Y., 363.
Pivs v., his parentage and early Ufe, ii., 590 ; his austerities
and fanaticism, 590 ; becomes Inquisitor at Rome, 590 ;
his habits as Pope, 590 ; his correspondence with
Charles IX. respecting the extermination of heretics,
691 ; character of his Pontificate, 598 ; his death, 598.
Placards, The : the two parties in the Fiench Church refer
their difference to Farel, ii., 206 ; the Placards, 206 ;
their fierce denunciation of the mass, 207 ; published
over France, and posted on door of king's closet, 208 ;
procession of Corpus Christi organised by Morin, 209 ;
terrible executions, 210; flight from France, 212.
Plot, Gunpowder, bulls of Clement VIII. prepare the way
for it, iii., 526 ; its object, 527 ; authors, and mode of
execution, 527 ; pacific professions of Romanists the
while, 528 ; connection of the Roman Catholic autho-
rities with, 528.
Plot, Popish, statement of Titus Oates, iii., 580 ; letters of
the Jesuit Coleman to Pore la Chaise, 580 ; murder of
Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, 580 ; attempt to fasten the
plot on the Presbyterians, 581 ; execution of Essex,
Russell, and Sidney, 582.
PoissT, Colloquy at, ii., 549 ; address of Beza, 550 ; reply of
Cardinal of Lorraine, 551 ; imijulse to Protestantism
from, 553.
Poland, first introduction of Christianity into, iii., 158 ;
influence of writings of Wicliffe in, 159 ; the light
shines on Dantzic, 159 ; entrance of the Reformed
doctrines into Thorn and Cracow, 160; Queen Bona
Sforza, 160 ; royal ordinance, establishing liberty of tho
press, 161 ; entrance of Bohemian Protestants into
Poland, 161 ; students leave Cracow for Protestant
universities, 161 ; the National Diet of 1552, 164 ;
temporal jurisdiction of the bishops abolished, 164;
King Slgismund Augustus favours tho Reformation,
165 ; his project of a National Synod, 165 ; labours of
John Alasco, 166 {see Alasco) ; arts of the Papal legate
to stave off Reformation, 172; miracles and murders,
173 ; the king begs of the Pope a Reformation, which
the PopedccUnes, 174; Diet of 1563, 174; National
Synod asked for, but declined, and the king gained over
GENERAL INDEX.
643
liy the legate, 174 ; conference of Protestants, and Union
of Sandomir, 176 ; acme of Protestantism in Poland,
177 ; organisation of the Protestant Church in Poland,
178; a modified episcopacy : powers of the superinten-
dent, the senior, the civil senior, 178; the Sj-nod the
supreme authority, 179; local and pro\'incial SjTiods,
general Convocation, 179; King Sigismund Augustus
dies, and Duke of Anjou elected, 182 ; he attempts to
cvado the coronation oath, 182 ; his departure from
Poland, 183 ; turn of the Protestant tide under Stephen
Bathory, 183; entrance of the Jesuits, 184; their
tactics, 186; their schools, &c., 189; decadence of
national literature, 189 ; national disasters, 190 ;
destruction of Polish Protestantism, and ruin of the
country, 192.
Pkoiiabilism, a doctrine of the Jesuits, ii., 393 ; sets aside
the first commandment of the Law, 394 ; sets aside the
second, 394 ; illustrations from Emmanuel Sa, Filiu-
tius, Laymann, &c., 395 ; Probahilism a Lesbian rule,
395.
Procopivs succeeds Ziska as leader of the Hussites, i., 190 ;
his statesmanship, 191 ; his victory at Eeisenberg, 200 ;
his theological debates at Basle, 206 ; his death in
battle, 208.
Prodigies, i., 544.
Protest.\>'tism, its history a drama, i., 1 ; a Divine graft,
2 ; revived Christianity, 2 ; the need of letters, free
States, &c., 2 ; Protestantism not possible before the
sixteenth century, 213; Protestantism and Mediie-
valism, 214; comes in time to save liberty, 220;
Protestantism and Imperialism, 302 ; sources of, 350 ;
cradle of EngHsh Protestantism, 365 ; influence of wars
of fifteenth century on Protestantism, 401 ; first Pro-
testant preachers, 485 ; Protestantism sustains itself,
619 ; all Central and Northern Germany Protestant,
ji., 105 ; " Interim," and re-establishment of Pro-
testantism, 117; Protestantism the terror of kings,
190 ; third phase of, in Germany, iii., 249 ; two phases
of Protestant movement in England, 347 ; perilous
condition of Protestantism throughout Europe, 608 ;
Protestantism returns to the land of its birth, 617 ;
mounts the throne of Great Britain, 624.
Provisors and Pk.eminiue, statutes of, i., 69; statutes of,
as passed under Edward III. and under Richard II.,
394 ; denounced by Pope Martin V., 395 ; annulled by
the Pope, 399.
Ps.tLMs of David versified by Marot, ii., 137 ; sung univer-
sally in France, 138 ; versification completed by Beza,
and published at Geneva, 138; translated into Low
Dutch, and sung at field-preachings of the Nether-
lands, iii., 47 ; psalmody authorised in Church of
England, 413 ; versified by Rous, an English Indepen-
dent, and sung in Scotland, 55'.'.
PvRiT.iNs, rise of, iii., 417 ; condition of, imdcr Elizabeth,
462 ; exiled by Laud, 539.
E
R.VDZiwiLL, Prince, his conversion to Protestantism, iii.,
171; his etl'orts to reform Poland, 171; his dying
charge to his son, 172; his prophetic words to Sigis-
mund Augustus, 172.
Ratisbon League, i., 503; its scheme of Reform rejected by
the Lutheran princes, 503 ; Pacification of, ii., 99 ;
Conference at, 297; its dead-lock transubstantiatioH,
and its alternative Reformation or revolution, 298 ; its
failure and the consequence, 422.
Regictde, doctrine of Jesuits on, ii., 398 {see Jesvits).
Richard II. persecutes the Lollards, i., 351; is deposed,
351.
Richelieu, Cardinal, his genius and vast schemes, iii., 316 ;
his policy, the humbling of Austria and extirpation of
Protestantism, 317 ; death of the cardinal and Louis
XIII., 320.
RoMAUNT Version, i., 28; Peter Waldo's connection with
it, 29, 35 ; existing copies of it, 29 ; wide dispersion
and great services, 35 ; diffused by the Barbcs and
Troubadours, 36.
EuFiNus of Aquileia, i., 20 ; his theology, 20.
Samson, the Swiss Tetzel, i., 437; vends pardons in the
Swiss cantons, 437 — 440.
Sawtre, William, first Protestant martj-r in England, i.,
352 ; is degraded, 352 ; is burned, 353.
ScHAFFHAUSEN, its Reformation, i., 448 ; influence of
Luther's New Testament in, 448.
ScHM.ALKALD, meeting of Protestants at, i., 573; League of,
ii., 98 ; Charles V. makes war with, 113 ; the army of
the League, 115 ; betrayed by Maurice of Saxony; end
of Schmalkald war, 117; humiliation of its princes,
117.
Scotland, characteristics of its Reformation as compared
with that of England, iii., 466 ; its three stages of
preparation, and services of Wallace and Bruce, 466 ;
Crawar, the Lollards of Kyle, Boece, the Bible, 46S ;
Sir David Lindsay and George Buchanan, 478; pre-
Reformation martyrs, 478 — 480 ; what the Reformation
made Scotland, 495.
Scottish " Kirk," its'constitution, iii., 496 ; spiritual in-
dependence, 496 ; difference between Protestant and
Popish spiritual independence, 496 ; courts and oflicc-
bearers of, 497 ; inadequate provision for its ministry-.
506; its first Book of Discipline, 506; ratification of
Protestant establishment by Parliament, 511; second
Book of Discipline. 519 ; perfected polity of the " Kirk"
compared with that of Geneva, 519 ; the "Kirk" Scot-
€44
HISTORY OF PROTESTANTISM.
land's one free institution, 521; relation of Scottish
Presbytorianism to liberty, 521; Act of 1592, ratifying
Presbj-terian Church government, 524 ; stealthy intro-
duction of episcopacy into Scottish Chui'ch, 525 ; its
overthrow by Assembly of 1G38, 545; accepts the
Westminster Standards, 551 ; prelacy set up by
Charles II., 566; Sharp's tre;ichery and reward, 566;
Leighton'stime-servingness, 567 ; Middleton's violence,
669 ; four hundred ministers ejected, 569 ; sorrowful
scenes, 570 ; Scotland before aud after the " Restora-
tion," 572 ; the field-meetings, 572 ; Turner's cruelties,
573 {see The Twenty-eight Yeaks' Peksecution).
Servetus, Michael, his birth and early life, ii., 320; his
Restitutio Christianismi, 321 ; condemned to death by
the Inquisition of Vienne, 321 ; comes to Geneva, 322 ;
sentiments avowed by him on his trial, 322 ; the Liber-
tines defend Servetus, 329 ; Servetus and Calvin facw
to face, 330; Servetus prosecuted by the Attorney-
General, 330 ; the foreign Chui-ches consulted, 333 ;
their unanimous verdict, 334 ; condemnation of Ser-
vetus, 334 ; his terror, 335 ; procession to the stake,
337 ; his burning, 338 ; vindication of Cah-in, 339.
SiGiSMUND, Emperor, safe-conduct to Huss, i., 148 — 154;
present at Huss's condemnation, 161 ; his blushes, 161 ;
acknowledged King of Bohemia, 207 ; violates the
Compactata with the Hussites, 209; his misfortunes
and death, 209.
SoLYMAs the Magnificent, i., 473 ; relation of the Turk to
the Reformation, 473 ; irruption of SoljTnan into
Europe, 476.
Sp.vix, causes influencing it against the Reformation, ii., 5.
Spires, Diet at (1526), i., 523 ; assembling of the German
princes, 525 ; the emperor's letter to the Diet, 526 ;
dilemma of the Diet, 527 ; news of the League of
Cognac, 627 ; important decree of Diet, 530.
St. Andre, Marshal, forms a party at court of Henry II.,
ii., 518.
STArriTZ, interview with Luther in Augustinian convent,
i., 239; his counsels and present of a Bible, 340; re-
commends the monk to Frederick for his universit}',
243 ; urges Luther to preach, 244.
St. Bartholomew, the Massacre, ii., 588 ; injunctions of
Council of Trent and counsels of PhQip II., 589;
Charles IX. and Catherine solemnly urged to massacre
y Pius v., 591 ; testimonies of Guizot and De Thou,
592 ; treacherous proposals to assist Prince of Orange,
593 ; the marriage plot, 596 ; Charles IX. 's promise to
Papal legate, 596 ; the marriage, 697 ; final prepara-
tions, 599; the massacre, 002; butchery at the Louvre,
603 ; the number of the slain, 604 ; arrival of numerous
fugitives in Geneva, 605 ; rejoicings at Rome, and
commemorative medals, 606 ; first anniversary of St.
Bartholomew, 610.
St. Bartholomew-day, England, caused by Act of Uni-
formity, iii., 559; secession of 2,000 ministers, 559;
grandeur and influence of the sacrifice, 660.
Sweden, early religious history, ii., 11; power of its clergy,
and miserj- of the kingdom, 12 ; early pohtical history,
13 ; introduction of Protestantism, 15 ; Diet of Sweden
adopts Protestantism, 26 ; completion of its Reforma-
tion, 27; Sweden flourishes, 28; Eric XIV. and the
" Red Book," 28 ; revival of its Protestantism, 29 ;
accession of Sigismund, 32; death of Charles IX. of
Sweden and his prophecy, 33.
Switzerland, its scenery, i., 4 10; its poUtlcs, 411; patriotism
and bravery of its people, 411; welcomes the new liberty,
411 ; its condition prior to the Reformation, 412 ; igno.
ranee of the clergy, 413; the Bible an unknown book,
413; worship a masquerade, 414; Swiss livings held
by foreigners, 416; scramble for temporaUties, 416;
passion-plays, 417; canons of Neuf chatel, 4 1 7 ; frightful
disorders of clergy of Lausanne, 418; state of Geneva,
419; cry for Reform, 420; many leaders in Switzerland,
421 ; Valley of Tockenburg, 422 ; village of Wildhaus,
422 ; Swiss shepherds, 423 (ses Zwingle) ; causes dis-
posing Switzerland to Protestantism, ii., 2; disputation
at Baden, and its results, 56 ; establishment of Pro-
testantism at Bern, 64 ; the shepherds of the Ober-
land, 71 ; the Obcrland in darkness, 70 ; the Gospel
invades its mountains, 76 ; League of the Five Cantons,
77 ; persecution, 77 ; war between the Protestant and
the Popish cantons, 77 ; a " Christian Co-burghery,"
77; a peace concluded, 82 ; a second war, 85 ; proposed
European Christian Republic, with Philip of Hesse at
its head, 86 ; blockade of the moxmtain cantons, 89 ;
the comet, 92; assembling of the two armies, 93; a
night of terror, 94.
Taussanhs, the Reformer of Denmark, ii., 34 ; returns from
Wittemberg, and enters monastery of Antvorskoborg,
35 ; preaches in Viborg, 36 ; Eck and Cochlaius ini-ited
to oppose him, 37 ; Taussanus removed to Copenhagen,
41; banished by the reactionists, 46; appointed to a
chair of theology in Rocschildien, 60.
Tetzel, his character, i., 256 ; commissioned to sell indul-
gences, 257; his red cross and iron chest, 257; extols
the power of his indulgences, 258 ; his manner of life,
260; opens market at Juterbock, 261; his counter
Theses to Luther, 267.
Teutonic Order, knights of, i., 507; their historj-, 507.
Thorpe, WiUiam, dialogue in prison with Archbishop
Arundel, i., 357 ; his views on the Sacrament, 357 ;
on authority of Scripture, pilgrimages, &c., 359.
Tiers Parti in France, their aims, ii., 611.
GENERAL INDEX.
645
Tilly, Count von, his early career and personal appearance,
iii., 281 ; his cruelty at Magdeburg, 284 ; his defeat at
Leipsic, 286 ; routed at the Lech, and dies of his
wounds, 291.
TiTLEMAjJN, Peter, his atrocities in the Low Countries,
iii., 27.
TocKENBURG, VaUoy of, receives the Reformation, i., 447.
Transylvania {see Hungary).
Trent, Council of, its meeting, ii., 113; summary of its
•decisions and policy, 113; its programme of massacre,
iii., 40.
Triumvirate, its members and their character, ii., 548;
grasps the government of France, 560 ; its faU, 573.
Tulchan Bishops, for what purpose instituted, iii., 515;
Andrew Melville's war against, 518 ; order abolished by
General Assembly, 518 ; Carlyle's description of, 532.
Turk, The, invades the south of Europe, ii., 106; shields
Protestantism at battle of Mohacz, iii., 221 ; returns at
critical moments, 226, 227.
Twenty-eight Years' Persecution, The: for first period
sec "Scottish Kirk;" first rising of the Scottish Pres-
byterians, iii., 686 ; barbarity at Dairy, 586 ; Presby-
terians take arms and capture Sir James Turner, 587 ;
march to Lanark and swear the Covenant, 587; de-
feated at the Pentlands, 588 ; executions and torturings,
589 ; Hugh McKail's sublime farewell, 590 ; Thomas
Dalziel, of Binns, 591 ; his character and personal
appearance, 691; his frightful barbarities, 591; ad-
ministration of the Duke of Lauderdale, 592; the
indulgence and its fruits, 692 ; a Scottish conventicle,
693; storm of edicts, 597; "Letters of Intercom-
muning," 597; Sharp's new edict: the Highland host,
598 ; Graham of Claverhouse, 598 ; his defeat at Drum-
clog, 599; the battle of Bothwell Bridge, 599; the
prisoners penned nearly five months in Greyfriars'
Churchyard, 599 ; survivors shipped off to Barbadocs,
600 ; the " killing times," 600 ; the king deposed at
the Market Cross of Sanquhar, 601 ; martyrdom of
Argyle and Kenwick, 602 ; the blue flag on the Scot-
tish mountains, 603.
Tyndale, William, his conversion, iii., 359 ; tutor at Sod-
bury HaU, 361 ; preaehes at Bristol, 302 ; resolves to
translate the Scriptures, 362; begins in London, but
completes his translation in the Low Countries, 363 ;
prints and sends copies across to England, 365 ; distri-
bution by Garnet, and reception by the English people,
370 ; purchase and burning of, by Bishop of London,
374 ; fourth edition of his New Testament, 382
United Provinces, their rise, iii., 129; Union of Utrecht
made their basis, 129; the grandeur of their future,
133; on the death of WUIiam, ofiEer their sovereignty
to Henry III. of France, 147; next to Elizabeth of
England, 147; the Earl of Leicester's bad adminis-
tration of them, 148 ; their thriving condition in con-
trast with the Southern Netherlands, 148 ; %'ictories
won for, by Prince Maurice, 155; mighty growth of
Holland in power, commerce, &c., 156 ; causes of the
decline of HoUand, 157; the Stadtholder of Holland
becomes King of England, 158.
Upsaxa, Conference at, ii., 16; Patersen and GaUus on the
authority of the Fathers, &c., 17; important conse-
quences of the discussion, 23 ; debate on ecclesiastical
possessions, 24 ; Lawrence Patersen made Archbishop
of, 28; Synod at, to settle ecclesiastical affairs, 29;
" Upsala Declaration," 32.
Utrecht, power of its early bishops, iii., 4; fleld-preachings
at, 51 ; martyrdom of two widows of, 75 ; Union of
Utrecht, 119, 129.
Vadian, Joachim, reforms the canton of St. Gall, i., 446.
Valdez, Juan di, leaves the court of Charles V. and Spain
for the Gospel, ii., 423 ; joins the evangelical re-union
at Naples, 423 ; dies before the tempest bursts on his
fellow Protestants, 425.
Valenciennes, rescue of two martyrs at, and tenible
revenge, iii., 29 ; siege of, by Noircarmes, 62 ; sufferings
of the besieged and their surrender, 63 ; execution of
two Protestant ministers at, 63 ; terror inspired by its
faU, 64.
Vasa, Gustavus, begins the Reformation of Sweden, ii., 14 ;
his reforming policy, 25 ; his coronation, 26 ; his death,
28 ; Eric XIV. succeeds, 28.
Vasst, massacre at, ii., 557 ; Crespin's account of, 568.
Vermigli, Peter MartjT, Prior of St. Peter's ad aram, be-
comes a convert to the Gospel, ii., 423 ; flees from Lucca
and goes to Strasburg, 425.
ViOLius, President of Council of State, Brussels, iii., 35 ;
his sudden death, 36.
Viret, his parentage, ii., 254 ; his pulpit eloquence, 254 ;
goes to Geneva, and labours with Farel, 264 ; attempt
to poison him, 272 ; his preaching at Nismes, 554.
W
Waldenses, i., 24 ; their apostolicity, 25 ; their site, 25 ;
their antiquity, 25 ; testimony of Romanists to their
antiquity, 26 ; arrangement of their valleys, 26
Angrogna, 27 ; their college, 28 ; their theology, 28
their version of the Scriptures, 28 ; their Barbes, 29
their missions, 30 ; their two-fold testimony, ii., 430
the situation of their valleys, 431 ; Papal testimonies-
646
HISTORY OF PEOTESTANTISM.
to flourishmg state of their Church in fourteenth cen-
tury, 433 ; tragedy of Christmas, 1400, 434 ; crusade
of Innocent VIII. in 1487, 434 ; destruction of the
confessors of the Dauphinese Alps, 436 ; Valley of
Pragelas ravaged, 437 ; interview between the Pied-
montese army and Waldensian patriarchs before La
Torre, 437 ; the Valleys of Lucerna, &c., devastated,
438 ; passage of the Col Julien by the soldiers, 440 ;
defeat of the troops, 440 ; flight of the Waldeuses to
the Pra del Tor, and their pursuit by Cataneo, 441 ;
Angrogna described, 442 ; destruction of Cataneo's
host in it, 443 ; the mountain mist and Pool of Saquct,
443 ; Waldenses hear tidings of the Reformation, 446 ;
send deputies to the Swiss and German Churches, 447 ;
SjTiod held in their valleys, 448 ; peace of twenty-
eight years, 449 ; martjTS, Gonin, &c., 430 ; touching
fate of Nicholas Sartoire, 450 ; Barthelemy Hector,
the colporteur, 452 ; list of horrible deaths, 452 ; perse-
cutions under Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy, 453 ; war
of extermination, 456 ; dreadful character of invading
army, 458 ; flight to the Pra del Tor, 459 ; VaUey of
Lucerna occupied and ravaged, 460 ; the great cam-
paign of 1561, 461 ; oath of the Waldenses, 462 ; La
Trinita and his army enter the VaUey of Angrogna,
464 ; brave resistance of Waldenses, and terrible de-
struction of the invaders, 465 ; second overthrow of
La Trinita by six Vaudois, 466 ; spirit of the Vaudois
warriors, 467 ; the year of the plague, 478 ; death of
all the pastors save two, 478 ; Divine service hence-
forward in French, 479 ; the great massacre, 479 ; the
Fropaganda de Fide set up to prepare for it, 481 ; the
winter flight, 482 ; the massacre begins, 484 ; its
horrors, 485 ; Leger compiles an authentic record of
these, 485 ; Cromwell's interposition, 486 ; the Castel-
luzzo and Milton's hymn, 488 ; massacres in the Valley
of Rora, and exploits of GianaveUo, 489 (see Giana-
VELLo); Cromwell's second interposition, 492; the exile,
494 ; instigated by Louis XIV., 495 ; edict, ofEering
the alternative of submission to Rome or extermination,
495 ; the Valleys empty and the nation in prison, 497 ;
banishment beyond the Alps, 498 ; their retui'n, under
Henri Amaud, 500 ; their first Sunday in their land,
502 ; their battles for re-possession, 603 ; their great
struggle at the BalsigUa, 504-507 ; their final re-estab-
Ushment, 508 ; condition of the Waldenses from 1690
tni present time, 509 ; labours of Dr. GiUy and General
Beckwith for them, 509 — 511 ; their lamp kindled at
Rome, 612.
Waljoensian Colonies of Apulia and Calabria, ii., 468 ; the
inn at Turin, 468 ; first planting and rapid prosperity
of the colonies, 468, 469 ; letters cultivated in them,
470 ; visited by inquisitors, 472 ; horrible butcheries in
La Guardia and Montalto, 473 ; utterly exterminated,
473.
Waldensian Settlement in Provence, ii., 512 ; they change
the desert into a garden, 513 ; the Parliament of Aix
decrees its extermination, 513 ; the Abbe Anquetil'a
picture of its destruction, and Francis I.'s remorse,
514.
Wallenstein, his birth, iii., 266 ; grandeur, 267 ; personal
appearance, 267 ; method of maintaining an army,
268 ; recalled, 291 ; hia rout at Liitzen, 296 ; his
supposed conspiracy, 302 ; his assassination, 303.
Wars: of the Hussites, i., 178 ; of the Papal Schism, 402 ;
of the Roses, 405 ; commencement of civil wars in
France, ii., 560 ; names and characters of the chiefs,
563 ; justification of the Protestants regarding, 665 ;
rallying of provinces to the two standards, 568 ; siege of
Rouen, and picture of the Romanist camp, 569 ; battle
of Dreux, 570 ; siege of Orleans, 572 ; second Huguenot
war, 580 ; third civil war, and battle of Jamac, 582 ;
defeat of Montcour, 584 ; a new Huguenot army takes
the field, 585 ; peace of St. Germain-en-Laye, 586 ;
effect of civil wars on French piet}', 587 ; siego of
Sancerre, 608 ; its horrors, 609 ; wars in Germany (see
Thirty Years' War) ; wars of religion in France, iii.,
309.
War, Thirty Years', its commencement in the infractions
of the Majestats-Brief, iii., 249 ; its three great periods,
251 ; all nationalities drawn into it, 252 ; its imex-
ampled carnage, 253 ; picture of the camp, 254 ; the
superstitions and morals of the host, 256 ; picture of
Germany before the war — its husbandry, towns, schools,
Protestantism, 256 ; the march and its devastations,
257 ; society destroyed, 259 ; Protestant pastors op-
pressed, 260 ; ban of Ferdinand II. on Frederick V.,
Palatine of the Rhine, 262 ; troops of the League and
of the Protestant Union ravage the Valley of the Rhine,
262 ; the Palatinate taken from Frederick and given to
Duke of Bavaria, 263 ; league between England, Hol-
land, and Denmark, 265; Denmark leads the Pro-
testant armies, 266 ; the Danes defeated and the
League triumphant, 268 ; edict commanding restora-
tion of all the property taken from the Romish Church,
269 ; Denmark and Sweden marked for conquest by
the League, 270 ; Ferdinand II. dismisses Wallenstein,
273 ; Imperial arms turned back by Gustavus Adolphus,
274 (see Gustavus Adolphus) ; project of Duke George
of Saxony, 279; siege and capture of Magdeburg by
the Imperialists, 280 (see Magdeburg) ; rout of the
Imperialists at Leipsic, 286 ; conquest of the Rhine and
Bavaria by Gustavus, 287 ; second appearance of
Wallenstein on the scene, and battle of Liitzen, 292 ;
Gusta\'us falls, and Oxenstiema takes the helm, 299 ;
defeats and victories of the Swedes, 303; the Peace
of Westphalia (1648), 304 ; proclamation of the peace,
304 ; banquet at Nuremberg, 305 ; rejoicings in the
various towns, 306 ; unexampled desolation of the
Fatherland, 308.
Wicliffe, John, his birth and education, i., 59 ; goes to
GENERAL INDEX.
647
Oxford, and becomes a fellow of Merton College, 59 ;
his repute as a scholastic, 60 ; Bradwardine teaches
him the evangelical doctrine, 61 ; startled by the ap-
proach of the Black Death, 02 ; his conversion, 63 ; his
personal appearance, 63 ; made Bachelor of Theology,
and lectures on the Bible, 64 ; displaced from his
Wardenship of Canterbury Hall, and appeals to the
Pope, 64 ; Wicliife takes the part of England in her
quarrel with the Pope, 73 ; defends England's inde-
pendence in opposition to the Pope's supremacy, 74 ;
begins to be regarded as the centre of a new age, 75 ;
his mental conflicts, 75 ; begins his battle with the
monks, 86 ; he demands the abohtion of the order, and
publishes a tractate against the friars, which opens his
career as a Reformer, 87 ; chosen one of the commis-
sioners to the Pope on the question of appointment to
ecclesiastical livings, 89 ; proceeds to Bruges, 90 ;
strengthens England in her battle against the Papacy,
92 ; his sentiments leavening the nation, 93 ; his
writings are examined at Rome, 93; three bulls
launched against him, 93 ; summoned before the hier-
archy at St. Paul's, 94 ; scene in court, 94 ; the court
breaks up, and Wicliife returns home, 95 ; Parliament
submits a question to Wicliife touching the Papal
revenue drawn from English sees, 95 ; his solution, 96 ;
Wicliife anew summoned to appear before the primate
at Lambeth, 98 ; Wicliife on the binding and loosing
power of the Pope, 99 ; his novel views on Church
property and Church reform, 100, 101 ; Wicliife begins
England's exodus from her house of bondage, 105;
WiclifEo is shielded by the schism of the Popes, 107 ;
his tract on the schism, 107; he falls sick, 107; is
visited by the friars, 108 ; the interview, 108 ; resolves
to translate the Scriptures, 109; excellence of the
translation. 111 ; its diffusion, and consternation of the
hierarchy, who forbid it, 112; its influence on the
nation, 113; Wiclifie attacks the dogma of tranaub-
stantiation, 114; his doctrine of the Eucharist, 116;
condemned at Oxford, 116; he is cited before the Pri-
mate Courtenay , 117; the court shaken by an earth-
quake, 117; his opinions condemned, 118; his friends
fall away, 118; he appeals to Parliament and demands
a sweeping Reform, 119; doctrine of his Trialogus, 119;
his views influence Parliament, 121 ; arraigned before
Convocation on question of transubstantiation, 122; he
reiterates the teaching of his whole Hfe, 122 ; he
arraigns his judges, 122; retires to Lutterworth, 123;
cited by Urban VI. to Rome, 123; excuses himself by
letter, 123; struck with palsy, 124; his death, 124;
estimate of his work, 124; greatness of his Refor-
mation, 125; his theology drawn from the Bible, 127;
summary of his doctrines, 127; his ideas on Church
order, 128; his piety, 129; Lechler's estimate of him,
129 ; his missionaries, 350 ; they petition Parliament
for a Reformation, 361; with Wicliife, begin the new
times, ii., 8 ; continued progress since his day, 9.
WiLLi.iM, Prince of Orange (the SUent), his personal ap-
pearance, iii., 16 ; at the Council-board of State, 25 ;
opposes Granvelle, and counsels PhiUp to adopt a
milder policy, 26 ; retires, with Egmont and Horn,
from the Council, 32 ; their letter to the king, 32 ;
Orange, Egmont, and Horn grasp the helm when Gran-
velle retii-es, 35 ; begs leave to resign his oflice of Stadt-
holder, 39 ; made depositary of a dark secret in the
Forest of Vincennes, 40 ; penetrates Philip II.'s secret
purposes, 64 ; Conference at Dendermoude, and retire-
ment to Nassau, in Germany, 65 ; unfurls his banner
against Spain, 71 ; Joined by his brother, Louis of
Nassau, 72 ; the invading aimy enters the Netherlands
and conquers at Dam, 72 ; defeat of Count Louis at
Gemmingen, 74 ; William crosses the Rhine, but Alva
declines battle, 77 ; William retires, 77 ; enters on his
second campaign, 82 ; HoUand and Zealand declare for
him, 82 ; Aldegonde's address to the States, 86 ; William
made Stadtholdcr of HoUand, 86 ; crosses the Rhine,
and is welcomed by the Flemish cities, 87 ; influence
of the St. Bartholomew on the campaign, 87 ; his army
disbanded, 88 ; he arrives in HoUand alone, 89 ; re-
organises Holland, civilly and ecclesiastically, 89; novel
battle on the ice, 90 ; siege of Haarlem, 92 {see Ha.ui-
LESi) ; question of the toleration of the Romish worship,
and WiUiam's views on toleration, 101 ; his third cam-
paign, and death of Count Louis, 104 ; retires into
HoUand, 105 ; his eflEorts for Leyden, 107 ; the " Father
of his Country," 116 ; attitude of the great Powers to-
wards him, 117; he efEeets the " Pacification of Ghent,"
118 ; his services to toleration, 119 ; made Governor of
Brabant, and enters Brussels in triumph, 122 ; .attempts
to bribe him to betray his coimtry, 130 ; Philip's ban
against him, 130; his arraignment of Philip, 131;
sovereignty of the States conferred on him, 131 ;
Gaspar Anastro hires his servant to assassinate him,
135; murdered by Belthazar Gerard, 136; his great-
ness, 136 ; universal mourning for him, 146 ; heroic
resolve of the States, 147.
William of Okange, Stadtholder of Holland (William III.),
retrieves the fortunes of his house, iii., 576 ; humiliates
Louis XIV., 578 ; marries Mary, daughter of James
II., 579 ; England looks to him for deliverance, 619 ;
surveys the state of parties in Europe, 620 ; prepares
a fleet, 620 ; issues a manifesto, 621 ; embarks and sets
sail, 621 ; most Protestant nationalities under his iJag,
622 ; driven back by a storm, 622 ; sets sail a second
time, 622 ; strange shiftings of the wind, 623; William
lands at Torbay, 623; the nation declares for him, 624;
the crown settled on Prince and Princess of Orange, 624.
WiLSNACK, miracles at, i., 136.
WiRTHs, The, their condemnation and execution, i., 470.
WisHART, George, teaches Greek at Montrose, iii., 480 ;
picture of, by Tylney, 480 ; preaches at Dundee, &c.,
481 ; is burned at St. Andrews, 482.
648
HISTOKY OF PROTESTANTISM.
"WiTTEMBACH, a disciplo of Eeuchlin, i., 428; leads Zwingle
to the truth, 428.
WoLsEV, Cardinal, his parentage, iii., 354 ; made .iVrch-
bishop of York, Chancellor of England, &c., 355 ; his
grandeur and power, 356; his intrigues for the Pope-
dom, 364; founds a college at Oxford, 367; imprisons
the new professors in its cellar, 371; recantation of
Barnes in his presence, 373; joined with Campeggio
in the commission for adjudicating on the divorce,
383; incurs Henry's displeasure, 385; his last inter-
view with the king, 386; indictment filed against him,
387; banished from court, 388; his last days and
death, 388.
W'uBTEMBERG, Christopher, Duke of, his captivity and
escape, ii., 104; the duke and his kingdom join the
Protestants, 104.
Zealand, Islands of, the Spaniards' march through the sea,
iii., Ill ; hopes of Philip II. founded on their seizure
disappointed, 112.
ZisKA, circumstances attending his birth, i., 183; chamber-
lain to King Wenceslaus, 183 ; his blindness, 189 ; his
marvellous military talents, 189 ; his death, 190 ; his
tomb, 190.
ZuTPHEN, Henry, his labours at Antwerp, iii., 9 ; he
preaches at Bremen, and undergoes cruel martyrdom
in Holstein, i., 506.
Zwickau Prophets, i., 482; their "new Gospel," 482; the
overthrow of all order in Church and State, 483;
tumults in Wittcmberg, 483 ; Luther, quitting the
Wartburg, averts the destruction of Protestantism,
by exposing the errors of the fanatics, 484.
ZwiLLiNO, Friar, preaches against the mass at Wittemberg,
i., 479; makes converts, 480; attacks the monaatio
vow, 481.
Zwingle, Ulric, his parentage and birth, i., 422 ; winter
evenings of his childhood and youth, 422 ; influence of
Swiss scenery on his mind, 423 ; goes to school at
AV'esen,424; removed to Basle, 424 ; is sent to Bern, 424;
escapes being a monk, 425; studies at Vienna, 425;
second visit to Basle, 426 ; first seed of his new life,
428 ; becomes Pastor of Glarus, 429 ; first visit to Italy,
429 ; the Bible his first authority, 430 ; the Spirit the
intei-preter, 430 ; Swiss Eeform, a new tj-pe of Protest-
antism, 431 ; visits Erasmus, 432 ; second visit to Italy,
434 ; goes to convent of Einsiedeln, 434 ; his sermon to
the pilgrims, 434 ; becomes Preacher at Zurich, 435 ;
his ministry there, 436 ; ill of the plague, 440 ; his
success in the pulpit, 442 ; his opposition to foreign
enlistments, 450; reforms the worship in Zurich, 451;
opposed by the Diet, &c., 452 ; aided by the printing-
press, 453 ; great disputation at Zurich, 454 ; his
Theses, 455; joins issue with Faber, 459; his pulpit
lectures, 460 ; dissolves the monasteries, 461; forbids
begging, 462 ; he marries, 463 ; abolishes images and the
mass, 464 ; purifies the churches, 468 ; his debate with
Am-Gruet on the Lord's Supper, 470 ; his dream, 471 ;
first celebration of the Lord's Supper at Zurich, 471 ; his
social, &c., reforms, 472 ; goes to the Conference at
Marburg, 555 ; signs articles drafted by Luther, 564 ;
resume of his career, ii., 51 ; his doctrine on the Lord's
Supper, 53 ; avoids the two extremes touching the Lord's
Supper, 54; what is done on the human side, and what
onthe2fiviHcside,iathe Lord's Supper P 55 ; disputation
at Baden, 56 ; sends notes, night by night, to the Baden
disputation, 58 ; his Wews on baptism, 63 ; he disputes
at Bern, 68 ; his share in the Swiss war justified, 80 ;
his labours and daily life, 83 ; asks, but is refused, hii
dismissal by the Senate, 89 ; departs to join the anny,
94 ; his death, 94 ; grief and dismay, 95.
CASSELL FETIEB St QLlSiS, BELLE SlUTAGE WOKES, LOKDOH, E.O.
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