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"Leyeesters Commonwealth" 


" No scandal about Queen Elizabeth I hope."- The Critic. 









Bt., M.P., 




THE historical work here reproduced throws 
considerable light upon the life of Robert 
Dudley, Earl of Leicester, and the political history 
of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The book was 
printed on the Continent in 1584. Where, is unknown, 
but probably at Antwerp. It was first published 
under the title " Copie of a Leter Wryten by a 
Master of Arte of Cambrige to his friend in 
London." The interest excited by its issue was 
considerable. In 1585, the year following its pub- 
lication, it was translated into French under the 
title Discours de la vie abominable, ruses, trahisons, 
. . . et autres tres iniques conversations desquelles a 
use le my Lorde de Lecestre ; and a Latin version 
was also published at Naples in the same year, 
entitled Flores Calvinistici decerpti ex vita Roberti 
Dudlei, comitis Leicestria. 

These editions, although printed on the Continent, 


must have had a considerable, circulation in England, 
for the Queen in Council on June 2oth, 1585, found 
it necessary to repudiate the assertions contained in 
the work. In a letter addressed to the Magistrates 
of Cheshire, she writes : 

" Her Highness not only knoweth to assured certainty 
the books and libels against the said Earl to be most 
malicious, false and scandalous, and such as none but an 
incarnate devil himself could dream to be true." 

There is no doubt that careful watch was kept 
for the book at the various ports, and many copies 
were seized and destroyed. This led to extensive 
copying of the work in England and its circulation 
in manuscript ; there being many more contemporary 
manuscript copies now in existence than copies of 
the printed book. Anthony Wood never saw a 
copy of the first issue, and writes respecting it, that 
he thought it was first printed in 1600 ; and the 
great collector Thomas Grenville wrote in a manu- 
script copy, now preserved in the British Museum, 1 

1 Additional MSS,, 33,739. 


" I never heard of more than one copy having been 
in print of this first edition, so carefully was it 

The book has been described 1 as 

"one of the most inveterate and scurrilous libels which 
the religious dissensions of the times, prolific as they 
were, had produced. ... In its pages everything 
was raked together which the tongue of scandal had 
uttered to the disparagement of the exalted statesman 
whom it strove to overwhelm with obloquy, and where 
that was silent the imagination of the writer was not 
slow in filling up the void, and in supplying materials 
which were characterized by all the venom and rancour 
that the most ruthless hatred could suggest." 

In its pages Leicester is depicted as an inhuman 
monster. He is accused of attempting to gather in 
his hands the reins of government, by filling all 
offices of trust about the Queen with his friends. 
He is full of " dissimulation, hypocrisy, adultery, 
falsehood, treachery, rebellion, treason, cowardice, 
atheism, and what not." He is said to be unscru- 
pulous in his methods, and to have practised the 

. 1 Miscellaneous Works of Sir Philip Sidney, 1893, p. 38. 


Italian art of poisoning upon many who stood 
between him and his ambitions. 

It is in this book that the tragic story of the 
death of his wife, Amy Robsart, was first related 
and the Earl charged with her murder a crime that 
the generally accepted opinion of the time attributed 
to him. Ashmole in his "Antiquities of Berkshire" 
states that " when Dr. Babington, the EarPs chaplain, 
did preach the funeral sermon, he tript once or twice 
in his speech, by recommending to their memories 
that virtuous lady so pitifully murdered, instead of 
saying pitifully slain.'* The event is also alluded to 
in the play, "The Yorkshire Tragedy/ 1 1608, where 
a husband kills his wife by throwing her downstairs, 
and says 

" The surest way to charm a woman's tongue 
Is, break her neck a politician did it." 

An indignant answer to the " Commonwealth " 
was penned by Leicester's nephew, Sir Philip Sidney. 
It is characteristic of the writer and his times that 
he does not attempt to answer any of the charges 


made against his uncle, but confines himself to the 
vindication of the lineage of his maternal ancestors ! 

The authorship of the work has never been 
settled. At the time of publication, and for some 
years afterwards, it was attributed to Robert Parsons, 
the Jesuit Missionary and controversialist, so much so 
that it was colloquially termed by his contemporaries, 
" Father Parsons 1 Greencoat." This was in allusion 
to the somewhat unusual colour of the binding and 
edges of the book. It is interesting to note that 
one of the two copies preserved in the British 
Museum, still retains the colour upon its edges. 
The second copy (the Grenville) has, however, been 
recently rebound, and mirabile dittu, the edges have 
been carefully gilt, and this distinctive feature of the 
work destroyed. 

Walpole wrote that 1 " It was pretended that 
[Lord Burleigh] furnished the hints for that com- 
position [Leicester's Commonwealth] to Parsons the 
Jesuit. This assertion was never proved : it ought 

1 Catalogue of the Royal and Noble Authors of England, p. 65, 
vol. ii., 1806, 


to be before it deserves any credit. Leicester was 
a bad man, but would that justify Cecil in employing 
one of his mistress's bitterest enemies to write against 
one of her ministers ? " 

A letter has been preserved in the manuscript 
colle&ions of William Cole, now in the British 
Museum, in which the authorship of the book is 
discussed. It is addressed to the Rev. Dr. Mosse, 
at Gray's Inn, and signed C. A. Internal evidence 
is adduced to prove that Parsons could not have 
written the work, and Dr. Mosse notes upon the 
back of the letter that 

" Parsons . . . many years after the death of 
Leicester] denies himselfe to be author of it. . . . 
In short the author is very uncertain, and for any 
thing that appears in it, it may as well be a Protestant's, 
as a Papist's. I sh d rather think it the work of some 
subtle courtier, who, for safety got it printed abroad, 
and sent into England under the name of Parsons." 

The bibliography of the book is short and simple. 
As has already been stated, it was first printed in 
1584, in a small odlavo of 202 pages. A modern 
type facsimile of the title is given on the next page. 






cerningfometalke paftof late between tvvovvor- 

f hipful and graue men,about the prefent state,and 

fome procedinges of the Erie of Leycefter and 

his friendes in England. 


and publyfhed vvyth moft earneft protef- 
tation of al duetyful good vvyl and affe- 
ttion, tovvardes her moft excellent Ma. 
and the Realm, for vvhofe good onely it is 
made common to many. 

lob. Cap. 20. Verf. 27. 

Reuelabunt coeli iniquitatem eius, & terra confurget 
aduerfus eum. 

Theheauens fhal reueile the wicked mans iniqui- 
tie, and the earth fhal ftand vp to beare vvitnes 
agaynft hym. 


NOTE. There is an ornamental border around the* title and 
the date, in the original. 


The book was not reprinted until 1641, when 
one edition in quarto and two in small oftavo were 
printed. It is now impossible to say why this sudden 
rush of popularity occurred during that stormy 
year, but the reprint excited the animosity of the 
Government, and an attempt was made to suppress 
the work. There has been preserved in the Public 
Record Office, a letter to the Wardens of the Com- 
pany of Stationers, dated October 13, 1641, in which 
the writer, Edward Nicholas, states : 

" I hear there is now printing at one Dawson's, a 
printer in Thames Street, a book called Leicester's 
Commonwealth, which I am told is very scandalous to 
divers of the Lord's ancestors, and a book unfit to be 
divulged. ... I pray give order forthwith to stay 
the printing or dispersing of any of those books until 
the Lords of Parliament or the Lords of the Council 
shall meet." 

The small oftavo edition of 1641 was twice issued, 
the first issue consisting of 194 pages, and has the 
first word spelt " Leycesters." For the second issue 
a new title-page was printed and the first word is 
spelt " Leicesters," and the sentence " whereunto is 


added Leicester's Ghost " is inserted. The poem 
" Leicester's Ghost" is placed at the end of the 
" Commonwealth," and is separately paged from 
i to 34. A quarto edition of the poem was also 
printed in 1641 and is occasionally found bound up 
with the quarto editions of the " Commonwealth." 

The work was reprinted by Dr. Drake in 1706 
in an oftavo volume, and a second edition was issued 
during the same year. The editor ignored the issues 
of 1641 and states that he printed from a manuscript 
copy. The title under which he issued the work was 
" Secret Memoirs of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester." 
A third edition was issued in 1708 with the title 
"The perfeft pifture of a Favourite," and the same 
book was re-issued dated 1721. 

The edition here reprinted is the quarto of 1641, 
which appears to be the most correft and agrees 
with many of the manuscripts. 


Common-wealth : 

neft proteftation of all Du~ 

tifull good will and affedlion 

towards this Realm, for whofe 
good onely, it is made com- 
mon to many. 

Job the 20. verfe the 27. 

The Heavens f hall reveale his iniquity, and the 
Earth f hall rife up againft him. 

Printed I 6 4 I. 

The Epistle Directory ; 
To M. G. M. 

In Gratious Street in London. 

T^EARE and loving friend, I received about tenne dayes 
agone your letter of the 9, of this present : wherein 
you demand and solicite againe the thing, that I so flatly 
denied you, at my late being in your chamber : I meane, to 
put in writing the relation which then I made unto you, of 
the speech had this last Christmas in my presence, betweene 
my right worshipfull good friend and patron, and his guest 
the ould Lawyer, of some matters in our state and country. 
And for that you presse mee very seriously at this instant, 
both by request and many reasons, to yeeld to your desire 
herein, and not onely this, but also to give my consent for 
the publishing of the same, by such secret meanes as you 
assure mee you can there find out : I have thought good to 
confer the whole matter with the parties themselves, whom 
principally it concerneth (who at the receipt of your letter 
were not farre from mee :) And albeit at the first, I found 
them averse and nothing inclined to grant your demand : 


yet after upon consideration of your reasons, and assurance 
of secresie : (especially for that there is nothing in the same 
contained, repugnant to charity or to our bounden duty to- 
ward our most gratious Princes or Countrey, but rather for 
the special good of them both, and for the forewarning of 
some dangers imminent to the same) they have referred over 
the matter to mee, yet with this Proviso, that they will know 
nothing, nor yet yeeld consent to the publishing hereof, for 
feare of some future flourish of the ragged Staffe to come 
hereafter about their eares, if their names should breake 
forth: which (I trust) you will provide, shall never happen, 
both for their security, and for your owne. And with this 
I will end, assuring you that within these five or six dayes, 
you shall receive the whole in writing by an other way and 
secret meanes, neither shall the bearer suspett what hee 
carrieth : whereof also I thought good to premonish you. 
And this shall suffice for this time. 

The Preface of the Conference. 

NOT long before the last Christmasse, I was re- scholar. 
quested by a letter from a very worshipfull and 
grave Gentleman, whose sonne was then my pupill in 
Cambridge, to repaire with my said Scholar to a cer- 
taine house of his neare London, and there to passe 
over the Holy-dayes in his company : for that it was 
determined that in Hillary tearme following, his said The occasion 
sonne should bee placed in some Inne of Chancery, to feVen'ceTnd 
follow the study of the Common-law, and so to leave meetm &- 
the Vniversity. This request was grateful 1 unto mee 
in respect of the time, as also of the matter, but 
especially of the company. For that, as I love much 
the yong Gentleman, my pupile, for his towardlines in 
religion, learning, and vertue : so much more I doe 
reverence his Father, for the riper possession of the 
same ornaments, and for his great wisedome, experi- 
ence, and grave judgement in affaires of the World that 
doe occurre : but namely touching our owne Countrey, 
wherein truly I doe not remember to have heard any 
man in my life, discourse more substantially, indif- 
ferently, and with lesse passion, more love and fidelity, 



The persons 
and place of 
this confer- 


A temperate 

then I have heard him : Which was the cause that I 
tooke singular delight to be in his company, and refused 
no occasion to enjoy the same. Which also hee per- 
ceiving, dealt more openly and confidently with mee, 
then with many other of his friends, as by the relation 
following may well appeare. 

When I came to the foresaid House by London, 
I found there among other friends, an ancient man 
that professed the law, and was come from London to 
keepe his Christmasse in that place, with whom at 
divers former times I had beene well acquainted, for 
that hee haunted much the company of the said Gen- 
tleman my friend, and was much trusted and used by 
him in matters of his profession, and not a little beloved 
also for his good conversation, notwithstanding some 
difference in religion betweene us. For albeit, this 
Lawyer was inclined to bee a Papist, yet was it with 
such moderation and reservation of his duty towards 
his Prince and Countrey and proceedings of the same : 
as hee seemed alwayes to give full satisfaction in this 
point to us that were of contrary opinion. 

Neither did hee let to protest often times with great 
affection, that as hee had many friends and kinsfolke 
of contrary religion to himselfe : so did hee love them 
never the lesse for their different conscience, but leaving 
that to God, was desirous to doe them any friendship 

or service that hee could, with all affedlion, zeale, and 
fidelity. Neither was hee wilfull or obstinate in his 
opinion, and much lesse reprochfull in speech (as many 
of them bee) but was content to heare whatsoever wee 
should say to the contrary (as often wee did : ) and to 
reade any booke also that wee delivered him, for his 

Which temperate behaviour, induced this Gentle- 
man and mee, to affedt the more his company, and to 
discourse as freely with him in all occurrents, as if hee 
had beene of our owne religion. 

The Entrance to the Matter. 

ONE day then of the Christmasse, we three retiring 
our selves after dinner, into a large Gallery, for 
our recreation, (as often we were accustomed to doe, 
when other went to cards and other pastimes:) this 
Lawyer by chance had in his hand a little booke, then The Booke of 

i us t ice 

newly set forth, containing A defence of the publique 
justice done of late in England, upon divers Priests and 
other Papistes for treason : Which booke, the Lawyer 
had read to himselfe a little before, and was now 
putting it up into his pocket ; But the Gentleman my 
friend, who had read over the same once or twice in 
my company before, would needs take the same into 
his hand againe, and asked the Lawyer his judgement 
upon the booke. 

The Lawyer answered : That it was not evill Lawyer. 
penned in his opinion to prove the guiltines of some 
persons therein named in particular, as also to perswade 
in generall, that the Papistes both abroad and at home, 
who meddle so earnestly with defence and increase of 
their religion (for these are not all, said he) doe conse- 
quently wish and labour some change in the state : 




The Papists 
against the 


but yet whether so farre forth, and in so deepe a 
degree of proper treason, as here in this booke both 
in generall and particular is presumed and inforced, 
that (quoth hee) is somewhat hard (I weene) for you 
or mee (in respedl of some other difference betweene 
us) to judge or discerne with indifferency. 

Nay truly said the Gentleman, for my part I thinke 
not so, for that reason is reason in what religion 
soever. And for my selfe, I may protest, that I beare 
the honest Papist (if there bee any) no malice for his 
deceived conscience, whereof among others, your selfe 
can bee a witnesse : mary his Praftizes against the 
state, I cannot in any wise digest : and much lesse 
may the Common-wealth beare the same (whereof 
wee all depend,) being a sinne of all other, the most 
heinous, the least pardonable. And therefore seeing 
in this, you grant the Papist both in generall abroad, 
and at home ; and in particular such as are con- 
demned, executed and named in this booke to bee 
guilty : how can you insinuate (as you doe) that there 
is more presumed or enforced upon them by this booke, 
then there is just cause so to doe. 

Good Sir, said the other, I stand not here to 
examine the doings of my superiours, or to defend the 
guilty, but wish hartily rather their punishment that 
have deserved the same. Onely this I say, for explica- 

tion of my former speech : that men of a different TWO sorts 

f i'ii' -i of dealing 

religion from the state wherein they live, may bee said against the 
to deale against the same state in two sorts : the one, 
by dealing for the increase of their said different re- 
ligion, which is alwayes either directly, or indirectly 
against the state. (Directly) when the said religion 
containeth any point or article directly impugning the 
said state, (as perhaps you will say that the Roman 
Religion doth against the present state of England in 
the point of Supremacy : ) and (Indirectly) for that 
every different religion divideth in a sort and draweth 
from the state, in that there is no man who in his heart 
would not wish to have the chiefe Governour and state 
to bee of his religion, if hee could : and consequently 
misliketh the other in respect of that: and in this kind, 
not onely those whom you call busie Papists in England, 
but also those whom we call hote Puritans among you, 
(whose difference from the state especially in matters 
of governement is very well knowne,) may bee called 
all traytors, in mine opinion : for that every one of these 
in deed, doe labour indirectly, (if not more) against the 
state, in how much soever each one endevoureth to 
increase his part or faction that desireth a Governour 
of his owne religion. 

And in this case also, are the Protestants in France 
and Flanders under Catholique Princes : the Calvinists 


The state of 
all Subje&s, 
in a state of 
different re- 

The second 
kind of trea- 

The applica- 
tion of the 
former ex- 

(as they are called ; ) under the Duke of Saxony, who 
is a Lutheran : the Lutherans under Casimere, that 
favoreth Calvinists : the Grecians and other Christians 
under the Emperour of Constantinople, under the Sophy, 
under the great Chame of Tartary, and under other 
Princes that agree not with them in religion. All which 
Subjects doe wish (no doubt) in their hearts, that they 
had a Prince and state of their owne religion, in stead 
of that which now governeth them : and consequently 
in this first sense, they may bee called all traytors, and 
every adl they doe for advancement of their said dif- 
ferent religion (dividing betweene the state and them) 
tendeth to treason : which their Princes supposing, doe 
sometimes make divers of their ac~ts treasonable or 
punishable for treason. But yet so long as they breake 
not forth unto the second kind of treason which con- 
taineth some adluall attempt or treaty against the life 
of the Prince, or state, by rebellion or otherwise : wee 
doe not properly condemne them for traytors, though 
they doe some adls of their religion made treason by 
the Prince his lawes, who is of a different faith. 

And so to apply this to my purpose : I thinke, Sir, 
in good sooth, that in the first kind of treason, as well 
the zealous Papist, as also the Puritans in England, 
may well bee called and proved traytors : but in the 
second sort (whereof wee speake properly at this time) 


it cannot bee so precisely answered, for that there may 
bee both guilty and guiltles in each religion. And as 
I cannot excuse all Puritans in this point : so you 
cannot condemne all Papists, as long as you take mee 
and some other to bee as wee are. Gentleman. 

I grant your distinction of treasons to bee true, 
(said the Gentleman,) as also your application thereof 
to the Papists and Puritans (as you call them,) not to 
want reason, if there bee any of them that mislike the 
present state (as perhaps there bee :) all bee it for my 
part, I thinke these two kinds of treasons, which you 
have put downe, bee rather divers degrees then divers 
kinds: wherein I will refer mee to the judgement of 
our Cambridge friend here present, whose skill is more 
in logicall distinctions. But yet my reason is this, that 
indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other, not 
differing in nature, but rather in time, ability or oppor- 
tunity. For if (as in your former examples you have 
shewed) the Grecians under the Turke, and other 
Christians under other Princes of a different religion, 
and as also the Papists and Puritans (as you terme 
them) in England (for now this word shall passe be- 
tweene us for distinction sake,) have such alienation of 
mind from their present regiment, and doe covet so 
much a governour and state of their owne religion : 
then no doubt but they are also resolved to imploy 




their forces for accomplishing and bringing to passe 

their desires, if they had oportunity: and so being now 

TWO degrees in the first degree or kind of treason, doe want but 

of treason. ,. , , 

occasion or ability, to breake into the second. 

True Sir, said the Lawyer, if there bee no other 
cause or circumstance that may with hold them. 

And what cause or circumstance may stay them I 
pray you (said the Gentleman) when they shall have 
ability and oportunity to doe a thing which they so 
much desire ? 

Divers causes (quoth the Lawyer) but especially 
and above all other (if it bee at home in their owne 
Country,) the feare of servitude under forraine na- 
tions, may restraine them from such attempts : As wee 
see in Germany that both Catholiques and Protestants 
would joyne together, against any stranger that should 
offer danger to their liberty. And so they did against 
Charles the fifth. And in France not long agoe, albeit 
the Protestants were up in armes against their King, 
and could have beene content, by the helpe of us in 
England, to have put him downe, and placed an other 
of their owne religion : yet when they saw us once 
seazed of New-haven, and so, like to proceed to the 
recovery of some part of our states on that side the 
Sea, they quickly joyned with their owne Catholiques 
againe to expell us. 



In Flanders likewise, though Monsieur were called Flanders. 
thither by the Protestans, especially for defence of 
their religion, against the Spaniard : yet wee see how 
dainty divers chiefe Protestants of Antwerp, Gaunt, and 
Bruges were, in admitting him, and how quick in expel- 
ling, so soone as hee put them in the least feare of 
subjection to the French. 

And as for Portugal!, I have heard some of the Portugaii 
chiefest Catholiques among them say, in this late con- 
tention about their Kingdome : that rather then they 
would suffer the Castilian to come in upon them, they 
would bee content to admit whatsoever aids of a con- 
trary religion to themselves, and to adventure whatso- 
ever alteration in religion or other inconvenience might 
befall them by that meanes, rather then endanger their 
subjection to their ambitious neighbour. 

The like is reported in divers histories of the The old ha 
Grecians at this day, who doe hate so much the name 
and dominion of the Latines : as they had rather to 
endure all the miseries which dayly they suffer under 
the Turke for their religion and otherwise : then by 
calling for aid from the West to hazard their subjedlion 
to the said Latines. So that by these examples you 
see, that feare and horrour of externall subjection may 
stay men in all states, and consequently also both 
Papists and Puritans in the state of England, from 


passing to the second kind or degeee of treason, albeit 
they were never so deepe in the first, and had both 
ability, time, will, and oportunity for the other. 

scholar. Here I presumed to interrupt their Speech, and 

said : that this seemed to mee most cleare, and that 
now I understood what the Lawyer meant before, when 
hee affirmed, that albeit the most part of Papists in 
generall might bee said to deal against the state of 
England at this day, in that they deale so earnestly for 
the maintenance and increase of their religion, and so 
to incurre some kind of treason : yet (perhaps) not so 
far-forth nor in so deepe a degree, of proper treason as 
in this booke is presumed or inforced : though for my 
part (said I) I doe not see that the booke presumeth or 

Not ail Pa- inforceth all Papists in generall to bee properly traytors, 

pists properly . i i i i - i 

traytors. but onely such as in particular are therein named, or 
that are by law attainted, condemned or executed: and 
what will you say (quoth I) to those in particular. 

Lawyer. Surely (quoth hee) I must say of these, much after 

the manner which I spake before : that some here 
named in this booke are openly knowen to have beene 
in the second degreee or kind of treason: as Westmer- 
land, Norton, Sanders, and the like. But divers others 

The Priests (namely the Priests and Seminaries that of late have 

and Semina- 

nes that were suffered,) by so much as I could see delivered and 


pleaded at their arraingements, or heard protested by 


them at their deaths, or gathered by reason and dis- 
course of my selfe, (for that no forraine Prince or wise 
councellor would ever commit so great matters of state 
to such instruments :) I cannot (I say) but thinke, that 
to the wise of our state, that had the doing of this 
busines, the first degree of treason (wherein no doubt 
they were) was sufficient to dispatch and make them 
away : especially in such suspitious times as these are : 
to the end that being hanged for the first, they should 
never bee in danger to fall into the second, nor yet to 
draw other men to the same : which perhaps was most 
of all misdoubted. 

After the Lawyer had spoken this, I held my peace, Gentleman. 
to heare what the Gentleman would answer : who 
walked up and downe, two whole turnes in the Gallery, 
without yeelding any word againe : and then staying 
upon the sudden, cast his eyes sadly upon us both, and 
said ; 

My Masters, how so ever this bee, which indeed 
appertaineth not to us to judge or discusse, but rather 
to perswade our selves, that the state hath reason to 
doe as it doth, and that it must often times, as well 
prevent inconveniences, as remedy the same when they 
are happened : yet for my owne part I must confesse 
unto you, that upon some considerations which use to 
come unto my mind, I take no small griefe of these 



The consi- 

differences among us (which you terme of divers and 
different religions) for which wee are driven of necessity, 
to use Discipline towards divers, who possibly other- 
wise would bee no great malefaclours. I know the 
cause of this difference is grounded upon a principle 
not easie to cure, which is the judgement and con- 
science of a man, whereunto obeieth at length his will 
and affection, whatsoever for a time hee may otherwise 
dissemble outwardly. I remember your speech before 
of the doubtfull and dangerous inclination of such as 
live discontented in a state of a different religion, 
especially, when either indeed, or in their owne con- 
ceipte, they are hardly dealt withall, and where every 
mans particular punishment, is taken to reach to the 
cause of the whole. 

I am not ignorant how that misery procureth amity, 
and the opinion of calamity, moveth affection of mercy 
and compassion, even towards the wicked : the better 
fortune alwayes is subject to envy, and hee that suf- 
fereth, is thought to have the better cause, my ex- 
perience of the divers raignes and proceedings of King 
Edward, Queene Mary, and of this our most gratious 
soveraigne hath taught mee not a little, touching the 
A good wish, sequell of these affaires. And finally, (my good friends) 
I must tell you plaine (quoth hee : and this hee spake 
with great asseveration) that I could wish with all my 

Misery mo- 
veth mercy. 


heart, that either these differences were not among us 
at all, or els that they were so temperatly on all parts 
pursued : as the Common-state of our Countrey, the 
blessed raigne of her Majesty, and the common cause 
of true religion, were not endangered thereby. But 
now : and there hee brake of, and turned aside. 

The Lawyer seeing him hold his peace and depart, Lawyer. 
hee stepped after him, and taking him by the gowne 
said merrily : Sir, all men are not of your complexion, 
some are of quicker and more stirring Spirits, and doe 
love to fish in water that is troubled, for that they doe 
participate the Black-moores humour, that dwell in 
Guinea (whereof I suppose you have heard and scene The nature 
also some in this Land) whose exercise at home is (as 
some write) the one to hunt, catch, and sell the other, 
and alwayes the stronger to make money of the weaker 
for the time. But now if in England we should live in 
peace and unity of the state, as they doe in Germany, 
notwithstanding their differences of Religion, and that 
the one should not pray upon the other : then should 
the great Fawcons for the Field (I meane the favorites 
of the time) faile whereon to feed, which were an 
inconvenience as you know. 

Truly Sir, said the Gentleman, I thinke you rove Gentleman. 
nearer the marke than you weene: for if I bee not 
deceived the very, ground of much of these broiles 

neans ' 


The Tyrant 
of English 

Three differ- 
ences of re- 
ligion in 


The Earl of 


whereof wee talke, is but a very pray: not, in the minds 
of the Prince or state (whose intentions no doubt bee 
most just and holy) but in the greedy imagination and 
subtile conceipt of him, who at this present in respecl 
of our sinnes, is permitted by God, to tyrannize both 
Prince and state : and being himselfe of no religion, 
feedeth notwithstanding upon our differences in religion, 
to the fatting of himselfe and ruine of the Realme. 
For whereas by the common distinction now received 
in speech, there are three notable differences of religion 
in the Land, the two extreames, whereof are the Papist 
and the Puritan, and the religious Protestant obtaining 
the meane : this fellow being of neither, maketh his 
gaine of all : and as hee seeketh a Kingdome by the 
one extreame, and spoile by the other : so hee useth 
the authority of the third, to compasse the first two, 
and the counter-mine of each one, to the overthrow of 
all three. 

To this I answered : In good sooth Sir, I see now 
where you are : you are fallen into the common place of 
all our ordinary talke and conference in the university : 
for I know that you meane my L. of Leicester, who is 
the subject of all pleasant discourses at this day 
throughout the Realme. 

Not so pleasant as pittifull, answered the Gentle- 
man, if all matters and circumstances were well con- 


sidered, except any man take pleasure to jeast at our 
owne miseries, which are like to bee greater by his 
iniquity (if God avert it not) then by all the wicked- 
nesse of England besides : hee being the man that by 
all probability, is like to bee the bane and fatall destiny 
of our state, with the eversion of true religion, whereof 
by indirect meanes, hee is the greatest enemy that the 
Land doth nourish. 

Now verily (quoth the Lawyer) if you say thus Lawyer. 
much for the Protestants opinion of him, what shall I 
say for his merits towards the Papists ? who for as 
much as I can perceive, doe take themselves little 
beholding unto him, albeit for his gaine hee was some 
yeares their secret friend against you : untill by his 
friends hee was perswaded, and chiefly by the L. North f he L. 

J J Norths policy. 

by way of policy, as the said L. bosteth in hope, of 
greater gaine, to step over to the Puritans, against us 
both, whom notwithstanding it is probable, that hee 
loveth as much, as hee doth the rest. 

You know the Beares love, said the Gentleman, Gentleman. 
which is all for his owne paunch, and so this Beare- 
whelp, turneth all to his owne commodity, and for 
greedines thereof, will overturne all if he bee not 
stopped or mouzeled in time. 

And surely unto mee it is a strange speculation, A strange 
whereof I cannot pick out the reason (but onely that I 


doe attribute it to Gods punishment for our sinnes) 
than in so wise and vigilant a state as ours is, and in a 
Countrey so well acquainted and beaten with such 
dangers : a man of such a Spirit as hee is knowne to 
bee, of so extreame ambition, pride, falshood and 
trcchery : so borne, so bred up, so nooseled in treason 
from his infancy, descended of a tribe of traytors, and 
fleshed in conspiracy against the Royall bloud of King 
Henries children in his tender yeares, and exercised 
ever since in driftes against the same, by the bloud 
and ruine of divers others : a man so well knowen 
to beare secret malice against her Majesty, for causes 
irreconcileable, and most deadly rancour against the 
best and wisest Councellours of her highnesse : that 
such a one (I say so hatefull) to God and man, and so 
markeable to the simplest subject of this Land by the 
publique insignes of his tyrannous purpose, should bee 
suffered so many yeares without check, to aspire to 
tyranny by most manifest wayes, and to possesse him- 
selfe (as now hee hath done) of Court, Councell, and 
Countrey, without controlement : so that nothing 
wanteth to him but onely his pleasure, and the day 
already conceived in his mind to dispose as hee list, 
both of Prince, Crowne, Realme, and Religion. 
scholar. It is much truly (quoth I) that you say, and it 

ministreth not a little marvaile unto many, whereof 


your worship is not the first, nor yet the tenth person 

of accompt which I have heard discourse and com- 

plaine. But what shall wee say hereunto ? there is no 

man that ascribeth not this unto the singular benignity 

and most bountifull good nature of her Majesty who The Queens 

measuring other men by her owne Heroycll and Princely most S e*!ei- 

sincerity : cannot easily suspect a man so much bounden Mature. 

to her grace, as hee is, nor remove her confidence 

from the place, where shee hath heaped so infinite 


No doubt (said the Gentleman) but this gracious Gentleman. 
and sweet disposition of her Majesty is the true originall 
cause thereof : which Princely disposition, as in her 
highnesse it deserveth all rare commendation, so lieth 
the same open to many dangers often times, when so 
benigne a nature meeteth with ingrate and ambitious 
persons : which observation perhaps, caused her Ma- 
jesties most noble Grandfather and Father (two 
renowned wise Princes) to withdraw some time upon 
the sudden, their great favour from certaine Subjects 
of high estate. And her Majesty may easily use her 
owne excellent wisedome and memory, to recall to 
mind the manifold examples of perilous happes fallen Feares that 
to divers Princes, by to much confidence in obliged ofmyL of ve 
proditours : with whom the name of a Kingdome, and eyct 
one houres raigne, weyeth more, then all the duty, 

Sir Francis 

obligation, honesty, or nature in the World. Would 
God her Majesty could see the continuall feares that 
bee in her faithfull Subjects hearts, whiles that man is 
about her noble person, so well able and likely (if the 
Lord avert it not) to bee the calamity, of her Princely 
bloud and name. 

The talke will never out of many mouths and 
minds, that divers ancient men of this Realme, and 
once a wise Gentleman now a Councellour, had with a 
certaine friend of his, concerning the presage and deepe 
impression, which her Majesties Father had of the 
House of Sir lohn Dudley, to bee the ruine in time of 
his Majesties Royall house and bloud, which thing was 
like to have beene fulfilled soone after (as all the World 
knoweth) upon the death of King Edward by the said 
Dudley this mans Father : who at one blow, procured 
to dispatch from a possession of the Crown, all three 
children of the said noble King. And yet in the 
middest of those bloudy practizes against her Majesty 
that now is and her sister (wherein also this fellowes 
hand was so farre, as for his age hee could thrust the 
same,) within sixteene dayes before King Edwards 
death (hee knowing belike that the King should die) 
Deepe dissi- wrote most flattering letters to the Lady Mary (as I 
have heard by them who then were with her) promis- 
sing all loyalty and true service to her, after the 



descease of her brother, with no lesse painted words, 
then this man now doth use to Queene Elizabeth. 

So dealt hee then with the most deare children of 
his good King and Master, by whom hee had beene 
no lesse exalted and trusted, then this man is by her 
Majesty. And so deepely dissembled hee then when 
hee had in hand the plot to destroy them both. And 
what then (alas) may not wee feare and doubt of this 
his sonne, who in outragious ambition and desire of 
raigne, is not inferiour to his Father, or to any other 
aspiring Spirit in the World, but farre more insolent, 
cruell, vindicative, expert, potent, subtile, fine, and fox- 
like then ever hee was ? I like well the good motion 
propounded by the foresaid Gentleman, to his friend at s 
the same time, and doe assure my selfe it would bee 
most pleasant to the Realme, and profitable to her 
Majesty to wit, that this mans adlions might bee called 
publiquely to triall, and liberty given to good subjects, 
to say what they knew against the same, as it was 
permitted in the first yeare of King Henry the eight 
against his Grandfather, and in the first of Queene 
Mary against his Father : and then I would not doubt, 
but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to Edmund 
leese their heads for treason : this man would not bee * 

Robert Dudhy. 

found unworthy to make the third in kindred, whose 
treacheries doe farre surpasse them both. 


Lawyer. After the Gentleman had said this, the Lawyer 

stood still, somewhat smiling to himselfe, and looking 
round about him, as though hee had beene halfe afeard, 
and then said. My masters, doe you read over or 
study the statutes that come forth ? have you not 
heard of the proviso made in the last Parliament for 
punishment of those who speake so broad of such men 
as my L. of Leycester is ? 

Gentleman. Yes, said the Gentleman, I have heard how that 

my L. of Leycester was very carefull and diligent at 

The Law a- that time to have such a Law to passe against talkers : 

gainst talking , . / ft \ 1 i i ^^ 

hoping (belike) that his L. under that generall restraint 
might lie the more quietly in harbour from the tempest 
of mens tongues, which tatled busily at that time, of 
divers his Lordship's actions and affaires, which 
perhaps himselfe would have wished to passe with 
more secresie. As of his discontentment and prepara- 
tion to rebellion, upon Monsieurs first comming into 
the Land : of his disgrace and checks received in 
Court : of the fresh death of the noble Earle of Essex : 
and of this mans hasty snatching up of the widdow, 
whom hee sent up and downe the Countrey from house 
to house by privy wayes, thereby to avoid the sight 
and knowledge of the Queenes Majesty. And albeit 
hee had not onely used her at his good liking before, 
for satisfying of his owne lust, but also married and 

remarried her for contentation of her friends : yet 
denied hee the same, by solemne oath to her Maiesty 
and received the holy Communion thereupon (so good 
a conscience hee hath) and consequently threatned most Aaions of 
sharp revenge towards all subjects which should dare whereof hee 
to speake thereof: and so for the concealing both of no speech! 
this and other his doings, which hee desired not to 
have publike, no marvaile though his Lordship were so 
diligent a procurer of that law for silence. 

Indeed (said I) it is very probable that his Lordship scholar. 
was in great distresse about that time, when Monsieurs 
matters were in hand, and that hee did many things 
and purposed more, whereof hee desired lesse speech 
among the people, especially afterwards, when his said 
designements tooke not place. I was my selfe that 
yeare not farre from Warwicke when hee came thither 
from the Court a full Mai-Content, and when it was 
thought most certainely throughout the Realm, that 
hee would have taken armes soone after, if the marriage 
of her Majesty with Monsieur had gone forward. The 
thing in Cambridge and in all the Countrey as I rode, 
was in every man's mouth : and it was a wonder to see 
not onely the countenances, but also the behaviour, 
and to heare the bold speeches of all such as were 
of his faction. 

My Lord himselfe had given out a little before at 


LcictiUr'i prc- 
parativee to 
upcn Mon- 
sieurs mar- 

To Sir 'I ho. 


L. Treasurer. 
L Chamber- 
M. Comp- 

Killingworth, that the matter would cost 'many broken 
heads before Michelmasse day next: and my Lord of 
Warwick had said openly at his table in Greenewich, 
Sir Thomas Hennige being by (if I bee not deceived,) 
that it was not to bee suffered (I meane the marriage) 
which words of his once comming abroad (albeit mis- 
liked by his owne Lady then also present) every 
Serving-man and Common-companion, tooke then up 
in defence of his Lordships part against the Queenes 
Majesty. Such running there was, such sending and 
posting about the Realme, such amplification of the 
powers and forces of Casimere and other Princes, ready, 
(as was affirmed) to present themselves unto his aid, 
for defence of the Realme and Religion against stran- 
gers : (for that was holden to bee his cause) such 
numbring of parties and complices within the Realme, 
(whereof himselfe shewed the Catalogue to some of 
his friends for their comfort) such debasing of them 
that favoured the marriage (especially two or three 
Councellors by name, who were said to bee the cause 
of all, and for that were appointed out to bee sharpely 
punished to the terrour of all others :) such letters 
were written and intercepted of purpose, importing 
great powers to bee ready, and so many other things 
done and designed, tending all to manifest and open 
warre: as I began heartily to be afeard, and wished 


my selfe backe at Cambridge againe, hoping that being 
there, my Scholars gowne should excuse mee from 
necessity of fighting, or if not, I was resolved (by my 
Lords good leave) to follow Aristotle, who preferred! 
al way the Lyon before the Beare : assuring my selfe 
withall, that his Lordship should have no better sue- 
cesse in this (if it came to triall) then his Father had 
in as bad a cause, and so much the more for that I 
was privy to the minds of some of his friends, who 
meant to have deceived him, if the matter had broken 
out. And amongst other, there was a certaine Vice- 
president in the World, who being left in the roome 
and absence of an other, to procure friends : said in a 
place secretly not farre from Ludlcw, that if the matter 
came to Howes, bee would follow his Mistiesse, and 
leave his Master in the briars. 

Marry Sir (quoth the Gentleman) and I trow many 
more would have followed that example. For albeit I 
know, that the Papists were most named and mis- 
doubted of his part, in that cause, for their open 
inclination towards Monsieur, and consequently for 
greater discredit of the thing it selfe, it was given out 
every where by this Champion of religion, that her 
Majesties cause was the Papists cause, (even as his L*>e*st*n 

t%^^^ ^ +w**^r 

Father had done in the like enterprise before him, 
though all upon dissimulation, as appeared at his 

The honour 
and commo- 
dities by the 
with France. 


death, where hee professed himselfe an earnest Papist:) 
yet was there no man so simple in the Realme, which 
discried not this Vizard at the first; neither yet any 
good subjedl (as I suppose) who seeing her Majesty on 
the one part, would not have taken against the other 
part, what so ever hee had beene. And much more 
the thing it selfe in controversie (I meane the marriage 
of her Royall Majesty with the brother and heire 
apparent of France,) being taken and judged by the 
best, wisest and faithfulest Protestants of the Realme, 
to bee both honourable, convenient, profitable and 
needfull. Whereby onely, as by a most soveraigne, 
and present remedy, all our maladies both abroad and 
at home, had at once beene cured: all forraine enemies, 
and domesticall conspirators, all differences, all dan- 
gers, all feares had ceased together : France had beene 
ours most assured : Spain would not a little have 
trembled : Scotland had beene quiet : our competitors 
in England would have quaked: and for the Pope hee 
might have put up his pipes. Our differences in 
religion at home, had beene either lesse, or no greater 
then now they are, for that Monsieur being but a 
moderate Papist, and nothing vehement in his opinions, 
was content with very reasonable conditions, for him- 
selfe and his strangers onely in use of their conscience 
not unlikely (truly) but that in time hee might by 


Gods grace, and by the great wisedome and virtue of 
her Majesty have beene brought also to embrace the 
Gospell, as King Ethelbert an heathen was by noble 

~ ~, r of KM *. con ' 

Oueene Bertha his wife, the first Christian ot our verted An. 

,. , _ . dom. 603. 

English Princes. 

Vnto all which felicity, if the Lord in mercy should 
have added also some issue of there royall bodies, (as 
was not impossible, when first this noble match was 
moved,) wee then (doubtles) had beene the most 
fortunate people under heaven, and might have beene 
(perhaps) the meane to have restored the Gospell 
throughout all Europe besides, as our Brethren of 
France well considered and hoped. 

Of all which singular benefits both present and to 
come, both, in Re and Spe, this Tyrant for his owne 
private lucre (fearing lest hereby his ambition might be 
restrained, and his treachery revealed) hath bereaved 
the Realme, and done what in him lieth besides, to 
alienate for ever and make our mortall enemy this 
great Prince, who sought the love of her Majesty with 
so much honour and confidence as never Prince the 
like, putting twice his owne person to jeopardy of the 
Sea, and to the perill of his malitious enviours here in 
England, for her Majesties sake. 

When you speake of Monsieur (said the Lawyer) 
I cannot but greatly bee moved, both for these 


considerations well touched by you, as also for some 
other : especially one wherein (perhaps) you will 
thinke mee partiall, but truly I am not : for that I 
speake it onely in respect of the quiet and good of 
my Countrey, and that is, that by Monsieurs match 
with our noble Princesse, besides the hope of issue 
(which was the principal!) there wanted not also pro- 
Toiieration in bability, that some union or little tolleration in religion, 
!fnion 10 hi NV de- bctwccne you and us, might have beene procured in 
countr f . this state, as wee see that in some other Countries is 
admitted to their great good. Which thing (no doubt) 
would have cut of quite all dangers and dealings from 
forraine Princes, and would have stopped many devises 
and plots within the Realme : whereas now by this 
breach with France, wee stand alone as mee seemeth 
without any great unition or friendship abroad, and our 
differences at home grow more vehement and sharp 
then ever before. Vpon which two heads, as also upon 
infinit other causes, purposes, drifts and pretences, 
there doe ensue dayly more deepe, dangerous and 
desperate praftizes, every man using either the com- 
modity or necessity of the time and state for his owne 
purpose, especially, now when all men presume that 
her Majesty (by the continuall thwartings which have 
been used against all her marriage) is not like to leave 
unto the Realme, that pretious Jewell so much and 


long desired of all English hearts, I meane the Royall 
heires of her owne body. 

Thwartings call you the defeating of all her Ma- Gentleman. 
jesties most honourable offers of marriage ? (said the 
other) truly in my opinion you should have used an 
other word to expresse the nature of so wicked a fact : 
whereby alone, if their were no other, this unfortunate 
man, hath done more hurt to his Commonwealth, then 
if hee had murdered many thousands of her subjects, 
or betrayed whole armies to the professed enemy. I 
can remember well my selfe, foure treatises to this 
purposes, undermined by his meanes ; The first with Divers mar- 
the Swethen King : the second with the Archduke of MTdefeate? 
Austria: the third with Henry King of France that 
now reigneth : and the fourth with the brother and 
heire of the said Kingdome. For I let passe many 
other secret motions made by great Potentates to her 
Majesty for the same purpose, but these foure are 
openly knowen, and therefore I name them. Which 
foure are as well knowen to have beene all disturbed by 
this Dawes, as they were earnestly pursued by the 

And for the first three Suters, hee drove them Leycester de- 

vises to drive 

away, by protesting and swearing that himselfe was away ail Su- 
contrafted unto her Majesty, whereof her highnesse Majesty 
was sufficiently advertised by Cardinall Chatilian in the 


first treaty for France, and the Cardinal! soone after 
punished (as is thought) by this man with poison. 
But yet this speech hee gave out then, every where 
among his friends both strangers and other, that hee 
(forsooth) was assured to her Majesty and conse- 
quently that all other Princes must give over their 
sutes, for him. Whereunto notwithstanding, when the 
Swethen would hardly give eare, this man conferred 
with his Privado to make a most unseemely and dis- 
loyall proofe thereof for the others satisfaction, which 
thing I am enforced by duty to passe over with silence, 
for honour to the parties who are touched therein : as 
also I am to conceale his said filthy Privado, though 
worthy otherwise for his dishonestly to bee displayed 
to the World : but my Lord himselfe, I am sure, doth 
well remember both the man and the matter. And 
albeit there was no wise man at that time who knowing 
con- my L. suspefled not the false-hood, and his arrogant 

vinced him- . r i i * 

seifeofimpu- affirmation touching this contract with her Majesty, 
yet some both abroad and at home might doubt 
thereof perhaps : but now of late, by his knowen 
marriage with his Minion Dame Lettice of Essex, hee 
hath declared manifestly his owne most impudent and 
disloyall dealing with his soveraigne in this report. 

For that report (quoth the Lawyer) I know that it 
was common and maintained by many, for divers 


yeares: yet did the wiser sort make no accompt 
thereof, seeing it came only from himselfe, and in his 
owne behalfe. Neither was it credible, that her Ma- 
jesty who refused so noble Knights and Princes as 
Europe hath not the like : would make choise of so Thebasenes 
meane a peere as Robin Dudley is, noble onely in two Locators. 
descents, and both of them stained with the Block, 
from which also himselfe, was pardoned but the other 
day, being condemned thereunto by law for his deserts, 
as appeareth yet in publike records. And for the Anno 1. R. 


widdow of Essex, I marvaile Sir (quoth hee) how you 
call her his wife, seeing the canon law standeth yet in 
force touching matters of marriage within the Realme. 

Oh (said the Gentleman laughing) you meane for Gentleman. 
that hee procured the poisoning of her Husband, in his 
journey from Ireland. You must thinke that Doctor DoaorD^. 
Dale will dispence in that matter, as hee did (at his 
Lordships appointment) with his Italian physitian 
Dodlor lulio, to have two wives at once: at the least Dodior MW. 
wise the matter was permitted, and borne out by them 
both publiquely (as all the World knoweth) and that 
against no lesse persons then- the Archbishop of TheArch- 

x- 1 i / i 1 1 bishops over- 

Lanterbury himselfe, whose overthrow was principally throw for not 

wrought by this Tyrant for contrary ing his will, in so wives"? Ley- 

beastly a demand. But for this controuersie whether sitian. 1 
the marriage bee good or no, I leave it to bee tried 

The Lady 
Sheffield now 
desse in 


hereafter betweene my yong L. of Denbighe, and M. 
Philip Sidney, whom the same most concerneth. For 
that it is like to deprive him of a goodly inheritance if 
it take place, (as some will say that in no reason it 
can,) not onely in respect of the precedent adultery 
and murder betweene the parties : but also for that 
my L. was contracted, at least, to an other Lady 
before, that yet liveth, whereof M. Edward Diar and 
M. Edmond Tilney both Courtiers can bee witnesses, 
and consumated the same contract by generation of 
children. But this (as I said) must bee left to bee tried 
hereafter by them which shall have most interest in the 
case. Onely for the present I must advertise you, that 
you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings 
in Womens affaires, neither touching their marriages, 
neither yet their husbands. 

For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortune, that 
when hee desireth any womans favour, then what per- 
son so ever standeth in his way, hath the luck to die 
quickly for the finishing of his desire. As for example: 
when his Lordship was in full hope to marry her Ma- 
The death of jesty, and his owne wife stood in his light, as hee 

Leycesters first J 

Lady & wife, supposed i hee did but send her aside, to the house of 
his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford, where shortly 
after shee had the chance to fall from a paire of staires, 
and so to breake her neck, but yet without hurting of 

her hood that stood upon her head. But Sir Richard sir Richard 


Varney who by commandement remained with her that 

day alone, with one man onely, and had sent away 

perforce all her Servants from her, to a market two 

miles of, hee (I say) with his man can tell how shee 

died, which man being taken afterward for a fellony in 

the marches of Wales, and offering to publish the 

manner of the said murder, was made away privily in 

the prison. And Sir Richard himselfe dying about the 

same time in London, cried pitiously, and blasphemed 

God, and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine 

acquaintance, not long before his death: that all the 

Divels in Hell did teare him in peeces. The wife also 

of Bald Buttler Kinsman to my L. gave out the whole Bald Buttier. 

facl a little before her death. But to returne unto my 

purpose, this was my Lords good fortune to have his 

wife die, at that time when it was like to turne most to 

his profit. 

Long after this, hee fell in love with the Lady 
Sheffield whom I signified before, and then also had hee 
the same fortune to have her Husband die quickly Thesuspi- 

. . i'ii/ cious death 

with an extreame reume in his head (as it was given of the Lord 
out ; ) but as other say, of an artificiall Catarre that 
stopped his breath. The like good chance had hee in 
the death of my Lord of Essex (as I have said before) 
and that at a time most fortunate for his purpose: for 

The poison- 
ing of the 
Earle of 

The shifting 
of a child in 
Dame Lett ice 

The divers 
operation of 


when hee was comming home from Ireland, with intent 
to revenge himselfe upon my Lord of Leycester, for be- 
getting his wife with child in his absence (the child 
was a daughter and brought up by the Lady Shandoies, 
W. Knooles his wife: ) my Lord of Ley hearing thereof, 
wanted not a friend or two to accompany the Deputie, 
as among other, a couple of the Earles owne servants, 
Crompton (if I misse not his name) yeoman of his 
bottels, and Lloid his Secretary entertained afterward 
by my Lord of Leycester. And so hee died in the way 
of an extreame Flux, caused by an Italian Recipe, as 
all his friends are well assured : the maker whereof 
was a Surgion (as is believed) that then was newly 
come to my Lord from Italy. A cunning man and sure 
in operation, with whom if the good Lady had beene 
sooner acquainted and used his helpe, shee should not 
have needed to have sitten so pensive at home and 
fearefull of her husbands former returne out of the 
same Countrey, but might have spared the yong child 
in her belly, which shee was enforced to make away 
(cruelly and unnaturally) for clearing the house against 
the good mans arrivall. 

Neither must you marvaile though all these died in 
divers manners of outward diseases, for this is the 
excellency of the Italian art, for which this Surgion and 
D. lulio were entertained so carefully, who can make a 


man die, in what manner or shew of sicknesse you will ; 

by whose instructions no doubt but his Lordship is 

now cunning, especially adding also to these the coun- 

sell of his Doctor Bayly, a man also not a little studied Do<aor Bayi\ 

(as hee seemeth) in his art. For I heard him once my 

selfe in publique ac~l in Oxford (and that in presence of 

my Lord of Leycester if I bee not deceived) maintaine, 

that poison might so bee tempered and given as it 

should not appeare presently, and yet should kill the 

party afterward at what time should bee appointed. 

Which argument belike pleased well his Lordship and 

therefore was chosen to bee discussed in his audience, 

if I bee not deceived of his being that day present. So 

though one die of a Flux, and an other of a Catarre, 

yet this importeth little to the matter, but sheweth 

rather the great cunning and skill of the Artificer. 

So Cardinall Chatilian (as I have said before,) having Death of 
accused my Lord of Leycester to the Queenes Majesty, 

and after that, passing from London towards France 
about the marriage, died by the way at Canterbury of a 
burning Fever : and so proved Dodlor Baylies assertion 
true, that poison may bee given to kill at a day. 

At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to Heaven, and Scholar. 
I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which 
had beene spoken of the Earle of Essex, whose case 
indeed moved mee more then all the rest, for that hee 


Draykot poi- 
soned with 
the Earle of 

was a very noble Gentleman, a great Advancer of true 
Religion, a Patron to many Preachers and Students, 
and towards mee and some of my friends in particular, 
hee had beene in some things very beneficiall : and 
therefore I said that it grieved mee extreamely to heare 
or thinke of so unworthy a death contrived by such 
meanes to so worthy a Peere. And so much the more, 
for that it was my chance, to come to the under- 
standing of divers particulars concerning that thing, 
both from one Lea an Irish-man, Robin Honnies and 
other, that were present at Penteneis the Marchants 
house in Develing upon the kay, where the Murder was 
committed. The matter was wrought especially by 
Crompton yeoman of the bottels, by the procurement of 
Lloyd as you have noted before, and there was poisoned 
at the same time and with the same cup (as given of 
curtesie by the Earle) one Mistresse Ales Draykot a 
goodly Gentlewoman, whom the Earle affedlioned 
much, who departing thence towards her owne house, 
(which was 18 miles of, the foresaid Lea accompanying 
her, and wayting upon her,) shee began to fall sick 
very grievously upon the way, and continued with 
increase of paines and excessive torments, by vomiting, 
untill shee died, which was the Sunday before the 
Earles deathi ensuing the Friday after, and when shee 
was dead, her body was swolne unto a monstrous 


bignesse and deformity, whereof the good Earle hearing 
the day following, lamented the case greatly, and said 
in the presence of his Servants, Ah poore Ales, the cup 
was not prepared for thee, albeit it were thy hard 
destiny to tast thereof. 

Yong Honnies also whose Father is Master of the 
children of her Majesties Chappell, being at that time 
Page to the said Earle, and accustomed to take the 
tast of his drinke (though since entertained also among 
other by my Lord of Leycester for better covering of 
matter) by his tast that hee then tooke of the com- 
pound cup, (though in very small quantity, as you 
know the fashion is :) yet was hee like to have lost his 
life, but escaped in the end, (being yong) with the losse 
onely of his haire : which the Earle perceiving, and 
taking compassion of the youth : called for a cup of 
drinke a little before his death, and drunk to Honnies, 
saying : I drinke to thee my Robin, and be not afeard, The Earle of 

... r i i 1 i i r E 5sex speech 

for this is a better cup of drinke then that, whereof to MS Page 

. ' 11*1 Robin Honnies. 

thou tookest the tast when wee were both poisoned, 
and whereby thou hast lost thy haire and I must loose 
my life. This hath yong Honnies reported openly in 
divers places, and before divers Gentlemen of worship 
sithence his comming into England, and the foresaid 
Lea Irishman at his passage this way towards France, 
after hee had beene present at the forenamed Mis- 


Death of sir 



Sir Will. Cy- 
cill now L. 

tresse Draykots death, with some other of the Earles 
Servants, have and doe most constantly report the 
same, where they may doe it without the terrour of my 
Lord of Leycesters revenge. Wherefore in this matter 
there is no doubt at all, though most extreame vile 
and intollerable indignity, that such a man should bee 
so openly murdered without punishment. What 
Noble-man within the Realme may bee safe if this bee 
suffered? or what worthy personage will adventure his 
life in her Majesties service if this shall bee his reward? 
But (Sir) I pray you pardon mee, for I am somewhat 
perhaps to vehement in the case of this my Patron and 
noble Peere of our Realme. And therefore I beseech 
you to goe forward in your talke whereas you left. 

I was recounting unto you others (said the Gentle- 
man) made away by my Lord of Leycester with like art, 
and the next in order I thinke was Sir Nicholas Throg- 
marton, who was a man whom my Lord of Leycester 
used a great while (as all the World knoweth) to over- 
thwart and crosse the doings of my Lord Treasurer 
then Sir Will. Cicill, a man specially misliked alwayes 
of Leycester^ both in respecT: of his old Master the 
Duke of Somerset^ as also for that his great wisedome, 
zeale and singular fidelity to the Realme, was like to 
hinder much this mans designements: wherefore under- 
standing after a certaine time that these two Knights 


were secretly made friends, and that Sir Nicholas was 
like to detedl his doings (as hee imagined,) which 
might turne to some prejudice of his purposes: (having 
conceived also a secret grudge and griefe against him, 
for that hee had written to her Majesty at his being 
Embassadour in France, that hee heard reported at 
Duke Memorances table, that the Queene of England 
had a meaning to marry her Horse-keeper) hee invited 
the said Sir Nicholas to a Supper at his house in 
London and at Supper time departed to the Court, 
being called for (as hee said) upon the sudden by her 
Majesty, and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas 
to sit and occupie his Lordships place, and therein to 
bee served as hee was: and soone after by a surfeit 
their taken, hee died of a strange and incurable vomit. 
But the day before his death, hee declared to a deare 
friend of his, all the circumstance and cause of his 
disease, which hee affirmed plainely to bee of poison, 
given him in a Salat at Supper, inveying most earnestly The P0 ison- 
against the Earles cruelty and bloudy disposition, "fcib/^in 
affirming him to be the wickedest, most perilous, and Salat< 
perfidious man under heaven. But what availed this, 
when hee had now received the bait. 

This then is to shew the mans good fortune, in 
seeing them dead, whom for causes hee would not have 
to live. And for his art of poisoning, it is such now 


The Lord 


The poison- 
ing of the 
Lady Lenox. 

and reacheth so farre, as hee holdeth all his foes in 
England and els where, as also a good many of his 
friends in feare thereof, and if it were knowen how 
many hee hath dispatched or assaulted that way, it 
would bee marvailous to the posterity. The late Earle 
of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many yeares before 
his death, of some dramme received that made him 
incurable. And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur 
Simiers, it was discovered by great providence of God, 
that his life was to bee attempted by that art, and that 
not taking place (as it did not through his owne good 
circumspection,) it was concluded that the same should 
be assaulted by violence, whereof I shall have occasion 
to say more hereafter. 

It hath been told me also by some of the Servants 
of the late Lady Lenox, who was also of the bloud 
Royall by Scotland as all men know, and consequently 
little liked by Leycester: that a little before her death 
or sicknesse, my Lord tooke the paines to come and 
visit her with extraordinary kindnesse, at her house at 
Hackney, bestowing long discourses with her in private: 
but as soone as hee was departed, the good Ladie fell 
into such a Flux, as by no meanes could bee stayed so 
long as she had life in her body, whereupon both shee 
her selfe, and all such as were neare about her, and 
saw her disease and ending day, were fully of opinion, 


that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being 
there. Whereof let the Women that served her bee 
examined, as also Fowler that then had the chiefe 
doings in her affaires, and since hath beene entertained 
by my Lord of Leycester. Mallet also a stranger borne, 
that then was about her, a sober and zealous man in 
religion, and otherwise well qualified, can say some- 
what in this point (as I thinke) if hee were demanded. 
So that this art and exercise of poisoning, is much 
more perfect with my Lord then praying and hee 
seemeth to take more pleasure therein. 

Now for the second point, which I named, touching 
marriages and contracts with Women : you must not 
marvaile though his Lordship bee somewhat divers, 

.... i / r i most variable 

variable and inconstant, with himselfe, tor that accor- dealing with 
ding to his profit or his pleasure, and as his lust and contraas and 
liking shall vary (wherein by the judgement of all men, 
hee surpasseth, not onely Sardanapalus and Nero, but 
even Heliogabalus himselfe : ) so his Lordship also 
changeth Wives and Minions, by killing the one, deny- 
ing the other, using the third for a time, and hee 
fawning upon the fourth. And for this cause hee hath 
his tearmes and pretences (I warrant you) of Contracts, 
Precontracts, Postcontracts, Protracts, and Retracts : 
as for example : after hee had killed his first wife, and 
so broken that contract, then forsooth would hee needs contracts. 

4 6 

make himselfe Husband to the Queenes Majesty, and 
Precontracts, so defeat all other Princes by vertue of his precontract. 

But after this, his lust compelling him to an other 
Post- place, hee would needs make a postcontract with the 


Lady Sheffield, and so hee did, begetting two children 
upon her, the one a boy called Robin Sheffield now 
living, some time brought up at Newington, and the 
other a daughter, borne (as is knowen) at Dudley Castle. 
But yet after, his concupiscence changing againe (as it 
never stayeth) hee resolved to make a retract, of this 
postcontract, (though it were as surely done (as I have 
said) as Bed and Bible could make the same) and to 
make a certaine new, protract, (which is a continuation 
of using her for a time) with the Widdow of Essex. 
But yet to stop the mouths of our criars, and to bury 
the Synagogue with some honour, (for these two wives 
two of Levcester, were merrily and wittily called his old and 

Testaments. * . r ... 

new Testaments, by a person ot great excellency within 
the Realme) hee was content to assigne to the former a 
thousand pounds in money with other petty considera- 
tions, (the pittifullest abused that ever was poore 
Lady) and so betake his limmes to the latter, which 
latter notwithstanding, hee so useth (as wee see) now 
confessing, now forswearing, now dissembling the mar- 
riage : and hee will alwayes yet keepe a voyd place for 
a new surcontract with any other, when occasion shall 


Now by my truth Sir (quoth I) I never heard nor Scholar. 
read the like to this in my life : yet have I read much 
in my time, of the carnality and licentiousnesse of 
divers outragious persons, in this kind of sinne, as 
namely these whom you have mentioned before : 
especially the Emperour Heliogabalus who passed all 
other, and was called Varius, of the variety of filth vanus pieiio- 

.... ,. * i- n g&balus, and 

which hee used m this kind of carnality, or carnall his most m- 
beastlinesse. Whose death was : that being at length 
odious to all men, and so slaine by his owne Souldiers, 
was drawen through the City upon the ground like a 
dogge, and cast into the common privy, with this 
Epitaph. Hie projeftus est indomitce & rdbidcz libidinis An Epitaph. 
catulus. Here is throwen in, the Whelpe of unruly and 
raging lust : which Epitaph, may also one day chance 
to serve my Lord of Leycester (whom you call the 
Beare-whelp,) if hee goe forward as hee hath begunne, 
and die as hee deserveth. 

But (good Sir) what a compassion is this, that 
among us Christians, and namely in so well governed, 
and religious a Common-wealth as ours is, such a riot 
should bee permitted upon mens wives in a subject : A pittifuii 
whereas wee read that among the very Heathens, lesse ] 
offences then these, in the same kind, were extreamely 
punished in Princes themselves, and that not onely in 
the person delinquent alone, but also by extirpation 


of the whole family for his sake, as appeareth in the 
Theextirpa- example of the Tarquinians among the Romans. And 

tionofthe . , . , , , . 

here also in our owne Kealme, wee have registred in 

An. dom. 959. Chronicle, how that one King Edwin above six hundred 
yeares past was deprived of his Kingdome, for much 
lesse scandalous facts then these. 

Gentleman. I remember well the story (quoth the Gentleman) 

and thereby doe easily make conjecture, what difference 
there is betwixt those times of old, and our dayes now: 
seeing then, a crowned Prince could not passe un- 
punished with one or two outragious acts, whereas now 
a subject raised up but yesterday from the meaner sort, 

The intoiier- rangeth at his pleasure in all licentiousnesse, and that 

tiousnesseof with security, void of feare both of God and man. No 
mans wife can bee free from him, whom his firie lust 
liketh to abuse, nor their Husbands able to resist nor 
save from his violence, if they shew dislike, or will not 
yeeld their consent to his doings. And if I should 
discover in particular how many good Husbands hee 
had plagued in this nature, and for such delights, it 
were intolerable : for his concupiscence and violence 
doe runne joyntly together, as in furious beasts wee 
see they are accustomed. Neither holdeth hee any 
rule in his lust besides onely the motion and suggestion 
of his owne sensuality. Kindred, affinity or any other 
band of consanguinity : religion, honour or honesty 


taketh no place in his outragious appetite. What hee 
best liketh that hee taketh as lawfull for the time. So 
that Kins-woman, allie, friends wife, or daughter, or 
whatsoever female sort besides doth please his eye : 
(I leave out of purpose and for honour sake tearmes 
of kinred more neare) that must yeeld to his desire. 

The keeping of the Mother with two or three of her 
Daughters at once or successively, is no more with 
him, then the eating of an Henne and her Chicken 
together. There are not (by report) two Noble women 
about her Majesty (I speake upon some accompt of 
them that know much) whom hee hath not solicited by 
potent wayes : Neither contented with this place of 
honour, hee hath descended to seeke pasture among 
the waiting Gentlewomen of her Majesties great 
Chamber, offering more for their allurement, then I Money well 
thinke Lais did commonly take in Corinth, if three 
hundreth pounds for a night, will make up the summe: 
or if not, yet will hee make it up otherwise : having 
reported hirnselfe (so little shame hee hath) that hee 
offered to an other of higher place, an hundreth pound Anne 
lands by the yeare with as many Jewels as most 
Women under her Majesty used in England: which 
was no meane bait to one that used traffique in such 
marchandize : shee being but the leavings of an other 
man before him, whereof my Lord is nothing squemish, 


for satisfying of his lust, but can bee content (as they 
say) to gather up crummes when hee is hungry, even 
in the very Landry it selfe, or other place of baser 
The punish- And albeit the Lord of his great mercy, to doe him 

ments of God i 1 i 

upon LO^S- good, no doubt, if hee were revokeable, hath laid his 

tfr, to do him . . .,._,_ 

good. hand upon him, in some chasticement in this World 

by giving him a broken Belly on both sides of his 
bowels whereby misery and putrifaftion is threatned to 
him dayly: and to his yong Sonne by the Widdow 
of Essex, (being Filius peccati) such a strange calamity 
* Thechii- o f the falling sicknesse in his infancy,* as well may bee 

dren of adul- 

ters shall be a witnesse of the Parents sinne and wickednesse, and 

consumed, .... . 

and the seed of both their wasted natures in iniquity: yet is this 

of a wicked . . 11111 i 

bed shall bee man nothing amended thereby, but according to the 

rooted out, rnii 11 1-1 i 

saithGod. custome of all old adulterers, is more libidinous at 
this day then ever before, more given to procure love 
in others by Conjuring, Sorcery, and other such 
meanes. And albeit for himselfe, both age, and nature 
spent, doe somewhat tame him from the aft, yet 
wanteth hee not will, as appeareth by the Italian 
Ointment, procured not many yeares past by his Sur- 
gion or Mountibanck of that Country, whereby (as they 
say) hee is able to move his flesh at all times, for 
keeping of his credit, howsoever his inability bee other- 
wise for performance : as also one of his Physitians 

reported to an Earle of this Land, that his Lordship 
had a bottle for his Bed-head, of tenne pounds the 

hot tell. 

Pint to the same effect. But my Masters whether are 
wee fallen, unadvised ? I am ashamed to have made 
mention of so base filthinesse. 

Not without good cause (quoth I) but that wee are Scholar. 
here alone and no man heareth us. Wherefore I pray 
you let us returne whereas wee left : and when -you 
named my Lord of Leycesters Daughter borne of the 
Lady Sheffield in Dudley Castle, there came into my 
head a pritty story concerning that affaire : which now 
I will recompt (though somewhat out of order) thereby 
to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavery 
pudle, and foule dunghill, whereunto wee are slipped, 
by following my Lord somewhat to farre in his paths 
and adtions. 

Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out : I grew 
acquainted three Moneths past with a certaine Minister, 
that now is dead, and was the same man that was used 
at Dudley Castle, for complement of some sacred Cere- 
monies at the birth of my Lord of Leycesters Daughter A petty da- 
rn that place : and the matter was so ordained, by the 
wily wit of him that had sowed the seed, that for the 
better covering of the harvest and secret delivery of 
the Lady Sheffield, the good wife of the Castle also 
(whereby Leycesters appointed gossips, might without 



other suspition have accesse to the place) should faigne 
herselfe to bee with child, and after long and sore 
travell (God wot) to bee delivered of a cushion (as shee 
was indeed) and a little after a faire Coffin was buried 
with a bundell of cloutes in shew of a child : and the 

Anadtof Minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and 
ceremonies for the solemne interring thereof: for which 
thing, afterward, before his death hee had great griefe 
and remorse of conscience, with no small detestation 
of the most irreligious devise of my Lord of Leycester 
in such a case. 

Lawyer. Here the Lawyer began to laugh a pace both at 

the devise and at the Minister, and said now truly if 
my Lords contrails hold no better, but hath so many 
infirmities, with subtilties, and by-places besides : I 
would bee loth that hee were married to my Daughter, 
as meane as shee is. 

But yet (quoth the Gentleman) I had rather of the 
two bee his wife for the time then his guest : especially 
if the Italian Surgion or Physition bee at hand. 

True it is (said the Lawyer) for hee doth not 
poison his Wives, whereof I somewhat marvaile, 
especially his first wife, I muse why hee chose rather 
to make her away by open violence, then by some 
Italian confortive. 

Gentleman. Hereof (said the Gentleman) may bee divers reasons 

alleadged. First that he was not at that time so skil- The first 

reason why 

full in those Italian wares, nor had about him so fit Leycester *\& 

his wife by 

Physitians and Surerions for the purpose : nor yet in violence, ra- 

J J ther then by 

trueth doe I think that his mind was so setled then in poison, 
mischiefe, as it hath beene sithence. For you know, 
that men are not desperate the first day, but doe enter 
into wickednesse by degrees, and with some doubt or 
staggering of conscience at the beginning. And so hee 
at that time might bee desirous to have his wife made 
away, for that shee letted him in his designements, but 
yet not so stony harted as to appoint out the particular 
manner of her death, but rather to leave that, to the 
discretion of the murderer. 

Secondly, it is not also unlikely that hee prescribed The second 


unto Sir Richard Varney at his going thither, that hee 
should first attempt to kill her by poison, and if that 
tooke not place then by any other way to dispatch her, 
howsoever. This I prove by the report of old Doctor Dodor Bayly 
Bayly who then lived in Oxford (an other manner of 
man then hee who now liveth about my Lord of the 
same name) and was Professor of the Physick Lecture 
in the same Vniversity. This learned grave man 
reported for most certaine, that there was a practize in 
Cumner among the conspiratours, to have poisoned the 
poore Lady a little before shee was killed, which was 
attempted in this order. 


They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy (as one 
that well knew by her other handling that her death 
was not farre of) began to perswade her, that her 
disease was aboundance of Melancholly and other 
humours, and therefore would needs counsaile her to 
take some potion, which shee absolutely refusing, to 
doe, as suspecting still the worst : they sent one day, 
A pradise (unawares to her) for Doctor Bayly, and desired him to 
theLady mJ perswade her to take some little potion at his hands, 
and they would send to fetch the same at Oxford upon 
his prescription, meaning to have added also some- 
what of their owne for her comfort as the Doctor upon 
just causes suspected, seeing their great importunity, 
and the small need which the good Lady had of 
Physick, and therefore hee flatly denied their request, 
misdoubting (as hee after reported) least if they had 
poisoned her under the name of his Potion: hee might 
after have beene hanged for a cover of their sinne. 
Marry the said Doctor remained well assured that this 
way taking no place, shee should not long escape 
violence as after ensued. And the thing was so beaten 
into the heads of the principall men of the Vniversity 
of Oxford, by these and other meanes : as for that shee 
was found murdered (as all men said) by the Crowners 
inquest, and for that shee being hastely and obscurely 
buried at Cumner (which was condemned above as not 



advisedly done) my good Lord, to make plaine to the 
World the great love hee bare to her in her life, and 
what a grief the losse of so vertuous a Lady was to 
his tender heart, would needs have her taken up again 
and re-buried in the Vniversity Church at Oxford, with 
great Pomp and solemnity: That Dodlor Babington my 
Lords Chaplaine, making the publique funerall Sermon 
at her second buriall, tript once or twice in his speech, 
by recommending to there memories that vertuous 
Lady so pittifully murdered, instead of so pittifully 

A third cause of this manner of this Ladies death, ^ third rea - 
may bee the disposition of my Lords nature : which is 
bold and violent where it feareth no resistance (as all 
cowardly natures are by kind) and where any difficulty 
or danger appeareth, there, more ready to attempt all 
by art, subtilty, treason and treachery. And so for that 
hee doubted no great resistance in the poore Lady to 
withstand the hands of them which should offer to breake 
her neck: hee durst the bolder attempt the same 

But in the men whom hee poisoned, for that they 
were such valiant Knights the most part of them, as 
hee durst as soone have eaten his scabard, as draw his 
sword in publique against them : hee was inforced, (as 
all wretched irefull and dastardly creatures are) to sup- 

plant them by fraud and by other mens hands. As 
also at other times, hee hath sought to doe unto divers 
other noble and valiant personages, when hee was 
afraid to meet them in the field as a Knight should 
have done. 

His treacheries towards, the noble late Earle of 
Sussex in their many breaches, is notorious to all Eng- 
land. As also the bloudy practizes against divers 

But as among many, none were more odious and 
misliked of all men, then those against Monsieur Simiers 
a stranger and Ambassador : whom first hee practised 
The intended to have poisoned (as hath beene touched before) and 
Monsieur si- when that devise tooke not place, then hee appointed 
d"ymeanes! that Robin Tider his man (as after upon his ale bench 
hee confessed) should have slaine him at the Black-friars 
at Greenewich as hee went forth at the garden gate: but 
missing also of that purpose, for that hee found the Gen- 
tleman better provided and guarded then hee expected, 
hee dealt with certaine Flushiners and other Pirates to 
sinke him at Sea with the English Gentlemen his fa- 
vourers, that accompanied him at his returne into France. 
And though they missed of this practize also, (as not 
daring to set upon him for feare of some of her Majesties 
ships, who, to breake off this designement attended by 
speciall commandement, to waft him over in safety) yet 


the foresaid English Gentlemen, were holden foure 
houres in chace at their comming back: as M. Rawley 
well knoweth being then present, and two of the 
Chacers named Clark and Harris confessed afterward 
the whole designement. 

The Earle of Ormond in like wise hath often de- The intended 

. _..--. murder of the 

clared, and will avowcn it to my Lord of Leycesters Earieof 
face, when so ever hee shall bee called to the same, that 
at such time as this man had a quarrell with him and 
thereby was likely to bee enforced to the field (which hee 
trembled to thinke of) hee first sought by all meanes 
to get him made away by secret murder, offering five 
hundreth pounds for the doing thereof: and secondly 
when that device tooke no place, hee appointed with him 
the field, but secretly suborning his servant William wniiam 


Killegre to lie in the way where Ormond should passe, 
and so to massaker him with a Calliver, before hee came 
to the place appointed. Which murder though it tooke 
no effect, for that the matter was taken up, before the day 
of meeting: yet was Killigre placed afterward in her 
Majesties privy Chamber by Leycester, for shewing his 
ready mind, to doe for his Master so faithfull a service. 

So faithfull a service (quoth I ?) truly, in my opinion, scholar. 
it was but an unfit preferment, for so facinorous a facl. 
And as I would bee loth that many of his Italians, or 
other of that art, should come nigh about her Majesties 

tion of her 

An ordinary 
way of aspir- 
ing by pre- 
occupation of 
the Princes 

Kitchen : so much lesse would I, that many such his 
bloudy Champions should bee placed by him in her 
highnesse Chamber, Albeit for this Gentleman in 
particular, it may bee, that with change of his place in 
service, hee hath changed also his mind and affedlion, 
and received better instruction in the feare of the Lord. 

But yet in generall I must needs say, that it cannot 
bee but prejudiciall and exceeding dangerous unto our 
noble Prince and Realme, that any one man whatsoever 
(especially such a one as the World taketh this man to 
bee) should grow to so absolute authority and com- 
mandry in the Court, as to place about the Princes person 
(the head, the heart, the life of the land) what so ever 
people liketh him best, and that now upon their deserts 
towards the Prince, but towards himselfe: whose fidelity 
being more obliged to their advancer then to their 
soveraigne, doe serve for watchmen about the same, for 
the profit of him, by whose appointment they were 
placed. Who by their meanes casting indeed but 
Nettes and Chaines, and invisible bands about that 
person, whom most of all hee pretendeth to serve, he 
shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure, though 
sweet and senselesse. 

Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto 
any man that is experienced in affaires of former time : 
for it hath beene from the beginning of all governement 



a troden path of all aspirers. In the stories both Sacred 
and Prophane, forraine and domesticall of all Nations, 
Kingdomes, Countries, and States you shall read, that 
such as meant to mount above others, and to governe 
all at their owne discretion: did lay this for the first Acompari- 
ground and principle of their purpose : to possesse 
themselves of all such as were in place about the prin- 
cipal : even as hee who intending to hold a great City 
at his owne disposition, not dareth make open warre 
against the same: getteth secretly into his hands or 
at his devotion, all the Townes, Villages, Castles, 
Fortresses, Bulwarkes, Rampires, Waters, Wayes, 
Ports and Passages, about the same, and so without 
drawing any sword against the said City, hee bringeth 
the same into bondage to abide his will and pleasure. 

This did all these in the Romane Empire, who rose 
from subjedts to bee great Princes, and to put downe 
Emperours. This did all those in France and other 
Kingdomes, who at sundry times have tyranized their 
Princes. And in our owne Country the examples are 
manifest of Vortiger, Harold, Henry of Lancaster, Richard 
of Warwick, Richard of Gloucester, lohn of Northumber- 
land and divers others, who by this meane specially, 
have pulled downe their Lawful soveraignes. 

And to speake onely a word or two of the last, for 
that hee was this mans Father : doth not all England 


The way of know, that hee first overthrew the good Duke of Somerset, 
vui)udiey. by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends 
of the said Duke ? And afterward did hee not possesse 
himselfe of the Kings owne person, and brought him to 
the end which is knowen, and before that, to the most 
shamefull disheriting of his owne Royall Sisters : and 
all this, by possessing first the principall men, that were 
in authority about him ? 

Wherfore Sir if my Lord of Leycester have the same 
plot in his head (as most men thinke) and that hee 
meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crowne 
by the House of Huntington, against all the race and 
line of King Henry the seventh in generall which his 
Father gave before him, by pretence of the House of 
Suffolke, against the Children of King Henry the eight in 
particular : hee wanteth not reason to follow the same 
meanes and platforme of planting speciall persons, for 
his purpose about the Prince for surely his Fathers 
plot lacked no witty device or preparation, but onely 
that God overthrew it at the instant : as happily hee may 
doe this mans) also notwithstanding any diligence that 
humane wisedome can use to the contrary. 

Gentleman. To this said the Gentleman : that my Lord of Leycester 

hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diademe by 
the title of Huntington, is not a thing obscure in it selfe, 
and it shall bee more plainely proved hereafter. But 


now will I shew unto you, for your instrudtion, how 
well this man hath followed his Fathers platforme (or 
rather passed the same) in possessing himselfeof all her 
Majesties servants, friends, and forces, to serve his 
turne at that time for execution, and in the meane 
space for preparation. 

First, in the privy Chamber, next unto her Majes- 

T i . / power in the 

ties Person, the most part are his owne creatures (as privy cham- 


hee calleth them) that is, such as acknowledge their 
being in that place, from him: and the rest hee so over- 
ruleth either by flattery or feare, as none may dare 
but to serve his turne. And his raigne is so absolute 
in this place, (as also in all other parts of the Court) as 
nothing can passe but by his admission, nothing can 
bee said, done, or signified, whereof hee is not par- 
ticularly advertised : no bill, no supplication, no com- 
plaint, no sute, no speech, can passe from any man to 
the Princesse (except it bee from one of the Councell) 
but by his good liking : or if there doe : hee being 
admonished thereof (as presently hee shall :) the party 
delinquent is sure after to abide the smart thereof. 
Whereby hee holdeth as it were a lock upon the eares 
of his Prince, and the tongues of all her Majesties 
servants, so surely chained to his girdle, as no man 
dareth to speake any one thing that may offend him, 
though it bee never so true or behovefull for her 
Majesty to know. 


married at 
when her Ma- 
jesty was at 
M. S toners 

No sute can 
passe but by 

Read Polidore 
in the 7 yeare 
of King Rich- 
ard I. and you 
shall find this 
proceeding of 
certain about 
that K. to bee 
put as a great 
cause of his 

As well appeared in his late marriage with Dame 
Essex, which albeit it was celebrated twice : first at 
Killingworth, and secondly at Waenstead (in the pre- 
sence of the Earle of Warwick, Lord North, Sir Francis 
Knooles and others) and this exadlly knowen to the 
whole Court, with the very day, the place, the witnesses, 
and the Minister that married them together : yet no 
man durst open his mouth to make her Majesty privy 
thereunto, untill Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same, 
(and thereby incurred his high displeasure) nor yet in 
many dayes after for feare of Leycester. Which is a 
subjection most dishonorable and dangerous to any 
Prince living, to stand at the devotion of his subject, 
what to heare or not to heare, of things that passe 
within his owne Realme. 

And hereof it followeth that no sute can prevaile in 
Court, bee it never so meane, except hee first bee made 
acquainted there with, and receive not onely the 
thankes, but also bee admitted unto a great part of the 
gaine and commodity thereof. Which, as it is a great 
injury to the suter : so is it a farre more greater to 
the bounty, honour and security of the Prince, by 
whose liberality this man feedeth onely, and fortifieth 
himselfe, depriving his soveraigne of all grace, thankes, 
and good will of the same. For which cause also hee 
giveth out ordinarily, to every suter, that her Majesty 


is nigh and parsimonious of her selfe, and very difficile 
to grant any sute, were it not onely upon his incessant 
solicitation. Whereby hee filleth his owne purse the 
more, and emptieth the hearts of such as receive 
benefit, from due thankes to their Princes for the sute 

Hereof also ensueth, that no man may bee preferred NO prefer- 

. ments but by 

in Court (bee hee otherwise never so well a deserving Leycester to 

i r \ 11 r Leycfstrians. 

servant to her Majesty) except hee bee one of Leycesters 
faction or followers : none can bee advanced, except 
hee bee liked and prefered by him : none receive grace, 
except hee stand in his good favour, no one may live 
in countenance, or quiet of life, except hee take it, use 
it, and acknowledge it from him, so as all the favours, 
graces, dignities, preferments, riches and rewards, which 
her Majesty bestoweth, or the Realme can yeeld: must 
serve to purchase this man private friends, and favourers, 
onely to advance his party, and to fortifie his faction. 
Which fadtion if by these meanes it bee great, (as indeed 
it is : ) you may not marvaile, seeing the riches and 
wealth, of so worthy a Common-weale, doe serve him 
but for a price to buy the same. 

Which thing himselfe well knowing, frameth his spirit 
of proceeding accordingly. And first, upon confidence 
thereof, is become so insolent and impotent of his Ire 
that no man may beare the same, how justly or 

unjustly so ever it bee conceived : for albeit hee begin 
to hate a man upon bare surmises onely (as commonly 
it falleth out, ambition being alwayes the mother of 
suspicion) yet hee prosecuteth the same, with such im- 
placable cruelty, as there is no long abiding for the 
party in that place. As might bee shewed by the 
examples of many whom hee hath chased from the 
Court, upon his onely displeasure without other cause, 
being knowne to bee otherwise, zealous Protestants. 
As Sir Jerome Bowes, Master George Scot, and others 
that wee could name. 

's To this insolency is also joyned (as by nature it 

dealing. ' followeth) most absolute and peremptory dealing in all 
things whereof it pleaseth him to dispose, without 
respedl either of reason, order, due, right, subordination, 
custome, conveniency, or the like : whereof notwith- 
standing Princes themselves are wont to have regard 
in disposition of their matters : as for example among 
the servants of the Queenes Majesties houshold, it is 
an ancient and most commendable order and custome, 
that when a place of higher roome falleth void, hee 
that by succession is next, and hath made proofe of his 
worthinesse in an inferiour place, should rise and pos- 
sesse the same, (except it be for some extraordinary 
cause) to the end that no man unexperienced or 
untried, should bee placed in the higher roomes the 

6 5 

first day, to the prejudice of others, and differvice of 
the Prince. 

Which most reasonable custome, this man contem- Breaking of 

i, ,. 1-1 i i ,. order in her 

ning and breaking at his pleasure, thrusteth into higher Majesties 

, , ... . . . .. household. 

roomes any person whatsoever, so hee like his inclina- 
tion or feele his reward : albeit hee neither bee fit for 
the purpose, nor have beene so much as clarke in any 
inferiour office before. 

The like hee useth out of the Court, in all other Leyccsten 
places where matters should passe by order ele&ion or aiTo^er in 
degreee : as in the Vniversities, in eleftion of Scholars 
and heads of houses, in Ecclesiastical persons, for 
dignities of Church, in Officers, Magistrates, Stewards 
of lands, Sheriffes and Knights of the Shires, in Bur- 
gesses of the Parliament, in Commissioners, Judges, 
Justices of the peace, (whereof many in every shire 
must weare his livery) and all other the like : where 
this mans will, must stand for reason, and his letters 
for absolute lawes, neither is there any man, magis- 
trate, or communer in the Realme, who dareth not 
sooner deny their petition of her Majesties letters, upon 
just causes, (for that her highnesse is content after to 
bee satisfied with reason) then to resist the commande- 
ment of this mans letters, who will admit no excuse 
or satisfadlion, but onely the execution of his said 
commandement, bee it right or wrong. 



A Leycestrian 

Lawyer. To this answered the Lawyer, now verily (Sir) you 

paint unto mee a strange paterne of a perfect Potentate 
in the Court : belike that stranger, who calleth our 
state in his printed booke Leycestrensem rempublicam, a 
Leycestrian Common-wealth, or the Common-wealth 
of my Lord of Leycester, knoweth much of these 
matters. But to hold (Sir) still within the Court : I 
assure you that by considerations, which you have laid 
downe, I doe begin now to perceive, that his party must 
needs bee very great and strong within the said Court, 
seeing that hee hath so many wayes and meanes to 
encrease, enrich, and encourage the same, and so strong 
abilities to tread downe his enemies. The Common 
speech of many wanteth not reason I perceive, which 
calleth him the heart and life of the Court. 

Gentleman. They which call him the heart (said the Gentleman) 

Leicester upon a little occasion more, would call him also the 
heart and life head: and then I marvaile what should bee left for 
her Majesty, when they take from her both life, heart, 
and headship in her owne Realme ? But the truth is, 
that hee hath the Court at this day, in almost the 
same case, as his Father had it, in King Edwards dayes, 
by the same device, (the Lord forbid, that ever it come 
fully to the same state, for then wee know what ensued 
to the principall :) and if you will have an evident 
demonstration of this mans power and favour in that 

place : call you but to mind the times when her 
Majesty upon most just and urgent occasions, did 
with-draw but a little her wonted favour and coun- 
tenance towards him : did not all the Court as it were, 
mutiny presently ? did not every man hang the lippe ? 
except a few. who afterward paid sweetly for their mirth. A demonstra- 

r . tion of Leyces- 

were there not every day new devises sought out, that ters tyrannic 

. . in the Court. 

some should bee on their knees to her Majesty, some 
should weepe and put finger in their eyes: other should 
find out certaine covert manner of threatning: other 
reasons and perswasions of love : other of profit : other 
of honour : other of necessitie ; and all to get him 
recalled back to favour againe ? And had her Ma- 
jesty any rest permitted unto her, untill shee had 
yeelded and granted to the same. 

Consider then (I pray you) that if at that time, in 
his disgrace, hee had his faftion so fast assured to 
himself: what hath he now in his prosperity, after so 
many yeares of fortification ? wherein by all reason hee Leycesur pro- 
hath not beene negligent, seeing that in policy the first tocomehTthe 
point of good fortification is, to make that fort im- an ~ 

pregnable, which once hath beene in danger to bee 
lost. Whereof you have an example in Richard Duke 
of Yorke, in the time of King Henry the sixt, who being 
once in the Kings hands by his owne submission, and 
dimissed againe (when for his deserts, hee should have 


puissance in 
the privy 

L. Keeper. 
L. Chamber- 

suffered : provided after, that the King should never 
bee able to over-reach him the second time, or have 
him in his power to doe him hurt, but made himselfe 
strong enough to pull downe the other with extirpation 
of his family. 

And this of the Court, houshold and Chamber of 
her Majesty. But now if wee shall passe from Court 
to Councell, wee shall find him no lesse fortified but 
rather more : for albeit the providence of God hath 
beene such, that in this most honourable assemblie, 
there hath not wanted some two or three of the wisest, 
gravest, and most experienced in our state, that have 
seene and marked this mans perillous proceedings from 
the beginning, (whereof notwithstanding two are now 
disceased, and their places supplied to Leycesters good 
liking :) yet (alas) the wisedome of these worthy men, 
hath discovered alwayes more, then their authorities 
were able to redresse : (the others great power and 
violence considered) and for the residue of that bench 
and table, though I doubt not but there bee divers, who 
doe in heart detest his doings (as there were also, no 
doubt among the Councellours of King Edward, who 
misliketh this man's Fathers attempts, though not so 
hardy as to contrary the same :) yet for most part of 
the Councell present, they are knowne to bee so 
affecled in particular, the one for that hee is to him a 


Brother, the other a Father, the other a Kinsman, the 
other an allie, the other a fast obliged friend, the other 
a fellow or follower in faction, as none will stand in the 
breach against him : none dare resist or encounter his 
designements : but every man yeelding rather to the 
force of his flow, permitteth him to pearce, and passe 
at his pleasure, in whatsoever his will is once setled to 

And hereof (were I not stayed for respect of some 
whom I may not name) I could alledge strange ex- 
amples, not so much in affaires belonging to subjects 
and to private men, (as were the cases of Snowden Matters 
forrest, Denbigh of Killingworth, of his faire Pastures roimcen are 

fowly procured by Southam, of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, of the L. Barkley, of Sir lohn Throgmarton, L v cfster - 
of Master Robinson and the like ;) wherein those of the 
Councell that disliked his doings, least dared to oppose 
themselves to the same ; but also in things that apper- 
taine directly to the Crowne and dignity, to the State 
and Common-weale, and to the safety and continuance 
thereof. It is not secure for any one Councellour, or 
other of authority, to take notice of my Lords errours or 
misdeeds, but with extreame perill of there owne ruine. 
As for example: in the beginning of the rebellion 
in Ireland, when my Lord of Leycester was in some 
disgrace, and consequently, as hee imagined but in 

Act eon's case 
now come in 

slaine in his 


fraile state at home, hee thought it not unexpedient, 
for his better assurance, to hold some intelligence also 
that way, for all events, and so hee did : whereof there 
was so good evidence and testimony found, upon one of 
the first of accompt, that was there slaine (as honour- 
able personages of their knowledge have assured mee) 
as would have beene sufficient, to touch the life of any 
subjedl in the land, or in any state Christian, but onely 
my Lord of Leycester: who is a subjedl without sub- 

For what thinke you ? durst any man take notice 
hereof, or avouch that hee had scene thus much ? 
durst hee that tooke it in Ireland, deliver the same 
where especially hee should have done? or they who 
received it in England, (for it came to great hands,) use 
it to the benefit of their Princes and Country? No 
surely : for if it had beene but onely suspedled, that 
they had seene such a thing, it would have beene as 
dangerous unto them as it was to Acteon to have seen 
Diana and her Maidens naked : whose case is so 
common now in England as nothing more, and so doe 
the examples of divers well declare : whose unfortunate 
knowledge of to many secrets, brought them quickly 
to unfortunate ends. 

For wee heare of one Salvatour a stranger, long 
used in great Mysteries of base affaires and dishonest 

adlions, who afterward upon what demerit I know not) 
sustained ahard fortune, for being late with my Lord 
in his study, well neare untill midnight, (if I bee 
rightely informed) went home to his Chamber, and 
the next morning was found slaine in his bed. Wee 
heare also of one Doughty, hanged in hast by Captaine Doughty 
Drake upon the Sea, and that by order (as is thought) DrJL 
before his departure out of England, for that hee was 
over privy to the secrets of this good Earle. 

There was also this last Summer past, one, Gates The story of 

i i T'7 / i i ^ Gates hanged 

hanged at Tiborne, among others, for robbing of Car- 
riers, which Gates had beene lately Clarke of my Lords 
Kitching, and had layed out much money of his owne, 
(as he said) for my Lords provision, being also other- 
wise, in so great favour and grace with his Lord as no 
man living was thought to bee more privy of his secrets 
then this man, wherupon also it is to bee thought, 
that hee presumed the rather to commit this robbery, 
(for to such things doth my Lords good favour most 
extend:) and being apprehended and in danger for the 
same, hee made his recourse to his honour for, protec- 
tion, (as the fashion is) and that hee might bee borne 
out, as divers of lesse merit had beene by his Lordship, 
in more heinous causes before him. 

The good Earle answered his Servant and deare 
Privado curteously, and assured him, for his life, how 


soever for utter shew or complement the forme of Law 
might passe against him, But Gates seeing himselfe 
condemned, and nothing now betweene his head and 
the halter, but the word of the Magistrate which might 
come in an instant, when it would bee too late to send 
to his Lord : remembring also the small assurance of 
his said Lords word by his former dealings towards 
other men, whereof this man was too much privy : 
hee thought good to sollicite his case also by some 
other of his friends, though not so puissant as his 
Lord and Master, who dealing indeed, both diligently 
and effedlually in his affaire, found the matter more 
difficult a great deale than either hee or they had 
imagined : for that my Lord of Leycester, was not 
onely not his favorer, but a great hastener of his 
death under hand ; and that with such care, diligence, 
vehemency, and irresistable meanes, (having the Law 
also on his side,) that there was no hope at all of 
escaping : which thing when Gates heard of, hee easily 
beleeved for the experience hee had of his Masters 
good nature, and said, that hee alwayes mistrusted 
the same, considering how much his Lordship was in 
debt to him, and hee made privie to his Lordships 
foule secrets, which secrets hee would, there presently 
have uttered in the face of all the World, but that hee 
feared torments or speedy death, with some extraor- 


dinary cruelty, if hee should so have done, and there- 
fore hee disclosed the same onely to a Gentleman of 
worship, whom hee trusted specially, whose name I 
may not utter for some causes (but it beginneth with 
H.) and I am in hope ere it bee long, by meanes of a 
friend of mine, to have a sight of that discourse and 
report of Gates, which hitherto I have not seene nor 
ever spake I with the Gentleman that keepeth it, 
though I bee well assured that the whole matter passed 
in substance as I have here recounted it. 

Whereunto I answered, that in good faith it were scholar. 
pitty that this relation should bee lost, for that it is This relation 
very like, that many rare things bee declared therin, serve he 

., . j i . ., rr . after for an 

seeing it is done by a man so privy to the affaires addition in 
themselves, wherein also hee had beene used an in- e ditfonof 
strument. I will have it (quoth the Gentleman) or thisbooke - 
els my friends shall faile mee, howbeit not so soone as 
I would, for that hee is in the West countrey that 
should procure it for mee, and will not returne for cer- 
taine months, but after I shall see him againe, I will 
not leave him untill hee procure it for mee, as hee 
hath promised well (quoth I,) but what is become of 
that evidence found in Ireland under my Lords hand, 
which no man dare pursue, avouch, or behold. 

Truly (said the Gentleman) I am informed that it Gentleman. 
lieth safely reserved in good custody, to bee brought 



forth and avouched, when so ever it shall please God 
so to dispose of her Majesties heart, as to lend an 
indifferent eare, as well to his accusers, as to himselfe, 
in judgement. 

Neither must you thinke, that this is strange, nor 

that the things are few, which are in such sort reserved 

The deck re- i n deck for the time to come, even among great per- 

served for . . 

sonages, and of high calling, for seeing the present 
state of his power to bee such, and the tempest of his 
tyrannic to bee so strong and boisterous, as no man 
may stand in the rage therof, without perill, for that 
even from her Majesty her selfe, in the lenity of her 
Princely nature, hee extorteth what he designeth, 
cither by fraud, flattery, false information, request, 
pretence, or violent importunity, to the overbearing of 
all, whom hee meaneth to oppresse : No marvaile then 
though many even of the best and faithfullest subjects 
of the Land, doe yeeld to the present time, and doe 
keepe silence in some matters, that otherwise they 
would take it for duty to utter. 

And in this kind, it is not long sithence a worship- 
full and wise friend of mine told mee a testimony in 
secret, from the mouth of as noble and grave a Coun- 
cellour, as England hath enjoyed these many hundreth 
yeares : I meane the late Lord Chamberlaine, with 
whom my said friend being alone at his house in 

puissant vio- 
lence with 
the Prince 

London, not twenty dayes before his death, conferred TheEarieof 

r i'i Sussex his 

somewhat familiarly about these and like matters, as speech of the 

1 -r-t r i /-* /- Earle of Ley- 

with a true Father of his Countrey and Common- cuter. 
wealth: and after many complaints in the behalfe of 
divers, who had opened their griefes unto Councellours, 
and saw that no notice would bee taken therof : the 
said noble man, turning himselfe somewhat about from 
the water (for hee sate neare his pond side, where hee 
beheld the taking of a pike or carpe) said to my frend : 
It is no marvaile (Sir) for who dareth intermeddle 
himselfe in my Lords affaires ? I will tell you (quoth 
hee) in confidence betweene you and mee, there is as 
wise a man and as grave, and as faithfull a Coun- 
cellour, as England breedeth, (meaning thereby the 
Lord Treasurer) who hath as much in his keeping of The Lord 

. . . BurghUy. 

Leycesters owne handwriting, as is sufficient to hang 
him, if either hee durst present the same to her Ma- 
jesty, or her Majesty doe justice when it should bee 
presented. But indeed (quoth hee) the time per- 
mitteth neither of them both, and therefore it is in 
vaine for any man to struggle with him. 

These were that noble mans words, whereby you 
may consider whether my Lord of Leycester bee strong 
this day in Councell or no : and whether his fortifica- 
tion be sufficient in that place. 

But now if out of the Councell, wee will turne but 

7 6 

power in the 

Yorke Earle 
of Huntingtott. 


The Lord 

our eye in the Countrey abroad, wee shall find as good 
fortification also there, as wee have perused already in 
Court and Councell : and shall well perceive that this 
mans plot, is no fond or indiscreet plot, but excellent 
well grounded, and such as in all proportions hath his 
due correspondence. 

Consider then, the cheife and principall parts of 
this land for martiall affaires, for use and commodity 
of armour, for strength, for opportunity, for liberty of 
the people, as dwelling farthest of from the presence 
and aspect of their Prince, such parts (I say) as are 
fittest for sudden enterprises, without danger of inter- 
ception : as are the North, the West, the Countries 
of Wales, the Hands round about the land, and sundry 
other places within the same : Are they not all at this 
day at his disposition ? are they not all (by his procure- 
ment) in the onely hands of his friends and allies ? or 
of such, as by other matches, have the same complot 
and purpose with him ? 

In Yorke is president, the man that of all other is 
fittest for that place, that is, his nearest in affinity, his 
dearest in friendship, the head of his faction, and open 
competitor of the Scepter. In Barwick is Captaine, 
his Wives uncle, most assured to himselfe and Hunt- 
ington, as one who at convenient time, may as much 
advance their designements, as any one man in 


In Wales the chiefe authority from the Prince, is in Wales. 
his owne brother in law : but among the people, of sir Henry 
naturall affedlion, is in the Earle of Pembrooke : who The^arie 
both by marriage of his sisters daughter is made his Pembroohe ' 
ally, and by dependence is knowne to bee wholly, at 
his disposition. 

The West part of England is under Bedford, a man The west. 

wholly devoted to his and the Puritans faction. 

In Ireland was governour of late the principall in- The Lord 
strument appointed for their purposes : both in respect 
of his heat, and affection toward their designments, as 
also of some secret discontentment, which hee hath 
towards her Majesty and the state present for certaine 
hard* speaches and ingrate recompences, as hee pre- *Her Majesty 
tendeth : but indeed for that hee is knowne to bee of for sticking 
nature fyrie, and impatient of stay, from seeing that *ForUsc**) ad- 
Common-wealth on foote, which the next competitours wretch 1 ? ! that 
for their gaine, have painted out to him and such fo! ev (for that 
others, more pleasant then the Terrestriall Paradise 

if c^lfp at Lieth) as 

hee said, hee 

This then is the Hettor, this is the Ajax appointed 
for the enterprise, when the time shall come. This 
must bee (forsooth) an other Richard of Warwick, to 
gaine the Crowne for Henry the ninth of the House of 
Yorke : as the other Richard did put downe Henry the 
sixt of the House of Lancaster, and placed Edward the 

7 8 

* In Scotland 
or elswhere, 
against the 
next inheri- 
tours or pre- 
sent posses- 

Sir lohn 

Sir Edward 
Sir George 

Sir Amias 
Sir Thomas 
Lay ton. 

fourth, from whom Huntington deriveth his title: there- 
fore this man is necessarily to bee entertained from 
time to time, (as wee see now hee is) in some charge 
and martiall action, to the end his experience, power, 
and credit may grow the more, and hee bee able at the 
time to have souldiers at his commandement. And for 
the former charge which held of late in Ireland, as this 
man had not beene called away, but for execution of 
some other secret purpose,* for advancement of their 
designements : so bee well assured that for the time to 
come, it is to bee furnished againe with a sure and fast 
friend to Leycester and to that faclion. 

In the He of Wight I grant that Leycester hath lost 
a great friend and a trusty servant by the death of 
Captaine Horsey, but yet the matter is supplied by the 
succession of an other, no lesse assured unto him then 
the former, or rather more, through the band of affinity 
by his wife. The two Hands of Gersey and Gernsey 
are in the possession of two friends and most obliged 
dependents. The one, by reason hee is exceedingly 
addicted to the Puritane proceedings : the other, as 
now being joyned unto him by the marriage of Mistres 
Besse his wives Sister, both Daughters to Sir Francis, 
or (at least) to my Lady Knooles, and so become a 
rivale, companion and brother, who was before (though 
trusty) yet but his servant. 


And these are the chiefe Keyes, Fortresses and 
Bulwarkes, within, without and about the Realme, 
which my Lord of Leycester possessing, (as hee doth,) 
hee may bee assured of the body within: where not- 
withstanding (as hath beene shewed) hee wanteth no 
due preparation for strength : having at his disposition 
(besides all aydes and other helpes specified before) 
her Majesties horse, and stables, by interest of his 
owne office : her Armour, Artillery and Munition, by 
the office of his brother the Earle of Warwick. The 
Tower of London and treasure therein, by the depen- The Tower. 
dence of Sir Owin Hopton his sworne servant, as ready 
to receive and furnish him with the whole (if occasion 
served) as one of his predecessours was, to receive his 
Father in King Edwards dayes, for the like effect, 
against her Majesty, and her Sister. 

And in the City of London it selfe what this man at a London. 
pinch, could doe, by the helpe of some of the principall 
men, and chiefe leaders, and (as it were) Commanders sir Rowland 
of the Commons there, and by the bestirring of Fleet- J 
wood his madde Recorder, and other such his instru- Madde Fo 
ments: and also in all other Townes, Ports, and Cities ! 
of importance, by such of his owne setting up, as he 
hath placed there to serve his designements, and 
justices of peace with other, that in most Shires doe 
weare his livery, and are at his appointment : the 
simplest man within the Realme doth consider. 



My Lord of 
at Ashby. 


Whereunto if you adde now his owne forces and 
furniture, which hee hath in Killingworth Castle, 
and other places, as also the forces of Huntingdon in 
particular, with their friends, followers, allies, and 
Compartenors : you shall find that they are not behind 
in their preparations. 

For my Lord of Huntingtons forwardnesse in the 
cause (said I) there is no man, I thinke, which maketh 
doubt : marry for his private forces, albeit they may 
bee very good, for any thing I doe know to the contrary, 
(especially at his house within five and twenty miles 
of Killingworth, where one told mee some yeares past, 
that hee had furniture ready for five thousand men :) 
yet doe I not thinke, but that they are farre inferiour 
to my Lord of Leycester who is taken to have excessive 
store, and that in divers places. And as for the Castle 
last mentioned by you, there are men of good intelli- 
gence, and of no small judgement, who report, that in 
the same, hee hath well to furnish, ten thousand good 
souldiers, of all things necessary both for horse and 
man, besides all other munition, armour, and artillery, 
(whereof great store was brought thither under pretence 
of triumph, when her Majesty was there, and never as 
yet carried back againe) and besides the great aboun- 
dance of ready Coine, there laid up (as is said) sufficient 
for any great exploit to bee done within the Realme. 


And I know that the estimation of this place was 
such, among divers, many yeares agoe : as when at a 
time her Majesty lay dangerously sick, and like to die, 
at Hampton Court, a certaine Gentleman of the Court, Ralph Lane. 
came unto my Lord of Huntington, and told him, that 
for so much as hee tooke his Lord to bee next in suc- 
cession after her Majesty, hee would offer him a meane The offer and 

r i i r r i ri acceptation of 

of great helpe, for compassing of his purpose, after the Kuungi 
decease of her Majesty which was, the possession of 
Killingworth Castle (for at that time these two Earles 
were not yet very friends, nor confederate together) 
and that being had, hee shewed to the Earle the great 
furniture and wealth, which thereby hee should possesse 
for pursuite of his purpose. 

The proposition was well liked, and the matter 
esteemed of great importance, and consequently re- 
ceived with many thankes. But yet afterward her 
Majesty by the good providence of God, recovering 
againe, letted the execution of the bargaine : and my 
Lord of Huntington having occasion to joyne amity 
with Leycester, had more respect to his owne com- 
modity, then to his friends security, (as commonly in 
such persons and cases it falleth out) and so discovered 
the whole device unto him, who forgat not after, from 
time to time, to plague the deviser by secret meanes, 
untill hee had brought him to that poore estate, as all 



the World seeth : though many men bee not ac- 
quainted with the true cause of this his disgrace and 
bad fortune. 

Lawyer. To this answered the Lawyer : In good faith (Gen- 

tlemen) you open great mysteries unto mee, which 
either I knew not, or considered not so particularly 
before, and no marvaile, for that my profession and 
exercise of law, restraineth mee from much company 
keeping : and when I happen to bee among some that 
could tell mee much herein, I dare not either aske, or 
heare if any of himselfe beginne to talke, least after- 
ward the speech comming to light, I bee fetched over 
the coals (as the proverbe is) for the same, under 
pretence of an other thing. But you (who are not 
suspefted for religion) have much greater priviledge in 
such matters, both to heare and speake againe, which 
men of mine estate dare not doe : Onely this I knew 
before, that throughout all England my Lord of 

The preroga- Lcycester is taken for Dominus fac totum: Whose excel- 

tive of my . _ . t ... 

Lord of Ley- lency above others is infinite, whose authority is 
absolute, whose commandement is dreadfull, whose 
dislike is dangerous, and whose favour is omnipotent. 

And for his will, though it bee seldome law, 'yet 
alwayes is his power above law : and therefore wee 
Lawyers in all cases brought unto us, have as great 
regard to his inclination, as Astronomers have to the 


Planet dominant, or as Sea-men have to the North- 

For as they that saile, doe diredl their course, ac- 

,. ' . IT r 1 the Starre 

cording to the situation and direction ot that starre directory to 
which guideth them at the Pole ; and as Astronomers 
who make prognostications, doe foretell things to 
come, according to the aspeft of the Planet dominant, 
or bearing rule for the time : so wee doe guide our 
Clients barke, and doe prognosticate what is like to 
ensue of his cause, by the aspeft and inclination of 
my Lord of Leycester. And for that reason, as soone as 
ever wee heare a case proposed, our custome is to aske, 
what part my Lord of Leycester is like to favour in the 
matter (for in all matters lightly of any importance, 
hee hath a part) or what may bee gathered of his in- 
clination therein : and according to that wee give a 
ghesse, more or lesse, what end will ensue. 

But this (my Masters) is from the purpose : and 
therefore returning to your former speech againe, I 
doe say, that albeit I was not privy before to the par- 
ticular provisions of my Lord and his friends, in such 
and such places : yet seeing him accompted Lord 
generall over all the whole Realme, and to have at his 
commandement, all these severall commodities and 
forces pertaining to her Majesty which you have men- 
tioned before, and so many more as bee in the Realme, 


and not mentioned by you (for in fine, hee hath all :) 

I could not but accompt him (as hee is) a potent 

Prince of our state, for all furniture needfull to defence 

or offence, or rather the onely Monarch of our nobility, 

who hath sufficient of himselfe to plunge his Prince, 

if hee should bee discontented, especiall for his 

aboundance of money, (which, by the wise, is tearmed 

the Sinewes of Martiall actions) wherein by all mens 

Leycesters judgements, hee is better furnished at this day, than 

money. ever any subject of our land, either hath beene here- 

tofore, or lightly may bee hereafter, both for bankes 

without the Realme, and stuffed coffers within. Inso- 

much that being my selfe in the last Parliament, when 

the matter was moved, for the grant of a Subsidie, 

after that, one for her Majesty had given very good 

reasons, why her highnesse was in want of money, and 

consequently needed the alliance of her faithfull sub- 

The saying of jects therein, an other that sat next mee of good ac- 

the smre compt said in mine eare secretly : these reasons I doe 

allow, and am contented to give my part in 
money : but yet, for her Majesties need, I could make 
answere as one answered once the Emperor Tiberius 
in the like case and cause: Abunde ei pecuniam fore, 
si a liberto suo in societatem reciperetur ; that her Ma- 
jesty should have money enough, if one of her servants 
would vouchsafe to make her highnesse partaker with 

him : meaning thereby my Lord of Leycester, whose 
treasure must needs in one respect, bee greater, then 
that of her Majesty ; for that hee layeth up whatsoever 
hee getteth, and his expenses he casteth upon the purse 
of his Princes. 

For that (said the Gentleman) whether hee doe or Gentleman. 
no, it importeth little to the matter : seeing both that 
which hee spendeth, and that he hordeth, is truly and 
properly his Princes Treasure : and seeing hee hath so 
many and divers wayes of gaining, what should hee The infinite 
make accompt of his owne private expences ? if he gaming that 
lay out one for a thousand, what can that make him r ^** stefhathl 
the poorer ? hee that hath so goodly lands, possessions, 
Seigniories and rich offices of his owne, as hee is 
knowne to have : hee that hath so speciall favour and 
authority with the Prince, as hee can obtaine whatso- sutes. 
ever hee listeth to demand : hee that hath his part and 
portion in all sutes besides, that passe by grace, or els 
(for the most part) are ended by law: hee that may 
chop and change what lands hee listeth with her Lands. 
Majestie, dispoile them of all their woods and other 
commodities, and rack them afterward to the utter- 
most penny, and then returne the same, so tenter- 
stretched and bare-shorne, into her Majesties hands 
againe, by fresh exchange, rent for rent, for other lands 
never enhansed before : he that possesseth so many 


Licenses. gainefull licences to himselfe alone of wine, oyles, cur- 
rants, cloath, velvets, with his new office for licence of 
alienation, most pernicious unto the Common-wealth, 
as hee useth the same, with many other the like, which 
were sufficient to enrich whole Townes, Corporations, 
Countries, and Common-wealths : hee that hath the 
art, to make gainefull to himselfe every offence, dis- 
pleasure and falling out of her Majesty with him, and 
every angry countenance cast upon him : hee that 
hath his share in all offices of great profit and holdeth 
an absolute Monopolie of the same : hee that dis- 
poseth at his will Ecclesiastical livings of the Realme, 
maketh Bishops, none, but such as will doe reason, 
or of his Chaplaines whom hee listeth, and retaineth 
to himselfe so much of the living as liketh him best : 
he that sweepeth away the glebe from so many bene- 
fices throughout the land and compoundeth with the 
person for the rest. Hee that so scoureth the Vniver- 
sity and Colledges where hee is Chancellor, and selleth 
both headships and Schollars places, and all other 
offices, roomes and dignities, that by art or violence 
may yeeld money : hee that maketh title to what land 
or other thing hee please and driveth the parties to 

oppressions, compound for the same: hee that taketh in whole 
Forests, Commons, Woods, and Pastures to himselfe, 

Rapines. compelling the tenants to pay him new rent, and what 

Falling out 
with her Ma- 





8 7 

hee cesseth : hee that vexeth and oppresseth whom- 
soever hee list, taketh from any what hee list, and 
maketh his owne claime, sute, and end as hee list: hee 
that selleth his favour with the Prince, both abroad in Princes fa- 
forraine Countries, and at home, and setteth the price 
thereof what himselfe will demand : hee that hath and 
doth all this, and besides this, hath infinite presents Presents, 
dayly brought unto him of great valew, both in Jewels, 
Plate, all kind of Furniture and ready Coine: this 
man (I say) may easily beare his owne expences, and 
yet lay up sufficiently also to weary his Prince when 
needs shall require. 

You have said much Sir, (quoth the Lawyer) and Lawyer. 
such matter as toucheth neerely both her Majesty and 
the Common-wealth : and yet in my conscience if I 
were to plead at the bar re for my Lord : I could not 
tell which of all these members to deny. But for that 
which you mention in the last part, of his gaining by 

-&* 11 1 111 home-gaine 

her Majesties favour, both at home and abroad : by her Ma- 

/^ ii i 111 jesties favour. 

Touching his home-game it is evident, seeing all that 
hee hath is goten onely by the opinion of her 
Majesties favour towards him : and many men doe 
repaire unto him, with fat presents, rather for that 
they suppose, hee may by his favour doe them hurt, 
if hee feele not their reward, then for that they hope 
hee will labour any thing in their affaires. 

A pretty You remember (I doubt not) the story of him, that 

story. v ' 

offered his Prince a great yearely rent, to have but this 
favour onely, that hee might come every day in open 
audience, and say in his eare, God save your Majestic, 
assuring himselfe, that by the opinion of confidence 
and secret favour, which hereby the people would 
conceive to bee in the Prince, towards him, hee should 
easily get up his rent againe double told. Wherefore, 
my Lord of Leycester receiving dayly from her Majestic 
greater tokens of grace and favour then this, and 
himselfe being no evill marchant, to make his owne 
bargaine for the best of his commodities : cannot but 
gaine exceedingly at home by his favour. 
Leycesters And for his Lucre abroad upon the same cause, I 

forraine gain ..... 

by her Ma- leave to other men to conceive, what it may bee, si- 

jesties favour. . .... r 1 * /r t 

thence the beginning of her Majesties raigne, the times 
whereof and condition of all Christendome hath beene 
such, as all the Princes and Potentates round about 
us, have beene constrained at one time or other, to sue 
to her hignesse for ayd, grace, or favour : in all which 
sutes, men use not to forget (as you know) the parties 
most able by their credite, to further or let the same. 

In particular onely this I can say, that I have 
heard of sundry French-men, that at such time as the 
treaty was betweene France and England, for the 
re-delivery of Callis, unto us againe, in the first yeare 

8 9 

of her Majesties raigne that now is, when the French- 
men were in great distresse and misery, and King 
Philip refused absolutely to make peace with them, 
except Callis were restored to England (whether for 
that purpose hee had now delivered the French hos- 
tages:) the French-men doe report (I say) that my 
Lord of Leycester stood them in great stead at that 
necessity for his reward, (which you may imagine was betraying of 
not small, for a thing of such importance,) and became 
a suter, that peace might bee concluded, with the 
release of Callis to the French : which was one of the 
most impious fadls, (to say the truth), that ever could 
bee devised against his Common-wealth. 

A small matter in him (said the Gentleman) for in Gentleman. 
this hee did no more, but as Christ said of the Jewes : 
that they filled up the measure of their Fathers sinnes. 
And so if you read the story of King Edwards time, 
you shall find it most evident, that this mans Father 

before him, sould Bulloigne to the French by like 

treachery. For it was delivered up upon composition, 
without necessity or reason, the five and twenty of 
April, in the fourth yeare of King Edward the sixt, 
when hee (I meane Duke Dudley) had now put in the 
Tower the Lord Protedlour, and thrust out of the 


Councell whom hee listed: as namely the Earles of put out of the 

Councell by 

Arundell and Southampton and so invaded the whole D. Dudley. 


government himselfe, to sell, spoile and dispose at his 
pleasure. Wherefore this is but naturall to my Lord 
of Leycester by discent, to make marchandize of the 
state, for his Grandfather Edmund also, was such a 
kind of Copesman. 

Lawyer. An evill race of Marchants for the Common-wealth 

(quoth the Lawyer) but yet, Sir, I pray you (said hee) 
expounde unto mee somewhat more at large, the 
nature of these licences which you named, as also the 
changing of lands with her Majesty, if you can set it 
downe any plainer: for they seeme, to bee things of 
excessive gaine : especially his way of gaining by 
offending her Majesty, or by her highnesse offence 
towards him, for it seemeth to bee a device above all 
skill or reason. 

Not so (quoth the Gentleman) for you know that 

gaine by fall- r ... 

ing out with every tailing out must have an attonement agame, 
ajesy ' whereof hee being sure by the many and puisant 
meanes of his friends in Court, as I have shewed 
before, who shall not give her Majesty rest untill it bee 
done: then for this attonement, and in perfedl recon- 
ciliacon on her Majesties part, she must grant my 
Lord some sute or other, which hee will have alwayes 
ready provided for that purpose, and this sute shall 
bee well able to reward his friends, that laboured for 
his reconcilement, and leave also a good remainder for 

himself. And this is now so ordinary a practize with 
him, as all the Realm observeth the same, and dis- 
daineth that her Majesty should bee so unworthily 
abused. For if her highnesse fall not out with him 
as often as hee desireth to gaine this way, then hee 
picketh some quarrell or other, to show himselfe dis- 
contented with her, so that one way or other, this 
gainefull reconciliation must bee made, and that often 
for his commodity. The like art hee exerciseth in 
inviting her Majesty to his banquettes and to his 
houses, where if she come, shee must grant him in 
sutes, ten times so much as the charge of all amount 
unto: so that Robin playeth the Broker in all his 
affaires, and maketh the uttermost penny of her 
Majestie every way. 

Now for his change of lands, I thinke I have beene 
reasonable plaine before: yet for your fuller satis- 
faction, you shall understand his further dealing 
therein, to bee in this sort. Besides the good lands, 
and of ancient possession to the Crowne, procured at 
her Majesties hand, and used as before was declared : 
he useth the same trick for his worst lands, that hee 


possesseth any way, whether they come to him, by change of 
extort meanes and plaine oppression, or through main- her Majesty 

011 i i whereby hee 

tenance & broken titles, or by cousenage of simple hath notably 
Gentlemen, to make him their heire or by what hard theCrowne. 


title or unhonest meanes so ever, (for hee pradlizeth 
store of such and thinketh little of the reckoning :) 
after hee hath tried them likewise to the uttermost 
touch, and letten them out to such as shall gaine but 
little by the bargaine : then goeth hee and changeth 
the same with her Majesty for the best lands hee can 
pick out of the Crowne, to the end that hereby hee 
may both enforce her Majesty to the defence of his 
bad titles, and himselfe fill his coffers with the fines 
and uttermost commodity of both the lands. 

His licences doe stand thus : first hee got licence 


for certaine great numbers of cloaths, to bee trans- 
ported out of this land, which might have beene an 
undoing to the Marchant subject, if they had not re- 
deemed the same with great summes of money : so 
that it redounded to great dammage of all occupied 
about that kind of commodity. After that hee had 
the grant for carrying over of barrell staves and of 
some other such like wares. Then procured hee a 
Monopolie, for bringing in of sweet wines, oyles, cur- 
rants, and the like : the gaine whereof is inestimable. 
Hee had also the forfeit of all wine that was to bee 
drawne above the old ordinary price : with licence to 
give authority to sell above that price ; wherein 
Captaine Horsey was his instrument, by which meanes 
it is incredible what treasure and yearely rent was 
gathered of the Vintners throughout the land. 

To this adde now his licence of silkes and velvets, Siikesand 


which onely were enough to enrich the Major and 
Aldermen of London, if they were all decayed (as often 
I have heard divers Marchants affirme.) And his 
licence of alienation of lands, which (as in part I have TheTyran- 

j i f \ iii- i nicall licence 

opened before) serveth him not onely to excessive O f alienation, 
gaine, but also for an extreame scourge, wherewith to 
plague whom he pleaseth in the Realm. For seeing 
that without this licence, no man can buy, sell, passe, 
or alienate, any land that any wayes may bee drawne 
to that tenure, as holden in chiefe of the Prince: (as 
commonly now most land may) hee calleth into ques- 
tion whatsoever liketh him best, bee it never so cleare : 
and under this colour, not onely enricheth himselfe 
without all measure, but revengeth himselfe also, where 
hee will, without all order. 

Heare the Lawyer stood still a pretty while, biting Lawyer. 
his lip, as hee were astonished, and then said ; Verily I 
have not heard so many and so apparant things or so 
odious, of any man that ever lived in our Common- 
wealth. And I marvaile much of my Lord of Leycester, 
that his Grandfathers fortune doth not move him Edmund 
much, who lost his head in the beginning of King 
Henry the eights dayes, for much lesse and fewer 
offences, in the same kind, committed in the time of 
King Henry the seventh: for hee was thought to bee 


the inventour of these poolings and molestations, 
wherewith the people were burthened, in the latter 
dayes of the said King. And yet had hee great pre- 
tence of reason to alleaged for himselfe : in that these 
exactions were made to the Kings use, and not to his, 
(albeit no doubt) but his owne gaine was also there. 
Master Stow writeth in his Chronicle, that in the time 
of his imprisonment in the Tower, hee wrot a notable 
Dud- booke, intituled The tree of Common -wealth, which 

written in booke, the said Stow saith, that hee hath delivered to 
my Lord of Leycester many yeares agone. And if the 
said booke bee so notable as Master Stow affirmeth : I 
marvaile, that his Lord in so many yeares, doth not 
publish the same, for the glory of his ancestors? 

Gentleman. It may bee (said the Gentleman) that the secrets 

therein contained, bee such, as it seemeth good to my 
Lord, to use them onely himselfe, and to gather the 
fruit of that tree into his owne house alone. For if the 
tree of the Common-wealth in Edmund Dudleis booke, 
bee the Prince and his race : and the fruits to bee 
gathered from that tree, bee riches, honours, dignities, 
and preferments : then no doubt, but as the writer 
Edmund was cunning therein : so have his two followers, 
lohn and Robert, well studied and practized the same, 
or rather have, exceeded and farre passed the authour 
himselfe, The one of them gathering so eagarly, and 


with such vehemency, as hee was like to have broken 
downe the maine boughes for greedinesse: the other 
yet plucking and heaping so fast to himselfe and his 
friends, as it is and may bee, most justly doubted, that 
when they have cropped all they can, from the tree left 
them by their Father Edmund (I meane the race of The sup- 

111 11 i planting of 

Kins: Henry the seventh :) then will they plucke up the the race of 

. , r i i r 1 i i H ***y the 7- 

Stemme it selfe, by the rootes, as unprofitable : and 

pitch in his place another Trunke (that is the line of The inserting 

of Huntington. 

Huntington) that may begin to feed anew, with fresh 
fruits againe, and so for a time content their appetites, 
untill of gatherers, they may become trees, (which is 
their finall purpose) to feed themselves at their owne 

And howsoever this bee, it cannot bee denied, but 
that Edmund Dudleis brood, have learned by this booke, Edmund Dud- 

iti t i fc*s broode 

and by other meanes, to bee more cunning gatherers, more cunning 
then ever their first progenitor was that made the 
booke. First for that hee made profession to gather to 
his Prince (though wickedly) and these men make 
demonstration, that they have gathered for themselves : 
and that with much more iniquity. Secondly, for 
that Edmud Dudley though hee got himselfe neare 
about the tree, yet was hee content to stand on the 
ground, and to serve himselfe from the tree, as com- 
modity was offered : but his children not esteeming 

land and Ley- 
cester with 
their Prince 
will not bee 



Master of art 
and a cun- 
ning Logitio- 

that safe gathering, will needs mount aloft upon the 
tree, to pull, croppe, and riffle at their pleasure. And 
as in this second point the Sonne John Dudley was 
more subtile, then Edmund the Father : so in a third 
point, the Nephew Robert Dudley is more crafty then 
they both. For that, hee seeing the evill successe of 
those two that went before him, hee hath provided 
together so much in convenient time and to make 
himselfe therwith so fat and strong, (wherein the other 
two failed) as hee will never bee in danger more, to bee 
called to any accompt for the same. 

In good faith Sir (quoth the Lawyer) I thanke you 
heartily, for this pleasant discourse upon Edmund 
Dudleis tree of Common-wealth. And by your opinion, 
my Lord of Leycester is the most learned of all his 
kindred, and a very cunning Logitioner indeed, that 
can draw for himselfe so commodious conclusions, out 
of the perillous premisses of his progenitors. 

No marvaile (quoth the Gentleman) for that his 
L. is Master of Art in Oxford, and Chancelour besides 
of the same Vniversity, where hee hath store (as you 
know) of many fine wits and good Logitioners at his 
commandement ; and where hee learneth not onely the 
rules and art of cunning gathering : but also the very 
practize (as I have touched before) seeing there is no 
one Colledge, or other thing of commodity within that 


place, where hence hee hath not pulled, whatsoever 
was possibly to bee gathered, either by art or 

Touching Oxford (said I) for that I am an Vniver- 
sity man my selfe, and have both experience of Cam- 
bridge, and good acquaintance with divers students of 
the other University : I can tell you enough, but in 
fine all tendeth to this conclusion, that by his Chan- 

abusing and 

cellorship, is cancelled almost all hope of good in that spoiling of 

IT ill- , Oxford. 

Vmuersity : and by his protection, it is like soone to 
come to destruction. And surely if there were no 
other thing, to declare the oddes and difference betwixt 
him, and our Chancellour, (whom hee cannot beare, for The Lord 
that every way hee seeth him, to passe him in all 
honour and vertue) it were sufficient to behold the 
present state of the two Vniversities, whereof they are 
heads and governours. 

For our owne, I will not say much, lest I might Cambridge. 
perhaps seeme partiall : but let the thing speake for it 
selfe. Consider the fruit of the Garden, and thereby 
you may judge of the Gardiners diligence. Looke 
upon the Bishopricks, Pastorships, and Pulpits of 
England, and see whence principally they have received 
their furniture for advancement of the Gospell. And 
on the contrary side, looke upon the Seminaries of 
Papistry at Rome and Rhems, upon the Colledges of 


9 8 

Jesuists, and other companies of Papists beyond the 
seas, and see where-hence they are, especially, fraught. 

The Priests and Jesuists here executed within the 
land, and other that remaine either in prison, or abroad 
in corners : are they not all (in a manner) of that 
Vniversity ? I speake not to the disgrace of any good 
that remaine there, or that have issued out thence into 
the Lords Vineyard : but for the most part there, of 
this our time, have they not either gone beyond the 
seas, or left their places for discontentment in Religion, 
or els become serving men, or followed the bare name 
of Law or Physick, without profiting greatly therein, 
or furthering the service of God's Church or their 
Common-wealth ? 

And where-hence (I pray you) ensueth all this, but 
by reason that the chiefe Governour thereof is an 
Atheist himselfe, and useth the place onely for gaine 
and spoile ? for here-hence it commeth, that all good 
The disorders or d er an< i discipline is dissolved in that place, the 
f ervour f study extinguished : the publique Lectures 
a t>andoned (I meane of the more parte:) the Tavernes 
and Ordinary-tables frequented : the apparell of stu- 
dents growne monstuous: and the statutes and good 
ordinance, both of the Vniversity and of every Col- 
ledge and Hall in private, broken and infringed at my 
Lords good pleasure, without respecl either of oath, 


custome, or reason to the contrary. The heads and 
officers are put in and out at his onely discretion : and 
the Schollars places either sould, or disposed by his 
letters, or by these of his servants and followers : 
nothing can bee had there, now, without present mony : 
it is as common buying and selling of places in that 
Vniversity, as of horses in Smithfield ; whereby the 
good and vertuous are kept out, and companions thrust 
in, fit to serve his Lord afterward, in all affaires that 
shall occurre. 

And as for leases of farmes, Woods, Pastures, Leases. 
Personages, Benefices or the like, which belong any 
way to any part of the Vniversity, to let or bestow, 
these, his Lord and his Servants have so fleesed, 
shorne, and scraped already, that there remaineth, 
little to feed upon hereafter : albeit hee want not still 
his spies and intelligencers in the place, to advertise 
him from time to time, when any little new morsell is 
offered. And the Principall instruments, which for Leycestm 
this purpose, hee hath had there before this, have instrumcnts - 
beene two Physitians Bayly and Culpeper, both knowne 
Papists, a little while agoe, but now just of Galens 
religion, and so much the fitter for my Lords humour : 
for his Lordship doth alwayes covet, to bee furnished 
certaine chosen men about him, for divers affaires: as 
these two Galenists for agents in the Vniversity: Dee 


and Allen (two Atheistes) for figuring and conjuring : 

lulio the Italian and Lopas the Jew, for poisoning, and 

for the art of destroying children in Womens bellies : 

* AtDigbits Verneis for murdering: Digbies for *Bawdes : and the 

house in .... . . . . . . . _ , . . 

Warwickshire like in other occupations which his Lordship exer- 

Dame Lettice . , 
lay, and some ClSCtn. 

peece S S of Wherefore to returne to the speech where wee 

began : most cleare it is, that my Lord of Leycester 
hath meanes to gaine and gather also by the Vni- 
versity, as well as by the Country abroad. Wherin 
(as I am told) hee beareth himselfe so absolute a 
Lord, as if hee were their King, and not their Chan- 
cellour : Nay farre more then, if hee were the generall 
and particular founder of all the Colledges and other 
houses of the Vniversity : no man daring to contrary 
or interrupt the least word or signification of his will, 
but with his extreame danger : which is a proceeding 
more fit for Phalaris the Tyrant, or some Governour 
in Tartary, then for a Chancellour of a learned Vniver- 

Lawyer. To this answered the Lawyer, for my Lords wrath, 

towards such as will not stand to his judgement and 
opinion, I can my selfe bee a sufficient witnesse : who 
having had often occasion to deale for composition 
of matters, betwixt his Lordship and others, have 
seen by experience, that alwayes they have sped best, 


who stood lest in contention with him, whatsoever The perm of 

. . standing with 

their cause were. For as a great and violent river, Leycest&in 

i . . i i i ... any thing. 

the more it is stopped or contraned, the more it nseth 
and swelleth bigge, and in the end, dejedleth with more 
force the thing that made resistance : so his Lordship 
being the great and mighty Potentate of this Realme, 
and accustomed now to have his will in all things, 
cannot beare to bee crossed or resisted by any man, 
though it were in his owne necessary defence. 

Hereof I have scene examples, in the causes of 
Snowden forrest in Wales, of Denbighe, of Killingworth, 
of Drayton and others : where the parties that had 
interest, or thought themselves wronged, had beene 
happy, if they had yeelded at the first to his Lordships 
pleasure, without further question : for then had they 
escaped much trouble, charges, displeasure, and vexa- 
tion, which by resistance they incurred, to their great 

J J * Poore men 

ruine, (and *losse of life to some) and in the end were resisting 

v t t Warwicks 

faine also to submit themselves unto his will, with inciosure at 


farre worse conditions, then in the beginning were were hanged 

j j * r ki s plea- 
offered unto them, which thing was pittifull indeed to sure by 

11111 t Tii- Leycesten 

behold, but yet such is my Lords disposition. authority. 

A noble disposition (quoth the Gentleman,) that I Gentleman. 
must give him my Coat if hee demand the same, and 
that quickly also, for feare least if I staggar or make 
doubt thereof, hee compell me to yeeld both coat and Tyranny. 


doublet in penance of my stay. I have read of some 
such Tyrants abroad in the World : Marry their end 
was alwayes according to their life, as it is very like 
that it will bee also in this man, for that there is small 
hope of his amendment, and God passeth not over 
commonly such matters unpunished in this life, as well 
as in the life to come. 

But I pray you Sir, seeing mention is now made of 
the former oppressions, so much talked of throughout 
the Realme, that you will take the paines, to explaine 
the substance thereof unto mee : for albeit in general!, 
every man doth know the same, and in heart doe detest 
the Tyranny thereof : yet wee abroad in the Countrey, 
doe not understand it so well and distinctly as you that 
bee Lawyers, who have scene and understood the 
whole processe of the same. 

Lawyer. The case of Killingworth and Denbigh, (said the 

Lawyer) are much alike in matter and manner of pro- 
ceeding though different in time place and importance. 

TheLordship For that the Lordship of Denbigh in North-wales, being 

of Denbigh 

and Leycestm given unto him by her Majesty a great while agoe at 
us&Th S e?ein. the beginning of his rising, (which is a Lordship of 
singular great importance, in that Countrey, having (as 
I have heard) well neere two hundred worshipfull 
Gentlemen free-holders to the same :) the tenants of 
the place considering the present state of things, and 


having learned, the hungry disposition of their new 
Lord : made a common purse of a thousand pounds, to 
present him withall, at his first entrance. Which 
though hee received (as hee refuseth nothing.) Yet 
accompted hee the summe of small effeft for satisfac- 
tion of his appetite: and therefore applied himselfe, 
not onely to make the uttermost that hee could by 
leases, and such like wayes of commodity : but also 
would needs enforce the freeholders, to raise their old 
rent of the Lordship, from two hundreth and fifty 
pounds a yeare or thereabouts (at which rate hee had 
received the same in guift from her Majesty,) unto 
eight or nine hundreth pounds by the yeare. For that 
hee had found out (forsooth) an old record, (as hee 
said) whereby hee could prove, that in ancient time 
long past, that Lordship had yeelded so much old rent: 
and therefore hee would now enforce the present 
tenants, to make up so much againe upon their lands, 
which they thought was against all reason for them to 
doe: but my Lord perforce, would have it so, and in 
the end compelled them to yeeld to his will, to the 
impoverishing of all the whole Countrey about. 

The like proceeding hee used with the tenants The manner 
about KUKngworthj where hee receiving the said Lord- worth and" 
ship and Castle from the Prince, in guift of twenty oppression 
foure pounds yearely rent or there about, hath made 


it now better then five hundreth by yeare : by an old 
record also, found by great fortune in the hole of a 
wall as is given out (for hee hath, singular good luck 
alwayes in finding out records for his purpose) by 
vertue whereof, hee hath taken from the tenants, round 
about, their Lands, Woods, Pastures, and Commons, 
to make him selfe Parkes, Chaces, and other commo- 
dities therewith, to the subversion of many a good 
family, which was maintained there, before this de- 
vourer set foot in that Countrey. 
The case of But the matter of Snowden Forest, doth passe all 

Snowden . 111 * 

forest most the rest, both for cunning and cruelty : the tragedy 
whereof was this hee had learned by his intelligencers 
abroad, (wherof hee hath great store in every part of 
the Realme) that there was a goodly ancient Forest in 
North-wales, which hath almost infinite borderers about 
the same : for it lieth in the middest of the Countrey, 
beginning at the Hils of Snowden (wherof it hath his 
name) in Camarvan-shire, and reacheth every way to- 
wards divers other shires. When my Lord heard of 
this, hee entered presently into the conceit of a singular 
great pray: and going to her Majesty, signified that 
her highnesse was often times abusd, by the incroching 
of such as dwelt upon her Forests, which was necessary 
to bee restrained: and therefore beseeched her Majesty, 
to bestow upon him the incrochments onely, which hee 

should bee able to find out, upon the forest of Snowden, 
which was granted. 

And thereupon hee chose out Commissioners fit for 
the purpose, and sent them into Wales, with the like 
commission, as a certaine Emperour was wont to give 
his Magistrates, when they departed from him to 
governe, as Suetonius writeth : Scitis quid velim & quibus AnoidTyran- 
opus habeo. You know what I would have, and what I mission. 
have need of. Which recommendation, these Com- 
missioners taking to heart, omitted no diligence in 
execution of the same : and so going into Wales, by 
such meanes as they used, of setting one man to accuse 
another: brought quickly all the Countrey round about 
in three or foure shires, within the compasse of forest 
ground : and so entred upon the same, for my Lord of 
Leycester. Whereupon, when the people were amazed : 
and expected what order my Lord himselfe would take 
therein : his Lord was so farre of from refusing any 
part of that, which his Commissioners had presented 
and offered him : as hee would yet further stretch the A ridiculous 
Forest beyond the Sea, into the He of Anglesey, and tjonof exces- 
make that also within his compas and bounder. 

Which when the commonalty saw, and that they 
profited nothing, by their complaining and crying out 
of this Tyranny : they appointed to send some certaine 
number of themselves, to London, to make supplication 


to the Prince : and so they did : Choosing out for that 
purpose a dozen Gentlemen, and many more of the 
Commons of the Countrey of Llin, to deale for the 
whole. Who comming to London and exhibiting a 
most humble supplication to her Majesty for redresse 
of their oppression: received an answere by the pro- 
curement of my Lord of Lcycester, that they should 
have justice, if the commonalty would returne home to 
their houses, and the Gentlemen remaine there, to 
sollicite the cause. Which as soone as they had 
yeelded unto, the Gentlemen were all taken and cast 
into prison, and there kept for a great space, and after- 
ward were sent dovvne to Ludlow, (as the place most 
eminent of all these Countries) there to weare papers 
of perjury, and receive other punishments of infamy, 
for their complaining : which punishments notwith- 
standing, afterward upon great sute of the parties and 
their friends, were turned into great fines of money, 
A singular which they were constrained to pay, and yet besides to 
agree also with my Lord of Leycester for their owne 
landes, acknowledging the same to bee his, and so to 
buy it of him againe. 

Whereby not onely these private Gentlemen, but 
all the whole Countrey there about, was and is (in a 
manner) utterly undone. And the participation of this 
injury, reacheth so farre and wide, and is so generall 


in these parts: as you shall scarce find a man that 
commeth from that coast, who feeleth not the smart 
thereof: being either impoverished, beggered, or ruin- 
ated thereby. 

Whereby I assure you that the hatred of all that 

_ . . . extreatnely 

Countrey, is so universall and vehement against my hated in 
Lord: as I thinke never thing created by God, was so 
odious to that Nation, as the very name of my Lord 
of Leycester is. Which his Lordship well knowing, I 
doubt not, but that hee will take heed, how hee goe 
thither to dwell, or send thither his posterity. 

For his posterity (quoth the Gentleman) I suppose Gentleman. 
hee hath little cause to bee solicitous : for that God 
himselfe taketh care commonly, that goods and honours 
so gotten and maintained, as his bee, shall never 
trouble the third heire. Marry for himselfe, I confesse 
(the matter standing as you say) that hee hath reason 
to forbeare that Countrey, and to leave of his building 
begunne at Denbigh, as I heare say hee hath done. 
For that the universall hatred of a people, is a perilous The end of 
matter. And if I were in his Lordships case, I should Tyrants - 
often thinke of the end of. Nero: who after all his glory, Nero. 
upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head 
thrust into a Pillory, and so to bee beaten to death, 
with rods and thonges. 

Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius, 


the third Emperour after Nero, who for his wickednesse 
and oppression of the people, was taken by them at 
length, when fortune began to faile him, and led out 
of his palace naked, with hookes of Iron fastened in 
his flesh, and so drawne through the Citie with infamy, 
where, loden in the streets with filth and ordure cast 
upon him, and a pricke put under his Chinne, to the 
end hee should not looke downe or hide his face, was 
brought to the banke of Tyber, and there after many 
hundred wounds received, was cast into the River. So 
implacable a thing is the furour of a multitude, when it 
is once stirred, and hath place of revenge. And so 
heavy is the hand of God upon Tyrants in this World, 
when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of 
the same. 

I have read in Leander, in his description of Italy, 

how that in Spoleto (if I bee not deceived) the chiefe 

City of the Countrey of Vmbria there was a strange 

Amostterri- Tyrant : who in the time of his prosperity, contemned 

ble revenge J 1 

taken upon a all men, and forbare to injury no man. that came 

Tyrant. ... . . 

within his clawes : esteeming himselfe sure enough, 
for ever being called to render accompt in this life, and 
for the next hee cared little. But God upon the sudden 
turned upside down the wheele of his felicity, and cast 
him into the peoples hands : who tooke him, and 
bound his naked body upon a planke, in the market 


place, with a fire and iron tonges by him : and then 
made proclamation, that seeing this man was not 
otherwise able to make satisfaction, for the publique 
injuries that hee had done : every private person 
annoyed by him, should come in order, and with the 
hoat burning tonges there ready, should take of his 
flesh so much, as was correspondent to the injury 
received, as indeed they did untill the miserable man 
gave up the ghost, and after to : as this authour 

But to the purpose : seeing my Lord careth little 
for such examples, and is become so hardy now, as 
hee maketh no accompt to injury and oppresse whole 
Countries and Commonalties together : it shall bee 
booties to speake of his proceedings towards particular 
men, who have not so great strength to resist, as a paFtkuTar 1 
multitude hath. And yet I can assure you, that there 
are so many and so pittiful things published dayly of 
his Tyranny in this kind : as doe move great com- 
passion towards the party that doe suffer, and horrour 
against him, who shameth not dayly to offer such 

As for example : whose heart would not bleed to 
heare the case before mentioned, of Master Robinson Master 
of Staffordshire : a proper yong Gentleman, and well 
given both in Religion and other vertues. Whose Father 


died at Newhaven in her Majesties service, under this 
mans brother the Earle of Warwick : and recommended 
at his death, this his eldest Sonne, to the speciall pro- 
tection of Leycester and his Brother, whose servant also 
this Robinson hath beene, from his youth upward, and 
spent the most of his living in his service. Yet not- 
withstanding all this, when Robinsons lands were in- 
tangled with a certaine Londoner, upon interest for his 
former maintenance in their service, whose title my 
Lord of Leycester (though craftily, yet not covertly) 
under Ferris his cloak, had gotten to himselfe : hee 
ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to 
imprisonment, arraignment, and sentence of death, for 
greedines of the said living : together with the vexation 
of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other 
his friends, upon pretence, forsooth, that there was a 
man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne 
possession against Leycesiers intruders, that would by 
violence breake into the same. 

What shall I speake of others, whereof there 
would bee no end? as of his dealing with Master 
Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton (if I faile not 
in the name : (with Master Ludowick Grivell, by seeking 
to bereave him of all his living at once, if the drift had 
George witney. taken place? with George Witney, in the behalfe of 
Sir Henry Leigh, for inforcing him to forgoe the Con- 



Richard Lee. 



trollership of Woodstock, which hee holdeth by patent 
from King Henry the seventh ? With my Lord Barckley Lord 
whom hee enforced to yeeld up his lands to his brother 
Warwick, which his ancestors had held quietly for 
almost two hundreth yeares together ? 

What shall I say of his intolerable Tyranny upon 
the last Archbishop of Canterbury, for Doctor Julio his Archbishop 
sake, and that in so fowle a matter? Upon Sir Jo /in sir/*** "**' 
Throgmarton, whom hee brought pittifuliy to his grave Thro s marton - 
before his time, by continuall vexations, for a peece of 
faithfull service done by him to his Countrey, and to 
all the line of King Henry against this mans Father, 
in King Edward and Queene Maries dayes ? Vpon 
divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name Lane. 
before mentioned, that offered to take Killingtoorth 
Castle ? upon some of the Giffords, and other for Throg- afford 
martons sake? (for that is also his Lords disposition, for 
one mans cause whom hee brooketh not, to plague a 
whole generation, that any way pertaineth, or is allied 
to the same : ) his endlesse persecuting Sir Drew sir Drew 

. Drewry. 

Drewry, and many other Courtiers both men and 
women ? All these (I say) and many others, who 
dayly suffer injuries, rapines and oppressions at his 
hands, throughout the Realme, what should it availe 
to name them in this place : seeing neither his Lord 
careth any thing for the same, neither the parties 


The present 
state of my 
Lord of 





agrieved are like to attaine any least release of afflic- 
tion thereby, but rather double oppression for their 

Wherefore, to returne againe whereas wee began, 
you see by this little, who, and how great, and what 
manner of man, my Lord of Leycester is this day, in 
the state of England. You see and may gather, in 
some part, by that which hath beene spoken, his 
wealth, his strength, his cunning, his disposition. His 
Wealth is excessive in all kind of riches for a private 
man, and must needs bee much more, then any body 
lightly can imagine, for the infinite wayes hee hath 
had of gaine, so many yeares together. His Strength 
and power is absolute and irresistable, as hath beene 
shewed, both in Chamber, Court, Councell, and Coun- 
trey. His Cunning in plotting and fortifying the same, 
both by Force and Fraud, by Mines and Contermines, 
by Trenches, Bulwarkes, Flankers and Rampiers: by 
Friends, Enemies, Allies, Servants, Creatures, and 
Dependents, or any other that may serve his turne : is 
very rare and singular. His Disposition to Cruelty, 
Murder, Treason and Tyranny : and by all these to 
Supreame Soveraignty over other: is most evident and 
cleare. And then judge you whether her Majesty that 
now raigneth (whose life and prosperity, the Lord in 
mercy long preserve,) have not just cause to feare, 


in respect of these things onely : if there were no other 
other particulars to prove his aspiring intent besides ? 

No doubt (quoth the Lawyer) but these are great Lawyer. 
matters, in the question of such a cause as is a 
Crowne. And wee have seene by example, that the 
least of these foure, which you have here named, or 
rather some little branch contained in any of them, 
hath beene sufficient to found just suspition, distrust Causes of just 

. . . , . . , P !- -i f eare f 

or jealousie, in the heads of most wise Princes, towards Majesty, 
the proceedings of more assured subjects, then my 
Lord of Leycester, in reason may bee presumed to bee. 
For that the safety of a state and Prince, standeth not 
onely in the readines and hability of resisting open 
attempts, when they shall fall out : but also (and that 
much more as Statistes write) in a certaine provident 
watchfulnesse, of preventing all possibilities and likeli- 
hoods of danger of suppression : for that no Prince 
commonly, will put himselfe to the courtesie of an 
other man (bee hee never so obliged) whether hee shall 
retaine his Crown or no : seeing the cause of a King- 
dome, acknowledgeth neither kindred, duty, faith, 
friendship, nor society. 

I know not whether I doe expound or declare my 
selfe well or no, but my meaning is, that whereas every 
Prince hath two points of assurance from his subject, 
the one, in that hee is faithfull and lacketh will, to 

A point of 
policy for a 


annoie his soveraigne : the other, for that hee is weake 
and wanteth ability, to doe the same : the first is 
alwayes of more importance than the second, and 
consequently more to bee eyed and observed in pol- 
icy: for that our will may bee changed at our pleasure, 
but not our ability. 

Considering then, upon that which hath beene said 
and specified before, how that my Lord of Leycester, 
hath possessed himselfe of all the strength, powers and 
sinewes of the Realme, hath drawne all to his owne 
direction, and hath made his party so strong as it 
seemeth not resistable : you have great reason to say, 
that her Majesty may justly conceive some doubt, for 
that if his will were according to his power, most 
assured it is, that her Majesty were not in safety. 

Say not so, good Sir (quoth I) for in such a case 
truly, I would repose little upon his will, which is so 
many wayes apparant, to bee most insatiable of am- 
bition. Rather would I thinke that as yet his ability 
serveth not, either for time, place, force, or some other 
circumstance : then that any part of good will should 
want in him : seeing that not onely his desire of sover- 
aignty : but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the 
same, is sufficiently declared (in my conceit) by the 
very particulars of his power and plots already set 
downe. Which, if you please to have the patience, to 

heare a Schollars argument, I will prove by a Principle 
of our Philosophy. 

For if it bee true which Aristotle sayeth, there is no 

i i TTT i i i 11 <- call argument 

agent so simple in the World, which worketh not for to prove Ley- 

r 11 i / i i i i M i 1 i cesters intent of 

some nnall end, (as the bird buildeth not her nest but sovereignty. 
to dwell and hatch her yong ones therein :) and not 
onely this : but also that the same agent, doth alwayes 
frame his worke according to the proportion of his 
intended end : (as when the Fox or Badger maketh a 
wide earth or denne, it is a signe that hee meaneth to 
draw thither great store of pray:) then must wee also 
in reason thinke, that so wise and politick an agent, 
as is my Lord of Leycester for himselfe, wanteth not his 
end in these plottings and preparations of his: I meane 
an end proportionable in greatnesse to his prepara- 
tions. Which end, can bee no lesse nor meaner then 
Supreame Soveraignty, seeing his provision and furni- 
ture doe tend that way, and are in every point fully 
correspondent to the same. 

What meaneth his so dilligent besieging of the The prepara- 

. i tions f Ley- 

Princes person ? his taking up the wayes and passages cester declare 

, * 1 /- * * t kis intended 

about her ? his insolency in Court ? his singularity in end. 
Councell ? his violent preparation of strength abroad ? 
his enriching of his Complices ? the banding of his 
faclion, with the aboundance of friends everywhere ? 
what doe these things signifie (I say) and so many 

other, as you have well noted and mentioned before : 
but onely his intent and purpose of Supremacy ? 
What did the same things portend in times past in 
his Father, but even that which now they portend in 
the Sonne. Or how should wee thinke, that the Sonne 
hath an other meaning in the very same adlions, then 
had his Father before him, whose steps hee followeth. 
HOW the I remember I have heard, often times of divers 

Duke of 

Northumbtr- ancient and grave men in Cambridge, how that in King 
bled his end." Edwards dayes the Duke of Northumberland this mans 
Father, was generally suspedled of all men, to meane 
indeed as afterward hee shewed, especially when hee 
had once joyned with the house of Suffblke, and made 
himselfe a principall of that fadlion by marriage. But 
yet for that hee was potent, and protested everywhere, 
and by all occasions his great love, duty and speciall 
care, above all others, that hee bare towards his Prince 
and Countrey : no man durst accuse him openly, untill 
it was to late to withstand his power : (as commonly it 
falleth out in such affaires) and the like is evident in my 
Lord of Leycesters actions now (albeit to her Majesty; 
I doubt not, but that hee will pretend and protest, as 
his Father did to her Brother,) especially now after his 
open association with the faction of Huntington : which 
no lesse impugneth under this mans protection, the 
whole line of Henry the seventh for right of the 

Crowne, then the House of Suffolke did under his 
Father the particular progeny of King Henry the eight. 

Nay rather much more (quoth the Gentleman) for Gentleman. 
that I doe not read in King Edwards raigne, (when the 
matter was in plotting notwithstanding) that the 
House of Suffolke durst ever make open claime to the The boidnes 
next succession. But now the House of Hastings is of clarence. 
become so confident, upon the strength and favour of 
their fautors, as they dare both plot, practise, and 
pretend, all at once, and feare not to set out their 
title, in every place, where as they come. 

And doe they not feare the statute (said the Lawyer. 
Lawyer) so rigorous in this point, as it maketh the 
matter treason to determine of titles ! 

No, they need not (quoth the Gentleman) seeing Gentleman. 
their party is so strong and terrible, as no man dare The abuse of 
accuse them : seeing also they well know, that the for silence in 
procurement of that statute, was onely to endanger cession 6 s 
or stop the mouths of the true Successours, whiles 
themselves, in the meane space, went about under- 
hand, to establish their owne ambushment. 

Well, (quoth the Lawyer) for the pretence of my Lawyer. 
Lord of Huntington to the Crowne, I will not stand 
with you, for that it is a matter sufficiently knowne 
and scene throughout the Realme. As also that my 
Lord of Leycester is at this day, a principall favourer 

Two excuses 
alleadged by 


and patron of that cause, albeit some yeares past, hee 
were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same. 
But yet I have heard some friends of his, in reasoning 
of these matters, deny stoutly a point or two, which 
you have touched here, and doe seeme to believe the 

And that is, first, that howsoever my Lord of 
Leycester doe meane to helpe his friend, when time 
shall serve, yet, pretendeth hee nothing to the Crowne 
himselfe. The second is, that whatsoever may bee 
ment for the title, or compassing the Crowne after her 
Majesties death, yet nothing is intended during her 
raigne. And of both these points they alledge reasons. 

As for the first, that my Lord of Leycester is very 
well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe, 
either by discent in bloud, alliance or otherwayes. 
For the second, that his Lord hath no cause to bee a 
Male-content in the present government, nor hope for 
more preferment, if my Lord of Huntington were King 
to morrow next, then hee receiveth now at her Majesties 
hands : having all the Realme (as hath beene shewed) 
at his owne disposition. 

For the first (quoth the Gentleman) whether hee 
meane the Crowne for himselfe, or for his friend, it 
importeth not much : seeing both wayes it is evident, 
that hee meaneth to have all at his owne disposition. 


And albeit now for the avoiding of envy, hee give it whether 
out, as a crafty Fox, that hee meaneth not but to meanethe 

runne with other men, and to hunt with Huntington 
and other hounds in the same chase ; yet it is not or7oThim- 
unlike, but that hee will play the Beare, when hee 
commeth to deviding of the pray, and will snatch the 
best part to himselfe. Yea and these selfe same per- 
sons of his traine and fadlion, whom you call his friends, 
though in publique, to excuse his doings, and to cover 
whole plot, they will and must deny the matters to 
be so meant : yet otherwise they both thinke, hope 
and know the contrary, and will not stick in secret to 
speake it, and among themselves, it is their talke of 

The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord The words 
North, are knowne, which hee uttered to his trusty North t to* 
Pooly, upon the receipt of a letter from Court, of her Master p '^ 
Majesties displeasure towards him, for his being a 
witnesse at Leycesters second marraige with Dame 
Lettice (although I know hee was not ignorant of the 
first) at Wanstead: of which displeasure, this Lord 
making far lesse accompt then, in reason hee should, of 
the just offence of his soveraigne, said; that for his POO^ told this 
owne part hee was resolved to sinke or swimme with 
my Lord of Leycester : who (saith hee) if once the 
Cards may come to shuffling (I will use but his very 


owne words) I make no doubt but hee alone shall 
beare away the Bucklers. 
The words of The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry 

Sir Thomas ..... . ~, 

Layton bro- Ncvile, walking upon the Tarresse at Windsor are 

ther in law to 111- / - . . 

my Lord. knowne, who told him, after long discourse of their 
happy conceived Kingdome, that hee doubted not but 
to see him one day, hold the same office in Windsor, 
of my Lord of Leycester, which now my Lord did hold 
of the Queene. Meaning thereby the goodly office of 
Constableship, with all Royalties and honours belonging 
to the same, which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth 
onely as Deputy to the Earle. Which was plainely to 
signifie, that, hee doubted not but to see my Lord of 
Leycester one day King, or els his other hope could 
never possibly take effedl or come to passe. 

To the same point, tended the words of Mistresse 
Anne West Dame Lettice Sister, unto the Lady Anne 
Askew in the great Chamber, upon a day when her 
Brother Robert Knowles had danced disgratiously and 
scornefully before the Queene in presence of the 
French. Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to 
proceed of will in him, as for dislike of the strangers 
in presence, and for the quarrell of his sister Essex ; it 
pleased her highnesse to check him for the same, with 
addition of a reproachfull word or two (full well de- 
served) as though done for dispite of the forced 

The words 
of Mistresse 
Anne West 
sister unto 
this holy 


absence, from that place of honour, of the good old 
Gentlewoman (I mitigate the words) his Sister. Which 
words, the other yonger twigge receiving in deepe 
dudgen, brake forth in great choler to her fore-named 
companion, and said, that shee nothing doubted, but 
that one day shee should see her Sister, upon whom 
the Queene railed now so much (for so it pleased her 
to tearme her Majesties sharp speech) to sit in her 
place and throne, being much worthier of the same, for 
her qualities and rare vertues, then was the other. 
Which undutifull speech, albeit, it were over heard and 
condemned of divers that sat about them : yet none 
durst ever report the same to her Majesty : as I have 
heard sundry Courtiers affirm, in respect of the revenge 
which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Ley- 
cesters hands, when so ever the matter should come to 

And this is now concerning the opinion and secret 
speechs of my Lords owne friends, who cannot but 
utter their conceipt and judgement in time and place 
convenient, whatsoever they are willed to give out 
publikely to the contrary, for deceiving of such as will 
believe faire painted words, against evident and mani- 
fest demonstration of reason. 

I say reason, for that if none of these signes and 
tokens were, none of these preparations nor any of 


Three argu- these speeches and detedlions, by his friends that know 

ments of 

his heart : yet in force of plaine reason, I could 

meaning for . 

himseife alleadge unto you three arguments onely, which to any 

before . ' 

Huntington. man of intelligence, would easily perswade and give 
satisfaction, that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best 
and first for himseife in this sute. Which three argu- 
ments, for that you seeme to bee attent. I will not 
stick to runne over in all brevity. 

The first And the first is the very nature and quality of 

argument the . . . - . . 

Nature of ambition it selfe, which is such, (as you know) that it 


never stayeth, but passeth from degree to degree, and 
the more it obtaineth, the more it covereth, and the 
more esteemeth it selfe, both worthy and able to 
obtaine. And in our matter that now wee handle, even 
as in wooing, hee that sueth to a Lady for an other, 
and obtaineth her good will, entereth easily into con- 
ceipt of his owne worthines thereby, and so commonly 
into hope of speeding himseife, while hee speaketh for 
his friend : so much more in Kingdomes ; hee that seeth 
himseife of power to put the Crowne of an other mans 
head, will quickly step to the next degree which is, to 
set it of his owne, seeing that alwayes the charity of 
such good men, is wont to bee so orderly, as (according 
to the precept) it beginneth with itselfe first. 

Adde to this, that ambition is jealous, suspitious, 
and fearefull of it selfe, especially when it is joyned 


with a conscience loaden with the guilt of many 
crimes, whereof hee would bee loth to bee called to 
accomptj or bee subject to any man that might by 
authority take review of his life and actions, when it 
should please him. In which kind, seeing my Lord of 
Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare, as before 
hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings ; it is not 
like, that ever hee will put himselfe to an other mans 
courtesie, for passing his audifl in particular reckon- 
ings, which hee can no way answer or satisfie: but 
rather will stand upon the grosse Summe, and generall 
Quietus est, by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and 
Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life, 
howsoever hee doe in the next : whereof such humours 
have little regard. And this is for the nature of 
ambition in it selfe. 

The second argument may bee taken from my The second 
Lords particular disposition; which is such, as may 
give much light also to the matter in question ; being 
a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome, 
as it hath beene tampering about the same, from the 
first day that hee came in favour. First by seeking 
openly to marry with the Queenes Majesty herselfe, tamper for a 
and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head, and 
to his posteritie. Secondly, when that attempt tooke 
not place, then hee gave it out, as hath beene shewed 


I meane the 
noble old 
Earle of 


The unduti- 
full devise of 
issue, in the 
statute of 

before, how that hee was privily contracted to her 
Majesty (wherein as I told you his dealing before for 
satisfaction of a stranger, so let him with shame and 
dishonour remember now also, the spectacle hee 
secretly made for the perswading of a subject and 
Councellour of great honour in the same cause) to the 
end that if her highnesse should by any way have 
miscarried, then hee might have entituled any one of 
his owne brood, (whereof hee hath store in many 
places as is knowne) to the lawfull succession of the 
Crowne, under colour of that privy and secret mar- 
riage, pretending the same to bee by her Majesty : 
wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee 
will. Thirdly, when hee saw also that this devise was 
subject to danger, for that his privy contract might bee 
denied, more easily, then hee able justly to prove the 
same, after her Majesties discease: hee had a new fetch 
to strengthen the matter and that was to cause these 
words of (Naturall issue) to bee put into the statute of 
succession for the Crowne, against all order and 
custome of our Realme, and against the knowne 
common stile of law, accustomed to bee used in 
statutes of such matter : whereby hee might bee able 
after the death of her Majesty to make legitimate to 
the Crowne, any one bastard of his owne by any of so 
many hacknies as he keepeth, affirming it to bee the 


Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe. For no 
other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usual 
words of, Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed 
into Naturall issue ; Thereby not onely to indanger our 
whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also 
to touch (as farre as in him lieth) the Royall honour 
of his soveraigne, who hath beene to him but to 
bountifull a Princesse. 

Fourthly, when after a time these fetches and de- 
vises, began to bee discovered, hee changed streight 
his course, and turned to the Papists, and Scottish 
fadlion, pretending the marriage of the Queene in 
prison. But yet after this againe, finding therein not 
such successe as contented him throughly, and having 
in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite : 
hee betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington : 
having therein (no doubt) as good meaning to him- 
selfe, as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke. 
Marry yet of late, hee hath cast a new about, once 
againe, for himselfe in secret, by treating the marriage 
of yong Arbella, with his Sonne intitled the Lord 

So that by this wee see the disposition of this man The marriage 

i i 11 i 11 i i i 

bent wholly to a scepter. And albeit in right, title and 
discent of bloud (as you say) hee can justly claime 
neither Kingdome nor Cotage (considering either the 


The third 
The nature 
of the cause 

basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours:) if in respect 
of his present state and power, and of his naturall 
pride, ambition, and crafty conveyance received from 
his Father : hee hath learned how to put himselfe first 
in possession of chiefe rule, under other pretences, and 
after to devise upon the title at his leasure. 

But now to come to the third argument : I say 
more and above all this, that the nature and state of 
the matter it selfe, permitteth not, that my Lord of 
Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne, for Hun- 
tington, especially seeing there hath passed betweene 
them so many yeares of dislike and enmity : which, 
albeit, for the time and present commodity, bee covered 
and pressed downe : yet by reason and experience wee 
know, that afterward when they shall deale together 
againe in matters of importance, and when jealousie 
shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions : 
it is impossible that the former mislike should not 
breake out in farre higher degree, then ever before. 
The nature AS wee saw in the examples of reconciliation, made 

of old recon- 
ciled enmity, betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of 

Somerset, bearing rule under King Edward the sixt : 
and betweene Richard of Yorke, and Edmund Duke of 
Somerset, bearing rule in the time of King Henry the 
sixt. Both which Dukes of Somerset, after reconcilia- 
tion with their old, crafty and ambitious enemies, were 


brought by the same to their destruction soone after. 
Whereof I doubt not, but my Lord of Leycester will 
take good heed, in joyning by reconciliation with 
Huntington, after so long a breach : and will not bee so 
improvident, as to make him his soveraigne, who now 
is but his dependent. Hee remembreth too well the 
successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry 
the seventh to the Crowne: of the Duke of Buckingham, 
who did the same for Richard the third : of the Earle 
of Warwick, who set up King Edward the fourth and 
of the three Percies, who advanced to the Scepter King 
Henry the fourth. All which Noble men upon occa- 
sions that after fell out : were rewarded with death, by 
the selfe same Princes, whom they had preferred. 

And that not without reason as Siegnior Machavell The reason of 

T i ^ rr IT? Machavell. 

my Lords Councellour amrmetn. For that such 
Princes, afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction 
to such friends, for so great a benefit received. And 
consequently, least upon discontentment, they may 
chance doe as much for others against them, as they 
have done for them against others : the surest way is, 
to recompence them, with such a reward, as they shall 
never after bee able to complaine of. 

Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of 
Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe 
at Hiintingtons hands : but rather will follow the plot 


The meaning 
of the Duke 
of Northum- 
berland with 



The meaning 
of the D. of 
land towards 
the D of 

of his owne Father, with the Duke of Suffolke, whom 
no doubt, but hee meant onely to use for a pretext and 
helpe, whereby to place himselfe in supreame dignity, 
and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state, the 
others head could never have come to other end, then 
it enjoyed. For if Queene Mary had not cut it off, 
King lohn of Northumberland, would have done the 
same in time, and so all men doe well know, that were 
privy to any of his cunning dealings. 

And what Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is 
(notwithstanding this outward shew of dependence) it 
was my chance to learne, from the mouth of a speciall 
man of that hasty King, who was his Ledger or Agent 
in London ; and at a time falling in talke of his Masters 
title, declared, that hee had heard him divers times in 
secret, complaine to his Lady (Leycesters Sister) as 
greatly fearing that in the ende, hee would offer him 
wrong, and pretend some title for himselfe. 

Well (quoth the Lawyer) it seemeth by this last 
point, that these two Lords, are cunning praftisioners 
in the art of dissimulation : but for the former whereof 
you speake, in truth I have heard men of good dis- 
course affirme, that the Duke of Northumberland had 
strange devises in his head, for deceiving of Suffolke 
(who was nothing so fine as himselfe) and for bringing 
the Crowne to his owne family. And among other 


devises it-is thought, that hee had most certaine inten- 
tion to marry the Lady Mary himselfe, (after once hee 
had brought her into his owne hands) and to have 
bestowed her Majesty that now is upon some one of 
his children (if it should have beene thought best to 
give her life,) and so consequently to have shaken of 
Suffolke and his pedegree, with condigne punishment, 
for his bold behaviour in that behalfe. 

Verily (quoth I) this had beene an excellent scholar. 
Stratageme, if it had taken place. But I pray you 
(Sir) how could himselfe have taken the Lady Mary 
to wife, seeing hee was at that time married to an 
other ? 

Oh (quoth the Gentleman) you question like a Gentleman. 
Schollar. As though my Lord of Leycester had not a 
wife alive, when hee first began to pretend marriage to 
the Queenes Majesty. Doe you not remember the 
story of King Richard the third, who at such time as N 
hee thought best for the establishing of his title : to 
marry his owne Neece, that afterward was married to 
King Henry the seventh, how hee caused secretly to 
bee given abroad that his owne wife was dead, whom The practise 
all the World knew to bee then alive and in good ^JSffof 
health, but yet soone afterward shee was seene dead his P wife lng 
indeed. These great personages, in matters of such 
weight, as is a Kingdome, have priviledges to dispose 



A new 

Talbot, and 
of Shrewsbury. 



of Womens bodies, marriages, lives and deaths, as 
shall bee thought for the time most convenient. 

And what doe you thinke (I pray you) of this new 
Triumvir at so lately concluded about Arbella ? (for so 
must I call the same, though one of the three persons 
bee no Vir, but, Virago;) I meane of the marriage 
betweene yong Denbigh and the little Daughter of 
Lenox, whereby the Father in Law, the Grandmother 
and the Vncle of the new designed Queene, have con- 
ceived to themselves a singular triumphant raigne. 
But what doe you thinke may ensue hereof? is there 
nothing of the old plot of Duke lohn of Northumberland 
in this ? 

Marry Sir (quoth the Lawyer) if this bee so, I dare 
assure you there is sequell enough pretended hereby. 
And first no doubt, but there goeth a deepe drift, by 
the wife and sonne, against old Abraham (the Husband 
and Father) with the well lined large pouch. And 
secondly, a farre deeper by trusty Robert against his 
best Mistresse : but deepest of all by the whole Crew, 
against the designements of the hasty Earle : who 
thirsteth a Kingdome, with great intemperance, and 
seemeth (if there were plaine dealing) to hope by these 
good people to quench shortly his drought. 

But either part, in truth, seeketh to deceive other: 
and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine 
will rest. 

Well howsoever that bee (quoth the Gentleman) I Gentleman. 
am of opinion, that my Lord of Leyccster, will use both 
this pradlize and many more, for bringing the Scepter The sleights 
finally to his owne head : and that hee will not onely bringing aii or 
imploy Huntington to defeate Scotland, and Arbella to 
defeate Huntington: but also would use the marriage 
of the Queene imprisoned, to defeate them both, if 
shee were in his hand : and any one of all three to 
dispossesse her Majesty that now is : as also the 
authority, of all foure to bring it to himselfe ; with 
many other fetches, flinges and friscoes besides, which 
simple men as yet doe not conceive. 

And howsoever these two conjoyned Earles, doe Scambimg 

r i 111 betweene 

seeme for the time to draw together, and to play booty : Leycester and 

. . MI i i 1 Huntington 

yet am I, of opinion, that the one will beguile, the at the upshot. 

other at the upshot. And Hastings for ought I see, 

when hee commeth to the scambling, is like to have no 

better luck by the Beare, then his Ancestour had once 

by the Boare. Who using his helpe first in murdering 

the Sonne and Heire of King Henry the sixt, and after Richard 

in destroying the faithfull Frends and Kinsmen of King AH. i. Edu>.$. 

Edward the fift, for his easier way to usurpation : made 

an end of him also in the Tower, at the very same 

day and houre, that the other were by his counsell 

destroyed in Pont/ret Castle. So that where the Goale 

and price of the game is a Kingdome : there is neither 


faith, neither good fellowship, nor faire play among the 
Gamesters. And this shall bee enough for the first 
point : (viz) what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth 
to himselfe in respedle of Huntington. 
2 . That the Touching the second, whether the attempt bee 


meaneinher purposed in her Majesties dayes or no, the matter is 
dayes. much lesse doubtfull, to him that knoweth or can 

imagine, what a torment the delay of a Kingdome is, 
to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof, and feareth 
that every houre may breed some alteration, to the 
prejudice of his conceived hope. Wee see often times 
that the child is impatient in this matter, to expeft the 
naturall end of his parents life. Whom, notwith- 
standing, by nature hee is enforced to love: and who 
also by nature, is like long to leave this World before 
him : and after whose discease, hee is assured to 
obtaine his desire : but most certaine of dangerous 
event, if hee attempt to get it, while yet his parent 
liveth. Which foure considerations, are (no doubt) of 
great force to containe a child in duty, and bridle his 
desire : albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand 
the greedy appetite of raigning. 
Foure con- But what shall wee think, wheren one of these foure 


considerations doe restraine? where the present Pos- 
sessor is no parent ? where shee is like by nature, to 
out-live the expedlor ? whose death must needs bring 


infinite difficulties to the enterprise ? and in whose 
life time the matter is most easie to bee atchieved, 
under colour and authority of the present Possessor ? 
shall wee thinke that in such a case the ambitious 
man, will overrule his owne passion, and leese his 

As for that, which is alleaged before, for my Lord 
in the reason of his Defenders : that his present state 
is so prosperous, as hee cannot expect better in the A thing 
next change whatsoever should bee: is of small mo- noted m 
ment, in the conceipt of an ambitious head, whose eye men. 
and heart is alwayes upon that, which hee hopeth for, 
and enjoyeth not : and not upon that which already 
hee possesseth, bee it never so good. Especially in 
matters of honour and authority, it is an infallible rule, 
that one degree desired and not obtained, afflidleth 
more, then five degrees already possessed, can give 
consolation : the story of Duke Hainan, confirmeth this 
evidently, who being the greatest subjedl in the World 
under King Assuerus, after hee had reckoned up all Histor, 5. 
his pompe, riches, glory and felicity to his friends, yet 
hee sayed, that all this was nothing unto him, untill 
hee could obtaine the revenge, which hee desired, upon 
Mardocheus his enemy : and hereby it commeth 
ordinarily to passe, that among highest in authority, 
are found the greatest store of Mai-contents, that most 
doe endanger their Prince and Countrey. 


The Ptrcies. 

The two 


hatred to her 

The evill 
nature of 

When the Percies tooke part with Henry of Boling- 
brooke, against King Richard the second their lawful! 
soveraigne : it was not for lack of preferment : for they 
were exceedingly advanced by the said King, and 
possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland, 
Worcester, and Stafford together, besides many other 
office and dignities of honour. 

In like sort, when the two Neviles, tooke upon them, 
to joyne with Richard of Yorke, to put downe their 
most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt : and after 
againe in the other side, to put downe King Edward 
the fourth : it was not upon want of advancement : 
they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick, and 
Lords of many notable places besides. But it was 
upon a vaine imagination of future fortune, whereby 
such men are commonly led : and yet had not they 
any smell in their nostrels, of getting the Kingdome 
for themselves, as this man hath to prick him forward. 

If you say that these men hated their soveraigne, 
and that thereby they were led to procure his destruc- 
tion : the same I may answere of my Lord living, 
though of all men hee hath least cause so to doe. But 
yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude, that where 
it oweth most, and disdaineth to bee bound : there 
upon every little discontentment, it turneth double 
obligation into triple hatred. 


This hee shewed evidently in the time of his little 
disgrace, wherein hee not onely did diminish, vilipend, 
and debase among his friends, the inestimable bene- 
fites hee hath received from her Majesty, but also used 
to exprobate his owne good services and merits, and 
to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and 
recompence of the same, which behaviour together 
with his hasty preparation to rebellion, and assault of 
her Majesties Roy all person and dignity, upon so small 
a cause given : did well shew what mind inwardly hee 
beareth to his soveraigne, and what her Majesty may 
expedt, if by offending him, shee should once fall within 

ji r i r i in the time of 

the compasse ot his furious pawes : seeing such a his disgrace. 
smoke of disdaine could not proceed, but from a fine 
furnace of hatred within. 

And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider 
what a little check, or rather the bare imagination of 
a small overthwart, may worke in a proud and dis- 
dainefull stomack. The remembrance of his marriage The causes of 
missed, that hee so much pretended and desired with Uyuster 
her Majesty doth stick deeply in his breast and stirreth Majesty. " 
him dayly to revenge. As also doth the disdaine of 
certaine checkes and disgraces received at sometimes, 
especially that of his last marriage ; which irketh him 
so much the more, by how much greater feare and 
danger it brought him into, at that time, and did put 


The force of 



An evident 
that the 
execution is 
meant in time 
of her 

his Widow in such open phrensie, as shee raged many 
moneths after against her Majesty, and is not cold 
yet : but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy, for 
that injury, and standeth like a friend or fury at the 
elbow of her Amadis, to stirre him forward when occa- 
sion shall serve. And what effect such female sugges- 
tions may worke, when they find an humour proud and 
pliable to their purpose : you may remember by the 
example of the Duchesse of Somerset, who inforced her 
Husband to cut off the head, of his onely deare 
Brother,, to his owne evident destruction for her con- 

Wherefore, to conclude this matter without further 
dispute or reason : saying there is so much discovered 
in the case as there is : so great desire of raigne, so 
great impatience of delay, so great hope and habiliity 
of successe, if it bee attempted, under the good for- 
tune and present authority of the competitours : seeing 
the plats bee so well laid, the preparation so forward, 
the favorers so furnished, the time so propitious, and 
so many other causes conviting together : seeing that 
by differring, all may bee hazarded, and by hastening, 
little can bee indangered, the state and condition of 
things well weyed ; finding also the bands of duty so 
broken already in the conspiratours, the causes of mis- 
like and hatred so manifest, and the solicitours to 


execution, so potent and diligent, as women, malice 

and ambition, are wont to bee ; it is more than pro- 

bable, that they will not leese their present commodity, 

especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe 

or Proto-plot which they follow (I meane the con- Anerrourof 

spiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards now to bee 

dayes) that herein there was some errour committed at 
that time, which overthrew the whole, and that was, the 
differring of some things untill after the Kings death, 
which should have beene put in execution before. 

For if in the time of their plotting, when as yet 
their designments were not published to the World, 
they had under the countenance of the King (as well 
they might have done) gotten into their hands the two 
Sisters, and dispatched some other few affaires, before 
they had caused the yong Prince to die : no doubt, but 
in mans reason the whole designment had taken place : 
and consequently it is to bee presupposed, that these 
men (being no fooles in their owne affaires) will take 
heed of falling into the like errour by delay : but rather 
will make all sure, by striking while the iron is hot, as 
our proverbe warneth them. 

It cannot bee denied in reason (quoth the Lawyer) Lawyer. 
but that they have many helpes of doing what they 
list now, under the present a favour, countenance and 
authority of her Majesty, which they should not have 

after her highnesse discease : when each man shall 
remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience, by 
reason of the statute provided for uncertainty of the 
next successor ; and therefore I for my part, would 
rather counsell them, to make much of her Majesties 
life : for after that, they little know what may ensue, or 
befall their designements. 

Gentleman. They will make the most thereof (quoth the Gentle- 

man) for their owne advantage, but after that, what is 
like to follow, the examples of Edward and Richard the 
second, as also of Henry and Edward the sixt, doe 
sufficiently fore-warne us : whose lives were prolonged, 
untill their deaths were thought more profitable to the 

Her Majesties conspiratours, and not longer. And for the statute you 
the ' speake of , procured by themselves, for establishing the 

tunf!. 11 ' incertainty of the next true successour (whereas all our 
former statutes were wont to bee made for the declara- 
tion and certainty of the same) it is with Proviso, (as 
you know) that it shall not endure longer, then the 
life of her Majesty, that now raigneth : that is, indeed, 
no longer then untill themselves bee ready to place an 

Aprociama- other. For then, no doubt, but wee shall see a faire 

tion with 

halters. proclamation that my Lord of Huntington is the onely 
next heire : with a bundle of halters to hang all such, 
as shall dare once open their mouth for deniall of the 


At these words the old Lawyer stepped back, as Lawyer. 
somewhat astonied, and began to make Crosses in the 


ayre, after their fashion, whereat wee laughed, and then 
hee said : truly my Masters I had thought that no 
man had conceived so evill imagination of this statute, The statute 

, of concealing 

as my selfe : but now I perceive that I alone am not the heire 

. _ r apparant. 

malitious. For my owne part, I must conlesse unto 
you, that as often as I read over this statute, or thinke 
of the same (as by divers occasions many times I doe) 
I feele my selfe much greeved and afflidled in mind, 
upon feares which I conceive what may bee the end 
of this statute to our Countrey, and what privy mean- 
ing, the chiefe procurers thereof might have for their 
owne drifts, against the Realme and life of her Majestie 
that now raigneth. 

And so much more it maketh mee to doubt, for 
that in all our records of law, you shall not find (to my 
remembrance) any one example of such a devise, for 
concealing of the true inheritour : but rather in all 
ages, states, and times (especially from Richard the Richard going 
first downeward) you shall find statutes, ordinances, 
and provisions, for declaration and manifestation of 
the same, as you have well observed and touched 
before. And therefore this strange and new devise, 
must needs have some strange and unaccustomed 
meaning: and God of his mercy grant, that it have next heire. 
not some strange and unexpefted event. 


The danger of In sight of all men. this is already evident, that 

our Countrey . . 

by concealing never Countrey in the World, was brought into more 

the next J . . 

heire. apparent danger of utter ruine, then ours is at this 

day, by pretence of this statute. For where as there is 
no Gentleman so meane in the Realme, that cannot 
give a gesse more or lesse, who shall bee his next 
heire, and his tenants soone conjecture, what manner 
of person shall bee their next Lord : in the title of our 
noble Crowne, whereof all the rest dependeth ; neither 
is her Majesty permitted to know or say, who shall 
bee her next successor, nor her subjects allowed to 
understand or imagine, who in right may bee their 
future soveraigne : An intolerable injury in a matter 
of so singular importance. 

For (alas) what should become of this our native 
Countrey, if God should take from us her most excel- 
lent Majesty (as once hee will) and so leave us desti- 

Great m- tute upon the sudden what should become of our 


lives, of our states, and of our whole Realme or 
government ? can any man promise himselfe, one day 
longer of rest, peace, possession, life or liberty within 
the land, then God shall lend us her Majesty to raigne 
over us ? Which albeit, wee doe and are bound to 
wish that it may bee long : yet reason telleth us, that 
by course of nature, it cannot bee of any great con- 
tinuance, and by a thousand accidents it may bee 

much shorter. And shall then our most noble Com- 
monwealth and Kingdome, which is of perpetuity, and 
must continue to our selves and our posterity, hang 
only upon the life of her highnesse alone, well 
strucken in yeares, and of no great good health or 
robustious and strong complexion. 

I was within hearing some six or seven yeares agoe, 
when Sir Christopher Hatton. in a very great assembly, 

^ r j & T Jt 

made an eloquent oration (which after I wene was put oration. 
in print) at the pardoning and delivery of him from 
the gallouse, that by errour (as was thought) had dis- 
charged his peece upon her Majesties Barge, and hurt 
certaine persons in her highnesse presence. And in 
that oration hee declared and described very effec- 
tually, what inestimable dammage had ensued to the 
Realme, if her Majesty by that or any other meanes 
should have beene taken from us. Hee set foorth 
most lively before the eyes of all men, what division, 
what dissension, what bloodshed had ensued, and what 
fatall dangers were most certaine to fall upon us, when- 
soever that dolefull day should happen : wherein no 
man should bee sure of his life, of his goods, of his wife, 
of his children : no man certaine whether to flie, whom 
to follow, or where to seeke repose and protection. 

And as all the hearers there present did easily 
grant that hee therein said truth and farre lesse then 



might have beene said in that behalfe, things standing 
as they doe : so many one (I trow) that heard these 
words proceed from a Councellour, that had good 
cause to know the state of his owne Countrey : entred 
into this cogitation what punishment they might de- 
serve then, at the whole State and Common- wealths 
hands, who first by letting her Majesty from marriage, 
and then by procuring this statute of dissembling the 
next inheritour : had brought their Realme into so 
evident and inevitable dangers ? for every one well 
considered and weighed with himselfe, that the thing 
w r hich yet onely letted these dangers and miseries set 
downe by Sir Christopher, must necessarily one day 
faile us all, that is, the life of her Majesty now present : 
and then (say wee) how falleth it out, that so generall a 
calamity as must needs overtake us ere it belong (and 
may, for any thing wee know to morrow next) is not 
provided for, as well as foreseene. 

Is there no remedy, but that wee must willingly 
and wittingly runne into our owne ruine ? and for 
the favour or feare of some few aspirours, betray our 
Countrey and the bloud of so many thousand inno- 
cents, as live within the land ? 

The miseries p or tell mee (good Sirs) I pray you, if her Majesty 
her Majesties should die to morrow next (whose life God loner pre- 

death. N 3 r 

serve and blesse,) but if shee should bee taken from 


us, (as by condition of nature and humaine frailty shee 
may) what would you doe ? which way would you 
looke ? or what head or part, knew any good subject 
in the Realme to follow ? I speake not of the con- 
spiratours, for I know they will bee ready and resolved 
whom to follow : but I speake of the plaine, simple and 
well meaning subject, who following now the utter letter 
of this fraudulent statute, (fraudulent I meane in the 
secret conceipt of the cunning aspirours : ) shall bee 
taken at that day upon the sudden, and being put in a 
maze by the unexpected contention about the Crowne, 
shall bee brought into a thousand dangers, both of 
body and goods, which now are not thought upon, by 
them who are most in danger of the same. And this 
is, for the Common-wealth and Countrey. 

But unto her Majesty, for whose good and safety, 
the statute is onely pretended to bee made, no doubt, 
but that it bringeth farre greater dangers, then any The danger 
devise that they have used besides. For hereby under Majesty by 
colour of restraining the claimes and titles of true 
successours, (whose endeavours notwithstanding, are 
commonly more calme and moderate then of usur- 
pers,) they make unto themselves, a meane to forster 
and set forward their owne conspiracy without con- 
trolement : seeing no man of might may oppose him- 
selfe against them, but with suspition, that hee meaneth 


to claime for himselfe. And so they being armed, on 
the one side, with their authority and force of present 
fortune, and defended, on the other side, by the pre- 
tence of the statute : they may securely worke and plot 
at their pleasure, as you have well proved before that 
they doe. And whensoever their grounds and founda- 
tions shall bee ready, it cannot bee denied but that 
her Majesties life, lieth much at their discretion, to 
take it, or use it, to their best commodity : (and there 
is no doubt, but they will,) as such men are wont to 
doe in such affaires. Marry one thing standeth not in 
their powers so absolutely, and that is, to prolong her 
Majesties dayes or favour towards themselves, at their 
pleasures : whereof it is not unlike but they will have 
due consideration, least perhaps upon any sudden 
accident, they might bee found unready. 

Gentleman. They have good care thereof I can assure you, 

(quoth the Gentleman) and meane not to bee pre- 
vented by any accident, or other mishap whatsoever : 
they will bee ready for all events : and for that cause, 

The hastning they hasten so much their preparations at this day, 
more then ever before : by sending out their spies and 
solicitours every-where, to prove and confirme their 
friends : by delivering their Common watch-word : by 
complaining on all hands of our protestants Bishops 
and Clergy, and of all the present state of our irre- 


formed religion, (as they call it:) by amplifying onely 
the danger of Papists and Scottish faction : by giving 
out openly that now her Majesty is past hope of 
Childbirth, and consequently seeing God hath given 
no better successe that way in two Women one after 
the other: it were not convenient (say they) that an 
other of that sexe should ensue: with high commenda- 
tion of the Law Salick in France , whereby women are 
forbidden to succeed. Which speech though in shew, 
it bee delivered against the Queene of Scots and other 
of King Henry the seventh his line, that discend of 
Sisters : yet all men see that it toucheth as well the 
disabling of her Majesty, that is present, as others to 
come : and so tendeth diredlly to Maturation of the 
principall purpose, which I have declared before. 

Here said I, for the rest which you speake of, be- 
sides the Watch-word, it is common and everywhere TheWatch- 
treated in talke among them : but yet for the Watch- conspira- 
word it selfe (for that you name it) I thinke (Sir) many 
know it not, if I were the first that told you the story, 
as perchance I was. For in truth I came to it by a 
rare hap (as then I told you) the thing being uttered 
and expounded by a Baron of their owne fadlion, to 
an other Noble man of the same degree and religion, 
though not of the same opinion in these affaires. And 
for that I am requested not to utter the second, who 





A re you setled . 

A great 

told it mee in secret, I must also spare the name of the 
first : which otherwise I would not, nor the time and 
place where hee uttered the same. 

To this (said the Lawyer) you doe well in that : but 
yet I beseech you, let mee know this Watch-word (if 
there bee any such) for mine instruction and helpe, 
when need shall require. For I assure you that this 
Gentlemans former speech of halters hath so terrified 
mee, as if any should come and aske or feele my incli- 
nation in these matters, I would answer them fully to 
their good contentment, if I knew the Watch-word, 
whereby to know them. For of all things, I love not 
to bee hanged for quarrels of Kingdomes. 

The Watch -word is, (said I) Whether you bee setled 
or no ? and if you answere yea, and seeme to understand 
the meaning thereof: then are you knowne to bee of 
their faftion, and so to bee accompted and dealt with- 
all for things to come. But if you staggar or doubt in 
answering, as if you knew not perfectly the mistery (as 
the Noble man my good Lord did, imagining that it 
had beene meant of his religion, which was very well 
knowne to bee good and setled in the Gospell) then are 
you discried thereby, either not to bee of their side, or 
els to bee but a Punie not well instructed, and con- 
sequently, hee that moveth you the question, will 
presently breake of that speech, and turne to some 


other talke, untill afterward occasion bee given to per- 
swade you, or els instruct you better in that affaire. 

Marry the Noble man, whereof I spake before, 
perceiving by the demanding, that there was some 
mistery in covert, under the question : tooke hold of 
the words, and would not suffer the propounder to slip 
away (as hee endevoured) but with much intreaty, 
brought him at length, to expound the full meaning 
and purpose of the riddle. And this was the first 
occasion (as I thinke) whereby this secret came abroad. 
Albeit afterwards at the publique communions, which 
were made throughout so many shires, the matter 
became more common: especially, among the strangers 
that inhabite (as you know) in great numbers with us 
at this day. All which (as they say) are made most 
assured to this faction, and ready to assist the same 
with great forces at all occasions. 

Good Lord (quoth the Lawyer) how many misteries Lawyer. 
and secrets bee there abroad in the World, whereof 
wee simple men know nothing and suspect lesse. This 
Watch-word should I never have imagined : and for 
the great and often assemblies under pretence of Com- Assemblies at 
munions, though of themselves and of there owne 
nature, they were unaccustomed, and consequently 
subject to suspition : yet did I never conceive so farre 
foorth as now I doe ; as neither of the lodging and 



strangers entertaining of so many strangers in the Realme. 

within the . J 

Land. whereof our Artizans doe complaine every where. But 

now I see the reason thereof, which (no doubt) is 
founded upon great policy for the purpose. And by 
this also I see, that the house of Huntington, presseth 
farre forward for the game, and shouldreth neare the 
goale to lay hands upon the same. Which to tell you 
plainely, liketh mee but a little: both in respedl of the 
good will I beare to the whole line of King Henry, 
which hereby is like to bee dispossessed ; as also for 
the misery, which I doe foresee, must necessarily ensue 
The perm of upon our Countrey, if once the chalenge of Huntington 
\uiuntingions take place in our Realme. Which challenge being 

fMJiimf* 4-o Iff* 

place. derived from the title of Clarence onely in the House 

of Yorke, before the union of the two great Houses : 
raiseth up againe the old contention^ betweene the 
families of Yorke and Lancaster, wherein so much 
English bloud was spilt in times past, and much more 
like to bee powred out now, if the same contention 
should bee set on foot againe. Seeing that to the con- 
troversie of titles, would bee added also the controversie 
of Religion, which of all other differences is most 

Gentleman. Sir (quoth the Gentleman) now you touch a matter 

of consequence indeed, and such as the very naming 
thereof, maketh my heart to shake and tremble. I 


remember well, what Philip Cominus setteth downe in 
his history of our Countries calamity, by that conten- 
tion of those two Houses, distinguished by the red rose The red rose 
and the white : but yet both in their armes might white, 
justly have borne the colour of red with a firie sword 
in a black field to signifie the aboundance of bloud and 
mortality, which ensued in our Countrey, by that most 
wofull and cruell contention. 

I will not stand here to set downe the particulars, 
observed and gathered by the foresaid author, though 
a stranger, which for the most part hee saw himselfe, 
while hee lived about the Duke of Burgundy and King 
Lewes of France of that time: namely the pittifull 
description of divers right Noble men of our Realme, 
who besides all other miseries, were driven to begge The misery 
openly in forraine Countries, and the like. Mine owne by the 

i ,. . j. r* rr . contention 

observation in reading over our Countrey affaires, is betweene 
sufficient, to make mee abhorre the memory of that 
time, and to dread all occasion, that may lead us to 
the like in time to come : seeing that in my judgement, 
neither the Civill warres of Marius and Silla, or of 
Pompey and Ccesar among the Romanes, nor yet the 
Guelphians and Gibilines among the Italians, did ever 
worke so much wo, as this did to our poore Countrey. and Gtl 
Wherein by reason of the contention of Yorke and 
Lancaster were foughten sixteene or seventeene pitched 

Earle of 

The Battell 
by Tadcaster 
on Palme 
An. 1460. 

fields, in lesse then an hundreth yeares. That is, from 
the eleventh or twelfth yeare of King Richard the 
second his raigne (when this controversie first began 
to bud up) unto the thirteenth yeare of King Henry 
the seventh. At what time by cutting off the chiefe 
title of Huntingtons house, to wit, yong Edward Planta- 
ginet Earle of Warwick, Sonne and Heire to George 
Duke of Clarence ; the contention most happily was 
quenshed and ended, wherein so many fields (as I have 
said) were foughten, betweene Brethren and Inhabi- 
tants of our owne nation. And therein, and otherwise 
onely about the same quarrell, were slaine murdered 
and made away, about nine or tenne Kings Sonnes, 
besides above fourty Earles, Marquesses, and Dukes 
of name : but many more Lords, Knights, and great 
Gentlemen and Captaines: and of the Common-people 
without number, and by particular conje&ure very 
neare two hundred thousand. For that in one Battell 
fought by King Edward the fourth, there are recorded 
to bee slaine on both parts, five and thirty thousand 
seven hundreth and eleven persons, besides other 
wounded and taken prisoners, to bee put to death after- 
warde, at the pleasure of the Conquerour : at divers 
Battels after, ten thousand slaine at a Battell. As in 
those of Barnet and Tukesbury, fought both in one 

This suffered our afflicted Countrey in those dayes, 
by this infortunate and deadly contention, which could 
never bee ended, but by the happy conjunction of those 
two houses together, in Henry the seventh : neither 
yet so (as appeareth by Chronicle) untill (as I have 
said) the state had cut of, the issue male of the Duke 
of Clarence, who was cause of divers perils to King 
Henry the seventh, though hee were in prison. By 
whose sister the faction of Huntington at this day, doth The danger of 

. . . . . . r Huntingtons 

seeke to raise up the same contention agame with farre ciaime, to the 
greater danger both to the Realme and to her Majesty her 
that now raigneth, then ever before. 

And for the Realme it is evident, by that it giveth 
roome to strangers, Competitours of the House of 
Lancaster ; better able to maintaine their owne title by 
sword, then ever was any of that linage before them. 
And for her Majesties perrill present, it is nothing hard 
to conjecture : seeing the same title in the foresaid 
Earle of Warwick was so dangerous and troublesome 
to her Grandfather (by whom shee holdeth) as hee was 
faine twice to take armes in defence of his right, against 
the said title, which was in those dayes preferred and 
advanced by the friends of Clarence, before that of 
Henry : as also this of Huntington is at this day, by his 
faction, before that of her Majesty though never so 




maketh his 
title before 
her Majesty. 

* The most 
of Huntingions 

by vvhom hee 
maketh title, 
attainted of 

The infamous 
device of K. 
Richard the 
third allowed 
by Huntington. 

Touching Huntingtons title, before her Majesty 
(quoth the Lawyer) I will say nothing : because in 
reason, I see not by what pretence in the World, hee 
may thrust himselfe so farre foorth: seeing her Majesty 
is descended, not onely of the House of Lancaster : 
but also before him most apparently, from the House 
of Yorke it selfe, as from the eldest daughter of King 
Edward the fourth, being the eldest brother of that 
House. Whereas Huntington claimeth onely, by the 
daughter of George Duke of Clarence the yonger 
brother. Marry yet I must confesse that if the Earle 
of Warwicks title, were better then that of king Henry 
the seventh (which is most false, though many at- 
tempted to defend the same by sword :) then hath 
Huntington some wrong at this day, by her Majesty. 
Albeit in very truth, the *attaints of so many of his 
Ancestours by whom hee claimeth : would answere 
him also sufficiently in that behalfe, if his title were 
otherwise allowable. 

But I know besides this, they have an other fetch 
of King Richard the third, whereby hee would needs 
prove, his elder brother King Edward to bee a Bastard : 
and consequently his whole line as well male as female 
to bee void. Which devise though it bee ridiculous, 
and was at the time when it was first invented : yet, 
as Richard found at that time a Doftor Shaw, that 

shamed not to publish and defend the same, at Paules Am I - 


Crosse in a Sermon: and lohn of Northumberland my 
Lord of Leycesters Father, found out divers Preachers 
in his time, to set up the title of Suffolke, and to 
debase the right of King Henries daughter both in 
London, Cambridge, Oxford and other places, most ap- 
parently against all law and reason : so I doubt not, 
but these men would find out also, both Shawes, Sands, 
and others, to set out the title of Clarence, before the 
whole interest of King Henry the seventh and his 
posterity, if occasion served. Which is a point of A point to be 

noted by her 

importance to bee considered by her Majesty albeit Majesty. 
for my part, I meane not now to stand thereupon, but 
onely upon that other of the House of Lancaster, as I 
have said. 

For as that most honourable, lawfull, and happy 
conjunction of the two adversary Houses, in King Thejoyning 
Henry the seventh and his wife, made an end of the houses, 
shedding of English bloud within it selfe, and brought 
us that most desired peace, which ever since wee have 
enjoyed, by the raigne of their two most noble issue : 
so the plot that now is in hand, for the cutting of, the 
residue of that issue, and for recalling back of the 
whole title to the onely House of Yorke againe : is like 
to plung us deeper, then ever in civile discord, and to 
make us the bait of all forraine Princes : seeing there 


among them at this day, some, of no small power 
(as I have said) who pretend to bee the next heires by 
the house of Lancaster : and consequently, are not like 
to give over or abandon their owne right, if once the 
doore bee opened, to contention for the same, by dis- 
annulling the Line of King Henry the seventh : wherein 
onely the keyes of all concord remaine knit together. 

And albeit I know well that such as bee of my Lord 
of Huntingtons party, will make small accompt of the 
title of Lancaster, as lesse rightfull a great deale then 
that of Yorke (and I for my part meane not greatly to 
avow the same, as now it is placed, being my selfe no 
favourer of forraine titles : ) yet indifferent men have to 
consider, how it was taken in times past, and how it 
may againe, in time to come, if contention should 
The old arise : how many Noble personages of our Realme did 
the House of offer themselves to die in defence thereof : how many 
oaths and lawes were given and received throughout 
the Realme for maintenance of the same, against the 
other House of Yorke for ever : how many worthy 
Kings were crowned, and raigned of that House and 
race, to wit, the foure most Noble Henries, one after an 
other, the fourth, the fift, the sixt, and the seventh : 
who both in number, governement, sanctity, courage, 
and feates of armes, were nothing inferiour (if not 
superiour) to those of the other house and line of Yorke, 
after the division betweene the families. 


It is to bee considered also, as a speciall signe of 
the favour and affeftion, of our whole nation unto that 
family : that Henry Earle of Richmond though discend- Henry Earie 

i r i i <~ ii-1-r/.-r . f Richmond. 

ing but of the last Sonne, and third wife of lohn of 
Gaunt Duke of Lancaster was so respedted, for that 
onely by the universall Realme : as they inclined 
wholly, to call him from banishment, and to make him 
King, with the deposition of Richard, which then ruled 
of the House of Yorke, upon condition onely, that the 
said Henry should take to wife, a daughter of the con- 
trary family : so great was in those dayes, the affeftion 
of English hearts, towards the line of Lancaster, for the 
great worthinesse of such Kings as had raigned of that 
race, how good or bad so ever their title were : which I 
stand not heare at this time to discusse, but onely to 
insinuate, what party the same found in our Realme 
in times past, and consequently, how extreame dan- 
gerous the contention for the same may bee hereafter: 
especially, seeing that at this day, the remainder of 
that title, is pretended to rest wholly in a stranger, The Line of 
whose power is very great. Which wee Lawyers are 
wont to esteeme as a point of no small importance, for 
justifying of any mans title to a Kingdom. 

You Lawyers want not reason in that Sir (quoth I) 
howsoever you want right : for if you will examine the 
succession of governements, from the beginning of the 

i 5 6 

World unto this day, either among Gentile, Jewe, or 
The sword of Christian People, you shall find that the sword hath 

great force to * 

justifie the beene alwayes better than halfe the title, to get, estab- 

title of a 

Kingdome. lish, or maintaine a Kingdome : which maketh mee the 
more apalled to heare you discourse in such sort of 
new contentions, and forraine titles, accompanied with 
such power and strength of the titlers. Which cannot 
bee but infinitely dangerous and fatall to our Realme, 
if once it come to action, both for the division that is 
like to bee at home, and the variety of parties from 
abroad. For as the Prince whom you signifie, will not 
faile (by all likelihood) to pursue his title with all 
forces that hee can make, if occasion were offered : so 

Great reason of state and pollicy will enforce other Princes 


adjoyning, to let and hinder him therein what they 
can : and so by this meanes shall wee become luda 
and Israel among our selves, one killing and vexing the 
other with the sworde : and to forraine Princes wee 
shall bee, as the Hand of Salamina was in old time to 
the Athenians and Megarians : and as the Hand of 
Cicilia was afterward to the Grecians, Carthaginians, 
and Romans; and as in our dayes, the Kingdome of 
Naples hath beene to the Spaniards, French men, Ger- 
mans, and Venetians; That is, a bait to feed upon, 
and a game to fight for. 

Wherefore, I beseech the Lord, to avert from us all 


occasions of such miseries. And I pray you Sir, for 
that wee are fallen into the mention of these matters, 
to take so much paines as to open unto mee the ground 
of these controversies, so long now quiet, betweene 
Yorke and Lancaster: seeing they are now like to bee 
raised againe. For albeit in generall I have heard 
much thereof, yet in particular, I either conceive not, 
or remember not, the foundation of the same : and 
much lesse the state of their severall titles at this 
day, for that it is a study not properly pertaining unto 
my profession. 

The controversie betweene the Houses of Yorke Lawyer. 
and Lancaster (quoth the Lawyer) tooke his actuall 
beginning in the issue of King Edward the third, who T . he begin- 

OI It 1C 

died somewhat more then two hundred yeares agone : controversie 

- , betwixt York 

but the occasion, pretence or cause of that quarrell, and Lancaster. 
began, in the children of King Henry the third, who 
died an hundred yeares before that, and left two Sonnes, 
Edward who was King after him, by the name of 
Edward the first, and was Grandfather to Edward the 
third : and Edmond, (for his deformity called Crooke- Edmond 
back) Earle of Lancaster and beginner of that house, beginner of 
whose inheritance afterward in the fourth discent, fell Lancaster. 
upon a Daughter named Blanch, who was married to Blanch. 
the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third, named 
John of Gaunt , for that hee was borne in the City of loknoi Gaunt. 


Gaunt in Flanders, and so by this his first wife, hee 
became Duke of Lancaster and heire of that house. 
And for that his Sonne Henry of Bolingbrooke (after- 
ward called King Henry the fourth) pretended among 
other things, that Edmond Crookeback, great Grand- 
father to Blanch his mother, was the elder Sonne of 
King Henry the third, and unjustly put by the in- 
heritance of the Crowne, for that hee was Crookebacked 
HOW the and deformed : hee tooke by force, the Kingdome from 
\vas g first Richard the second, Nephew to King Edward the third 
the U House of by his first Sonne, and placed the same in the house of 
Lancaster, where it remained for three whole discents, 
untill afterward, Edward Duke of Yorke descended of 
lohn of Gaunts yonger brother, making claime to the 
Crowne by title of his Grandmother, that was heire to 
Lionel Duke of Clarence, lohn of Gaunts elder Brother : 
tooke the same by force from Henry the sixt, of the 
House of Lancaster, and brought it back againe to the 
House of Yorke : where it continued with much trouble 
in two Kings onely, untill both Houses were joyned 
together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue. 
Hereby wee see how the issue of lohn of Gaunt 
Duke of Lancaster, fourth Sonne to King Edward the 
third, pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond 
Crookebacke, before the issue of all the other three 
Sonnes of Edward the third, albeit they were the elder 


Brothers, whereof wee will speake more hereafter. 

Now lohn of Gaunt though hee had many children, The issue of 

- . . John of Gaunt. 

yet had hee foure onely, of whom issue remame, two 
Sonnes and two Daughters. The first Sonne was 
Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster, who tooke 
the Crowne from King Richard the second, his Vnkles 
Sonne, as hath beene said, and first of all planted the 
same in the House of Lancaster: where it remained 
in two discents after him, that is, in his Sonne Henry 
the fift, and in his Nephew Henry the sixt, who was 
afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of 
Wales, his onelie Sonne and heire, and consequently 
all that Line of Henry Bolingbrooke extinguished, by 
Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke. 

The other Sonne of lohn of Gaunt, was lohn Duke Thepedegree 
of Somerset by Katherin Sfinsford, his third wife : which the 7. 
lohn, had issue an other lohn, and hee, Margaret his 
Daughter and Heire, who being married to Edmond 
Tydor Earle of Richmond, had issue Henry Earle of 
Richmond, who after was named King Henry the 
seventh, whose Line yet endureth. 

The two Daughters of lohn of Gaunt, were married The two 
to Portugall and Castile : that is, Philip borne of Sarried^o 
Blanch, Heire to Edmond Crookebacke, as hath beene '' and 

said, was married to lohn King of Portugall, of whom 
is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall, 


and the other Princes which have or may make title to 
the same : and Katherin borne of Constance Heire of 
Castile, was married back againe to Henry King of 
Castile in Spaine, of whom King Philip is also de- 
scended. So that by this, wee see, where the re- 
mainder of the House of Lancaster resteth, if the Line 
of King Henry the seventh were extinguished : and 

Forraine what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us, 
if my Lord of Huntington either now or after her 
Majesties dayes, will open to them the doore, by 
shutting out the rest of King Henries Line, and by 
drawing back the title to the onely House of Yorke 
againe : which hee pretendeth to doe, upon this that I 
will now declare. 

The issue of King Edward the third, albeit hee had many 

King Edward . J 

the 3. children, yet five onely will wee speake of, at this time. 

Whereof three were elder then lohn of Gaunt, and one 
yonger. The first of the elder, was named Edward the 
black Prince, who died before his Father, leaving one 
onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King 
and named Richard the second, was deposed without 
issue, and put to death by his Cosin germain, named 
Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster, Sonne to John 
of Gaunt as hath beene said, and so there ended the 
Line of King Edwards first Son. 

King Edwards second Sonne, was William of 
Haifield that died without issue. 

His third Sonne, was Leonell Duke of Clarence, 
whose onely Daughter and Heire called Philip, was 
married to Edmond Mortimer Earle of March : and 
after that, Anne the Daughter and Heire Mortimer, was 
married to Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke, Sonne 
and Heire to Edmond of Langley the first Duke of 
Yorke: which Edmond was the fift Sonne of King 
Edward the third, and yonger Brother to lohn of 
Gaunt. And this Edmond of Langley may bee called TWO Edmonds 

the two 

the first beginnner of the House of Yorke : even as beginners of 
Edmond Croockback the beginner of the House Lancaster. Houses of 

This Edmond Langley then, having a Sonne named Yorke. 
Richard, that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to 
Leonell Duke of Clarence, joyned two Lines and two 
Titles in one : I meane the Line of Leonell and of 
Edmond Langley, who were (as hath beene said) the 
third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third. 
And for this cause, the child that was borne of this 
marriage, named after his Father Richard Plantaginet 
Duke of Yorke, seeing himselfe strong, and the first 
line of King Edward the thirds eldest Sonne, to bee 
extinguished in the death of King Richard the second : 
and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead 
likewise without issue : made demand of the Crowne 
for the House of Yorke, by the title of Leonell the third Theciaime 
Sonne of King Edward. And albeit hee could not 



The issue of 
King Edward 
the fourth. 

The Duke of 
attainted by 

title by the 
Duke of 

obtaine the same in his dayes, for that hee was slaine 
in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield ; 
yet his Sonne Edward got the same, and was called by 
the name of King Edward the fourth. 

This King at his death left divers children, as 
namely two Sonnes, Edward the fift and his brother, 
who after were both murdered in the Tower, as shall 
bee shewed : and also five Daughters : to wit Elizabeth, 
Cicily, Anne, Katherine, and Briget. Whereof, the first 
was married to Henry the seventh. The last became a 
Nunne, and the other three, were bestowed upon divers 
other husbands. 

Hee had also two Brothers : the first was called 
George Duke of Clarence, who afterward upon his 
deserts (as is to bee supposed,) was put to death in 
Callis, by commandement of the King, and his attainder 
allowed by Parliament. And this man left behind him 
a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick, put to death 
afterward without issue, by King Henry the seventh, 
and a Daughter named Margaret, Countesse of Salisbury, 
who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richard 
Poole, by whom shee had issue Cardinall Poole that died 
without marriage, and Henry Poole that was attainted 
and executed in King Henry the eight his time (as also 
herselfe was) and this Henry Poole left a Daughter 
married afterward to the Earle of Huntington, by whom 

1 63 

this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne. 
And this is the effedt of my Lord of Huntingtons title. 

The second Brother of King Edward the fourth, 
was Richard Duke of Glocester, who after the Kings King Richard 
death, caused his two Sonnes to bee murdered in the 
Tower, and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe. And 
afterward hee being slaine by King Henry the seventh 
at Bosworth-field, left no issue behind him. Wherefore 
King Henry the seventh descending as hath beene 
shewed of the House of Lancaster, by lohn of Gaunts 
last Sonne and third Wife, and taking to wife Lady The happy 
Elizabeth Eldest Daughter of King Edward the fourth of the two 

^J ^^ -r y 

of the House of Yorke : joyned most hapyily the two 
Families together, and made an end of all controversies 
about the title. 

Now King Henry the seventh had issue three The issue of 

_. ., _ r , J . _. __ King Henry 

Children : of whom remameth posterity. First, Henry the seventh. 
the eight, of whom is descended our soveraigne, her 
Majesty that now happily raigneth, and is the last that 
remaineth alive of that first Line. Secondly, hee had 
two Daughters : whereof the first named Margaret, was The Line 
married twice, first to lames King of Scotland from Scotland by 

whom are direftly discended the Queene of Scotland 
that now liveth and her Sonne : and King lames being Kinj Henry 
dead, Margaret was married againe to A rchibald Douglas * e 7 ' 
Earle of Anguish : by whom shee had a Daughter 


named Margaret, which was married afterward, to 
Mathew Steward Earle of Lenox, whose Sonne Charles 
Steward, was married to Elizabeth Candish Daughter to 
the present Countesse of Shrewsbury, and by her hath 
left his onely Heire, a little Daughter named Arbella, 
of whom you have heard some speech before. And 
this is touching the Line of Scotland, descending from 
the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the 

The Line and The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh 
su/oikeby called Mary, was twice married also: first to the King 

Mdry second 

Daughter to of France by whom shee had no issue : and after his 

death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke, by whom 
shee had two Daughters, that is, Francis, of which the 
Children of my Lord of Hartford doe make their 
claime : and Elenore by whom the issue of the Earle 
of Darby pretendeth right, as shall bee declared. For 
that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brandon by 
the Queene of France, was married to the Marquesse 
of Dorset, who after Charles Brandons death was made 
Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wife, and was beheaded 
in Queene Maries time, for his conspiracy with my 
The issue of Lord of Leyceslers Father. And shee had by this man 

Francis, eldest ' 

Daughter three Daughters : that is. lane, that was married to my 

to Charles 

Lord of Leycesters Brother, and proclaimed Queene 

of Suffolke. 

after King Edwards death, for which both shee and 

: 165 ".;.. ' ;"":-'' ; 

her husband were executed : Katherine the second 
Daughter, who had two Sonnes, yet living, by the 
Earle of Hartford : and Mary the third Daughter, 
which left no Children. 

The other Daughter of Charles Brandon by the The issue of 

,.,_,, ix^ Eknor second 

Queene of France called Elenor, was married to George daughter to 
Clifford Earle of Cumberland, who left a Daughter by Brandon. 
her named Margaret, married to the Earle of Darby, 
which yet liveth and hath issue. And this is the title 
of all the House of Suffolke, descended from the second 
Daughter of King Henry the seventh, married (as hath 
beene shewed) to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke. 
And by this, you see also how many there bee, who 
doe thinke their titles to bee sat before that of my 
Lord of Huntingtons, if either right, law, reason, or 
consideration of home affaires may take place in our 
Realme: or if not, yet you cannot but imagine how 
many great Princes and Potentates abroad, are like 
to joyne and buckle with Huntingtons Line for the 
preeminence : if once the matter fall againe to conten- 
tion by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh 
which God forbid. 

Truly Sir (quoth I) I well perceive that my Lords 
turne is not so nigh as I had thought, whether hee 

behind many 

exclude the Line of King Henry, or no. For if hee other titles, 
exclude that, then must hee enter the Cumbat with 

1 66 

forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster: and if hee 
exclude it not, then in all apparance of reason and in 
Law to (as you have said) the succession of the two 
Daughters of King Henry the seventh (which you 
distinguish by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke) 
must needs bee as clearely before him and his Line, 
that descendeth onely from Edward the fourth his 
Brother: as the Queenes title that now raigneth is 
before him. For that both Scotland, Suffolke, and her 
Majesty doe hold all by one foundation, which is, the 
union of both Houses and Titles together, in King 
Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather. 
Gentleman. That is true (quoth the Gentleman) and evident 

enough in every mans eye : and therefore no doubt, 
but that as much is meant against her Majesty if 
occasion serve, as against the rest that hold by the 
same title. Albeit her Majesties state (the Lord bee 
praised) bee such at this time, as it is not safety to 
pretend so much against her, as against the rest, what- 
soever bee meant. And that in truth, more should 
bee meant against her highnesse, then against all the 
rest, there is this reason : for that her Majesty by her 
present possession letteth more their desires, then all 

The policy of J ' 

the con- the rest together with there future pretences. But as I 

spiratours for .... r it* 

the deceiving have said, it is not safety for them, nor yet good policy 
Majesty. to declare openly, what they meane against her Ma- 


jesty : It is the best way for the present, to hew downe 
the rest, and to leave her Majesty, for the last blow 
and upshote to their game. For which cause, they 
will seeme to make great difference at this day, be- 
tweene her Majesties title, and the rest, that descend 
in likewise from King Henry the seventh : avowing the 
one, and disallowing the other. Albeit, my Lord of 
Leycesters Father, preferred that of Suffolke, when time 
was, before this of her Majesty, and compelled the 
whole Realme to sweare thereunto. Such is the vari- 
able policy of men, that serve the time, or rather, that 
serve themselves, of all times, for their purposes. 

I remember (quoth I) that time of the Duke, and Scholia*. 
was present my selfe, at some of his Proclamations for 
that purpose. Wherein my Lord his Sonne that now 
liveth : being then a doer, (as I can tell hee was:) I 
marvaile how hee can deale so contrary now : pre- 
ferring not onely her Majesties title before that of Leyu&t*n 

* . variability. 

Suffolke (whereof I wonder lesse because it is more 
gainefull to him,) but also another much further of. 
But you have signified the cause, in that the times are 
changed, and other bargaines are in hand of more 
importance for him. Wherefore leaving this to bee 
considered by others, whom it concerneth, I beseech 
you, Sir, (for that I know, your worship hath beene 
much conversant among their friends and favourers) to 

1 68 


against the 
claime of 
Scotland and 
Suff olke. 

Against the 
Queene of 
Scotland and 
her sonne. 


tell mee what are the barres and lettes which they doe 
alleadge, why the House of Scotland and Suffolke de- 
scending of King Henry the seventh his Daughters, 
should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her 
Majesty, who endeth the Line of the same King by 
his Sonne : for in my sight the matter appeareth very 

They want not pretences of barres and lets against 
them all (quoth the Gentleman) which I will lay 
downe in order, as I have heard them alledged. First 
in the Line of Scotland there are three persons as you 
know that may pretend right : that is, the Queene and 
her sonne by the first mariage of Margaret, and Arbella 
by the second. And against the first marriage I heare 
nothing affirmed : but against the two persons proceed- 
ing thereof, I heare them alledge three stops : one, for 
that they are strangers borne out of the land, and 
consequently incapable of inheritance within the same : 
another, for that by a speciall testament of King 
Henry 8. authorized by 2. severall Parliaments they 
are excluded : the third for that they are enemies to 
the religion now received among us, & therfore to be 

Against the second marriage of Margaret with 
Archibald Douglas, whereof Arbella is descended, they 
alledge, that the said Archibald had a former wife at 


the time of that marriage, which lived long after : & so 
neither that mariage lawful, nor the issue therof legiti- 

The same barre they have against all the house 
and Line of Suffolk, for first they say, that Charles 
Brandon Duke of Suffolke, had a knowen wife alive 
when he married Mary Queene of France, and conse- 
quently, that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenor, 
borne of that marriage, can be lawfully borne. And 
this is all, I can heare them say against the succession 
of the Countesse of Darby descended of Elenor. But Against 


against my Lord of Hartfords children, that come from 
Frances the eldest daughter, I heare them alledge 
two or three bastardies more besides this of the first 
marriage, For first, they affirme that Henry Marquesse Against the 
Dorset, when he married the Lady Frances, had to wife Hartford. 
the old Earle of Arundels sister, who lived both then 
and many yeares after, and had a provision out of his 
living to her dying day : whereby that marriage could 
no way be good. Secondly, that the Lady Katherine 
daughter to the said Lady Frances, by the Marques 
(by whom the Earle of Hartford had his children) was 
lawfully married to the Earle of Pembroke that now 
liveth, & consequently, could have no lawfull issue by 
any other during his life. 3ly. that the said Katherine 
was never lawfully maried to the said Earle of Hart- 




ford, but bare him those children as his Concubine, 
which (as they say) is desined and registred in the 
Archbishop of Canterburies court, upon due examina- 
tion taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth, 
and this is in effedl so much as I have heard them 
alledge, about these affaires. 

It is much (quoth I) that you have said, if it may 
be all proved, Marry yet by the way, I cannot but 
smile to heare my Lord of Leicester allow of so many 
bastardies now upon the issue of Ladie Frances, whom 
in time past, when lane her eldest daughter was married 

s^fo/fo se f to k* s brother, he advanced in legitimation before both 
the daughters of King Henry the eight. But to the 
purpose : I would gladly know what grounds of veritie 
these allegations have, and how far in truth they may 
stoppe from inheritance : for indeed I never heard 
them so distinctly alledged before. 

Gentleman. Whereto answered the Gentleman, that our friend 

the Lawyer could best resolve that, if it pleased him to 
speake without his fee : though in some points alledged 
every other man (quoth he) that knoweth the state and 
common governement of England, may easily give his 

Bastardy. judgement also. As in the case of bastardie, if the 
matter may be proved, there is no difficulty, but that 
no right to inheritance can justly be pretended : as 
also (perhaps) in the case of forraine birth, though in 


this I am not so cunning : but yet I see by experience, 
that forreiners borne in other lands, can hardly come 
and claime inheritance in England, albeit, to the con- 
trary, I have heard great and long disputes, but such 
as indeed passed my capacity. And if it might please 
our friend here present to expound the thing unto us 
more clearely : I for my part would gladly bestow the 
hearing, and that with attention. 

To this answered the Lawyer. I will gladly, Sir, Lawyer. 
tel you my mind in any that it shall please you 
demand : and much more in this matter wherein by 
occasion of often conference, I am somewhat perfedl. 

The impediments which these men alledge against 
the succession of K. Henry the 8 his sisters, are of 
two kindes, as you see : The one knowen and allowed 
in our law, as you have well said, if it may bee proved : 
and that is bastardie : whereby they seeke to disable Bastardies 
all the whole Line and race of Suffolke: as also Arbella, 
of the second and later house of Scotland. Whereof it 
is to small purpose to speake any thing here : seeing 
the whole controversie standeth upon a matter of fa6l 
onely, to be proved or improved by records and wit- 
nesses. Onely this I will say, that some of these 
bastardies, before named, are rife in many mens 
mouths, and avowed by divers that yet live : but let 
other men looke to this, who have most interest 


The impedi- 
ments against 
Scotland three 
in number. 

A protesta- 

the first 
of forraine 

therein, and may bee most damnified by them, if they 
fall out true. 

The other impediments, which are alleadged onely 
against the Queene of Scots and her Sonne, are in 
number three, as you recite them : that is, forraine 
birth, King Henries Testament and Religion : whereof 
I am content to say some what, seeing you desire it : 
albeit there bee so much published already in bookes 
of divers languages beyond the sea, as I am informed, 
concerning this matter, as more cannot bee said. But 
yet so much as I have heard passe among Lawyers 
my betters, in conference of these affaires : I will not 
let to recite unto you, with this Proviso and Protesta- 
tion alwayes, that what I speake, I speake by way of 
recitall of other mens opinions : not meaning my selfe 
to incurre the statute of affirming or avowing any 
persons title to the Crowne, whatsoever. 

First then touching forraine birth, there bee some 
men in the World that will say, that it is a common 
and general rule of our law, that no stranger at all may 
inherit any thing, by any meanes, within the Land: 
which in truth I take to bee spoken without ground, in 
that generall sense. For I could never yet come to 
the sight of any such common or universall rule : and 
I know, that divers examples may bee alleadged in 
sundry cases to the contrary: and by that, which is 

expresly set downe in the seventh and ninth yeares of 
King Edward the fourth, and in the eleventh and 
foureteenth of Henry the fourth, it appeareth plainely 
that a stranger may purchase lands in England, as An Alien may 
also inherite by his Wife, if hee marry an inheritrix. ] 
Wherefore this common rule is to bee restrained from 
that generality, unto proper inheritance onely: in which The true 
sense I doe easily grant, that our Common law hath against 
beene of ancient, and is at this day, that no person 
borne out of the allegiance of the King of England 
whose Father and Mother were not of the same 
allegiance at the time of his birth, shall bee able to 
have or demand any heritage within the same allegi- 
ance, as heire to any person. And this rule of our 
Common law is gathered in these selfe same words of 
a statute made in the five and twentieth yeare of King The statute 

J of King 

Edward the third, which indeed is the onely place of Edward 

whence the 

effect, that can bee alleadged out of our law against Maxima is 

the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases, as * 
wee now treat of. 

And albeit now the Common law of our Countrey, Reasons why 

i 11 1 1 i / i / i tne Scottish 

doe runne thus in general!, yet will the friends of the title is not 
Scottish claime affirme, that hereby that title is nothing Maxim a y 
let or hindred at all towards the Crowne : and that for 
divers manifest and weighty reasons : whereof the 
principall are these which ensue. 


The first 

The rule of 

Tenant by 





First it is common, and a general! rule of our 
English lawes, that no Rule, Axiome, or Maxima of 
law (bee it never so generall) can touch or bind the 
Crowne, except expresse mention bee made thereof, 
in the same : for that the King and Crowne have great 
priviledge and prerogative, above the state and affaires 
of subjects, and great differences allowed in points of 

As for example, it is a generall and common rule 
of law, that the wife after the decease of her husband, 
shall enjoy the third of his lands : but yet the Queene 
shall not enjoy the third part of the Crowne, after the 
Kings death : as well appeareth by experience, and is 
to bee seene by Law, Anno 5. and 21. of Edward the 
third: and Anno 9. and 28. of Henry the sixt. Also it 
is a common rule, that the Husband shall hold his 
wives lands after her death : as tenant by courtesie 
during his life, but yet it holdeth not in a Kingdome. 

In like manner, it is a generall and common rule, 
that if a man die seased of Land in Fee simple, having 
Daughters and no Sonne : his lands shall bee devided 
by equall portions among his Daughters : which 
holdeth not in the Crowne : but rather the eldest 
Daughter inheriteth the whole, as if shee were the 
issue male. So also it is a common rule of our law, 
that the executour shall have all the goods and chattels 

of the Testatour, but yet not in the Crowne. And so 
in many other cases which might bee recited, it is 
evident that the Crowne hath priviledge above others, 
and can bee subject to rule, bee it never so generall, 
except expresse mention bee made thereof in the same 
law : as it is not in the former place and a statute 
alleaged : but rather to the contrary, (as after shall bee 
shewed) there is expresse exception, for the prerogative 
of such as descend of Royall bloud. 

Their second reason is, for that the demand or The 2 reason. 

. The Crowne 

title of a Crowne, cannot in true sense bee compre- no such 
hended under the words of the former statute, forbid- as is meant in 
ding Aliens to demand heritage within the allegiance 
of England : and that for two respects. The one, for 
that the Crowne it selfe cannot bee called an heritage 
of allegiance or within allegiance, for that it is holden 
of no superiour upon earth, but immediately from God 
himselfe : the second, for that this statute treateth 
onely and meaneth of inheritance by descent, as Heire 
to the same, (for I have shewed before that Aliens 
may hold lands by purchase within our Dominion) and 
then say they, the Crowne is a thing incorporate and The crown a 
descendeth not according to the common course of ( 
other private inheritances : but goeth by succession, as 
other incorporations doe. In signe whereof, it is evi- 
dent, that albeit, the King bee more favoured in all his 


doings then any common person shall bee : yet cannot 
hee avoid by law his grants and letters patents by 
reason of his nonage (as other infants and common 
heires under age may doe) but alwayes bee said to bee 
of full age in respect of his Crowne : even as a Prior, 
Parson, Vicar, Deane, or other person incorporate 
shall bee, which cannot by any meanes in law bee said, 
to bee within age, in respeft of their incorporations. 

Which thing maketh an evident difference in our 
case, from the meaning of the former statute : for that 
a Prior, Deane, or Parson, being Aliens and no Deni- 
zens : might alwayes in time of peace, demand lands 
in England, in respeft of their corporations, notwith- 
standing the said statute or common law against 
Aliens, as appeareth by many booke cases yet extant : 
as also by the statute made in the time of King Richard 
the second, which was after the foresaid statute of King 
Edward the third. 
The third The third reason is, for that in the former statute 

reason. / / Tr T- t i 

The Kings it selfe, of King Edward, there are excepted expresly 


byname. from this generall rule, Infantes du Roy, that is, the 
Kings offspring or issue, as the word Infant doth 
signifie, both in France, Portugall, Spaine, and other 
Countries : and as the latin word Liberi (which an- 
swereth the same) is taken commonly in the Civill law. 
Neither may wee restraine the french words of that 

statute INFANTES Dv ROY, to the Kings children only Libetorum. F. 

rir-i / t 11 de verb. sign. 

of the first degree (as some doe, for that the barren- 
nesse of our language doth yeeld us no other word for 
the same) but rather, that thereby are understood, as 
well the Nephewes and other discendants of the King 
or blood Royal, as his immediate children. For it 
were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagine, that 
King Edward by this statute, would goe about to dis- 
inherit his owne nephewes, if hee should have any 
borne out of his owne allegiance (as easily he might at 
that time) his sonnes being much abroad from Eng- 
land, and the blacke Prince his eldest sonne having 
two children borne beyond the seas : and consequently, 
it is apparent, that this rule or Maxime set downe 
against Aliens is no way to be stretched against the 
descendants of the King or of the blood Royall. 

Their fourth reason is, that the meaning of King The fourth 
Edward and his children (living at such time as this The Kings 
statute was made) could not be, that any of their 
linage or issue might be excluded in law, from inherit- 
ance of their right to the Crowne, by their forreine 
birth wheresoever. For otherwise, it is not credible 
that they would so much have dispersed their own 
blood in other countries, as they did : by giving their 


, IF i The 

daughters to strangers, and other meanes. As Leonel of England 
the kings third sonne was married in Millan : and lohn fomuners. 


of Gaunt the fourth sonne gave his two daughters, 
Philip and Katherine to Portugal!, and Castile : and his 
neice loan to the King of Scots : as Thomas of Wood- 
stocke also the youngest brother, married his two 
daughters, the one to the King of Spaine, and the 
other to Duke of Brittaine. Which no doubt (they 
being wise Princes, and so neere of the blood Royal) 
would never have done : if they had imagined that 
hereby their issue should have lost all clayme and 
title to the Crowne of England: and therefore it is 
most evident, that no such barre was then extant or 

Their fift reason is. that divers persons borne out 

... . 

Examples of of all English dominion and allegiance, both before 

forrainers . . 

admitted. the conquest and since, have beene admitted to the 
succession of our Crowne, as lawfull inheritors, without 
any exception against them for their forraine birth. 
As before the conquest is evident in young Edgar 
Etheling borne in Hungarie, and thence called home to 
inherit the Crowne, by his great Vncle King Edward 
the Confessor, with full consent of the whole Realme, 
the Bishop of Worcester being sent as Ambassadour to 
fetch him home, with his father named Edward the 

And since the conquest, it appeareth plainly in 
King Stephen and King Henry the second, both of 



Flores hist. 
An. 1066. 


them borne of English dominions, and of Parents, that 
at their birth, were not of the English allegiance : and 
yet were they both admitted to the Crowne. Young 
Arthur also Duke of Bretaigne by his mother Constance 
that matched with Geffray King Henry the seconds 
sonne, was declared by King Richard his Vncle, at his Pol. lib. 15. 
departure towards Jerusalem, and by the whole Realme, 1208. 
for lawfull heire apparent to the Crowne of England, 
though he were borne in Britaine out of English allegi- 
ance, and so he was taken and adjudged by all the 
world at that day : albeit after King Richards death, 
his other Vncle lohn, most tyrannously took both his King /<?/, 
kingdome and his life from him. For which notable 
injustice he was detested of all men both abroad and 
at home : and most apparently scourged by God, with 
grievous and manifold plagues, both upon himselfe and 
upon the Realme, which yeelded to his usurpation. 
So that by this also it appeareth, what the practice of 
our countrey hath beene from time to time in this case 
of forraine birth : which practice is the best Interpreter 
of our common English law : which dependeth es- 
pecially, and most of all, upon custome: nor can the 
adversary alleage any one example to the contrary. 

Their sixt, is of the judgement and sentence of 
King Henry the seventh, and of his Councell : who 
being together in consultation, at a certaine time about 


The sixt 
The judge- 
ment and 
sentence of 
K. Henry the 

the mariage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scot- 
land : some of his Councell moved this doubt, what 
should ensue, if by chance the Kings issue male should 
faile, and so the succession devolue to the heires of 
the said Margaret, as now it doth ? Whereunto that 
wise and most prudent Prince made answer : that if 
any such event should be, it could not be prejudiciall 
to England, being the bigger part, but rather bene- 
ficiall : for that it should draw Scotland to England : 
that is, the lesser to the more : even as in times past it 
hapned in Normandy, Aquitane, and some other Pro- 
vinces. Which answer appeased all doubts, and gave 
singular content to those of his Councell, as Polidore 
writeth, that lived at that time, and wrote the speciall 
matters of that reigne, by the Kings owne instruction. 
So that hereby wee see no question made of King 
Henry or his Counsellors touching forraine birth, to let 
the succession of Lady Margarets issue : which no 
doubt would never have beene omitted in that learned 
assembly, if any law at that time had been esteemed or 
imagined to barre the same. 

And these are sixe of their principalest reasons, to 
prove, that neither by the words nor meaning of our 
common lawes, nor yet by custome or practice of our 
Realme, an Alien may be debarred from claime of his 
interest to the Crowne, when it falleth to him by right- 

full descent in blood and succession. But in the par- The seventh 


ticular case of the Queene of Scots and her sonne, The Q. of 

Scots and her 

they doe adde another reason or two : thereby to prove sonne no 

i 111 AT XT Aliens. 

them m very deed to be no Aliens. Not onely in re- 
spedl of their often and continuall mixture with English 
blood from the beginning (and especially of late, the 
Queenes Grandmother and husband being English, 
and so her sonne begotten of an English father) but 
also for two other causes and reasons, which seeme in 
truth of very good importance. 

The first is, for that Scotland by all English men, 
(howsoever the Scots deny the same) is taken and 
holden as subjedl to England by way of Homage : 
which many of their Kings, at divers times have ac- 
knowledged : and consequently, the Queene and her 
sonne being borne in Scotland, are not borne out of the 
allegiance to England, and so no forrainers. 

The second cause or reason is, for that the fore- 
named statute of Forrainers in the five and twenty 
yeare of King Edward the third, is intitled of those that 
are borne beyond the seas. And in the body of the same 
statute, the doubt is moved of children borne out of 
English allegiance beyond the seas : whereby cannot 
be understood Scotland, for that it is a peece of the 
continent land within the seas. And all our old 
Records in England, that talke of service to be done 


The second 
against the 
Q. of Scots. 
and her son 
which is K. 
Henry the 
eight his 

within these two-countries : have usually these latine 
words, Infra quatuor maria, or in French, deins lez 
quatre mers, that is, within the foure seas : whereby 
must needs be understood as well Scotland as England, 
and that perhaps for the reason before mentioned, of 
the subjedtion of Scotland by way of Homage to the 
Crowne of England. In respeft whereof it may be, 
that it was accounted of old, but one dominion or 
allegiance. And consequently, no man borne therein 
can be accounted an Alien to England. And this shall 
suffice for the first point, touching forraine Nativity. 

For the second impediment objefted, which is the 
Testament of King Henry the eight, authorized by 
Parliament, whereby they affirme the .succession of 
Scotland to bee excluded : it is not precisely true that 
they are excluded, but onely that they are put back 
behind the succession of the house of Suffolke. For in 
that pretended Testament (which after shall be proved 
to be none indeed) King Henry so disposeth, that after 
his owne children (if they should chance to die with- 
out issue) the Crowne shall passe to the heires of 
Frances, and of Elenore, his neices by his younger 
sister Mary Queene of France: and after them (deceas- 
ing also without issue) the succession to returne to the 
next heires againe. Whereby it is evident, that the 
succession of Margaret Queene of Scotland his eldest 

sister, is not excluded : but thrust back only from their 
due place and order, to expedt the remainder, which 
may in time be left by the younger. Whereof in mine 
opinion doe ensue some considerations against the 
present pretenders themselves. 

First, that in King Henries judgement, the former Forrain birth 
pretended rule of forraine birth, was no sufficient im- mentPnthe 
pediment against Scotland : for if it had beene no K. n^the 
doubt, but that he would have named the same in his eig 
alleaged testament, and thereby have utterly excluded 
that succession. But there is no such thing in the 

Secondly, if they admit this Testament, which The succes- 
sion of 
allotteth the Crowne to Scotland, next after Suffolke : Scotland next 

then, seeing that all the house of Suffolke, (by these judgement 

mens assertion) is excluded by Bastardie : it must competitors. 

needs follow, that Scotland by their owne judgement is 

next, and so this Testament will make against them, 

as indeed it doth in all points most apparently, but 

only that it preferreth the house of Suffolke, before 

that of Scotland. And therefore (I thinke Sir) that 

you mistake somewhat about their opinion in alleaging 

this Testament. For I suppose, that no man of my 

Lord of Huntingtons fadlion, will alleage or urge the 

testimonie of this Testament : but rather some friend 

of the house of Suffolke in whose favour, I take it, that 

it was first of all forged. 


Gentleman. It may be (quoth the Gentleman) nor will I stand 

obstinatly in the contrary : for that it is hard, some- 
time to judge of what faftion each one is, who dis- 
courseth of these affaires. But yet I marvell (if it 
were as you say) why Leicesters father after King 
Edwards death, made no mention thereof in the favour 
of Suffolke, in the other Testament which then he 
proclaymed, as made by King Edward deceased, for 
preferment of Suffolke before his owne sisters. 
LAW. The cause of this is evident (quoth the Lawyer) 

The Duke of for that it made not sufficiently for his purpose : which 

Northumber- ....... , P * . 

lands drift, was to disinherit the two daughters of King Henry 
himselfe, and advance the house of Suffolke before them 

Gentleman. A notable change (quoth the Gentleman) that a 

title so much exalted of late by the father, above all 
order, right, ranke, and degree : should now be so 
much debased by the sonne, as though it were not 
worthy to hold any degree, but rather to be troden 

The mutable under foot for plaine bastardie. And you see by this, 

dealing of the , . . r p J * 

house of how true it is which I told you before : that the race 
of Dudlies are most cunning Merchants, to make their 
gaine of all things, men and times. And as wee have 
scene now two testaments alleaged, the one of the 
Kings father, and the other of the Kings sonne, and 
both of them in prejudice of the testators true succes- 

sors: so many good subiefts begin greatly to feare, that 
wee may chance to see shortly a third testament of 
her Maiesty for the intituling of Huntington, and extir- 
pation of King Henries bloud, and that before her 
Majesty can thinke of sicknesse : wherein I beseech 
the Lord I bee no Prophet. But now (Sir) to the 
foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry ; I have 
often heard, in truth, that the thing was counterfeit, or 
at the least not able to bee proved : and that it was 
discovered, rejefled, and defaced in Queene Maries 
time : but I would gladly understand what you 
Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof. 

Touching this matter (quoth the Lawyer) it cannot Lawyer. 
bee denied, but that in the twenty and eight, and The authority 

* and occasion 

thirty and sixt yeares of King Henries raigne, upon of King 
consideration of some doubt and irresolution, which testament. 
the King himselfe had shewed, to have about the 
order of succession in his owne children, as also for 
taking away all occasions of controversies in those of 
the next bloud : the whole Parliament gave authority 
unto the said King, to debate and determine those 
matters himselfe, together with his learned Councell, 
who best knew the lawes of the Realme, and titles 
that any man might have thereby : and that whatso- 
ever succession his Majesty should declare as most 
right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed, or by 


The Kings 

The first 
and im- 

his last will and testament rightfully made and signed 
with his owne hand : that the same should bee received 
for good and lawfull. 

Vpon pretence whereof, soone after King Henries 
death, there was shewed a will with the Kings stamp at 
the same, and the names of divers witnesses, wherein 
(as hath beene said) the succession of the Crowne, 
after the Kings owne children, is assigned to the 
Heires of Frances and of Elenor, Neeces to the King, 
by his yonger sister. Which assignation of the 
Crowne, being as it were a meere guift in prejudice 
of the elder sisters right (as also of the right of 
Frances and Elenor themselves, who were omitted in 
the same assignation, and their Heires intituled onely) 
was esteemed to bee against all reason, law, and 
nature, and consequently not thought to proceed from 
so wise and sage a Prince, as King Henry was knowne 
to bee : but rather, either the whole forged, or at 
leastwise that clause inserted by other, and the Kings 
stamp set unto it, after his death, or when his Majesty 
lay now past understanding. And hereof there wanteth 
not divers most evident reasons and proofes. 

For first, it is not probable or credible, that King 
Henry would ever goe about, against law and reason, 
to disinherite the line of his eldest sister, without any 
profit or interest to himselfe : and thereby, give most 

evident occasion of Civill warre and discord within the 
Realme, seeing, that in such a case of manifest and 
apparent wrong, in so great a matter, the authority of 
Parliament, taketh little effect, against the true and 
lawfull inheritour : as well appeared in the former 
times and contentions of Henry the sixt, Edward the 
fourth, and Richard the third : in whose raignes, the 
divers and contrary Parliaments made and holden, 
against the next inheritour, held no longer with any 
man, then untill the other was able to make his owne 
party good. 

So likewise, in the case of King Edward the third T r he example 

P of France. 

his succession to France, in the right of his Mother, 
though hee were excluded by the generall assembly 
and consent of their Parliaments : yet hee esteemed 
not his right extinguished thereby: as neither did other 
Kings of our Countrey that ensued after him. And for 
our present case, if nothing els should have restrained 
King Henry, from such open injustice towards his 
eldest sister : yet this cogitation, at least, would have 
stayed him : that by giving example of supplanting his 
elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence 
of Parliament : some other might take occasion to dis- 
place his children by like pretence : as -wee see that 
Duke Dudley did soone after, by a forged testament 
of King Edward the sixt. So ready Schollars there 

1 88 

are to bee found, which easily will learne such Lessons 
of iniquity. 
The second Secondly, there bee too many incongruities and 


incongruities indignities in the said predented Will to proceed from 
indignities, such a Prince and learned Councell as King Henries 
was. For first what can bee more ridiculous, then to 
give the Crowne unto the Heires of Frances and Elenor, 
and not to any of themselves ? or what had they 
offended that their Heires should enjoy the Crowne in 
their right and not they themselves ? What if King 
Henries children should have died, whiles Lady Francis 
had beene yet alive ? who should have possessed the 
Kingdome before her, seeing her Line was next ? and 
yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe 
Adrian stokes. to obtaine it. But rather having married Adrian Stokes 
her Horsekeeper, shee must have suffered her Sonne 
by him (if shee had any) to enjoy the Crowne : and so 
Adrian of a serving man and Master of horses, should 
have become the great Master and Prote&our of Eng- 
land. Of like absurdity is that other clause also, 
wherein the King bindeth his owne Daughters to 
marry, by consent and diredtion of his counsell, or 
otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession : but 
yet bindeth not his Neices Daughters, to wit, the 
Daughters of Francis and Elenor (if that they had any) 
to any such condition. 

Thirdly, there may bee divers causes and argu- The third 

J ' J t reason. 

ments alleadged in law, why this pretended will is not The 

J t . presupposed 

authenticall : if otherwise, it were certame that King wm is not 

-TT 11 . -r^. r ... . . authenticall. 

Henry had meant it : First, for that it is not agreable 
to the mind and meaning of the Parliament, which 
intended onely to give authority, for declaration and 
explication of the true title : and not for donation or 
intricating of the same, to the ruine of the Realme. 
Secondly, for that there is no lawfull and authenticall 
Copy extant thereof, but onely a bare inrolement in 
the Chancery, which is not sufficient in so weighty an 
affaire^: no witnesse of the Privy Councel or of Nobility 
to the same : which had beene convenient in so great a 
case (for the best of the witnesses therein named, is 
Sir lohn Gates, whose miserable death is well knowne : ) 
no publike Notary : no Probation of the will before 
any Bishop, or any lawfull Court for that purpose : no 
examination of the witnesses : or other thing orderly 
done, for lawfull authorizing of the matter. 

But of all other things this is most of importance: The 

disproving of 

that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid the win by 

___.., ... , 11-1 witnesses. 

Will, but his stamp was put thereunto by others, either 
after his death, or when hee was past remembrance: 
as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen The Lord 
Maries dayes, being of the Privy Councell, first of all 
other discovered the same, of his owne accord, and 

i go 

Sir Edward 


A meeting 
about this 
matter of the 

upon meere motion of conscience, confessing before 
the whole Councell, and afterward also before the 
whole Parliament, how that himselfe was privy there- 
unto, and partly also culpable, (being drawen thereunto, 
by the instigation and forcible authority of others : ) 
but yet afterward upon other more godly motions 
detested the device : and so of his owne free will, very 
honorably went and offered the discovery thereof to the 
Councell. As also did Sir Edward Montague, Lord 
chiefe justice, that had beene privy and present at the 
said doings, and one William Clarke, that was the man 
who put the stamp unto the paper, and is ascribed 
among the other pretensed witnesses, confessed the 
whole premisses to bee true, and purchased his pardon 
for his offence therein. Whereupon Queene Mary and 
her Councell, caused presently the said inrolement, 
lying in the Chancery, to be canceled, defaced and 

And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that 
now liveth about the n, or 12. yeare of her raigne, (if 
I count not amisse) by occasion of a certaine little 
booke spred abroad at that time, very secretly, for 
advancing of the house of Suffolke, by pretence of this 
Testament : I remember well the place where the late 
Duke of Norfolke, the Marquesse of Winchester (which 
then was Treasurer) the old Earles of Arundell and 

Penbrooke that now are dead, with my Lord of 
Penbrooke that yet liveth, (as also my Lord of Leycester 
himselfe if I bee not deceived) with divers others, met 
together upon this matter: and after long conference 
about the foresaid pretensed will, and many proofes 
and reasons laid downe, why it could not bee true or 
authenticall : the old Earle of Penbrooke protesting that 
hee was with the King in his Chamber from the first 
day of his sicknesse unto his last houre, and thereby 
could well assure the falsification thereof: at length it 
was moved, that from that place they should goe, with 
the rest of the Nobility, and proclaime the Queene 
of Scotland heire apparent in Cheapside. Wherein my My Lord of 
Lord of Leycester (as I take it) was then as forward as aSne 
any man els : how bee it, now, for his profit, hee bee double. 
turned aside, and would turne back againe tomorrow 
next, for a greater commodity. 

And albeit, for some causes to themselves best 
knowne, they proceeded not in the open publishing 
of their determination at that time : yet my Lord of 
Penbrooke now living, can beare witnesse that thus 
much is true : and that his Father the old Earle at The old 

that time, told him openly before the other Noblemen, admonition" 
that hee had brought him to that assembly and place, hisSonneyet 
to instrudl him in that truth, and to charge him, to llvmg ' 
witnesse the same, and to defend it also, with his 


The third 
of Religion. 

Princes of 

sword (if need required) after his death. And I know 
that his Lordship is of that honour and nobility, as 
hee can not leave of easily the remembrance or due 
regard of so worthy an admonition. And this shall 
suffice for the second impediment, imagined to pro- 
ceed of this supposed Testament of King Henry the 

As for the third impediment, of religion, it is not 
generall to all : for that onely one person (if I bee not 
deceived) of all the Competitours in King Henries line, 
can bee touched with suspition of different religion, 
from the present state of England. Which person 
notwithstanding (as is well knowne) while shee was in 
governement in her owne Realme of Scotland, per- 
mitted all liberty of conscience, and free exercise of 
religion, to those of the contrary profession* and 
opinion, without restraint. And if shee had not : yet 
do I not see, either by prescript of law, or praftise of 
these our times, that diversity of religion, may stay just 
inheritours from enjoying their due possessions, in any 
state or degree of private men : and much lesse in the 
claime of a Kingdome : which alwayes in this behalfe 
(as hath beene said before) is preferred in priviledge. 

This wee see by experience, in divers Countries 
and parts of the World at this day : as in Germany, 
where among so many Princes, and so devided in 


religion as they bee : yet every one succeedeth to the 
state, whereto hee hath right, without resistance for 
his religion. The examples also of her Majesty that 

. ... Queene 

now is, and of her sister before, is evident : who being Elizabeth. 
knowne to bee of two different inclinations in religion, 
and the whole Realme devided in opinion for the 
same cause : yet both of them at their severall times 
with generall consent of all, were admitted to their 
lawfull inheritance: excepting onely a few *traytours 


against the former, who withstood her right as also in 
her, the right of her Majesty that is present, and that 
not for religion (as appeared by their owne confession 
after) but for ambition and desire of raigne. Mon- 
sieur,the Kings brother and heire of France, as all the 
World knoweth, is well accepted, favored and admitted 
for successour of that Crowne, by all the Protestants 
at this day of that Countrey, not withstanding his 
opinion in religion knowne to bee different. And I 
doubt not, but the King of Navarre or Prince of Condy. King of 

* Navarre 

in the contrary part, would thinke themselves greatly Prince of 

... - i r r Cond y- 

injuned by the state of France, which is different from 

them in religion at this day, if after the death of the 
King that now is and his brother without issue, (if 
God so dispose) they should bee barred from inherit- 
ing the Crowne, under pretence onely of their religion. 
My Lord of Huntington himselfe also, is hee not 



My Lord of 


The title of 
those which 
ensue the 
Queene of 



The yong 
King of 

knowne to bee of a different religion from the present 
state of England ? and that, if hee were King to 
morrow next, hee would alter the whole governement, 
order, condition, and state of religion, now used and 
established, within the Realme ? 

But as I said in the beginning, if one of a whole 
Family, or of divers Families, bee culpable, or to bee 
touched herein : what have the rest offended thereby ? 
will you exclude all, for the mislike of one ? And to 
descend in order : if the first in King Henries line, 
after her Majesty may bee touched in this point, yet, 
why should the rest hee damnified thereby ? The 
King of Scotland her Sonne, that next ensueth (to 
speake in equity) why should hee bee shut out for his 
religion ? And are not all the other in like manner 
Protestants, whose discent is consequent, by nature, 
order, and degree ? 

For the yong King of Scotland (quoth I) the truth 
is, that alwayes for mine owne part, I have had great 
hope and expectation of him, not onely for the con- 
ceipt which commonly men have of such Orient 
youths, borne to Kingdomes : but especially for that 
I understood from time to time, that his education was 
in all learning, princely exercises and instruction of 
true religion, under rare and vertuous men for that 
purpose. Whereby I conceived hope, that hee might 


not onely become in time, an honourable and profit- 
able neighbour unto us, for assurance of the Gospell 
in these parts of the World : but also (if God should 
deprive us of her Majesty without issue) might bee a 
meane by his succession to unite in Concord and 
Governement, the two Realmes together, which here- 
tofore hath beene fought, by the price of many a 
thousand mens bloud, and not obtained. 

Marry yet now of late (I know not by what meanes) 
there is begun in mens hearts a certaine mislike or 
grudge against him, for that it is given out every where 
that hee is inclined to bee a Papist, and an enemy to 
her Majesties proceedings. Which argueth him verily, 
of singular ingratitude, if it bee true, considering the 
great helps and protection which hee hath received 
from her highnesse ever sithence hee was borne. 

And are you so simple (quoth the Gentleman) as Gentleman. 
to beleeve every report that you heare of this matter ? 
know you not, that it is expedient for my Lord of 
Leycester and his fadlion, that this youth, above all The device to 
other, bee held in perpetuall disgrace with her Majesty Majesty with 
and with this Realme ? You know, that Richard of 
Glocester had never beene able to have usurped as hee 
did, if hee had not first perswaded King Edward the 
fourth to hate his owne Brother the Duke of Clarence, 
which Duke stood in the way, betweene Richard and 



of certain 
Ministers in 
against their 
King by 
of his enemies 
in England. 

the thing, which hee most of all things coveted. That 
is, the possibility to the Crowne, and so in this case is 
there the like device to bee observed. 

For truly, for the yong King of Scotlands religion, 
it is evident to as many as have reason, that it can bee 
no other of it selfe but inclined to the best : both in 
respect of his education, instruction, and conversation, 
with those of true religion : as also by his former 
Actions, Edicts, Governement, and private behaviour, 
hee hath declared. Marry these men whose profit is 
nothing lesse, then that hee or any other of that race 
should doe well : doe not cease dayly by all secret 
wayes, drifts, and molestations possible, to drive him 
either to mislike of our religion, or els to incurre the 
suspition thereof, with such of our Realme, as other- 
wise would bee his best friends : or if not this : yet for 
very need and feare of his owne life, to make recourse 
to such other Princes abroad, as may most offend or 
mislike this state. 

And for this cause, they suborne certaine busie 
fellowes of their owne crew and faction, pertaining to 
the ministery of Scotland, (but unworthy of so worthy 
a calling) to use such insolency towards their King and 
Prince, as is not onely undecent, but intolerable. For 
hee may doe no thing, but they will examine and dis- 
cusse the same in Pulpit. If hee goe but on hunting, 


when it pleaseth them to call him to their preaching : 
if hee make but a dinner or supper, when, or where, 
or with whom they like not : if hee receive but a 
coople of horses or other present from his friends or 
kinsmen beyond the seas ; if hee salute or use cour- 
teously any man or messenger which commeth from 
them (as you know Princes of their nobility and 
courtesie are accustomed, though they come from 
their enemies, as often hath beene scene and highly 
commended in her Majesty of England :) if hee deale 
familiarly with any Ambassadour which liketh not 
them : or finally if hee doe say, or signifie, any one 
thing whatsoever, that pleaseth not their humour : they 
will presently, as seditious tribunes of the people, ex- 
clame in publique, and stepping to the Pulpit where 
the word of the Lord onely ought to bee preached : 
will excite the commonalty to discontentation, invey- 
ing against their soveraigne with such bitternesse of 
speech, unreverend tearmes, and insolent controle- 
ments, as is not to bee spoken ; Now imagine what 
her Majesty and her grave councell would doe in 
England, if such proceedings should bee used, by the 
Cleargy against them. 

No doubt (quoth I) but that such unquiet Spirits 
should bee punished in our Realme. And so I said of 
late to their most reverend and worthy Prelate and 

--i_ . 


Sir Patrick 
A damson 
of Saint 


Primate the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, with whom 
it was my luck to come acquainted in London, whither 
hee was come by his Kings appointment (as hee said) 
to treate certaine affaires with our Queene and Coun- 
cell. And talking with him of this disorder of his 
ministery, hee confessed the same with much griefe of 
mind, and told mee, that hee had preached thereof 
before the King himselfe, detesting and accusing divers 
heads thereof, for which cause, hee was become very 
odious to them and other of their faction, both in 
Scotland and England. But hee said, that as hee had 
given the reasons of his doings unto our Queene: so 
meaneth hee shortly to doe the same unto Monsieur 
Beza, and to the whole Church of Geneva, by sending 
thither the Articles of his and their doings. Protest- 
ing unto mee that the proceedings and attempts of 
those factious and corrupt men, was most scandalous, 
seditious and perilous, both to the Kings person, and 
to the Realme : being sufficient indeed, to alienate 
wholly the yong Prince from all affection to our re- 
ligion, when hee shall see the chiefe Professours 
thereof, to behave themselves so undutifully towards 

That is the thing which these men, his competi- 
tours, most desire (quoth the Gentleman) hoping 
thereby, to procure him most evill will and danger, 

i gg 
both at home and from England. For which cause Treasons 


also, they have practized so many plots and treacheries against the 

. , , . . . - . . . King of Scots. 

with his owne subjects against him : hoping by that 
meanes, to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the 
other, and consequently the King in danger of de- 
struction by his owne. And in this machination, they 
have behaved themselves so dexterously, so covertly 
used the mannage and contriving hereof, and so 
cunningly conveyed the execution of many things : as 
it might, indeed, seeme apparent unto the yong King, 
that the whole plot of treasons against his Realme and 
Person, doth come from England, thereby to drive him 
into jealousie of our state, and our state of him : and 
all this for their owne profit. 

Neither is this any new device of my Lord of 
Leycester, to draw men for his owne gaine, into danger 
and hatred with the state, under other pretences. For 
I could tell you divers stories and stratagemes of his 
cunning in this kind, and the one farre different from 
the other in device : but yet all to one end. I have a 
friend yet living, that was towards the old Earle of 
Arundell, in good credit, and by that meanes had 
occasion to deal with the late Duke of Norfolke in his 
chiefest affaires before his troubles. This man. is wont 
to report strange things from the Dukes owne mouth, 
of my Lord of Leycesters most treacherous dealing 


towards him, for gaining of his bloud, as after ap- 

cunnmg * 

device for peared : albeit the Duke when hee reported the same, 

overthrowing . 

the Duke of mistrusted not so much my Lords malice therein. 
But the summe of all, is this in effect : that Leycester 
having a secret desire, to pull downe the said Duke, to 
the end that hee might have no man above himselfe, 
to hinder him in that which hee most desireth : by a 
thousand cunning devises drew in the Duke to the 
cogitation of that marriage with the Queene of Scot- 
land, which afterward was the cause or occasion of his 
ruine. And hee behaved himselfe so dexterously in 
this drift, by setting on the Duke on the one side, and 

?" he , r intrapping him on the other : as ludas himselfe never 

impudency of 

Judas. played his part more cunningly, when hee supped with 

his Master, and set himselfe so neere, as hee dipped 
his spoone in the same dish, and durst before others 
aske, who should betray him ? meaning that night, to 
doe it himselfe, as hee shewed soone after supper, when 
hee came as a Captaine with a band of conspiratours, 
and with a courteous kisse delivered his person, into 
the hands of them, whom hee well knew to thirst after 
his bloud. 

The very like did the Earle of Leycester with the 
Duke of Norfolke for the art of treason, though in the 
parties betrayed there were great difference of inno- 
cency. Namely, at one time, when her Majesty was 


at Basing in Hampshire, and the Duke attended there 
to have audience, with great indifferency in himselfe, 
to follow or leave off his sute for marriage : (for that 
now he began to suspeft, Her Maiesty liked not 
greatly thereof:) my Lord of Leicester came to him, The speeches 

of Leicester to 

and counselled him in any case to persevere and not to the Duke of 

. . . . , Norfolke. 

relent, assuring him with many oaths and protesta- 
tions, that Her Majesty must and should be brought 
to allow thereof, whether she would or no, and that 
himselfe would seale that purpose with his blood. 
Neither was it to be suffered that Her Maiesty should 
have her will herein ; with many other like speeches to 
this purpose : which the Duke repeated againe then 
presently to my said friend : with often laying his 
hand upon his bosome, and saying ; I have here which 
assureth me sufficiently of the fidelity of my Lord of 
Leicester ; meaning not only the foresaid speechs, but 
also divers letters which he had written to the Duke 
of that effedl, as likewise he had done to some other 
person of more importance in the Realme ; which 
matter comming afterward to light, he cousened most Letcest. 

. cousenage of 

notably her Maiesty, by shewing her a reformed copie the Queene. 
of the said Letter, for the letter it selfe. 

But now how well hee performed his promise, in 
dealing with her Majesty for the Duke, or against the 
Duke in this matter, her Highnesse can best tell, and 


The Duke of 

flying into 


devices for 
the overthrow 
of Sir 

the event it selfe shewed. For the Duke being ad- 
mitted soone after to Her Majesties speech, at an 
other place, and receiving a far other answer then hee 
had in hope conceived upon Leicesters promises : re- 
tyred himselfe to London, where the same night follow- 
ing hee received letters both from Leycester, and Sir 
Nicholas Throgmorton, upon Leicesters instigation (for 
they were at that time both friends and of a faction) 
that he should presently flee into Norfolke as hee did, 
which was the last and finall complement of all 
Leicesters former devices, whereby to plunge his friend 
over the eares in suspition and disgrace, in such sort, 
as he should never be able to draw himselfe out of the 
ditch againe, as indeed he was not, but died in the 

And herein you see also the same subtile and 
Machivilian sleight, which I mentioned before, of 
driving men to attempt somewhat, whereby they may 
incurre danger, or remaine in perpetuall suspition or 
disgrace. And this practice hee hath long used, and 
doth daily, against such as he hath will to destroy. 
As for example : What say you to the device he had 
of late, to intrap his well deserving friend, Sir Chris- 
topher Hatton, in the matter of Hall his Priest, whom 
hee would have had Sir Christopher to send away and 
hide, being touched and dete&ed in the case of 


Ardent, thereby to have drawne in Sir Christopher 
himselfe, as Sir Charles Candish can well declare, if 
it please him, being accessary to this plot, for the 
overthrow of Sir Christopher. To which intent and 
most devilish drift pertained (I doubt not) if the matter 
were duly examined, the late interception of letters in 
Paris from one Aldred of Lyons then in Rome, to Henry 
Vmpton, servant to Sir Christopher, in which letters, Sir 
Christopher is reported to be of such credit and speciall 
favour in Rome, as if hee were the greatest Papist in 

What meaneth also these pernitious late dealings 
against the Earle of Shrewsbury, a man of the most against the 
ancient and worthiest Nobility of our Realme ? what 
meane the practises with his nearest both in bed and 
blood against him ? what meane these most false and 
slanderous rumours cast abroad of late of his disloyall 
demeanures towards her Majesty and his countrey, 
with the great prisoner committed to his charge ? Is 
all this to any other end, but only to drive him to some 
impatience, and thereby to commit or say something 
which may open the gate unto his ruine ? Divers 
other things could I recite of his behaviour towards 
other noble men of the Realm, who live abroad in 
their countries much iniured and malcontented by his 
insolencie : albeit in respeft of his present power they 

contempt of 
the ancient 
Nobility of 


New men 
most con- 

Duke Diidlies 
est at the 
Earle of 


dare not complaine. And surely it is strange to see, 
how little account hee maketh of all the ancient 
Nobility of our Realme : how he contemneth, derideth 
and debaseth them : which is the fashion of all such as 
mean to usurpe, to the end they may have none who 
shal not acknowledge their first beginning and ad- 
vancement from themselves. 

Not only Vsurpers (quoth the Lawyer) but all 
others who rise and mount aloft from base lynage, 
bee ordinarily most contemptuous, contumultuous, & 
insolent against others of more antiquity. And this 
was evident in this mans father, who being a Bucke 
of the first head (as you know) was intolerable in con- 
tempt of others : as appeareth, by those whom hee 
trode downe of the Nobility in his time : as also by his 
ordinary jests against the Duke of Somerset and others. 
But among other times, sitting one day at his owne 
table (as a Counsellor told me that was present) hee 
tooke occasion to talke of the Earle of Arundel whom 
he then had not only removed from the Counsell, but 
also put into the Tower of London, being (as is well 
knowne) the first and chiefest Earle of the Realme. 
And for that the said Earle, shewed himselfe somewhat 
sad and affiidled with his present state (as I marvel 
not, seeing himselfe in prison, and within the compasse 
of so fierce a Bears pawes) it pleased this goodly 


Duke, to vaunt upon this Earles misery, at his owne 
table (as I have said) and asked the noble men and 
Gentlemen there present, what Crest or Cognizance 
my Lord of Arundel did give? and when every one 
answured, that he gave the white Horse : I thought so 
(quoth the Duke) and not without great cause : for as 
the white Paulfrey when hee standeth in the stable, 
and is well provendred, is proud and fierce, and ready 
to leape upon every other horses back, still neying and 
prauncing, and troubling all that stand about him : but 
when hee is once out of his hoat stable, and deprived 
a little of his ease and fat feeding, every boy may ride 
and master him at his pleasure : so it is (quoth he) 
with my Lord of Arundel : Whereat many marvelled 
that were present, to heare so insolent speech passe 
from a man of judgement, against a Peere of the 
Realme, cast into calamity. 

But you would more have marvelled (quoth the Gentleman. 
Gentleman) if you had seene that, which I did after- The most 
ward, which was the most base and abject behaviour behaviour of 
of the same Duke, to the same Earle of Arundel at f n U 
Cambridge, and upon the way towards London: when fortm 
this Earle was sent to apprehend and bring him up, as 
prisoner. If I should tell you how hee fell downe on 
his knees, how he wept, how he besought the said 
Earle to be a good Lord vnto him, whom a little 


before he had so much contemned and reproached : 
you would have said, that himselfe might as well be 
compared to this his white Paulfrey as the other. 
Albeit in this, I will excuse neither of them both, 
neither almost any other of these great men, who are 
so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune, as 
they are easily led to contemne any man, albeit them- 
selves be most contemptible of all others, whensoever 
their fortune beginneth to change : and so will my 
Lord of Leicester be also, no doubt at that day, though 
now in his wealth he triumph over all, and careth not 
whom, or how many hee offend and injure. 

Sir therein I beleeve you (quoth I) for wee have 
had sufficient tryall already of my Lords fortitude in 
Leicester* base adversity. His base and abieft behaviour in his last 
adversity r ' disgrace about his marriage, well declared what he 
would doe, in a matter of more importance. His 
fawning and flattering of them, whom he hated most : 
his servile speeches, his feigned and dissembled teares, 
Leisters a re all very well knowne : Then Sir Christopher Hatton, 

deceiving of J 

sirchnsto- must needs be inforced, to receive at his hands the 
honourable and great office of Chamberlainship of 
Chester, for that he would by any means resign the 
same unto him, whether he would or no : and made 
him provide (not without his charge) to receive the 
same, though his Lordship never meant it, as after 


well appeared. For that the present pange being past, 
it liked my Lord to fulfill the Italian Proverbe, of such 
as in dangers make vowes to Saints : Scampato il 
pericolo, gabbato il Santo, the danger escaped, the Saint 
is deceived. 

Then, and in that necessity, no men of the Realme 
were so much honoured, commended and served by 
him, as the noble Chamberlaine deceased, and the 
good Lord Treasurer yet living: to whom, at a certaine A pretty shift 

i 1 1 r i i i i f m y Lord 

time, hee wrote a letter, in all fraud and base dissimu- Leicester. 
lation, and caused the same to bee delivered with 
great cunning in the sight of her Maiesty ; and yet so, 
as to shew a purpose that it should not be seen : to 
the end, her Highnesse might the rather take occasion 
to call for the same and reade it, as she did. For 
Mistris Frances Haward (to whom the stratagem was 
committed) playing her part dexterously, offered to 
deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer, neere the 
doore of the with-drawing Chamber, hee then comming 
from Her Majesty. And to draw the eye and attention 
of her Highnesse the more unto it, shee let fall the 
paper, before it touched the Treasurers hand, and by 
that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same: 
Which after she had read and considered the stile, 
together with the metall and constitution of him that 
wrote it, and to whom it was sent : Her Highnesse 


could not but breake forth in laughter, with detestation 
Her Majesties o f such absurd and abiedl dissimulation : saying unto 

speech of 

Leicester to my Lord Treasurer there present : my Lord beleeve 

theTreasurer. . . 

him not, for if hee had you in like case hee would play 
the Beare with you, though at this present hee fawne 
upon you never so fast. 

But now, Sir, I pray you goe forward in your 
speech of Scotland, for there, I remember you left off, 
when by occasion wee fell into these digressions. 
Gentleman. Well then (quoth the Gentleman) to returne againe 

to Scotland (as you move) from whence wee have 
digressed : most certaine and evident it is to all the 
world, that all the broyles, troubles, and dangers pro- 
cured to the Prince in that countrey, as also the 
vexations of them, who any way are thought to 
favour that title in our owne Realme, doe proceed from 
The danger the drift and complot of these conspirators. Which 
Majestic by besides the great dangers mentioned before, both 
hT7a S vourers domesticall and forraine, temporall, and of religion, 
Scottish title, must needs inferre great jeopardy also to Her Maiesties 
person and present reigne, that now governeth, through 
the hope and heat of the aspirors ambition, inflamed 
and increased so much the more, by the nearnesse of 
their desired pray. 

ASimiiie For as souldiers entred into hope of a rich and 

well furnished Citie, are more fierce and furious, when 


they have gotten and beaten downe the Bul-workes 
round about : and as the greedy Burglarer that hath 
pearsed and broken downe many wals to come to a 
treasure, is lesse patient of stay, stop and delay, when 
hee commeth in sight of that which he desireth, or 
perceiveth only some partition of wane-skot or the 
like, betwixt his fingers and the cofers or money bags : 
so these men, when they shall see the succession of 
Scotland extinguished, together with all friends and 
favourers thereof, (which now are to Her Majesty as 
Bulwarkes and Walles, and great obstacles to the 
aspirors) and when they shall see only Her Majesties 
life and person, to stand betwixt them and their fiery 
desires, (for they make little account of all other 
Competitours by King Henries line : ) no doubt, but it 
will be to them a great pricke and spurre, to dispatch 
Her Maiesty also : the nature of both Earles being well 
considered, whereof the one killed his own wife (as Earieof 

T pffpctpy 

hath beene shewed before) onely upon a little vaine 
hope of marriage with a Queene, and the other being Earieof 
so farre blinded and borne away, with the same furious 
fume, and most impotent itching humour of ambition : 
as his owne mother, when she was alive, seemed 
greatly to feare his fingers, if once the matter should 
come so neere, as her life had only stood in his way. 
For which cause, the good old Countesse, was wont to 



The old p ra y God (as I have heard divers say) that she might 

C^ountcssc oi 

die before Her Majesty, (which happily was granted 

speech of her i , .. . . 

sonne. unto her) to the end that by standing in her sonnes 

way (who shee saw to her griefe, furiously bent to 
weare a Crowne:) their might not some dangerous 
extremity grow to her, by that nearnesse: And if his 
owne mother feared this mischance, what may her 
Majesty doubt, at his and his companions hands, when 
she only shall be the obstacle of all their unbridled 
and impatient desires ? 

Lawyer. Cleare it is (quoth the Lawyer) that the nearnesse 

Nearnesse in of aspirours to the Crowne, endangereth greatly the 

competitors . 

doth incite present possessors, as you have well proved by reason, 
adventure, and I could shew by divers examples, if it were need. 
Henry BuHng- For when Henry Bullingbrooke, Duke of Lancaster saw, 

brook after . 

King Henry not only Richard the second to be without issue, but 
also Roger Mortimer, Earle of March, that should have 
succeeded in the Crowne, to bee slaine in Ireland : 
though before (as is thought) hee meant not to usurpe, 
yet seeing the possibility and neere cut that he had : 
was invited therewith to lay hands of his Soveraignes 
blood and dignity, as he did. The like is thought of 

Richard duke Richard. Duke of Glocester. that he never meant the 

of Glocester 

after King murder of his nephewes, until he saw their father dead, 

Richard the . . 

third. and themselves m his owne hands : his brother also 

Duke of Clarence dispatched, and his only sonne and 
heire Earle of Warwicke, within his owne power. 


Wherefore, seeing it hath not pleased Almighty 
God, for causes to himselfe best knowne, to leave unto 
this noble Realme, any issue by her most excellent 
Majesty, it hath beene a point of great wisdome in 
mine opinion, and of great safety to Her Highnesse 
person, state, and dignity ; to preserve hitherto, the The great 

i r i T i i- 7 wisdome of 

line of the next Inheritors by the house of Scotland, her Majesty 

/T 111 t 1 t i n conserving 

(I meane both the mother and the son) whose deaths the next 
hath beene so diligently sought, by the other com- Scotland. 
petitours, and had beene long ere this atchieved, if 
her Majesties owne wisedome and Royall clemency 
(as is thought) had not placed speciall eye upon the 
conservation thereof, from time to time. Which 
princely providence^ so long as it shall endure, must 
needs be a great safety and fortresse to Her Majesty, 
not onely against the claimes, ayds, or annoyance of 
forraine Princes who will not be so forward to advance 
strange titles, while so manifest heires remaine at 
home, nor yet so willing (in respeft of policy) to helpe 
that line to possession of the whole Hand : but also 
against practices of domesticall aspirours (as you have 
shewed) in whose affaires no doubt but these two 
branches of Scotland are great blocks, as also special 
Bulwarkes to her Majesties life and person ; seeing (as 
you say) these copartners make so little account of all 
the other of that line, who should ensue by order of 


The King of 
of more 
to the 

then his 

The Earle of 
Salisbury dis- 
graced by the 


The vigilant 
eye that her 
ancestors had 
to the cola- 
terall line. 

Marry yet of the two, I thinke the youth of Scot- 
land be of much more importance for their purpose, to 
be made away, both for that he may have issue, and is 
like in time to be of more ability, for defence of his 
owne inheritance : as also for that hee being once dis- 
patched, his mother should soone ensue, by one sleight 
or other, which they would devise unwitting to Her 
Majesty : albeit, I must needs confesse, that her High- 
nesse hath used most singular prudence for prevention 
thereof: in placing her restraint with so noble, strong, 
and worthy a Peere of our Realme, as the Earle of 
Shrewsbury is : whose fidelity and constancy being 
nothing pliable to the others faction, giveth them 
little contentation. And for that cause, the world 
seeth, how many sundry and divers devices they have 
used, and doe use daily to slaunder and disgrace him, 
and thereby to pull from him his charge committed. 

To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all, 
but stood still musing with himselfe, as though he had 
conceived some deepe matter in his head : and after a 
little pause he began to say as followeth. 

I cannot truly but much marvaile, when I doe 
compare some things of this time and government, 
with the doings of former Princes, progenitors to Her 
Maiesty. Namely of Henry the seventh, and Henry 
the eight : who had so vigilant an eye to the laterall 


line of King Edward the fourth by his brother of 
Clarence, as they thought it necessary, not only to 
prevent all evident dangers that might ensue that way, 
but even the possibilities of all perill : as may well 
appeare by the execution of Edward Earle of Warwick* Persons 
before named, Sonne and heire to the said Duke of the House of 
Clarence, and of Margaret his Sister Countess of Salis- 
bury, with the Lord Henry Montague her Sonne, by 
whose Daughter the Earle of Huntingdon now claimeth. 
All which were executed for avoiding of inconveniences, 
and that at such times, when no imminent danger 
could bee much doubted, by that Line, especially by 
the latter. And yet now when one of the same House 
and Line, of more ability and ambition, then ever any 
of his Ancestours were, maketh open title and claime 
to the Crowne, with plots, packs, and preparations to 
most manifest usurpation, against all order, all law, 
and all rightfull succession : and against a speciall 
statute provided in that behalfe : yet is hee permitted, 
borne out, favored, and friended therein : and no man 
so hardy, as in defence of her Majestic and Realme, to 
controle him for the same. 

It may be, that her Majesty is brought into the The example 
same opinion of my Lord of Huntingtons fidelity, as casars 
lulius Ccesar was of Marcus Brutus, his dearest obliged c 
friend : of whose ambitious practises, and aspiring, 


when Ccesar was advertised by his carefull friends: hee 
answered, that hee well knew Brutus to bee ambitious, 
but I am sure (quoth hee) that my Brutus will never 
attempt any thing for the Empire, while Cczsar liveth : 
and after my death, let him shift for the same among 
others, as hee can. But what ensued ? Surely I am 
loth to tell the event, for ominations sake, but yet all 
the World knoweth, that ere many moneths passed, 
this most Noble and Clement Emperour, was pittifully 
murdered by the same Brutus and his Partners, in the 
publique Senate, when least of all hee expedled such 
treason. So dangerous a thing it is, to bee secure in a 
matter of so great sequell, or to trust them with a 
mans life, who may pretend preferment or interest, by 
his death. 

Wherefore, would God her Majesty in this case, 
might bee induced, to have such due care and regard 
of her owne estate and Roy all person, as the weighty 
moment of the matter requireth : which containeth the 
blisse and calamity of so Noble and worthy a King- 
dome, as this is. 
TOO much I know right well, that most excellent natures are 

confidence . 

very perilous alwayes furthest oil from diffidence in such people, as 

in a Prince. 1111 j 

proves love, and are most bounden by duty : and so 
it is evident in her Majesty. But yet surely, this con- 
fidence so commendable in other men, is scarse allow- 


able often times in the person of a Prince : for that it 
goeth accompanied with so great perill, as is inevitable 
to him that will not suspect principally when dangers 
are foretold or presaged, (as commonly by Gods 
appointment they are, for the speciall hand hee holdeth 
over Princes affaires,) or when there is probable con- 
jecture, or just surmise of the same. 

Wee know that the forenamed Emperour Cczsar, 
had not onely the warning given him of the inclination 
and intent of Brutus to usurpation, but even the very 
day when hee was going towards the place of his 
appointed destiny, there was given up into his hands a 
detection of the whole treason, with request to read the 
same presently, which hee upon confidence omitted to 
doe. Wee read also of Alexander the great, how hee The example 

of Alexander 

was not onely forbidden by a learned man, to enter the great, 

n / i . i \ r * how he was 

into Babylon (whether hee was then going) for that foretold his 
there was treason meant against him, in the place, but 
also that hee was foretold of Antipaters mischievous 
meaning against him, in particular. But the yong 
Prince having so well deserved of Antipater could not 
bee brought to mistrust the man that was so deare unto 
him : and by that meanes was poisoned in a banquet, 
by three Sonnes of Antipater, which were of most 
credit and confidence in the Kings Chamber, 

Here, truly, my heart did somewhat tremble with 




feare, horrour, and detestation of such events. And I 
said unto the Gentleman. I beseech you, Sir, to talke 
no more of these matters, for I cannot well abide to 
heare them named : hoping in the Lord, that there is 
no cause, nor ever shall bee, to doubt the like in 
England: specially from these men who are so much 
bounden to her Majesty, and so forward in seeking 
out and pursuing all such, as may bee thought to be 
dangerous to her Majesties person, as by the sundry 
late executions wee have seene, and by the punish- 
ments every way of Papists, wee may perceive. 

Truth it is (quoth the Gentleman) that justice 
hath beene done upon divers of late, which contenteth 
mee greatly, for the terrour and restraint of others, of 
what seel or religion soever they bee : And it is most 
necessary (doubtles) for the compressing of parties, 
that great vigilance bee used in that behalfe. But 
when I consider, that onely one kind of men are 
touched herein : and that all speech, regard, doubt, 
distrust, and watch, is of them alone; without reflexion 
of eye upon any other mens doings or designements : 
when I see the double diligence, and vehemency of 
certaine instruments, which I like not, bent wholly 
to rayse wonder and admiration of the people, feare, 
terrour, and attention, to the doings, sayings, and 
meanings of one part or faction alone, and of that 

namely and onely, which these conspiratours esteeme Fraud to bee 

e , i . i feared in 

tor most dangerous and opposite to themselves: I am pursuing one 

/i i \ r i ^ r part or faftion 

(believe mee) often tempted to suspect fraud and oneiy. 
false measure : and that these men deale, as Wolves 
by nature in other Countries are wont to doe : Which 
going together in great numbers to assaile a flock of 
sheepe by night, doe set some one or two of their 
company upon the wind side of the fold a farre off, who 
partly by their sent and other bruteling which of pur- 
pose they make, may draw the dogges and shepheards 
to pursue them alone, whiles the other doe enter and The 

r comparison 

slay the whole flock. Or as rebels that meaning to of 

and ivCD6is. 

surprise a Towne, to turne away the Inhabitants from 
consideration of the danger, and from defence of that 
place, where they intend to enter : doe set on fire some 
other parts of the Towne further off, and doe sound a 
false alarme at some gate, where is meant least danger. 

Which art, was used cunningly by Richard Duke of Richard nu 

3 J J of Yorke. 

Yorke in the time of King Henry the sixt, when hee to 

cover his owne intent : brought all the Realme in doubt 

of the doings of Edmond Duke of Somerset, his enemy. 

But lohn of Northumberland, Father to my Lord of Duke Dudley. 

Leycester, used the same art much more skilfully, when 

hee put all England in a maze and musing of the 

Prote&our and of his friends : as though nothing 

could bee safe about the yong King, untill they were 


suppressed : and consequently, all brought into his 

owne authority, without obstacle. I speake not this, 

to excuse Papists, or to wish them any way spared 

A good rule wherein they offend: but onely to signifie that in a 

of policy. 

Countrey, where so potent factions bee, it is not safe, 
to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pur- 
suite of the other : as afterwards the Prince must 
remaine at the devotion of the stronger : but rather as 
in a body molested and troubled with contrary humours, 
if all cannot bee purged, the best Physick is, without 
all doubt, to reduce and hold them at such an equality: 
as destruction may not bee feared of the predominant. 
To this said the Lawyer laughing, yea marry Sir. 
I would to God, your opinion might prevaile in this 
matter : for then should wee bee in other tearmes, 
then now wee are. I was not long since, in company 
of a certaine honourable Lady of the Court, who, after 
some speech passed by Gentlemen that were present, 
of some apprehended, and some executed, and such 
like affaires : brake into a great complaint of the pre- 
sent time, and therewith (I assure you) moved all the 
hearers to griefe (as women you know are potent in 
stirring of affeftions,) and caused them all to wish that 
her Majesty, had beene nigh to have heard her words. 
of a certaine I doe well remember (quoth shee) the first douzen 
court? yeares of her highnesse raigne, how happy, pleasant, 


and quiet they were, with all manner of comfort and 
consolation. There was no mention then of fadlions 
in religion, neither was any man much noted or re- 
jected for that cause : so otherwise his conversation 
were civill and courteous. No suspition of treason, no 
talke of bloudshed, no complaint of troubles, miseries 
or vexations. All was peace, all was love, all was joy, 
all was delight. Her Majesty (I am sure) tooke more 
recreation at that time, in one day, then she doth now 
in a whole weeke : and wee that served her highnesse, 
enjoyed more contentation in a weeke, then wee can 
now in divers yeares. For now, there are so many 
suspitions, every where, for this thing and for that : 
as wee cannot tell whom to trust. So many melan- 
cholique in the Court, that seeme male-contented : so 
many complaining or suing for their friends that are 
in trouble : other slip over the Sea, or retire themselves 
upon the sudden : so many tales brought us of this or 
that danger, of this man suspefted, of that man sent 
for up, and such like unpleasant and unsavery stuffe : 
as wee can never almost bee merry one whole day 

Wherefore (quoth this Lady) wee that are of her 
Majesties traine and speciall service, and doe not onely 
feel these things in our selves, but much more in the 
griefe of her most excellent Majesty, whom wee see 



wished in 
matters of 

The speech 
of a Courtier. 

This perill of 
divisions and 
fa&ions in a 

dayly molested herewith (being one of the best natures, 
I am sure, that ever noble Princesse was indued with 
all : ) wee cannot but mone, to behold contentions 
advanced so farre foorth as they are : and wee could 
wish most hartily that for the time to come, these 
matters might passe with such peace, friendship and 
tranquility, as they doe in other Countries : where 
difference in religion breaketh not the band of good 
fellowship, or fidelity. And with this in a smiling 
manner, shee brake off : asking pardon of the com- 
pany, if shee had spoken her opinion, over boldly, like 
a woman. 

To whom, answered a Courtier, that sat next her : 
Madame, your Ladiship hath said nothing in this 
behalfe, that is not dayly debated among us, in our 
Common speech in Court, as you know. Your desire 
also herein is a publique desire, if it might bee brought 
to passe : for there is no man so simple, that seeth not, 
how perilous these contentions and divisions among 
us, may bee in the end. And I have heard divers 
Gentlemen, that bee learned, discourse at large upon 
this argument : alleaging old examples of the Athenians, 
Lacedemonians, Carthagenians, and Romans, who re- 
ceived notable dammages, and destruction also, in the 
end, by their divisions and factions among themselves : 
and specially from them of their owne Cities and 


Countries, who upon fadtions lived abroad with For- 
rainers ; and thereby were always as fire-brands to 
carry home the flame of Warre, upon their Countrey. 

The like, they also shewed by the long experience 
of all the great Cities and States of Italy : which by 
their factious and foruscites > were in continuall gar- 
boile, bloudshed and misery. Whereof our owne 
Countrey hath tasted also her part, by the odious 
contention betweene the Houses of Lancaster and 
Yorke : wherein it is marvailous to consider, what 
trouble a few men oftentimes, departing out of the 
Realme, were able to worke, by the part of their faction 
remaining at home (which commonly encreaseth to- 
wards them that are absent,) and by the readines of 
forraine Princes, to receive alwayes, and comfort such, 
as are discontented in an other state : to the end, that 
by their meanes, they might hold an ore in their neigh- 
bours bote ; Which, Princes that are nigh borderers, 
doe alwayes, above all other things most covet and 

This was that Courtiers speech and reason, whereby 
I perceived, that as well among them in Court, as 
among us in the Realme and Countrey abroad, the 
present inconvenience and dangerous sequell of this The 

* dangerous 

our home dissension, is espied : and consequently sequeiiof 

, -11 j dissention in 

most English hearts inclined to wish the remedy or ourReaime. 



Examples of 
in matters of 


prevention thereof, by some reasonable moderation, or 
re-union among our selves. For that the prosecution 
of these differences to extremity, cannot but after 
many wounds and exulcerations bring matters finally 
to rage, fury and most deadly desperation. 

Whereas on the other side, if any sweet qualifica- 
tion, or small tolleration among us, were admitted : 
there is no doubt, but that affaires would passe in our 
Realme, with more quietnes, safety and publique weale 
of the same, then it is like it will doe long : and men 
would easily bee brought, that have English bowels, 
to joyne in the preservation of their Countrey, from 
ruine, bloudshed, and forraine oppression, which des- 
peration of factions is wont to procure. 

I am of your opinion (quoth the Gentleman) in 
that, for I have seene the experience thereof, and all 
the World beholdeth the same at this day, in all the 
Countries of Germany, Polonia, Bcemland, and Hungary : 
where a little bearing of the one with the other, hath 
wrought them much ease, and continued them a peace 
whereof all Europe besides, hath admiration and envy. 
The first douzen yeares also of her Majesties raigne, 
whereof your Lady of the Court discoursed before, 
can well bee a witnesse of the same : Wherein the 
commiseration and lenity that was used towards those 
of the weaker sort, with a certaine sweet diligence for 


their gaining, by good meanes, was the cause of much 
peace, contentation, and other benefit to the whole 

Wee see in France, that by over much pressing of The breach 

, r i 11 i and re-union 

one part onely, a nre was inkindled not many yeares againe in 
since, like to have consumed and destroyed the whole : 
had not a necessary molification beene thought upon, 
by the wisest of that King's Councell, full contrary to 
the will and inclination of some great personages, who 
meant perhaps to have gained more by the other. And 
since that time, wee see what peace, wealth and re- 
union, hath insued in that Countrey, that was so 
broken, dissevered and wasted before. And all this, 
by yeelding a little in that thing, which no force can 
master, but exulcerate rather, and make worse : I 
meane the conscience and judgement of men in mat- 
ters of religion. 

The like also I could name you in F launders, where Flanders. 
after all these broyles and miseries, of so many yeares 
warres (caused principally by too much streyning in 
such affaires at the beginning) albeit, the King be never 
so stric~l-laced, in yeelding to publike liberty, and free 
exercise on both parts : yet is he descended to this at 
length (and that upon force of reason) to abstain from 
the pursuite and search of mens consciences, not onely 
in the townes, which upon composition hee receiveth, 


by the 


but also where hee hath recovered by force, as in 
Tornay } and other places : where I am informed that 
no man is searched, demanded, or molested for his 
opinion or conscience, nor any a6l of Papistry or con- 
trary religion required at their hands : but are per- 
mitted to Hue quietly to God and themselves, at home 
in their owne houses : so they perform otherwise, their 
outward obedience and duties to their Prince and 
countrey. Which only qualification, tollerance, and 
moderation in our Realme (if I be not deceived, with 
many more that be of my opinion) would content all 
divisions, factions, and parties among us, for their 
continuance in peace : be they Papists, Puritanes, 
Familians, or of whatsoever nice difference or sedlion 
besides, and would be sufficient to retaine all parties, 
within a temperate obedience to the Magistrate and 
governement, for conservation of their countrey : which 
were of no small importance to the contentation of Her 
Majesty, and weale publike of the whole kingdome. 

But what should I talke of this thing, which is so 
contrary to the desires and designments of our puis- 
sant Conspirators ? What should Cicero the Senator 
use perswasions to Captaine Catdine, and his crew, that 
quietnesse and order were better then hurleburlies ? 
Is it possible that our Aspirours will ever permit any 
such thing, cause, or matter, to be treated in our state, 


as may tend to the stability of Her Majesties present 
government. No surely, it standeth nothing with their 
wisedome or policie : especially at this instant, when 
they have such opportunity of following their owne The 
adtions in Her Majesties name, under the vizard and opportunity 3 
pretext, of her defence and safety : having sowed in 
every mans head, so many imaginations of the dan- 
gers present both abroad and at home : from Scotland, 
Flanders, Spaine and Ireland ; so many conspiracies, 
so many intended murders, and others so many con- 
trived or conceived mischieves : as my Lord of Leicester 
assureth himselfe, that the troubled water cannot bee 
cleared againe, in short space, nor his baits and lines 
laid therein, easily espied : but rather, that hereby ere 
long, hee will catch the fish he gapeth so greedily 
after : and in the meane time, for the pursute of these 
crimes, and other that daily he will find out, himselfe 
must remaine perpetuall Didlator. 

But what meaneth this so much inculcating of 
troubles, treasons, murders, and invasions ? I like 
not surely these ominous speeches. And as I am out 
of doubt, that Leicester the caster of these shadowes, 
doth looke to play his part, first in these troublesome 
affaires : so doe I heartily feare, that unlesse the 
tyrranie of this Leicestrian fury be speedily stopped, 
that such misery to Prince, and people (which the 



Lord for his mercies sake turne from us) as never 
greater fell before to our miserable countrey : is farre 
nearer hand then is expected or suspected. 

And therefore, for prevention of these calamities, to 

tell you plainely mine opinion (good Sirs) and therwith 

to draw to an end of this our conference (for it waxeth 

late : ) I would thinke it the most necessary point of 

Leicester all for Her Majesty to call his Lordship to account 

to be called , * . . , , 

to account, among other, and to see what other men could say 
against him, at length, after so many yeares of his sole 
accusing and pursuing of others. I know and am very 
well assured, that no one act which Her Majesty hath 
done since her comming to the Crowne (as she hath 
done right many most highly to be commended) nor 
any that lightly Her Majesty may doe hereafter, can 
be of more vtilitie to Her selfe, and to the Realme, or, 
more gratefull unto her faithfull and zealous subiecls 
then this noble act of Justice would bee, for tryall of 
this mans deserts towards his countrey. 

I say it would be profitable to Her Maiestie, and to 
the Realme, not only in respect of the many dangers 
before mentioned, hereby to bee avoyded, which are 
like to ensue most certainely, if his courses be still 
permitted: but also, for that Her Maiesty shall by this, 
deliver Her selfe from that generall grudge and griefe 
of mind, with great dislike, which many subiects, other- 


wise most faithfull, have conceived against the exces- 
sive favour shewed to this man so many yeares, without 
desert or reason. Which favour, he having used to the 
hurt, annoyance and oppression both of infinit severall 
persons, and the whole Common-wealth (as hath beene 
said:) the griefe and resentiment thereof, doth redound 
commonly in such cases, not onely upon the person 
dilinquent alone, but also upon the Soveraigne, by 
whose favour and authority hee offereth such iniuries, 
though never so much against the others intent, will, 
desire, or meaning. 

And hereof we have examples of sundry Princes, in 
all ages and countries ; whose exorbitant favour to 
some wicked subieft that abused the same : hath beene 
the cause of great danger and ruin : the sinnes of the 
Favourite, being returned, and revenged upon the 
Favourer. As in the Historie of the Grecians is de- 
clared, by occasion of the pittifull murder of that wise The death of 
and viftorious Prince Philip of Macedonie, who albeit, of Macedowe, 

, rr r and cause 

that he were well assured to have given no onence of thereof. 
himselfe to any of his subje&s, and consequently 
feared nothing, but conversed openly and confidently 
among them : yet, for that hee had favoured too much 
one Duke Attains^ a proud and insolent Courtier, and 
had borne him out in certaine of his wickednesse, or 
at least, not punished the same after it was dete&ed 


and complayned upon : the parties grieved, accounting 
the crime more proper and hainous on the part of him, 
who by office should doe iustice, and protedl other, 
then of the Perpetrator, who followeth but his owne 
passion and sensuality; let passe Attalus, and made 
their revenge upon the blood and life of the King 
himselfe, by one Pausanius, suborned for that purpose, 
in the marriage day of the Kings owne daughter. 

Great store of like examples might be repeated, 
out of the stories of other countries, nothing being 
more usuall or frequent among all nations, then the 
afflictions of Realmes and kingdomes, and the over- 
throw of Princes and great Potentates themselves, 
by their too much affedtion towards some unworthy 
particular persons : a thing indeed so common and 
ordinary, as it may well seeme to be the specialest 
Rock of all other, whereat Kings and Princes do make 
their shipwracks. 

For if wee looke into the states and Monarchies of 
all Christendome, and consider the ruines that have 
bin of any Princes or Ruler within the same : wee 
shall find this point to have beene a great and prin- 
cipall part of the cause thereof : and in our owne state 
and countrey, the matter is too too evident. For 
whereas, since the conquest wee number principally, 
three iust and lawfull Kings : to have come to 


confusion, by alienation of their subjects : that is, Kings of 

Edward the second, Richard the second, and Henry the overthrowne 

, . . . _ f by too much 

sixt, this only point of too much favour towards wicked favouring of 

.LI i r r i o 1 1 some - 

was the chiefest cause of destruction in all cuiarmen. 
three. As in the first, the excessive favour towards K. Edward 2. 
Peter Gaveston and two of the Spencers. In the second, K. Richard 2. 
the like extraordinary, and indiscreet affection towards 
Robert Vere, Earle of Oxford, and Marquesse of Dubline, 
and Thomas Mowbray, two most turbulent and wicked 
men, that set the King against his owne Vncles and 
the Nobility. 

In the third (being a simple and holy man) albeit, K. Henry e. 
no great exorbitant affection was seene towards any, 
yet his wife, Queene Margarets too much favour and 
credit (by him not controled) towards the Marques of 
Suffolke, that after was made Duke, by whose instinct 
and wicked counsell, she made away first the noble 
Duke of Glocester, and afterward committed other 
things in great preiudice of the Realme, and suffered 
the said most impious & sinfull Duke, to range & make 
havocke of all sort of subiefls at his pleasure (much 
after the fashion of the Earle of Leicester now, though 
yet not in so high and extreme a degree : (this I say 
was the principal! and originall cause, both before God 
and man, (as Polidore well noteth) of all the calamity Pel. m. . 

v , hist. Angl. 

and extreme desolation, which after ensued both to the 


King, Queene, and their only child, with the utter 
extirpation of their family. 

And so likewise now to speak in our particular 
case, if there be any grudge or griefe at this day, any 
mislike, repining, complaint or murmure against Her 
Majesties government, in the hearts of her true and 
faithfull subiedls, who wish amendment of that which 
is amisse, and not the overthrow of that which is well : 
(as I trow it were no wisdome to imagine there were 
none at all : ) I dare avouch upon conscience, that 
either all, or the greatest part thereof, proceedeth from 
this man: who by the favour of her Maiesty so aflicleth 
her people, as never did before him, either Gaveston, or 
Spencer, or Vere, or Mowbray, or any other mischievous 
Tyrant, that abused most his Princes favour within 
our Realme of England. Whereby it is evident, how 
profitable a thing it should bee to the whole Realme 
how honourable to Her Maiestie, and how gratefull to 
all her subiecls, if this man at length might be called 
to his account. 

Lawyer. Sir (quoth the Lawyer) you alleage great reason, 

and verily I am of opinion, that if her Majesty knew 
but the tenth part of this, which you have here spoken, 
as also her good subiects desires and complaint in this 
behalfe : shee would well shew, that Her Highnesse 
feareth not to permit iustice to passe upon Leicester, or 


any other within her Realme, for satisfaction of her 
people, whatsoever some men may thinke and .report to 
the contrary, or howsoever otherwise of her owne mild 
disposition, or good affection towards the person, shee 
have borne with him hitherto. For so wee see, that 
wise Princes can doe at times convenient, for peace 
and tranquillity, and publike weale : though contrary 
to their owne particular and peculiar inclination. 

As to goe no further, then to the last example 
named and alleaged by your selfe before : though 
Queene Margaret the wife of King Henry the sixt, had 
favoured most unfortunately many yeares together, 
William Duke of Suffolke (as hath beene said) whereby The 
he committed manifold out-rages, and afflicted the O f wuuam 
Realme by sundry meanes: yet shee being a woman of 
great prudence, when she saw the whole Communalty 
demand justice upon him for his demerites, albeit shee 
liked and loved the man still : yet for satisfaction of 
the people, upon so generall a complaint : she was 
content, first to commit him to prison, and afterward 
to banish him the Realme : but the providence of God 
would not permit him so to escape : for that hee being 
incountred, and taken upon the sea in his passage, hee 
was beheaded in the ship, and so received some part of 
condigne punishment for his most wicked, loose, and 
licentious life. 


of Edmond 


And to seeke no more examples in this case, and 
wee know into what favour and speciall grace Sir 
Edmond Dudley my Lord of Leycesters good Grand- 
father was crept, with King Henry the seventh, in the 
latter end of his raigne : and what intolerable wicked- 
nesse and mischiefe hee wrought against the whole 
Realme, and against infinite particular persons of the 
same, by the polings and oppressions which hee prac- 
tised : whereby though the King received great tem- 
porall commodity at that time, (as her Majesty doth 
nothing at all, by the present extortions of his 
Nephew:) yet for justice sake, and for meere com- 
passion towards his afflidled subjects, that complained 
grievously of this iniquity: that most vertuous and 
wise Prince King Henry, was content to put from him, 
this lewd instrument, and devilish suggestour of new 
exactions : whom his Sonne Henry, that insued in the 
Crowne, caused presently before all other businesse, to 
bee called publiquely to accompt, and for his deserts to 
leefe his head : So as where the interest of a whole 
Realme, or common cause of many, taketh place : the 
private favour of any one, cannot stay a wise and 
godly Prince, (such as all the World knoweth her 
Majesty to bee) from permitting justice to have her 
free passage. 

Truly it should not (quoth the Gentleman) for to 

that end were Princes first elected, and upon that The causes 
consideration doe subjects pay them both tribute and wer y e cSSe 
obedience: to bee defended by them from injuries and receive 

i~ i * 

oppressions, and to see lawes executed, and justice ' 
exercised, upon and towards all men, with indifferency. 
And as for our particular case of my Lord of Leycester, 
I doe not see in right and equity, how her Majesty 
may deny this lawfull desire and petition of her people. 
For if her highnesse doe permit and command the 
lawes dayly to passe upon thieves and murderers, 
without exception, and that for one fact onely, as by 
experience wee see : how then can it bee denied in this 
man, who in both kinds hath committed more enormous 
acts, then may bee well recounted. 

As in the first, of theft, not onely by spoiling and Leyu&tm 

X iifc-I L5. 

oppressing almost infinite private men : but also whole 
Townes, Villages, Corporations, and Countries, by 
robbing the Realme with inordinate licences, by de- 
ceiving the Crowne, with racking, changing and im- 
bezeling the lands, by abusing his Prince and soveraign 
in selling his favour both at home and abroad : with 
taking bribes for matter of justice, grace, request, 
supplication, or whatsoever sute els may depend upon 
the Court, or of the Princes authority : with setting at 
saile and making open market, of whatsoever her 
Majesty can give, doe, or procure, bee it spirituall or 



temporall. In which sort of traffique, hee committeth 
more theft, often times in one day: then all the 
way-keepers, cut-purses, cousiners, pirats, burglares, 
or other of that art in a whole yeare, within the 

And as for the second, which is murder, you have 
heard before somewhat said and prooved : but yet 
nothing, to that which is thought to have beene in 
secret committed upon divers occasions at divers times, 
in sundry persons, of different calling in both sexes, by 
most variable meanes of killing, poisoning, charming, 
inchanting, conjuring and the like: according to the 
diversity of men, places, oportunities and instruments 
for the same. By all which meanes, I thinke, hee 
hath more bloud lying upon his head at this day, 
crying vengeance against him at Gods hands and her 
Majesty, then ever had private man in our Countrey 
before, were hee never so wicked. 

Whereto now, if wee add his other good behaviour, 
as his intolerable licentiousnesse in all filthy kind and 
bee ready at manner of carnality, with all sort of Wives, Friends 
triaii. and Kinswomen : if wee add his injuries and dis- 

honours, done hereby to infinite : if wee add his 
treasons, treacheries and conspiracies about the 
Crowne ; his disloyall behaviour and hatred against 
her Majesty, his ordinary lying, and common perjuring 

A heape of 
that would 


himselfe, in all matters for his gaine, both great and 
small ; his rapes and most violent extortions upon the 
poore ; his abusing of the Parliament and other places 
of justice, with the Nobility and whole communalty 
besides ; if we add also his open injuries which hee 
offereth dayly to religion, and the Ministers thereof, 
by tithing them, and turning all to his owne gaine: 
together with his manifest and knowne tyranny prac- 
tized towards all estates abroad, throughout all Shires 
of the Kingdome : his dispoyling of both the Vniver- 
sities, and discouraging of infinite notable wits there, 
from seeking perfection of knowledge and learning, 
(which otherwise were like to become notable) 
especially in Gods word (which giveth life unto the 
soule,) by defrauding them of the price and reward 
proposed for their travaile in that kind, through his 
insatiable Simoniacall contracts: if I say, wee should 
lay together all these enormities before her Majesty, 
and thousands more in particular, which might and 
would bee gathered, if his day of triall were but in 
hope to bee granted. I doe not see in equity and 
reason, how her highnesse sitting in throne, and at the 
Roy all Sterne, as shee doth, could deny her subjects 
this most lawfull request : considering, that every one 
of these crimes apart, requireth justice of his owne 
nature : and much more all together ought to obtaine 



Her Majesties 
tender heart 
towards the 


desire, that 
men should 
think her 
Majesty to 
stand in feare 
of him. 

the same, at the hands of any good and godly 
Magistrate in the World. 

No doubt (quoth I) but that these considerations, 
must needs weigh much with any zealous Prince, and 
much more with her most excellent Majesty: whose 
tender heart towards her Realme and Subjects, is very 
well knowne of all men. It is not to bee thought also, 
but that her highnesse hath intelligence of divers of 
these matters alleaged, though not perhaps of all. But 
what would you have her Majesty to doe ? perhaps the 
consultation of this affaire, is not, what were con- 
venient, but what is expedient : not, what ought to bee 
done in justice, but what may bee done in safety. 
You have described my Lord before to bee a great 
man, strongly furnished and fortified for all events. 
What if it bee not secure to bark at the Beare that is 
so well britched ? I speake unto you but that which I 
heere in Cambridge and other places, where I have 
passed : where every mans opinion is, that her Majesty 
standeth not in free choise to doe what herselfe best 
liketh in that case, at this day. 

I know (said the Gentleman) that Leycesters friends 
give it out every where, that her Majesty now, is their 
good Lords prisoner, and that shee either will or must 
bee diredted by him for the time to come, except shee 
will doe worse : Which thing his Lordship is well 


contented should bee spred abroad, and believed, for 
two causes: the one to hold the people thereby more 
in awe of himselfe, then of their Soveraigne : and 
secondly to draw her Majestic indeed by degrees to 
feare him. For considering with himselfe what he 
hath done : and that it is impossible in truth that ever 
Her Majesty should love him again, or trust him after 
so many treacheries, as he well knoweth are come to 
Her Highnesse understanding : hee thinketh that he 
hath no way of sure standing, but by terrour, and 
opinion of his puissant greatnesse ; whereby hee would 
hold Her Majesty, and the Realme in thraldome, as 
his father did in his time before him. And then for 
that he well remembreth the true saying, Mains custos GOTO in 

^^ f*\{ * 

diuturnitati$ t metus : he must provide shortly that those 
which feare him, be not able to hurt him : and conse- 
quently you know what must follow, by the example 
of King Edward, who feared Duke Dudley extremely, 
for that hee had cut off his two Vncles heads, and the 
Duke tooke order that hee should never live to re- 
venge the same. For it is a setled rule of Machivel, A rule of 

iir>tf*i i rr^i i i Machivell 

which the Dudleis doe observe : 1 hat, where you have observed by 

. , . . ,. r theDudlifS. 

once done a great injury, there must you never forgive. 

But I will tell you (my friends) and I will tell you 
no untruth, for that I know what I speake herein, and 
am privie to the state of my Lord in this behalfe, and 


of mens opinions and affections towards him within the 
Leycest. strong Realme. Most certaine it is, that he is strong by the 

only by Her r i T% 

Majesties present favour of the Prince (as hath been shewed 
before) in respect whereof, hee is admitted also as 
chiefe patron of the Huntington faction, though neither 
loved, nor greatly trusted of the same : but let her 
Majesty once turne her countenance aside from him 
in good earnest, and speake but the word only, that 
justice shall take place against him: and I will under- 
take with gaging of both my life and little lands that 
God hath given me, that without sturre or trouble, or 

An offer made any danger in the world, the Beare shall be taken to 

tying tof Her Majesties hand, and fast chained to a stake, with 
mouzel cord, collar and ring, and all other things 
necessary: so that Her Majesty shall baite him at her 
pleasure, without all danger of byting, breaking loose, 
or any other inconvenience whatsoever. 

For (Sirs) you must not thinke, that this man 
holdeth any thing abroad in the Realme but by vio- 
lence, and that only upon her Majesties favour and 
countenance towards him. Hee hath not any thing of 
his owne, either from his ancestors, or of himselfe, to 
stay upon, in mens hearts or conceits : he hath not 

Leicester ancient nobility, as other of our Realme have, wherby 

what he rr r\- i T T r i r T 

receiveth mens affections are greatly moved. His father lohn 
ancestors. Dudley was the first noble of his line : who raysed and 


made himselfe bigge by supplanting of other, and by 
setting debate among the Nobility : as also his Grand- 
father Edmond, a most wicked Promoter, and wretched 
Petifoger, enriched himself by other mens mines : both 
of them condemned Traytors, though different in 
quality, the one being a Cousener, and the other a 
Tyrant, and both of their vices conioyned, collected, 
and comprised (with many more additions) in this man 
(or beast rather) which is Robert, the third of their 
kinne and kind. So that, from his ancestors, this 
Lord receiveth neither honour nor honesty, but only 
succession of treason and infamy. 

And yet in himselfe hath hee much lesse of good, 
wherewith to procure himselfe love or credit among 
men, then these ancestors of his had ; he being a man 
wholly abandoned of humane vertue, and devoted to 
wickednesse, which maketh men odible both to God 
and man. In his father (no doubt) there were to bee 
seene many excellent good parts, if they had beene 
ioyned, with faith, honesty, moderation, and loyaltie. 
For all the world knoweth, that he was very wise, The 


valiant, magnanimous, liberall, and assured friendly of Leicester 

. . r 11 1-1 with his 

where hee once promised : of all which vertues, my father. 
Lord his sonne, hath neither shew nor shadow, but 
only a certaine false representation of the first, being 
crafty and subtile to deceive, and ingenious to wicked- 


nesse. For as for valour, he hath as much as hath 
a mouse : his magnanimity, is base sordidity : his 
liberality, rapine : his friendship, plaine fraud, holding 
only for his gaine, and no otherwise, though it were 
bound with a thousand oaths ; of which he maketh as 
great account, as hens doe of cackling, but only for 
his commodity; using them specially, and in greatest 
number, when most hee meaneth to deceive. Namely, 
if he sweare solemnely by his George, or by the eternall 
God, then be sure it is a false lye : for these are obser- 
vations in the Court : and sometimes in his owne 
lodging ; in like case his manner is to take up and 
sweare by the Bible, whereby a Gentleman of good 
account, and one that seemeth to follow him (as many 
doe that like him but a little) protested to me of his 
knowledge, that in a very short space, he observed him, 
wittingly and willingly, to be forsworne sixteene times. 
The This man therefore, so contemptible by his ances- 

weakenesse ,.. / i i / i 11 i 

of Leist. if tors, so odiblc of himselfe, so plunged, overwhelmed, 
turne Si? her and defamed in all vice, so envied in the Court, so 
detested in the countrey, and not trusted of his own 
and dearest friends ; nay (which I am privie to) so 
misliked and hated of his owne servants about him, 
for his beastly life, nigardy, and Atheisme (being never 
seene yet, to say one private prayer within his Chamber 
in his life) as they desire nothing in this world so 


much as his ruine, and that they may be the first, to 
lay hands upon him for revenge. This man (I say) 
so broken both within and without, is it possible that 
Her Majesty, and her wise Councell should feare ? I 
can never beleeve it ; or if it be so, it is Gods permis- 
sion without all cause, for punishment of our sinnes : 
for that this man, if hee once perceive indeed that they 
feare him, will handle them accordingly, and play the 
Beare indeed : Which inconvenience I hope they will 
have care to prevent, and so I leave it to God, and 
them ; craving pardon of my Lord of Leicester for my 
boldnesse, if I have beene too plaine with him. And 
so I pray you let us goe to supper, for I see my ser- 
vant expefting yonder at the gallerie doore, to call us 

To that, said the Lawyer, I am content with all Lawyer. 
my heart ; and I would it had beene sooner, for that The end and 


I am afraid, lest any by chance have over-heard us from the 

J Gallerie. 

here since night. For my owne part, I must say, that 
I have not beene at such a conference this seven 
yeares, nor meane to be hereafter, if I may escape 
well with this; wherof I am sure I shall dreame this 
fort-night, and think oftner of my Lord of Leicester, 
then ever I had entended : God amend him and me 
both. But if ever I heare at other hands of these 
matters hereafter, I shall surely be quak-britch, and 



thinke every bush a theefe. And with that, came up 
the Mistris of the house, to fetch us downe to supper, 
and so all was husht, saving that at supper a Gentle- 
man or two began againe to speake of my Lord, and 
that so conformable to some of our former speech (as 
indeed it is the common talke at tables every where) 
that the old Lawyer began to shrink and be appaled 
and to cast dry lookes upon the Gentleman our friend, 
doubting least something had beene discovered of our 
conference. But indeed it was not so. 



desumpta ex libro lobi. CAP. 20. 

J-JOC scio a principio, ex quo positus est homo super 
terram, quodlaus impiorum, brevis fit, ex gaudium 
hipocritcz ad instar puntti. Si ascendent usq ad ccelum 
superbia eius, et caput eius nubes tetigerit : quasi sterqui- 
linium in fine perdetur, et qui eum viderant, dicent, ubi 
est ? velut somnium avolans non invenietur, transiet sicut 
visio nodlurna. Oculus qui eum viderat, non videbit, neq ; 
ultra intuebitur eum locus suus. Filii ejus atterentur 
egestate, & manus illius reddent ei laborem mum. Ossa 
ejus implebuntur vitiis adolescentice eius, & cum eo in 
pulvere dormient. Panis eius in utero illius; vertetur in 
fel aspidum intrinsecus. Divitias quas devoravit, e. vomet, 
& de ventre illius extrahet eas Deus. Caput aspidum 
surget, & occidet eum linguam viprce. Luet qua fecit 
omnia, nee tamen consumetur. luxta multitudinem adin- 
ventionum suarum, sic & sustinebit. Quoniam confringens 
nudabit pauperes : domum rapuit, & non cedificavit earn : 
nee est satiatus venter eius, & cum habuerit qua concupierit, 
possidere non poterit. Non remansit de cibo eius, & prop- 
terea non permanebit de bonis eius. Cum satiatus fuerit, 


Pia et utilis meditatio, &c. 

arffiabitur, cestuabit, & omnis dolor irruet super eum. 
Vtinam impleatur venter eius, ut imitat in eum (Deus) 
iram furoris sui, & pluat super ilium helium suum. Fugiet 
arma ferrea, & irruet in arcum cereum. Gladius edufius 
& egrediens de vagina sua, & fulgurans in amaritudine 
sua : Omnes tenebracz absconditce sunt in occultis eius. 
Devorabit eum ignis qui non succenditur, affligetur reli&tus 
in tabernaculo suo. Apertumerit germ en domus illius y de- 
trahetur in die furoris dei. Hcec est pars hominis impii, a 
deo, & hcereditas verborum eius a domino. 



taken out of the 20 Chapter of the Booke 
of Job. 

T^HIS I know from the first, that man was placed The wicked 
upon earth, that the praise (or applause) given man8 pompe 
to wicked men, endureth but a little, and the joy of an His joy. 
hypocrite, is but for a moment. Though his pride His pride. 
were so great as to mount to heaven, and his head 
should touch the skies : yet in the end shall hee come His fail. 
to perdition as a dung-hill, and they who beheld him 
(in glory before) shall say, where is hee ? he shall bee 
found as a flying dreame, and as a phantasie by night 
shall fade away. The eye that beheld him before, 
shall no more see him, not yet shall his place (of 
honour) ever more behold him. His children shall bee His children. 
worne out with beggary, and his owne hands shall re- 
turne upon him his sorrow. His (old) bones shall bee His old age. 
replenished with the vices of his youth, and they shall 
sleepe with him in his grave. His bread in his belly, His bread. 






His griefe. 

His affliction. 


His posterity. 

A Godly and profitable meditation , &c. 

shall be turned inwardly into the gaule of Serpents. 
The riches which hee hath devoured, hee shall vomit 
foorth againe, and God shall pull them foorth of his 
belly. Hee shall suck the head of Cocatrices, and the 
(venemous) tongues of adders shall slay him. Hee 
shall sustaine due punishment for all the wickednesse 
that hee hath committed, nor yet shall hee have end 
or consumation thereof. Hee shall suffer according to 
the multitude of all his wicked inventions. For that 
by violence hee hath spoiled the poore, made havock 
of his house, and not builded the same. His wombe 
is never satisfied, and yet when hee hath that which 
hee desired, hee shall not bee able to possesse the 
same. There remaineth no part of his meat (for the 
poore:) and therefore there shall remaine nothing of 
his goods. When his belly is full, then shall hee begin 
to bee straitened, then shall hee sweat, and all kind of 
sorrow shall rush upon him. I would his belly were 
once full, that God might send foorth upon him the 
rage of his fury, and raine upon him his warre. Hee 
shall flie away from iron weapons, and runne upon a 
bow of brasse. A drawne sword comming out of his 
skabard shall flash as lightning in his bitternesse. All 
darknesse lie hidden for him in secret : the fire that 
needeth no kindling shall devoure him, and hee shall 
bee tormented alone in his tabernacle. The off-spring 

( 246 ) 

A Godly and profitable meditation^ Gfc. 

of his house shall bee made open, and pulled downe, 
in the day of Gods fury. This is the portion of a 
wicked man from God, and this is the inheritance of 
his substance from the Lord. 


TRUSLOVB & BRAY, Printers, West Norwood, London, S.E. 




o t p 

Queen Elizabeth, ,L?L6 

Amv T?nl-QaT-K ar>H 

the earl of Leicester. 






Queen Elizabeth, 
Amy Robsart and the 
earl of Leicester.