Skip to main content

Full text of "History of the rebellion in Bradley County, East Tennessee"

See other formats


llekllioH in ^iibleg ^m\\% 






^V ) 

83061 A 

1 92.'i 





Entered according to act of Congress, in the year A. D. 1SC6, by J. S. Hurlburt, 
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the District 
of Indiana. 


The following work, like many other books is forced into existence 
"by circumstances. Eegardless of the previous plans, previous and 
present wishes or present fears of the author, it arbitrarily assumes 
its present form. A believer in special Providence, he is compelled 
to accept it as one of the Providential tasks, if not one of the Provi- 
dential alBictions of his life. 

Having prepared to publish the history of the 9th Indiana, under 
the present high rates of printing, it was found that upwards of §4000 
were necessary to issue 2,000 copies — a book to be properly illustrated 
and finished, and to contain 600 pages. Only $1,900 had been con- 
tributed for this purpose. The scheme must therefore be abandoned, 
or some method invented to save it from an entire failure. If the 
sale of the present work does not obviate the difficulty, the enterprise 
will be relinquished and the subscriptions refunded to all who desire 
them. The long and heart-rending delay of this work, more heart- 
rending to the writer than to all others concerned, is as unavoidable 
on his part as it is afflicting, and the only present consolation is the 
hope that the sequel may yet be to some extent an atonement for 
past disappointment. ********* 

In regard to the present work, many things suggest themselves 
that might be said ; but in any case, it is bad taste, bad economy, and 
in principle very suspicious to re-wriie a book in. its preface. The 
principles entertained and views expressed in the following pages, 
morally, politically and socially, as general laws, are principles and 
views for which our only regret is that circumstances have militated 
against their being expressed more pungently and more at length. 
No person is fit to write upon the subject of our great rebellion who 
does not feel that it was at war with every principle of justice, every 
principle sacred to God and humanity, and that his pen is a two- 
edged sword put into hia hand to wield in defense of his own life and 
of the life of posteritj', as the sword and the musket were wielded at 
Shiloh and other battle-fields of the war — wielded to the death — by 
the friends of God and of human rights. 

The mournful and costly victory in the field has been obtained, but 
the triumph is lost if the principles for which the bloody ordeal was 
endured are not, hence forward, unequiyocally made the basis of our 
national action ; and the unequivocal and unobstructed triumph of 


these principles in the nation cannot be maintained, only as writers 
and speakers upon the subject write and speak from a corresponding^ 
sense of the moral obligation divinel}^ lain upon us as a people, and 
from an undyino: sympathy with, and an agonizing remembrance of, 
the bloody sacrifices which, in the Providence of God, was willingly 
poured out upon the lield in defense of universal libertj' and universal 

The only argument we have for those who think that we have been 
too severe with rebels, is to ask them to become intimately acquainted 
with the feelings of those Union people in East Tennessee who were 
the greatest suflerers — whose bereavements were the most terrible 
from the rebellion. The trials, sufferings and insults endured, for 
instance, by the families of Drs. J. G. Brown and Wm. Hunt of Cleve- 
land, and the persecutions and abuses, for instance, heaped upon the 
family of Gov. Brownlow of Knoxville, would not be accepted the 
second time by these families for the treasures of the State. These, 
with hundreds and thousands of other and similar cases in Tennessee, 
with very many still more disastrous and terrible, are the only argu- 
ments which we care to offer in justification of the severit}" that, 
by some, will be complained of as attaching to this volume. To ignore 
such a state of things in any country, and especially in our country, 
would be as false to the legitimate and vital objects of history as the 
rebellion itself was monstrous and cruel ; and we feel that the spirit 
in which rebels are dealt with in the following pages, will be sus- 
tained by those who, from bitter experience or from theory alone, are 
able to comprehend the depths of the malignancy of the spirit that 
originated and sustained the rebellion. 

Much of the valuable and interesting matter that was obtained and 
prepared for this work, and that many readers in Bradley will expect 
it to contain, we have been compelled to lay aside for want of space. 
The Gatewood raid through Polk county, and the raids into Bradley 
from Georgia, in the winter of '64-^65 we have had to abridge to 
infinitesimal statements, while many other very interesting and im- 
portant incidents, with historic matter relating to the movements of 
the two armies in and about Bradley, have necessarily but very 
reluctanth\ and with deep mortification to the author, been omitted 




Bradley County— Boundaries— Latitude— Area— Soil— Stone for the "Wash- 
ington Monument — Climate — Productions— Rivers— Streams— Cleveland - 
Charleston— Georgetown— Minerals— Rolling Mill— Zulaski— His Torpedoes 
—Col. Pete— Burning of the Torpedoes— Col. Long Attack^nl by the Rebels- 
Torpedoes on the Railroad Track— Cherokee Indians— Slaves— Slave-trade 
in Bradley— Rebel Cruelties— Class that inaugurated the Rebellion 9 



Remarks— Moral Position assumed by the leaders of the Rebellion— Their 
infatuation— Southern Divines in the condition of the Prophets of Baal— As 
a worldly scheme the Rebellion possessed elements of success — England, 
France— Recognition— The Spirit of the Rebellion— Our Fathers 20 



Rebels assume to be the Loyal Partv— Union men the Loval Partv— Ten- 
nessee Rebels Dual Traitors and Tripp"le-staiued Criminals-^Thomus Payne 
— The Election for Convention and No Convention— Majority for Xo Conven- 
tion-Rebels admit the Fairness of the Election— The Election a verdict of 
the People against Secession— Office-holders and Politicians mostlv among 
the Minority— Steps immediately taken by those to resist the Will of'the peo- 
ple—Governor Harris calls an extra session of the Legislature— Message of 
Governor Harris— Ordinance of Secession 99 



Extract from the Address of the Greenfield Convention— Extract from Par- 
son Brownlow's Experience among the Rebels— li. G. Payne- Louisville 
Journal— Election Returns — Extract from an Address of Ex-Gov. Neil S. 
Brown and others— Rebel Forces distributed throughout Tennessee pre- 
vious to the election— Extract from the Cleveland Banner 46 



Union Pole and Flag Raising— Mississippi Rebel Regiment— Flag Dis- 
lodged—Flag Concealed three years— Gen. Giost — Col. "Watters- Flag Re-in- 
stated— False Alarm— Extracts from Reb^d Editorials— Property destroyed 
in Bradley by Rebels 5tJ 




First Clift War— Refue:ees— Cliffs Headquarters— Rebels sent to Attack 
Olift—Cnion Citizens Advise with Clit't— His Camp Vacated— Gen. Galispie 
— The Cross Roads Treaty— Second Clift \yar— Clift re-establishes his Camp 
on Sails Creek— Capt. Snow— Clift invents his own Artillery— Rebel Force 
sent to Dislodjve Clift— Clift Vacates his Camp— Col. Wood— Rebels fight 
among themselves— Col. Cliffs Escape— Rebels Scour the Country— Col. Clift 
at Washington- Obtains authority to Recruit a Regiment— His Fight at 
Huntsville— His Regiment attempts to join Gen. Morgan at Cumberland Gap 
—Attempt to join Gen. Thomas at McMinnville— Col. Hoagland Captured— 
The Regiment finally joins Gen. Morgan— Cliff s Regiment Merged with the 
8th Tennessee— Characteristics of Col. Clift 6S 



Rebel Regiments raised in Bradley and adjoining Counties— Capt. Brown 
—His Character— Shaving Notes— The Fifth District Election— Mr. Donahoo 
President- Capt. Brown Rebel Candidate for Justice of the Peace — Mr. 
Hiram Smith the Union Candidate — Capt Brown Elected— Dr. Sugart— Maj. 
McCullev— Commendable Conduct of two Rebel Guards— Brown supplies 
his Rebel F'rieiids with whisky— Brown attempts to Purchase Union Votes- 
Brown's Election Confirmed by Gov. Harris— Brown's Robbery of Mr. Wy- 
rick 8S 



Extract from the Cleveland Banner— Number of Guns Collected— Union 
People alone Victimized— Disposirioa made of the Guns— Order from Gov. 
Harris— Character of the Transaction— Assault of Hawkins and Brown upon 
the family of 31r. Harle 96 



Case of old Mr. Hendricks— Letter from Mr. T. H. Calloway— Mr. Calloway 
approaches Brown in the presence of Rebel Olficers— Brown's flvpocrisy to 
Escape their Censure— Lawyer Gaut— Men whom Brown Robbed— Amount 
of Monev and Goods Extortell— Brown's propensity to Steal— Steals from his 
Triends— His House the Depot of Stolen Goods 105 



Esq. Trewhitt Arrested— Esq. Trewhitt and others sent to Knoxville— 
Arrest of Esq. Beene— Prisoners sent to Tuscaloosa— Death of Mr. Spurgen 
—Ladies of Mobile— Death of Esq. Trewhitt— Mr. Birch of Chattanooga- 
Position of Judge Camuuell— Appeal made to the Rebel Authorities at 
Knoxville— Tibbs and other Bradley Rebels Fight the Application— Mr. 
Birch goes to Richmond— Rebel Secretary of War— Return of the Prisoners 
—Persecuted the Second time— Flee from the State— Most of them enter the 
Federal Service— Law Enforced against Rebels 113- 


CAPT. brown's whipping OF THE CAMP WOMEN. 

Arrest of Brown— Petition— Mr. John Craigmiles Refuses to Sign the Peti- 
tion—His Release— Names of Petitioners— Statements of a Cleveland Lady 
—Summary of Brown's Career 11* 




Judge Rowles— Hand-cuffs— Extracts from the Cleveland Banner— Editor 
«f the Banner taking the Oath— Illumination— Slavery a Bible Institution. . 135 



Mr. Bryant — Arrest of Mr. Stonecypher— His Sou Volunteers to take his 
Place— Son Dies at Kuoxville— Bryant offers $2,500 for a Substitute for his 
Son— Absalom Stonecypher Kidnapped— Is Delivered to Bryant — Bryant 
allows him to Visit his Home— Does not Keturu— Mrs. Stonecypher Beiore 
Esq. Dean— Efforts to Recapture Absalom— False Accusation— Rebel Officer 
Jones— Absalom Enlists in the Federal Army— Serves during the War- 
Death of old Mr. Stonecypher— Sufferings of the Family 146 



Character of Mr. Humbert—Capt. Brown's Attempt to Arrest Mr. Hum- 
bert—Mr. Richmond— Mr. Humbert's Daughters Robbed by Brown— Mr. 
Humbert Fiees to North Carolina— Returns— Flees the Second time— Mr. 
Humbert and his Family all Live to see the Rebellion Crushed— The Hollow 
I^og 165 



Mr. Trewhitt's Arrest— Sent to Knoxville— In Jail— Released— Reache.* 
Home — Arrested the Second time — Sent Again to Knoxville— In Camp of 
Instruction— Sent South— Escapes with Two Others— Twentv-three Davs in 
the Forests— Reaches Bradley— Mr. Trewhitt's Wife— Reaches Home . . .' 172 



Mr. Richmond's Arrest— Is sent to Tuscaloosa — His Four Sous— His Prop- 
erty Stolen by Gregory— Arbitration— Mr. Richmoml is Visited by Three 
Rebels pretending to be Rebel Deserters— His Murder— His Remains Dis- 
covered — Capture and Death of one of his Murderers — Isaac Richmond and 
William Fisher 185 



Mr. Southerland's Father— Mr. Southerland Proscribed by his Brethren — 
Rebels Compel him to Cease Preaching— Disposition of Mr. Southerland — 
Wm. H. Tibbs — Public Speaking— Mr. Southerland's Property Destroyed — 
Escape of the Perpetrators— Shooting of Dr. Griffin 101 



Action of the Court— Rage of the Rebels— Editor of the Banner— Tax 
finally applied to the Relief of Rebel Women Only— Hanging of Mr. Grubb 
—Mr. Lusk— Death of Amos Manes— Imprisonme'nt of Mr. McDowell— Six 
Soldiers 197 




Mr. Spurgeu's Marriage— Constitutional Temperament— In the Mexican 
War— His Skill at Strategy— Joins Col. Cliffs Regiment— His great Success 
as a Pilot— Once Captured— Escapes— Joins Col. Bird's Command— Attached 
to Scolield's Corps— Is on the Atlanta Campaign— Is Wounded— Attends the 
KmI Corps to the Eastern Army--lleturns--Is Discharged— Mrs. Spurgen— 
Duath of Mr. Baugh ... 213 


W M . L <) W . 

Arrest of Mr. Low— Sent to Knoxville— Secesh Ladies— In Jail— Released 
—His Son, Powell H. Low— Mr. Low Flees from Cleveland— Supping with 
Mr. Wise— Mr. O'Neil and Mr. Potts Captured— Mr. Low Escapes— Mrs Low 
Miss Mattie Low, Miss Rebecca Wise— Misses McPhersons— C. L. Hardwick'. 224 



His Arrest— In the Rebel Army— Resigns— Enlists in the Federal Army- 
Is Murdered— Mrs. Carter and her Two Sisters Compelled to take the Rebel 
Oath— W. M. Willhoit 236' 



( liaracter of the Carters— Their Capture— Old Mr. Carter Wounded bv 
James Roberts— The Two Reported to Gen, Wheeler— Athdavits-Ilorrirl 
Cruelty to Robert Carter— Savage Treatment of Mr. Duncan bv James Rob- 
erts—James Roberts' Shot at the House of Mr. McNeil— Escapes to Dalton— 
Accidentally Shot at the House of Mr. Renfrow— George Roberts— Purvines, 
Runuions 245 



Faith and Hope of the People of East Tennessee— Buell's Retreat from 
Battle Creek— Consequences to East Tennessee— Union People Equal to the 
Mniergency — Artificial Caves 25T 



Characteristics of Mr. and Mrs. Potts-- Alb8rt--Mr.Laugston— Convalescents 
—Rebel Cavalry at Mr. Potts' house— McDaniels— The Winkler boys— Rebel 
Col. Hunley— liunley chokes Mr. Potts— Hunley robbs Mr. Potts of his Horse 
—Horse turned loose— Horse stolen second ti'me by McGrifl— Remarks on 
CharHcter of McGrifl''s offense — Shooting ot Mr. Thomas — Ministers in 
Bradley— Murder of Mr. Cooper 26* 











Bradley is one of the most southern counties of East 
Tennessee, bordering upon the State of Georgia. It is 
bounded north by McMinn conntv, east by Polk, south 
by Georgia, and west by the counties of Hamilton and 
Meigs. From Cleveland, the county seat, which is in 
north latitude, thirty-five, it is by rail, twenty-eight miles 
west to Chattanooga, one hundred and twenty-eight south, 
to Atlanta, and eighty-two east to Knoxville. The county 
is twenty-three miles north and south, by nineteen east 
and west, consequently, it has an area of about four hun- 
dred and forty square miles. 

The whole surface of the county is decidedly broken 
and uneven, being thrown into ridges and valleys running 
generally north and south, consequently, it Is very favor- 
able for military operations in those directions. The soil 
in the valleys is a dark yellow clay with a mixture of 
loam, having a sub-stratum mostly of red clay and slate 
formations. The soil of the ridges is substantially the 
same, but of course more gravelly, with slight scattering 
ledges of flint, and layers of imperfectly formed slate and 
sand rock. 

About two miles east of Cleveland, or not far from the 

center of the county, are extensive beds of marble. The 


product of these quarries, when hewn and chiseled to a 
Ijolish, present a surface of beautifully variegated colors, 
denoting the presence of different minerals. A finely 
worked specimen of this marble is lying within sight 
while we write, in one of the streets of Cleveland. It is 
a block or slab about four and a half feet long, by two 
wide, and from eight to ten inches in thickness. One side 
is polished, and on the polished surface is beautifully car- 
ved, an ellipse, or liattened circle, the arc or belt of Avhich 
is three inches wide, the ellipse itself being as large as 
the surface of the stone will permit. The upper half of 
this circle is under, arched with thirty-tAVO stars, signify- 
ing the number of States in the Union at the time this 
specimen of art was manufactured. Under these stars is 
cut the following inscription : " Contributed by the citi- 
zens of Bradley Count}^, Tennessee, 1860." Mounting the 
under half of the ellij^se, is carved in very expressive 
characters the following motto : " United we stand, divided 


Thus nationalized, this production was intended by the 
people of Bradley, to be forwarded and placed in the 
"" Washington Monument," as a token of their fidelity to 
the Union. But alas ! while the loyalty and patriotism 
of the county were here engraven upon rock, and that 
rock just ready to occup}^ an appropriate niche in the 
most sacred temple of our national liberties, as an evi- 
dence that her citizens still loved those principles of 
National and individual freedom, bequeathed to them by 
the " Father of his Country," the whirlwind of rebellion, 
the maddened defection of a traitorous few came upon 
them, and came just in time to prevent the transportation 
of this stone to the place for which it was designed. 

Traitors and treason did not like the devotion to the 
Union which it announced as existing in the people of 
Bradley, consequently, they declared that this stone, 
though admitted to be an expression of the views and 
feelings of a majority of the people, should never be sent 
to the Monument. Accordingly, this little enterprize of 
marble presentation, as well as all other expressions of 


national affection by the people here, was, as hy mob 
violence, strangled in an hour; and tlie neglected and 
insulted stone now lies as cast-ofF rubbish in one of tlie 
by-ways of Cleveland. 

The unimproyed portions of Bradley are thinly covered' 
Avith a medium growth of timber, principally the different 
kinds of oak, some hickory, a kind of sour wood, the sas- 
safras, a scattering of sugar maple on the creek bottoms, 
a few other common varieties, T\dth a general interspers- 
ing of the yellow pine. 

The coldest weather here is seldom severer than three 
degrees below zero, and the warmest is generally from 
ninety-six to one hundred above it. The seasons, we are 
informed, are sufficiently uniform that a failure of crops 
is very rare ; and spring and autumn storms and high 
winds nothing like as vigorous, nor climate changes, it 
appears, anything like as sudden and disagreeable as with 
us in the North, nor even as much so here as at an earlier 

Cotton and tobacco are raised in this county very spar- 
ingly. Corn and wheat are now the principal crops. The 
black oats, however, here a winter grain, produce finely. 
Tlie seed is sown about the middle of October, the crop 
being harvested the following June. They usually yield 
a very solid and heavy berry. The grass of these oats 
makes, especially for young stock, the finest winter pas- 
ture of any grown in tlie country. 

The red and the white wheat are the principal varities 
raised. The red is sometimes afiected with what they call 
the ''icJieat siciy 

About the time of the Chickamauga battles, a rebel 
regiment of cavaliy was for a short time posted in the 
vicinity of Cleveland, commanded by Colonel Dibble. 
Immediately after its arrival the ofiicers as well as the 
I)rivates spread themselves over the country in quest of 
supi)lies. Wheat was to them a desirable commodity ; 
and the farmers — and probably the millers also, as far as 
possible — secreted their white wheat, turning out the 
other article to the hungry soldiers, who were, perhaps, 


ignorant of the diiierence ; at least did not suppose that 
they were being supplied with a regimental emetic in con- 
nection with theirs. After collecting what they thought 
a supply for the time, Colonel Dibble sent the whole 
to the mills to be made into flour ; after which it was 
rationed out to the men. The whole regiment partaking 
X^retty heartily of its new bread, it was not long before 
it found that " death was in the pot " — a strange trouble 
was in the camp. The men began to sicken at the stomach, 
and everywhere fell to Yomiting as though they had been 
dosed with arsenic. The Bradley County wheat was at 
once charged with being the evil demon; and Colonel 
Dibble forthwith arrested all the millers concerned in 
making his flour, with as many others as his indignation- 
suggested were accessor}^ in thus poisoning his men. Tlie 
inYestigation, however, failed to criminate either any of 
the millers or of the farmers, it being difficult to prove 
that these parties knew that the wheat was diseased, even 
if any such knowledge existed ; and Colonel Dibble was 
compelled to pocket the insult, if such it was, and make 
the best of the difiiculty in applying himself, as soon as 
possible, to recuperate his men by administering all the 
anti-arsenicals and gastric disinfectants that his hosi^ital 
stores contained or his surgeons could manufacture. The 
difiiculty, although it created considerable excitement, 
did not after all prove to be very serious ; yet, serious 
enough we presume, ever after to impart to Colonel Dib- 
ble's men a knowledge of the possible diflerence between 
tlie red and the white wheat of Bradley. 

The sweet potato, also the Irish potato if cultivated 
with care, with almost all other vegetables peculiar to 
our Northern climate, as well as almost every kind of gar- 
den fruit, grow here in abundance. As is the case, per- 
haps, with the most of East Tennessee, the people of this 
county have not given that attention to the cultivation of 
the choice varieties of fruits which their soil and climate, 
as well as past experience, appear 'to justify. Peaches, 
and we believe pears, seldom fail, while plums and cherries 
are equally sure ; and a few years of experienced cultiva- 


tion of the best varieties in this section, would fill the 
country with these delicious fruits. 

Bradley is emphatically an inland county, no part of 
it being nearer than sixteen miles to the Tennessee 
River. The Hiwassee, however, which heads among the 
mountains of North Carolina, bounds part of it on the 
north; and, some seasons, is navigable for small boats, 
twenty or thirty miles from its mouth. 

The country is meandered by numerous small streams, 
affording a profusion of water privileges, most of which 
are improved by the erection upon them, of flouring and 
lumber mills, on a scale sufficient for the accommodation 
of the present inhabitants. In regard to water for all the 
purposes of life, nature has been lavish in her gifts to East 
Tennessee. Deep, blue springs, and crystal fountains are 
everywhere bursting out along the base of the ridges, 
forming the sources of the numerous, silver streams that 
dance along over their rocky or x)ebbly bottoms, till lost 
in the stronger currents of the Tennessee, or the Hiwassee. 
Had we some of these boiling, gravelly fountains, and 
leaping, crystal streams, u]3on the rich and extensive prai- 
ries of Indiana and Illinois, we then, most emphatically, 
might consider ourselves in possession of the gardens of 
the world. 

Cleveland, the county seat, is the principal town of 
Bradley, is desirably located on slightly elevated ground, 
is pleasantly arranged as to streets and dwellings, with a 
suitable central square on Avhich stands the Court House, 
a respectable brick building surmounted with a dome and 
spire, which together with its own i)roportions cause it to 
loom up in the distance, the most sightly edifice of the 

At the commencement of the rebellion, Cleveland 
numbered two thousand inhabitants. It contains four 
churches. New School and Cumberland Presbyterian, 
Methodist and Baptist. It also .contains an Academy. 
This, before the war, was under the supervision, as Prin- 
pal, of Mr. Blunt, who, at the opening of the rebel- 
lion, went North and joined the Federal army. Before 


tfie expiration of his enlistment he obtained a Captain's^ 
commission, and did good service in the work of putting 
down the rebellion. Since the war IVIr. Blunt has resusci- 
tated his school, and is again at his post as the principal 
instructor in the county. 

Charleston is in the eastern part of the county upon 
the Hiwassee, and at the point where the East Tennessee 
and Georgia Railroad crosses that river. It contains about 
four hundred inhabitants. 

Georgetown is a small village located in the north-west 
part of the county, a portion of it being in Meigs. 

Sulphur, coal, iron and leaden ore, exist in some i^arts of 
tlie county, and mines of the latter, containing a signifi- 
cant percentage of silver, were being worked in the east- 
ern portions of it at the commencement of the rebellion. 
Rich beds of copper have been discovered and opened in 
the mountains of Polk County, about forty miles from 
Cleveland. In 1861, an extensive copper foundry or roll- 
ing mill was erected in Cleveland by Southern capitalists, 
their concern being supplied with copper slabs from these 
Polk County mines. 

Some time after the commencement of the RebeFenter- 
prize, a foreigner, i)robably a Hungarian, an iron monger 
by profession, and iDossessed of a good degree of skill in 
the work of infernalism, had, somewhere, manufactured a. 
large quantity of infernal machines, or as they were famil- 
liarly called by the Union people of Cleveland, "-Rebel 
torpedoes." Without the knowledge of Union men, or at 
least without a general knowledge on their part, of the 
fact, this Rebel foreigner had brought these destructive 
missiles and concealed them in a small brick house in the 
heart of Cleveland. 

Immediately after the battle of Missionary Ridge, Col- 
onel Long, with his cavalr}^, was sent to take possession 
of Cleveland, and to tear up and destroy the railroad in 
its vicinity, in order to prevent supplies coming to the 
rebel army which was then in the vicinity of Dalton. 
At the news that Long's men were approaching the place, 
this rebel Zulaski, with six or eight rebel workmen,. 


engaged as liis assistants in his peculiar craft, fled in great 
haste, leaving his black satanic monsters to take care of 
themselves. Simnltaneous with the flight of Zulaski, a 
nominal rebel Colonel, by the name of Pete, one of the 
proprietors of the concern, and at that time its manager, 
threw his books and business documents into a wagon, 
and hastily fled for Dixie. Colonel Long's men, however, 
were close upon him, and, although he succeeded in mak- 
ing his own escape, his wagon load of books and papers 
were captured. Among these papers was found a written 
contract for the concern to furnish the Southern Confed- 
eracy with large quantities of sheet copper, preparatory 
to being worked into thin plates suitable for gun caps. 
Also were found among these papers extensive contracts 
for the concern to furnish the Rebel Government with 
other ordnance materials. 

Acting, perhaps, under orders, and possibly knowing 
that it was not the intention of our authorities to make 
an effort then permanently to hold the place, as soon as 
he had comiDleted the work of demolishing the railroad, 
Colonel Long, though against the entreaties of some 
Union men, burned this rebel establishment to the ground. 
Previously, however, to applying the torch. Colonel Long, 
at the suggestion of Union citizens, made search for the 
torpedoes left behind by the defunct Zulaski, and found 
them in the brick building already alluded to. With a 
view, doubtless, to destroy them, though possibly not 
knowing their exact nature, he caused these strange mis- 
siles to be placed in this rebel rolling mill, which Avas sit- 
uated in the edge of the village about lialf a mile from its 
center. This occurred just before the mill was fired. The 
torch having been applied, as soon as the flames reached 
the huge pile of these engines, they began to shoot them- 
selves ofl*, leaping about the burning building and darting 
over the premises, while some went whirling and hissing 
through the air in the most dangerous and terrific manner 
conceivable. In the space of half an hour, upwards of 
sixteen hundred of these nameless, nondescript, rebel 
inventions burnt themselves loose from the fiery mass, 


going off with a successive, rattling, crashing noise, and 
with thundering, cannon-like explosions, enough to make 
the uninitiated in the yicinity think that a battle decisive 
of the great contest was being inaugurated in the little 
village of Cleveland. 

These ugly looking projectiles, doubtless of foreign 
invention, and, in this case, probabl}^, of foreign manu- 
facture also, are malleable cast-iron elongated shells of 
different sizes, from ten to eighteen inches in length, from 
two to four in diameter, and when charged and ready for 
use must weigh from ten to fifteen pounds. 

Some days after this mill was destroyed, one of these 
torpedoes was found, torn to pieces with its own explosive 
force, full three-fourths of a mile from the mill, having 
passed nearly over the town. Another, at the time, went 
smashing through the roof of the dwelling of Mr. W. Cre- 
ver, at least a quarter of a mile distant. 

In regard to the latter case, one is reminded that it 
might possibly have been a providential rebuke to Mr. 
Crever ; for it is a fact, we believe, not only that his was 
the only dwelling injured by these shells, but that he was 
the only rebel inhabitant left in Cleveland who sustained 
any pecuniary relation whatever to this copperhead estab- 

There is, hovf ever, still another circumstance connected 
wdth this torpedo affair, which reminds one that good 
sometimes comes out of evil, and which also indicates 
that Providence was determined that this violent torpedo 
dealing of the rebels, should, on the whole, be turned 
against themselves. 

Colonel Long, after destroying the railroads, in obedi- 
ence to previous orders, was preparing to evacuate Cleve- 
land when he set fire to the mill, and accordingly, com- 
menced to leave while the mill was burning, being at the 
same time irresolutely attacked by a body of rebel cav- 
alry, assisted with two pieces of artillery. This cav- 
alry came from Charleston on the Hiwassee, consequently 
approached Cleveland from the east, w^hile the burning 
mill stood in the south-west part of the town. When 


near to the place they saw the volumes of smoke ascend- 
ing from the mill ; but as burning dwellings w^ere scenes 
with which the war had already made both Federals and 
Tebels perfectly familiar, they moved up without suspect- 
ing that this conflagration portended anything unusual, 
and proceeded to distribute and arrange their forces on 
the east and the south-east of the tow^n, preparatory to an 
attack. It so happened, however, that by the time they 
were ready to charge into the place, the fire in the mill 
had reached the pile of torpedoes, and to the utter bewil- 
derment of the rebels, this torpedo eruption commenced 
vomiting itself into the sky, and letting ofl* battery after 
.battery in quick succession, so much so, that, not knowing 
what to make of the strange phenomenon, they came to a 
halt, held a parley, and as they could account for it in 
no other way, supj)osed that Long possibly had artillery 
and might be using it against some of their own forces 
unknown to themselves attacking him from the west. 
This delay of the rebels was time gained to Long, and he 
doubtless evacuated the place with less fighting and with 
less loss of life than he otherwise would have done. 

Not entirely satisfied with their success, thus far, at tor- 
IDedo fighting, the rebels of this vicinity concluded to 
make another attempt, which took place about the first 
of April, 186L From a thorough investigation of the case 
by our military authorities in Cleveland, it appeared that 
some two or three rebel soldiers stole into the Federal 
lines, selecting a secesh neighborhood about four miles 
east of Cleveland as the locality of their operations, and 
succeeded in placing under the railroad track a torpedo 
of considerable dimensions, intending, no doubt, to des- 
troy the morning train from Chattanooga, which at that 
time generally went up heavily loaded with Federal sol- 
diers. Providence, hoAvever, again favoring the cause of the 
just, early the next morning, some two hours before the 
time for the Chattanooga train, a locomotive and tender 
ran out of Cleveland to go a few miles east for water. 
Tlie locomotive passed the torpedo without injury, but the 
tender was thrown from the track. This, however, was 


about the extent of the accident, no harm to life or limb 
occurring to any. A number of rebel citizens fell under 
susi^icion, especially one Mr. Joseph McMillen, and were 
forthwith arrested, but the inquiry eliciting nothing posi- 
tive as to their guilt, they were all finally released. 

Thus ended the history of rebel torpedoism, at least for a 
time, in the county of Bradley; and thus ended, in this 
region, rebel success in this line of warfare. Bringing to 
their aid the skill and ingenuity of Europe in concocting 
rebel schemes and in manufacturing infernal machines, 
with which to blow up Brother Jonathan, establish a ne- 
gro Confederacy, promising to pay their foreign help with 
I\jng Cotton, they succeeded in frightening a miserable 
gang of their own cowards, and in lifting four wheels^ 
loaded with wood, from the track of a Federal railroad. 

The settlement of Bradley commenced as early as 1830, 
with emigrants from North Carolina and Upper East Ten- 
nessee. The Cherokee Indians were removed from this 
and adjoining counties in 1838. Many of the present in- 
habitants can remember the portly forms of Generals 
Scott and Wool in the accomplishment of that work. 

At the opening of the rebellion Bradley contained about 
twelve hundred slaves, owned by about one hundred and 
seventy masters. The free blacks numbered a little more 
than fifty, and the total inhabitants about fifteen thou- 

The slave trade existed in Bradley to a limited extent. 
The notorious Wm. L. Brown, of whom we shall speak 
more hereafter, rebel Congressman Tibbs, John Osment, 
John Craigmiles, Jacob Tibbs, and Wm. B. Graddy, were, 
I)erhaps, the only persons in the county who made the 
traffic a regular business. Most of these would bring into 
the county from Richmond, Ya., or from some other slave- 
mart, ten or fifteen negroes in a gang, and sometimes^ 
more, and dispose of them in the vicinity to the highest 
bidders. Wm. H. Tibbs, serving in the rebel Congress at 
Richmond, would avail himself of this opportunity and 
universally bring home a company of slaves as a matter 
of speculation. 


Any one who takes pains to inform himself of the facts 
and become acquainted with the people, will see at a 
glance that the unprecedented rebel brutalities which 
marked the rebellion throughout the country, never could 
have been the spontaneous outgrowth of a majority of its 
X)resent inhabitants. The atrocities, in number and in 
enormity, committed by the rebels upon the Union peo- 
ple of Bradley, and upon those of other parts of East Ten- 
nessee, almost defy belief. The better class of rebel citi- 
zens, though living in Bradley during the whole reign of 
this rebel terror, never fully realized the extent to which 
the Union people suiFered. None but the most abandoned 
men on earth could have been guilty of the systematic 
barbarities practiced by the rebels, as a rule, upon the 
Union people of Bradley. 

Judging from the citizens now here, it is impossible to 
account for the tyranny and heartless oppression that pre- 
vailed among them for nearly three years, only upon the 
supposition that the rebel cause soaked up nearly all the 
ruffianism of the county, thus compelling the majority to 
submit to the outlandish rule of the rabble. This rabble, 
headed and lead on by an upiDer strata of the same class, 
unprincipled politicians, and equally unprincipled slave 
trading, slave driving, money making and speculating 
characters, reinforced by others of the same sort from 
southern rebel districts, formed the element which inaug- 
urated and kept alive the rebellion in East Tennessee. 




Our introductory chapter closed with a brief allusion 
to the cruelties of the rebels in Bradley and other por- 
tions of East Tennessee. 

The remarkable character of the rebellion in this res- 
pect, iDarticularly in East Tennessee, forces upon us even 
in writing a part of its history, the question of its right 
or wrong as a national cause. 

A history of events or i^eriods of time which presents 
nothing positively extraordinary, may, with some pro- 
priety be sui)erficial, and deal only with the events them- 
selves ; but periods or events, the prevailing characteris- 
tics of which startle mankind and shock the world with 
horror, direct our attention to causes and to the investi- 
gation of principles for the elucidation of such anomalies, 
and as a means of obtaining that instruction which no 
people, especially those most interested, should fail to 
glean from them. 

National as well as individual crimes are aggravated 
or mitigated by the circumstances under whicfc they are 
committed, hence an accurate knowledge of all the cir- 
cumstances in any given case is indispensable to a correct 
estimate of the guilt of the parties involved ; and the 
more remarkable or unususl the facts or circumstances, 
the greater becomes the general anxiety for a complete 
solution of the whole problem. 

The truth of these statements has been very strikingly 
illustrated by our great rebellion, and especially by the 
rebellion in East Tennessee. This rebellion has been one 
of the most remarkable events in nature — one of the most 
astounding things in history, consequently it has awakened 
a deeper, a more intense feeling among mankind than any 
other national event of ancient or of modern times, and 
accordingly, more anxious, struggling inquiry, more intel- 
lectual toil and concentration of moral effort, have already 


been expended upon the profound problem it presents 
to the world, than was called forth in the same length of 
time, by any other event transpiring in history. 

In presenting a narrative of the occurrences of this 
rebellion in Bradley County, East Tennessee, we shall 
attempt, though briefly, to place the tragedy as a whole, 
so before the public that no doubt can exist as to the 
parties which were in the WTong at the beginning, upon 
w^hicli basis alone, as we have already seen, can we judge 
correctly of the guilt ot the innocence that attaches to 
the different actors in the drama. 

It is well known, and will not be denied from any quar- 
ter, that at the beginning, and as long as the rebels were 
to any extent able to defy the Government, they did not 
cease to trumpet abroad in the ears of the Christian 
world, the assumption that they were nationally and con- 
stitutionally, as well as divinely right in striking for the 
independence of the South. 

History presents no other instance of so strong an effort 
of the kind, as was made by the rebels to convince them- 
selTes and the rest of mankind of the justice of their cause. 
The church and the state, the priest and the politician, 
the journalist and the slave-driver, were one and insepa- 
rable in swaddling their young confederacy as the legiti- 
mate offspring of heaven. It was also the beau-idealof 
national government, and the quintessence of social 
humanity. The most talented and influential, if not the 
most pious and godly, among the clergy of the South, 
never allowed themselves to doubt for a moment that the 
cause of the rebels was a child of special Providence, 
and consequently, embodying a reformation or revolution 
in the affairs of the world, which having God for its author 
and protector must be triumphant in the end. 

The Southern States, in erecting themselves into an inde- 
pendent nation, had committed no error. They had been 
guilty of no wrong. They were only the passive instru- 
ments of an opening Providence, whose divinity the lea- 
ders of the great movement could not deny, dutifully and 
inoffensively toiling, as directed, to dispense the blessings 


of that Providence to the world ; and as an evidence of 
their sincerity and their Christian spirit, all the favor 
they asked of their old connections, in relation to this 
great work was simply " to be let alone." 

Now, all this is historical fact, and as such it is not only 
onr privilege but our province to deal with it. Just here, 
therefore, we propose to join issue with the rebels. We 
join issue with them upon this point, their loud profes- 
sion of being in the Divine favor, to the Divine prejudice 
against the Northern cause, simx^jy because in making a 
brief argument it is the best suited to the purpose. 

Now, if a Southern Confederacy upon this continent, 
founded upon the institution of slavery, was plainly 
depicted in the Providential signs of the times, if it was 
unmistakably the voice of God as the rebels iDretended, 
and if His hand vras so plainly revealed in its inaugura- 
tion and in its support, even for years, how is it that the 
rebellion so signally failed ? God being the author, the 
instigator, and the support of the rebellion for so long a 
time, upon what principle are we to account for the fact, 
that all at once it met with the most disgraceful overthrow 
of any revolutionary cause of which history gives us any 
knowledge ? Did the Almighty forsake his own cherished 
designs, or v\^as he defeated by the mudsills of the North ? 
It is utterly impossible by any fair course of reasoning to 
reconcile the fact of the sudden and complete failure of 
the rebellion with the supposition that God was the insti- 
gator of it, or that He ever smiled upon the enterprise, or 
allowed it to exist and i)rogress with any view to its 
final success. 

"For if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come 
to nought: But if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it," 
is a passage of Scripture which all Southern theologians 
who have expatiated so sweepingly upon the Divine mis- 
sion of the rebellion, would do well not only to consider 
in a general sense, but they would do well to consider it 
particularly in connection with their melancholy reflec- 
tions upon the disastrous end of their beloved Confeder- 


Tlie simple failure, however-, of the rebellion, to accom- 
plish what it undertook, is not the only fact under this 
Jiead that argues against the assumption in question. 

The rebels were not only defeated — simple failure of 
their cause was not the only result, but they were utterly 
ruined. They not only did not gain anything that they 
proposed, but they lost everything that they could call 
their own when they began. Not one stone was left upon 
another of their old order of things. The result to the 
rebellion was not merely defeat, but it was annihilation — 
a visitation of swift destruction. Defeat, destruction, anni- 
hilation, and the total loss of all things, were the fruits of 
that Divine favor that attended them. As well might 
these political and theological Southern Doctors contend, 
that God was in the midst of the Cities of the Plain, to 
befriend and bless the i)eople with His gracious presence, 
at the very moment when his wrath w^as causing the earth 
to open and to swallow them up for their abominable 
sins, as to contend that a cause with all its principles 
smitten to the earth and scattered to the four winds like 
the rebellion, was the cause of God. It is possible, how- 
ever, that Bishop Pierce and Doctor Palmer can prove 
that the Almighty was fighting at the head of His people 
irom the walls of Jerusalem, and attempting to defend 
them against the Eoman army, by whom they were finally 
overcome and destroyed. 

The end of the rebellion was unlike the end of any just 
cause recorded in history. Truth always gains by contact 
with error, whatever may be the immediate and aj^pareiit 
victory against it. Revolutions never go backward. The 
Commonwealth of Cromwell partially failed at the time 
of its ostensible objects, but it was far from being a total 
failure. Its princix)les lived if they did not triumph at the 
time. It gained much also at the time. The point of its 
termination was infinitely in advance of the point of its 
setting out. As Mr. Goldwin Smith remarks, " The prin- 
ciples of Cromwell partially failed in England ; but they 
crossed the Atlantic and perfectly succeeded in America." 
The principles of Cromwell produced the Americam Rev- 


olntion, and fully developed themselves in the fact of our 
13resent American Republic. The rebellion, however, it 
appears, possessed no redeeming or self-sustaining quali- 
ties of this nature — qualities that live and grow in spite 
of defeat, qualities wresting victory from defeat itself; 
but Avas, in]all respects, a backward movement — a step to 
the rear, and so far to the rear that the point of its setting 
out was lost and irrecoverable, never to be seen again ; 
and in an utterly strange land, dying a very strange and 
singular death, the rebellion found its grave. Not one of 
its principles are now alive to defend its character or hal- 
low its memory. 

The rebellion itself w^as a strange thing, and everything 
about it was strange in the extreme. It had strange 
statesmen, strange politics, a strange religion and strange 
gods. Strange gods indeed the rebels must have had 
that could so deceive and mislead them, and false proph- 
ets that the Lord did not send. 

In viewing the infatuation of the South upon this sub- 
ject, and especially the infatuation of its Doctors of Divin- 
ity, one can hardly avoid being struck with the similarity 
of their condition with that of the prophets of Baal before 
Elijah; also, as Elijah did those prophets, one can hardly 
avoid mocking these Southern Divines by tauntingly 
enquiring, Why they did not call louder uj^on their god ? 
For he was a god, but was talking, or pursuing, or was on 
a journey, or fighting other battles, or peradventure he 
slept and must be awaked. Why did not more of these 
prophets leap upon the rebel altars that were made, and 
cut themselves after their manner with knives and lan- 
cets, till the blood gushed out upon them, crying louder 
and still louder, Baal, hear us ! for thou art a god and 
will deliver us ? 

The failure of the Prophets of Baal to persuade their 
god to answer by fire and consume their sacrifice, and the 
complete success of Elijah in calling upon his God to 
come down and consume his offering, instantaneously put 
an end to all controversy among the people, as to which 
worshiped the true God. The Prophets of Baal were false 


prophets, self-condemned by their own failure, and the 
people slew them at the waters of Gishon. 

This subject, however, has another phase which very 
strongly confirms the position, that Providence never 
favored the rebellion with any view to its final success. 

As a purely worldly scheme, and a purely worldly 
scheme it Wa-s, the one great thing which ruined it, the 
rebellion did possess all the elements of success. This 
fact is so manifest that its total failure can be accounted 
for upon no other principle than that Providence was 
against it. There was not a moment from the bombard- 
ment of Sumter to the fall of Lee, when the preponder- 
ance of worldly sentiment and worldly policy not only in 
our own nation, but in all other ruling nations of Christen- 
dom, with one or two exceptions, were not in sympathy 
with the rebels. Our national triumph is the greatest 
moral victory ever achieved in so short a time, against 
such w^orldly odds. In regard to ourselves, the rebels at 
heart in the whole country were in the majority a little more 
than six millions. The Government, therefore, in the con- 
test, was reduced to the ratio of two against three during 
the war. In other words, the whole country. North and 
South, contained eighteen millions of rebels, and twelve 
millions of loyal people ; and thus it stood on an average 
until the end of the contest. Disintegration of the rebel 
elements was all in a worldly point of view that saved us. 
Had the rebels in the entire nation been one in locality, as 
they w^ere one in sentiment, or had rebels in the North been 
able to combine and organize in the North, as the rebels 
were able to do in the South, the Government w^ould have 
been swept wdtli the besom of destruction. The rebel- 
lion possessed the numbers, but it lacked in one locality 
the power of concentration and organization. 

In territory also, confining our estimate to the States^ 
at the beginning, the Government was inferior to the 
Southern Confederacy. Leaving the border slave States 
out of the question, and allowing their conflicting forces 
to ballance each other, the seceded territory exceeded 
that left to the Government, about sixty thousand square 


miles, an area equal to that of the great State of Yir- 
ginia. In numbers and in territory this was the dispro- 
portion in favor of the rebels at home. 

Abroad, at the beginning, as well as for two years after- 
wards, the prospects of the rebels were quite as bright, 
and ours quite as dark, as they were within our own bor- 
ders. With one exception, that of Russia, the leading 
European governments, if not their people, were strongly 
in sympathy with the rebellion. Fifteen days onh^ elapsed 
after the dispatch of Lord Lyons announcing to his Gov- 
ernment the fall of Sumter, before his Queen issued her 
proclamation recognizing the rebels as belligerents. 
France was equally precipitate and ungenerous, and wlw, 
contrary to all this, and the eager haste in which it was 
done, the rebels were ever after disappointed in their 
expectations of full recognition as an independent nation, 
is, to-day, upon any principle of their worldly policy alone, 
as indefinable by the one party as by the other. While" 
the rebels were exhausting every art of diplomacy to 
hasten the event, these governments were at work mth 
equal industry to get themselves ready, or in other words, 
to get themselves into a safe position to grant the request, 
yet, some invisible power retarded every step and myste- 
riously held back the coveted boon, till an event at the 
White House ; no noise of war in it either, shook the 
continent, if not the earth, and knelled among European 
thrones, that the hour of Southern recognition had passed. 

Another argument that might be here presented against 
the assumption in question, is the spirit of the rebellion 
itself. Tliat instance is not on record where any just 
National cause, immediately successful or otherwise, 
characterized itself by those brutalities and studied cru- 
elties, as a rule, practiced by the rebellion, though per- 
haps not without exceptions, seemingly in a spirit of 
revenge, and with a view to accomplishing its ends. His- 
tory does not furnish a more glaring and frightful paradox 
than exists in this pretension to Divine guidance on the 
part of the rebels, and the systematic cruelties which 
they allowed themselyed to perpetrate under it. 


Our American Revolution is now universally admitted 
to have commenced in justice, consequently witli the 
Divine approval. It was provoked by grievances and 
abuses which made it positively unavoidable, or made it 
indispensably necessary to the success of the Colonists as 
a people. Theirs was a case infinitely more than that of 
the Southern rebels, calculated to tempt and provoke 
revenge ; and if such a course had been good policy, 
much more an inducing cause of resorting to wasting cru- 
elties as a means of defeating their enemies. Like the 
rebels, our forefathers believed that their cause was right, 
and more honestly than the rebels, appealed to God for 
the sincerity ol their convictions and the purity of their 
motives, and as submitting to Him the grievances for 
which they took up arms, for Him to answer to the jus- 
tice of their position by giving them victory. 

With them this work was real, and brought them upon 
too sacred ground for the kindlings of revenge or of any 
other spirit as an element of the contest, only such as 
was consistent with the Attributes of the Being to whom 
they applied, such as they felt and professed to be gov- 
erned by at the start, and saw to be indispensable qualifi- 
cations for being heard by the Creator and Judge of the 

Thus our Revolution on the part of our forefathers was 
not, like the rebellion on the part of the rebels, a war of 
tJie 2^cissions. Their grievances being real and utterly 
unavoidable only by an appeal to the sword, made their 
dependence on God a corresponding reality; and they, 
from the very nature of such dependence, compelled 
to continue in this frame and fight the battle through 
upon this principle, there was no room for the spirit of 
revenge and retalliation, only as the latter was occasion- 
ally justified as a means of self-protection ; and being no 
room nor any disposition for these passions, there was, of 
course, no grounds for a barbarous resort to them as a 
means of weakening their enemies. 

The conclusion is therefore irresistible that had the 
rebels, as they so loudly professed, been in this same con- 


(lition, their spirit would have been the same also. The 
undeniable fact, however, that the general spirit of the 
rebels was the ver}^ reverse of this from the beginning to 
the end of the war, is evidence conclusive that their ex- 
travagant pretensions in this respect were either destruc- 
tive self-deceptions, mental infatuations to which they 
were given up that they might be destroyed, or hypocrit- 
ical and wicked devices to inspire with mistaken enthu- 
siasm the thousands of ignorant soldiery whom the lead- 
ers were sacrificing to their own diabolical purposes. 

An enlightened and considerate view of the spirit and 
genius of the rebellion, its fancied and falsely arrayed 
grievances, its insatiable greed of National power, its 
determination to rule or r«in, its aristocratic corruption 
and domineering cruelty, and the social vortex which it 
w^as preparing and towards which it was remorselessly 
driving the people of the whole land, white as well as 
black, causes every good man to tremble when he reflects 
how near the terrible effort approximated to a final suc- 




It was stated at the commencement of the second chap- 
ter, that the rebel leaders, both in church and state, very 
positively assumed that the rebellion was politically as 
well as morally right. 

Every person in Bradley County knows that this was 
the position unequivocally taken by the rebels, not only in 
this county, but in the whole of East Tennessee, and that 
this position was maintained during the war. Through- 
out East Tennessee, as well as in Bradley, the rebels set 
themselves up as tJie loyal 2)(trty — the only true patriots 
in the state. Standing upon this platform, they constant- 
ly justified their cruel treatment of Union people on the 
ground, that these Union iDeople were traitors ; and, con- 
tended that the sufferings which they were inflicting ui)on 
them were not cruelties, but righteous and well deserved 
punishments for their crimes as tories, traitors, and rebels 
against their own lawful government. Upon this princi- 
ple the rebels of Bradley asserted that the Union citizens 
had forfeited all claim to their homes, that their iDosses- 
sions were no longer theirs, and therefore, that Confede- 
rates were justified in robbing Union families, plundering 
their farms, hunting them through the country like so 
many wild beasts, and shooting them upon the run like so 
many robbers and outlaws. 

Now, we wonder if it ever occurred to the rebels while 
they were engaged in all this, that as a theory, this was a 
wholly false position. Did it ever occur to them that this 
platform of theirs was, in fact, completely reversed all 
the time ? That they themselves, were the tories, traitors, 
and robbers, instead of the Union men whom they were 
murdering? Did it ever occur to the rebels that tliey 
were robbing and murdering these Union men, only 
because thev refused to commit the verv crimes which 


they alleged against them ? They murdered them, they 
said, because they were traitors ; but the fact is, they 
murdered them because they were not and would not be 
traitors. Traitors against the best government in the 
world, were murdering loyal citizens because they Avere 
not traitors like themselves. Men guilty of the highest 
type of treason, were murdering others for exhibiting the 
highest type of loyalty. Men guilty of treason, the high- 
est crime known to the law, were murdering their neigh- 
bors for their loyalty, the greatest virtue known to society. 

The former chapter was devoted to a consideration of 
this subject as a general question, a question in regard to 
the rebellion as a whole, and not with especial reference 
to it in any particular locality. If the rebellion as a v/hole 
was wrong — its principles offensive to God, its designs at 
war with His providence — then, of course, the rebellion 
was wrong in Tennessee, and the statements just made in 
regard to the criminality of Bradley rebels, consequently, 
correct. The question, however, of the false position of 
the rebels in Bradley, and their criminality in conse- 
quence, deduced from the fact, that the whole rebellion 
was wrong, with the remark just made, we will let pass 
for the present. 

There is another question of importance, less general, 
bearing upon the subject, to be considered, and which 
must be considered before the guilt of Tennessee rebels 
can be accurately measured. Though the rebellion as a 
whole was fundamentally wrong, yet, if Tennessee had, 
by a clear majority of her people, decided to go with this 
rebellion, such action, if it had not palliated the cruelties 
inflicted by Tennessee rebels upon their Union neighbors, 
might, at least, have given some show of consistency to 
the political position which they assumed towards the 
ioyal people. If, however, it can be shown that this 
majority was exactly the other way — against secession, 
and was clearly expressed, then, it will not only follow 
that the position assumed by the Tennessee rebels that 
they were tl\e loyal j^arty was false and inconsistent ; 
but that they stand before the world as that class of men 


known in history as the double-headed traitors — traitors 
against the general Government, and also traitors against 
the Government of their own State. In any Republican 
State, the will of the people clearly expressed, is the Gov- 
ernment of that State — is the Supreme Law, and whoever 
rebels against that law is a traitor. Dual treason, how- 
ever, does not seem to be the only distinguishing charac- 
teristic of the Tennessee rebels ; nor the only particular 
brand of infamy with which they will be handed down to 
posterity. Having perfected this double crime, or rather 
having committed the crime of treason the second time, 
first against the general Government, then against the 
clearly expressed will of a majority of their own people, 
the course of evil had been sufiiciently protracted to 
harden them for the third and final denouement of indis- 
criminate blood-letting w^hich followed and crimsoned 
their footsteps, especially in East Tennessee — a barbar- 
ousness not exceeded even by the Andersonville and 
Belle Island horrors, and which w^hen view^ed as a third 
stride in the career that had already designated them 
dual traitors^ forever brands them as the trijpi^le and 
blood-stained criminals of the Great Rebellion. 

The infidel writer and pamphleteering castigator of 
John Bull in the days of the Revolution, Thomas Paine, 
never uttered a sentiment truer, nor one falser than this is 
true, than when he said, " One bad action creates a calam- 
itous necessity for another." Tlie bloody scale on which 
Tennessee rebels graduated from one degree of crime to 
another will remain, to the end of time, a monumental illus- 
tration of this proverbial truth. We shall now give a brief 
statement of facts in regard to the secession of Tennessee — 
facts the most of which have already been made histor- 
ical by appearing in ofiicial or documentary form, and all 
of which can be substantiated by living witnesses. 

South Carolina broke the way and seceded from the 
Union family on the 20th of December, 1861. As well as 
exciting treason in other portions of the South, this also 
fired the rebel blood in Tennessee. On the 7th of Jan- 
uary, only eighteen days after the great sin of South Car- 


olina, Governor Harris convened his Legislature at Nash- 
ville. On the 19th, this body appointed a State election 
for the 9th of February following, at which the people of 
Tennessee were to decide whether a State Convention 
should be called to consider the subject of the great 
Southern movement now commenced in South Carolina. 
Convention or No Convention on this subject was to be 
the distinct issue before the people of Tennessee at this 
election ; consequently, those in favor of the measure 
were to write on their ballots " Convention, " those 
opposed to it were to write on theirs, " No Convention." 

In view of the possibility that the people at this elec- 
tion might decide to have this convention, each party, 
Union and Secession, nominated its candidates to be 
elected as members of this convention, and voted for 
them at the same time that they voted for Convention 
and No Convention. Every county in the State, we be- 
lieve, on that day elected its members to this convention. 
The Union candidates were pledged to vote, in case the 
convention took place, against secession under any cir- 
cumstances and at all hazards. The rebel candidates 
were pledged to vote for secession except on certain con- 
ditions — a redress of grievances, &c. 

The results of the election were No Convention, and a 
majority of Union candidates. Even the city of Memphis 
elected its Union candidates by 400 majorit}^ The major- 
ity of Union votes cast in electing these members over 
those cast by the rebel candidates, was 61,114. The 
Union majority for No Convention was not so large, being 
only 30,839. 

It appears that a great many Union men in the State, 
Vv'ho on that day voted for Union candidates, did so under 
the impression that, although they were thus opposed to 
secession, yet it was proper to have a State Convention 
on the subject of existing difficulties. Hence this differ- 
ence between the majority for these Union candidates, 
and that for No Convention. 

The 8th of February came, and the following is the vote, 
of each county for Convention and No. Convention : 






































McMinn .... 

















Cocke ' 






Carter ' 







Hawkins . . . 








Sevier .... 


Marion . . 




Seo natch ee 



































































|Yan Buren 


















Marshall . . . ; 











Sumner . . . . . . 


j 7,360 




































Carroll .... 


















































Total for No Convention 70,156. 

Total for Convention 39,317. 

Majority for No Convention 30,839. 

The above was taken from a number of the " MemiDhis 
Appeal," dated January 27th, 1861. 

The following extracts shov/ conclusively, the rebels 
themselves being judges, that this election was a fair trial 
of the question at issue — an honest and perfectly volun- 
tary expression of the will of the people. 

The first of these extracts is from the editorial of the 
" Cleveland Banner," a bitter rebel sheet, and which was 
continued till silenced by the Federal army in the Avinter 
of 1864. 

The "Nashville Gazette," the paper from which the 
second extract is taken, was also a strong rebel paper. 

"The Election. — The election on Saturday last resulted in the de- 
feat of everybody, in. one sense of the word, except "No Convention" 
— he run like a scared dog. and beat the field out of sight. In this 
county the vote stood, Convention 242, No Convention 1443. Brown 
was elected delegate. We have but few returns from the adjoining 
counties, and they not full; but one thing is certain, a Convention has 
been voted doicn by an overwhelming majority, and those fortunate men 
who were elected to a convention, will have the pleasure of remain- 
ing at home." 


"The Result.— Tlie people of Tennessee 5'esterclay had an opportu- 
nity of sayhif? throiitjli the ballot-box. whether or not they desired 
the assemblin,i>^ of a State Convention, as provided for by Le^^islative 
enactment. The indications are that a lanje majority voted "No Con- 
vention." However much we misrht have desired a different result, 
we feel fully satisfied that the proposition to hold a Convention has 
been defeated. The 2'>eople have spoken^ and ice have naught to say against 
their decree. It may brin<j tlieni no harm, or it may result in evil 
only — which of the two will be known before the expiration of many 

Now this election furnishes us with a two-fold expres- 
sion of the will of the people in regard to the secession 
of the State. First, we have a clear majority of 64,114 
votes, those cast for the Union candidates for membership 
in this convention, expressing the sovereign will of the 
people, that Tennessee should not under any circum- 
stances secede from the Union. Second, in the votes at 
the same time cast, respecting a convention, we have 
another clear Union majority of nearly 31,000, not only 
against secession ; but, deciding that no cause whatever 
■existed, even for a convention on the subject, that Ten- 
nessee had no grievances to complain of, that she had no 
quarrel with the General Government, and proposed to 
remain in the Union as she was. This was the legitimate 
announcement of the people of Tennessee at this elec- 
tion, doubly expressed. That this is so, as well as being a 
fair and binding expression of the will of the people, is 
now not only the testimony of every Union man in the 
State, but is the testimony of the rebels themselves. The 
following is from the Cleveland Banner, a rebel sheet, 
from which we have already quoted in this connection, 
and taken from a number dated February 15th, 1861. 

''The Convention. — The returns leave no reasonable doubt that 
the Convention has been voted down by an immense majority. This 
was a result not looked for. This object was gained by a systematic 
cry, that if you vote for '' Convention " you are for immediate seces- 
sion — he who is for the Union must vote '* Xo Convention." 

The practical result is, that by voting ''No Convention" the peo- 
ple have deprived themselves of the power of having a voice, at this 
time, in the settlement of the questions at issue — the}' have for the 
present taken it from themselves and left it in the hands of the poli- 
ticians — the last place where it ought to be. 

But this is not all. The Legislature, as is well known, sent on 
commissioners to the Border State Convention, now being held in 
Washington city, the vote of ''No Convention" is equivalent to say- 


ing, '• Tennessee asks nothing, she desires no settlement, she wants things 
to stand as they a?*e." 

The arm ot our Commissioners is paralyzecl. The Black Republi- 
cans can say to them, ' what are yon here for now ? Since the Legis- 
lature sent you the people themselves have spoken, they are for standing 
still ; they are content with the existing state of things ; your Commissions 
are revoked; we are not bound to listen to your declarations that 
there must be no civil war; that there sliould be a tinal and peaceable 
settlement of all matters in issue; the verdict of the people is against 
lohat you ask — they are for no action— for standing still— for letting things 
drift on as they are — your p)eople are satisfied vrith us, and the policy on 
which we have declared iv^ loill administer the Government." " 

It is seen that this rebel editor in this extract himself 
strongly testifies to the truth of the position we have just 
taken in regard to this election. Admitting the fact then, 
why did not he for the future act consistently with his 
own admission ? Admitting that such was the sovereign 
will of the people, expressed as he says by an " immense 
majority," why did he, traitor like, fight it for the next 
three years or as long as he could with all his might ? 
Why did not he, why did not Governor Harris, why did 
not this rebel Legislature, with whom this proposition for 
a State Convention originated, and why did not the minor- 
ity in the whole State submit to this sovereign will of the 
people, instead of flying together in a foul conspiracy 
against it and trampling it under their treasonable feet ? 

One statement in this extract so manifestly betrays 
either the stupidity or dishonest}^ or both, of this editor, 
that we cannot resist the temptation to give it a passing 
notice. He says, "The practical result is, that by voting 
'No Convention' the people have deprived themselves of 
the power of having a voice, at this time, in settling the 
c[uestions at issue — they have for the present taken it 
from themselves and left it in the hands of the politicians 
■ — the last place where it ought to be." Just as though 
the sovereign voice of the people was no settlement of 
this question at all. 

The substance of the above statement amounts to this : 
The vote of the people of Tennessee which settled and 
disposed of the question of secession in her case, forever 
deprived them of tlie power to settle it. The vote or act 
of the people which took it out of the hands of the politi- 


cians put it into the hands of the politicians. The self- 
same vote or act of the people which took the question 
{7ito their hands put it out of their hands. 

A Supreme Judge from whose bench there is no appeal, 
receives a difficult case from the lower courts ; and after 
giving it a thorough and impartial trial, delivers his ver- 
dict upon it, and this verdict is a final disposition of tlie 
case. This Cleveland editor, however, starts up and says, 
Judge you have committed a grave error ! You have for- 
ever deprived yourself of the power to settle that ques- 
tion. You have forever taken it out of your own hands 
and put it in the hands of the lawyers, " the last place 
where it ought to be." This is exactly the position of this 
rebel editor in the above statement. 

From the fact that this February election was a fair ex- 
pression of the will of the people, it followed that this 
dictated and pointed out the subsequent duty of the mi- 
nority. It was the duty of the minority to submit to this 
decision, and allow the State to be governed by the prin- 
ciples it announced. Even more than this, it was the duty 
of the parties and individuals composing this minority to 
become co-operators with the majority in carrying out 
these principles, by exerting their influence to resist rebel- 
lion and discourage revolt among the people of Tennessee. 
This was just what the people at this election decided to 
be the duty of all parties and individuals in the State, 
particularly those into whose hands they had entrusted 
the reins of authority from the governor to the lowest 
municipal officer among the people. 

The great misfortune of the majority at this election, 
and the great misfortune of the State was, that nearly all 
her politicians and incumbents of office at the time, were 
among the minority. As another writer remarks, " The 
secession or rebellion of Tennessee was a rebellion of 
office-holders and politicians." The people arrayed them- 
selves on the side of the Government; office-holders and 
politicians arrayed themselves on the side of the rebellion. 

As soon as the result of the election was known, the 
politicians throughout the State, and most of those in 


authorit}^, conspired with each other in public as well as 
in private, to defeat the wishes of the people. Hundreds 
of instances might be given in confirmation of this state- 

The writer of these pages arrived in Nashville five days 
after that city surrendered to General Buell in the winter 
of 1862. While there he obtained various items of impor- 
tant information from Union men respecting the secession 
of Tennessee. It was their universal testimony that the 
failure of this project for a "Convention" created no little 
excitement and no little dissatisfaction among the seces- 
sionists in Nashville. For days after the election com- 
panies of them were seen excitedly conversing upon the 
subject on the streets and in public places throughout the 
city. Among one of these companies an individual 
named More, a very active and strenuous Southern-rights 
man, was heard to use, in substance, the following lan- 
guage : "This election is a disgrace to the State, and 
Tennessee is disgracing herself by longer remaining in 
the Union. We will see Governor Harris, and he shall 

call an extra session of the Legislature, and d n the 

State, we will put her out at all hazards." This remark 
was heard by Mr. John L. Stewart, a truthful and reliable 
Union man well known in Nashville, having been a citi- 
zen for many years, though now deceased. 

The active hostility thus exhibited by More and his 
rebel crowd to this election will be recognized by Ten- 
nessee Union men as the identical spirit that prevailed 
against it everywhere among rebels throughout the State, 
and as that feeling which originated the measures imme- 
diately commenced by those in power to force the people 
into the vortex of rebellion. Agreeably with his own 
feelings, and prompted by this spirit among the rebels, 
Isham G. Harris, then Governor of Tennessee, convened 
his Legislature on the 25th of April, a little more than 
two months after this rebel proposition for a convention 
had been voted down by the people. 

The following are the introductory remarks of his mes- 
sage to this body on that occasion : 


Executive Department, } 

Nashville, April 25, 1861. ^ 
Gentlemen of the Senate 

and House of Fepresentatives : 

The President of the United States — elected according to the forms 
of the Constitution, but upon principles openly hostile to its provis- 
ions — having wantonly inaugurated an internecine war upon the 
people of the slave and non-slaveholding States, I have convened you 
again at the seat of Government, for the purpose of enabling j'ou to 
take such action as will most likely contribute to the defence of our 
rights, the preservation of our liberties, the sovereignty of the State, 
and the safety of our people; all of which are now in ibiminent peril 
by the usurpations of the authorities at AVashington, and the unscru- 
pulous fanaticism which runs riot throughout the Northern States. 

The Avar thus inaugurated is likely to assume an importance nearly, 
if not fully, equal, to the struggle of our revolutionary fathers, in 
their patriotic efforts to resist the usurpations and throw off the 
tyrannical yoke of the English Government; a war the duration of 
whicli. and the good or evil which must result from it, depends en- 
tirely, in my judgment, upon the readiness with which the citizens 
of the South harmonize as one people, and the alacrity with which 
they respond to the demands of patriotism. 

I do not think it necessary to recapitulate, at this late hour, the 
long train of abuses to which the people of Tennessee, and our sister 
States of the South, have been subjected by the anti-republican spirit 
that has for many years been manifesting itself in that section, and 
which has at last declared itself our open and avowed enemy. In 
the message which I addressed to you at j'our called session in Jan- 
uarj' last, these things were somewhat elaborately referred to. as con- 
stituting, in my judgment, the amplest reason for considering our- 
selves in imminent danger, and as requiring such action on the part 
of the Legislature as would place tlie State in an attitude for defence, 
Avhenever the momentous crisis should be forced upon us; and. also, 
as presenting to the North the strongest argumeni for jDeace. and, if 
possible, securing a reconstruction of the Union, thus already dis- 
solved bj' the most authoritative, formal, and matured action of a 
portion of the slaveholding States. 

The position of Gov. Harris throughout this message, 
and particularly those in this extract show the extent to 
which he disregarded the will, and disobeyed tlie instruc- 
tions of the people of Tennessee, delivered to him at this 
February election. The very first words of this message 
reveal Gov. Harris as a traitor. He says, "The President 
of the United States, elected according to the forms of the 
Constitution, but upon principles openly hostile to its 
provisions." Now, which was the better judge of this 
matter. Gov. Harris or the people ? Who was the final 
authority upon the subject, he or the people? Mr. Lin- 
coln was elected President on the 8th of November, 1860; 
and the people had from this time till the 9th of February, 


1861, a period of three months, in which to consider and 
decide for themselves, whether Mr. Lincohis' election was 
or was not in accordance with the provisions of the Con- 
stitution. They did consider this subject, and at the 
expiration of this i)eriod delivered their opinion to the 
effect that this statement of Gov. Harris is false, deciding 
that the election of Mr. Lincoln was constitutional and 
binding upon them as a State ; and that they were not 
only Avilling but anxious to remain under the old Govern- 
ment, and accept its administration at his hands during 
the next four years. 

There is not on record a more absolute and insulting 
case of official despotism and grinding usurpation than 
this act of Gov. Harris, in convening his Legislature and 
instructing its members as he did in this message. 

But Governor Harris proceeds : and in another part of 
this incendiary document we find the following : 

" Therefore. I I'espectfnlly recommend the perfecting of an oi'di- 
iianee by the General Assembly, formally declaring the Independence 
of the State of Tennessee of the Federal Union, Venonncing its au- 
thority, and reassuming eacli and exery function belonging to a sep- 
arate sovereignty." 

We have seen that this Legislature convened on the 
25th of April, 1861. In obedience to the above recommen- 
dation respecting an ordinance of secession, among the 
first acts of this body we find the following : 


First. We, the people of the State of Tennessee, waiving any ex- 
pression of opinion as to the abstract doctrine of secession, but assert- 
ing the right, as a free and independent people, to alter, reform, or 
abolish, our form of Government in such manner as we think proper, 
do ordain and declare that all the laws and ordinances by wliich the 
State of Tennessee became a member of the Federal Union of tlie 
United States of America, are hereby abrogated and annulled, and 
that all obligations on our part be withdrawn therefrom ; and we do 
hereby resume all the rights, functions, and powers, which by any of 
said laws and ordinances were convej^ed to the Government of the 
United States, and absolve ourselves from all the obligations, re- 
straints, and duties incurred thereto; and do herebj' henceforth 
become a free, sovereign and independent State. 

Second. We furtliermore declare and ordain that Article X, sec- 
tions 1 and 2 of the Constitution of the State of Tennessee, which 


requires members of the General Assembly, and all officers, civU and 
military, to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United 
States be. and the same are hereby abrogated and annulled ; and all 
parts of the Constitution of the State of Tennessee, makino^ citizon- 
nhip of the United States a qualification for office, and recognizing 
the Constitution of the United States as the supreme law of this State, 
are in like manner abrogated and annulled. 

Speaker of the House of Bepresentatives. 
Passed May Gth, ISGl. Spjeaker of the Senate, 


Bcsolved by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That the 
Governor be, and he is hereby authorized and requested to appoint 
three Commissioners on the part of Tennessee, to enter into a Mili- 
tar}^ League with the authorities of the Confederate States, and with 
the authorities of such other slaveholding States as may wish to enter 
into it; having in view the protection and defence of the entire South 
against the war that is now being carried on against it. 

Speaker of the House of Bepresentatives. 

Speaker of the Senate. 
Adopted May 1, 1861. 

In accordance with the rec^uest of this resolution Gov- 
ernor Harris, in due time, appears with the following 
message : 


Executive Department, 

Kashville, May 7, 1861, 

Gentleraen of the Senate 

and House of Bepresentatives : 

By virtue of the authority of your joint resolution, adopted on the 
1st day of May inst., I appointed Gustavus A. Henry, of the county 
of Montgomery, Archibald O. W. Totten, of the county of Madison, 
and Washington Barrow, of the county of Davidson, "Commission- 
ers on the part of Tennessee, to enter into a Military League with 
the authorities of the Confederate States, and with the authorities of 
such other slaveholding States as may wish to enter into it ; having 
in view the protection and the defence of the entii-e South against 
the war that is now being carried on against it." 

The said Commissioners met the Hon. Henry "W. Hilliard, the 
accredited representative of the Confederate States, at Xashville, on 
this day, and have agreed upon and executed a Military League be- 
tween the State of Tennessee and the Confederate States of America, 
subject, however, to the ratification of the two Governments ; one of 
the'duplicate originals of which I herewith transmit for your ratifi- 
cation or rejection. For many cogent and obtious reasons, unneces- * 


sary to be rehearsed to j'ou, I respectfully recommend the ratitica-' 
tioii of this League at the earliest practicable moment. 
\QTy IJespectfiill}', 


The following is the document or League referred to in 
the above Message : 

convp:ntion between the state of tennes.^ee and the confed- 

The State of Tennessee looking to a speedy admission into the Con- 
federacy established by the Confederate States of America, in accord- 
ance with the Constitution for the Provisional Government of said 
States, enters into the following temporary Convention, Agreement 
and Military League, with the Confederate States, for the purpose of 
meeting pressing exigencies affecting the common rights, interests, 
and safety of said States, and said Confederacy. 

First. 'Until the said State shall become a member of said Confed- 
eracy according to the Constitution of both powers, the whole mili- 
tary*^ force, and military operations, offensive and defensive of said 
State, in the impending conflict with the United States, shall be under 
the chief control and direction of the President of the Confederate 
States, upon the same basis, principles and footing, as if said State 
were now, and during the interval, a member of said Confederacj% 
said force, together with that of the Confederate States, to be em- 
ployed for the common defence. 

Second. The State of Tennessee will, upon becoming a member of 
said Confederacy under tke permanent constitution of said Confed- 
erate States, if the same shall occur, turn over to said Confederate 
States, all the public property acquired from the United States, on 
the same terms, and in the same manner as the other States of said 
Confederacy have done in like cases. 

Third. Whatever expenditures of money, if any, the said State of 
Tennessee shall make before she becomes a member of said Confed- 
eracy, shall be met and provided for by the Confederate States. 

This Convention entered into and agreed, in the city of Xashville, 
Tennessee, on the seventh day of 3Iay. A. D., 1861. by Henry W. Ilil- 
liard, the duly authorized commissioner, to act in the matter of the 
Confederate States, and Gustavus A. Henry. Archibald O. W. Totten. 
and Washington Barrow, commissioners duly authorized in like 
manner for the State of Tennessee — the whole subject to the approval 
and ratification of the proper authorities of both Governments respec- 

In' testimony whereof, the parties aforesaid have herewith set 
their hands and seals, the day and year aforesaid, in duplicate origi- 

HEN^RY W. HILLIARD. [seal.] 

Commissioner for the Confederate States of America, 

A. O. W. TOTTEX, [seal.] 


Commissioners on the2Jart of Tennessee, 


AVhereas, a military league, offensive and defensive, was foi-raed 
on the 7th of May, 186'l, by and between A. O. W. Totten, Gustavus 


A. Henry, and Washington Barrow, Commissioners on the part of the 
State of Tennessee, and H. W. Hilliard, Commissioner on the part of 
the Confederate States of America, subject to the conlirmation of the 
two Governments : 

Be it therefore resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Tennes- 
see, That said league be in all respects ratified and confirmed, and the 
said General Assembly hereby pledges the faith ana honor of the 
State of Tennessee to the faithful observance of the terms and condi- 
tions of said league. 

■Speaker of the House of Bepreserdatives. 

Speaker of the Senate. 
Adopted May 7, ISGl. 


We, the people of Tennessee, solemnly impressed by the perils 
which surround us, do hereby adopt and ratify the Constitution of the 
Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, or- 
dained and established at Montgomery, Alabama, on the 8th day of 
Februar3^ 1861, to be in force during the existence thereof, or until 
guch a time as we may supersede it by the adoption of a permanent 

Sec. G. Be it further enacted, That those in favor of the adoption of 
said Provisional Constitution, and thereby securing to Tennessee equal 
representation in the deliberations and councils of the Confedei-ate 
States, shall have written or printed on their ballots the word ''Bep- 
resentation; those opposed, the words "iVo BepresentationP 

Sec. 7. Be it further enacted, That in the event the people shall adopt 
the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Confederate 
States, at the election herein ordered, it shall be the duty of the Gov- 
ernor, forthwith to issue writs of election for delegates to represent 
the State of Tennessee in the said Provisional Government; that the 
State shall be represented by as many delegates as it was entitled to 
members of Congress to the Congress of the United States of America, 
who shall be elected from the several Congressional Districts as 
now established by law, in the mode and manner now prescribed for 
the election of members of the Congress of the United States. 

Sec. 8. Be it further enacted, That this act take eJffect from and 
after its passage. 

Speaker of the Ifouse of Bepresentatives. 

Passed May 6th, 1861. Speaker of the Senate. 

At the commencement of this chapter we assumed that 
Tennessee rebels were not only rebels against the Gene- 
ral Government, but also rebels against the government 
of their own State. 

In confirmation of this position we have seen, first, that 
on two difi'erent ballotings, the people of Tennessee in 


one case gave a majority of G4,114 forbidding the seces- 
sion of the State under all circumstances ; in the other a 
majority of nearly 31,000, not only against secession 
but declaring that no occasion whatever existed for a 
State Convention on this or any other subject then agi- 
tating the country ; that Tennessee had no grievances to 
complain of, was satisfied with the General Government, 
and proposed to remain in the Union as she was. 

Second, we have seen, that those Avho on the same day 
were found in the minority, or in other words found to be 
the rebel element of the State, immediately rebelled 
against this decision, setting on foot all possible unfair 
means and measures forcibly to set aside the people's A^er- 
dict, and officially hurled Tennessee out of the Union. By 
overwhelming majorities the people of the State declare 
themselves to be loyal; instantly, however. Gov. Harris 
and his legislature, in secret conclave, assume themselves 
to be the people, convert the power entrusted in their 
hands into a law of brute force, blind and gag every Union 
man whom they cannot bribe, take the majority by the 
throat, and in three months from the time the people ex- 
pressed their will to the contrary, league Tennessee with 
the rebellion. 

Language cannot express facts, nor can facts prove any 
proposition if the above is not the logical showing of the 
case of this election. The proposition, therefore, is incon- 
trovertibly made out that the rebels of Tennessee were 
not only rebels against the General Government, but reb- 
els against the government of their OAvn State. 

Viewing the proceedings above described in the same 
light that we have considered them, the people of East 
Tennessee, through their delegates, assembled at Green- 
ville, Green county, on the 17th of June, 1861, with a view, 
among other things, to petition their Legislature for the 
privilege of East Tennessee to withdraw as a part of the 
State, and become independent, that she might thereby not 
only avoid actual conflict between herself and its seces- 
sion portions, but avoid complicity with their treason, and 
especially escape being swept with the rest of the State 


into the vortex of secession and rebellion. The follow- 
ing is substantially an extract from the views of this body 
expressed in regard to the conduct of Governor Harris and 
his legislature, developed and examined in this chapter: 

liesohed. That the action of the State Leo-islature, in passiiif^ a 
declaration of independence, and forming- a military league with the 
Southern Confederacy, was unconstitutional and not bind ivg upon the 
loyal citizens of the State. 




Rebels in Tennessee will boastingiy refer to this elec- 
tion, as an argument against the position we have 
taken in regard to the secession of their State. Nothing, 
however, is wanting to demonstrate that this election of 
Jnne 8th, 1861, an election surreptitiously appointed and 
tyrannically managed by Governor Harris and his Legis- 
lature, that they might cloak their treason under the forced 
popular suffrage of the people, if possible, was a darker 
crime in them, as Avell as a greater farce in itself than 
their act of ignoring the results of the election of Febru- 
ary i)revious. 

The following is another extract from the published 
views of the Greenville Convention, being a part of an 
address by its members to the people of the State. 

"We, the people of East Tennessee, again assembled in Convention 
of onr deleo-ates, make tlie following declaration in addition to that 
heretofore promulg-ated hy ns at Kiioxville. on the 30th and .31st days 
of May, last; So far as we can learn, the election held in this State 
on the 8th day of this montli was free, witli but few exceptions, in no 
part of the State other than in East Tennessee. In the larger ])or- 
tions of Middle and West Tennessee, no speeches or discussions in 
fjivor of the Union were permitted. Union papers were not allowed 
to circulate. Measures were taken in some parts of AVest Tennessee, 
in defiance of the Constitution and laws, which allow folded tickets, 
to have the ballots numbered in such manner as to mark and expose 
the Union voters. A secession paper, the iSTashville Gazette, in urging 
the people to vote an open ticket, declared that • a thief takes a 
pocket book or effects an entrance into forbidden places b}^ stealthy 
means — a tor,v, in voting, usually adopts pretty much the same mode 
of procedure.' Disunionists, in manj' places, had charge of the polls; 
and Union men when voting, were denounced as Lincolnites and 
abolitionists. The unanimity of the votes in manj' large counties, 
where, but a few weeks ago, the Union sentiment was so strong, proves 
beyond a doubt that Union men were overawed by the tyranny of the 
military law, and the still greater tyranny of a corrupt and subsi- 
dized press. Oui meeting was telegraphed to TheNevj Orleans Delta, 
and it was falsely said that we had passed a resolution recommending 
submission if 70,000 votes were not cast against secession. The dis- 
patch adds that the Southern rights men are determined to hold posses- 


-3I011 of the Stato, tliGugli they should be in a minoritj'. Vohinteers 
•were allowed to vote in and out of the State, in flagrant violation of 
the Constitution. From the moment the election was over, before any- 
detailed statement of the vote in the different counties had been 
published, and before it was possible to ascertain the result, it was 
exultingly proclaimed that separation had been carried by from fifty 
to seventy thousand votes. This was to prepare tlie public mind, t*b 
enable the secessionists to hold possession of the State, tliouf^h they 
■should be in the minorit}'. The final result is to be announced by a 
secession governor, whose existence depends upon the success of 
recession ; and 110 provision is to be made even for an examination 
of the vote by disiaterested persons, or even for contesting the elec- 
tion. For these and other causes, we do not regard the result of the 
•election as expressive of the will of a majority of the freemen of Ten- 

Parson Brownlow^ in liis ExpeTiences Among tJie 
Rehels^ says: 

"For Separation and Bepresentation, Richmond, East Tennessee^ 
g'ave 14,700 votes, oneliaJf of thatmnnbervi-ere rebel troops, having no 
authority under the Constitution to vote at any election. For Xo Sepa- 
ration and Xo Representation. East Tennessee gave 33,000 straight 
out Union votes, with at least 5,000 quiet citizens'deterred from com- 
ing out by threats of violence, and by the presence of drunken troops 
at tlie polls to insult them." 

A short time before this June election an attempt was 
made by the Union people to hold a meeting at Paris, 
Tennessee, and this attempt resulted in the death of two 
Union men, both being shot by the secessionists ; and a 
public notice that Emerson Etheridge would spea^ at 
Trenton, Tennessee, called forth the following correspon- 
dence : 

•• Trextox, Texx., April IGth, ISGl. 

To J. D. C. Atlcuis and B. G. Payne : 
Etheridge speaks here on Friday. Be here Friday or next day.*' 

The above was answered in the following manner : 

" Memphis, Texx., April 16th. 186L 
To Messrs. 

I can't find Atkins. Can't come at that time. If Etheridge speaks 
for the South we have no reply. If against it, our only answer to 
kim and his backers must be cold steel and bullets. 

E. G. PAYNE.-' 

In the Louisville Journal of May 13th, 1861, we find the 
following : 

'• The spirit of secession appears to have reached its culminating 
point in Tennessee. Certainly the fell spirit has, as 3'et, reached no 



higher point of outra.o'eous tyranny. The whole of the late pn>- 
ceedino's in Tennessee has been as gross an outrage as ever was per- 
petrated by the worst tyrant of all the earth. The whole secession 
movement on the part of the Legislature of the State has been law- 
less, violent and tumultuous. The pretense of submitting the Ordi- 
nance of Secession to the vote of the peoi>le of the State,"after plac- 
ing her military power and resources at the disposal and under the 
command of the Confederate States without any authority from the 
people, is as bitter and insolent a mockery of popular rights as the- 
human mind could invent." 

The following is the vote of the State at this Jmie elec- 
tion for Separation and No Separation, as taken from the 
Memphis Appeal of June 27th, 1861 : 




































































Grainger . .... 


Green . . . , 






Sevier . . 












Ehea . . .... 


















































































































Total ■ 














































Dyer ' 





f 7 




























2936! 641 


Camp Randolph. ^500; Camp Davis, Ya., 506; Camp Duncan, 111; 
Harpers Ferry, 575; Fort Pickens, Fla., 737: Fort Harris. Tenn.. 159; 
Camp DesotoC Tenn.. 15; Camp Hermitage, Toun.,16; Camp Jackson, 
Ya., 622— Total, 6,24L 


The majority for separation appears to be 61,095. Other 
authorities differ but little from these figures. In Move's 
Rebellion Record^ and in Tlie Xev^ American CjjclopcB- 
dia^ this majority is given as 57,675. Also, Governor 
Harris in his proclamation of June 24tli, 1861, announced 
this as the majority' by which the State had dechired her 
separation from the old Government. 

The overwlielming majority for No Convention was at 
first felt by the rebels as a death-blow to their hopes ; 
while the loyal people correspondingly considered the 
victory complete and lasting, supposing that they had 
now ended the secession movement in Tennessee. The 
leading secessionists in the State, including the rebel por- 
tion of the Legislature, were confused and beaten, and 
even Governor Harris for a short time apparently aban- 
doned the scheme as hopeless. In a few days, however, 
especially, as the great movement continued rai)idly to 
progress in other sections of the Union, the discour- 
agement of these rebels began to subside, and by means of 
secret societies, secret plotting, mining and counter-min- 
ing, they steadily recovered both spirits and strength, 
waiting and stealtliilj^ preparing to make another spring 
at the loyalty of the State. In Nashville, the great seeth- 
ing crater of Tennessee rebellion, the secession leaders 
IDlayed the double and deceptive game of friend and 
enemy, pretending to occupy a medium position, censuring 
and suspicioning, as well as measurably favoring, both 
iDarties. They were opposed to the confederate scheme 
for dismembering the Union, and equally oi)i)osed to co- 
ercion to recover South Carolina, already seceded. 

Privately driving forward this i^lan till it would answer 
to call the x)eople of Davidson county together in conven- 
tion, by a grand rally on that occasion they succeeded in 
persuading, a portion of the people at least, to commit 
themselves to their line of policy, and announce that they^ 
with these leaders, were pledged against coercion. This 
effected, some of the most sacrificing rebels repaired to 
Charleston, South Carolina, and encouraged the rebel 
military authorities there to fire on Fort Sumter, or iu 


any way they could, draw tlie Federal fire and bring on a 
battle, to make it ai>pear that coercion was the inaugu- 
rated policy of the Government, when Tennessee would 
be almost a unit for the South, for she was pledged 
against coercion. 

The bombardment of Sumter on the 12th of Ax)ril, fol- 
lowed by President Lincoln's call for troops on the 15th, 
three days afterwards, furnished these rising rebels with 
the very occasions they desired. These events produced 
an excitemenj:, that shook the State from one end to the 
other. The whole rebel element of the State, especially 
Governor Harris and the rebel portion of his Legislature, 
were not only aglow with indignation, but were fired to a 
high pitch of frenz}^ at the thought that the Government 
was going to make war on the seceding States to coerce 
them into submission. But what was still more unfortu- 
nate, the conservative element of the Union or loyal 
party — the weak-kneed gentlemen — were Irightened also, 
and by the aid of the initiating degrees which this ele- 
ment had already taken in rebellion as just stated, now 
stumbled over the great bugaboo of coercion into an error 
that not only sundered and broke up the solid ranks of 
the loyal party in the State, but bound its scattered frag- 
ments hand and foot, and left them a helpless prey to the 
intriguing venom of their secession enemies. 

Excited by the ominous signs of immediate war between 
the two sections in the fall of Sumter, in connection with 
their surprise that the Government should call on Ten- 
nessee for two regiments of militia to send against their 
brethren of the South, and to aid in putting down the re- 
bellion by force, a few of the most eminent of these Union 
conservative leaders, such as Messrs. Neil S. Brown, ex- 
Governor of the State, Kussell Houston, G. H. Ewing, C. 
Johnson, John Bell, R. J. Meigs, S. D. Morgan, John S. 
Brien, Andrew Ewing, John H. Callender, and Baylie 
Peyton, published at Nashville on the 18th of April, a 
v\'arm and deepl}^ appealing address to the people of the 
State, expressing their views of the crisis, and of the 
position that should be taken bv Tennessee. 


The following is an extract from this probahly well- 
meant but greatly misguided expression of interested 
patriotism : 

''Tennes.-ee is called upon l3y the President to furnish two regi- 
ments ; and the State has. through her Executive, refused to com- 
I)ly with tlie call. This refusal of our State we icarmli/ approve. We 
commend the wisdom, the Justice, and the humauity. of tlie refusal. 
We unqualifiedly disapprove of secession, hoth as a constitutioual 
right, and as a remedy for existing evils. We equally condemn the 
policy of the Administration in reference to the seceded States. But, 
while we without qualification condemn the policy of coercion, as 
calculated to dissolve the Union forever, and to dissolve it in the 
blood of our fellow-citizens, and re^fard it as sufiicielit to justify the 
State in refusing her aid to the Government in its attempt to sup- 
press the revolution in the seceded States, we do not think it our 
dut}'. considci'ing her position in the Union, and in view of the great 
question of the peace of our distracted country-, to take sides against 
the Government. * * * Tennessee ought, as we thiiik, to declhie 
joining either parti/. * * * 

"Tlie present duty of Tennessee is to maintain a position of inde- 
pendence, taking sides with the Union and the peace of the country 
against all assailants, whether from the Xorth or the Soutli. Her 
position should be to maintain the sanctity of her soil from the hos- 
tile tread of any party." 

The following is governor Harris' refusal to furnish the 
two regiments, which the government required at that 
time of Tennessee : 

'' Jfou. Simeon Cameron: 

"•Sir: — Your dispatch of the 15th inst. informing me that Tennessee 
is called upon for two regiments of militia for immediate service is 

'^Tennessee will not furnish a man for i^urposes of coercion, but 
50.000 if necessar3% for the defence of our rights and those of our 
Southern brethren." ISHAM G. HARRIS. 

''Governor of Tennessee.'''' 

In the winter of 1862, shortly before the battle of Stone 
River, between Nashville and the Hermitage, the writer 
Avas conversing with an intelligent farmer, who explained 
the cause of his backsliding condition as a Union man by 
saying ; " What could I and such men as myself do, when 
Neil S. Brown and John Bell Avent by the board ? both, 
condemning and rebelling against the policy of the Gov- 
ernment, Mr. Brown stumping the State against coer- 

The step thus taken l)y these men Avas disastrous to the 
Union cause in Tennessee, in tAvo respects. It helped to 


break the solidity and compactness of the loyal party in 
the State, sending bewilderment and hesitation, more or 
less into its ranks, and starting many Union men upon the 
high road to secession and rebellion. Particularly did it 
have this effect in Middle and Western Tennessee. In 
the second place, this act of these men threw them and 
the whole conserYative element that adhered to them, 
helplessly into the arms of the rebels. It was just so 
much strength added to the rebel cause. It was meeting 
the rebels at least more than half way, which emboldened 
them to assume that the other half was taken also, dis- 
honestly it is true, yet none the less to their benefit. 

Basing themselves thus upon State independence, or 
State sovereignty, the principle of State secession was vir- 
tually admitted, and though they denied the right of 
secession in any case, yet, what did the rebels care for 
that, so long as they themselves neutralized this very 
denial by correspondingly opposing coercion. By taking 
this position, therefore, these men went completely over 
to the rebels, and bound themselves and their adherents 
hand and foot, a helpless, if not a willin^rey at their feet. 
Denying the General Government tlie power to prevent 
secession by coercion, was equivalent to admitting the 
right of secession. With this accession to their strength 
and this encouragement, the rebels were now not afraid 
to ask whatever they desired, and to take any steps they 
pleased, to accomplish their objects. Occupying this posi- 
tion, these men consistently could offer no effectual resist- 
ance ; and thus dismembered and deserted, the great Union 
party was measurably discouraged and disheartened, and 
consequently proportionately weak in their opposition. 

Thus while this address was issued on the 18th of April, 
on the 25th, only seven days afterward, Governor Harris 
had his rebel Legislature convened and instructed to take 
steps for immediate secession, which, notwithstanding all 
the necessary preliminaries, mutual consultation, appoint- 
ing commissioners, etc., was consummated by the adoption 
of the secession league on the 7th of May following, a lapse 
of only twelve davs from the first hour of the session. 


By this act the State with all her State Iiistitutions, and 
the people, were officially transferred into the arms of 
Jeff. Davis. Her militia, Avith her whole military resources 
were, from that moment subject to the command of the 
Southern Confederacy, and were so considered, not only 
by the South, but by every rebel in the State, who consist- 
ently with the change, immediately prepared himself 
with revolver, bowie-knife, rifle or double-barrel shot gun, 
insolently assuming, as by authority, an attitude of hos- 
tility toward all Union movements and loyal expressions 
of the x^eople, by which, together with the consciousness 
on their part, that Southern help was at hand and ready 
at any time, and would be immediately invoked if neces- 
sary, all Union action if not Union sentiment in Middle 
and West Tennessee, was effectually crushed out long 
before the 8th of June. In East Tennessee, the Union 
sentiment was so predominant that it took a little longer 
and a more persistent application of these means to over- 
come it. 

By an act of this Legislature, convened on the 25th day 
of April, Goverifor Harris was authorised to raise, and 
equip a provisional force for the defense of the State, to 
consist of 55,000 volunteers — 25,000 of whom, or any less 
number, as demanded by the wants of the service, 
were to be fitted for the field at the earliest practical mo- 
ment, the remainder to be held in reserve, ready to move 
at short notice ; and should it become necessarj^ for the 
safety of the State, the Governor might " call out the 
whole available Military strength of the State ;" and was 
to determine when this force should serve, and to direct it 

Thus clothed with a semblance of power. Gov. Harris 
hastened the organization of the provisional force of 25,000 
men, and before the day of election, June 8th, 1861, had 
the greater part of it on foot, distributing it in camps 
around Nashville, and in other places, armed and sup- 
plied as far as it could be with the munitions of the 
United States then in possession of Tennessee, and with 
such as could be obtained from Augusta, Georgia, from 


where they were brought by General ZollicofFer. TJiiis 
on the morning of this election, for the first time in their 
lives, the people of Tennessee repaired to the polls con- 
scious that they were no longer a free people, aware that 
the Governor and Legislature with the treasury of the 
State in their hands, and with all the arms of the State in 
requisition, and a formidable army in their pay, had 
already joined the foul conspiracy of the South purposely 
to overthrow the General Government. 

In the same act authorizing the Governor to raise these 
troops, passed May 6th, 1861, the County Courts of the 
whole State were empowered to have organized a Home 
Guard of minute men in companies of not less than ten 
for each Civil District in their respective counties. It was 
the duty of the officers of these companies to irrocure 
warrants from the Justices, arrest and Iring to trial all 
susjx'cted 2^crsons before the civil authorities. It was the 
duty of these companies to assemble for drill at least once 
a week, to council with each other and take precautionary 
measures, and to hold themselves momentarily ready for 
a call to active service. A general commander was aiD- 
pointed in each county wdiose duty it was, in case of an 
emergency, to take charge of the Home Guards in his 
county and superintend their operations. 

On the 16th of May, Governor Harris proclaimed to all 
volunteer organizations in the State w^ho were in posses- 
sion of State arms and did not hold themselves ready for 
immediate service at his command, to return the arms 
forthwith to the State arsenal at Nashville. The object 
of this was to disarm all bodies and organizations through- 
out the State who were friendly to the old Government. 

Thus for a month previous to the election were the 
Union i)eople of the State, in every county, if not in every 
district, awed and guarded by rebel military forces, and 
subjected to the tyranny, abuse, and proscriiDtion of these 
rebel military organizations in their very midst. 

From the 16th to the 24th of April, rebel military ope- 
rations had so far progressed in the west of the State that 
there were planted on the Mississippi five or six batteries 


of lieavy guns, including mortars, columbiads, and 32 and 
24 pounders, commanding the river from Memphis to the 
Kentucky line. Under the control of Major General G. J. 
Pillow, as commander-in-chief, with Brigadier Generals 
Cheatham and Sneed, were concentrated at the same time 
not far from fifteen thousand rebel troops in West Ten- 
nessee. About eight thousand Mississippi troops of all 
arms, also, sometime before this election passed up the 
Mobile and Oliio Railroad to Corinth and Grand Junc- 
tion, on their way to rendezvous near the Kentucky line, 
to be commanded by General Clark, acting in concert 
with General Pillow. With these troojjs was a command 
of cavalry with two light batteries. At least seventy-five 
or one hundred heav}^ guns had been placed in battery in 
Tennessee, and other large guns w^ere in the State and 
read}^ for use before the election. In addition to these 
prei)arations a command under Brigadier General Foster 
had assembled at Camp Cheatham ; and General W. R» 
Caswell had collected and equipped over a thousand men 
in East Tennessee ready to repel any hostile movements 
in that division of the State. 

The following is from the Cleveland Banner^ and from 
a number dated May 10th, 1861, within tw^o days of one 
month before the election : 

"Tennessee Mustering her "Bravest and Best."— The Xashville 
Union and Americwi says the unparalleled unanimity with which the 
men of Tennessee are responding to the summons to war, makes the 
heart of every true Tennesseean beat quicker and prouder. The 
Governor has not yet issued any official call to the volunteers of tlie 
State, and j^et, in anticipation oi' such call, 117 companies have alread.y 
been reported to the Adjutant General, as ready for service. This is 
exclusive of 44 companies mustered in by General Anderson in "West 
Tennessee, and of Colonel Pete Turney's 1100 men, which have been 
received into service of the Confederate States and have already gone 
to V^irginia. 

We do not overstate the case, when we estimate that 75,000 as oood 
and efficient troops, as ever met an enemy, can easily be raised in 
Tennessee, and this will not include more than one-half the men capa- 
ble of bearino^ arras in the State. 

The Black Republican tyrants and Vandals can never make much, 
in g-lory or protit, by invading such a State as this. These gallant 
men are as ready, too, to rush to the defence of their Southern sisters 
as they are to defend their own homes and soil. Tennessee is mar- 
shaling her chivalry for the heroic era into which we have entered. 
These troops know no such word as defeat. Death is to them far 
preferable to such a fate. 


Under such a condition of things in Tennessee, added 
to which are the facts that her great lines of railroads 
were then also at the service and subject to the control of 
the Confederacy, and even then were alive with her war 
preparations against the Government; especially tlie 
great rail thoroughfare connecting Virginia with the Cot- 
ton States, passing through Knoxville and Chattanooga, 
literally swarming with rebel troops on their way from 
the South to the rebel army in the East, with other facts 
that might be given, the appointment of a State election 
at which her citizens as a free people were to ratify or re- 
ject secession, a thing already consummated, and which 
nothing on earth now but the subjugation of the Avhole re- 
bellion could full}" restore, was a farce, an unmeaning, hy- 
pocritical performance, certainly, the like of which had be- 
fore never been known in the history of the country. 
Even had no fraudulent votes been cast by the rebels, 
under these circumstances, the trial would have been but 
an insulting mockery. 

In regard to fraudulent votes, however, a glance at the 
table of returns given in this chapter will convince any 
one that rebel fraudulent voting on that day was perpe- 
trated proportionately with the abominableness of the 
rest of the transaction. 

The whole number of rebel votes cast for Convention, 
according to this table was 39,307, and for Separation 
102,172, an increase of rebel votes in four months of 62,855. 
The whole number of Union votes cast for No Conven- 
tion was 72,156, and for No Separation 47,307, a decrease 
of Union votes in four months of 24,918. Now, even ad- 
mitting that this Union decrease indicates the exact 
number of Union men that went over to the rebels 
between these elections, and voted with them for sepa- 
ration, there would still be an increase of rebel votes 
during this four months of 37,937. It is not the fact^ 
however, that this number of Union men deserted their 
friends, and voted for Separation. It is admitted, as 
indicated in another place, that many Union men, by one 
means and another, especially about the time that Sum- 


ter fell, were drawn into the rebellion, and doubtless 
voted for Separation. Not more, lioAvever, than ten 
thousand, in all probability, during this four months, 
even in the whole State, made a clear stride to the rebel 
ranks, and voted with the rebels for Separation. This 
would leave, this estimate being anj^thing like correct, an 
increase of rebel votes, during the four months between 
these elections, of about 52,855. Now, that the rebels 
made a strenuous effort and polled all the votes in their 
power for the Convention, on the 9th of February, will 
not be denied; and the secret that enabled 'them on the 
8th of June following, to exceed their February vote by 
52,855 is yet, in all probability, a great deal better known 
to themselves than to anybody else. If there is any other 
principle than that of fraudulent voting on which this 
remarkable difference can be accounted for, the fact has 
escaped our knowledge, and probably always will es- 
cape it. 

This fraudulent voting is also shown upon the same 
principle by reference to the votes cast in some of the 
counties at different times. Wilson County, Middle Ten- 
nessee, for instance, gave for Convention -462 votes; but 
for Separation 2,329. The same is the case with many 
other counties. The increase of almost two thousand 
rebel votes in Wilson County during the short space of 
four months, to say the least, is a very suspicious circum- 




Im.mediately after the election, on the 9th of June, 1861, 
from which time the reloels considered that the peojjle 
liad ratified the secession of the State, the clouds of rebel- 
lion, more ominously than ever, began to lower upon East 
Tennessee ; and Bradley felt that she was elected for her 
part of the scathing. 

On the 25th of AiDril, 1861, a Union pole was raised 
upon the Public Square in Cleveland, in front of the Court 
House. As soon as the pole was erected and firmly 
placed in the earth, a beautiful Union flag, presented by 
Miss Sally Shields, was elevated, and soon waved grace- 
fully from its pinnacle, the stars and stripes unfurling 
themselves in the breeze, a visible evidence that the peo- 
ple of Bradley were yet enthusiastically attached to the 
government of their fathers. Being previously notified, 
the people from the different parts of the county as- 
sembled to enjoy and participate in the ceremonies, and 
to listen to an address delivered on the occasion by John 
L. Hopkins, Esq., of Chattanooga, the wiiole constituting a 
scene of Union interest and excitement, not soon to be 
forgotten by the lovers of true liberty in the village of 
Cleveland. The pole w^as a beautiful hickory, and a piece 
of bark taken from it at the time, and on which are in- 
scribed in legible characters the date of the occasion, the 
name of the young lady who presented the flag, the name 
of the orator of the day, etc., is still in possession of Mr. 
C. M. Gallaher, a merchant of Cleveland. 

This flag was permitted to wave above the dwellings 
and the people of Cleveland, from the time it was raised 
till June following, either a few days before or a few^ days 
after the election just alluded to. About this time a rebel 


regiment of Mississippians, the first that passed Cleveland 
from the South, on its way to the eastern rebel army, wliile 
the train conveying it stopped at the depot, a quarter of a 
mile south of the Court House — espied this flag proudly 
flapping against the northern sky, and soon began prepa- 
rations to haul it down from its proud position. Some of 
these Mississippians immediately fired upon the flag, one 
of the shots taking eff"ect upon the Court House, where 
the marks of the bullet are yet to be seen on the blind 
of one of the front windows. A few of the Union people 
of Cleveland were inclined to resent the insult, and not 
allow their flag to be disturbed. Others, taking a cooler 
and more considerate view of the subject, saw it would be 
impossible for the people to arm and organize in time to 
meet eight hundred or a thousand rebels, thoroughly 
equipped, and at that instant ready to march upon them, 
consequently they submitted with the best grace they 
could — gently lowered the flag themselves and conveyed 
it to a place of safety. 

As already stated, from this June election, and partic- 
ularly from the event just narrated, thin^ in Bradley 
grew worse and worse for the Union cause. Rebel citi- 
zens gave their Union neighbors to understand that no 
more Union flags would be allowed to float above the soil 
of Bradley. The loyal people, however, thought other- 
wise. They had faith to believe that the same flag which 
they had then been compelled to strike at the insulting 
demands of Southern traitors, would, at some future day, 
triumphantly wave and unfold its brilliant colors to their 
gaze in the same spot from which it had just been dis- 
placed. No further attempts, however, were immediately 
made to accomplish this desirable object; but the flag 
was secreted among Union families at difi'erent places in 
the county, its locality being changed from house to 
house, as dangers thickened and followed it up, for nearly 
three years. For two years it was concealed in the house 
of Mr. John McPherson, of the ninth district. While 
here, and probably while at other places, when Union 
neighbors and Union refugees from different parts of the 


•county were present, moved with a desire to see tlie old^ some of the family would slyly withdraw it from its 
place of concealment, and after all had sufficiently feasted 
their eyes upon the sight, and volunteered their remarks 
naturally suggested by the hazards through which this 
emblem of national liberty, as well as themselves, were 
passing, it would be as carefully returned to its seclusion, 
there to wait in silence, and like all other things noble to 
abide its time of public glory. 

On the lOtli of February, 1864, not long after our forces 
had driven Bragg from before Chattanooga, and taken 
possession of the State from this place to Knoxville, Gen. 
Grosse, from Indiana, and Col. Waters, of the 84th Illinois, 
assisted the Union people of Bradley to raise this same 
flag which they had concealed and protected with so 
much devotion, in the same spot from which Mississippi 
traitors had dislodged it. These gentlemen delivered, 
each, a patriotic and encouraging address to the people 
on the occasion. 

It was a high day in Cleveland, when the Hue coats of 
the North and the Hue coats of Tennessee, mingling with 
the crowd of men, women, and children, loyal Bradley 
sent up the Stars and Stripes, announcing the redemption 
of their rebel-smitten and traitor-ridden county. 


On the 6th of July, 1861, from some accidental circum- 
stance, a report spread over Bradley that a rebel regi- 
ment, apiDarently from Chattanooga, had appeared in the 
vicinity of Georgetown, or near a place called Swafford's 
Springs, in the north-western part of the county. The 
report carried the idea that this rebel force meditated 
gome evil against the rights of the Union people of Brad- 
ley. Having taken this form it spread like wild-fire till it 
reached every Union section if not every Union family in 
the county. This occurred on Saturday, and notwith- 
standing the people were closing up their week-day 
affairs, and receding towards the quiet of the Sabbath, 
this news threw the whole Union element of the county 


into commotion, and set it to heaving like a tempest. Mi\ 
Hiram Smitli, of the fifth district, like many more of other 
districts, mounted his horse and rode post-haste nearly 
the whole night to rally the people to the rescue ; and 
Sunday morning, instead of finding them at their different 
places of worship, found seven or eight hundred of tliem 
armed with every conceivable weapon which in the ex- 
citement of the moment they could lay their hands on, 
hurrying from their different points, and organizing to 
beat back a fancied rebel foe. One point of rendezvous 
was Smith's Mills, we believe, in the twelfth district. 

Sometime during the day on Sunday, however, it was 
ascertained that this report was an utter fabrication ; 
that no rebel force was or had been in the vicinity of 
Georgetown, or anywhere in that dii-ection, consequently, 
these Union warriors had nothing to do but enjoy a hearty 
laugh at the awkwardness of their position and return to 
their homes. The editor of the Cleveland Banner^ in his 
next number after this Union demonstration, devotes to 
this subject nearly two columns of burlesque and rebel 
censure, from which the following is a short extract: 

''The news from the fighting District at this juncture of writing, 
is of a rather pacific character. Since the uprising of the Union 
men on Saturday nio;ht last, the excitement is subsiding and o-rowing 
beautiful less by degrees. The warriors, on that memorable occa- 
sion, armed with guns, knives, reap hooks, scythe blades, claw-ham- 
mers and hand-saws, in the fury of their anger, burnt a foot-log and 
blockaded Candy's Creek. Thus appeasino: their 'voice for war,'' 
the}' dispersed to their homes, and believe now they are perfectly se- 
cure, and can maintain their independence and neutrality, in spite of 
»5eft". Davis, King Harris, the Southern Confederacy, the Devil and 
Tom Walker. We hope no straggling Secessionist will get among 
them, to disturb their quiet repose, because if they get another big 
scare they will vamose the ranche. We don't want them to leave till 
corn is laid-by and the wheat is thrashed.*' 

This demonstration illustrates the Union feeling and 
determined hostility which at that time existed in Brad- 
ley against the rebellion. Unfortunately, however, this 
was the last general exhibition of Union sentiment that 
was permitted in the county, until it was relieved by the 
Government forces in the spring of 1864. Rebel militarj^ 
power, soon after, was effectually inaugurated to suppress 


not only all general expressions of lo.yalty, but all indi- 
vidual liberty of speech and action. This unlooked for 
Union opposition to the rebellion, it appears, suggested 
the necessity of the presence of rebel troops to awe the 
Union people into submission to the demands of treason. 
In the same editorial of the Banner from which we have 
quoted, we find the following : 

" On Thursday, before the absurd rumor was put alloat in regard 
to the Southern troops, nearly all of these thousand Union voters 
liad a meeting- at Goricetovvn, where their regularl)^ ort^anized eoni- 
panies, not less than five or six hundred armed men, had been mus- 
tered and drilled under the old Union flags; and had been addressed 
by Dan Trewhitt, Michael Edwards, and a fellow by the name of 
]\iatthews, in a most inflammatory and rebellious style I'- 
ll! connection with the above, this rebel editor also 
teaches the Union people of Bradley to understand their 
duty, and warns them in the following manner of what 
they may expect in return for disobedience. 

"Our Union friends were greatly exercised on ^[onday last, for 
fear that troops from the Confederate States, would be stationed in 
our midst, in consequence of the uprising of the Union men at 
Georgetown on Sunday. Could they expect anything else after such 
a demonstration as that I ]Ve Icnow that the State does not wish to 
send them here, and if they are ordered here at all it will be from a 
feeling of necessity, and not because there is any desire to do so on 
the part of the State or the Confederate States. 

Armed Lincoln men are enemies to the Confederate States, whether 
they are found in Massachusetts, Virginia or East Tennessee— and 
such armed men with hostile intentions, if persisted in, must as a 
matter of course in a state of war expect to be treated as enemies." 

We insert the last extract because it reveals the exact 
X)oint of time when the military power of the rebellion 
was resorted to, and depended on by Bradley rebels to 
put an end to expressions of loyalty in the county. We 
believe that no rebel forces were at that time sent into 
the county ; but from this moment Union men were given 
to understand that r^bf>l military power would be applied 
if all loyal demonsirations in the county did not at once 
cease. Besides, in a very short time after this, home 
rebel volunteering commenced, and the i)resence of mili- 
tary camps in full blast, and acting in combination with 
Southern rebels formed a power making rebel ascendancy 
in Bradley complete. 




<lZ^ ?^r!-''l'' • ^SO.OOO Eicrhth District. SO 000 

tITAyT-''^^ ^^'^^^^ ^^^"tli District. ..."-. 80 000 

?. /.'v 7^-^ ^^^'000 Tenth District . ho ooo 

FUYh A/ /'• '/'^ ^'^'^00 Eleventh District. .;. 80 000 

?K . V • r^^ ^O-^^^O Twelfth District . " ' ' )0 000 

The above estimates do not refer to the ar/ffre</ate losses 
Of Union men in this county occasioned by the war gen- 
erally, but simply to the amounts of property of all kinds 
destroyed and taken from them by the rebels during the 
war. These figures, in every instance except one, are 
considerably below the respective damages as estimated 
by good judges. Getting estimates of rebel damages 
Irom different individuals living in the several districts of 
the county, the medium between the highest and the 
lowest are the figures in each case here given. 

The best judges put the Union loss in the first district 
at 1100,000. None put it less than 375,000; and it was put 
down finally at 380,000. The Union loss in the fourth 
district by some was estimated at ST5,000, or even 880,000, 
while others judged it as low as 350,000. We have o-iven 
it at 360,000. This is the rule followed in the case of 
every district except the eighth, the Union damages of 
which were calculated by Mr. Benton H. Henneger, of 
Charleston,— a gentleman whose judgment and candor 
none will question. Mr. Henneger's own loss in this dis- 
trict was over 35,000. A. J. Gate, Esq., of the first dis- 
trict, lost 325,000. The rebels burned two of his barns 
with a large amount of property stored in them at the 
time. Mr. Jesse B. Gleveland, of the seventh district 
lost 310,000. Rev. Eli 11. Southerland, of the third dis- 
trict, lost 33,500. John McPherson, Esq., of the ninth, and 
Mr. Samuel Maroon, of the fourth, were equally heavy 
losers with some of the above. Every Union man in the 
county, first and last, lost by the rebels nearly everything 
movable on his premises, especially everything in the 
shape of stock. A closer and more critical examination 
of these damages doubtless would increase instead of les- 
sening the foregoing figures. 


In some cases, j)articularly at the commencement of 
the war, the rebel authorities paid Union people for the 
property they took from them in Confederate paper 
money. Generally, however, this proved but a small 
compensation. Some time in 1863 Mrs. Benton H. Hen- 
neger paid 8500 in Confederate money for a common 
feather bed and a common bedstead. In the same year, 
Mr. Henneger himself paid in this money $3,000 for three 
boxes of tobacco, being ten dollars i^er pound. Towards 
the close of 1863, thirty dollars in Confederate money was 
frequently paid for a block of cotton thread, which in 
ordinary times cost perhaps SI. 50. During the first year 
of the war, however. Confederate money was of more 

A committee of good judges in the ninth district, who 
lived in Bradley throughout the war, estimated the Con- 
federate money owned b}^ Union men in the county, while 
it was in circulation, as having been worth to them on an 
average from twenty to twenty-five cents to the dollar. 
Individuals, of course, will differ on this subject; yet 
those who give it a candid and thorough investigation, 
will probably admit that this committee of the ninth dis- 
trict was not far from the truth. 




Having conducted the reader to the edge of the mael- 
strom into which Bradley was precipitated, and in which 
she floundered for nearly three years, we must turn aside 
for a moment to include a brief sketch of a somewhat re- 
markable scene, which, thougli not enacted in Bradley, is 
nevertheless a part of its war history, and cannot v.dth 
l)ropriety be separated from it. By way of introduction, 
we will present another short extract from the editorial 
of the Cleveland Banner. It is found in the issue of Sep- 
tember 2Tth, 1861, and reads as follows : 

" Old Clift, down iu Hamilton, who has been rather obstrepulous 
for a few weeks, we learn, has cooled down and concluded to \i?round 
arms' and demean himself like a loyal citizen hereafter. Sensible 
conclusion that, and come to just at the nick of time, because it would 
have been a pity to diso-race the scaflbld with such an old imbecile 
as he has proved himself to be.'- 

Of all the national commotions v\diich the world has 
ever witnessed, this great Southern Rebellion has devel- 
oped the greatest variety of characters in its line — char- 
acters filling the measure of every human medium, others 
circumscribing all human extremes excepting extreme 
greatness.^ executing and leaving for our backward vievv' 
the most extensive field of scientific and unscientific mil- 
itary maneuvers, tragic events and comic scenes — charac- 
ters prescribing and proscribing respectively every form of 
government both for communities and individuals ; prescri- 
bing and proscribing every form of philosophy, morals and 
religion — characters presenting or inhering the sublimest 
ranges of humanity and Christianity, side by side with 
every evil work produced by other characters, with a 
lengthened category of cases of the strangest combina- 


tions of human -weakness and efficient qualities in tlie 
same individuals — qualities fitted for accidental and im- 
promptu strokes of power and success, but imi^ossible of 
adjustment with even, systematic and sure progress ; the 
whole of Avhich during the last four years have moulded 
the most gigantic mass of facts and forms for the intellect 
of man — facts and forms which will follow in the realm 
of thought and tinge the literature of the world for the 
next thousand years. 

As a solitary individual or figure helping to make up 
this mass of phenomena, one that will be remembered by 
the people of Bradley, Hamilton, Polk, Reah, Meigs, 
McMinn, and those of other counties, during the present 
generation at least, William Clift stands pre-eminent in 
East Tennessee, his active individuality in 1861 having 
given rise to what is known, in that region, as the famous 
Clift war. 

This brave and x)atriotic Tennesseean, at the opening of 
the rebellion, was living in Hamilton County, on the 
north-west side of the Tennessee, on a small stream named 
Soddy, about three miles from where it em])ties into that 
noble river, twenty-five miles above Chattanooga. He 
was an early settler in the country, from which time to 
the commencement of the war, he had amassed consider- 
able property, w^as an owner of mills, &c., rather a lead- 
ing character in his vicinity — known to be honest, indus- 
trious, a fair and liberal dealer, a good citizen, prompt, 
short, direct, outspoken, uncomi)romising — having not the 
least of the non-committal or secretiveness in his compo- 
sition. Being a strong Union man, a worshiper of the flag 
of his ancestors, he was one of the first in his section to 
denounce secession — opposing the rebellion in all its fea- 
tures. So decided was his course, and so fearlessly were 
his Union sentiments expressed from the beginning, that 
he soon became known not only in his own county but in 
the adjoining counties, as a more than usually active 
Union man and vehement friend of the old Government ; 
and was as much dreaded and hated by the rebels as he 
was favorabl}^ regarded by the Union people. 


Near the close of the summer of 1S61 Union men began 
to flee from East Tennessee and Northern Georgia through 
Kentucky to the Federal army. CoL Clift, as just stated, 
being known throughout the country as an enthusiastic 
friend to the cause ; and li\ing near the Tennessee river, 
also on the refugee route of travel to the Northern army, 
the vicinity of his plantation soon became the converging 
point for crossing the river to those who were thus flying 
from the flres of rebellion. Refugee pilots acquainted 
with the country would secretly conduct companies of 
Union men to the river opposite Clift's premises ; w^hen 
by his aid, or aid which he had pi-eviously prepared, they 
were slyly crossed over and concealed till arrangements 
could be made for their departure to the Northern lines. 
This sj^stem of operations continued and increased from 
about the middle of the summer, 1861, the time it com- 
menced, till after the middle of the following September, 
Ool. Clift's plantation being both receiving and distribut- 
ing refugee headquarters. 

For his own convenience and for the comfort of the 
refugees, Clift took possession of a Cumberland Presby- 
terian camp ground, situated not far from his own home, 
and on a small stream called Sails Creek. The refugees 
now quartered in the board tents left standing upon this 
ground, while the w^ork of organizing them into com- 
panies, fitting them out with pilots and supplies necessary 
for their trip through Kentucky, could be accomplished. 

Not long q.fter Clift took possession of these tents, his 
numbers so increased that all attempts perhaps at secresy 
were thrown off; and the premises began to assume the 
appearances of a military camp, so much so, that the 
movement Avas soon interpreted by rebel citizens as in- 
cipient rebellion against the Confederate States. News 
of Clift's Union activities had been spreading for some 
time through the country; but the erection of this camp 
gave a new impetus to re^el fears, and the Confederate 
authorities at Chattanooga, Knoxville and other places 
thought it quite time to put a stop to the Lincolnite pro- 
ceedings on Sails Creek. Accordingly Capt. Snow of 


Hamilton, Captains Crawford and Guess of Rhea, and 
Capt. Rogers of Meigs, collectively commanding about 
three or four hundred men, were ordered to repair to CoL 
Clifts camp, and if they could not capture, disperse him 
and his men. This rebel force reached the vicinity of 
Cliffs operations about the 15th of September, 1861. 
From cowardice or some other cause, the rebels did not 
make an immediate attack ; but halted in Rhea county, 
at a place called "The Cross Roads," six or eight miles 
from Clifts' headquarters. 

Wlien it became known that this rebel force was ordered 
to dislodge Col. Clift, many of the leading Union men of 
Bradley and perhaps a few from other counties, some of 
whom had sons with Clift, knowing that he was in no 
condition to make a successful defence, and knowing 
also that he would not run, but would fight, if attacked, 
w^hether the chances were against him or not, thought 
proper to visit the scene of hostilities and lend their influ- 
ence to prevent an encounter which would doubtless 
occasion loss of life, and which could not, whatever the 
immediate result, benefit the Union cause in the end. 
These men reached the ground in time to confer with 
Clift, who, yielding to their advice took advantage of the 
delay of the rebels to attack him — broke up and vacated 
his camp, allowing his men to disperse, each one disposing 
of himself as he thought best. Immediately after this, 
and while the rebels were yet at " The Cross Roads," the 
rebel Assistant Inspector General of the State, James W. 
Gillispie, having been sent from Knoxville to superintend 
operations against Col. Clift, appeared on the ground. He 
arrived on the evening of the 18th, and being informed 
that the Union camp had already been voluntarily aban- 
doned, sought an interview with Col. Clift and his citizen 
councillors, endeavoring to extort a promise from them, 
that thereafter they would discourage all Union men in 
their respective communities from leaving their homes, 
and especially from going to the Federal Army. He also 
endeavored, particularly, to obtain a promise from Col. 
Clift, that he would not again allow his premises to be- 


<:*oiiie the rendezvous for Union refugees ; and more par- 
ticularly still, that hoAvould organize no more sucJi cami^s 
as that he had just abandoned. Gen. Gillispie, however, 
found it no easy matter, notwithstanding the presence of 
three or four hundred rebel troops, to bring Col. Clift 
and these few Union men to subscribe to his terms. 

They argued, that Union men not only had been, but 
were then being seized at their houses, and oppressively 
forced into the rebel armies, and compelled to tight 
against what they conscientiously felt to be their lawful 
Government, and for a cause which they as conscien- 
tiously believed to be treasonable — a cause that must 
ultimately fail and involve all connected with it in ruin. 
They contended that Union men had the same right to their 
political opinions, that rebels had to tlieirs, and v/liile 
rebel recruiting officers, and the rebel soldiery were, at 
the point of the bayonet, comx^elling Union men to enter 
their ranks and fight the battles of the rebellion, it was 
right for these Union men to escape, in any way they 
could escape, to the Federal army or any where else. 
These arguments were too consistent, and were too forci- 
bly urged for Gen. Gillispie to make head against them 
altogether; and he found himself necessitated, before he 
could effect anj^thing like a settlement on peaceable 
terms, to yield at last half the contested ground. He 
therefore obligated himself that Union men should there- 
after be unmolested and allowed to remain at their homes 
in peace — that under no circumstances, would the rebel 
authorities allow their soldiery to force them into the Con- 
federate ranks to fight against the Government of the 
United States. Accordingly, he drew up the following 
singular article of treaty stipulations, as obligator}^ upon 
both parties. 

Whereas, the State of Tennessee has separated from the United 
States, by a vote of a large majorit}'' of the citizens of the State, and 
adopted the permanent Constitution of the Confederate States of 
America; and we, as members of the Union partj^ believing that it 
becomes necessary for us to make an election between the North and 
the South, and that our interests and sympathies and feelings are 
with our countrymen of the South, that any further divisions and 
dissentions among us. the citizens of East Tennessee, is only calcu- 


lated to produce war and strife ainon«r our homes and families, and 
desolation of the land, without any material intluence upon the con- 
test between the Xortli and the South. 

Vv'e hereby agree, Tiiat Ave will in future conduct ourselves «as 
peaceable and ioyal citizens of the State of Tennessee, that we will 
oppose resistance or rebellion against the Constitution and laws of 
the State of Tennessee, and will use our influence to prevail upon our 
neighbors and acquaintances to co-operate Avith us in this behalf; 
We haviufj been assured ly the military authorities of the State, that no 
act of oppression icill be allowed toward vs or our families, whilst ice con- 
tinue in thepeaceable pursuits of our several domestic occupations. Sep- 
tember 19th, 18G1. 

The general wording of tliis document did not liar- 
monize with the feelings, either of Col. Clift or any of 
his citizen advisers. They especially objected to that 
statement " our interests and sympathies and feelings are 
with our countrymen of the South." As this document, 
however, promised immunity to Union men from rebel 
oppression for the future, upon the authority of the Assis- 
tant Inspector General of the State, and as Gen. Gillispie 
was not disposed to yield more, having the povv'er at hand 
to enforce his own measures ; after a lengthened discus- 
sion, without fully committing themselves to the moral 
position it required of them, Col. Clift and his friends con- 
sented to the conditions of the treaty, promising that so 
far as hostile demonstrations were concerned, its terms, 
on their part, should be faithfully kept, so long as they 
were observed by the rebels ; and thus, the famous " Cross 
Roads Treaty," between Gen. Gillispie and Col. Clift ter- 
minated the first " Clift War." 

When the news of this treaty reached Bradley, and 
the people became acquainted with its character, dissat- 
isfaction, or rather a disposition to ridicule it, was the 
result among Union men. Some were disposed to com- 
plain because Col. Clift and his friends had submitted to 
anything of the kind. But a few weeks transpired, how- 
ever, before it was discovered that "The Cross Roads 
Treaty," though farcical enough at the beginning, was 
nevertheless resulting in considerable good. Gen. Gillis- 
pie, to his credit, no doubt intended that the provision of 
this agreement, on the part of the rebels, should be faith- 
fully kept, and exerted himself with the rebel authorities 


to this end. Eebel abuses in Bradley were so manifestly 
checked for a season by "The Cross Roads Treaty" that 
many Union men were heard to say that it was the most 
fortunate thing for their side tliat had occurred since the 
rebellion commenced. 

Should this page, at some future day, meet the eye of 
Gen. Gillispie, he will doubtless wonder at the accidents 
that preserved and finall}" gave publicity to his profound 
diplomatic stipulations upon Sails Creek. 


AVhatever were the efforts of certain individuals en- 
gaged in the rebellion to conduct it, so far as they were 
concerned, upon principles of justice, the fact that the 
great scheme was fundamentally wrong, made it impossi- 
ble for any of its parts long to remain untainted with the 
central wickedness. 

" The Cross Eoads " agreement, so far as Gen. Gillispie 
was concerned, proposed to secure something like justice 
to the Union people of the country, and to some extent 
for a short time had this effect. As the rebellion rose in 
its might, hoAvever, the obligations of this measure were 
swept away, and Union people soon became the subjects 
of the same persecutions as before ; consequently they 
again attempted to save themselves by flight to the 
Northern army. The contract being thus broken by the 
rebels. Col. Clift felt himself released from its obligations, 
and immediately opened his house and offered his prem- 
ises again for the protection of Union refugees. 

Upon this renewal of hostilities the refugees flocked in 
upon Clift in such numbers that he not only found his old 
camp ground on Sails Creek indispensable to their com- 
fort, but he was induced to institute a system of opera- 
tions entirely different from any by which he had previ- 
ously operated. 

It was unnecessary in his opinion for Union people to 
fly to the North either for protection or for an opportu- 
nity to fight ; and acting upon this princii^le he pro]30sed 
to organize his refugee friends into a regiment and pre- 


pare for defence, making his premises their base of opera- 
tions. Whether Col. Cliffs plan was altogether approved 
or otherwise, many if not all that were with him yielded 
to his solicitations, and the result was that in a few days 
their camp had assumed quite a formidable appearance 
as a military post. 

At this stage of the proceedings it was rumored that 
the notorious Wm. Snow, of Hamilton, with his gang of 
cut- throats, was quartered in a Methodist camp ground in 
the north-west part of Bradley, recruiting rebel soldiers, 
and, as usual, arresting Union men and pressing them 
into the rebel service. Ascertaining this report to be 
true, Clift proposed to lead his men against Snow, whom 
he thought it would be easy to dislodge if not capture,, 
mth his whole party. For want of arms or from some 
other cause, this enterprise, notwithstanding its impor- 
tance, as well as its practicability, was not undertaken, 
and Snow and his men, after desolating the country and 
abusing Union people to their satisfaction, left at their 
own convenience. Although Col. Cliffs anxiety of offen- 
sive movements against Snow was not gratified, yet his 
diligence preparatory to defensive operations was not 
slackened, he and his men making the best of their time 
and means to strengthen their position. Cliffs men, how- 
ever, were poorly armed, a deficiency which, in his locality 
and condition, it was difficult to supply. His genius, how- 
ever, when in a strait, was as strangely inventive as his 
spirit was brave ; and he at once set to work to remedy 
the serious evil under which he labored. Procuring an 
old iron pipe, which, perhaps, had formerly been some 
part of a steam-engine, he improvised it into a heavy 

ece of ordnance, and, in some way, mounted it behind his 
breastworks, in readiness to use as artillery in case of an 
attack. This novel invention, whether it could have been 
of any service in beating back an enemy or not, had the 
effect very much to enlarge the fame of Col. Clift as a 
warrior of determined spirit, and, also, once more to 
arouse the fears of the rebel authorities, and cause them 


a second time to turn their attention to their old and Yig- 
orons enemy on Sails Creek. 

Accordingh^, Col. Wood, of Chattanooga, commanding 
a regiment of Alabama troops, Captains Brown and Hard- 
wick, of Cleveland, Capt. McClellan, of Charleston, Brad- 
ley county, Capt. McClary, of Polk, Capt. Smith, of 
McMinn, Capt. Mcl^nsey, of Meigs, with two other Cap- 
tains of home guards in Rhea county, with their com- 
mands, comprising a rebel force of fifteen hundred or t^vo 
thousand men, were ordered to concentrate in the vicin- 
ity of Cliffs operations, and, as soon as possible, make a 
descent upon his camp that would effectually silence an 
enemy that had entrenched himself in the very midst of 
the rebellion, defying the whole Confederacy, and one 
that had already given the rebel authorities in Tennessee 
so much trouble. 

With the exception of Col. Wood's regiment, this for- 
midable array of troops reached its destination on the 
morning of the 11th of November, 1861, and went into 
cami^ a short distance to the east of Col. Clift's fort. Col. 
Wood, of Chattanooga, it appears, did not arrive till two 
dsijs later, the manner of which arrival will appear here- 
after. As was the case when Clift was previously as- 
saulted, some of the leading Union men of the country 
stole the march upon these rebel troops, and on the 12th 
entered Clift's camp, advised him of his danger, and suc- 
ceeded in convincing him that with little more than four 
hundred men, and those without arms, it would be imi)os- 
sible to resist an armed force of nearly two thousand. 
Fortunately for the cause, Mr. Robert Sullivan, a United 
States recruiting officer from the North, reached Clift's 
camp on the same day of the arrival of the rel:)el troops ; 
and, it being decided to abandon the fort without resist- 
ance, a portion of the refugees enlisted, and that night, 
while the rebels were encamped before them, secretly 
left with Mr. Sullivan for the Northern army. Mr. John 
McPherson and C. S. Matthews, two of the Union men 
who remained till the next day, seeing the fort completely 
vacated, for some cause, perhaps out of mere curiosit}^, 


entered tlie rebel camp. Attempting to leave that even- 
ing or early the next morning, they were very politely 
informed that they must remain and await further orders. 

Not knowing that Clift and his men had fled, on the 
morning of the 13th, the time appointed by the rebels to 
bring things to a crisis, they sent out their scouts with 
instructions to proceed cautiously and reconnoiter Cliffs 
position. Coming within sight of his fortifications, these 
scouts used every possible means to descry an enemj^, 
but, unable to do so, they ventured forward till they en- 
tered the vacant Union camp. After strolling among the 
deserted tents for a short time, one of their company dis- 
covered, at some distance, a body of troops approaching 
them from the west. Supposing, in the excitement of the 
moment, that these wxre Cliffs men, who had vacated 
their camp only to entrap them, they sprang to their ani- 
mals, and in the act of mounting were fired upon by their 
supposed enemies. This confirmed their fears that Clift 
and his men were upon them, and perhaps surrounding 
them from ambush ; consequently they lost no time but 
retreated towards their own camp, returning the fire as 
best they could, till their precipitate flight placed them 
for the moment out of danger, when they halted, but sent 
one of their number on to camp with information that 
they had found the enemy and were holding him in check 
that the main body might be prepared to receive him. 
This information suddenly created a perfect commotion in 
the rebel camp. Officers and men hurried to and fro, per- 
fecting arrangements and forming themselves into line of 
battle preparatory to receiving the renowned scoffer at 
rebellion from Sails Creek. 

Esq. McPherson, however, and his friend Matthews, 
whom the rebel officers had detained, stood by and looked 
upon the scene with complacent smiles, enjoying the 
hurry and alarm of these rebels with a high degree of in- 
ternal satisfaction, knowing that neither Clift.nor any of 
his men were anywhere in the vicinity. 

After the confusion and bustle of the alarm had a little 
subsided, these Union men ventured to suggest to one of 


the rebel officers that some mistake must be at the bot- 
tom of the matter, for it could not be the Union refugees 
who were pressing back their scouts. In a few moments, 
however, a second messenger rode into camp, and not 
only confirmed the tidings of the first, but added that 
Clift and his men were advancing in very heavy force, 
easily and steadily bearing back their companions, and 
that ever\4hing must be in readiness to receive them. 
This second intelligence spread quickly through the rebel 
camp, and left no doubt on the minds of any that they 
must either fly, or, in a few moments, me^t the approach- 
ing foe, and preparations were completed for the struggle. 
The two Union men, however, still insisted that the ad- 
vancing force could not be Cliffs men. But quickly a 
third messenger dashed into camp, apparently more ex- 
cited than the others, when anxiety was again on tip-toe ; 
but instead of anything terrific and startling to increase 
the alarm as before, the first salutation was, "A flag! a 
flag ! We are afraid that we are fighting our own men ! " 
"There!" ejaculated Esq. McPherson, "that sounds to me 
something like a solution of the mystery." The flag was 
immediately procured, and the trooper hastened back 
with it to the scene of conflict^ in front, where it was ele- 
vated — a truce obtained, and instead of old Clift, their 
mortal enemy, they had been fighting no other than Col. 
Wood and his Alabama regiment, just arrived from Chat- 

Both tliese rebel parties had been mistaken — both 
errors centering toward the same object, but, in part, in- 
versely laid in regard to themselves, Col. Wood, supposing 
that he was fighting and drimng Col. Clift; the others, 
til at they were fighting and 1)61110 driven by him. The 
old fox, however, had eluded their spring — stepped out 
from between them just in time to give them a blind fight 
among themselves. From the results hoAvever, one would 
judge that they fought at rather a safe distance, for through 
all this heavy skirmishing but a solitary man was hit — on 
the foot, a slight scratch — no blood drawn. Col. Woods' 
party ahead in this respect. This was rather a fortunate 


out-come from the awkward and somewdiat dangerous 
position the rebels had fallen into. 

Recovering a little from, their excitement, they began 
to feel the mortificjition of their general failure. Not- 
withstanding all their toil and dangerous fighting among 
themselves, the Tennessee Lincolnites, and especially the 
central object of their expedition, Col. Clift, had escaped. 
With the exception of Col. Wood's regiment, which, we 
believe, returned to Chattanooga the next morning, these 
rebels remained in the vicinity for several days, scouring 
the country, stealing property, and arresting Union men 
wherever they could find them. A guard-house was 
erected in which the prisoners were confined as fast as 
they were brought in. Many of these prisoners were not 
simply mistreated, but some of them were savagely 
abused — berated as Lincolnites, threatened to be shot, 
accused of complicity with Clift, of bridge burning, etc. 
Col. Cliffs premises were laid waste, and other Union 
plantations besieged and robbed ; Capt. Bill Brown par- 
ticularly distinguishing himself in this business. We 
were creditably informed that he reached Cleveland 
richly laden with Union spoils, a desirable portion of 
wdiich were oi)propriated to his ow^n use. 

It was reported at the time that, in addition to these 
general depredations, a number of Union men were shot, 
some being killed and others wounded. That a great deal 
of shooting was done by these rebels, in connection with 
this wdiole affair, is attested by Union men present from 
Bradley, some of whom were under arrest at the time, 
but there is ground to hope, perhaps, that no Union lives 
were lost. 

Utterly failing to capture Col. Clift or obtain any traces 
of his men, yet satisfactorily avenging themselves by suc- 
cess in much more uncivil villanies — capturing and bru- 
tally mistreating every male person in the vicinity sus- 
pected of connection wdth Clift in his operations or of 
being friendly to the old Government, and after adminis- 
tering suitable threatening and warning to old men and 
Union women and children, these rebel companies left 


and returned to their respective home camps. Tlius ter- 
minated the second " Clift War," an affair which at the 
time created the most intense excitement throughout the 

Having given, perhaps a sufficiently detailed account of 
Col.Clift's early opposition to the rebellion, and his efforts 
to defend himself against it at his own home, the reader 
will doubtless desire to know something of his further 
career in aiding to crush the power, which of all others 
his very soul hated. Whether he was concealed upon his 
own premises or somewhere in the country, when both 
rebel armies were fighting his rear ghost, and when the 
vandals were trying to scent the track of his i)hysical 
reality^ among the rocks and swamj)s, or whether he fled 
with Mr. Sullivan, like some of his men, to the North, or 
escaped in some other direction, we are not informed ; but 
certain it is, that he escaped without personal harm, and 
it is equally certain that he made no further attemi)ts 
upon his own plantation, two hundi'ed and fift}^ miles in 
front of our lines, to fight the whole Southern Confede- 

Up to this period. Col. Clift was acting upon his own 
responsibility, independently of the Government, con- 
ducting a war of his own, having no authority to enlist 
troops or anything of the kind. Being now, however, not 
only compelled permanently to change his base of opera- 
tions, but to abandon the idea of whipping the rebellion 
without the aid of the Government, he repaired to Wash- 
ington, obtained authority from the War Department to 
recruit and organize a regiment of which he was to have 
the colonelcy. 

With a view to accomplish this object, early in the 
spring of 1862, Col. Clift established his headquarters near 
Huntsville, at the head of Sequatchee valley, Scott county, 
East Tennessee. Enthusiastically pushing forward his 
new enterprise, by the following August he had collected 
and enlisted between four and five hundred men, and 
prospects appeared so flattering, that in a few months 
longer he thought he would be able to report his thou- 


■sand, men ready for service. All this, however, was too 
significant a fact in that part of Tennessee, long to remain 
a, secret from the rebel authorities ; consequently, soon 
being fully advised of the nature and extent of his opera- 
tions in Scott county, these authorities determined on one 
more effort to secure this ubiquitous and troublesome^ 
enemy. Eighteen hundred cavalry were dispatched from 
Knoxville for that purpose. Just previous to this, how- 
-ever. Col. Cliffs superiors, aware that his position was too 
advanced for safety, ordered him to retire to some point 
w^ithin or near our lines. Either for want of time, betAveen 
the arrival of the order and the arrival of the rebels, to. 
call in his men, who were scattered over the country 
recruiting, or from his unconquerable desire to fight the 
rebels at every opportunity, this command was not 
obeyed; and on the 9th of August he found himself 
attacked by this rebel cavalry from Knoxville. Many 
of his men were out recruiting at the time, his Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel, Alex. Hoagland, an Indianian, from Lafay- 
ette, being engaged on the day of the attack in delivering 
a speech to a crowd in the vicinity, endeavoring to per- 
suade the young men to enlist; so that not more than one 
hundred and fifty or two hundred men were left with Clift 
in the fort at the time to resist eighteen hundred rebels. 

Having an advantageous position, and his men pro- 
tected by breast-works, with an obstinacy characteristic 
of the man, he defended himself for an hour and a half 
gainst eight or ten times his own numbers ; and fortu- 
nately without having any of his men either killed or 
wounded. An attempt of the rebels to gain his rear com- 
pelled him finally to retire, which he did in time to escape 
with his entire immediate command to the adjacent 
mountain, overlooking the Sequatchee valley, a retreat 
inaccessible to the rebel cavalry. A moderate stock of 
supplies, with a box or two of army muskets, fell into the 
enemy's hands. Twelve of Clift's men — of those absent 
when the attack v;as made — were the next day picked up 
by the rebels, and were taken to Knoxville as prisoners. 

Some time after the battle the rebels published their 


loss ill the Knoxville Register^ stating that it was from 
fourteen to sixteen killed and Avonnded. 

After this affair, Col. Olift personall}^ adhered to his 
puri)Ose of recruiting in that part of Tennessee ; bnt it 
was thought best for his men to join the nearest Federal 
army. Accordingly, under the command of Lieut.-Col. 
Hoagland, all that could be collected started to join Gen. 
Morgan at Cumberland Gap, a distance of about seventy- 
five miles. After being out several days, and when within 
two miles of Barbersville, Ky., to their mortification they 
were informed that Gen. Kirby Smith with his army was 
then passing through Barbersville, on his way to invade 
that State. This rendered it impossible for them to pro- 
ceed, Avhile it was unsafe for them to remain where they 
were ; consequently, the only alternative appeared to be 
to retrace their steps with a view to join Gen. Thomas at 
McMinnville, in Middle Tennessee, a point much further 
from their late battle-field than they had already trav- 
eled, and exactly in the opposite direction. It was nearly 
a hopeless task ; but they undertook it as cheerfully as 
possible, and a few days brought them back to their old 
fort and battle-field in Scott county, which they r)assed, 
taking the crest of the mountain range, and after many 
more days of hardship and weary traveling they began to 
descend the western slope towards McMinnville. Gain- 
ing the foot of the mountain, and hopefully proceeding to 
within seven miles of that town, all at once their joy was 
turned into sorrow by the discovery that Gen. Bragg's 
army was then passing between them and McMinnville, 
also on its way to Kentucky, to act in conjunction with 
Kirby Smith, from whom they had just fled at Barbers- 
ville. So anxious were they, however, to join General 
Thomas, that, in their eff'orts to do so. Col. Hoagland was 
captured. After this loss, it was decided that before they 
could possibly cross Bragg's trail it would be too late to 
reach Gen. Thomas. They were now being left in the 
rear of both rebel armies, and of course would be exposed 
to the guerrillas and bushwhackers who would infest the 
country ; and, as joining Gen. Thomas was impracticable 


if not impossible, they determined once more to retrace 
their steps and make another effort to join Gen. Morgan 
at Cumberland Gap. Accordingly, after ranging the 
Cumberland mountains the third time, having in all trav- 
eled a distance of three hundred and fifty miles, they 
finally reached the Gap in safety, but one day, however, 
before it was evacuated by Gen. Morgan. Though com- 
pletely worn down and debilitated, they were compelled 
to accompany Gen. Morgan in his march to Ohio ; where, 
as a regiment, they were left at Gallipolis. Here they 
■were joined by Lieut.-Col. Hoagiand, who had, in the 
meantime, been exchanged. Eemaining at Gallipolis two 
months, they were ordered to Lebanon, Ky., where they 
were joined by Col. Clift himself, who, since his battle at 
Huntsville to this time, had been recruiting for his regi- 
ment in that vicinity. 

Col. Clift's regiment was the 7th Tennessee Infantry. 
At this place, Lebanon, his was consolidated with the 8th 
Tennessee, commanded by Col. F. A. Reves ; after which, 
the two thus merged were known as the 8th Tennessee. 
What position or rank in the Eighth after this change, 
was held by Col. Clift, or how long after this he rea:ained 
in the service, we are not informed. This change was 
made December 13th, 1861. 

Before bidding adieu entirely to the subject of this 
famous Clift War, a remark should be devoted to the char- 
acter of Col. Clift himself The worst thing that can be 
said of him as a military man is, that he was not a strate- 
gic general. Mathematical military strategy was alto- 
gether too slow a process for the enthusiasm of the Col- 
onel's nature. He promptly reduced one of his officers for 
manifesting cowardice at the approach of the rebel cav- 
alry at Huntsville. Fear, or cowardice, was a visitor 
whose disgusting form never crossed the threshhold of 
his patriotic spirit, or even crouched, so far as he was con- 
cerned, in the vicinity of his camp. To ^^Hiid tlie enemy^^'' 
or, " let them come'''' were his principle and most inspiring 
themes— subjects to which every thing else was only 
auxilliary. Long and tedious campaigns with no results 


but the wasting of an arm}^ his rig-Iiteous soul abhorred. 
With him, fighting was the princii^le argument to be used 
against the rebellion ; and as soon as an enemy could be 
reached his daring and iier}^ spirit cried for a hand to hand 
encounter, relying upon the justice of his cause, cold 
steel, grit and gunpowder, to give him the victory. 

As a patriot, a soldier, a politician, or a public man in 
any sense, more moral principle reddened under his little 
finger nail than ever volunteered to aid the rebellion 
during the war. To some, this may appear like a sensa- 
tional remark, but such is not the case. It is but the 
utterance of an incontrovertible truth. Doubtless many 
persons inately possessed of moral principle, but vitiated 
by education and contact with error, perhaps through 
life, espoused the rebellion; but not an individual upon 
the green earth naturally disposed to be just to all men, 
and uncorrujited by association, ever volunteered in its 
aid. Justice never dictated to any mind that the rebel- 
lion Avas right. When we, therefore, state, that Col. Clift 
was the embodiment of more moral principle than the 
whole rebellion could honestly claim, the assertion does 
not transcend the limits of historical truth. 




AVe return now to the history of the rebellion as it pro- 
gressed and subsequently existed in Bradley county. 

After the rebel forces which had attempted to capture 
Col. Clift on Sails Creek, had returned to their respective 
vicinities, their organizations, generally, were not only 
preserved intact, but rebel military rule from that time, 
especially, was instituted in a manner plainlj^ to indicate 
the fate of those who dared to oppose, as well as of those 
who failed to comply with rebel demands. 

Two rebel regiments were raised in Bradley and adjoin- 
ing counties, both, we believe, going into camp on Brad- 
ley county fair grounds, there to remain while recruiting 
and fitting out, grounds about a mile from the village of 
Cleveland. One of these regiments was the 4th Ten- 
nessee Cavalry, the other the 36th Tennessee Infantry. 
The infantry regiment, from the fact that it was armed 
principally with squirrel rifles and double barrel shot- 
guns, many of which were forcibly taken from Union 
citizens, was by waj^ of jest denominated the squirrel 
origade. After its completion this regiment was ordered 
into the vicinity of Knoxville. The cavalry regiment, 
which was under the command of Col. Rogers of Bradley 
county, was finally ordered to Knoxville also. 

The follow^ing from the Cleveland Banner of Novem- 
ber 15th, 1861, shows about the time this cavalry regi- 
ment went into camp for recruiting. 

'• Military Camp — Cleveland has been made a inilitar\ camp, and 
Wm. il. Tibbs has been appointed commissary. Captains McClary 
and Brown's cavalry companies have aone into camps.*' 

We know not that these companies were the veiy first 
that occupied the fair grounds, but probably they were 


among the first. This cavalry regiment left for Knoxville 
toward the last of Jannary, 1862, being in camp at Cleve- 
land about three months ; this being the period in which 
the reign of rebel terror in that section rose to its zenith. 

In entering fully upon the history of the rebellion in 
Bradley, we propose to introduce and briefly sketch, the 
character of one of the most prominent actors in the 
drama, Capt. Wm. L. Brown, one of the officers mentioned 
in the above extract ; but more commonly known as Capt. 
Bill Brown of Bradley. 

Unquestionabh^, this Cai>t. Brown was one of the most 
notorious characters, in many respects, of all the rebel 
leaders that figured in East Tennessee. Being admirably 
fitted by nature to execute the dirty work planned by 
others, with this ability made constantly restive by a natu- 
ral feeling of great self-importance, he w^as, of all others, 
the most blustering, insulting, and overbearing, the most 
reliable to be entrusted with the meanest and most dis- 
graceful enterprizes. He was a natural liar, as well as a 
natural thief, and so far as moral forecast is concerned, the 
next thing to a natural fool ; religiously as well as other- 
wise a practical hj^pocrite, a base tyrant and a vile de- 
ceiver. Altogether, his composition, as a human being, 
■was such, that his greatest earthly happiness flowed from 
the privilege of being a dictatorial or governing spirit in 
the midst of just such a rebellion, as that in which he 
acted so conspicuous and disgraceful a part. Never was 
he so deliriously happy ; never so emphatically in a world 
of ecstacy, as wdien in Bradley county, swaggering in all 
the license and riot of his commission, he displayed him- 
self as Capt. Brow^n of the rebel army. 

At the opening of the rebellion. Brown perhaps was 
forty years of age, had been a resident of the county from 
an early period, was a member of the Cumberland Pres- 
byterian Church, by trade a tailor, having followed the 
business of this craft for a number of years in Cleveland, 
but never, it appears, relied upon it as the permanent 
business of his life. His first surplus funds, instead of 
being invested the enlargement and permanency of 


of his business, were prostituted to the work of shaving 
notes, and being invested in loans at high rates of usury, 
and in otherwise taking advantage of the unfortunate, 
by which means, he soon won the name of being one of 
the most hard-hearted money dealers and swindling specu- 
lators in the country. 

As a solitary instance among many that might be given 
of Browns innate villiany, we noted down from the recital 
of one of the most prominent citizens of Cleveland, the 
following case. 

Mr. , a man well known in Bradley, and who b}" 

many readers in the county will be instantly called to 
mind as the person referred to, had failed, by the regular 
proceeds of his industry, to procure means for the licjuida- 
tion of a debt, which was of the utmost importance to him 
to pay at the appointed time. Money matters were close, 
and being unsuccessful in his first efforts to borrow the 
amount, as a last resort he applied to Brown. Brown pre- 
tended to be out of money, whined about his own poverty, 
complained of the hard times, scolded about dilatory cre- 
ditors, etc., but told him to call again in a short time, and 
he would give him an answer. Agreeably to appoint- 
ment the man waited upon Brown the second time. 
Brown informed him that times were so hard that he had 
no money to loan, and that if he had obligations on the 
best of men, he could take them only at such and such 
discounts. The terms amounted to a swindle, but the man 
was compelled to have the money or suffer infinitely more, 
and consequently he submitted to Brown's proposals. 
Brown took the notes, counted out the man a part of the 
money, saying that was all he had with him at the time, 
but the rest should be forthcoming without fail before he 
would need it. Having not the least idea that Brown, by 
this maneuver, intended to swindle him, and knowing that 
he was able at any time to get the remainder, made no 
particular objections. The next day, however, or as soon 
as the time drew near, that the whole amount coming 
from Brown should be in his possession, the man called 
to procure it ; but to his astonishment Brown was per- 


fectty unapproachable on the subjet, coldly and indiffer- 
ently pretending that he had been disappointed in collect- 
ing ; and that he could do nothing more about it at pre- 
sent. The man enquired what he meant by such conduct, 
and if lie considered the extent of the injury he was 
inflicting upon him by such a rascally forfeiture of his 
word. Notwithstanding these appeals, Brow^n gave his 
victim no satisfaction ; but left him to extricate himself 
from the dilemma into which he had led him as best he 
could. This, however, w^as not the sequel of the transac- 
tion. The injured man, as a matter of course prosecuted 
Browm for the debt, and for aught we know for his villain}^ 
also; but one way and another Brown staved off the issue, 

evading the action of the law, and keeping Mr. ■ 

out of the residue of his money, till long after the notes 
he delivered to Brown had matured, and Brown had col- 
lected on them both principal and interest. 

Taking this transaction as a basis of Brown's moral 
character as a private citizen before the vrar, none will be 
greatly surprised at the following developements in this 
chapter in regard to his conduct as a public man and a 
civil oflicer, nor at the future developments in this work 
of his character as a soldier and a rebel officer. 


Although it Avill place us for the time in advance of 
some parts of our narrative, yet as we have been sketch- 
ing Oapt. Brown's private character, that the reader may 
without too much surprise meet the facts in the history 
of his military career ; and as this election illustrates 
Brown as a public man, also as a civil officer, and as it 
reveals the animus of the rebellion in this section at the 
time, we shall introduce it here. 

As already stated, Brow^n entered the rebel seiwice in 
the fall of 1861. His military career was short. In June, 
1862, he resigned his commission, becoming once more a 
private citizen, and residing upon his farm with his family 
in the iifth district, about three miles from Cleveland. 


Early in the spring of 1863 an election was to take i)lace 
in that district, at which, among other officers, a Justice 
of the Peace was to be chosen. Brown was the rebel 
candidate for this office against Mr. Hiram Smith of the 
Union party. The Union party in this district, as well 
perhaps as in others at this time, was considerable^ in the 
ascendancy : and a fair trial at this election could have 
resulted only in the success of the Union candidate. Be- 
ing aware of this, in conformity with the general charac- 
ter of the rebellion, Brown and his friends must make 
preparations to counteract this Union advantage. At 
this time the Vvdiole of East Tennessee was writhing in 
the jaws' of a rebel military despotism, by the aid of which 
power it was easy for rebel citizens to control elections 
as well as all other matters throughout the country. 

Mr. James Donahoo, one of the most bitter and relent- 
less rebels in the district, working in the interest of 
Brown, managed to get himself appointed by the Sheriif 
of the county as President or Conductor of this election. 
The duties of this officer are to open and close the polls 
at the proper hours, to see that the balloting is legal, and 
that the election throughout is held strictly in accordance 
with law and in a manner to preserve inviolate to all par- 
ties the right of the elective franchise. Utterly ignoring 
these obligations, however, Donahoo, after procuring his 
appointment, connived with the rebel military authorities 
at Cleveland, stealthily effecting an arrangement, perhaps 
the day before the election, that all under the age of 
forty-five who appeared at the polls must have permits 
from the Provost Marshal to do so. Then, as a clincher 
to this, news of this arrangement was to be immediately 
circulated among the rebels, that Brow^n's friends could 
have ample time to get their permits ; but kept a pro- 
found secret from tlie Union men till the moment of the 
opening of the polls. The election was at the Blue 
Springs school house, just five miles from Cleveland. 

Brown and Donahoo were old and crafty performers in 
the work of rebellion, and in this particular case engi- 
neered their scheme through with so much stealth and 


skill that it succeeded entirely to their own wishes, allow- 
ing them to have entirely their own way at the polls, 
whisky and all. Every rebel voter perhaps in the district 
having been secretly posted in regard to the treacherous 
game, was promptly at the polls with his permit concealed 
in his pocket, ready to fulfill the farcical obligation of 
being there by military authority. In regard to the 
Union voters, however, just the contrary was their condi- 
tion. Not a Union voter in the district, knew that it was 
his duty to obtain a permit to attend the election till the 
balloting commenced. To spring this villainous trap, 
however, with additional certainty, Donahoo, although 
sworn to open the polls at nine o'clock in the morning, 
delayed to do so, purposely dallying away time, till be- 
tween eleven and twelve in the day. Some Union men 
present asserted that it was even after this time when the 
polls were opened. This put it beyond the power of the 
Union voters to comply with Mr. Donahoo's military reg- 
ulation. Not one in ten, unprepared as they vvere with 
animals, at that late hour could reach Cleveland, a dis- 
tance of five miles, obtain his permit, and return in time 
to vote. 

By the success, therefore, of this infernal scheme, every 
Union man in the district under the age of forty-five was 
debarred from voting, for Mr. Donahoo refused to allow 
any of them even to approach the polls for the want of 
these permits, having in the meantime brought with him 
a guard of six rebel soldiers whom he had already sta- 
tioned at the door to enforce these abominable regula- 
tions. As a matter of course the Union voters were in- 
dignant at suf-h treatment, some of w^hom expostulated 
with Mr. Donahoo and Capt. Brown, asserting that this 
regulation should have been published to all the day be- 
fore, that they as well as the rebels could have been pre- 
pared. These expostulations, however, were met by these 
men with all that insolence and positive abuse that one 
would expect from those endeavoring to carry an election 
by such measures. 


A part of these Union voters, compelled to do so by the 
rebel authorities, were then at work, not as soldiers, but 
simply as employees of the Confederate government, on 
tlie railroads, getting timber, procuring wood, etc., all of 
them, we believe, within the District; and Mr. Donahoo 
in answer to their complaints replied, that having left 
their work to attend that election without permits, they 
were all deserters, rebel deserters, and ought to be re- 
ported and arrested as such. 

Most of these Union employees were at work near the 
polls, a quarter and a half mile from them, and had they 
all been permitted to vote, as they had a right to do, 
could have done so with the loss of but very little time, 
without going out of the District. Many of them would 
have voted during the hour of recess at noon, without 
being absent from their w^ork at all. Besides, doubt- 
less, none of the men did leave their work without the 
consent of their gang boss, hence their absence was no 
injury to his business. Yet, notwithstanding these i)al- 
liating circumstances, Mr. Donahoo calls these men 
deserters, simply because they w^ere there without per- 
mits. Inasmuch then, as this was Mr. Donahoo's own 
position, voluntarily taken, he cannot object to having 
his own conduct brought forward and put to the test by 
it. No man can complain when he and his theories are 
tried by rules w^hicli he has made himself. 

Now, if these men were deserters, because without 
permits they left their work to attend this election, then 
by the same rule, they would have been deserters, had 
they left their work and gone five miles to Cleveland 
to get the permits he required of them. And not only 
so, but the latter would have been a much stronger 
case of desertion than the former. In this case some of 
the men — those whose work was a mile or two south of 
the school house — would have been compelled to travel 
from five to seven miles to Cleveland, entirely out of the 
district, and back, being absent from their work perhaps 
the whole day, while, as we have seen, in the first instance, 
none of them had to go out of the district. Many of them 


Iiad to walk but a short distance, necessarily ])eing absent 
from their work but a few minutes. Some of these men 
were but a few yards from their work when Donahoo was 
accusing them of desertion. According to Mr. Donahoo's 
own interpretation of desertion, therefore, it was imijos- 
sible for these Union voters to comply Avith his regula- 
tion, not only without being guilty of desertion simi)h% 
but without being guilty of it in a much more aggi^avated 
sense, than they were in coming to the election as they 
did. Even Mr. Hiram Smith himself. Brown's opponent, 
had he at the time been an employee of the Confederate 
government, could not have attended that election and 
cast a vote for himself without first being guilty of de- 
sertion, and laying himself liable to be arrested lual tried 
for the crime. Had these Union voters by some accident 
discovered Mr. Donahoo's military clap-trap in time, and 
early on the morning of the election, left their work and 
hurried to Cleveland for their permits, very likely Dona- 
hoo or Brown, or both, would have met them at the Pro- 
vost Marshal's and had them all arrested and punished 
for desertion. According to Donahoo's own theory, he 
could have done so. The management of this election, 
therefore, was such as to drive a portion of the Union 
voters of the district, effectually from the polls, or drive 
them into desertion, and consequently to subject them to 
arrest and punishment by the rebel authorities. There is 
no escape from this conclusion. All the rebels in Brad- 
ley county, with the sophistical editor of the Banoier 
thrown in, can never extricate these men from this humil- 
iating and disgraceful dilemma. Little did Donahoo, 
Brown and Shugart, think at the time, that their villainy 
was thus preparing a liook to be put into their own jaws, 
and by which they were to be historically drawn up and 
left exposed and helplessly dangling before the whole 
country, a disgrace to themselves and their posterity, 
while their names are known in Bradley county. 

The above, however, is not the whole of the rebel his- 
tory of this election. Major D. G. McCuUey, a Union 
man of the district, and living near the polls, was, as a 


mere pretense to fairness, put on the bench as one of 
the judges, Dr. Shugart also of the district, and a Mr. 
Reed of Georgia, both relentless rebels, being the other 
two. At tlie discovery of Mr. Donahoo's military valve 
for shutting off Union votes, Major McCulley promptly 
entered his protest against it, and as other abuses and 
violations of law developed themselves through the day, 
raised his voice against them, also. At the closing of the 
polls, he told Mr. Donahoo and the other judges that 
Union men had been prevented from voting by intrigue 
and the presence of rebel bayonets; that as they had 
conducted the election, throughout, it was not only illegal 
but a positive fraud; that consequently, he should not 
sign the scrolls, but, as one of the judges, send up his 
protest against the w^hole affair. Donahoo and the other 
judges attempted to win him over but without effect; and 
after exhausting their powers of persuasion their patience 
gave way, and threats were employed instead. He was 
told that if he did not sign the scrolls he would be 
arrested by the military. One of Donahoo's guards, one 
that had indulged too freely in artificial stimulants to his 
patriotism, also was allowed to abuse the Major as a Lin- 
colnite, a traitor, a tory, and so on. He swore that he 
w^ould sooner run his bayonet through him than to do any- 
thing else. The Major, however, was not more easily 
frightened at their threats, than cajoled by their importu- 
nities, persisting in his refusal to append his name to the 
scrolls ; and the returns went up under his protest as one 
of the judges of the election. 

In justice it should be stated here, that two others of 
this guard, while this contest was going on, interfered in 
Major McCully's behalf, rebuking the drunken guard for 
the abuse he was heaping upon him, and saying that the 
Major had as good a right to his opinion as the other 
judges had to theirs ; that he had a right to express his 
opinion, that as to the election, they believed the Major 
was right in holding that the election had not been fair, 
and that they were sorry it had been necessary for them 
to have anything to do with it. 


Under the circumstances, only six Union votes were 
cast, and only sixteen rebel votes, notwitlistanding an 
unusual effort was put forth by the rebels to get their 
friends to the polls. By actual count, at the time, of the 
Union voters in the district, it was demonstrated that liad 
the election been legal, the Union majority would at least 
have been two to one. 

Mr. Hiram Smith, Brown's opponent, discovering early 
in the day the intervention and proscription inaugurated, 
and so insolently enforced by Donahoo, considering him- 
self insulted as well as disgraced by such company, im- 
mediately left the polls in disgust, advising his friends to do 
so also, and save themselves the shame of attending such 
a farce. In fact Mr. Smith objected in the beginning to 
having his name announced as a candidate in opposition 
to such a man as Wm. L. Brown. 

One would suppose that the foregoing combination of 
disgraceful means would have been thought sufficient by 
these rebels, not only to carry this election, but as com- 
prising all the corruption and wickedness that one occa- 
sion of the kind ought to bear. The fact, however, was 
otherwise. Even the exhilarating effects of whisky, as 
well as the temptings of bribery were added to complete 
the list of abominations with which these rebels were 
polluting the polls of the fifth district. 

Early in the day. Brown procured of Mr. Joseph Hen- 
derson, then manufacturing liquor not far from the polls, 
a quantity of the needful article, which was slyly, though 
liberally distributed by Brown to all that would accept of 
it, at the election, to induce them to vote for him, and to 
prepare them to more effectively electioneer in his favor. 
The first supply being soon exliausted, Brown arranged 
with Mr. Henderson to furnish the article through the 
day as it was needed. The contract was faithfully kept 
by ^Ii\ Henderson till the closing of the polls. Brown's 
money footing the bills. In addition to this contemptible 
business, Brown offered this same Mr. Henderson a bribe 
of five dollars for his ballot. Mr. Henderson was a Union 
man, and Brown's offer was indignantly refused. No ways 


abashed at this, Brown instantly raised his bid to twenty- 
five dollars, providing Mr. Henderson would, besides 
giving him his own vote, interest himself and secure him 
the votes of certain other parties. This proposal, how- 
ever, was as quickly rejected as the other. 

The polls being finally closed, Brown was declared 
elected ; and although the returns went up under tlie pro- 
test of Major McCulley as heretofore given, yet this 
Ijroved no imj)ediment to Brown's claim, not even elicit- 
ing the least inquiry, or causing the least hesitation. His 
name was immediately forwarded to Governor Harris as 
the legally elected candidate, and forthwith his creden- 
tials were returned installing him as the lawfully elected 
and authoritative justice of the peace in the fifth dis- 
trict. He held and exercised his ofl[ice until he fled 
before our army to Dixie in the winter 1864. 


We will now follow Capt. Brown for a moment as a 
civil officer, and view the harmony that existed between 
the means by which he obtained his office and the manner 
ill which he subsequently distributed its justice to the 
people. Having opened his office for business in Cleve- 
land, soon after he obtained his commission from the 
suiDreme authority of the State, Brown ascertained 
through some of his rebel advisers, or through some of 
his rebel spies, that Mr. Samuel Wyrick of the ninth dis- 
trict, a Union man, had purchased for a sick woman, the 
wife of a Union soldier then in the Northern Army, a 
quart of spirits as a medicine. Brown kept the matter 
quiet, but watched his opportunity to ensnare Mr. Wyrick, 
remembering, perhaps, the amount of whisky fees it had 
cost him to obtain his sacred office. In a few days the 
opportunity presented itself, when Brown issued a pro- 
cess against Mr. Wyrick, and had him arrested and 
brought to trial for the ofience of buying spirits for a sick 
woman. The process was founded upon some temporary 
regulation established by the rebel military authorities, 
either as a specific tax on sales and purchases, or as a pro- 


liibitory regulation in regaixl to the sale of spirits m the 
country. Mr. Wyrick acknowledged that he purchased the 
liquor, but explained that it was for ano'ther person who- 
was actually in want of it as a medicine, and that he was. 
ignorant at the time, that in such a case he was violating 
any law, or that any tax was imposed on such purchases^ 
sajang, that if he had violated any law, he was ready to 
make restitution to any proper extent. Brown, how^ever, 
Avas in no mood for compromises, or for yielding a par- 
ticle of the advantage in his hands, and at once fixed the 
penalty to the extreme end of the law, mulucting Mr. 
Wyrick in a fine wdth costs, amounting to S106, wliich 
had to be paid forthwith. Mr. Yv^yrick not having that 
amount in his pocket at the moment, Brown seized 
upon a quantity of goods in his possession, which he 
had just purchased in Cleveland, principally for other 
parties, and for which he had paid S140 in cash. In addi- 
tion to this. Brown attempted to levy upon the horse 
which Mr. Wyrick rode into town, but Union friends- 
smuggled the animal out of his reach until Mr. Wyrick 
finally escaped with him to his home, some eight miles 
from Cleveland, where he had to settle with his neigh- 
bors for his loss of their goods as best he could. 

Thus was Mr. Wyrick robbed by this infernal brute,, 
and that upon the hypocritical pretence only, that he had 
violated a law which the v^retch, but a short time before, 
had so shamefully violated himself in order to obtain the 
ofiice, by the authority of which he now prosecuted and 
fined Mr. AVyrick. The facts of this transaction were fur- 
nished by Mr. Wj^rick himself, and may therefore be 
relied upon. They will not be doubted by those who 
know Mr. Wyrick. All the information in regard to the 
election narrated in this chapter, was furnished by the 
most reliable Union men in the fifth district, and althougli 
in some instances we may have used strong language — 
for none other is suitable in describing such abuses, yet 
it is believed, that as a general description the abuses of 
this case have not been exaggerated, and that Union men 
who w^ere i:)resent, and saw for themselves all the facts. 


will testify to the general truthfulness of the statements 
here given. 

In fact this account is not the aggregate of the villainy 
and demonstrations of treason connected with this affair. 
Dr. Siiugart in particular, at this election, availed himself 
of the opportunity to falsify and berate the Government, 
stating in substance that the Government had become an 
engine of oppression, persecuting and grinding the South- 
ern States generally; that in view of the prohibitory 
enactments of Congress in regard to the institution of 
slavery, the Union ought to have been overthrown and 
completely demolished twenty years before, etc. 

Such delineations of the sej^arate, distinct rebel crimes 
and abuses in the South are tedious and laborious. Tliey 
require great patience and industry in the collection as 
well as in the arrangement of the facts, but we deem 
them of the utmost importance, for nothing else will 
save to history, or place before the country in its true 
light, the studied vdckedness and unrelieved depravity of 
the rebellion. 




Introductory to this chapter we will give an extract 
from the Cleveland Banner^ taken from an issue dated 
July 19, 1861. The extract closes with a sentence of edi- 
torial advice which we take the liberty to put in italics. 
Unquestionably this editorial was the first instance in 
which the idea of robbing the Union people of Bradley of 
their i^rivate arms, was thrown, broadcast, before the rebel 
masses of East Tennessee. The extract is as follows : 

'•A Move in the Right Direction. — Gov. Pettns, of Mississippi 

has issued a proclamation calling on the State and county ofticers to 
collect up all the arms, rifles and shot guns new or old, in or out of 
order, and send them to Jackson, the capital of the State, where they 
may be repaired and held in readiness for the use of the soldiers. lie 
also notifies all citizens to arm themselves with double-barrel shot 
guns, and hold themselves in readiness at an hour's notice. By these 
means the State will be in possession of a large quantity of good arms 
that might otherwise be useless. We hope the proper authorities vnll 
folloio up the move of Gov. Fettus.^^ 

We are not in possession of the exact date at which 
this "move in the right direction" commenced in Bradley; 
but from other dates in our possession of the times at 
which individuals had their guns taken from them by 
Brown and his men, it appears that the movement was in 
progress in September, 1861. The work was continued 
through the following winter, or as long as rebel soldiers 
could find Union guns to confiscate. 

In gathering in these guns, as in every other rebel en- 
terprise within the county, Capt. Brown and his men were 
the most conspicuous. In many instances Brown issued 
orders for these arms to be brought into camp by their 
owners ; and in some cases this was done, the owners 
hoping by a ready compliance to have their property re- 
turned, or to receive its value at some future day. Most 
of the Union guns, however, collected by the rebels in 


Bradley were forcibly taken by Brown, or at his instance, 
his men being sent through the county in squads for this 
purpose. Everything in the shape of a fire-arm, from the 
finished rifle to the most insignificant revolver or pocket- 
pistol, was taken from Union men in this scheme of rebel 
plundering, Everj^thing in the shape of weapons were 
taken — old sabres, bowie-knives, and even common 
butcher-knives were taken. Hundreds of these arms 
were no better than elder pop-guns for military x)urposes 
— were never used by the rebels as such — but were 
wasted and wantonly appropriated to the amusement and 
gratification of those whose reckless villainy had made 
this property an object of plunder. 

From the most reliable information on this subject, it 
appears that at least one thousand arms, of all grades, 
were taken from the Union people in Bradley in this 
abominable raid upon personal rights. We make this 
statement, feeling confident that many Union men in the 
county, who were in a position to judge, will regard this 
estimate as below the actual figures. We are aware that 
rebels will argue that these guns were collecle 1 in obedi- 
ence to an order issued by Gov. Harris. Tliis excuse was 
made by the rebels when they were engaged in the rob- 
bery. It was made by Brown himself to Mrs. Harle, of 
Cleveland, just before his attempt to murder her husband, 
an account of which affair Avill be found in the latter part 
of this chapter. 

Fortunately we are able to produce the order from Gov. 
Harris under the authority of wJiicli this master-piece of 
rebel iniquity was perpetrated upon the Union people of 
Bradley. It reads as follows : 

" To the Clerks of the County Courts of the State of Tennessee : 

'• You are hereby requested to issue to each constable in your re- 
spective counties an order requiring them to malce dilio-ent inquirj' 
at each house in his civil district for muskets, baj'onets. rifles, swords, 
and pistols belonging to the State of Tennessee, to take them into i)Os- 
session and deliver them to you. * A reward of one dollar will be paid 
to the constable for each musket and bayonet, or rifle, and flfty cents 
for each sword or pistol thus reclaimed. You will forward the arms 
thus obtained, at public expense to the military authorities at Knox- 
ville, Xashville, or Memphis, as may be most convenient ; and will 


iiitbnii tlic Military niid Financial Boards b}' lettf^r addres.-^eil to them 
at Na.'^hvillf\ ot the r(^:<ult ot" your action 'And tiie expenses incurred. 
A eheclv for tlie amount Avill 'be ])rom])tly forwarded. It is hoped 
that everv otHcer willexert himself to have this order promptlv ex- 
ecuted. ' •' ISIIAM G. IIARKIS, 

"■ Governor of Tennessee. 
"NashviHe. Au'jt. 10. I80I." 

Now, whatever might have been the concealed pin-pose 
of Gov. Harris in the i)reniises, this order sufficient!}^ ex- 
plains itself. It instructs the clerks of the county courts, 
and the county constables, and these officers only, to ex- 
ecute its requirements. Besides, the ^^ muskets, bayonets') 
riiies., Sc, Jjelonging to the State of Tennessee^''' were 
those to be taken, not those that vrere the private pro- 
perty of individuals. These constables vrere to be paid 
for all the arms '' lelonging to tlie State " that they could 
thus " reclaini^^ not for all that they could steeil and press 
from the Union people throughout Tennessee. It is in- 
controvertible that this order was no license whatever for 
these constables, or the rebel military, or any other class 
of men or officers to touch private property. Arms, for 
instance, that individuals, who Vv'ere or ]iad been members 
of independent comi}anies, had drawn from the State, and 
had not been returned, were those, and those only, that 
this order, ostensibly, at least, contemplated procuring. 
Hovv' disgusting the predicament, therefore, in which the 
very face of this order places the rebel officials and rebel 
military, not only of Bradley, but of other parts of the 
State. The order not only had no reference to the mili- 
tary whatever, and conferred upon it no authority in the 
case, but particularly, in form at least, it did not dictate 
the favoritism and the cruelties practiced by the rebels 
under it in Bradley county. Capt. Brown and his men 
pretended that this order made it their duty to collect in 
all the surplus or useless arms in the county, both such 
as were " in " and such as were " out of order^'^ for the 
benefit of the rebel army. If so, why then did not they 
proceed to do it justly, civilly, and in a proper manner, as 
obeying an important order from the highest authority in 
the State ? Why did they in tumultuous gangs, with 


Oapt. Brown in tlieir lead, rave through the country like 
so many Devils, ruthlessl}^ seizing upon all the Union 
arms, leaving unmolested at the same time every rebel 
ianiilv in the county ? It this order made it the duty of 
the rebel military to collect up all tlie arms in the whole 
< ountry, irrespective of parties, why did they utterly neg- 
lect it in respect to one party, and drive its fuliillment 
beyond all decency in regard to another ? Not one in a 
hundred of that immense collection of guns thus brought 
and piled up in Cleveland, were forcibly taken from rebel 
owners. Some few rebels, possibly, volunteered to give 
some of their arms, always, however, reserving enough 
for themselves ; while many, perhaps, put them into the 
hands of their sons when they sent them to the rebel 
ranks. But in every instance, rebel families, known to be 
such, and who thought they needed their guns to shoot 
Lincolnites, and to aid the rebel military in catching con- 
scripts, were allowed to keep them. Not an instance 
occurred, perhaps, in the whole county, in which a rebel 
family donated all its arms, or was required by the rebel 
military to do so ; while, on the other hand, Union fami- 
lies vrere completely stripped. 

But more than this, we were credibly informed that, in 
some instances, arms were taken from Union families and 
given to rebel families, who in this respect were destitute. 
The pretext was to procure arms for rebel soldiers ; but 
the real design in Bradley was to disarm and render help- 
less Union citi'zens, and cirm the whole rebel element, cit- 
izen as well as soldier. This is precisely what was accom- 
plished by this rebel raid upon Union people, or, as the 
rebel editor styles it, ''A move in the right direction." 

With the utmost propriety, as a rebel, could the Cleve- 
land editor, in speaking of this as an enterprise in the in- 
terest of the rebellion, announce it as "Amove in the 
right direction." This Slaveholders' Kebellion, in view of 
the great light and great blessings bestowed upon us as a 
people, was the greatest crime ever perpetrated on the 
earth. It was an aspiration of half the nation, fanned into a 
white heat of Satanic frenzy, to culminate in every abom- 



ination and wickedness for which God ever punished 
angels or men. The means it used and all the ends it pro- 
posed were degrees of wrong and human violence which 
in their collidings with the justice of Omnipotence, ulti- 
mately would have extinguished the race. Most emphat- 
ically this rebel plundering of Union arms in Bradley was 
a fit means to promote such an end. It was attended with 
all the violence, murder and reeking oppression requisite 
to make its completion no mean stride in the direction of 
such an end — an end installing these curses as laws of 
society and rules of human life. With great propriety, 
therefore, in this sense, but in this sense only, could this 
editor announce it as " A move in the right direction." 
Wrong was the rule of the rebellion, both as to its means 
and its end. Wrong permanently triumphant was the 
great end proposed. This rebel enterprise in Bradley 
was violence itself, and fraught with incalculable wrong 
— consistent with the end proposed — consequently, to the 
rebels was "Amove in the right direction." Had this 
Cleveland editor rounded out his announcement to in- 
clude the end as well as the means, it would have had 
more philosophic completeness, and might with its em- 
phatic truthfulness in this case, have been enlarged as 
follows : Tliis rebel raid upon Union families in Bradley 
was one of the moves in the right direction to ruin the 
American people, insult God, and curse the world through- 
out time. 

This rebel editor might not have seen nor felt the sub- 
ject exactly in this light, yet this is the exact philosophy 
of his remark above considered. 

If any of the rebels in Bradley take the position, or in 
other words shift their position, and argue that, while this 
order purported the arms only belonging to the State, it 
nevertheless had a secret design through the military to 
reach the private arms of the Union people also ; thus, 
with a view to strengthen the rebellion, proposing com- 
pletely to disarm the loyal people of the State— just what 
it accomplished in Bradley, — yet this by no means relieves 
them from "guilt" and "shame" in the transaction. Al- 


though this position may be nearer the truth than the 
other — for we believe that this order was in reality de- 
signed by Gov. Harris as an instrument of cruelty against 
the Union people of East Tennessee — it does not at all re- 
lieve these Bradley rebels, but brings down Gov. Harris 
to a level with themselves, and equally criminates him 
with them in this infamous and hypocritical piece of bus- 

We will close our history of this affair with an account 
of Capt. Brown's assault upon the family of Mr. Baldwin 
Harle, of Cleveland, ostensibly to carry out the provisions 
of this order from Gov. Hams. The following statements 
of the case are from Mr. and Mrs. Harle and their two 
sons, the most of which are given in their own language. 

About the 15th of October, 1861, Thomas Hawkins, who 
had, when a boy, lived with Mr. Harle, came to his house 
with nine other armed rebel soldiers. Hawkins was met 
at the door by Mrs. Harle, when he enquired if Mr. Harle 
or the boys had two guns in their possession. "Well, 
what if we have ?" was Mrs. Harle's reply. "I must have 
them," he returned. "You shall not have them if I can 
help it," was her rejoinder. Hawkins then ordered his 
men to enter the liouse and take the guns, attempting at 
the same time to force his way by Mrs. Harle into the 
house, she, however, preventing him by maintaining her 
position at the door. At this juncture, Joseph Harle, a 
son, being in some part of the building, and attracted 
through a back door to the spot by the disturbance, 
standing near his mother, told Hawkins that if he came 
in he should shoot him. At this Hawkins and his men 
desisted, held a short parley among themselves, and left 
the premises. 

In a short time Hawkins re-appeared, with about sixty 
men; the company was led this time by Capt. Brown 
himself. Brown and his men immediately forced their 
way into the house, he very abruptly demanding the two 
gun^ of Mrs. Harle, saying at the same time that Gov. 
Harris had ordered all the guns in the country to be taken, 
and that his men needed them as they were going to cap- 


ture old Olift, tlien lortifyiiig on tlie Tennessee river. Mrs. 
liarie replied, " Well, if it is right for you to have the 
guns, tlien I suppose you can take them." Mr. Harle, 
absent until then, approaching and hearing his vrife's 
remark, continued hj saying, "Well you shall not have 
the guns b}" ?>?// consent," emphasizing the i:)ronoun my 
in a way to give Brown the idea, that although his v/ife 
had given her consent, and although he presumed that 
his force would enable him to take the guns, yet he would 
have to take them against his consent. 

At this. Brown immediately raised and leveled his gun 
to shoot, or as though he would shoot Mr. Harle. Mr. 
Ilarle, however, quickly caught the muzzle of Brown's 
gun, and held it to one side. Brown soon got his gun at 
liberty, drew back, and taking deliberate aim at Mr. 
Harle's breast, pulled the trigger, but the cai:> bursted 
without discharging the piece. Seeing himself thus 
foiled. Brown instantly raised his gun, and v\ith it struck 
Mr. Harle, apparently with all the force that anger could 
summons, dealing him a blow across the forehead which 
opened the flesh to the skull, knocking him against the 
side of the house, which together with being caught by 
Mrs. Harle, prevented him from sinking entirely to the 
floor. While he was in this position, if possible, with 
more fury than before, BroAvn raised his gun and the 
second time struck at the senseless and bleeding head of 
Mr. Harle. But Mrs. Harle throwing herself before her 
husband, received the blow upon her arm and shoulder, 
from the effects of vdiich she will probably never entirely 
recover. Notwithstanding this injury, Mrs. Harle, with 
what remaining strength she had, continued to protect 
and defend her husband shrieking for help, and crying for 
Brown to desist. 

By this time, Joseph Harle had come to his mother's 
assistance, and also plead with Brown to refrain, saying 
"You have already killed my father, and is not that 
enough?" At this remark from Joseph, Brovrn's rage 
was transferred to him, Brown asking him in a vociferous 
manner, if he "had come to take it up?" Joseph promptly 


replied that he had. Some of Brown's men then near, 
hearing this, leveled tlieir guns at Josepli, tlireatening to 
shoot him for interfering with Bro^vn. Mrs. Ilarle, yet 
holding her husband, covered with blood, implored them 
to put down their guns, saying, " You see tliat Brown has 
killed his father, don't take his life also. 

At this moment, a younger son, compelled by Brown's 
men, or acting on his own judgment, thinking it best to 
deliver up the guns, as soon as possible, was bringing 
them through the door of a small out-house, a few stei)s 
to the rear of the main building, and handing them to the 
men. Brown seeing this said, " Well men, we've got the 
guns, let's go." And this murderous brute, Avith his 
equally murderous gang of rebel villains left the premises, 
gloating over their savage and bloody victory. 

Mr. Harle's dwelling stands upon the west side of a 
nortli and south street, in the village of Cleveland, and 
of course fronts to the east. At the commencement of 
this outrage, wliile most of Brown's men were surround- 
ing the house and ransacking the premises. Brown and a 
few of his body guards entered at the front or east door, 
into one of the front rooms, where he had his conversa- 
tion with Mrs. Harle, and where, near a door of this 
room conducting into a porch attached to the rear of the 
main building, he met Mr. Harle. In Brow^n's assault upon 
the old gentleman, he forced him back through this door 
into this porch on the floor of which he was standing, 
when Brow^n knocked him against the side of the main 
building ; and from which place he was taken up insen- 
sible, and apparently dying, by Mrs. Harle and her sons, 
after the rebels had disappeared. With careful watching 
and medical treatment, however, Mr. Harle revived, and 
finally recovered, at least so far as a man of his age can 
recover, from such an injury as he received. 

Mr. and Mrs. Harle were perhaps, upv/ards of sixty 
years of age at the time, and were among the oldest and 
most respectable citizens of the place. Mr. Harle was a 
quiet, peaceable, inoffensive man, constitutionally the 


very reverse of that calculated to enrage or induce the 
assault of an enemy. 

Notwitlistanding this affair transpired in the very heart 
of Cleveland, and was known in less than an hour to the 
whole community, rebel and Union, yet no attention was 
paid to it by the rebel authorities. Nor was Brown called 
to an account for his conduct any more than if he had 
assaulted a lot of swine on the street. Mr. Harle and 
his family were " Lincolnites," and this was not only a bar 
to anything like an arrest or prosecution, but it was the 
reason that rebel praise, oftener than rebel censure was 
awarded to Brown for the brutality which he inflicted on 

While this injured man was lingering upon his couch 
for weeks, in a critical condition. Brown was frequently 
seen galloping by his dwelling, not only at his ease, but 
wdth greater self-complacency, more individual pomposity 
and insulting defiance, as he would look in the direction 
of his victims, than could have been put on, perhaps, by 
Jeff. Davis himself. 




Rebel recruiting in Bradley and the adjoining counties 
had not progressed very far, before another subject of ex- 
citement arose, still better calculated, if possible, to enlist 
the activities of Capt. Brown, and call forth his peculiar 
talents, than the work of confiscating private Union 
arms. His avarice carried him beyond the seizure of 
mere property; and an excuse w^as soon found, connected 
with the subject of suifering rebel families, that enabled 
him to revel in the midst of huge piles of the people's 

The rebel soldiers had left their homes, to meet the 
Northern invaders, and as a matter of course, some pro- 
vision must be made for the support of their families 
during their absence. This necessity, whether real or 
apparent, was readily laid hold of by Capt. Brown, and 
made a pretence for inaugurating and carrying on, for 
weeks and months, one of the most audacious swindles^ 
one of the most heartless systems of robbeiy that even 
the rebellion itself ever produced. This branch of busi- 
ness being added to Brown's general work of driving for- 
ward the rebel cause, he followed the promptings of his 
avarice, even at the expense of his Southern patriotism. 
He wanted rebel soldiers ; he wanted obstinate Union 
men out of the country; but still more than either of 
these he w^anted money; and these were the alternatives 
to which his victims were universally reduced — they must 
go into the rebel army, be sent, to Tuscaloosa, or they 
must pay the price of exemption. Those w^ho had the 
most money could generally settle with Brown, not only 
the easier for themselve.-;, but the most satisfactory to- 


An instance that will illustrate the barbarous extreme 
to which Brown, in many cases, pushed this iniquitous 
business, was furnished by Mr. T. H. Calloway of Polk 
county, a gentleman well known in East Tennessee, and 
whose statements will not be questioned by those having 
the honor of his acquaintance. 

The following letter is Mr. Calloway's account of the 
case referred to. 

Cleveland, Tennessee. ) 
November 12th, 18G5. ^ 

-/. S. HiirlhiiU Esq., Michigan Cit7j, Ind. 

Dear Sir: — Your letter of the 1st inst., has just been received. 
The case j^ou refer to was that of Jacob Hadrick, a man seventy-five 
years old. Capt. Wm. Brown had old Mr. Hadrick and his three sons 
arrested and taken to Cleveland under guard, in very cold weather, 
during the winter of 1861 and 1862. After keeping them under t^uard 
for several days, he released them, taking tlie old man's note or obli- 
gation for $50 — to be paid in corn and pork. The old gentleman 
lived in my neighborhood, was a very poor but hard worlcing- Dutch- 
man, who made his living by blacksmithing. I was from home when 
he was taken oft\ Just about the time he returned I came home, and 
o-oing to his blacksmith shop, found him preparing to kill his hogs. 
The}', however, were not fat enough to kill, and I asked him the mean- 
ing of his killing his hosfs, when they were so poor, and he told me 
that he had bound himself to pay Capt. Brown $50 in pork and corn. 
I told the old man that he could not spare the hogs from his family, 
and must not send the meat to Brown. He persisted in saying that 
he must do so, as Brown had told him that if he did not, that he^ 
Brown, would send him and his three sons to Tuscaloosa, during the 
war. I finally prevailed on the old man not to do so, promising to 
pay the money to Mr. Brown for him. But when I offered to "pay 
Brown, I did it before a lot of rebel ofilcers, publicly, and Brown re- 
fused to take the money, saying that his men had done wrong to 
exact such a thing from the old man. 

I gave you a good many particulars in relation to Brown's acts 
when you were here, wiiich I suppose you have. Old Mr. Hadrick 
died soon after. Very Respectfully, 


Some months previous to writing the above letter, with 
other accounts of Brown's conduct, Mr. Calloway fur- 
nished more particular statements, verbally, of this case 
of Brown's brutality, and of the manner in which he 
played the hypocrite before his brother officers, in order 
to shield himself from their censure in regard to it. When 
approached by Mr. Calloway in the presence of these offi- 
cers, on the subject of his treatment of Mr. Hadrick, 
Brown pretended ignorance, and consequently innocence 


in regard to the whole matter, charging the wrong entirely 
to his men. The letter itself, however, shows that Brown 
was the leading criminal in the case ; and from Mr. Gallo- 
way's verbal statement, it appeared that Brown was per- 
fectly acquainted with the destitute condition of Mr.Had- 
rick's family at the time ; that he was present when, in 
obedience to his own personal order, Mr. Hadrick and his 
three sons were brought prisoners into the rebel camp. 
Mr. Calloway further stated that the old gentleman was 
also put into the guard house, and confined during these 
" several days " by Brown's personal supervision ; and 
when he was released, the note of |50, which Brown ex- 
acted, was written with Brown's own hand, he threaten- 
ing at the same time, as stated in the letter, that if the 
note was not paid the day it was due, he would send Mr. 
Hadrick and his three sons to Tuscaloosa during the war. 

It was w^ell known also, as confirmed by Mr. Calloway, 
that the guard-quarters in which the old gentleman was 
kept, (the same in which Union prisoners were placed,) 
was totally unfit for the most robust man in the vigor of 
life, much less for a man seventy-five years of age, espe- 
cially considering the severity of the weather. Mr. Had- 
ricks' death, which followed soon after his release, was 
unquestionably induced by the cruel treatment he re- 
ceiA^ed from Brown. 

Tliis was not the only aggravated case of this peculiar 
system of robbing, in which persons in a similar condi- 
tion with him — persons almost entirely helpless and de- 
fenseless in regard to themselves — were shut up in 
Brown's rebel guard-house, fit only for brutes, till by their 
sufierings nature was broken into compliance with his 
tyrannical exactions. 

This rebel military camp, it will be recollected, held 
carnival in Cleveland in the winter season of the year. 
A few days, or at most weeks in the miserable pens of this 
rebel camp, under a subjugating regimen, together with 
the every-day prospect of being sent to the still more 
loathsome, death-dealing dungeons of Tuscaloosa and 
Mobile, were sufficient to make men feel the diiference-^ 



especially those on the clown-hill side of life — between 
this grinding oppression and personal liberty ; between 
the value of money and the value of life; between 
Tuscaloosa prisons and their own homes, even if those 
homes were in the midst of the whirlpool of the infernal 
rebellion. As we will hereafter see, Brown's treatment 
of old Mr. Stonecypher was another aggravated case of 
cruelty, being part and parcel of this same system of 

It would be impossible, within the design of the present 
work, to give an account of all the acts of unusual brutal- 
ity and wickedness inflicted by Brown upon Union people 
in and about Bradley, under the cover of pretending to 
collect supplies for destitute rebel families. The particu- 
lars in full of a single case as emphatically illustrate the 
general character of this piece of rebel iniquity, and, con- 
sequently, the general character of the rebellion in East 
Tennessee, as would numberless repetitions of similar 

Upon this principle we have given a somewhat detailed 
account of the case of Mr. Hadrick ; and the reader can 
draw his own conclusions as to the amount of crime com- 
mitted, the personal abuse and injury inflicted by Brown 
in extorting money and property from, perhaps, three 
hundred Union people. 

The following names of persons, among the many whom 
Brown compelled to pay tribute, was furnished by Jesse 
H. Gaut, Esq., of Cleveland. It was furnished in some 
degree from memory, nearly three years after the occur- 
rences referred to, which accounts for the incompleteness 
of the list as indicated by Mr. Gaut's accompanying re- 

"^ few of the Names of Men in Bradley County from 
vjhom Capt. Wm, L. Brovni extorted moneys and the 
amounts talien from each: 

William BLair, Esq., $100 00 

George Miinsey. 50 00 

Wiii. Morrison, 50 00 

Wm. Francisco, 50 00 

Rev. Xoah Smith, 50 00 

William Ilurabnrd. Esq.,. . . ,25 00 

A. J. Collins 25 00 

Brown. 25 00 

AVilliam Hawk, 20 00 

James O. Dickinson. 15 00 



Benj. Hanibrio-ht, 50 00 

Kobert ILimbri^dit, oO 00 

Geor<re Cox, of Georgia, . . 100 00 

J. HrHufi; 50 00 

-^Vm. Lacey, Esfi., 50 00 

Wm. Mahoney. 100 00 

Jacob Hy singer, 50 00 

Asa Fitzgerald. 25 00 

John Francisco, 25 00 

Dr. J. M. Campbell, 25 00 

Philip Mahonv 25 00 

James Gamble, 25 00 

James Hinkle, 25 00 

Aaron Lee, 25 00 

Barrel Lee, 25 00 

Gabriel Deford, 2o 00 

Samuel Hvrick, 12 50 

John Stanheld, 10 00 

John Gance, 10 00 

Little Berry Moore, 10 00 

Thomas Prator, 10 00 

John Osment, 100 00 

William Stanfleld 5 00 

AVilliam Wyrick, .' 5 00 

Dempsey Cooper, 15 00 

Samnel D. Richmond, 25 00 

Hazard Bean. 10 00 

Edmund jNIcKinnv, 10 00 

AVm. Smith,. . . 25 00 

^1132 50 

These were only a few persons comparatively who were forced to pay 
money by Capt. Brown. They had only one election, and that wa^s 
to pay or go to the rebel military prison at Tuscaloosa. Some only 
gave their obligations to pay their amounts. Greenbury Cate gave 
his obligation for 950. 

It was said upon reliable authority that Brown got in nott^s and 
obligations about $4,000.'' 

The above list contains forty names. From the verbal 
statement of Esq. Gaut, and from all other information, 
aside from this list, that conld be obtained on the subject, 
it appears that Brown and his agents, in this particular 
enterprise, extorted money and property of one kind and 
another from not less than three hundred i^ersons. 

As to the amount actually collected, it was variously 
estimated, some putting it at one thousand dollars, others 
at fifteen hundred, and some as high as two thousand. 

In regard to the disposition made of these levies, among 
Union people but one opinion prevailed. For the rebel 
opinion on the subject we never inquired. The universal 
opinion of the loyalists was, that not a fourth of these 
piratical levies ever reached the destitute rebel families 
of the county. 

Similarly with the work of confiscating Union guns, 
this enterijrise was conducted w^ithout system. It dift'ered 
with the former, however, in that it had not even the 
semblance of valid rebel authority. It was impossible to 
trace it to a source higher than Brown, — in fact impossi- 
ble to trace it to any other source. No authoritative 
enactment, civil or military, gave it shape and form, pre- 


scribing limits, holding parties responsible, bringing them 
to report to proper disbursing officers, or anything of this 
nature. But a kind of general reckless rebel consent pre- 
vailed, and all, or nearly all, encouraged this self-elected 
tiger, Brown, and his followers, in the pursuit of their 
prey. Upon tliis principle Brown imposed, confiscated^ 
and collected to suit himself, keeping his own secrets, and 
naturally disbursing and appropriating in the same man- 
ner. As he doubtless looked upon himself as the most 
profitable servant in the good work, considered that he 
was deserving of the most prompt and liberal pay. The 
produce and other articles collected were more frequently 
carried off by the rebel officers and men, than systemati- 
cally distributed to suffering mothers and children in the 

As to the money collected, it was the universal opinion 
of Union men that the greater portion, if not the whole 
amount, was smuggled away for Brown's private uses, and 
otherwise expended upon his own personal and military 
aggrandizement. Only enough of money or goods was 
systematically given out to the needy families to blind 
those disposed to be honest, and to conceal the theft of 
Brown and those with him in the secret. 

Brown was captain of a company in a cavalry regiment 
then in camp at Cleveland. Articles of general warfare 
were needed ; but especially those suitable for cavalry. 
In connection with the above system of foraging, Brovrn 
extended his business till it was sufficiently general to 
cover even the demands of the extensive preparations of 
the whole rebel camp. Horses, mules, wagons, harnesses, 
saddles, blankets, blacksmith's tools, and all other prop- 
erty needed that could be found, was taken or ordered 
to be brought into camp and delivered at his headquar- 

Truth requires us to state that, in most instances at this 
time, and during the first year of the war, when valuable 
property, such as horses and mules, was taken for the 
benefit of the rebel army, it was either paid for in Con- 
federate money, or vouchers were given by rebel officers. 


Notwithstanding this, however, it was seldom if ever the 
case that Union owners received the full value of what 
Avas taken from them. Although this was ostensibly the 
rule with the rebel authorities in regard to valuable prop- 
erty taken for the Confederate Government, yet, under 
the leadership and through the rascality of Brown, the 
rule was frequently outraged even in important cases, and 
generally in all cases wdiere his acts had not to pass under 
the supervision of the higher authorities. 

Brown was too bad a man to serve even the Devil him- 
self with prosperity to his cause. He was too dishonest 
to be honorable even among thieves ; and had he been a 
l)ublic man in any other cause than this Southern Rebel- 
lion, he would have been hung as high as Haman by his 
ov^-n friends before he had more than half finished his 
career. Notwithstanding the opi^ortunities his position 
gave him to gorge himself with the substance of his ene- 
mies, his reckless greed of gain goaded him to steal sys- 
tematically from his friends also. This was usually per- 
formed in that base and cunning manner that left him the 
widest margin for escape, and, consequently, his victims 
the narrowest chance for obtaining redress. The Aveakest 
and most helpless — those having the least opportunity to 
defend themselves — were usually the persons of his own 
party whom he selected to wrong, rob and plunder. His 
cruelty was as ready and as venomous against his own 
men when they intercepted his wishes, as against the Lin- 
colnites. On his return from the expedition against Col. 
Clift, he fell out with one of his men by the name of Swaf- 
ford, and as punishment fastened one end of a log chain 
around his neck, compelling him to march dragging tlie 
length of it in the sand till he was exhausted and could 
go no further with his load. 

It was too well known in Cleveland to need any caution 
in the statement, that a portion of the choicest articles 
solicited and voluntarily provided by rebel families for 
the rebel soldiers, and even rations of sugar that belonged 
to them, were not only freely used at his headquarters, 
ut secretly transferred to the private use of his ownfam- 


ily. When successful raids had been made by Brown and 
his men upon Union people, he would invariably smuggle 
some of the most valuable articles, such as counterpanes, 
choice quilts and blankets, pillows and pillow-cases, and 
other articles of the kind, and covertly pass them on to 
his own home. This system of dastardly theft was perse- 
vered in till it became a proverb among the Union peo- 
ple that Brown's dwelling was the depot of stolen goods. 




Many Union men in Bradley saved themselves from 
incarceration in Southern prisons — some by purchasing 
their freedom with money, others by instantaneous flight 
to the North, and still others who could neither pay nor 
flee, by connecting themselves with the rebel army until 
opportunities off'ered for their escape. 

We purposed to obtain, from some one of the victimized 
party, a written statement of the particulars of these 
incidents, but failing to do so, we are enabled to record 
the tragedy of the "Tuscaloosa Prisoners," only in its 
general aspects. 

Although many rebel citizens in the dilTerent parts of 
the county, such, for instance, as W. H. Tibbs, James 
Donahoo, Joseph Tucker, and others of the vvurst stamp, 
particii)ated, acting as spies and informers. As usual, 
Brown was the principal actor in arresting these men, 
seventeen in number, and sending them to Southern pri- 

The following are tlie names of the victims. 

Maj. James S. Bradford, 
Dr. John Cx. Brown, 
Capt. C. D. Champion, 
Col. Stephen Beard. 
Dr. AVm. Hunt, 
Levi Trewhitt, Esq., 
Capt. John T. Kincheloe, 
Jesse Taylor, 
John Boon, 

Allen Marler. 
George V. Marler, 
Samuel Hunt. 
John Beene. Esq.. 
Samuel Richmond, 
Tliomas L. Cate. Esq. 
Jackson Spurgen, 
S. B. Wise. 

Lawyer Trev/hitt one of the above prisoners, was 
arrested at his own house, about four miles from Cleve- 
land, on the 19th of November, 1861, by a posse of Capt. 
Brown's men ; the posse being headed by John Dunn and 
Jo. Ilorton. Although Capt. Brown was the authorita- 
tive actor, Esq. Trewhitt's arrest was made at the instance 


of Cleveland rebels. Col. Wood, then in command at 
Knoxville, telegraphed to Brown to make the arrest. Wm. 
H. Tibbs, E. F. Johnson, and other Bradley rebels, either 
were then at Knoxville influencing Col. Wood to do this, 
or telegraphed to him from Cleveland to this effect. 

Soon after his arrest, lawyer Trewhitt, with Doctors 
Brown and Hunt, and possibly some others, were sent to 
Knoxville, where they requested of the rebel authorities 
a trial. They were promised, or at least made to believe, 
that their request should be granted ; but through the 
influence of Cleveland rebels, then at Knoxville, and 
through the representation of some who were not there, 
these prisoners instead of being granted a trial, were 
immediately dispatched for Tuscaloosa. Others, we be- 
lieve, were sent to Knoxville before being doomed to 
Tuscaloosa. Be this as it may, however, not long after 
the arrest of Esq. Trewhitt, the whole were incarcerated 
in the Tuscaloosa prison. 

Esq. Beene lived in the fifth district; James Donahoo 
the inveterate rebel lived in this district also. Mr. Beene 
was arrested at the instance of this Donahoo. Brown and 
his men, or his men alone, acting under his instructions, 
came to Mr. Beene's house in the night, arrested him in 
the presence of his family, and took him to Cleveland. 

Of the particulars of the arrests of the others, we have 
no knowledge. Reports entitled to credit justify the 
statement that none of these men, had committed any 
overt or extravagant act of hostility against the rebellion, 
and that nothing of this kind was alleged against them as 
the cause of their arrest. They were, however, known to 
be uncompromising Union men — men of talent and influ- 
ence, men whose presence and example were dreaded, 
and whom it was considered important to put out of the 
way as unceremoniously as possible. Thus, without re- 
gard to justice, with no specified charges against them, 
and denied the chance of trial, they were suddenly dis- 
patched to the prisons of Tuscaloosa, intentionally for the 
term of the war. 

They were sent in the month of December, 1861, in three 


different parties, but all within the period of two Aveeks. 
All but two or three, and possibly all, Avere from Bradley 
county. The two Marlers might have been from Hamil- 

Being forced to engage in the drudgery of carrying 
heavy sacks of corn, Spurgen soon died at Tuscaloosa, 
Avith a naked billet of wood for his pilloAv. His death Avas 
induced by hard fare, the AA^ant of proper food, bad quar- 
ters, etc., as Avell as by being compelled under these cir- 
cumstances to perform this hard labor. We have not 
the date of his death. 

After being kept at Tuscaloosa for some time, a part, if 
not the AA^hole of the rest, Avere sent to Mobile. While at 
Tuscaloosa their fare Avas, as a general thing, decidedly 
objectionable, and in some instances, perfectly shameful. 
At Mobile, their condition in this respect was somoAAdiat 
improved. Some of the ladies of Mobile — AAdiether Union 
or other AAdse, we know not, to their credit be it recorded — 
interested themselves in behalf of the prisoners. The 
latter Avere supplied Avith food and other comforts, Avhich 
made their transfer, at least in this respect, a matter of 
gratitude. These blessings, however, came too late for 
the recovery of laAAyer TreAAdiitt. The mental sufferings 
occasioned by his arrest, the physical hardships of his 
trip from home, together AA^ith the privations and other 
effects of his imprisonment at Tuscaloosa, were too severe 
for a man of sixty-four j^ears ; and he died at Mobile on 
tlie 31st of January, 1862. 

Judge John C. Gaut, D. C. McMillen, and other Union 
men in Bradley, as Avell as some in other parts of East 
Tennessee, especially Mr. T. H. CalloAvay of Polk county, 
knoAving the injustice and cruelty, as Avell as the suffering 
and danger to their lives, of the imprisonment of these 
men, Avere exerting themseh^es for their release. An ap- 
peal Avas first made to Judge T. J. Campbell, one of the 
most influential and far reaching rebels in East Tennessee, 
but AA^th no other effect than to rouse in him the most 
determined opi)osition to the application. 

Mr. Birch, of Chattanooga, then serA'ing on Gen. PilloAv's 


staff at Murfreesboro, happening in Cleveland shortly 
after the appeal to Judge Campbell, was approached by 
Judge Gaut on the subject, and the case fully explained 
to him in its true light. Notwithstanding Mr. Birch was 
engaged in the interest of the rebellion, he a,t once com- 
prdiended the injustice of such proceedings; and though 
he then had to return to Murfreesboro, promised to give 
his attention to the matter in a few days, when he Avould 
render the Judge all the assistance in his power. The 
Judge communicated these facts to Mr. Calloway ; and 
arrangements were made for a meeting at Loudon, a place 
about fifty miles west of Knoxville. Mr. Birch was at 
Loudon agreeable to appointment, when the parties pro- 
ceeded to Knoxville and made known their business to 
the military authorities by whom these men were impris- 
oned. Here, however, they came in contact with the old 
and inveterate influence which was at the bottom of the 
rascality in the beginning. The notorious Wm. H. Tibbs, 
then at Knoxville, opposed the proposition with all his 
might, meeting the arguments of Mr. Birch as well as 
those of Calloway and Judge Gaut, with his usual disre- 
gard of principle and justice. He succeeded in exciting 
the opposition of Judge Campbell, and making it, if pos- 
sible, more bitter than before. In view of this opposition, 
precisely to what extent the applicants succeeded with 
these authorities at Knoxville, is not known. Their efforts 
here were either an entire failure, inducing them to agree 
among themselves to lay the matter before the rebel Sec- 
retary of War at Richmond, or possibh^ their case v/as 
referred to him by the Knoxville authorities themselves. 
Mr. Galloway and Judge Gaut furnishing the requisite 
funds, Mr. Birch hastened to Richmond, and the rebel 
Secretary of AVar, J. P. Benjamin, without much delay 
ordered the immediate release and transportation to their 
homes, of the Tuscaloosa prisoners from Bradley county. 
As soon as possible this order was forwarded from 
Knoxville, and passed Cleveland the day Mr. Trewhitt 
died at Mobile. Could these proceedings have been has- 
tened a few days, or had they not been retarded at Knox- 


ville by the Cleveland clique of Tlbbs, Tucker and com- 
pany, possibly news of his release might have been in 
time to save Mr. Trewhitt's life. 

After an imprisonment of about four months, with the 
exception of Esq. TreAvhitt and Mr. Spurgen, all reached 
their homes in coniparative safety, only, however, at the 
expense of sufferings, risk to health and life, which, doubt- 
less, they could not be induced to take the second time 
for the treasures of Tennessee. 

Notwithstanding the release thus granted to these 
Union men amounted to an acquittal from all the charges 
which Bradley rebels informally alleged against them, 
yet, no sooner had they returned than they found them- 
selves the persecuted objects of suspicion, the same as 
before. The most of them found it necessary secretly to 
leave the State in order to escape from their old enemies. 
Doctors Brown and Hunt, under the pretense of going 
on a fishing excursion, v/ith hook and line in hand, left 
Cleveland soon after their return from Mobile, and 
reached Nashville in safety. 

Both subsequently entered the Federal service as sur- 
geons, — Dr. Hunt in the 9th Tennessee Cavalry, and 
Brown in the -ith East Tennessee Cavahy. Major Brad- 
ford was subsequently Major in the 5th East Tennessee 
Cavalry, while Beard was Lieutenant-Colonel of the same 
regiment. Kincheloe and Champion were Captains in 
the 4th East Tennessee Cavalry. 

Thus, with two exceptions, this loyal and memorable 
seventeen of Bradley, after imprisonment and suffering, 
fleeing and fighting, resisting and hoping, lived to see the 
rebellion crushed, and their individual and political ene- 
mies subdued. They are now wearing the honors of vic- 
tory and enjoying their homes in peace. 

In 1864 and 1865, some three years after their imprison- 
ment, a portion of these victorious Tuscaloosanites en- 
forced the civil law, and mulcted their rebel persecutors 
in heavy damages. 

This subject ought not to be dismissed without refer- 
ence being; made to the honorable conduct of Mr. Birch 


as to this affair. Mr. Birch was a professed rebel, and 
doubtless felt an anxiety for the success of the cause 
equally with that of the most vehement of its advocates. 
Yet he had too much Christianity to allow himself to ig- 
nore all justice in the defense of any cause. He had too 
much civilized and cultivated humanity, too much good 
breeding, to turn savage at once and incarcerate and mur- 
der by starvation and slow tortures his nearest neighbors 
and best friends, especially wdien among them were the 
venerable sires of three generations, who had stood the 
virtuous sui^i^orts and leading ornaments of society for 
half a century — simply because of an honest difference of 
political opinion, a natural right of theirs as well as his. 

Had such men as Mr. Birch controlled the South from 
the beginning, the rebellion never would have existed 
Had not such men as he, and those like him, from the be 
ginning been controlled by such men as Judge Campbell, 
Judge Bowls, Wm. H. Tibbs, and his company of leading 
Bradley rebels, they never would have been rebels at all. 

The following lull from the Cleveland Banner of May 
9th, 1862, was hurled at the backs of Doctors Browm and 
Hunt, who, as we have seen, w^ere compelled to flee from 
Cleveland after their return from Mobile. It was also 
hurled at the back of Mr. M. Edw^ards, who left about the 
same time : 

'•Decamped. — Some three weeks ago Doct. John G. Brown, Doct. 
Wm. Hunt, and R. M. Edwards, Esq., all citizens of this place, very 
mysteriously left, and have not been heard of up to this present writ- 
incr. But little anxiety or solicitude has been felt for them since they 
left, as it was supposed by their friends that they had gone to' olcl 
Abe's bosom. Doct. Brown was considered a gentleman in all his 
social relations — stood high in his profession, but a man who was cor- 
rupt in his political opinions as we conceive. The two latter gentle- 
men were like small potatoes in Ireland, 'no damned big thfngs,' — 
had neither money nor reputation to lose in the operation, and we 
think it is a perfect God-send to a country to get rid of such men. 
All the harm we wish them is that they may never get back." 

It appears they did get hacJc notwithstanding your wish^ 
and that you finally took hack your abuse of them by tak- 
ing the Lincohiite oath which sanctioned their return. 



CAPT. brown's whipping OF THE CAMP WOMEN. 

The tragedy which we have to relate here, is among tlie 
most revolting cases of rebel inhumanity, perpetrated in 
East Tennessee ; and will cause feelings of indignant hor- 
ror, aggravated by a thought of the wretch who could, 
under the circumstances, inflict this scandalous punish- 
ment upon helpless females, perhaps in advance of those 
occasioned by any other act of Brown's unparalleled 
career. We regret that we are not in possession of all 
the particulars. 

It appears that two women were either in, or lingering 
about the rebel cami) at Cleveland, being induced to come 
there by some of the most abandoned of the soldiers, 
especially by Brown's own son, who was a member of the 
same regiment with himself, and we believe of his own 
company. It was also currently reported at the time that 
Brown himself, previous to inflicting on them this pun- 
ishment, had visited these women, either at their own 
homes or somewhere in the vicinity of the camp, thus in- 
curring himself, more than they, the guilt of their pres- 
ence among the soldiers. Whether this report is true or 
false, it is one of the facts connected with the affair, and 
is given only as such, with the balance of probabilities, 
how^ever, in its favor. That Brown's son was one of the 
principals in inducing these women to visit the rebel 
camp, is given upon the most reliable authority ; and this, 
his son's guilt, could not have been unknown to Brown. 

Partly, perhaps, as an apt strategy by which he endeav- 
ored wickedly, to hide the truth, and make the public 
disbelieve the reports so justly rising against him and 
his son, and partly from a desire to revenge on the women 
for the public disgrace Avhich he and his son were suffer- 
ing from their secret guilt with them. Brown had them 




arrested, tied them to trees in the vicinity of the camp, 
in the meantime procuring a supply of green whiles, and 
after compelling them to remove their clothing down to 
the waist, with his own hands lashed their naked persons 
until their arms shoulders and breasts were completely 
disfigured with cuts and bruises, and their persons cov- 
ered with blood. 

No other act of Brown's abominable career was sj^oken 
of by the Union people of Bradley, with so much loath- 
ing and disgust, as his brutality to these Avomen. One of 
the rebel soldiers, whom Brown compelled in some meas- 
ure to be accessory to the foul deed, also asserted that it 
was one of the most shocking, heart-sickening, and heart- 
rending tragedies that a human being ever committed or 

It was reported that one of these pitiable creatures, was 
in a delicate condition at the time, and from the extent 
of her injuries, was brought to a premature confinement, 
resulting in her own death and that of her offspring. So 
far as the woman's own death was concerned, this report 
was found to be untrue, but with a pretty strong proba- 
bility, that in other resi)ects it was correct. 

At what particular period of Brown's military career, 
the event indicated above occurred, we are not informed ; 
but probably it took place in the last of December 1861, 
or in the first of January 1862. 

A Mr. Stewart, a rebel, but not yet entirely lost to all 
human propriety, in view of Brown's entire course, for 
the honor of the Confederacy, for the sake of humanity 
and Christianity, as well as a matter of policy, thought it 
high time to bring his career to a check, if not to a close. 
Consequently he reported him to the rebel authorities at 
Knoxville. The charges preferred against Brown by Mr. 
Stewart were so remarkable, and environed with so much 
apparent truthfulness, that these authorities at once 
arrested Brown, who was, we believe, then at Knoxville, 


and iDreparations were there progressing to put liim on 

Xo sooner, however, had a knowledge of these proceed- 
ings reached Cleveland, the immediate locality of Brown's 
vandalisms, than a movement was inangurated by his 
friends, the Bradley rebels, those who had been eye-wit- 
nesses to his entire behavior, to have these proceedings 
intercepted, and Brown released from arrest. A petition 
was drawn up, endorsing his conduct, and after being 
signed, perhaps by every active rebel then in Cleveland 
and its vicinity, with one exception, was forwarded to 

The petition, it appears, was a sj^stematic and somoAvhat 
elaborate document, taking strong ground against the 
justice of Cai3t. Brown's arrest, fully endorsing his entire 
course in Bradley, hinting at his efficiency, and the A^alue 
of his services to the common cause, and earnestly pray- 
ing for his immediate release from arrest, with full per- 
mission to continue his work, and iinish his career without 
further molestation. 

The matter was pushed with great perseverance, and 
very strenuous efforts were made to procure a formidable 
array of signatures, esi)ecially to obtain the names of 
those who v\'ere wealthy and influential. From all the 
information that could be obtained, but one individual, 
rich or poor, to wiiom the petition was presented, refused 
to sign it. Mr. John Craigmiles objected to the honor of 
having anything to do with the transaction. Mr. Craig- 
miles was a gentleman of talents, wealth, and influence, 
which made it very important to the success of the enter- 
prise, to have the petition go up to Knoxville with the 
weight of his signature upon it. Consequenth", no means 
were left untried to obtain it. The petition was first pre- 
sented to Mr. Craigmiles by Joseph R. Taylor, who, on its 
presentation, was informed by Mr. Craigmiles, that he 
never sanctioned the course of Capt. Brown, and that he 
could not endorse it now. Mr. Taylor pressed his suit, 
but was comxDolled to pass on with his iDetition in despair, 
so far as he was concerned, of obtaining the name of 


Mr. Craigmiles. The name, however, was of too much 
importance to be given up, at least without one more 
effort to secure it. Mr. John H. Payne was tlie individual 
selected the second time, to bear down upon Mr. Craig- 
miles, on the subject. Mr Payne Avas a man of some con- 
siderable influence, was also related to Mr. Craigmiles by 
marriage, and it was thought would be as likely to win 
him over as any other person. The fact, however, was 
otherwise. Mr. Payne also uselessly exhausted his inge- 
nuity to convince Mr. Craigmiles, that it was his duty and 
for his interest to sign the document. Though Mr. Craig- 
miles was a rebel, he could not be convinced that it vras 
either his duty, or for his interest to endorse the abon:iin- 
able career of such a man as Wm. L. Brown. Feeling him- 
self about to fail, Mr. Payne informed Mr. Craigmiles that 
he was already suspected of being wanting in devotion 
to the cause, and that if he persisted in his refusal to 
assist them to extricate their favorite leader from arrest^ 
he need not be surprised if it worked to his pecuniary 
disadvantage, lessened his rebel popularity, and caused 
him to be closely watched by his particular friends in 
future. All considerations, however, failed of having the 
desired effect on Mr. Craigmiles ; and the petition went 
to Knoxville without the benefit of his signature. What 
they lost, however, in this, was probobly counterbalanced 
in numbers; for as already stated, this was the only 
instance in which the friends of Brown were known to 
fail with the entire rebel community at Cleveland. 

Others besides Mr. Payne and Mr. Taylor were active 
in Brown's favor. Mr. James Donahoo was one of the 
principal concoctors of the scheme — watched it and inter- 
ested himself in its progress, and when the petition was 
completed volunteered his services to bear these import- 
ant dispatches to the authorities at Knoxville, where with 
his personal presence and representations, the petition 
prevailed with these authorities, and Brown was imme- 
diately set at liberty. 

It is very much to be regretted that this petition, with- 
out the alteration of a syllable, or the loss of a single 


name from its column of signatures, could not have been 
preserved and sent to Washington, and stored among the 
documentary archives of the rebellion, there to remain, 
though an infinitesimal, yet a memorable curiosity in its 
line. As the present, when it recedes into the past, 
becomes almost an entire blank to existing generations, 
on condition that we, or any one else succeeds in giving 
to posterity, a faithful portraiture of Wm. L. Brown, in a 
hundred years from now, this petition, if accessible, would 
throw more light upon the animus of the rebellion in East 
Tennessee, than fifty times the same amount of manu- 
script that will ever be written about it. As much as 
the historian has desired to recover it, and as much as the 
antiquarian may lament its loss, this singular scroll of a 
communities' infamy and crime, has doubtless, long since, 
been consigned, even by its own friends, to the common 
receptacle of unhallowed and condemned communica- 

In view of certain possibilities, in which a knowledge 
of the iDersans connected with this transaction might be 
important, a few of the names attached to this document 
were preserved; and the parties were kind enough to 
place them at our disposal. We give them upon the 
authority of those who preserved them, wdiich, however, 
we are enabled to state is perfectly reliable. 

These few signatures are as follows : 

J. F. Rogers. 
Joseph Tucker, 
Wm. H. Tibbs, 
Joseph M. Horton, 
David Kincannon, 
John H. Payne, 
Wm. J. Hno^hes, 
Joseph R. Taylor, 
Wm. Johnson, 
C. L. Hardwick, 

D. C. Kenner, 
AVm. Grant. 
Wm. H. Grant, 
Dr. P. J.R.Edwards, 
Robert McXelly, 
James Donahoo, 
Isaac Guthman, 
Louis Guthman, 
James Johnson, 
Dr. Pepper. 

These names can be but a small number of the whole 
that went to Knoxville in behalf of Brown. Those 
acquainted in Bradley at the time are aware that rebel 
numbers were not wanting to justify the conclusion, that, 
perhaps, three or four times this number w^ere on the peti- 


tion. With the single exception already given, with the 
rebels in and about Cleveland, it was a complete success, 
as it was witli the authorities at Knoxville. As we know 
all who did not or would not sign the petition, allowing 
for accidents, we know all who did sign it. As all acted 
one way or the other, having the negative, ui^on general 
principles, we are in possession of the affirmative also. If 
Mr. Craigmiles w^as the only one w^ho refused to sign the 
petition, then, of course, all the rest consented ; and as 
this petition must have been from one to three days in 
circulation, it is reasonable to conclude, that all or very 
nearly all the rebels in and about Cleveland had an 
opportunity to sign it, and consequently must have done 
so. Thus, not only those whose names are here presented, 
stand committed, but the entire rebel community of 
Cleveland and the immediate vicinity, are seen to have 
endorsed the course of Capt. Brown, as emphatically as 
those whose names are here given. 

The sudden effect of this petition upon the authorities 
at Knoxville is also evidence that, so for as signatures 
were concerned, it was a triumphant success. The effect 
w^as Brown's immediate release. This shows that the peti- 
tion embodied the strength of the rebel element of Cleve- 
land. Had it represented an insignificant clique, or few, 
it could not have had this effect. 

It is perfectly unavoidable, therefore, that not only the 
twenty persons, whose names are here given were guilty, 
and are held responsible for endorsing Brown's conduct 
and for turning him loose to continue his depredations, 
but we might with i)ropriet3^ add to the above list, and 
i:)ublish the names of every other rebel then in, and 
around Cleveland, for the names of all such were as surely 
upon the petition, as were those we have given. 

When this petition was gotten up Brown was under 
arrest for grave, serious offences and cruelties — com- 
plained of, and charged with these by one of his own party 
before his superiors ; and had it not been for this petition 
he would have been tried and doubtless convicted, and 
his career of crueltv and shame brought to a close. This 


I)etition, however, turned him loose with encouragement 
to rob, steal, and murder witli less fear of being brought to 
justice than before. Bradley rebels, therefore, were the 
perpetrators, equally with Brown himself, of all his sub- 
sequent villainies. 

It is not remarkable to find in any community, however 
civilized and moral, a few unprincipled men, or even some 
who are notoriously wicked, whose lives are a continued 
scene of rascality and dire oppression; but it is remark- 
able, that the ruling portion of a civilized and Christian 
commnnity, should voluntarily indorse the conduct, and 
publicly justify the career of one of the worst men in 
existence. Indeed this fact is so remarkable, that it is 
not to be accounted for npon any of the ordinaiy principles 
governing civilized and Christian society. A solution of 
the problem, that such a case contains, can be reached 
only upon the supposition that the cause by which the 
parties were driven forward, was nearer a personification 
of satan, than a scheme originating with a society of 
rational and dispossessed human intelligences. 

The parties whose names are here given, as v/ell as the 
entire rebel element of Cleveland and vicinity, are re- 
minded that this rebellion is the subject of history ; and 
that history is for the benefit of present and coming gen- 
erations ; consequently must include the errors and vices 
that corrupt as well as the virtues that bless and redeem 
the times narrated. Individuals, as much as communities, 
who engaged in this rebellion, thereby made themselves 
the property of history. This was the contract voluntarily 
entered into by them at the time ; and he who faithfully 
details the conduct of the bad as well as that of the good, 
individually and collectively, is only holding both parties 
to their own proposals thus voluntarily made at the be- 
ginning. Those who were in the WTong have no more 
right to complain that a record is made of their errors fol- 
lowed with legitimate deductions, than those in the right 
that the same course is taken with their virtues. Those 
who had the misfortune to fall into wrong, and especially 
those who embraced it from preferences of disposition^ 


must be held to their position and comiDelled to meet the 
consequences. There is no other alternative, the vital 
interests of history are at stake, truth is required. Con- 
sequently all parties must be historically classed among 
the followers of him whom they delighted to serve as 
their acknowledged master. 

In our conversation with Union people in East Tennes- 
see upon the malignancy of the rebellion in that part of 
the country, it was very frequently their remark that they 
never even imagined the actual depravity of mankind till 
it was taught theui by the conduct of the rebels towards 
themselves. That the human heart could reduce itself to 
such outrageous beastliness, that it could be guilty of con- 
duct so fiendish as was the case with the rebels in some 
instances, had escaped all their former observations upon 
the character and actions of mankind. 

Among many Union iDeople in Tennessee whom we 
heard speak of the same thing, relating instances of the 
same fact, namely, that the rebellion, in many cases, actu- 
ally developed the spirit of the devil, one of the most 
intelligent and influential ladies in Cleveland, one whose 
talents, position and refinement entitle her statements to 
unlimited credit, in relating her sore experience among 
the rebels, — esi)ecially among the lady rebels — declared 
it as her honest and religious conviction, that in many 
cases she had to fight the Devil face to face in the persons 
of her rebel enemies. That not only the men manifestly 
disi)layed the tyranny and wickedness of attending and 
prompting demons, but many of the women, from '''' tlie 
loss of their riglits^^^ passed from one degree of individual 
rebellion to another, till they were no longer themselves, 
no longer the same women — till the malignant excite- 
ment had transformed them into the very embodiment of 
furies, and left them a prey, she believed, to actual demo- 
niac possession. 

This lady stated that in some of the worst specimens 
the diabolical spirit seemed to take possession of the phy- 
sical as well as the mental constitution, that it was unmis- 
takably present in every look, word and action ; that it 


puslied itself out upon every lineament of the features^ 
where it couched a visible demon., changing the whole 
countenance from that of a human being to that of a 
rankling and malignant fiend. 

The above is but the statement of a historical fact — a 
fact for which the historian is no more responsible than 
he is for other facts, and from the statement or recording 
of which he has no more right to shrink than he has to 
shrink from the recording of other facts. 

This rebellion presents us with a moral as well as a 
political problem ; and before the former can be solved 
we shall doubtless find it necessary, especially in view of 
the character of the rebellion in East Tennessee, at An- 
dersonville, Belle Island, and other particular places, to 
deal with such facts as the above. 

As a subject of special attention, with the following 
summary remarks, we shall now take our leave of Capt. 
Brown, although his name will occasionally appear in the 
remainder of this work. 

As already seen. Brown was Captain in the 4th East 
Tennessee Rebel Cavahy, commanded by Col. J. F. 
Rogers. Many of Brown's company, as well as many of 
the whole regiment, were Union men forced into the 
rebel service. The regiment was first ordered to Knox- 
ville, then to the vicinity of Cumberland Gap, where it 
remained a few months, during which many of the men 
deserted to the Federal lines. On account of its Union- 
ism, in the spring of 1862, this regiment, we believe, and 
certainh^ the 36th Tennessee Infantry, otherwise tlie 
squirrel hrigade^ because of the Union spirit which it be- 
trayed, and the number that daily deserted from it to the 
Federals, were ordered to report to Savannah, Georgia. 
In June, 1862, what were left of these troops were recalled 
from Savannah to Cleveland, and there disbanded. Thus 
released, those of these men who were rebels at heart en- 
listed in other rebel commands, some, however, from their 
love of plunder, connecting themselves with diff'erent 
guerrilla bands, in which they served not only to the end 
of the war, but as long as the mountains of northern 


Georgia and of North Carolina could aiford them protec- 

As a soldier, as it naturally would be, Brown's career 
was short. He commenced recruiting his company early 
in the fall of 1861, and resigned Avhen his regiment was 
disbanded at Cleveland, making his term of service only 
about seven months. After this his patriotism did not 
promi)t him to fight for the Southern Confederacy. He 
remained in Bradley from his resignation, exercising his 
office of Justice of the Peace, collecting specific taxes for 
the Rebel Government, and robbing both parties, till he 
was compelled to leave his family and flee to Dixie before 
our army in the winter of 1863-64. After an absence of 
some months he had the audacity to write to his former 
minister, Rev. Hiram Douglas, enquiring if it would be 
safe for him to return to his family in Bradley on condi- 
tion that he would take the oath of allegiance to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States. What advice he received 
fi'om his spiritual adviser is not known. Mrs. Brown 
counselled with lawyer J. H. Gaut, of Cleveland, to the 
same effect, who frankly informed her, that if her hus])and 
valued his life, the farther he could keep from the Union 
people of Bradley the safer he would be. Shortly after 
this, Mrs. Brown stealthily left Cleveland, assisted by the 
Rev. Mr. McNutt, another implacable rebel Christian, and 
it is supposed joined her wretched husband in some part 
of Georgia, where, unless he is detected and brought to 
justice, both maj" linger out the remainder of their mis- 
erable earthly existence. 

As we are about to take formal leave of Capt. Brown as 
a distinct subject in this liistor}^, it may be appropriate in 
this connection to sketch the character and take leave 
also at the same time of his son, already introduced in 
this chapter. 

The name of this precocious scoundrel Avas Samuel, who 
at the oiDening of the rebellion was but sixteen years of 
age. Serving as a rebel soldier in the same regiment 
with his father till the latter resigned, the son, from this 
time, floated loosely away upon the inland sea of the re- 


bellion in northern Georgia and southern East Tennessee, 
assuming- the character of rebel soldier, guerrilla, bush- 
whacker, horse-thief, robber, murderer, or whatever guise 
was best suited to perfect his criminal course and render 
him a finished specimen of the illustrious stock from 
which he descended, and by Avhicli he had been effectu- 
ally schooled in iniquity. Some time after his father 
resigned, he went South and pretended to be a member, 
for some months, of a Tennessee regiment of rebel cav- 

His most noted career, however, after he became 
detached from his first regiment, was perpetrated in the 
summer and fall of 1864 as a guerrilla in the rear of Sher- 
man's army. He was with Gatewood, a leading guerrilla 
chief, an account of whom will be given hereafter, and at 
one time when on an excursion of plundering, boasted in 
the presence of a Union family, or in the presence of 
Union people, of having cut the throat of a Union Ten- 
nesseean — whose name we have unfortunately lost — after 
his victim had been shot dovrn and rendered helpless by 
himself and his guerrilla companions. He displayed and 
flourished the knife Vvdth which he performed the deed, 
and swore to the satisfaction it gave him to '*cut the 
throat of the d d Lincolmte." 

On the 17th of August, 1864, Gen. Wheeler appeared in 
the vicinity of Cleveland from the direction of Dalton, 
and tore u]) the railroad connecting the two places, seven 
miles south of Cleveland, near the residence of Mr. Hiram 
Smith. Young Brown and another young guerrilla fol- 
lowed in Wheeler's wake near enough to keep under his 
protection, robbing and plundering all the Union families 
they could reach. 

In Bradley, Brown, with pistol in hand, first robbed Mr. 
Benjamin Hambright, taking ten dollars in greenbacks 
from his person, after which he demanded his hat ; but 
Mr. Hambright immediately turned from him and passed 
on, the stripling thief cursing and threatening to shoot 
him, but Mr. Hambright disregarding, was soon out of his 
sight and saw him no more. 


Brown and his companion next assaulted the jjremises 
of Mr. Hiram Smith, wliich they plundered while Wheel- 
ers men were tearing up the railroad track within sight 
and but a few yards from Mr. Smith's door. Mr. Smith 
was not at home. He, his father and brothers, were 
strong Union men, and had done good service against the 
rebellion. Young Brown cursed and abused Mrs. Smith, 
alleging that her husband and brothers-in-law had been 
the principal cause of the troubles that came upon his 
father and mother — that the Unionism of her husband 
and brothers-in-law drove his father and mother out of 
the country, &c. He made a sentinel of his comijanion 
to watch for Mr. Smith or other persons who might ap- 
proach the house, while he, vandal like, tore through the 
house opening chests, ransacking bureau drawers, and 
insultingly invading, in Mrs. Smith's presence, every other 
private apartment in the dwelling that he could discover, 
in quest of money, w^atches, revolvers and other valuables. 
In prospect of visitors of his stripe, Mr. and Mrs. Smith, 
long before that time, had deposited in a place of safety 
all the valuables in their possession of the kind he so 
much desired, consequently his search was fruillcs^^. En- 
raged at his failure, Brown levied ui)on an army oil-cloth 
and a half worn out hat, swearing that Mrs. Smith's father 
was rich, and must have by him a plenty of money ; that 
he knew" him to be the owner of a gold watch and valua- 
ble black mare, and he 'd be d d if he did not pay iiim 

a visit. 

Mr. B. F. Jones, Mrs. Smith's father, sixty-seven years 
of age, lived a half-mile to the west over a ridge in 
another valley. The two thieves then mounted their ani- 
mals and dashed up the ridge at a furious rate, Brown, to 
be ready for any emergency, swinging his revolver over 
his own head and over the head of his animal in a menac- 
ing manner, in which plight they disappeared over the 
hill in quest of more valuable booty. They found Mr. 
Jones, his wife, and Mrs. Martin Y. Jones, a daughter-in- 
law, at home. As in the previous case young Gregory was 
made sentinel, while Brovv'n, with revolver in hand, took 

132 HiSTOKY OF tup: rebellion 

possession of the premises. He first, with curses and 
threats, thumping his revolver against him, searched the 
person of Mr. Jones for money and the gold watch. He 
examined his person closely for a money-belt, which he 
hoped to find, and hoped to find it containing a large 
amount. Money and watch, as well as the black mare, 
however, had been placed beyond his reach. Through 
Avith Mr. Jones personally, bureau and stand drawers, 
cupboards, pantries, trunks and private rooms of the 
whole house hurriedly passed under his fiendish and 
greedy supervision. He demanded of Mrs. M. V. Jones, 
the daughter-in-law, the keys to her private room, which 
lie entered, tore to pieces and plundered, more like a sav- 
age hyena or youthful devil incarnate than a natural born 
human being. In this room he discovered and captured 
an empty pocket-book, a five dollar powder-flask and a 
lot of gun caps, proi)erty of the husband of the young 
lady from whom he extorted the keys. He also captured 
three dollars in Confederate money, which he found in a 
glass tumbler in one of the cupboards. These were the 
sum total of his burglarious gatherings from the family of 
Mr. Jones. Money, gold and silver watches, and similar 
valuables, had been placed wdiere his robbing propensities 
were taxed in vain to find them. Three valuable watches 
belonging to different members of the family were not far 
from him, yet beyond his reach during the whole of his 
wicked onslaught upon them. 

If possible, more chagrined and enraged at his much 
unexpected failure to raise a pile from Mr. Jones than lie 
was at his failure at Mr. Smith's, he cursed and terribly 
threatened the old gentleman as a last resort to make 
him disgorge ; but all being of no avail he and his com- 
panion rode oft'. Brown at the same time striking up a 
vulgar song as an insult to the women. 

Returning in a gallop to Mr. Smith's, the thieves found 
that their protecting companions, Wheeler's cavalry, had 
left some time before. BroAvn, in particular, appearing 
alarmed at his isolated condition, eagerly inquired of Mrs. 
Smith the direction his friends had taken, which being 


pointed out, the two suddenly disappeared, following the 
trail of the rebel cavalry. 

A few days previous to committing the foregoing depre- 
dations, young Brown robbed a Dr. Leach, a Union man, 
a short distance south in Georgia. Dr. Leach had for- 
merly lived in Cleveland, Bradley county, and for many 
years was Capt. Brown's family physician. He sustained 
this relation to the famil}^ Avhen young Samuel was born, 
and was his mother's physician on that occasion ; conse- 
quenth^ Samuel was regarded in after years by the doctor 
with more than ordinary interest among the rising gen- 
eration in and around Cleveland. These semi-paternal 
feelings, however, were very suddenly cooled when the 
stripling presented the deadly revolver to the doctor's 
breast, and with the hardened face of a three-score pirate 
demanded and took his money (forty dollars,) and a time- 
keeper that cost him seventy-five dollars. Little did the 
doctor think eighteen years before, that he was catching 
a viper that would one day, not only leach him in this 
manner, but strip the hat from his head, leaving his per- 
son uncovered and unprotected in the open air. The dor- 
tor moved from Cleveland, perhaps sometime previous to 
the war, consequently, he and young Brown, had not, 
since that time, been very conversant. Brown while he 
was perpetrating the villainy, assumed a fictitious per- 
sonality that the doctor might not suspect that it was the 
identical Samuel Brown of Cleveland, who was robbing 
him. The doctor informed him, however, that he f^ould 
not be deceived, that he had not only known him from a 
child, but was w4th him when he w^as born, assisting his 
mother to bring him into the world, and now to be robbed 
or murdered by him, was a poor return for such favor. 
All appeals, however, made to Brown glanced ofi'as though 
they had fallen upon the head of a young alligator. The 
vandalism was completed, and the doctor left moneyless, 
watchless and bareheaded, a pitiful object under the cir- 
cumstances, especially considering the unclean brute to 
whose manipulation he had been subjected. 



Young Brown continued his depredations in Tennessee 
and nortliern Georgia, upon i)rincii)les similar to the fore- 
going, under one guerrilla leader and another, yet as 
often being leader himself, until sometime, perhaps in the 
spring of 1865, when he either drifted toward Mexico 
with Gatewood, or fled south to join his justly execrated 
and exiled parents. 

Young Brown's career is by no means an isolated case 
in the country where he thus operated. 






The history of the Rebellion in Bradley would be very 
incomplete without a few paragraplis devoted to the 
Cleveland Banner. 

The Banner had been published in Cleveland, the 
county seat of Bradley, for a number of years previous to 
the breaking out of the rebellion. Its editorial depart- 
ment was under the control of its present editor, Mr. 
Robert McNelly, Ave believe, from the commencement of 
its publication, until it Avas suppressed by the Federal 
military authorities, shortly after the battle of Missionary 

Judge Rowls, a resident perhaps of Polk County, a man 
of some talent and influence, but an unprincipled rebel 
leader, v/as said to have an interest in the concern ; and 
it Avas knoAvn that his articles contributed to the columns 
of the Banner., as Avell as the influence he exerted as a 
partner, tended A^ery much to make it the bitter, relent- 
less, dishonest and disgraceful rebel sheet it proA^ed itself 
to be. Previous to the AA^ar, the Banner Avas a faithful 
exponent of Southern principles and Southern dogmas. 
Consequently, AA^hen the rebellion came, it is not singular 
that it so readily espoused a cause, the crime of Avhich its 
preAious labors contributed to induce. 

K. faithful portrayal in book form of the Southern press 
as it existed during, and for some time preAious to the 
rebellion, Avould constitute a most useful lesson to his- 
tory. The extremes of good and bad among men are of 
more importance and are more instructive as subjects of 
history, than the medium of these qualities. The medium 
of good and the medium of bad in this life, live together 
in comparative peace, both comparatiA^ely indiff'erent as 


to ascendancy, while their extremes only are at open war, 
coming occasionally into fierce and terrible conflict. 
Consequently, a knowledge of how the distant struggle 
goes, tells us which way the world is drifting, whether 
towards good or evil. It is the victory of the active few at 
these extremes that sets the general tide, in fact, that con- 
trols tlie many, moulding the form and shajjing the destiny 
of the massive elements between. 

This truth is strikingly illustrated in the instance of the 
Northern and the Southern press, far many years past. 
Southern slaveholders, politicians and statesmen, the 
controling element in the South, w^ere the active extreme 
of the evil power on that side. The Adamses, Lovejoys, 
Sumners, Beechers, and Colfaxes in the North, were the 
active extreme of the good opposing the evil of these 
Southern leaders. The masses both North and South were 
comparatively idle, and indifferent about the important 
struggle between the two sections, kept up by these 
extremes for the past forty years. 

As an instance of the extreme evil, on the part of the 
Southern press, of which we have been speaking — an 
instance of low flung falsehood, published with a view to 
fan the passions of the ignorant and create a thirst for 
blood, we give the following extract from the Cleveland 
Banner. It is taken from a number dated April 9th, 1863. 

•• Handcuffs for the South. — The Southern papers, says the Rich- 
nioncl Dispatch, should keep before the people of the South and of the 
world, the astounding and unparalleled fact, that the army which 
invaded Virginia, bronght with them thirty thousand handcufls. 
which were taken with other spoils from the enemy ! This surpasses 
all that we have ever heard of Eussian or Austrian despotism. It is 
almost impossible to realize, that in the United States, a country 
boastino^ itself as the freest — the most deliberate, inhuman and atro- 
cious plan should have been formed to degrade and enslave a free 
people, of which there is any record of in this or any other ao:e. 
Who ever heard, even in despotic Europe, of an invading army tra- 
veling with thirty thousand handcuffs as a part of its outfit." 

The Army of the Potomac, like all other armies, doubt- 
less, provided itself with a suitable supply of army hand- 
cuffs, in view of the necessity of their use in extreme 
cases, and that of course, without especial reference to 
rebel prisoners ; and it is possible that some few of these 


were captured by the rebels. The idea, however, that 
this army prepared itself with thirty thousand of these 
articles, a burden sufficient, in all kinds of weather, and 
on all kinds of army roads, to load down at least twelve 
or fifteen six-mule teams, with an intention to send to 
Washington, thirty thousand rebel prisoners in irons, is 
so perfectly senseless that the report could not for a 
moment gain the attention of any respectable journalist. 
No journalist, even under the corrupting influence of the 
rebellion, unless he was a natural fool, could give pub- 
licity to a thing of this kind, honestly thinking it to be 
true; and certainly, none but a natural and ingrained 
knave, would do so, knowing it to be false. 

Treating this subject in this positive manner, the man- 
ner in which all subjects of the kind should be treated, 
there is no escape from this conclusion ; and the editor of 
the Banner can hang himself upon whichever horn of 
the dilemma he pleases. In all probability, there was 
not a rebel sheet in the whole South, whose columns 
were not disgraced, sooner or later, with this ridiculous 
and heathenish lie. 

From the few copies of the Banner that fell into our 
hands, it would be easy to fill pages of this work with 
extracts equally false and equally low-bred, with the fore- 
going. The Banner^ like all other rebel sheets, appeared 
to t^ke a fiendish delight in venting its rebel spleen, and 
in pouring out its treasonable venom upon the head of 
President Lincoln. 

The following extract, among hundreds of others of the 
same revolting nature, that might be given, will not only 
illustrate this point, but will afford a clue to the moral 
and intellectual character of the Banner: 

We have taken the liberty to italicise a few of the most 
ominous passages in these extracts. 

" The news from the old Government is of rather an unimportant char- 
acter. The administration at Washington appears to be in a quan- 
dary—one day it concludes to evacuate the Southern forts — the next 
day it reconsiders and talks about re-enforcing them, but does nei- 
ther. The fact is the Black Republican administration of Lincoln, 
Seward & Co., to use a common phrase, is " is in a hell of afiy.r''^ and 



don't k)iow ichat to do. AVliile they are pursuing a hawk and buzzard 
jwlicy, crying out good God, good DeviU the Southern Conc^ress is per- 
fecting a government that will stand the test of human scrutiny, and chal- 
lenge the admiration and wisdom of the v-orld for a superior — a o'ovei'n- 
nient not susceptible of two constructions, but a plain direct demo- 
cratic <^overnment — sucli an one as our fathers contemplated — a gov- 
ernment about which there will be no dill>>rences of opinion as to its 
spirit and meaning. There is a marked difterence between the con- 
duct of the Black Republican administration at AVashington and the 
Democratic administration at Montgomery. The former conducts its 
att'airs stealthily, cunningly and secretly — keeps its policy to itself — 
wont tell the people what it is going to do with their government—^ 
the hitter comes out and tells them in plain language what it intends 
to do— tells it with no forked tongue, to deceive them~no double 
construction can be placed upon its policy — it is emphatically the 
white man's government. Can as much be said for the present o-ov- 
ernment at Washington *?'' [April 5th, 18G1.] 

'•The Reign of Terror. — One by one, the bulwarks of liberty, 
under the old Union are being ruthlessly destroyed. A reign of ter- 
ror prevails in the Northern States in as violent a form as swept over 
France in the days of Robespierre. As one of the New Yorlc peace 
journals remarks, it requires but one more step to inaugurate the 
scenes of the French revolution, when the guillotine was a perennial 
fountain of blood. Men and woman are daily arrested in Washington^ 
Xew York and Philadelphia, and thrown into loathsome dungeons, 
without warrant of law. and without being confronted with their 
accusers or advised of the charges against them. Journals are sup- 
pressed for denouncing the action of the Government. Editors are 
lynched and their printing oiiices destroyed by the mob. Forced 
loans are demanded of the banks. A system of detectives is organ- 
ized at Washington to dog the steps of peaceable citizens, report to 
tyrants and' arrest persons suspected of opposing the usurpers Avill. 
No Russian despotism or Spanish Inquisition ever exceeded, in the 
measure of its cruelty, the present dictatorship at Washington. 2hG 
Doge's dungeon in Venice, near u-hich the Bridge of Sighs yet stands a 
monument of tijramnj, is reproduced in Forts Lafayette and Hamilton^ 
names that are worthier of a more lionorable fate. The Government 
of the United States is prostituted to the vilest purposes of the most 
infamous men tliat ever walked the earth. There is no such thing as 
public or individual liberty in the United States. 3Ien, to he free^ 
must sing psalms to a Baboon, and worship the Government of usurp- 
ers. They must sanction the most unholy war ever waged against a 
free people. They must approve of the destruction of their own lib- 
erties. They must become slaves, in order to enjoy exemption f^om 
molestation. There is more in these arrests than ineets the eye. It 
indicates a deep and determined opposition to the acts of tlie Govern- 
ment, among the wiser and more virtuous men of the Xorth. It 
evinces that the tyrants are trembling on their thrones and fear tlie 
dav of reckoning, which will sweep tliem violently from their seats 
of power. They fear not only the armies of the Confederate States 
whicli, in the language of a member of the Cabinet, are already '' thun- 
dering at the gates of the capitol." They stand in awe, not merel}^ 
of those gallant legions, which have driven them, like dogs, howling- 
back to their kennels at Manassas and Oak Hill. But tliey fear the 
as yet unorganized masses of their own section, vaho are preparing for 
them the doom of Belshazzar. and wlio will hold them to a just and 
stern accountabilitj' for their crimes. Thej' fear the rising indigna- 
tion of an outraged and down-trodden people, who have been be- 


trayed by passion and excitement into an acquiescence in tlie usurp- 
ers acts, but who have not been educated in tlie short space of live 
mouths, to support the yoke of an absolute despotism, after havino- 
received tlie blood-bou<^ht heritacreof freedom from their fathers, and 
enjoyed its blessings from tlieir birth." [August 30th, 18G1.] 

'• Several of the bridge burners in Greene county, have been arrested 
and brought to Knoxville and lodged in jail. Their names are Loony 

McDaniei, three Harman brothers and Haun. We hope the last 

one of them may be found out and punished.'' 

'• One of the bridge burners was to be hung at Knoxville on Wed- 
nesday last — sentenced by the court-martial now sitting there." 

'•Lincoln's LTsurpations. — A cotemporary says the usurpations of 
Lincoln far exceed the wildest prophecies and the most excited ap- 
prehensions of those Southern men who were prepared for acts con- 
trary to the Constitution and oppressive to the South. Had even the 
most ultra secessionist in South Carolina ventured to predict of the 
Lincoln Administration what has actually occurred, he would liave 
been regarded as a madman. Had his inost determined enemy in 
Tennessee asserted that he would not be in powyr four months before 
he icould strike doicn the habeas corpus, sujipress the free dora of the press, 
as in St.Loms, call into the f eld 300.000 troops, increase the regular army 
and navy tcithont authority from the Legislature, shoot down unarmed citi- 
zens in the streets by his mercenaries, invade the /Southern States, harbor 
fugitive slaves in his militaiy lines, supercede the civil pouter in Baltimore, 
countenance the partition of Virginia, and seize the railroads, he 
would have been laughed at as a man without candor or reason. And 
yet Lincoln has done all these things in open day, and attempts to 
justifvthem in his message on that plea of tyrants — necessitv." — 
[July 19th, 1861.] 

"AVi: sympathise with our brave boys who are so impatient at delay 
and cliating under the curb like a blooded steed. We hope they may 
soon have an opportunity of trying their metal in some manner 
worthy of them. In the meantime, while they are nursing their 
wrath, let them whet their knives, pick their flints, and be fully readv 
for the frolic." [December 13th, 1861.] 

"Old Abe has decreed that every man who loses his gun on the 
field of battle, shall have twelve dollars deducted from his pay. The 
poor Yankee devils who are fighting to enslave themselves, have a 
hard master to deal with — one who resorts to the most contemptible 
tricks to cheat them of their pay." 

"The struggle which has been forced upon the people of Tennessee 
involves the entire issue between freedom and slavery. It is the sec- 
ond war for independence. If there is any difterence. the exactions of 
King George III. and his' Parliament were more tolerant than those of Mr. 
Lincoln and his supporters.'''' 

"Peotecting Public Property. — The ourang-ontang President. 
who in his inaugural and proclamations, has dwelt with marked em- 
phasis on the duty which devolves upon him of 'protecting the pub- 
lic property,' seems to be possessed of strange ideas on this subject. 
He commanded the destruction of the works and arms at Harpers 
Ferry. He instructed the naval commandant at Norfolk to burn the 
navy yard and its vast stores at Xorfolk. The noble Merrimac was 
scuttled, and other war vessels in the harbor of Norfolk, by order of 
the august protector of public property. The magnificent capitol. 


with its decorations, its frescoe work, and polished marble halls, is 
converted into a barracks for tilthy Hessians, and is said to be mined 
with a view to its total destruction at no distant dny. Lincoln will 
retire from Washington lighted by the flames which consume the sacred edi- 
fice that contains the archives of the once glorious nationality of the United 
States. He may be pardoned for reducing the former to ashes, but the un- 
pardonable sin from ichich his soul can never be cleansed, is the destruc- 
tion of the peace of the American continent.'''' 

"Bill Arp to Abe Linkhorn. — Mr. Abe Linkhorn — Sir : I suppose 
my letter were taken by you as an insult, tho it want intended. I 
have hearn that j'ou sent it to the Dead Letter offis. Well. I don't 
know, of course ; but its my opinion you had better not put any 
more trash in that Semetary, for you'll need all the burying ground 
you've got about AVashington for other purposes soon. I've been 
doin all. I could to keep things quiet and consilliate you, but I see 
you are bent on scrowgin our boys into a fight, so I can jest tell you, 
I'm again you, and you can git as feroshus a fight as j'ou desire. 
Your konduct has riz mj pisen — you've trod on my rattlesnake sir, 
and everything I handle at these presents is, so look out, 
and if you don't want to swell up from handlin this letter, you had 
better take another drink. 

'•We sent a few thousand of our boys to see you, and present arms, 
and fix up this difficulty. But I suppose you thought they were 
obeyin your 20 days notis, and was carryin their guns to you, and so 
you come out with more proclamashuns, and Marshall law, and a 
blockade, and other nonsense, and now I don't know what our boys 
will do. 1 will notify you they never give no bonds to keep the 
Peace before they left home — the fact is, the}' couldn't give security ; 
so Mr. Linkhorn, you can look for 'em.'' — Borne Southerner. [July 12, 

The last extract is a small portion of one of a series of 
long letters of the same caste found in the Ba7inet\ and 
may be taken as an illustration of its journalistic culture 
and the tone of its moral sentiments Any number of 
pages of the same obscene ribaldry and billingsgate, utterly 
beneath the dignity of any public print, might be ex- 
tracted from the few issues of the Banner in our posses- 

The following extracts are important as giving informa- 
tion in regard to the rebel war spirit that not only actu- 
ated the editor of the Banner.^ but that prevailed among 
the rebels in the country, at the commencement of the 
rebellion : 

'•Polk County. — We spent a portion of this week in Polk. We 
found the war spirit considerably \\\ the ascendant, and great unan- 
imity of feeling among the people of that county. Capt. J. F. Han- 
nah is now in camp at Knoxville with a company of 90 men, from 
that gallant and patriotic county, and Capt. E. P. Douglass will 
march, in a few days, with a company of 100 men— this will give 


noble little Polk 190 men in the field. In addition to this, Maj. Bob. 
McClary is making up a cavalry compan}^ whicli he will be able to 
report in a week or two. The war feeling in Polk is aroused, and it 
knows no ebbing. Iler boys are made out of the right kind of mate- 
rial, and we venture that if they ever have a conflict with the enemy 
they will give a good account of themselves.'' [May 24th, 18G1.] 

"Volunteers! — All who have joined and Mish to join a cavalry 
company, are requested to meet at Cleveland on Saturday next. 

''Capt. Harris will drill the members as inftintry on that day. 

"Speeches will be made, and the ladies are invited to be present. 

"John H. Kuhn, George Tucker and others, are getting up the 

'•Come on— now is the time to join the armies for Southern Inde- 
pendence. The company is already nearly made up, with choice 
men, and if vou wish to go M'ith a good crowd now is your time.'' — 
[July 12th, 1861.] 

'•A company of volunteers, for immediate service, was raised at 
Chickamauga, on Monday last. The following are the officers of said 

George S. Gillespie, Capt. 
J. S. Springfield, 1st Lieut. 
lloBT. Watkins, 2d Lieut. 

J. D. Ellis, 3d Lieut. 

D. D. WiLKINS. O. S." 

[May 10th. ISGl.] 

"John X. Dunn, Esq., of this place (Cleveland), is making up an 
infimtry companj^ for the Confederate service. He desires all v.ho 
wish to volunteer to give him a call. He is authorized and empow- 
ered to muster them into service as they enroll their names." 

"Left. — On Tuesdaj' last Capt. Dill and his company left Calhonn, 
McMinn county, for Knoxville. Capt. Dill served two campaigns in 
Mexico, and a more gallant man never led a charge than he. Success 
attend him and his company." [May 10th, 1861.] 

"A company of volunteers is being formed at this place (Cleve- 
land). It now numbers about 40 members. Men wanting to join 
can report themselves either to Col. C. H. Mills, S. A. R. Swan or 
Capt. John D. Tray nor," [May 10th, 1861.] 

" We learn that the Legislature has passed an Ordinance of Seces- 
sion, to be submitted to a vote of the people on the 8th day of June: 
also authorizing the Governor to call out 25.000 troops for immediate 
service, and 30,000 as a reserve to protect the border of the State, and 
appropriating $5,000,000 for arming and equipping the State." [Mav 
10th, 1861.] 

"The Spirit of Tennessee. — It has been scarcely ten elays since 
the law calling 55,000 volunteers in this State was published, and we 
are informed that about 25.000 have already been reported to the 
Governor as readv to defend the liberty and"^ honor of the State.*' — 
[May 24th, 1861.] ' 

"It is estimated by competent judges that Middle and West Ten- 
nessee will give a majority of from 60 to 75,000 in favor of the State 
declaring her independence. Our news from there says the people 
are almost a unit for "Separation and Representation.' ' We are hon- 
estly of tlie opinion, that if we all live, that we will get up members 
of the Southern Confederacy, on Sunday morning, by at least a ma- 
jority of 40,000 votes.'' [June 7th, 1861. J 

''Volunteers. — By reference to their card, it will be seen that J. 
31. Horton and J. G. M. Montgomery are making up a volunteer com- 


panv for the Confederate service. We are personallj^ acquainted 
with both the gentlemen, and can say that we know of no two men 
that are better adapted for the enterprise tliey propose than tliey are. 
They will make tirst-rate fellows to go to war with. Pitch in, boys, 
and make up the company instanter." [December 13th, 1861.] 

"Within the last ten days some 8 or 10.000 troops have passed over 
the East Tennessee & Georgia Railroad for Virginia. At our depot, 
as at all others we have heard from, the citizens, and especially the 
ladies, turn out and cheer, applaud and bid them God-speed in their 
]»atriotic devotion to their country. It is said that their passage 
through East Tennessee is a perfect ovation." 

''Mr. Yallaxdigham's Speech. — To the exclusion of our usual 
variety of news, we publish the speech of this gentleman, in the 
House of Representatives, on the 10th instant. We want everybody 
to read it — it is a bold and fearless expose of Lincoln and his policy. 
It should be recollected that Mr. Vallandigham is a Northwestern 
man, representing a congressional district in Ohio." 

As stated in another place, the Banner was suppressed 
in the winter of 1863 and 1864 by the Federal authorities. 
Mr. Robt, McNelly, its editor, notwithstanding his loud 
l)rotestations of Southern courage, and his own i)ersonal 
determinations of final resistance, when the trying liour 
came, found his rebel ardor chilled by the first blast from 
the Northern blue coats. 

Mr. McNelly could follow Union men, fleeing for tlieir 
lives from the wickedness of rebel persecution with his 
wishes that they might never return. He could see Union 
men by the thousand hunted like so many wolves over 
the country, and hung by the necks like dogs, their fami- 
lies dashed to pieces as with bolts of lightning, their wives 
made widows, their helpless children orphaned, scattered, 
impoverished, with sighs and tears for their only solace 
by night and by day. All this he could see and encour- 
age, and could heap upon the most worthy men in Bradley 
ejDithets that would disgrace a savage, not only with the 
nonchalence of one apparently destitute of humanity, but 
with approval of the general work, sent broadcast through 
the land in the columns of his contemptible Banner. 
When, however, it came Mr. McNellj^'s turn to clioose be- 
tween the endearments of home and his love of the Jeif. 
Davis Government, his chivalrous Southern patriotism 
would not allow him to move a step to aid the latter in 
its extremeties. To leave home and family, wife and 



children, was not so pleasant a pastime, nor so trifling a 
matter, when his own fireside and threshhold were to he 
tried hy it. The Confederacy kept him alive while he 
was in it, but when the Confederacy had to leave Bradley, 
so far as he was concerned, it must fight its own battles. 

The same nature that did not care for the guilt, nor 
count the consequences of the first crime, could now resort 
to meanness and submit to every humiliation to be per- 
mitted to still live among those whom he had so deeply 
injured. He could take the oath more with a view to 


escape punishment than as a confession that he had done 

wrong, with a mental reservation to remain the same 


he always had been to the farthest possible verge of 
safety to himself and family. He could submit like a 
spaniel to be ridden on a rail through the streets of Cleve- 
land by the Union boys whom he had injured, and when 
the performance was finished could implore them to give 
him a chew of tobacco to excite physical relief from the 
pain of the operation. 

This was the editor of the Cleveland Baimer^ who, per- 
haps, did more than any other one man of his intellectual 



calibre to keep alive the r^ellion and fan the fires oi 
rebel persecution in Bradley county. Though his treason 
while the rebels were in i30wer saved him and his family 
from the suiferings and devastation which they usually 
visited upon the Union people, and though his pardon 
from the Federals remitted the punishment justly due for 
his sins, yet the part he acted was too conspicuous, cost 
too many lives, caused too many hearts to bleed, caused 
the shedding of too many tears, for him to be allowed 
to escape entirely the just severity of the historical pen. 
In September, 1865, the Banner was resuscitated by Mr. 
McNelly, and is now being published again by him in 
Cleveland. The real character of the Banner^ as well as 
the proportion of suffering in Bradley actually traceable 
to this source, can be measurably inferred from the num- 
erous extracts from its columns given in this work. 


On receipt of the news in Cleveland of the rebel victory 
at Manassas, great joy was felt by the rebels, so much so 
that a perfect tumult of e'kcitement prevailed among 
them, and in the evening, expressive of that joy, and in 
honor of the great event, the town was brilliantly illum- 
inated. The following is the editorial of the Cleveland 
Banner upon the subject : 

"Illumination. — The Soiitliern people of our town, in honor of 
the victory won by Southern troops, at Manassas, illuminated their 
houses on Wednesday night, which was quife a creditable affair. The 
people were addressed by T. J. Campbell, S. A. Smith, G. W. Rowles, 
and W. H. Tibbs. Everything passed oft' finely." [July 26th, 18G1.] 

The following are the names of some of the rebels in 
Cleveland who participated in the illumination : 

Alexander Davis, dwelling. 

Ocoee Hotel, kept by Thomas 

Frank Johnson, store. 

Hardwick & Tucker, store. 

llobt. McNelly, editor, dwell- 

Joseph Horton, store. 

Rev. Elder Worley, dwelling. 

D. C. Kennor, store. 

James Hoyl, store. 

Widow Traynor, dwelling. 

Wm. H. Tibbs, store. 

Dr. Edwaixls, store and dwell- 
ino-. A bonfire was also 
built before Mr. Edwards* 

Edwards, store. 

Patrick O'Conner, store. 

James Craigrailes, dwelling. 

Guthman & Brothers, store. 

G. AV. Cook, store; 

J. G. M. Montgomery, store. 

John F. Rogers^ store. 



*' Eev. Wm. McXuTT :—Z>ea?' ;92V: The undersigned respectfully 
solicit you for a copy of your sermon on 'Slavery,' delivered at the 
Baptist Church in Cleveland, on the 27th January, 1861. AVe think 
you established the rigiit of slavery by Divine authority, beyond all 
cavil, and we want it in print for the people to read. AVill you com- 
ply with our request and very much oblige, 

" Yours most respectfully, • 


W. P. LEA, 




S. P. GAUT, 







" Gp:ntlemex : — In compliance with 5'our request I present you a 
copy of my Sermon on Slavery, preached at the Baptist Church in 
this place, *on the 27th of January, 1861. When I delivered the Ser- 
mon it was not written out, but by the aid of the notes I used on 
that occasion I have very hastily drawn up the whole sermon, in the 
same form and oi\ler in which it was delivered, and humbly hope 
that under the blessing of God it may accomplish good. 
"■ I I'emain yours, most respectfully, 

W. McX^UTT.'* 

[From the Cleveland Banner. Feb. 22d, 1861.] 

Mr. McNutt was a Baptist Clergyman resident in CleYe- 
land, and among the most rampant KeYerend gentlemen 
in the county. 




OxE of the early settlers in Bradley county was Mr. 
Absalom Stonecyplier. He lived in the third district, 
and but a. short distance ilorth of the Tennessee and Geor- 
gia line. His family consisted of his wife, two sons, one 
about eighteen at the opening of the rebellion, and the 
other some years younger, and two or three daughters 
still younger than the boys. 

Mr. Stonecyplier, with his family, lived upon a small 
farm of his own — was an honest and hard working man, 
quiet, iDeaceable and unpretending, of feeble constitution, 
and toward the close of his life, a perfect invalid. The 
rest of the family, characteristically, were the counter- 
l^art of the husband and father, the whole living in peace 
and harmony ; were home abiding, meddling with no one ; 
and by their joint industry and economy procured an 
humble livelihood, with which, being contented, they were 
proportionately happy. 

Mr. Stonecyi)her never owned any slaves, nor any of his 
family, nor ever hired any, consequently never bouhgt, 
sold nor whipped any ; yet they paid their honest debts, 
government taxes and all. In regard to virtue and good 
morals, the family was above reproach, all its members 
loved their country, venerated the old flag, hated seces- 
sion, resisted rebellion, never lost their rights under the 
old Government, but felt the obligations of loyalty for the 
protection which this Government had afforded them 
and their humble home for so many years. 

Though not the j)ooi\ yet it will be seen that this des- 
crii:>tion places this family among those whom the fastidi- 
ousness of society f)refers to denominate \\\q 'poorer class. 

Though this family will serve as the ground of our nar- 


rative in this case, yet a neighboring family had so much 
to do with the shading of the picture, that it may be a 
iielp to the view to describe the two in juxta-position as 
our field premises. 

Tliis neighbor was Mr. John Bryant, who, though living 
but a short distance south of Mr. Stonecypher, was a resi- 
dent of Georgia, and also among the earliest settlers of 
the country. Mr. Bryant was the owner of a somewhat 
extensive and rich plantation, proportionally well-stocked 
with slaves, by the aid of whom his fields Avere systemati- 
cally cultivated with a view not only to a competence for 
himself and family, but with a distinct aim to enlarge his 
possessions and be counted among the wealthy and influ- 
ential of the land. For many years this family had lived 
not only entirely above want, but independent of system- 
atic and severe labor, all its members moving at their 
ease in society, with a fair prospect, under the existing 
state of things, of the continuance of these blessings. 

As a citizen or neighbor, nothing positively objection- 
able was known against Mr. Brj^ant. Nor was anything 
known j)articularly disparaging to the character of his 
family. He, however, was knoAvn as one of that intellec- 
tual stamp, one whose moral philosophy allowed the mere 
preferences of human nature, instead of original and inde- 
pendent moral convictions of right and wrong, to frame 
rules for society, and to dictate governmental policy. He 
was also known as one whose practice persistently agreed 
with his theory — as one who lived, bought and sold, 
moved in community, politically electioneered, and pul)- 
licly and privately instructed his family upon this princi- 
ple. In all worldly points of view, and before this narra- 
tive closes, the reader, perhaps, will think in some other 
points also, the two families thus described, presented 
exactly opposite phases of social life. 

Having thus lived in these respective positions, botli 
locally and socially, for many j^ears, with no other difi'er- 
ences than these, without any animosity arising between 
them, the great rebellion came howling around both of 
these families, and was before each for its suffrage or to 


administer its own punishment if that suffrage was with- 
held. As might have been foreseen in both cases, Mr. 
Bryant and his family welcomed to their bosoms the 
crimson crowned monster and bid him God speed in 
his work of l)lood, w^hile Mr. Stonecypher and his family 
in the simplicity of their convictions of duty, grappled 
with him as a personal and national enemy. 

AVe shall now drop the family of Mr. Bryant, until the 
history of the other brings the two again in contact, wdien 
we shall elucidate them in connection or separately, as 
the case may be, to the end of the chapter. 

Mr. Stonecypher at the breaking out of the rebellion, 
was not far from sixty years of age. Though never for- 
ward as a public man, and though he was now unable, 
from ill health, to influence any, for or against the rebel- 
lion beyond the circle of his own family, was neverthe- 
less, soon known to both parties as an unwavering Union 
man. This fact, surrounded as Mr. Stonecypher was with 
hundreds of rebel citizen informers, could not long 
remain a secret from the notable Capt. Brown, then en- 
camped with, his men at Cleveland. 

Some time in December, 1861, Capt. Brown ordered 
the arrest of old Mr. Stonecypher, sending about twenty 
men to execute the command and bring him a prisoner to 
Cleveland. Among these were James Miller, Wm. Brit- 
tain, Berry Gillian, and others, dressed in citizens garb, 
neighbors of Mr. Stonecypher, living some of them not 
more than a mile from his house. 

These and many other rebels in the third district acted 
in the double capacity of informers and soldiers, first 
informing, then as rebel soldiers under Brown's instruc- 
tions, arresting those whom they had reported. 

Mr. Stonecypher was taken to the rebel camp at Cleve- 
land, and by Brow^n confined in the guard-house. After 
enduring for a short time, the hardships common to that 
as a place of discii)linary i^unishment concocted by Browm, 
he succeeded in obtaining a hearing before his majesty, 
the only result of which was, that he was insultingly told 
that he w^as marked for Tuscaloosa. After being under 


guard four days, and becoming fully satisfied that Tus- 
caloosa was his intended doom, he obtained the privilege 
of addressing a letter to his family. In this letter he 
stated to his wife, that ever}^ time a Southern train 
stopped at the depot he expected to be put on board for 
Tuscaloosa. Receiving the letter, Mrs. Stonecypher and 
John her eldest boy, a lad perhaps between sixteen and 
eighteen, hastened to Cleveland, a distance of eleven 
miles, where the old lady appealed to Brown and others 
in behalf of her husband. She proposed to have him put 
on trial, and his case investigated. Failing in this. Brown 
in particular, refusing to give her husband a trial, she 
appealed to their honor and sense of justice, informing 
them that on account of his age and feebleness her hus- 
band could do them nor the rebellion any harm, that he 
had not been off the farm for weeks before they brought 
him to Cleveland, and though he was a Union man, he 
had conspired with no one, nor influenced any against 
their cause. 

She told Brown that if he sent her husband to Tusca- 
loosa it would be the means of his death, and that imme- 
diately; and that it looked' to her like great cruelty to 
send a man of his age, and one in his condition, to a 
Southern prison, when it was evident that it would cost 
him his life, and all for no crime, only that he did not 
think as they did about the rebellion. This effort how- 
ever, was as fruitless as the other, and as she could avail 
nothing, Mrs. Stonecypher returned to her home, if not in 
utter despair, yet with less hope than ever before, that 
her husband could be saved. The bo}^, however, in view 
of some further effort or something of the kind, did not 
return with his mother, but remained with the intention 
of following her the next morning. The next morning 
came, but when the hour drew near that he was to part 
with his father, all appeals thus far having proved in vain, 
the intensity of his feelings suggested one more method, 
as yet untried, by which his father possibly might be 
saved. The boy went to Brown and oifered to take his 
father's place and as a prisoner submit to his father's fate. 


whatever it might be, if on these conditions his father 
could be released, or as the boy's mother expressed it, 
" offered to yield up his own life to save the life of his 
father.-' Brown told the boy that if he would enlist as a 
rebel soldier, and obligate himself to fight like the other 
rebel soldiers for the rebellion, he would release his father. 
To promise faithfully from his heart to do all this, is what, 
perhaps, the boy never did ; but his father's life was at stake, 
there Avas no other salvation, he immediately enlisted, his 
father was released and went home instead of himself. 

On releasing the old gentleman, Brown put a guard 
over him, with instructions to the guard to take him 
immediately out of camp and out of Cleveland, and to go 
with him toward his home until he was three miles away. 
Mr. StonecAi^her had walked but a short distance after 
the guard left him, before a gang of rebels from camp 
overtook him and insisted that he should guide them to 
his nephews, a Union man, whom they were in pursuit of. 
The old gentleman objected to this, saying that it would 
take him three miles out of his way, and if he was com- 
pelled to act he could direct them, so that it would be the 
same to them as for him to go .with them. They cursed 
him, and told him that they would trust to none of his 
directions, and if he made any further objections they 
would take him back to Cleveland. He went with them, 
and was not released until he had revealed to them the 
residence of his nephew. 

The old gentleman finally reached home in comparative 
safety, 1nit not without manifest injury to his already 
sinking constitution from the mental vexation and rough 
l)hysical treatment occasioned by his arrest and imi)rison- 

Young Stonecypher having thus enlisted, was put into 
Capt. Dunn's company, serving in the same regiment with 
•Brown. Not long after this regiment was ordered to the 
field at Knoxville. The boy was in fact unfit for a soldier, 
not only being too young, but constitutionally incapable, 
especially in the cold of winter, of bearing up under the 
effects of a sudden change from the quiet and comforts of 


home, to the liardshii)s and privations of cami) life. It 
was evident to many of his friends at the time, that his 
enlistment was the forfeiture of his life. He enlisted 
some time in December, and although in camp at Cleve- 
land but a short time, his health began to fail before his 
regiment was ordered to the field, and he died on the Gth 
of January, 1862, at Knoxville, serving in the rebel ranks, 
perhaps scarcely one month. 

Though young Stonecypher was serving the rebels 
against his will, he was an obedient and submissive soldier, 
easily imiDosed upon, a proper subject for the abuse of 
indolent and tyrannical rebel officers. The same day he 
died, he was made to perform double duty as camp or 
picket guard, being compelled to stand not only his own 
hours, but in addition as one tour, those of another, Avhen 
it was known to every reasonable man in his company, 
that he was not nor had been for days, fit to perform any 
duty whatever. His double duty being ended he went 
into his tent, laid himself down in his blanket and never 
woke again. 

The mournful fate of this virtuous and loyal youth, 
whose filial affection, saved the life of his father, for the 
time, only at the sacrifice of his own, is one of that long 
catalogue of crimes that will confront the si^irit of his 
brutal murderer in the day of final reckoning, if it does 
not before. 

Brown's object in hurrying old Mr. Stonecyi)her imme- 
diately out of camp and out of sight, as soon as released, 
is not altogether clear. The only jDlausible explanation 
seems to be the following : 

Conscious of his own abominable villainy in arresting 
and imprisoning such a man, also in compelling his son 
to enlist to save his father from Tuscaloosa, and knowing 
that the Union i)eople, as far as they had a knowledge of 
the transaction, looked upon the whole as in keex)ing with 
his usual course. Brown, perhaps felt it for his interest to 
close the matter up as much in the dark as possible. Had 
Mr. Stonecyx)her been permitted to coinmunicate freely 
among his friends in Cleveland for a day, or even for a 


few liours after his release, immediately revealing the 
fact that his son was sacrificed to effect it, the general in- 
dignation would have been more deep and wide-spread 
at the time, and the atrocity more likely to reach the ears 
of some of Brown's own party not altogether imbruted 
like himself. As a bar to these possible contingences Mr. 
Stonecypher was slipped away, which, together with being 
captured by the gang of guerrillas, prevented him from 
communicating with any person till six or seven miles 
from Cleveland. 

From the death of this boy at Knoxville till the summer 
of 1863, the family of Mr. Stonecypher escaped, perhaps, 
with as little injury from the rebels as the generality of 
Union people in the third district. In fact, the condition 
of the famil}^ after and in consequence of the death of 
this boy, and in consequence of the feeble health of the 
old gentleman, enhanced by the treatment he received 
from Brown, was such that none but the most abandoned 
even among the rebels, would have entertained a thought 
of offering any of its members further molestation. 

A younger son was still left, who in the summer of 1863 
passed his sixteenth birthday. He must be eighteen, 
however, before he could be reached by the rebel con- 
script law. But few fears, therefore, were entertained by 
his parents that he would be taken from them, as it was 
easily presumed that before two years longer Tennessee 
would be wrested from the hands of the rebels. Past ex- 
perience, however, might have suggested that neither 
these nor any other considerations were perfect security 
to any one under the reign of the Southern Rebellion. 

The war had now lasted nearly two years and a half. 
Its novelty had worn off, and its pressure began to be se- 
verely felt among all classes at the South. The sons of 
many rebel families who enlisted in the spring of 1861 
had grown tired of the service, and were anxious to return 
to their homes. Among other things, as a method of 
relief, a system of substitution began to be resorted to, 
which, from the abominable wickednes of the rebels, was 
soon brought into general use. 


Among the rebel families in Northern Georgia, who in 
the summer of 1863, attempted to avail themselves of the 
benefit of tliis system of substitution, Avas that of Mr. 
John Bryant, the family contrasted with that of Mr. 
Stonecypher's at the commencement of this narrative. 

A son of Mr. Bryant enlisted in the rebel army in 1861, 
and Iiad served on the Potomac till June, 1863. This son 
now felt that he had passed through his share of bloody 
battles to liberate the South, an opinion in which his 
father and the rest of his family coincided, and as his 
father was rich he felt that the rest of his term might be 
substituted by wealth in the person of some other soldier. 
Accordingly, Mr. Bryant offered ^2,500 for a substitute to 
take the place of his son in the rebel iwmy on the Poto- 
mac. This bid, however, was not altogether a i)ublic one, 
a bid that should become a contract with the person who 
should first offer himself as the desired substitute, himself 
to receive the bounty ; but the bid was made to rebel 
substitute brokers, who were making it a regular business 
to arrest or kidnap Union boys and Union men, and sell 
them to ricji rebel parents and those who were in need of 
substitutes for their sons and relations in the rebel 

This proposal was made by Mr. Byrant sometime in 
May or in the first of June, 1863. Before the tenth of the 
latter month four men came in the night, about ten 
o'clock, to the house of Mr. Stonecypher, rapped at the 
door, and, though the family had retired, were soon ad- 
mitted by Mrs. Stonecypher, the old gentleman being 
confined to his bed and unable to rise. Mrs. Stonecypher 
was well acquainted with two of the men — Wm. P. Tracy, 
and Samuel Kincannon, the others, wdio subsequently 
proved to be Richard Acock and Charles Davis, she had 
recollections of seeing but did not know their names. 
They informed Mrs. Stonecypher that they came to con- 
script her remaining son into the rebel army, and pre- 
tended to have papers from the rebel authorities for so 
doing. She replied that this could not be, that her son 
was clear of the conscript, being only sixteen years of age. 


Appearing to doubt her word she showed them in her 
Bible tlie record of her son's birth. This appeared to un- 
settle them for a moment, and they pretended to be on 
the point of leaving, requesting of Mrs. Stonecypher to 
take her Bible with them. Being asked what they pro- 
posed to do with her Bible, they replied, evasively, that 
they wished to show the record of her son's birth to some 
persons. The Bible being refused, instead of leaving, 
three of the party went out, and a few steps from the 
door held a consultation, while the other remained inside 
talking Avith Mrs. Stonecypher. At the expiration of ten 
or fifteen minutes the three came in, when all joined in 
an attempt to persuade Mrs. and Mr. Stonecypher to allow 
their son to volunteer in the rebel army. Meeting with 
no success with the parents, they went to the bed where 
the boy lay and persuaded, or rather compelled, him to 
get up and go out with them, stating that they had some- 
thing to tell him. Getting the boy out, they proposed to 
him to enlist in the rebel army. He objecting and tliey 
being unable to persuade him, they commenced to 
threaten him, using also different strategies *to frighten 
him. The night was very dark. They told him if he did 
not go with them that night to join his regiment, that 
there were persons not far away who would certainly 
shoot him. Some of the party standing not far from the 
boy bursted the caps on their revolvers to help on the 
work of frightening him into submission. Demonstra- 
tions and threats of this kind not having the desired 
effect, they invented a scheme which in proportion as* it 
was more depraved and diabolical was more successful. 

They told the boy that he could take his choice of two 
things, he could go with them and enlist as they desired, or 
he could go with tliem and be sent to the Penitentiary. On 
being asked by the boy what he had done for wdiich they 
could send him to the Penitentiary, they told him that 
he knew well enough what he had done, that he knew 
that he, not long before, had been guilty of rape on the 
person of a little girl in the neighborhood, that they could 
prove it on him, and if he did not confess it and go into 


the rebel army they would arrest him then and there, 
have him immediately tried and convicted of this crime 
and sent to the Penitentiary. 

After being tortured in this manner by these four men, 
or rather Devils, some of them perhaps over fifty years of 
age, for half an hour, the nerves of the boy gave way, and 
bursting into tears, he consented to enlist in the rebel 
army. Tlie men then went into the house, told his parents 
that Absalom had volunteered, that it was his own choice, 
in which case their objections could be of no avail, that 
the rebel authorities would take him, and after making 
Mrs. Stonecypher promise to meet them some time the 
next day at the house of Mr. Harrison Taft, about two 
miles from her own home, notwithstanding all the 
parents could do or say, they hurried the boy off, taking 
him that night about four miles to the house of a Mr, 
Tucker, a rebel, on Cooahulla Creek, reaching there about 
two o'clock in the morning. The agony that wrung the 
hearts of those parents, as well as the hearts of the other 
members of the family, the rest of that night we will not 
attempt to describe. Soon after reaching Tucker's two of 
the four men left on some other business, and did not re- 
turn until after the family had breakfasted. The two 
having charge of Absalom, also went about a mile from 
Tucker's, taking him with them, to get another Union boy, 
who, however, eluded their grasp, and the three returned 
to Tucker's, being absent about two- hours. Shortly after 
breakfast the four men started with Absalom for Varnal's 
Station, distant but a few miles, from which point Kincan- 
non alone took him to Dalton, distant but afew miles fur- 
ther, the other three remaining behind, two of whom, it 
appears, repaired to the house of Mr. Taft to meet Mrs. 
Stonecypher according to arrangements, which she was 
compelled to consent to the night before as just related. 
Anxious about her boy, and hoping to obtain some infor- 
mation in regard to his fate, Mrs. Stonecypher was 
promptly at Mr. Taft's agreeably to her promise, where 
she found these two men in company with a Esquire 
Dean, who to some extent, no doubt, had also been con- 


nected with Absalom's arrest. These two men compelled 
Mrs. Stonecypher before Esq. Dean to testify, or make 
some statement in regard to her son's age. Being in deep 
trouble, and withal confused at the time, she was after- 
wards unable to recall the exact nature of the statement 
drawn from her. All the information she could get from 
them in regard to her son, was that he had enlisted in the 
rebel army as a substitute. 

From Taft's she returned to her home sad enough, a 
sadness that grew heavier and heavier as the darkness of 
night drew on, and as she reflected upon the melancholy 
fate of her two boys. One was already murdered, and the 
other was now torn from her in a manner that left her but 
the faintest ray of hope that she would ever see his face 
again. The information she received from the two men 
at Tafts, namely, that Absalom had already left Yarnal's 
Station, on his way to his regiment in the rebel army, 
apparently revealing the fact that to serve in tlie rebel 
ranks until his death, or until the end of the war, was now 
his certain doom — was a bolt that shivered her heart to 
atoms, and weighed her down with a load of sorrow, such 
as none but a mother can feel. The other members of the 
family also, the father stretched upon his bed of sickness, 
the daughters and sisters, all, wdth the mother deeply felt 
the severity of this additional affliction and sore bereave- 
ment. The last hope of the mother, and last strong sux)- 
port of the other members of the family also, the rebel- 
lion had now taken from them, leaving a" vacancy around 
that hearth which, with their reflections upon the mourn- 
ful fate, at best, that awaited the boy in the hated rebel 
army, far from home, exposed to a thousand evils, sent 
them to their couches that night with a pungency of grief 
and bitterness of life, which, perhaps, scarcely ever smote 
their hearts belbre. 

Kincannon and Absalom reaching Dalton about the 
middle of the day, Kincannon presented the boy to the 
Provost Marshal, who took his name, designating the regi- 
ment to which he was afterwards to be sent. It was a 
Georgia regiment. 


Bryant, that same afternoon, unquestionably, according 
to previous arrangement, met the kidnapper with his vic- 
tim at Dalton and Absalom was turned to him as the sub- 
stitute for which he, Bryant, was to pay $2,500. Bryant 
took possession of the boy, and the two immediately set 
out for the rich man's plantation, preparatory to a start for 
Richmond, Virginia, the next day. 

Seeing himself alone with Bryant, and smarting under a 
sense of the injustice of his fate, though but sixteen, Ab- 
salom began to calculate the possibilities of his escape. 
Notwithstanding in his judgement the chances in his fa- 
vor would allow, if necessary, a sudden and bold attempt 
to free himself, yet he also thought that the nature of the 
case justified any advantage that deception and working 
upon Bryant's credulity might give him ; and, therefore, 
determined on the latter course before resorting to more 
desperate measures. He requested of Mr. Bryant, inas- 
much as he was going so far away, with so many proba- 
bilities that he would never return, to be permitted, in-^ 
stead of stopping with him, to spend the night at his own 
home, promising to return to Bryant the next morning. 
Bryant objected to this, alleging that his arrangements 
were all perfected for both to take the cars at Yarnal's 
Station early the next morning for Richmond, Virginia. 
Absalom pressed his suit, and while discussing the subject 
they came to the house of the rebel Justice of the Peace,. 
Esq. Dean, the veritable magistrate who has already been 
introduced to the reader. Dean here joined Bryant in 
dissuading the boy from visiting his mother, stating par- 
ticularly that it was some distance to walk that night, 
that the night was dark, and he would be in danger 
of being bushwhacked, especially at a certain point, by 
George Klick and old man Cook. It is true that these 
were two notorious rebel bushwhackers then desolating 
that part of the countiy, but neither this nor the argu- 
ments of Dean and Bryant abated the boy's desire to see 
his friends once more before going to Virginia ; and after 
leaving Dean's he renewed his appeals to Bryant more ur- 
gentty than before, and pressed him so vigorously that he 


yielded the point on condition that Absalom would prom- 
ise upon his honor to return to him the next morning. 
To this Absalom consented and the thing was considered 
settled. In a short time, however, Bryant reflecting per- 
haps, on the influences that might be brought to bear 
upon the boy to make him break his promise, and the risk 
he was taking, everything considered, re-called his words 
and insisted that Absalom should not leave him. This 
served not only to renew the former struggle but to in- 
crease its former intensity, and Bryant was soon brought 
back to his contract, based upon the same conditions as 
before, and on these conditions Bryant and Absalom 
parted, each directing his steps to towards liis respective 

It is a little remarkable that Bryant consented under any 
circumstances short of those actually compulsory, to let the 
boy visit his home. Although Bryant must have known 
before the boy was captured that he was to be the victim, 
being perhaps also informed by the two absent so long 
from Tucker's, or by some one of the three left behind at 
Yarnal's Station, that he was taken and was on his way 
to Dalton, in consequence of which he went there to re- 
ceive him ; yet it is possible, that he did not know 
the whole of the wickedness by Avhich he was secured. 
It is possible also, that Bryant was deceived in regard to 
the boy's willingness to go, by the leisurely manner in 
which he entered into conversation with him upon the 
nature of the trip, inquiring how much money he was to 
have for going as his son's substitute, &c. But what- 
ever might have been, the principal cause that induced 
Biyant to give the boy this advantage of him, the advan- 
tage was gained the boy reaching his home in safety ; and 
we can imagine the relief felt by his mother after the sad 
forebodings the visit toTaft's had occasioned her, and the 
joy she experienced, when about twelve o'clock that night, 
or a little less than twenty-four hours from the time he 
was taken away, she unexpectedly heard his voice at the 
door, he having escaped from Bryant as just related. We 
can also imagine the degree of conscientiousness she as 


well as the other members of the family felt about his 
keeping his promise to return to the tyrant the next morn- 
ing. Such Avere their joy and fear together at this moment, 
that lie remained in the house but a few minutes, taking 
quarters for the rest of the night, if less comfortable yet 
of more supposable safety than the coucli he had been 
forced to leave the night before. 

Having a knoAvledge of all the facts, the reader can 
judge whether the boy was morally bound to keep his 
promise, and can judge whether he was encouraged to do 
so by his parents and his friends on his return ; and accord- 
ingly can calculate the amount of joy exjjerienced the next 
morning by Bryant, at meeting youjig Stonecypher i)re- 
paratory to taking him to "Virginia, as a substitute for his 
son in the rebel army. 

Instead of meeting Bryant the next day at ten o'clock, 
and giving himself up to fight the battles of the rebellion 
for him and his soil, before night he had selected a hiding- 
place in some ravine or thicket, and for the present was 
secure against the kidnapping rebel substitute brokers. 
No sooner, however, were these brokers informed by Bry- 
ant that Absalom had turned traitor, than a combined 
efibrt was put forth to retake him, especially by the Greg- 
ories, who it was known had much to do with his arrest 

Absalom remained in the woods, occasionally^ slying 
his way in the night to some Union house, where he 
would be secreted a few days, from this time, the first of 
June, until the following October, during which period 
his mother and her Union neighbors exhausted every 
strategy to supply him with food, without revealing the 
places of his concealment. Being at one time more hotly 
pursued than usual he fled in the night to Polk county, 
where a Union widov\' woman named Pitts, secreted him 
in her house three weeks. 

The efforts of these rebel kidnappers to recapture 
Stonecypher being prosecuted without success, and the 
prospect on the whole becoming rather gloonn^ ; it was 
planned hx them that the Gregories, the family whose 


child it was pretended the boy had injured, shonld swear 
out a State warrant, on which he was to be liunted out 
and taken by the civil officers and punished for his 
alleged crime upon the child. The warrant was i)ut into 
the hands of an ofiicer by the name of Lemuel Jones, a 
notorious rebel ; and the besieging parties waited with 
anxiety for results. Notwithstanding Mr. Jones was a 
rebel, in this case, to his credit it must be stated, that he 
acted with some principle. Knowing that the boy was 
as innocent of this crime as himself, or the most distant 
person in the world, and knowing that the warrant in his 
hands was the fruits of perjury, and malice, created by 
the boy's escape from Brj^ant, and their inability to recap- 
ture him, purposely allowed a knowledge of the proceed- 
ings to reach the boy's friends as an advance warning to 
escape, or as a hint for him to leave the country entirel}^. 
Profiting by this advice, as w^ell perhaps, as b}^ the advice 
of his own friends, the boy fled from Bradley, going 
North or Northeast, and finally enlisted in the Federal 
arm}^, joining the 111th Ohio infantry. He served in this 
regiment faithfully, nearly three years with honor and 
credit to himself, securing the esteem of his officers, and 
was discharged after the war at Columbus, Ohio, on the 
first day of August 1865, and is now at home, the sup- 
port of his widowed mother, as well as the guide and 
defender of his sisters, and a worthy, honored, and proud 
victor, to look with scorn upon his old enemies, and to 
laugh at the confusion and shame that have overtaken 

It appears that when Bryant went to Dalton to receive 
Absalom from Kincannon, the plan was to take the cars 
immediately^ with him for Virginia, for he came to Dal- 
ton with a full supply of cooked and well prepared 
rations, sufficient for himself and the boy on the trip. 
What occurred to frustrate this plan and determine Bry- 
any to take him to his own home until the next day is not 
known, whatever it was, it vras this, perhaps, that saved 
the boy's life. 

At the time Absalom was kidnapped his father was 


lying upon his death-bed. His chronic difficulties having 
been increased by the abuse he received from Brown a 
year and a half previous, and being then aggravated by 
the troubles and sufferings through which he was still 
passing, he died a few days after this event and was 
buried while his son Avas hiding in the woods, the boy as 
well as his mother feeling it unsafe for him to visit his 
father in his last moments, or come out to attend his 
father's funeral. 

When Bryant and the boy started from Dalton for Biy- 
ant's house, the boy asked him how much money he paid 
the men for getting him as his son's substitute, and how 
much of it he was to have himself Bryant replied that he 
was to give old man Gregory five hundred dollars, and the 
other four each five hundred also, and whether they would 
give him any of the money he did not know. 

What became of Brj^ant's rebel son, whether his father 
succeeded in procuring a Union substitute to fight his 
battles for him; or whether the five villains received each 
his five hundred dollars from Bryant, as a reward for steal- 
ing for him his neighbor's boy, is unknown to the writer. 

That Bryant was deeply implicated, and guilfv almost 
equally with the others in this crime, is beyond question. 
He probably knew as well as they before they went to 
Stonecypher's, that they intended to procure Absalom as 
the substitute, for which they were to receive the 8*2,500. 
Tlie fact that Bryant met Kincannon at Dalton, Avith ra- 
tions, which had required some time to prepare, for tlie 
boy's trip to Virginia, is evidence that he and his family 
knew beforehand the day on which this identical boy was 
to be delivered. 

Jathan Gregory, one of the most vicious men in Brad- 
ley although a loud professor in the Methodist Church, 
and having one of Ihe most wretched families in the 
county, the boys of which committed, perhaps, as great 
an amount of robbery, murder and incendiarism as those 
of any other family in the country, as already seen, Avas 
near neighbor to Mr. Stonecypher. It Avas supposed by 
Union friends that some of the Gregories Avere present, 


though not discovering themselves, the night Absalom 
was taken. It was supposed also that they first indicated 
to the others, that this boy could be seized and made the 
victim by which they could comply with Bryant's offer 
and secure the $2,500. 

Although the pretended object of the Gregories and 
the other kidnapping villains in swearing out the civil 
warrant against Absalom was punishment for his alleged 
crime, yet the real object was to get the aid of the civil 
officer in bringing him to light and getting possession of 
him. These rebels all knew that it was patent to the 
whole community that the cliarge was a malicious fabri- 
cation ; and they knew that no justice dare convict the 
boy and send him to the penitentiary on these charges. 
The real object, therefore, was, through the aid of the civil 
officer, once more to get possession of Absalom, when 
proposals of compromise would have been made as to the 
crime, the civil prosecution dropped, and he, through 
strategy, bribery, threats or kidnapping as before, re- 
tained and returned to Bryant as his runaway substitute. 

We are now prepared briefly to remark upon the differ- 
ent parties concerned in this transaction. 

The Gregories, Esq. Dean, Bryant, and the four scoun- 
drels, Kincannon, Tracy, Davis and Acock, were all nearly 
equal in guilt as the perpetrators of this infamous busi- 
ness. Dean and Br^^ant might not have been privy to all 
the minutiae of its meanness, its consecutive and unmiti- 
gated shame, but their complicity in the matter crimi- 
nates them equally with the rest, all having outraged in 
the affair every principle of humanity, Christianity and 
civilization. Almost every crime that humanity can 
commit was embodied in this transaction. All knew 
equally well the distressed condition of Mr. Stonecyphers 
family when the boy was taken. All knew that the old 
gentleman had been nearly helpless for months, and that 
he must soon die, leaving none, in the absence of the boy, 
but females in the family ; and all knew what the family 
had already suffered from the rebellion. All compre- 
hended perfectly the finishing blow of suffering and ruin 


it would be to the family to have the boy dragged oil" in 
the manner they proposed, and sent to the rebel army on 
the rotomac. 

Dean was an old citizen, a man of family, and an act- 
ing Justice of the Peace. BryaiA was an old citizen and 
an independent planter ; and before the war was consid- 
ered a respectable man. Gregory was also the head of a 
family, and a member of a Christian Church. The other 
four probably were all heads of families — Davis and Kin- 
cannon certainly were — and some of them men of some 
l^roperty and influence. The whole, before the war, pre- 
tended to be, and probably were considered, passably 
respectable citizens. 

This case stamps all the parties concerned in it with 
infamy for life. Considering the innocence and helpless- 
ness of the victims, the extent of the injury contemplated, 
the abominable means employed to gain the proposed 
end, the number and social position of the perpetrators, 
the foregoing is a case of the most unrelieved blackness 
of human shame, beastly depravity, and uncompounded 
wickedness of any on the records of crime ; and tells with 
unmistakable significance the moral character of the 
rebellion in East Tennessee. ' 

The Avriter saw this same Esq. Dean in the Federal 
guard-house at Blue Springs, Bradley county, in the 
spring of 186Jr. He and another rebel prisoner were sent 
south through our lines in exchange for two Union men 
who had been captured by the rebels. Bryant is proba- 
bly yet living upon his plantation in northern Georgia, 
south of Bradley. Gregory with his family is someAvhere 
in Dixie. The last that was known of Davis he was in 
Loudon, a place some fifty miles west of Knoxville, 
engaged on the railroad. This Davis, with revolver in 
hand, Avas at one time in search of a Union man named 
Wm. B. Cowan, w^ho was hidden but a feAv feet from Davis, 
in his OAvn cellar. Being unable to find his victim, Davis 
presented his pistol at Mrs. Cowan, and threatened to 
shoot her dead if she did not tell where her husband was 
concealed. She, hoAvever, remained firm, and lier hus- 


band was saved. Kincannon, Tracy and Acock, it was 
supposed by Union people, drifted south before the Fed- 
eral army under Sherman 

Should these pages ever meet the eye of any of these 
rebel subjects, they must remember that the rebellion is 
a matter of history; and though they have escaped the 
punishment due to their crimes, yet such cannot always 
escape that which, however displeasing to them, may 
nevertheless be a benefit to others, namely, the unmerci- 
ful pen of the vigilant historian. 

It has been stated that the capturers of young Stone- 
cypher were professedly rebel substitute brokers. It was 
known to be a fact that the Gregories and these four men 
who captured Stonecypher, with others, operated exten- 
sively through northern Georgia and southern Tennessee 
in this iniquitous business, and God and their own souls 
only know the deeds of blood the}' committed during the 
long years of 1862-63, in prosecuting this infernal work; 
and the number of helpless and innocent Union boys who 
finally lost their lives as the result of being captured and 
sold by these men into the rebel armies. 

It is very probable that the whole of these blood-stained 
villains, unless justice has already demanded their lives, 
have taken the Federal oath, and are now not only plead- 
ing exemption from all prosecution in the matter of these 
crimes, but under the reconstruction policy of President 
Johnson are claiming restoration of all losses of projyerty 
occasioned by the rebellion, and are also claiming equal 
political rights with those patriots whose friends they 
stole or murdered, and with those who fought and bled to 
save the country from being ruined by their treason. 




Mr. Humbert was born in Green county, East Tennes- 
see, on the 27tli of March, 1802, consequently at the out- 
break of tlie rebellion, was about sixty years of age. He 
came to Bradley with his family in 1839, settling in the 
third district, where he lives at the present time. 

Mr. Humbert's ancestors were true to the cause of the 
Revolution, a fact in the history of his family of which he 
felt an honorable pride, and wiiich had ahvays endeared 
to him the flag of his country, and the government which 
it represented. It was not singular, therefore, that when 
a choice was to be made between this flag and the flag of 
treason — the flag of the Southern rebellion — that the 
heart of Mr. Humbert clung to the flag as well as to the 
government of his fathers. He received both from their 
hands, had enjoyed their blessings as an heir-loom in the 
family for sixty years, never feeling them to be oppressive 
and could not now, as a man, as a Christian, and as a 
patriot, be persuaded to rebel against either. 

This was Mr. Humbert's crime, the crime of adherance 
to the government of his country and of his fathers, a 
government that his conscience dictated had never 
wronged him, nor those who were seeking to destroy it. 
Mr. Humbert had lived a useful citizen in the third dis- 
trict for nearly twenty-five years, this being the first 
crime of Avhich he was ever accused, even in his life, or 
for which he or any of the members of his family were 
assaulted, either by the civil or the military power of his 
country. He had been Justice of the Peace in the third 
district for eighteen years in succession, and all had felt, 
that in his hands the law had been honored, and that with- 
out respect to persons, justice had been awarded equally 
to his fellow citizens. 


In tlie fall of 1861, Mr. Humbert, with other Union men 
of his district, for their sympath}^ with the Union cause, 
began to suffer persecution from their rebel neighbors, 
particularly from the Gregories, the Julians, and their 
most intimate associates, all of whom were tlie most bru- 
tal and bloodthirsty of any in the country. About the 
middle of October, to avoid being arrested and sent to 
Tuscaloosa, Mr. Humbert took up his abode in the woods, 
being supplied with food secretly by his two daughters, 
and occasionally stealing his way in the night to some 
Union house, until the last of December, a period of over 
two months. Toward the close of December, the noted 
Capt. Bill Brown of Cleveland, then in the height of his 
rebel glory, having Mr. Humbert among others in the 
third district marked for Tuscaloosa, with his plans pre- 
concerted and a full posse of men, made^ dash upon the 
Union people of the district. One Unfon man wdio at 
this time fell into Brown's power, was Mr. S. D. Kichmond. 
Shortly after capturing Richmond, Brown and his party 
boarded the premises of Mr. Humbert. The family of Mr. 
Humbert at the time, consisted only of himself and two 
daughters, Rebecca and Sarah, the oldest in her seven- 
teenth year, having buried his wife the year before, also 
his only son, the son in April and the mother on the 17th 
of May. Mr. Humbert, whom to arrest was the principal 
object for which Brown visited his plantation, of course 
was not in the vicinity of his home, but was in the woods 
as already stated. Brown and his men, however, made a 
thorough search for Mr. Humbert in doors and out, barn 
and out-houses included, threatening and abusing the two 
daughters, to make them tell where their father was con- 
cealed. Knowing where their father was, and having 
some fears that he would be captured, and knowing that 
he was marked for Tuscaloosa, the daughters managed, 
while the search was going on, secretly to convey to Mr. 
Richmond, their Union neighbor, just mentioned as 
Brown's prisoner, a small bundle of clothing and S21.45 
in money for him to give to their father in case Brown 
should capture him. Befo-re the search was finished, how- 


ever, or soon after, Brown's men commenced to rob Kich- 
mond, and Avith his own money got that just given to him 
by Mr. Humbert's daughters. Richmond appealed to 
Brown in his own behalf, but the robbing was contirmed. 
Richmond then informed Brown that $21.45 of the .money 
liis men had pilfered from him, belonged to Mr. Humbert's 
daughters, that they had just given it to him to give' to 
their father in case he too should be caught, and liad to 
go to Tuscaloosa. Richmond also told Brown that he 
ought to give the money that belonged to Mr. Humbert's 
daughters, back to them, that if he would rob him he 
ought not to rob these defenseless and helpless children. 
Brown swore that Humbert was a traitor, and if the money 
taken belonged to his girls, it was the money of a traitor 
and he should keep it, and he would have Humbert also 
if he could find him, and joined in this strain of abuse by 
his men, they together berrated Richmond, Mr. Humbert 
and his family, in the use of other and similar language. 
This, however, inspired Richmond and Mr. Humbert's 
girls, though one was sick with the scarlet fever at the 
time, with a spirit to defend themselves. They appealed 
to Brown's sense of honor as well as to his sympathies, 
urging that he ought to have some regard to justice as 
well as some feeling for those whom he was kidnapping 
and robbing. Mr. Humbert's girls argued that their father, 
though he was a Union man, had never taken any part 
against the rebels, and never could on account of his age; 
and as to their condition, they had just lost their mother 
and only brother, and if their father should be sent to Tus- 
caloosa, it would probably be the means of his death, 
Avhen as a family they would be completely desolated and 
ruined. Brown finally told them that as he already had 
.'^Sl.lS of their money, if they or their fathers friends 
would pay him S3. 55 more, or in other words, would raise 
the Slim to 825.00, he would give up the search for Mr. 
Humbert entirely, and leave him a certificate of citizen- 
ship, or to use Brown's own words, he would " citizenize 
him and let him stay at home." Notwithstanding this 
attempt at strategy, Brown got no more money, but kept 


his $21.4:5, and after he and his men had robbed Mr. Hum- 
bert's premises of what they could find that suited them, 
gathered up their plunder and left, greatly chagrined that 
the old gentleman had eluded their grasp. 

It is out of the power of language to describe the dia- 
bolical character of this man Brown. He comes to the 
third district to rob and kidnap Union men, and after 
exhausting his skill to get possession of the person of Mr. 
Humbert without success, a man sixty years of age, under 
the pretence tli^t his liberty endangered the Southern 
Confederacy, stung with his failure to perpetrate this 
cruelty, he robs Mr. Humbert's children of their last 
penny, then to get more he turns traitor to his own cause, 
and actually tries to sell Jeff. Davis and his whole Con- 
federacy for $3.55. 

The miserly and unfeeling wretch is probably yet alive 
somewhere in this world, and should he accidentally keep 
with him in this life enough of the human to allow him, 
like other men, to die a natural death, or in other Avords, 
if his diabolical career and companionship on eartli do 
not rob him of all humanity and leave his nature a stark 
devil, so that upon the principle of Satanic ubiquity, with- 
out dying he can pass in and out of this world at pleasure, 
whoever w^ill dare, when death strikes him, to perform on 
his frightful remains a post mortem examination, instead 
of a human heart will doubtless find in his bosom a clump 
of hissing serpents. 

It ought to be stated here that a Union man named 
A. Morton, one whom Brown had previously pressed into 
the rebel army, and who was comi^elled to be one of 
Brown's squad on that day, did all he could consistently 
with his own safety to defend and protect Mr. Humbert's 

The next night after this visit from Brown, Mr. Hum- 
bert, influenced by his friends, notwithstanding the pre- 
carious and unprotected condition of his children, under 
the cover of night fled to the mountains of North Caro- 
lina. The point he wished to reach in that State was 
Haywood county, distant a hundred and seventy miles. 


In performing this journey Mr. Humbert was com- 
pelled to avoid the settlements and public roads, keeping 
the unfrequented thickets, but more particularly follow- 
ing the ranges of mountains, traveling by night and con- 
cealing himself during the day. Sixty miles of his jour- 
ney was performed on the crest of the highest mountains 
in the country. After thirteen days of toil in this way, 
being exposed to hunger, cold and fatigue, wading the 
streams and climbing the mountains, sleeping in the 
woods and swamps, or among the negroes, not daring to 
show his face at the door of a white man, unless pre- 
viously advised by the negroes that it would be safe ; and 
living in constant fear of being captured or shot down bj' 
the guerrillas, or the rebel cavahy, JMr. Humbert, with 
the exception of considerable injury to liis healtli, reached 
Haywood county in safety. 

In this county, and in Cox and Sevier counties joining 
it across the line in Tennessee, protected by relatives, old 
acquaintances, and newly made Union friends, Mr. Hum- 
bert remained a refugee four months. Part of this period 
lie spent Avith a nephew, Mr. Wm. Humbert, and a Union 
family by the name of A. Duggan. Many other families 
extended their friendship to Mr. Humbert during his stay 
as TTnion refugee in these counties. Among these, in 
particular, was the family of Mr. Abraham Hopkins. Mr. 
and Mrs. Hopkins were people whose Unionism and love 
of country enabled them quickly to perceive the condi- 
tion and anticipate the sufferings of refugees fleeing in 
the dead of winter, and burying themselves in the caves, 
or living in the forests to escape the merciless fury of 
their rebel enemies. On the head of Crosbys' Creek, Cox 
county, Mr. Humbert found a Union community that 
received him, as well as all other Union refugees, with 
open arms. 

In April 1862, hoping that changes in Bradley had trans- 
pired which would permit him to remain at home, Mr. 
Humbert threaded his way back to the county, nearly in 
the same manner and nearly by the same route that he 
made the outward trip ; and owing to the season, returned 


with less suffering and less injury to his health than his 
outward trip occasioned him. Ttie January nights on his 
outward trip were severe, during one of which in i)articu- 
lar, one that he spent on the top of a high mountain, it 
was with the utmost mental and bodily exertion that he 
kept himself from perishing. 

Though absent five months, the hatred of Mr. Humbert's 
old enemies had not abated. No sooner was it known by 
rebels in the third district that he had returned, than 
steps were taken to have him arrested. He fled the 
second time, and for six months longer was compelled to 
absent himself from home, concealing himself in the dif- 
ferent parts of the country. Toward the last of October, 
or late in the fall of 1862, the face of things in the county 
having somewhat changed in regard to arresting and 
imprisoning men of Mr. Humbert's age, he ventured to 
make another effort to live Avith his family. Although no 
further attempts were made to arrest and imprison him, 
yet after this, in common with other Union people in his 
district, his premises were robbed, plundered, and torn to 
pieces, his plantation sv* ept clean of everything in the 
shape of stock, his household goods, furniture, bedding, 
cooldng utensils, and even knives and forks were carried 
oft" by the guerrilla gangs that frequently desolated the 

Mr. Humbert and his two daughters had the good for- 
tune to live to see the end of the war, though it may be 
truthfully said, everything considered, that it is remark- 
able that all of them escaped with their lives. After 
having suffered in common with others, with an exposure 
of life equally with others, but in this respect more fortu- 
nate than many, they are now living upon their extensive 
plantation of six hundred acres, in the third district of 
Bradley county, in the full enjoyment of the fruits of the 
great victory. 

In presenting a history of the case of Mr. Humbert's 
family with the rebels, we have not done so from the fact 
that its remarkableness formed any exception to the gen- 
eral rule of cases in the third district, or in the south part 


of the county. Had any one case been selected as an 
average of what each family in the district suffered, this 
perhaps would have been as near an average as any other. 
The sufferings of effery other unswerving Union family in 
the third district, other things being equal, were doubt- 
less as great as those of the family of Mr. Humbert. 


The following incident occurred in Bradley county in 
the twelfth district, in the fall of 1862, an account of which 
was furnished by Mr. A. K. Potts. 

•' Wiley Willhoit was a good Southern man. He talked long and 
loud about his rights in the Southern Confederacy. Plis family was 
too large for him to leave altogether and enter the rebel army during 
the war, but when his country should be invaded, he would slioulder 
his gun and defend his rights. One Southern man, could whip five 
Yankees, etc. Shortl}^ after the rebel conscript law passed, which 
included all under thirty-five, Wiley just escaped it, his age being 
between thirty-live and forty, something entirely new to his acquain- 
tance. Then came Wiley's time to show his patriotism. The enroll- 
ing officer came round ordering him to report at rebel headquarters 
immediately. Wiley, however, was not quite ready, but would report 
the next day. The next da^' came, Wiley put three days rations in 
his haversack and starts from the midst of tears and sobs, of a be- 
loved wife and children. Wiley walked slowly toward rebel head- 
quarters with liis gun upon his shoulder, and finally began to reason 
with himself thus : ' If I go into the army, and get into a fight 1 shall 
stand seven chances to be killed to one of escape. Those Yankees 
can shoot seven times to my one, and they are no respectors of per- 
sons. If I go to Kentucky, so many Union boys have already gone 
there, who are acquainted with me, that 1 fear they will kill me there. 
I am resolved what to do. I know these woods like a checker-board, 
peradventure, I can hide in the forest and dod^e the war altogether. 
Wiley now steps aside and takes up his abode in the bushes. The 
enrolling officer returned in a day or two but Wiley was gone. 
Weeks rolled on — no news of Wiley. At last the rainy season set in 
and there came a very wet night. It rained hard and was very dark. 
Wiley knew of a large hollow log, but how to find it in that dark 
night was the point. It appears, however, that somebody else knew 
of the log also. A Union conscript fleeing from the rebels, had crept 
into the log early in the evening. Wiley groped his way through 
the darkness, the rain pouring down in torrents and at last found his 
log. He stooped down and when in the act of crawlino- in, wet and 
shivering and boiling with rage, he was muttering to himself, ' ain't 
this h — 1 ?' ' Yes,' cried a voice in the log, ' come in.' ' Whose there ?' 
asked Wiley, 'Unrolling officer,^ responded the voice. Wiley ske- 
daddled among the trees, cutting both rain and darkness as he went- 
But that night and that hollow log cured Wiley of his rebelism, and 
after that he lay many a day and night in a cave with Union men, 
hiding from the rebels. 


Bradley Co., East Tenn., April 20thr 




The following is a communication furnished by A. J, 
Trewhitt, Esq., of Cleveland, East Tennessee, giving hi& 
views of the Rebellion generally, and setting forth his 
experience as a Union man at the hands of the rebels. 
Mr. Trewhitt is a young man who is destined to succeed 
and rise in his profession ; one who is already deservedly 
known as a successful lawyer in East Tennessee ; and his 
communication will be read by his acquaintances of the 
profession as well as by the Union people of the State 
without the least suspicion as to the truth and candor of 
its statements : 

" At the commencement of the rebellion I was follow- 
ing the profession of law, and as I thought getting a liberal 
share of patronage in the fourth judicial circuit of the 
State of Tennessee. I was satisfied with my success, and 
considered it my duty as a citizen of the United States to 
espouse the cause of the Union of all the States under the 
Constitution ; never having seen where the government 
of the United States had become oppressive to any State 
or parts of a State, or any individual member of a State, 
no matter where located. 

" In the month of February, 1861, an election was 
ordered by the Executive of Tennessee, Isham G. Harris, 
and his Legislature, by which the people were to decide 
whether a State Convention should be called for the pur- 
l)ose of taking steps as to what the State should do in 
regard to the secession movement. At that election I 
voted against a convention, and the popular vote of the 
State was largely againsst a convention. Shortly there- 
after, the notorious Isham G. Harris called his Legislature 
together again, and with AVashington Barrow and others as 
commissioners of some sort, to meet H.W. Hilliard from the 


Oonfederate States, went into a secret -session and made a 
kind of bargain and sold out tlie State, calling on the 
people to vote on the Sth of June, 1861, upon the ques- 
tion of representation or no representation,, and protec- 
tion or no protection. At that election I voted for no 
representation and no protection. 

"The next step was to elect a President of the Confed- 
eracy and members from Tennessee to the Rebel Con- 
gress. At that election I refused to vote, and from this 
on refused to act for the rebel government in any respect 
or to treat it as a government, until the rebel conscrii^f 
law Avas passed putting all into the rebel army between 
the ages of eighteen and forty-iive. I was then guilty of 
the most disloyal act of my life. A friend of mine, a 
Union man, had taken a large contract of the rebel gov- 
ernment, and I, having a sickly family — a good reason 
why I should desire to escape the draft — procured a detail 
from my friend as one of his emplojiees. 

" Thus aflairs rested between me and the rebels, with 
the exception that I occasionally heard that they cursed 
and threatened me, swearing that I ought to be shot, 
hung, (fee, until the 26th of April, 1863. Early in the 
morning of this day I went to my business, leaving my 
wife very sick and confined to her bed. That same morn- 
ing, with a 'view to procure some tobacco, I started to go 
about three-fourths of a mile with my gun on my shoul- 
der, hoping to shoot a turkey or some other wild game for 
my wife, in the woods by the way. On the trip I hap- 
pened to fall in with a brother-in-law, two of his brothers, 
and three other neighbors, all good Union men, and all 
rebel conscripts. Soon after meeting these men, on a 
sudden I heard some one cry ' halt I ' All but myself fled 
to the bushes. On looking around I saw five or six armed 
and mounted men about fifty yards from me. I immedi- 
ately went to them, three of whom I knew, to wit, Capt. 
May, Jathan Gregory and Springfield May. Capt. May 
ordered me into the custody of Gregory, and after curs- 
ing me a few times, he and the others started after the 
other boys, leaving me to be guarded by Gregory. 


"As I was going. up to the rebels after hearing the word 
halt, Avhen within about twenty yards of them I heard the 
report of a gun or pistol, fired by some one of their party 
either at me or some of those fleeing from me ; but the 
shot was harmless. Yery soon after the rebels left me 
and Gregory, I heard twelve or fifteen shots, mostly in the 
direction they went. In about ten minutes after these 
shots were fired they all returned, having captured none 
of my friends, but stating that they had shot one of them 
through the shoulder; and Springfield May stating that 
he was shot by one of them. Both statements, hovrever, 
were false. They shot none of the men who were with 
me, nor was Springfield May shot by any of them ; for I 
subsequently saw the entire company and got the facts 
in the case. Capt. May, in the chase, got within sight of 
two of the conscripts, who turned and leveled their pieces 
to fire upon him, when in a cowardly manner he wheeled 
and ordered his men to retrace their steps, which eflected 
their return to me and Gregory, as just stated. 

"Thus returned, Capt. May and his son Springfield, 
exi)ended a few minutes in again cursing and abusing me 
in a manner that would have shamed the imps of Satan 
themselves. They took me to a house where a man lived 
by the name of Griffith. Here they had about fifteen 
infantry rebels belonging to Cai)t. Foster's company of 
the 3d Georgia regiment. Here, also, Capt. Maj^, feeling 
himself re-enforced, his cub Springfield joining his father 
in the game, showed themselves brave and patriotic men. 
Armed as they were, and backed as they w^ere, they could 

curse me as a tory, a bushwhacker, a d d liar, and 

using towards me every other epithet of abuse, could also 
coolly inform me that I would never get to Cleveland 
alive. Brave men, they could not only curse a solitary 
prisoner, but could take the last morsel of bread from a 
lone woman and three children ; curse and whip a granny 
w^oman not under one hundred years of age ; and rather 
than be particular, if necessary could rob the old lady oi 
her shroud after slie was dead. 

"After they were satisfied with cursing and abusing 


me, Capt. May took my gun, gave it to Gregoiy, and with 
all the pomp of a rebel General turned me over to Capt. 
Fosters men, with a statement as false as secession itself. . 
He informed Capt. Foster that the crowd I was with fired 
on his men ^fter he had halted them, and that I came to 
him with my gun in a shooting position, both of which 
was entirely false. The fact is Capt. May never halted us 
at all, for he told me himself that the word halt whicli we 
heard was given to his own men to get them together, he 
not having seen us at the time. Brave and truthful Cap- 
tain, he will have his rights after he quits this world if he 
does not get them before. 

"The next day I was taken to Knoxville and taken 
before John H. Tool, then Provost Marshal of Knoxville, 
who seemed more like a human being. He looked over 
Capt. Ma3^'s charges, and asked me if I had been in the 
camp of instruction. I answered I had not. He said he 
reckoned I would have to go there. I told him that at 
home I was at work on a detail, and would prefer to 
return to that. He enquired w^ho detailed me. I replied 
Coi. Blake. He then looked at my detail and said he 
would send me to Col. Blake. I was guarded to Col. E. 
D. Blake, who looked at Capt. May's charges, after which 
he had a guard of two rebels with fixed bayonets placed 
over me, and then showed his bravery and good breeding 

b}^ cursing me for a d d liar, a d d Lincolnite, a 

d d tory, &c., till I was fully convinced of his qualifi- 
cations to abuse an unarmed citizen, who was in his 
power and unable to helj) himself. He then notified me 
that I might Avrite to my friends to come and do some- 
thing for me if they could, for I was in great danger of 
being hung or shot. I answered him that I should not 
write them such news as that, but if I was permitted to 
write I would write what I pleased. He then in a pom- 
j)ous and vindictive manner sent me to jail, there to be 
kept in close confinement. I was thrust into a jail which 
already contained about three hundred prisoners, among 
whom I became acquainted with Dr. Samuel Snapp from 
Sullivan county, Capt. Harris from Jefierson county, Capt. 


Deatow Iroiii Kent county, and Lieut. Rogers, all from 
Tennessee, and all of whom were Federal officers, and the 
benefit of exchange denied them. These officers were 
accused of being Federal spies. They were simply found 
within the rebel lines in full Federal uniform, Not a sha- 
dow of reasonable proof existed that they Avere spies. I 
have since learned to my sorrow that Capt. Deatow was 
executed, which, however, is nothing strange, consider- 
ing that his captors were, in fact, a set of murderers. I 
remained in jail eight d.iys, the gates being broken open 
from without, twice or three times, and the building set 
on fire once during the time. On the fifth of May, ten 
days from the time I was captured, I was released. Col. 
Blake resanctioning my detail, and allowing me to go 
home for two months, which of course gratified me very 
much, although it was at a cost of several hundred dollars, 
I reached home on the 6th, the next day after my release, 
and found that my rebel friends in Cleveland, contrary to 
their better information, had conveyed news to my family 
that I was to be executed on the Ttli, the da}^ after I 
reached home. 

On the 7th and 8th I was secretly making arrangements 
to cross the rebel lines and find a free country. About 
nine o'clock on the evening of the 8th, I and my family 
having retired to bed, I heard a rap at the door. I opened 
the door and Capt. Foster, the same ofiicer to vviiomi was 
before consigned by May, entered with an armed force 
and arrested me again, and sent me again to Knoxville to 
be tried. I then ascertained that one William H. Tibbs, 
Wm. A. Camp, and John G. Carter, had fron. the time I 
reached home, until I was arrested the second time, been 
cursing about my release, and swe-aring that I should be 
arrested again. During this time also, but keeping it a 
secret from me, these three men, aided by George W. Car- 
der and his son-in-law, David Demot, who made lies and 
falsehoods for them, and for one McFee to swear to, were 
telegraphing to Knoxville, thus procuring my arrest. 
After being arrested by Foster, I was warned by the 


rebels of Cleveland that I would be shot as soon as I 
reached Knoxville. 

Arriving at Knoxville, I was again taken before Col. 
Tool, Avho, as before, treated me kindly, and examined the 
home-made witness prepared against me, Avho made out 
his written statement as Avell as he could, as manufac- 
tured l^y Tibbs, Camp, Carter, Carder and Demot. When 
the examination was through Col. Tool informed me that I 
needed no witness, that their tale amounted to nothing ; but 
that he would have to send me again to Col. Blake. Once 
more before Col. Blake, he gave me another lesson in- 
structing me how a Federal prisoner could be cursed and 
abused by rebel officers of his importance, after which he 
sent me under guard to what he called their camp of 
instruction. This camp of instruction Avas a pole house 
about eighteen feet by twenty-six, with rebel soldiers 
about five feet from it and all around it as guards. From 
fifty to sixty conscript prisoners were inside of it, with 
lice as thick as they could well crawl ; nothing in the 
world to cover us at night, and nothing Init the naked 
ground to lie upon. Great God ! such instruction as we 
received here, as well as in jail, with about one -fourth as 
much as we needed to eat, and that not fit to swallow, I 
pray that I may never have to receive again. I remained 
in this camp of instruction about six days, or until the 
loth, when I, with about thirty others, was marched out 
like so many sheex) to the slaughter, and placed in one 
box car, marked for the South — one door shut, the otlier 
filled with rebel guards. We knocked ofi:' one or two strips 
of plank so that we could see out and have a little circula- 
tion of air. 

Arriving at Cleveland, I was permitted to look through 
one of these improvised breathing lioles, and send word 
to my wife that I was marked for Yicksburg, and to sen 

er a little bank money. The first day we arrived at Dal- 
ton, Georgia, where we were confined in the car until the 
next morning. Reaching Atlanta that evening we were 
guarded for about an hour, waiting for a train, during 
which I saw apparently more men, conscripts, between 


the ages of eighteen and forty-five, than could be found 
in the whole of East Tennessee. From Atlanta we 
reached Montgomery, Alabama, the next morning, where 
we stayed until evening. While there we were guarded 
in the shade of an oak tree, on which the rebels, a short 
time before, had hung a citizen because he was a Union 

While under the shade of this oak tree the company fell 
to sleep, and I having slejDt about fifteen minutes, awoke, 
and found that some rebel rascal had taken my pocket- 
book with every cent of money it contained. 

^Vhile at Montgomery we saw some Federals wdio Yveve 
taken i)risoners at Brandon, Mississippi, from whom I 
learned that they would never get us to Yicksburg, From 
Montgomery we were taken to Selma. While at Selma a 
day and a night, four of our company left, two of whom I 
afterwards heard w^ere captured and conscripted in Ala- 
bama, the names of the other tvvo w^ere Hooker, from Polk 
county, East Tennessee — wdiat fate the}' met with I have 
never heard. From Selma we were taken to Meridian, 
where the Jackson Railroad crosses the Mobile and Ohio 
Railroad. Here the rebel Lieut. E. G. Lea, who had gotten 
us assigned to his batteiy at Yicksburg, ascertained that 
Yicksburg was beseiged, and he sent us down to Enter- 
prise and had us placed in the Mississippi conscript camj), 
wdiere we arrived on the 20th of Ma}^ 1SG3. This camp 
was the first place where the guards w^ere taken from im.- 
mediately around us. Being put into this camp, we were 
left with the rest under none but the camp guards. 

'^Here I commenced to play my hand to convince the 
rebels that I would do to trust, and I was soon put on 
duty as other soldiers. While in this camp, Avithin eYery 
few days from two to six of our company would leave, 
none of Avhom, as I heard, were ever captured. 

" On the 2d day of June, myself, David M. Gilbraith, 
of Greene county, Tennessee, and Stephen Chemco, from 
Lee county, Yirginia, made our arrangements to start that 
night for the Federal lines. We were one hundred miles 
from tlie nearest Federal soldiers, those being around 


Vicksburg, and Johnson's wJiole army between iis and 
them. The next nearest Federals were at Corinth, a dis- 
tance of two hundred and eighty miles. We chose to 
strike for the latter point. That day I was detailed as 
provost guard of the camp, and about nine o'clock at 
night I was called on to go to a certain post and change 
the guard, whom, it appears, the officers had some suspi- 
cions of. I removed the guard as directed, but replaced 
him w^ith such a man as I i^referred, gave him an empty 
gun Avith no cartridges or caps, but with very strict orders 
as to his duties. I then went to the tent of the two friends 
already named, when we gathered up our things, and 
walked immediately past the guard whom I had just posted 
and given the empty gun, out of the camp, and made our 

" With only the north star to guide us, we traveled 
all night through tliickets and swamps till daylight, find- 
ing ourselves but about six miles from camp, being so 
near at least that we could hear the provost guards dis- 
charge their i)ieces. We concealed ourselves in the 
swamps till sunset, then traveled till dark in the woods, 
after which we took the Ohio and Mobile Kailroad till 
daylight, w4iich brought us in sight of Meridian, seven- 
teen miles from Enterprise. Three thousand rebel sol- 
diers were then stationed at Meridian, and w^e concealed 
ourselves in a deep gully about a mile from their camps. 
After dusk w^e attempted to resume our journey, but the 
night became so very dark that we had to desist till the 
moon arose, when we wound our way from among the 
houses and away from the rebel camps, took the Meridian 
and Ohio Railroad, traveling again till morning, and com- 
ing v^-ithin sight of Marion, twent^^-seven miles from En- 

'^We continued our journey during the day in the 
woods, keeping within siglit of the railroad, at night at- 
tempting again to travel on the railroad. The night again, 
however, was so very dark, and the bridges and trestle- 
v/ork on the road so dangerous, that we bivouacked from 
the track about twenty yards to camp for the night. Just 


as we were laying clown we heard the blast of a cavalry 
bugle followjed by the tramping of horses, and soon dis- 
covered a horseman coming exactly towards us. I 
watched him and thought in my soul he would ride over 
us, but joy be with liim, when within about fifteen feet of 
us he turned his course and passed about five feet to the 
right of us. We slept for awhile, awaking just as the 
moon, our great comforter, arose, when we took the rail- 
road again, reaching Gainsville a little before day-dawn. 
Here we passed among two or three trains of cars stand- 
ing upon the track, some of them with persons in them, 
talking and moving about. We flanked off to the west 
about a mile and lay in the creek bottom till in the even- 
ing, or till about one o'clock. 

" Up to this time we had spoken to no person, nor been 
seen by any as we knev/. We were out of rations, and, 
fortunately, while in this creek bottom, met with a negro 
man, of whom we procured a small quantity of bread and 
meat. Here, also, we heard of one Union man who lived 
near by. Fortunateh^ again for us, we here met with 
another negro Vvdio was on his way to Scoba, a place that 
lay in our path, who also had a pass to travel. We all 
started together, and keeping the negro in advance he 
would cross the bridges before us and look for guards, 
but luckily we found none. 

"We arrived at Scoba that night, and concealed our- 
selves for the day without food or drink. Here we learned 
that rebel companies were being made up, also packs of 
bloodhounds, with which to lumt Union conscripts. At 
dusk we started out, traveling that night and the next 
day in the woods. The next night we again took the rail- 
road and kept it till morning, which brought us, a little 
before day, to Macon. The railroad here passes through 
the edge of the town, and we thought we could slip 
through, but all at once, we saAV alwut tvrenty yards from 
us a rebel tent and something like a commissary estab- 
lishment standing together. We left the track, bore 
round the tents, i:>assing through a lot of cattle, thinking 
ourselves safe, when to our confusion, not far from the 


cattle we discovered a sentinel. We crouched as quick 
as i^ossible, and by making another ilank movement 
avoided him also. We struck into the woods, avoiding 
the railroad altogether ; and by keeping the ridges 
avoided the principal streams. 

"We continued a north course, passing within live mile.s 
of Starksville. Near this place we procured some pro- 
visions of a negro, who said his master was a Union man 
and a physician living at Starksville, and the owner of 
about forty slaves. 

" Pushing forward we arrived opposite Artesia, and 
ascertained that about ten thousand rebel soldiers were 
there, and that the country was full of scouts. We, how- 
ever, proceeded cautiously, and for tAVo or three days 
after we left Artesia saw rebel scouts ranging the coun- 
try ; providentially, however, we escaped them. The 
chances looked critical enough, but trusting in God and 
the justice of our cause, we kept our course about the 
same distance from the railroad till v\^e arrived opposite 
Oakland. We found that about ten thousand soldiers 
also were at Oakland, and three thousand at Houston, 
with rebel scouts passing thickly from one place to the 
other. We considered this our last great struggle, but by 
close watching and the aid of powerful thickets we ]3assed 
their pickets unobserved. 

"As yet we had heard of but two Union men, but we 
could still hear of guerrilla companies and bloodhounds. 
Negroes we found were becoming more scarce, yet after 
leaving Oakland we procured of them a side of bacon and 
a quantity of bread. 

"Late one evening, our stock of bread having failed, I 
ventured to a lone house where I succeeded in getting a 
small quantity, and ascertained that we were within thirty 
miles of Corinth. The woman also informed me that the 
citizens were making up a horse thief company. 

"About nine o'clock one morning we saw a house, ap- 
parently on a main road. Being out of provisions I ven- 
tured to it and found no persons but an old lady and her 
daughter. She had live sons and one son-in-law in the 


rebel army.' I passed for a rebel soldier that had ])eeii 
taken prisoner, telling the old lady and her daughter a 
fine story about mj^ sufferings. Astonishing how it took 
with them. The old lady and her daughter flew to bak- 
ing, and hurried everything as fast as possible to give me 
my breakfast. Directly up rode a rebel soldier, but the 
same cliarm worked on him. So I got a good breakfast 
and bread to supply us on our way for some distance, and 
learned that we were within eighteen miles of Corinth. 

''Some distance from this point we met with a man who 
said his name was Barnet. As we then feared, we after- 
wards learned that he tried to get the rebels in pursuit of 
us. We fooled him by changing our course for Tuscum- 
bia, where we arrived in safety on tlie twenty-third day 
after we left Enterprise. 

" Col. Miller, of the lltli Missouri Infantrj", w^as then in 
command at that place. He received us with great cau- 
tion but with great kindness. I shall never forget him 
nor his men for the hearty welcome the}^ gave us. Col. 
Miller directed us to Corinth, stating that Ave needed no 
one to go with us, that there was not the least danger. 

" At Corinth we became acquainted with Gen. Dodge, 
then in command at that place. We found him to be of 
the same true siDirit with Col. Miller. He gave us trans- 
Ijortation and passports to Nashville, where we arrived in 
just one month and one day from the time we left Enter- 
prise. Here I found my East Tennessee friends by the 

" On the 7th of September I left Nashville for home ; 
and on tlie 18th arrived within five miles of Cleveland, 
almost within sight of home, where I heard that our 
forces had fallen back that morning, and that tw^o thous- 
and rebels occupied Cleveland. After hiding myself two 
days in the White Oak Mountains, I learned that the Ten- 
nessee River was lined with rebels, and I literally sur- 
rounded. Being acquainted with the country, and know- 
ing of a place of perfect concealment within six miles of 
where I was, I went to it, where I remained till the 8th of 


October, witliout as yet hearing from my family. Meet- 
ing with an opportunity I sent word to my vv'ife when she 
immediately made her way through the rebel camps of 
two thousand soldiers to my place of self imprisonment, 
reaching me in just six months to a day from the time we 
parted. A happy, happy moment it was in the midst of 
our troubles. 

" My wife returned in a few days, and found that in her 
absence everything inside and outside of her house had 
been destroyed by the rebels. I remained in my conceal- 
ment till the 20th of October, when I m^ade my w^ay 
through the rebels to my family. I prepared me a place 
of concealment where i watched the rebels daily and 
saAY them pass and repass, foraging in the country. 

'• On the lirst of January, ISG-i, I moved my family out 
of their lines. At one time, while I was concealed near 
home, I saAV a command of rebels pass up the road to- 
wards Charleston. It proved to be the command of the 
notorious Wm. H. Tibbs, aided by Gen. Wheeler, who 
came out to charge on my house and family — my family 
consisting at that time of my wife, mother-in-law and one 
little girl. They took from them the only remaining 
liorse Yve possessed, the few sweet potatoes my wife had 
raised during the summer in my absence, with other 
things as they liked. A great and honorable victory in- 
deed for Col. Tibbs and Gen. Wheeler, a thing which 
brave and high-minded men like themselves at all times 
are capable of doing. 

"In conclusion I will say to the rebels, that for my wad- 
ing the streams and swamps of Mississippi, ploughing my 
way through thickets and cane-brakes, climbing knobs 
and bluffs^ lying exposed in the Avet and cold, with all my 
other sutTerings, and especially for their abominable abuse 
of my family, as well as for their cruel and outrageous 
treatment of my father — they having banished him from 
his family, imprisoned and so cruelly tortured him as to 
murder him, far from his home and friends, in a rebel hos- 
pital w^orse than a Federal prison,— referring particularly 
to Wm. H. Tibbs, John G. Carter, Wm. A. Camp, George 


W. Carder, David Demot, and the scoundrel McFee, I 
can only ask God to forgive them, for I know that I never 

'' Cleveland, Tenx., March 25th, 1864." 


The party wlio captured lawyer Trewhitt, as related by 
him in the preceding communication, was, on that day, 
perpetrating what may very properly be called the Gre- 
gory raid. 

Jathan Gregory, spoken of ])y Mr. Trewhitt as the man 
to whom he was consigned by May, boasted after this 
affair that he was the instigator of the proceedings of this 
rebel party on that day. To organize tor this raid, the 
day before, two parties of rebel soldiers, one from Cleve- 
land, Bradley county, the other from Georgia, met at Bed 
Clay station, on the Tenn. & Ga. R. R., twelve miles 
south of Cleveland, and that night repaired to Gregory's 
neighborhood, where they camped for the night. The 
next morning, the Gregories and a number of other rebel 
citizens, joined these rebel soldiers, all constituting a 
party of about forty. When ready to move they sepa- 
rated into three parties, so as to sweep as wide a scope of 
country as possible, Capt. May, Judge Mastin and Gregory, 
each Iieading a party. They struck north into Bradley, 
making a circuit tlirough the countr}^ returning towards 
Georgia. After plundering Union families to their satis- 
faction, and loading themselves down with as much or 
more than they could carry, the party broke up, its frag- 
ments rejjairing to their several localities. 

The Union men the whole party captured that day, be- 
sides Mr. Trewhitt, were G. Humbert, Wm. Parks, Robt. 
Huffman, and one named Kelly. 

The citizens who assisted the rebel soldiers in this 
raid were Jathan Gregory, Seth Gregory, W. H. Taft, J. B. 
Britton, Geo. Klick, Elber Dean, Esq., John H. Davis, 
Edward Fitzgerald, Marion Gillian, W. Tracy, F. T. Fuller- 
ton, Capt. MajT", Judge Mastin. 




The subject of this narrative is the Mr. Riclimond 
spoken of in the preceding chapter, as the prisoner in 
possession of Capt. Brown and his men, when they were 
searching for Mr. Humbert and w^ere robbing his family. 
It will be remembered also that this same Mr. Richmond 
was one of the Tuscaloosa prisoners, an account of whom 
has been already given. 

Mr. Richmond was taken to Cleveland by Capt. Brown 
the evening of the day he made the search for i\fr. Hum- 
bert; and as soon as possible was dispatched to Tusca- 
loosa. It is evident from this fact, that Mr. Humbert, with 
Mr. Richmond, would have suffered the same fate had 
Brown on that day been successful in finding him. Mr. 
Richmond had four sons who had reached manhood, Isaac, 
William C. John and Samuel, all of wdiom became sol- 
diers in the Federal army. Isaac at the very commence- 
ment of the rebellion fled to Kentucky, and joined Wol- 
ford's cavalry. William C. was arrested by Capt. Brown 
and forced into Capt. Dunn's comx)any in the 36th Ten- 
nessee rebel infantry, but deserted and joined the 1st Ten- 
nessee Federal cavalry. John also fled to Kentucky, and 
joined the Federal army. Samuel was arrested and 
forced into the rebel army, but deserted and joined the 

Mr. Richmond reached home from Tuscaloosa in July 
1862, after which, like many others, he concealed and pro- 
tected himself from the rebels as best he could, until he 
was murdered by them, some time before our armies took 
IDOssession of the country. Late in the fall of 1862, Mr. 
Richmond, among other losses by the rebels, was robbed 
by them of twelve or fifteen valuable swine. About a 



mile from his house lived the family of GregoiTs, alread}^ 
frequently spoken of in this work. Mr. Richmond being 
satisfied that Gregory was at least concerned in stealing 
his property, although surrounded with rebels, plainly and 
boldly told Gregory that he was the thief who robbed him. 
Gregory denied the charge, and though he and his boys 
were the principals in the crime, as finally discovered, yet 
supposing that rebel influence and rebel false swearing 
would clear him in a public investigation of the case, told 
Richmond that he would submit the matter to an arbi- 

The fact, however, of Gregory's guilt, on trial, was so 
perfectly manifest, that it w^as impossible for his rebel 
friends to clear him, and the arbitrators decided that he 
should pay Richmond sixty-six dollars for the part of the 
villainy perpetrated by him and his boys. This decision 
together with the fact, perhaps, that it was getting rather 
dark times in Tennessee for the Confederacy, caused Gre- 
gory to leave immediately, under the cover of night, with 
his family for Dixie. 

A month, perhaps, after Gregory disappeared, three 
rebel soldiers, one evening came to the house of Mr. 
Richmond, pretending to be rebel deserters, threading 
their wa}^ to the Federal lines. It was quite late, and they 
requested entertainment for the night. They were taken 
in, given a good supper and comfortable lodgings. After 
breakfast next morning, having had their accommodations 
free, they desired Mr. Richmond to accompany them a 
short distance, particularly to guide them across a creek 
in the vicinity. Unsuspectingl}'-, he went with them, and 
shortly after the report of a gun was heard by his family 
in the direction the party went. Mr. Richmond never 
returned, and for the time the three rebel deserters were 
no more heard from in Bradley, nor were they ever known 
to reach the Federal lines as such. Mr. Richmond's fam- 
ily, of course was alarmed, and thorough search was 
immediately made, but without discovering any traces 
either of Mr. Richmond or of the rebel deserters. It was 


evident that fie had been either murdered or conveyed 
away as a prisoner. 

The affair created considerable excitement in the com- 
munity, and whatever had been the fate of Mr. Richmond 
it was at once.suspicioned by the Union people, that Gre- 
gory, whom it was known was yet but a short distance 
south of the line in Georgia, was the instigator of the 
foul deed. A report was immediately put in circulation 
by rebel citizens, that Mr. Richmond had gone to Nash- 
ville. This was understood at the time by Union citizens 
as a rebel strategy, to weaken the evidence and counter- 
act the public impression that Mr. Richmond had been 
murdered by the pretending rebel deserters. The Britton 
boys — malignant rebels — shortly after Mr. Richmond's 
disaiDpearance, were overheard conversing upon the sub- 
ject, to the effect that Mr. Richmond was put out of the 
way, and had met with his just deserts. The Brittons, 
Julians, and Gregorys in the third district were a rebel 
clan that hung together, and no matter what local changes 
took place among them, a crime committed by any one 
of the party was immediately known to the whole frater- 
nity. Although the fate of Mr. Richmond appeared to be 
shrouded in mystery, yet his friends were deeply im- 
pressed that he had been murdered, and that the crime 
originated with the Gregorys, and was iDerhaps partici- 
pated in by their general accomplices just named. 

When East Tennessee fell into our hands, many of the 
Tennessee boys who had fled North and joined the Fed- 
eral army were permitted to visit their homes. Among 
these were the four sons of Mr. Richmond. Once more at 
home, they immediately determined, if possible, to solve 
the mystery of their father's sudden disappearance, the 
fall before, and also, if possible, bring some of the guilty 
parties to punishment. As the result of their efforts, the 
remains of their father were found concealed in the 
boughs of a fallen tree, in the vicinity where the report 
of the gun was heard by his family the morning he disap- 
peared. This confirmed his murder by the three men, 
who, as stated, decoyed him from his dwelling. 


About tlie time Gen. Sherman started on his Atlanta 
campaign, May 1864, among other rebels who fell into 
the hands, either of the Richmond bo3^s themselves or of 
other Tennessee Federals, was a rebel soldier suspected 
of being connected with the murder of Mr. Richmond. 
Being put to the test, he was recognized by Mrs. Rich- 
mond and other members of the family, as one of the 
three who decoyed Mr. Richmond into the woods the fall 
before. The fact of his guilt appearing beyond all ques- 
tion, it was decided that, under the circumstances, our 
army being under motion, the possibility of his escape if 
his case was delayed, with the unprovoked Avickedness of 
his crime, he should die in the same summary manner as 
that in which he put Lis innocent victim out of the world. 
Accordingly, he was left in the hands of those who cap- 
tured him, by whom he was drawn aside and dispatched^ 
the fatal bullet sending his spirit into the presence of his 
Maker to be judged as a murderer. 

Mr. Richmond's family is yet living in the third district^ 
consisting of the widow, two daughters, three youthful 
sons, besides the four who served in the Federal army. 

The other two of Mr. Richmond's murderers have prob- 
ably never been brought to justice. The Gregorys, at 
whose instigation doubtless, the three rebels visited and 
murdered Mr. Richmond, the Julians and Brittons also^ 
unless pursued and punished by Mr. Richmond's sons, 
will probably go unwhipped of justice in this world, for 
the part they iDorformed in this crime. 

Mr. Richmond was the owner of a tanner}^, and when 
murdered had a quantity of leather, the pieces of which' 
were in different stages of finish. Shortly after his death 
his premises were robbed, after whicli the identical pieces 
of unfinished leather were seen in the possession of Hiram 
Julian, father of the boj^s who were overheard talking 
upon the subject of Mr. Richmond's disappearance. 

The sons of Mr. Richmond, who enlisted in the Federal 
army and aided in putting down the rebellion, all lived to 
enter upon the enjoyment of the inestimable blessings of 
the final Union triumph ; and are now honored and re- 


spected, while their rebel enemies and the murderers of 
their father are branded in history as the vilest of their 
race, and shunned and detested by the good as criminal 
vagabonds, unfit to live among men. 


Wm. E. Fisher was a Union ]3oy whose parents lived 
not far from Mr. Richmond's/ Young Fisher and Isaac 
Eichmond were driven out of the country by the rebels, 
perhaps about the same time. Both were members of 
Wolford's cavalry. Wolford's Avas the first Kentucky cav- 
alry. After these two hojs^ with many others, had been 
driven away, those the most conspicuous in hunting 
them out of the country, particularly two named James 
Miller and Lewis Caygle, embraced every opportunity to 
abuse and insult the i)arents of these two boys, as well as 
other Union parents whose boys had been driven away, 

calling them d d tories, traitors, etc., telling them that 

the}^ themselves were the individuals who drove their 
sons out of the country ; that they would see their sons 
no more, for they would never be permitted to return. 

At an election in the third district, this James Miller 
was particularly vicious, and among many other things, 
told the father of Wm. E. Fisher, and other Union men, 
that Union parents who had encouraged their sons to 
leave the country and join the Federal army, ought them- 
selves to be made to leave the country with ropes around 
their necks. 

This was near the commencement of the rebellion. 
After this both Miller and Caygle joined the rebel army ; 
and as chance or fate ordered' future events, it so hap- 
pened that all four of these neighboring boys, each party 
from its respective army, were at the same time home on 
furloughs. At this time the south part of Bradle}^, in 
which the third district is situated, was, perhaps, some- 
thing like middle ground — ground between the two 
armies, occasionally reconnoitered b}^ both, but really 
occupied by neither. Richmond and Fisher stole their 
wav by night to their homes, and bv remaining secluded 


their presence was not known to their rebel neighbors. 
Miller and Caygle — the third district being a rebel neigh- 
borhood — were less cautious, and the fact that they also 
were at home reached the ears of Richmond and young- 
Fisher, who instantly reflected that possibly they could 
not only make some general capital out of the singular 
coincidence, but that then might be their time to revenge 
on their old enemies for the wrongs which they had in- 
flicted upon them and their parents. Accordingly the 
two prepared themselves, and going in the night to the 
home or homes of Miller and Caygle, they passed as rebel 
soldiers till they drew their victims from their beds and 
got an advantage of them, after which they revealed 
themselves, at the same time presenting their revolvers, 
informing the rebels that they were prisoners. They also 
captured another rebel by the name of Berry Gillihan. 
Gillihan, however, not being a soldier, but having remained 
at home, and perhaps not having behaved himself very 
viciously as a rebel, he was released. But Miller and 
Caygle they inarched straight out of the district that 
night, conducting them north till they reached the Fed- 
eral lines, where they were delivered to our authorities as 
prisoners of war. They were retained by our authorities, 
and probably never again had the privilege of fighting in 
the rebel ranks against their country. Certain it is they 
never after enjoyed the opportunity of hunting Richmond 
and Fisher, or any other Union men, out of the third dis- 





Mr. Southerland was born in South Carolina, October 
10th, 1798. His grandfather was a Revolutionary soldier, 
serving under General Marion, drew a pension for many 
A^ears, and died as he had lived, a patriot and a Christian, 
at the ripe age of ninety-five. 

The subject of this sketch emigrated to Tennessee, 
Bradley county, in 1821, settling in the third district. In 
1865 he had been a member of the Baptist denomination 
forty-live years, forty-four of which he had been a minis- 
ter of the Gospel. For many years after he became a 
resident of Tennessee, Mr. Southerland labored success- 
fully as a teacher of youth as well as a teacher of the 

At the commencement of the rebellion he had lived in 
Bradley forty years, having been known during this period 
among the people of East Tennessee in the three fold 
capacity of citizen. Christian and Christian minister, with- 
out a blot or stain appearing upon his character. No 
sooner, however, w^as it known that Mr. Southerland was 
unfriendly to the rebellion, than the majority of his breth- 
ren, lay and clerical, manifested towards him a corres- 
ponding want of friendship, many of both classes making 
strenuous efibrts to convince him of his error. Failing to 
throw upon the subject sufficient light to enable him to 
see that it was his duty to turn traitor against the gov- 
ernment which his own father and Gen. Marion fought 
side by side to establish, he was denounced by these 
brethren as an enemy to his country ; and finally, by an 
Association of his Baptist brethren in the ministry, was 
proscribed for his disloyalty and declared to be unworthy 
longer to be a co-laborer among them unless he would 


renounce his adherence to the Lincohi Goveriinient, and 
espouse the cause of the rebellion. 

Thus proscribed bj^ his brethren, together with malig- 
nant opposition from rebels generall}^, Mr. Southerland 
was compelled to suspend his ministrations during the 
war. One of his last attempts, near the commencement 
of the rebellion, to speak to the people as a Gospel min- 
ister, although it was at a place where he had successfully 
instructed his congregation for many years, was opposed 
by the majority of the people, including his brethren, and 
he forbidden to preach, unless he would publicl}^, at the 
commencement of his exercises, announce himself a 
friend to the rebellion. This Mr. Southerland could not 
do, aiid he and this portion of his people separated, not 
only as citizens, but as pastor and flock. 

On another occasion, and in anotlier place, after Mr. 
Southerland had entered the pulpit, twelve men, armed 
with revolvers and shot guns, entered the congregation 
and seated themselves in one corner of the Church. They 
soon unreservedly informed the minister that no more 
religious services could be held in that section unless 
they were performed b}^ ministers loyal to the Southern 
Confederacy ; and they desired him not to attempt it at 
that time. He replied that " he did not feel it his duty to 
invite a quarrel with them on the Lord's day, by an at- 
temi)t to preach under circumstances which would insure 
such a result. If they persisted, and would not allow liiui 
to preach the Word vrithout disturbance, he should con- 
sider himself forcibly ejected from the pulpit, and the 
responsibility of discontinuing the worship of God in that 
place would rest upon themselves." Notwithstanding 
this logical and forcible explanation of the responsibility 
they were taking, this band of ruffians stubbornly main- 
tained their position and insisted that he, nor any other 
Lincoln! te minister, would be allowed to speak to the 
people in that vicinity. Thus reassured that they w^ere 
in earnest, Mr. Southerland replied that he would offer 
prayer, sing a hymn, after which he would dismiss the 
congregation, and for tlie future leave them and the peo- 


pie of that section to their wishes. He then knelt before 
his congregation and prayed, with words and in a manner 
that appeared to have a good effect upon the audience 
generally as well as upon the rioters themselves. After 
prayer he commenced the singing of a devotional hymn, 
one Avhich he and that congregation had before sung to- 
gether many times in joyful praise and happy worship of 
their Eedeemer. Before the hymn was finished two of 
the ruffians Ijroke down under the influence the singing 
exerted, came near Mr. Southerland and begged his for- 
giveness. The two then told him that if he still desired 
to speak to the people he should not be disturbed. He, 
however, thought it best to dismiss the con'gregation, 
which he did, and this place, like others, ceased to be a 
point of his ministerial labors. 

The natural temperament and disposition of Mr. South- 
erland were the very opposite of that lion-like combat- 
iveness which enable some Christian ministers, mounted 
upon the pedestal of their lights, to stand like war-horses 
of resistance against all assailants, physically as well as 
intellectually dealing out heavy blows upon lie lieads*of 
their unjust invaders. His power as a worker in ilie vine- 
yard of the Lord lay in entrenching himsell behind the 
moral breastwork of sympathetic truth. In the absence 
of physical strength, with a moral inaptitude for entering 
the hubbub and invoking the danger of the clashing of 
antagonistic forces, the personal contour — unwarlike face 
— disarming tones of voice, and generally pacific mien, of 
Mr. Southerland, formed a power more difficult for most 
men to attack than to attack an equal antagonist stand- 
ing ready and perhaps inviting a hand-to-hand contest. 

Mr. Southerland, however, was no passive and truckling 
cow^ard. ' He was no skulking, non-committal, trembling- 
ghost upon the skirts of the crowd, when truth was 
invaded, or rights infringed upon. On one occasion the 
notorious Wm. H. Tibbs of rebel congress and negro driv- 
ing fame, near the commencement of the rebellion, was 
harranguing a company in the country, urging the peo- 
ple to secede, enlarging upon the glories of a separate 


Southern Confederacy, the honor and praise of those who 
should stand by the South, and pointing out the disgrace 
and punishment that would be visited upon Union trai- 
tors. Mr. Southerland listened quietly until Tibbs had 
finished, after which, he mounted the stump and called 
upon the audience to listen to him. However prejudiced 
the audience was in favor of rebellion, Mr. Souther- 
land's manner was such that it was difficult to refuse him 
a hearing. He had not finished his remarks before it was 
evident that many in the audience began to doubt the 
soundness of Tibbs' positions. The sophistry of his argu- 
ments, the untruthfulness of his statements, the great 
wrong and national injustice of the Southern movement, 
were explained by Mr. Southerland and lain before the 
people, with a clearness and earnestness, which if they did 
not entirely reclaim the secessionists, at least left the 
imi:)ression on the minds of many, that secession and 
rebellion were veiy hazardous enterprises. Like Mr. Hum- 
bert and Mr. Eichmond, whose histories have been given, 
Mr. Southerland lived in the heart of a rebel neighbor- 
heod. His age clearing him from conscription, he managed 
to ride out the storm and remain at his home until our 
armies took the country. He then flattered himself that 
he had passed the .crisis, and that his troubles occasioned 
by the rebellion were nearly terminated, the fact, how- 
ever, was othervdse. 

An account has already been given of the flag raising 
in Cleveland, in the Spring of 1864. Like hundreds of 
other??, desirous to see the flag of their country once more 
triumphantly wave over the soil of Bradley, Mr. Souther- 
land was present on that occasion. Highly elated with 
the prospects of participating in the patriotic ceremonies 
of the day, he remarked to some of his friends that he 
thanked Heaven that he was about to witness in Bradley, 
the triumphant waving of the stars and stripes — the ligld 
of the vjorld once more ! News of this remark reached 
his rebel neighbors in the third district, whereupon they 
managed to convey news back to him that he would soon 
see greater lights in his OAvn neighborhood, than he saw 


that day in Cleveland. The threat was promptly fulfilled. 
In tln-ee or four days after the flag raising, Mr. Souther- 
land's flouring mill and cotton gin, standing near each 
other, were burned to the ground. The loss, including the 
property in the 1)uildings, farming implements, grain, etc., 
was between three and four thousand dollars. This satanic 
rebel deed was committed while our forces, were en- 
camped at Cleveland and Blue Springs, eiglit or ten miles, 
perhaps, from Mr. Southerland's plantation. Suspicion 
fell particularly upon two rebels— John Woodall and Cal- 
vin Loftice. They were arrested by our authorities, tried 
at Cleveland, and found guilty. After their conviction 
they confessed the crime. They stated that twelve other 
rebels, all we believe, residents of the third district, were 
implicated in the act, and that they were paid by tlie 
twelve for executing the plot. The destruction of Mr. 
Southerland's property Avas tracable to the same head cen- 
ter of rebellion and crime in the third district, the Juli- 
lians and others, that have been heretofore mentioned as 
so active in that part of the country in all iniquity. What 
sentence Avas pronounced upon these two villains, or 
Avhether they were ever, sentenced at all, is unknown to 
the vmter. Some daj^s after their trial, both were started 
for Chattanooga, either to have sentence pronounced 
upon them there, or to have i^unishment there executed, 
or for some other foolish thing; and on the way Woodall 
jumped from the cars and escaped. Soon after Loftice 
escaped from Chatanooga, and neither, perhaps, has been 
heard from since. 

This case illustrates the very considerable, not to say 
insufferable looseness with which our military authorities 
transacted business of this kind in Bradley. If it was actu- 
ally necessary to send these criminals away from Cleve- 
land to be sentenced or punished, it was at the same time 
the easiest thing in nature to confine and guard them, 
beyond the possibility of escape, a duty for the neglect 
of which any officer should have been immediately called 
to an account b}^ his superiors. These men never would 
have escaped, had the officers having them in custody, 


and superintending their transportation, been in tiie least 
impressed with the necessity, and importance of justice 
being done in the case. That the escape of both tliese 
guilty rebels thus, within a few days of each other, was 
purely accidental is problematical, to say the least. In 
fact no other sensible conclusion can be arrived at in 
regard to the matter, than that their liberation was 
designed by some of the parties having them in charge. 
Had energy, prompted by a stern determination to bring 
the guilty to justice, been exerted, not only these two 
might have been secured, but more of the conspiritors in 
this affair mighit have been arrested and brought to pun- 

Some time after the destruction of his property, Mr. 
Southerland, with his famih^, abandoned his plantation 
and took refuge in Cleveland. Unless the Government 
shall reimburse his loss, Mr. Southerland, in all probabil- 
ity, will not live to see it repaired. His property was the 
accumulation of many years of laborious industry and 
honest toil, borne by himself and family, but the fiendish- 
ness of the wickedest scheme that ever cursed mankind, 
reduced it to ruins in a single hour. 


Ill the Spring of 18G4 a small command of Federal cavalry camped- 
in the ninth district, near Dr. Gritliirs (hvclling. What leoimentthis 
cavalry belonged to we were not informed. It appears, that many of 
the men were wild characters. Inasmucli as Mr. Griffin was a pliy- 
sician. these cavalry were under the impression that he kept liquor, 
and a number of thein applied to him to obtain the article. The Dr. 
informed them that he had none, and did not keep it, therefore, could 
not <;-ive them any. The soldiers left, apparently dissatislied, inti- 
mating that he was not telling thein the truth. Shortly after this, 
procurino: a quantitj' of the article from :^ome other source, strongly 
under the intluence of its use, two of the soldiers rode up to the doc- 
tor's gate, he standing in his door. Tlie doctor walked toward them, 
at the same time inviting them to dismount and come in, and when 
within about twelve feet of them, both raised their navies and fired 
upon hiin, after which they wlieeled and left, with demonstrations 
usual to men debauched by intoxication. One shot took efiect. inflict- 
ing two severe wounds in the arm, from which, however, the doctor 
finally recovered. Tlie names of the murderers, murderers at heart, 
were unknown to the doctor, and nothing was done about the matter 
by our authorities, to bring the villains to justice. The doctor was a 
strong and active Union man, a gentleman who had given these sol- 
diers no cause to mistreat him. 


on APT Eli XIX. 


Ik Tennessee, the Justices of the Peace in 


form what is there called a County Court, answering, i)er- 
haps, to tlie courts of county snperYisors in Northern 
States. In April, 186-3, this court in Bradley was solicited 
and cYen compelled, by the rebel authorities, to jjass an 
act taxing the property of the county to support its desti- 
tute rebel families, the male portion of which was then in 
the rebel army. The rebellion had then progressed two 
years, and had driven nearly a thousand Union men out of 
the r.ounty. The absence of these Union men caused des- 
titution a^id suffering in their families also ; the same cause 
producing the same effect in both classes of families. 

The majbrity of these Justices in Bradle}^ at this time, 
were Union men ; and finding themselves obliged to act 
in behalf of the rebel families, made an eflbrt- to have 
their action cover the wants of Union families also. They 
felt justified in doing this from tAvo or three considera- 
tions. In the first place, they knew that the rebellion 
was wrong, aiid that this wrong had occasioned the suffer- 
ing of these innocent Union families, therefore felt that 
they were as deserving of help as those whose sufferings 
resulted from their own vrrongs. Again, two-thirds, per- 
haps, of the taxable property in Bradley belonged to 
Union men, and therefore, inasmuch as two-thirds of the 
fimd raised vrould be Union money, the destitute Union 
families had a riglit to their share of it. But more tl^an 
this, these Justices saw the wrong that would arise in 
individual cases from this system of general taxation for 
the benefit exclusively of rebel families. They saw, for 
instance, the cruelty it would be, and the suffering it 
would occasion, to make a lone Union woman and her 
children raise money for the supi^ort of a neighboring 


rebel woman, vdien, perhaps, the husband of the rebel 
woman was the very person Avho hunted the Union 
woman's husband out of the country. It is well known 
that th.e rebel women of Bradle}" encouraged and urged 
on their husbands and sons to persecute and drive the 
Union men from their homes. This system of taxation, 
therefore, l)roposed to make these Union women pay the 
rebel women a premium for the suffering and destitution 
the rebel w^omen had malignantly occasioned them. 
Every reasonable x)erson will see that such were to be 
the practical results of this rebel enterprise for the relief 
exclusively of rebel families in Bradley. 

The Bradley court taking this view of the case, exer- 
cised their privilege, and framed tlieir enactment in the 
following manner : 

'• It fully appearing to the satisfaction of this Court, that there are 
in our county, and likely will be, persons in a suffering condition, 
and will need the aid of the county of Bradley: it is ordered by tlie 
Court, a majority voting in the affirmative, that an appropriation be 
made of twenty-five cents on every hundred dolhirs worth of taxable 
propert}' in said county, alone to 'be used and appropriated for the 
women and children, or for all sKfering luimanitij. in the county of 

A knowledge of this disloyal action of the Bradley 
court threw the whole rebel element of the county into 
commotion. The fact that the court had placed the 
Southern soldier's family on a level with the families of 
the '* Lincoln renegades," and that they as well as the 
destitute rebel families were to be provided for, was an 
outrage not to be tolerated. 

The following is the editorial fulmination of the Cleve- 
land Banner on the subject — taken from an issue of 
April 9th, 1863 : 

"The County Court— A Premium to Treason.— AVe learn, from 
what we consider to be reliable authority, that the Worshipful County 
Court, for the county of Bradley, on Monday last rejected or refused 
to act upon a proposition to levy a tax of twenty-five cents upon the 
iiundred dollars worth of property, for the support of the indi.o-ent 
and unprovided for soldiers' families in the county. A proposition 
was introduced and passed, providing a tax of twenty-five cents on 
the hundred dollars, for the benefit of ' Sufferinrj Humanity' in Brad- 
ley county. Here, we have it, that the County Court is unwilling to 
vote relie'f to the familv of the Southern soldier, who is periling his 


life to keep off" the invader, but \villiii*j: when a proposition is intro- 
duced which includes families of the rewe^ades that have left the 
country and joined Lincoln's army, to give it tiieir cordial support. 
The welfare of the rene<,^ades' family is hrst with them — tlnit of the 
Southern soldier secondary, or not at all. This is the conclusion we 
arrive at, after the proceedings on Monday. The "suffering human- 
ity' of Bradley county includes eveiy class in want — no matter from 
what cause. The family of the renegade who is in Lincoln's army 
lighting against us is just as much included as the family of the 
Southei'u soldier who is lighting for us. Is such conduct as tliis by a 
County Court to be tolerated ? Will the tax-payers sufter this impo- 
sition to be- imposed upon them ? Are they willing to support the 
families of men who are lighting Lincoln's battles? Are they willing 
to see the Southern soldier's family brought down to the level of that 
of the renegade ? The County Court has made no distinction — they 
have placed both upon the same footing. Is this right and proper in 
a Court that is holding its sessions in one of the Confederate States? 
Taxing Soutliern people to keep men in Lincoln's army, who are on 
our border, threatening us with lire and sword ! Great God I do we 
dream or is it a reality ? Xot a dream, but a reality. Southern offi- 
cials giving aid and comfort to the enemy, by taking care of the 
men's families while they are doing everything they can to bring an 
army here to devastate and destroy our honies. If the minions of 
Lincoln are apart of the 'suflering humanity ' of Bradley county, 
let Mr. Lincoln provide for them, or if it is too inconvenient to do so, 
he has plenty of sympathizers here, who can draw on their private 
purses for their support. Let it be done by private contributions, 
but jor our children's sake, do not let it be a matter of record — they, 
would rise up and curse the duplicity of their ancestors. To the 
members of tlie Court we would say, to convene your Court again 
and expunge your action on jNIonday last. Do not let it remain on 
the Records of your county, 'lest it might damn you to everlasting 
infamy.' Had th(^ same proceedings taken place in Lincoln's domin- 
ions, the last member of the Court would have been in a Bastile in 
less than twenty hours. The Court has said in eflect, and put it upon 
record, to every malcontent, 'go and join Lincoln's army and we will 
take care of your family as a part of the "suftering humanity" of Brad- 
ley county.' Is this not offering a premium to treason ? According 
to' our version of the matter it is most assuredh^ so. The Court maj" 
not have intended it so, but it inevitably' leads to that." 

Remarks upon the foregoing editorial are unnecessary. 
The editor of the Banner Avas pleased with the position 
in which this article i)laced him before the country at 
that time, and he will now have the satisfaction of look- 
ing at himself in the light in which it places him before 
the country at this time and will place him in the future. 

This disgraceful and abusive editorial, with other rebel 
influences, had the desired effect. The rebel authorities 
overruled, or rather overrode, this decision of the court, 
the tax was collected from all, and applied to the relief of 
rebel families alone. Through the influence, therefore, of 
this hollow-headed and corrupt-hearted editor and traitor, 


anol tlie iniluence of other rebels, Avorse, perhaps, than 
himself, the destitute and suffering Union women and 
Union children of Bradley, were compelled to raise money 
and pay it to their rebel neigboring women who had en- 
couraged their own husbands and sons to murder and 
drive out of the country the husbands, sons and brothers 
of these Union women and children. This was the rebel- 
lion in Bradley county. This was the doctrine 'of the edi- 
tor of the Banner. Very probably this editor received 
his share of these perquisites. Very probably his share 
of these funds, raised by these destitute Union women 
and children, liberally paid him for this shameful editor- 
ial, and the part he otherwise acted in driving their hus« 
bands and sons out of the country. The tax thus extorted 
fro}n the families of Doctors Brown and Hunt, in the ab 
sence of these men, and which, perhaps, fell into the hand.- 
of this editor, was doubtless a very liberal reward for tho 
sufferings he had occasioned these families, and for tb»5; 
manner in which he vilified these Union men because 
they had to flee fromrebel oppression. 


Mr Grubb, with his family, settled in the third distric*. 
perhaps in 1854. By trade Mr. Grubb was a blacksmitlj 
and was a good and useful citizen. No complaint ^YVS 
made against Mr. Grubb by ?a\Y of his neighbors before th$ 
war, and the only fault that was found against him after 
the commencement of the rebellion was, that he was -a 
Union man, and had a Union family. Three rebel citizens- 
all neiglibors to Mr. Grubb, took particular pains to soun 
him upon his x)olitics, and to watch Jiis movement . 
Being unable to shake his loyalty to his country, ar 
particularly being enraged at his boldness, and the fre 
dom with which he expressed his Union sentiments, the«^i 
and other rebels in the neighborhood commenced on hiiii 
a course of persecution. Some time, perhaps in 186i4 
these rebels reported ]Mr. Grubb to V/heeler's cavalry ;" = 
a dangerous Union man. The soldiers of Wheelers ca 


airy had frequently called at Mr. Grubb's house, and liad 
been entertained by him and his family at their table. 
About three o'clock one morning, eight or ten rebel sol- 
diers, belonging to this cavalry came to the house of Mr. 
Grubb, comi^elled him to get up, arresting him in the pre- 
sence of his family. Mr. Grubb was a man who did not 
succumb to the rebels, and from whom no recantation of 
principles could be extorted, not even to save his life. 
His wife, however, as well as other members of his family, 
entreated the rebels for his sake, endeavoring to make 
them tell what he had done, for which he was arrested, 
and what they proposed to do with liirn. Giving his wife 
no satisfaction, only, perhaps, that she would never see 
her husband again. They placed him upon one of their 
horses, and conveyed him away as a prisoner. After tra- 
veling some half a mile or a mile, they halted and com- 
menced to examine Mr. Grubb for money, at the same 
time cursing and abusing him as a Lincolnite, and 
endeavoring to extort from him information in regard to 
Union property and other Union citizens. Anticipating" 
the robbing, his money had been i)laced beyond their 
reach, and as to giving them information about his Union 
neighbo • Mi*. Grubb was ready to die sooner than be 
guilty of a thing of the kind. Failing either to get money 
or to compel him to make the desired revelations, they 
commenced preparations to hang him from the limb of a 
tree. They hung him by the neck the first time until he 
was nearly senseless, then asked him if he would give 
them the desired information. Being answered in the 
negative, they hung him the second time, and, perhaps^ 
the third time, but with no better success, as to the de- 
sired information, and finally left him upon the ground, 
scarcely able to speak, and for some time unable to rise. 
Toward morning, Mr. Grubb so revived that he was 
enabled to drag himself ;back to his home, but will, 
perhaps, never entirely recover from the injuries he re- 





Mr. Liisk lived in the fourth district. He had been a 
resident of Bradley upwards of thirty years, and had three 
sons in the Federal army. Samuel and Lavender were 
both members of the 1st Tenn. battery. Joseph was 
Lieut, in Col. James P. Brownlow's 1st Tenn. cavalry. 

In October, 1861, the notable Capt. Brown sent one of 
his rebel soldiers with instructions to demand of Mr. Lusk 
his private arms. The soldier had no sooner made known 
his business than Mr. Lusk sprang to one of his guns and 
leveled it at the rebel, ordering him instantly to leave his 
house, or he was a dead man. The rebel wheeled, and 
begging of Mr. Lusk not to shoot, escaped from the pre- 
mises as hastily as possible. Owing to the ill of 
this messenger, and knowing the determined character of 
Mr. Lusk, Brown thought it not best, i^erhaps, to make 
further attemj^ts to rob the old gentleman of his guns; 
consequently, he was one of the few in Bradley wdiom 
the rebels did not plunder of this kind of property. On 
three other occasions Mr. Lusk drove rebels from his i3re- 
mises in a similar manner. 

At one time, a rebel soldier or rebel citizen rode u}) to 
his dwelling, and was about to dismount. Mr. Lusk in- 
formed him that no rebel was allowed to dismount from 
his beast on his premises. The old gentleman having the 
weapons in his hands to enforce obedience, and his man- 
ner being imperative, the rebel, instead of dismounting, 
turned and disappeared in such haste that his animal sent 
the dust in clouds curling in the air behind him. On 
another occasion, three rebels were carrying ofl' and burn- 
ing the rails on one part of Mr. Lusk's plantation. The 
old gentleman attacked them single-handed and soon suc- 
ceeded in driving them from his plantation. 

The last visit, however, which the rebels paid Mr. Lusk 
was the most sorry visit for them. Mr. Lusk had been 
reported to the rebel soldiers as the owner of two or three 
valuable mules. Mules were very serviceable animals 
in the army, and three mounted rebels one morning made 


an attempt to rob Mr. Lusk of these animals. By some 
means Mr. Lusk suspected a visit of the kind and was pre- 
pared. Armed with his revolver and squirrel rifle, he met 
the rebels as they approached his house ; and without any 
introductory ceremonies fired upon them, emptying one 
saddle, after which he rushed upon the remaining two 
with his revolver. This attack was so sudden and unex- 
pected, and was prosecuted with such a courageous ven- 
geance, that the two rebels left their dying companion, 
and fled as though a battery of grape and canister had 
been opened upon them. The wounded rebel died in a 
short time, and was buried, we believe, by Mr. Lusk's 
family. This transaction occurred not long before the 
Federals took possession of the country; and this was the 
last time any direct attempts were made by the rebels to 
disturb Mr. Lusk. The fate of the rebel soldier shot by 
him, caused his Union neighbors to fear that the rebels 
would attempt revenge on them, and probably some 
few left the neighborhood in consequence. Mr. Lusk, 
however, we believe, never permanently left his premises ; 
and as the rebellion was then on the wane in Bradley, 
the rebels concluded to leave him undisturbed conqueror 
of the field, 


Li many respects the death of Mr. Manes was one of the 
most heart-rending tragedies that occurred in Bradley 
during the war. His mother was a Union widow woman 
living in the fifth district. Young Manes and his brother 
William were soldiers in the Federal army. In their ab- 
sence, their mother, like all other Union women in East 
Tennessee left alone in the midst of the rebellion, had to 
struggle with many difiiculties. Two or three little boys, 
herself and a daughter, comprised her family in the ab- 
sence of her sons. Thus situated, she not only found it a 
struggle to provide for herself and family, but being a 
strong Union woman, she had to suffer persecution from the 
rebels. James M. Henry, a neighbor, a man of very 
doubtful character, was her inveterate tormentor. 


The little bo^^s of widow Manes borrowed a harness of 
Henry's mother-in-law, and were trying to i)low their 
corn. Henr}^ stripped the harness from their beast and 
carried it out of the field. This w^as done not because he 
needed the harness himself, nor because he had any lib- 
erty from his mother-in-law to take it from them. 

A field contiguous to the corn-field of Mrs. M-anes was- 
owned by Henr}^. The fence between the two fields was im- 
perfect, and the little boys of Mrs. Manes were unable to 
repair it. Refusing to repair the fence himself, Henry, ap- 
parently with malicious intent to destroy the widovr's corn, 
continued, unnecessarily, to turn animals into his field. 

The husband of Mrs. Manes wa-s a blacksmith, and fol- 
lowed the business till his death. In addition to the 
abuses just named and others that might be named, early 
in 1862, perhaps, Henry went to Mrs. Manes and informed 
her that Gapt. Wm. Brown had requested him to bring 
her blacksmith tools to Cleveland. The tools being re- 
fused him, he told Mrs. Manes that Brown would have 
them if he had to come and get them himself. She re- 
plied that if Gapt. Brown came into her house she would 
meet him with hot w^ater, a shovel of fire coals, or any- 
thing else she could lay her hands on. Henry left with- 
out the tools. The blacksmith shop of Mrs. Manes stood 
on the main road, some forty rods in front of her dwell- 
ing. In a few days after Henrj^'s application for the tools 
they were missing. Henry was suspected, and Mrs. 
Manes soon ascertained that some of the tools, at least, 
were in his possession. She sent her little boys request- 
ing him to bring home her property. He gave the boys 
a part of the tools he had taken, sending word to their 
mother that those were all he had. This was not satisfac- 
tory. About the time the rebels were driven from Brad- 
ley, Wm. Manes came home on a furlough, when lie, 
with others, called to see Henry about his mother's miss- 
ing tools. All, or nearly all of them, were found secreted 
in Henry's cellar and taken home. 

The foregoing events transpired before our army took 
possession of Bradley. In the spring of 1864, our forces 


were encamped at Blue Springs, a half or three-cpiarlers 
of a mile from the plantation of ]Mrs. Manes. Henry, not- 
withstanding his previous willingness to assist Capt. 
Brown to st^al the property of Mrs. Manes, and notwith- 
standing he had otherwise aided Brown in his iniquity, by 
taking to his own house and secreting goods belonging to 
Brown and his family — ^goods many of which no doubt 
had been stolen from Union people — now pretended to our 
authorities that he was, and always had been, one of the 
most reliable Union men in the fifth district. He and his 
family swarmed around Gen. Grose at his headcpiarters, 
feasted him with their good things till Henry had fully 
established himself in the General's confidence as a good 
Union man. This, however, was not the vrorst of Henry's 
conduct vdth Gen. Grose. It was now a good time for 
him to renew his persecutions upon Mrs. Manes. He re- 
IDorted her to the General, stating that she had secreted, 
and perhaps was then secreting, rebels in her house, and 
on every opportunity was giving information to rebel 
scouts. Also he managed to make the imiDression on the 
General's mind that Mrs. Manes had a son in the rebel 
army. The General was so deceived on this point by 
Henry, that, at one time when Wm. Manes was at home, 
he V\^as about to arrest him as a rebel and put him to 
labor on the breastworks at Blue Springs. 

Mrs. Manes was as good a Union woman as ever fought 
the rebellion in Bradley county. She protected and fed 
to the extent of her ability, for months. Union conscripts 
hiding in the woods near her house, and in every other 
way in her power aided the cause from the commence- 
ment to the end of the war. She gave tAvo of her sons to 
the Federal army, and no slander on earth could have 
been more foul or more cruel than Henry's insufferable 
lies about her to Gen. Grose. All the grounds in the 
world that Henry had on which to base these charges, 
were that Mrs. Manes had a son-in-law, who at the com- 
mencement of the rebellion was a rebel, and who enlisted 
as a rebel soldier, or at least for some time was connected 
with the rebel arm}- . He, however, saw his error, deserted 


and came home to his wife, then living with her mother, 
after which he had to secrete himself from the rebels. 
He was never harbored by Mrs. Manes while he was a 
rebel. She, her daughter also — the man's wife — as good 
a Union woman as her mother, were as much grieved 
that he had anything to do with the rebels as any others 
in a similar case possibly could have been. Convinced 
that he was thoroughly cured of his love for the rebels, 
Mrs. Manes nor her daughter did wrong in receiving him 
and endeavoring to keep him out of the hands of the 

Gen. Grose, however, was so completely victimized b}^ 
Henry's power to deceive, that he would not allow Mrs. 
Manes or any of her family to come within the Federal 
lines. In addition to this, he not only threatened to 
arrest her son, as already mentioned, but concocted and 
inflicted upon her a strategy of deception, by which he 
thought, perhaps, to entrap her and cause her to betray 
herself as guilty of that which Henry had charged upon 
her. He and his orderly, and perhaps a portion of his 
staff, rode in the night to the house of Mrs. Manes, waked 
the family, reporting themselves as rebel scouts. Thus 
deceived, or in other words, supposing that they vjere 
rebels, and fearing that their object there was to capture 
this son-in-law, then with them in the house, to give them 
no occasion to enter the daughter stepped to the door to 
answer their questions, while Mrs. Manes was conceal- 
ing the son-in-law — the daughter's husband — behind one 
of the beds. The General's orderly inquired for the local- 
ity of the Federal pickets. The young lady replied, " they 
are down in the road," she, possibly, pointing in its direc- 
tion He next inquired the distance to the camp of the 
Federals. She again replied, " you can see their fires." 
This was the sum of Avhat passed between the parties. 
Supposing her visitors to be rebels, and consequently 
trembling for the life of her husband, the daughter, of 
course, felt anxious to get rid of them, but gave them no 
information that would not have been given them by any 
other Union person similarly circumstanced. Gen. Grose, 


however, supposing that he had been talking with the 
motlier, and ah*eady prejudiced against the famih', rode 
awaj", interpreting this interview as evidence of the truth 
of Henry's statements in the premises. Henry being in 
the secret of this strategy, and perhaps having had some- 
thing to do with its origin, was promptly at tlie General's 
headquarters the next morning. He inquired what dis- 
coveries the General made the night before. The General 
replied that he discovered about what he expected to dis- 
cover, namely, that his rei:)resentations of the Unionism 
of Mrs. Manes were correct. Henry responded, "j^es, and 
it will be well to watch in that direction hereafter." Esq. 
Bean, whose residence was near the General's headquar- 
ters, was present listening to this conversation. His curi- 
osity being excited to know whom the susi)icious persons 
were that the General and Henry had been endeavoring 
thus to entrap, he was told that they were Mrs. Manes 
and her daughter. This, to him, was a strange state of 
things. Consequently, he, Mr. Hiram Smith and Major 
McCulley, and perhaps other Union men, consulted to- 
gether, and ascertaining the extent to which these abuses 
had been carried, went to the General and gave him a 
detailed account of the facts in the case, disabusing his 
mind in regard to the whole matter. Thus enlightened, 
the General assumed a different bearing towards this fam- 
ily, rescinded his order which prohibited its members 
from entering his lines, sending Mrs. Manes word to this 
effect. Mrs. Manes, however, was a woman of spirit, and 
felt that she had been too deeply injured to accept this as 
a complete burying of the hatchet, and never, while the 
General was at Blue Springs, could she be persuaded to 
visit his camp. 

The command to which Amos Manes belonged was, 
during the foregoing occurrences, stationed at xsashville. 
Shortly after these occurrences, we believe, one of the 
orderlies of Gen. Grose — the same, perhaps, that was 
mouth-piece for him at the house of Mrs. Manes — was at 
Nashville, and there informed young Manes of the manner 
in which Henrv had reijorted his mother and sister. Be- 


sides, his sister had informed him of the whole transaction 
by letter. It was reported that, upon receiving this infor- 
mation, young Manes threatened to revenge on Henry, 
stating, in effect, that when lie should visit his home he 
would put liim where lie would report his mother no 
more. The probability is that he did make threats, and 
perhaps threats of this kind. It is to be remembered, 
^lowever, that if he made threats at all, he made them 
under the inflaence of feelings that would very naturally 
arise in the breast of any person on the receipt of such 
news as that just referred to. 

Young Manes and his brother William came home on 
furloughs, the last of June, ISOI. Mrs. Manes advised her 
boys to have nothing to do with Henry, to let him alone 
entirely, and to avoid his presence. Being influenced 
perhaps by this advice, and their feelings on tlie subject 
having apparently subsided, neither of them, while at 
home, made any threats against Henry, or manifested any 
disposition to injure him for his i^revious abuse of their 

On the fourth of August, after being at home about five 
weeks, and having soon to return to his command, Amos 
remarked that before he left he would see Henry, and 
endeavor to collect an amount that Henry was owing him. 
His motlier stated that if he had au}^ unsettled business 
with Henry, to let it remain unsettled for the i^resent, and 
attempted to dissuade him from calling on Henry ; lie re- 
plied that no danger existed, there would be no trouble. 
He and his brother William Avent to Henry's house, dis- 
tant a mile, perhaps, from their own. It was very warm 
weather, the doors of Henry's house were open, and 
chairs were setting in the shade of the trees in front of 
one of the doors. After the usual salutations, the two 
with Henry being seated ujion these chairs, Henry re- 
marked that he supposed they " came to create a fuss.'^ 
Amos replied that they did not come for that purpose, 
but to have a settlement with him of the business that 
was between him and himself. Henry then referred to 
the reports of his abuse of Mrs. Manes, stating that those 


reports were lies. This brought on vrords ])etween liim- 
self and Amos, William remaining silent to the end. In 
the brief conversation that ensued, Henry, in an impu- 
dent and insulting manner frequently used the term 
''lie," applying it to those who had accused him of perse- 
cuting Mrs. Manes, including both Mrs. Manes and her 
daughter and, perhaps, giving the lie to Amos himself, 
until Amos raised his arm threatening to strike him. At 
this point Henry hurried into his house evidently to get his 
gun, the door remaining open beliind him. The Manes 
boys then drew their weapons, Amos cocked his revoNer, 
calling out to Henry not to bring his gun "out there." 
By this time Henry had reached his gun, and standing, 
perhaps, in the middle of the room he was in, firing 
through the door space, shot Amos through the heart, 
causing immediate death. William caught his brother 
as he fell, saying to Henry that he had killed his brother, 
but if he w^ould put up his gun he .vrould i3ut up his re- 

Henry was arrested and tried by our military authori- 
ties at Cleveland. He and his friends attempted to show 
that he shot Manes in defence of his own life. On trial, 
confident that he would be cleared on this ground, Henry 
manifested no remorse for his crime, but was self-justify- 
ing, bold and defiant throughout. He was sentenced to 
seven years imprisonment in the penitentiary at Nash- 
ville. Afterwards, very unjustly, no doubt, his sentence 
was commuted to three years. 

No blot or stain was upon the character of the Manes 
family. All its members were respectable citizens, good 
and acceptable neighbors, and were tru.e to their country. 
The same can be recorded of Mr. Henry's family, except- 
ing Mr. Henry himself Two of his sons were soldiers in 
the Federal army, and served with honor to their country 
and with credit io themselves. 

Henry, at one time, had to defend himself in a law case. 
A relative w^as a witness against him, it was stated privately 
by this vdtness, that if on oath he should be compelled to 
state all that he knew against Henry, the people would 


hang tlie deiendant. Henry i)ossessed great tact and 
power to deceive. His fair and plausible exterior was 
sure to make a favorable iniiDression at first, and continue 
to mislead those Avhose acquaintance with him was sui)er- 
licial. Some of his nearest neighbors, among the most 
reliable and respectable in the community, those who 
knew, and had dealingrs with liim for many years, 
finall.y declined all commerce with him whatsoever, saying 
that it was impossible to give him any liberties, and pre- 
vent him from taking that which did not belong to him. 


At the commencement of the rebellion Mr. McDowell 
lived in the ninth district. He was arrested on his way 
home from church, July ITth, 1863, by the notorious 
Capt. Snow of Hamilton count}^, Snow having with 
him at the time two other notorious rebel outlaws, Jack 
Roberts and David *L. Walker. McDowell was taken to 
Cleveland and locked up in the county jail. After re- 
maining there seven weeks, he and three other Union 
men then in the same jail, Austin Shiflit, Owen Solomon, 
and J. L. Kirby, made their escape and struck for the 
Vv^oods. Thomas Low was then jailer of the county, but 
had no control over these four political prisoners, they 
being watched while in jail by a rebel militaiy guard. 
Low, however, with his blood hounds, and one of the 
guards, gave chase after the fugitives. Running them 
about four miles, Mr. McDowell having been sick, and being 
feeble was overtaken by the dogs, and to avoid being 
torn by them, took refuge in a tree. The dogs watched 
and guarded their prey perched above them in the tree, 
until Low and the guard arrived. Low ordered McDowell 
out of the tree, and told him that he must return to pri- 
son. McDowell argued that Low had no control over him 
as he was under the rebel guards; and after some dispute 
on the subject, McDowell offered Low fifty dollars if he 
would release him. Law objected to this, saying that 
that would deprive him of the opportunity to report to 


the x)ublic that he, McDowell, was caught by his dogs, or 
in other words, would deprive him of tlie opportunity ot 
publicly establishing the character of his dogs, as l)eing 
expert in catching Union conscripts. Mr. McDowell was 
compelled to return to jail. The other three escaped. 
Suil'ering in a miserable jail for some time longer, giving 
Low, perhaps, sufficient time to announce the success and 
skill of his dogs in catching Union conscripts, thereby 
inviting for them future employment in the same business. 
McDowell succeeded in bribing Low with one hundred 
dollars, also bribing the guard, he was secretly released. 
Li tlie following winter, when the Federals took tlie coun- 
try, Mr. McDowell complained of Low to our authorities. 
Low was tried and sent North for his treason, but Mr. Mc- 
Dowell's hundred dollars was never returned to him. 


Isaac Richmond, Williaui E. Fisher, Wilson Norton, 
Jacob Humbert, Wm. L. Hicks and Nicholas N. Keitli, 
were among the first, and possibly, were the very first Union 
men who fled from Bradley, and joined the Federal army. 

Richmond discharged his duty faithfully to the satisfac- 
tion of his officers, the honor of his country, and with ere- • 
dit to himself during the war. He and Fisher, it will be 
remembered, were those who captured their two neigh- 
boring rebels in the third district. 

Fisher was at one time attacked by sixteen rebels. He 
fought them until he emptied three revolvers, killing one 
and wounding others, after which he was taken prisoner, 
throwing his revolvers down a precipice to keep them 
from falling into the liands of his captors. He Avas after- 
w^ards exchanged and served until the end of the war. 

Norton, in a skirmish in Kentucky, killed two rebels at 
one shot and thereby saved the life of his Captain. 

Humbert, at one time, with others, was charging upon 
the rebels in the village of Lancaster, Kentucky. A ne- 
gro came running to him, pointing in a certain direction, 
and crying out " Yonder go de rebs, massa I" Humbert 


wheeled his horse, and charging in the direction the negro 
pointed, soon came ui)on six or seven rebels, making pri- 
soners of the entire company. Charles Tibbs, son of Con- 
gressman Tibbs, was one of the number, recognizing 
Humbert, Tibbs was the first that approached him, with 
the left hand raised in token of surrender. 

Nicholas Keith, was among the troops ydio captured 
Gen. John Morgan, in Ohio, Jui}^, 1863 — was the soldier, or 
one of the soldiers, at least, to whom Morgan surrendered. 
Keith got Morgan's negro and nine hundred dollars in 
Confederate money. 

Hicks having been home on a furlough, was returning 
from Cleveland to his command, through Bradley county, 
September 11th, 1863, the day Col. Bird's men were driven 
out of Cleveland by the rebels. Hicks fell in vrith Bird's 
men, and particularly distinguished himself in that con- 
flict. Throughout the war Hicks never failed to be at his 
l)ost, and never flinched from a hand-to-hand encounter 
with the rebels. 


The " Home Guards " in Maury Co., Georgia, at their 
drill, June 1st, 1864, adojpted the following resolutions : 

*' 1st. Besolved. That we invite all ministers of the Gospel who 
preach among lis, to give a lecture on the war. at their earliest con- 
venience, or give their hearers unmistakable evidence that they sup- 
port the Southern Confederacy. 

2d. liesoli-ed Tliat no more"^ negro preachiiig be allowed until the 
war is over. Negroes can hear white men preach if they wish to. 

2d. Besolved, That these resolutions be presented to our preachers 
at their tirst meeting. 

E. B. May. Chairman, 
F. Siimmeronr, William Hosier, 

W. T. Trinimier, Jesse Tliompson, 

R. A. McDonald, T. K. Bates, 

John K. McDonald, Samuel Stoveall, 

Madison Bates, James Vann. 

Vigilance Committee.-'' 





Thomas Spurgen was ])orii 
in Green county, East Ten- 
nessee, and is jjerhaps a lit- 
tle over thirty years of age. 
On the 14th of November, 
1S56, he Avas married to Miss 
^ Xancy Jenkins, of Cock 
-\ county, of the same State. 
J Mr. Spurgen is of medium 
stature, squarely built and 
veil i)roportioned ; with a 
frame and natural physique 
indicating more power of en- 
durance than nimbleness or 
elasticity of muscle, tie has 
light, sandy hair, light, florid 
comi>lexion, blue eyes, with firm, compact features ; is 
naturailj^ cool, inhering the power of self-possession equal 
to any emergency. If he were going to shoot you he would 
get ready and do so, perhaps Vvithout a word, and with as 
little ado as he would hand you a cup of water or give you 
a chew of tobacco. His temperament is the nervous bil- 
ious predominating, with enough of the lymphatic to head 
off an eifervescence of feeling under all circumstances, and 
at all times to prevent a llustering f'oncern about future 
consequences, but not enough to impair the judgment or 
prevent a vigorous i^lay of his Avell developed perceptives. 
Hence Mr. Spurgen is no coward nor anybody's fool. His 
organs of locality and memory are large ; this, with his 
perceptions and the endov\'ment of purpose, make him a 
good woodsman and sure campaigner. Here lay the 



principal secret of his success as a pilot. A moderate am- 
bition always kept him within himself. He never at- 
tempted too much, and always accomplished what he 

This is a brief, but perhaps a truthful analysis of the 
subject of the portrait at the head of this chapter. Mr. 
Spurgen was facetiously and very appropriately styled 
the " Red Fox of East Tennessee.''^ Though a young 
man, he has now answered to the call of his country the 
second time. He served in the Mexican w^ar sixteen 
months — was at the battles of Cerro Gordo, Chepultepec, 
and at the taking of Yera Cruz. 

At the commencement of the rebellion he was living 
in the eighth district, Bradley county, and in a commun- 
ity almost exclusively of rebels. From the fall of 1861 
till July, 1862, he operated in the north of the county, 
piloting Union men across the Tennessee, at the same 
time deceiving the rebels of his neighborhood both as to 
his refugee operations and his political sentiments. 

In May, 1862, Spurgen determined to join the Northern 
army. At this time the Tennessee was lined with rebel 
pickets. Another Union man, Wm. Marr, wished to ac- 
company him, and to lessen the dangers of escape, Spur- 
gen resorted to strategy. The rebel commissaries at 
Charleston were greatlj^ in want of beeves. This at once 
furnished him with a clue to the kind of strategy that 
would serve his purpose. Accjiiainted with cattle growers 
in the Sequatchie Valley — a valley on the refugee route to 
Kentucky— he forged a note purporting to have been given 
to him by one of these stock raisers, to be paid in cattle, 
and as maturing about that time. He also forged a letter 
purporting to have been just written by the giver of the 
note, informing him that his cattle were ready according 
to agreement, and that the writer wished Spurgen to 
come immediately and get them. Spurgen showed these 
X)apers to two of his rebel neighbors, Lorenzo Alexander 
and Ezekiel Spriggs, enquiring if they would assist him 
to get passes on them for him and his friend to go to Se- 
quatchie for his cattle. These rebels replied that if he 


would sell them to the rebel commissaries when he 
should get them over, they Would vouch for him ; and as 
these commissaries were much in want of cattle, in view 
of such an agreement on his part they presumed he could 
get the i)asses he desired. To this Spurgen consented, 
and had no difficulty in getting his passes. Spurgen and 
Marr could now go to Kentucky and be protected 1)y the 
rebels as far as the Sequatchie, instead of being exposed 
to be shot down by them as fleeing Union refugees. 
Reaching the Tennessee Spurgen produced his passes, 
explaining to the pickets the nature of his business, when 
they willingly allowed him and his friend to pass over. 
On leaving these pickets Spurgen told them that he 
would be back with his cattle in a day or two, and if they 
should be removed before that time he wished them to 
notify those who should succeed them of his coming, that 
they might have no fears to pass him back, for the com- 
missaries at Charleston were anxious to get his cattle as 
soon as possible. It is needless to add that these river 
pickets never had the privilege of passing Spurgen and 
his cattle back into Bradley. The two rebel neighbors, 
Alexander and Spriggs, as well as the accommodating 
rebel authorities at Charleston, found themselves badly 
gored by Spurgen's horned cattle, notwithstanding these 
cattle kept themselves some fifty miles aAvay. 

Spurgen and Marr reached Huntsville, Scott county, 
East Tennessee, July 6th, 1862. Spurgen, and, we believe, 
Marr also, enlisted in the 7th Tennessee Infantry, then at 
that place, a regiment an account of which has been given 
in the history of the second Clift war. On the 9th of 
Jul}^, Spurgen was detailed to return to Bradley and re- 
cruit for Cliffs regiment. He returned in safety, recruited 
a company of fifty or sixty men, piloted them to Hunts- 
ville, performing the trip in twenty-nine days. 

Tlie day after he arrived at Huntsville — the 9th of Aug- 
ust — Col. Clift, as already related, Avas attacked and 
driven from his post. Spurgen participated in the fight, 
and distinguished himself as a successful sharp-shooter. 
He remained with his regiment and was with it in its per- 


egrinations among the Cumberland Mountains, when it 
was endeavoring to join the Northern army. 

About the twenty-fifth of August, Spurgen returned to 
Bradley for recruits the second time. He was again suc- 
cessful, piloting his company across the two States, Ten- 
nessee and Kentucky, delivering it at Cincinnati, Ohio. 
From Cincinnati he went to Louisville, Ky., where he was 
appointed by Gen. James Spears, a regular recruiting 
officer for the Army of the Ohio. He selected Bradley 
county as the field of his operations, and in a few days 
once more reached his home in safety. For nearly one 
year from his appointment Spurgen toiled unceasingly as 
a recruiting officer. At the expiration of this period, in- 
cluding the two trips already mentioned, he had com- 
pleted thirteen tours from Bradley to the Northern army, 
piloting through the forests of Tennessee and Kentucky 
thirteen companies to our lines. The aggregate number 
of men in these companies was a little more than eleven 
hundred and fifty, about a thousand of whom enlisted in 
the Federal army. The remainder were persons, many of 
vrhom Avere unqualified to enter the service, who | assed 
through with Spurgen simply as refugees. The average 
distance traveled each tour was about 275 miles. 

At one time, returning to Bradley, Spurgen was cap- 
tured, as he sui^posed, by Champ Ferguson's cavalry. 
A comi^anion named McUen was captured with him. 
Spurgen, always equal to any emergency, soon managed 
a way of escape. The two were ordered to take the road 
in advance of their captors, Spurgen, observing that the 
rebels were deeply absorbed in conversation, apparently 
considering some important enterprise, audit occurred to 
him that this might afford them some advantage. Getting 
a short distance in advance of their enemies, at the right 
time, Spurgen and his friend darted into the bushes, and 
dropped themselves down a precipice, where it v/as im- 
possible for cavalry to follow. Getting to a yjlace of 
safety, they concealed themselves among the rocks and 
thickets the rest of the dav and durino- that niii'ht. 


Before dawn the next morning, Spurgen cautiously went 
back to the point where lie was captured, to get a bundle oi' 
letters which he Avas taking through for Tennessee boys, to 
their friends in Bradley, and which he dropped under a bush, 
unseen by the rebels, a few moments before he was taken. 
Had Spurgen been taken with these letters, doubtless that 
would have been the end of his useful career as recruiting 
olRcer, and pilot. This was the only time that he was Avorst- 
ed by the rebels. No refugee or recruit was lost who com- 
mitted himself to Sj^urgen's guidance, nor did any letter or 
other valuable fail of its destination that was entrusted 
to his care. His success could not have been the result of 
accident, but must have been tlie fruits of foresight, 
judgment, unwearied caution and industry. He scarcely 
ever conducted his companies successively through upon 
the same route. Many in Bradley, who received letters 
from their friends in the Northern army, tlirough Spur- 
gen's hands, were ignorant of the means by wliich they 
were conveyed. His rule was, that no letter or package 
given to him for conveyance should contain his name, or 
any allusion to him whatever, or any allusion to the fact,, 
that Union companies were being piloted from Tennessee 
to the Northern army, by any persons whomsoever. 

A soldier or refugee named Francisco, in the Northern 
army, desired Spurgen to bring a letter to his wife in 
Bradle}^ Spurgen knew that Francisco had a brother in 
Bradley who was a bitter rebel, and he hesitated. Fran- 
cisco promised that his letter should contain only his own 
name and that of his wife, and should contain nothing by 
vvhich she or any other person could obtain a clue to the 
means by which it reached Bradle3^ In direct violation 
of this promise, maliciously, or through sheer idiocy, Fran- 
cisco stated in the letter tliat Spurgen was the bearer of 
it. He also instructed his Avife in the letter to show it to 
liis rebel brother. She received the letter, showed it ta 
this rebel brother, wdio immediately rode to Cleveland 
and reported to the rebel authorities, that Spurgen was in 
the country as a spy. The rebel troops then at Cleveland 
being Mississipi>ians, and not informed of the state of 


things in Tennessee, did not fulh^ credit the tale, or at 
least were dilatory in regard to the matter, and Spnrgen 
in the meantime started with his company to Kentucky 
and was soon beyond their reach. 

In the summer of 1863, when our armies neared the 
Tennessee River on their way to Knoxville and the field 
of Chickamauga, the necessity for piloting recruits from 
Tennessee to these armies, no longer existed ; and Spur- 
gen on the 20th of August, joined Col. Bird's command, 
then having reached the west side of the Tennessee, 
opposite the mouth of the Hiwassee. A body of rebels 
was at the time on the opposite side of the river, east of 
the Hiwassee. The 4th Ohio and 15th Indiana batteries 
were part of Bird's command. These batteries opened 
fire across the river upon the rebels ciuickly shelling them 
out of their camps. Spurgen and four others. Baker Arm- 
strong, who Avas subsequently murdered by Gatewood, 
the noted guerrilla, being one of the four, were sent across 
the river in a skiff to reconnoiter for the ousted enemj^ 
The rebels had not only vacated their camps, but fled, 
taking the main road leading west to Kincannon's Ferrj'' 
on the Hiwassee, but having halted on the flats, east of 
the river, to gather corn, stationing their pickets a short 
distance east of them in the road. Our boys, following 
hurriedl}^, came suddenly upon these pickets, and boldly 
firing into them they fled, throwing their main body 
also into a panic, when the whole Avere driven pell mell 
across the ferry, in all the haste and confusion imagin- 
able, althougli the}" outnumbered their pursuers perhaps 
ten or fifteen to one. The rebels continued their flight 
through Bradley, apparently with a view to join their 
main army at Chickamauga, followed by the five Federals 
to the heart of that county. Spurgen being now near 
his home, visited his family. In the meantime Bird 
ascended the Tennessee, crossed at Kingston, returning on 
the east side to the Hiwassee. From this point he sent a 
company of about sixty men to Cleveland. These were 
the first Federals that entered Cleveland, arriving on the 
11th of September, 1863. They remained in Cleveland 


one night only, returning to their command by way of the 
ninth district. As they passed through, the Union people 
of this district entertained them with a sum^jtuous dinner 
at a place called Beeche's Springs. vSpurgen joined them 
at this point, and with them returned to his post in the 
ranks. He remained with Col. Bird, then under the com- 
mand of Burnside, until the spring of 1864, spending the 
most of the winter at Lick Creek, about forty miles from 
Knoxville. In May 1801: he was attached to ScofiekVs 
corps, and continued with it to the end of the war. He 
performed his full share of the services and toils of the 
Atlanta campaign, being in the battles of Buzzard's Gap, 
Resaca, Dallas, Pine Mountain, Kennesaw, and was at the 
taking of Atlanta. On this campaign he was twice 
slightly wounded, once in the face, again in the ankle. 
His services on this campaign obtained for him the com- 
plete confidence of his ofiicers, and on the return of our 
army north after Hood, through this confidence he was 
entrusted with the most important duties of a soldier. He 
distinguished himself at the battle of Nashville, and par- 
ticularly distinguished himself in the pursuit of Hood's 
scattered army, to the Tennessee river. He was at Clif- 
ton on the Tennessee when the 23d corps started on its 
transfer to the eastern army, and was one of the many 
who assisted to perform that wonderful movement. 

Vigorous as ever, Spurgen filled his place in the ranks 
throughout the eastern strides and swift circumvolutions 
of this corps, in the glorious w^ork of decapitating the last 
living head of the rebellion. He Avas at Fort Fisher a few 
days after this stronghold of treason fell into the hands 
of the Government ; and after the surrender of Johnston, 
was mustered out of the service in Alamance county. 
North Carolina, being sent to Nashville, Tennessee, Avhere 
he was paid off and discharged, July 25th, 1865. During 
his entire services, Spurgen never lost an hour from sick- 
ness or even from his wounds, he was always ready for 
duty, and always accomplished w^hat he undertook. 

At the close of Spurgen's career as pilot, Andrew John- 
son and others, sensible that his services merited that 


honor and favor, strongly urged him to accept a con^mis- 
sion. Not ambitions of distinction, and having too much, 
sense to accept a post, which in his judgment he was in 
some respects unqualified to fill, he declined the honor. 
' Spurgen's Avorst enemies in Bradley lived in the seventh 
and eighth district'.. Wm. Parks, Lorenzo Alexander^ 
Ezekiel Spriggs and their fiimilies, were the bitterest of 
rebels, and especially after he failed to fulfill his contract 
ill regard to the Sequatchee cattle, the two latter families 
sought every opportunity to report him to the rebel 
authorities. At one time, Mrs. Alexander called at Mr. 
Spurgen's house, and dibcovered that he was at home. 
When Mrs. Alexander left, Mrs. Spurgen infonned her 
husband that he would be reported within fifteen minutes 
after Mrs. Alexander should reach her home. Mrs. Spur- 
gen's perceptives, always awake when rebels were near^ 
and i)erfectly able to look through their every external 
guise, were not mistaken on this occasion. In less than 
two hours after Mrs. Alexander left the house, a squad of 
rebel cavalry dashed up and enquired for Mr. Spurgen. 
His wife informed them that he was not at home. They, 
however, dismounted and thoroughly searched the house, 
as well as the entire premises, but the foxy piloteer, profit- 
ing by the good judgment of his wife, had vanished out 
of their reach ; and his enemies once more failed to stretch 
the neck of the ubiquitous and thousand-eyed Union 
skipper of the mountains. 

Spurgen had another inveterate enemy in th^ seventh 
district, in the i3erson of the notorious Capt. W. McClel- 
lan. McClellan incessantly^ watched for an opportunity 
to capture Spurgen, but like all the rest of Spurgen's 
enemies, failed to bag his prey. 

This infamous McClellan and his men, arrested two of 
the Hooper boys, Si3urgen's neighbors, and started them 
for Charleston. The father knowing the desperate char- 
acter of McClellan, followed the party with a view to 
intercede for his sons before the rebel authorities at Char- 
leston. McClellan's men saw him pursuing, when a num- 
ber of them met the old gentleman, tied a rope around 


his n«ck, telling- him that he could now folloAv his Lin- 
K'olnite sons to the gallows, with a ro^je around his own 
neck to his satisfaction. They dragged the old man for- 
ward, drawing and pulling him about by the neck in the 
presenc-e of his sons, as though h-e was some obstinate 
brute that they were taking to the slaughter. On the 
same trip these rebels arrested another man named Wm. 
Bracket. Reaching Charleston the rebels hung these 
three men by the neck for the s-econdand third time, each 
time until they were entirely senseless and nearly dead. 
One object was to extort information in regard to other 
Union men in their neighborhoods. Mr. Bracket in par- 
ticular had been reported to them as aiding and secreting 
Union refugees, especially one whom they were very anx- 
ious to capture. Mr. Bracket had that morning given this 
refugee his breakfast, and althotigh they hung him appa- 
rently within a breath of his life, more severely, perhaps, 
than they did the others, yet he nor the Hooper boys 
betrayed their friends. 

What were the subsequent sufferings of these Union 
men at the hands of the rebels, or when or how they 
escaped is unknown to us. We know, however, that Mr. 
Hooper, his three sons, and Mr. Bracket all lived to see 
the rebellion crushed, and a part, at least, of their rebel 
enemies brought to justice. 

Mr. Spurgen also, and his family, after suffering and 
toiling to destroy the hydra-headed monster, are now liv- 
ing in Bradley in the enjoyment of the fruits of the great 
victory, and with their feet upon the necks of their for- 
mer enemies and persecutors. 

This sketch of the military career of Mr. Spurgen should 
not be concluded without a few remarks on the part borne 
in that career by his wife. Certain it is, that this career 
w^ould have been greatly impaired by any other than 
such a wife as he possessed. In 1862 Mrs. Spurgen moved 
from the eighth district into the ninth, locating in the 
midst of a Union neighborhood. Previous to this change 
particularly, her privations and sufferings, as a Union 


woman, can never be fully known by any person living 
but herself. 

In March, 1S63, the writer visited Mrs. Spurgen at her 
house in the ninth district. He had conversed with her 
but a short time before he was taught a lesson of suffering 
patriotism that he will not soon forget. She and her 
infant children had been afflicted with chills and fever for 
months, which together with her lone condition, with no 
liome of her own, her destitution caused by the great 
scarcity of provisions in the country at that time, partic- 
ularly the scarcity of medicines and other comforts that 
one in her state so much needed, with everything else 
that was against her, apparently would have crushed any 
spirit but her own. Reduced to a shadow, with features 
as pale as those of a corpse, and unable to speak without 
trembling from head to foot, she said that she and her 
children had suffered terribly during the winter, were 
still suffering, and she expected that they Avould continue 
to suffer during the war; that she greatly needed the 
j)resence of her husband ; yet she desired him to remain 
in the army and do his part till the wicked rebellion w^as 

Could those Northern mothers — mothers whom the 
country had blessed with everything the heart could wish, 
but who were muffling their sons in furs and packing 
them in warm overcoats, for secret transportation to the 
Canadas, the pineries, and the distant territories, to keep 
them out of the army while their country was struggling 
for existence — have witnessed the courageous and patri- 
otic heroism of that frail and suffering creature, as exhib- 
ited during that conversation, the spectacle would have 
made these Northern mothers blush for their OAvn dis- 
graceful want of this great virtue. 

The patriotism of Mrs. Spurgen, however, was by no 
means a solitary example of this virtue among the Union 
women hidden away among the hills of Bradley and other 
portions of East Tennessee. The fireside of manj^ an 
humble Union cabin in this county, and thousands of them 
throughout East Tennessee, cabins lining the interminable 


valleys, spotting the vales, and standing out against the 
sky like specks, upon the mountain ranges, can furnish 
histories of female patriotism, heroic sufferings and sacri- 
fices, unconquerable loyalty to the stars and stripes, 
equally praiseworthy with those virtues as exhibited by 
Mrs. Spurgen. 


Mr. Baiigh lived, we believe, in the eleventh district, Bradley 
county, and was a staunch and bitter rel)el. He was a man of some 
talent, and was somewhat active as a politician. His talent lor abus- 
ing and insnlting Union people was not excelled, perhaps, by that of 
Capt. Brown liimself. Universally, when travelin«i- past the dwell- 
ings of his Union neighbors, hewould insult and abuse any who 
might be in sight or witiiin reach of his voice. He would tVcquently 
tie his pocket handkerchief to tiie end of his cane, insultingly dis- 
playing- it in tlie presence of Union people, in token of his love for 
the ^outiiern Confederacy, and as indicatino- the bloody triumphs the 
rebel llag had obtained in the (ield. 

A Union family named Miller, lived in the twelfth district, in wliich 
there were three or four sons, who were active Union men. They 
were pretty rough characters, but were strong Union men. Bau*:li 
had frequently reported tiiese Miller boys to the rebels, and had made 
strong eftorts to have them arrested and punished. He liad, periiaps. 
otherwise misused and injured them. 

On the 20th of A])ril. 1863, Baugh was found dead in the road about 
seven miles north or nortli-west of Cleveland, having been shot by 
some unknown person. The general impression Mas. among Union 
as well as rebel citizens, that the deed was performed b}'^ some one of 
the Miller boj'S. 

Mr. Thomas Low, the jailer, who with his dogs hunted and cap- 
tured Mr. McDowell, as already related, and two or three other 
rebels, witli these same dog-s, spent a number of days hunting the 
Miller boys among the White Oak Mountains, with a view to cap- 
ture theni and bring them to trial for murdering Baugh. Mr. A. K. 
Pott> was chartered to guide this company of men and dogs in the 
search, but its etibrts Avei-e fruitless. 

Upon the supposition that the Miller boys were the nuu-derers of 
Mr. Baugh, this was the only case in Bradley county that came to 
our knowledge in which any rebel citizen was murdered by Union 
men. Other rebels in Bradley were wounded by Union men, but in 
no other instance, as we could ascertain, was murder charged to 
Union people of the county, even b\^ the rebels themselves. 




At the opening* of the rebellion Mr. Loav had lived in 
Bradley fifteen years ; and at the time was acting as con- 
stable in the sixth district. Being a civil officer, his 
politics immediately became the subject of severe criti- 
cism, which soon ended in his exiDulsion from office as one 
of the obstinate and fool-hardy favorers of the lincoln 

In October, 1861, Mr. Low was suspected of bridge 
burning ; and on this suspicion was arrested by Mr. C. L. 
Hardwick, a pompous rebel merchant of Cleveland, — a 
man who in the heat of his rebel zeal spent a portion of 
his nights locked up in his store, smelting lead and man- 
ufacturing rebel bullets with which to kill Union men 
and Yankees ; and to use as read}^ arguments to bring 
such men as Mr. Low to a sense of duly. After being 
dragged about town and through the rebel military camps 
by Capt. Brown and this rebel Hardwick for some days, 
Mr. Low was sent a ]3risoner to Knoxville. On his wa^^ he 
was kept under a strong guard of soldiers, who allowed 

him to be insulted and abused as a "d d Lincolnite, 

tory, traitor, bridge burner," etc. 

Also, as was their custom to treat all Union prisoners 
who became the victims of their pleasure, Mr. Low, at 
the different stations on the road, came in for his share of 
the complimentary greetings of the secesh ladies. These 
sensitive creatures, sneering with disgust, and pointing 
the finger of scorn, were horrified at the sight of a "Yan- 
kee bridge-burner " — '^ sneaking traitor " — " mean Lincoln- 
ite," and showered upon Mr. Low their rebel execrations 
and i)ersonal insults, ds though he was some stark speci- 
men of existence, whose very i)resence was contamina- 


After coiitinin^^- him two weeks in the Kiinxville jail, 
unable to prove him guilty of bridge burning, he was 
allowed to return to his home. 

The time of Mr. Low's arrest by this Cleveland mer- 
chant — this bullet making and bullet-headed traitor — was 
the period of the greatest excitement in the country in 
regard to the burning of the bridges on the East Tennes- 
see iSz Georgia R. R; and when great numbers were l)eing 
arrested, and many being hung on suspicion of complicity 
in that affair. 

During this period even two Union men dare not be 
seen conversing together on the streets of Cleveland. Mr. 
McDowell, of the tenth district, about this time was ar- 
rested by Congressman Tibbs, for stopping a moment as 
he i)assed the court house windoAV to speak to Mr. Joseph 
Hicks, the county recorder. At the time of Mr. Low's 
arrest the Union men were afraid to stir from their houses. 
Mrs. Low's own brother, whose door Vv-^as Ijut a short dis- 
tance from her own, dare not offer her the least sympathy, 
not even to visit her to speak a word of comfort, or to 
asgist her in the concerns of her numerous family. 

The jail in which Mr. Low was confined was overflowing 
with Union prisoners. Many had to be guarded at rail- 
road depots, hotels, &c. Mr. Low remarked upon his own 
confinement that, feeling liimseli innocent of the crime 
of bridge burning, and guilty of nothing but loyalty to 
his country, he found it rather humiliating to have the 
keys of the Knoxville jail turned upon him as thougli he 
was a thief or a murderer; yet, the disgrace was not with- 
out its counteracting benefit. Being closely locked up in 
the Knoxville jail, he spent the two weeks without any 
injury to his purse, living entirely at the expense of the 
Confederacy. Other Union prisoners in Knoxville at this 
time, less disgraced than himself in the circumstances of 
their confinement, on being released were confronted by 
their landlords with very considerable bills of entertain- 
ment, which they were comi)elled to pay before they 
were allowed to leave the place. 

Having reached his home, Mr. Low was again applying 

226 HiSTOKY OF thp: rebellion 

liiu^self to support liis iamily, but the end of his troubles 
was not vet. In November, 1861, Jiis son, Powell H. Low, 
sixteen years of age, was arrested and pressed into the 
rebel ranks. In July following lie deserted, and through 
many privations and narrow escapes found his ^^ny back 
to his home. His old enemies, however, were soon upon 
him the second time, when he fled to the vroods and 
mountains, in which, and in diflferent Union houses, he 
secreted himself a number of months. 

In the spring of 1862, young Low joined one of the ref- 
ugee companies, reached the Federal lines, and at Nash- 
ville enlisted in the 4th Tennessee Cavalry, in which he 
faithfully fought the rebellion till it was crushed, and is 
now at home enjoying the fruits of his victories. 

In 1861, before j^oung Low was pressed into the rebel 
army, he was requested by a rebel ruffian to drink with 
him to the health of Jeff. Davis. Young Low refused, in- 
timating his preference for Abraham Lincoln. With an 
oath the rebel instantly struck at Low's breast vfith a 
knife, inflicting a dangerous wound in the arm, Irom which 
the blood flowed freeh^, requiring the utmost skill of 
Low's physician to arrest it. The wound was dangerous, 
and disabled him for five or six weeks. 

In the fall of 1865, after the political tables in East Ten- 
nessee were turned. Low and his old antagonist met in 
the streets of Cleveland. The Jefi'. Davis toaster was 
called to an account by Low, and informed that his un- 
provoked attempt four years previous to take his life 
must now be atoned for. Like all other cowards when 
they have not the advantage, this infamous brute stood 
speechless and idiotic before his accuser, too mean and 
low to make a manly confession, and too big a coward to 
utter a word in self defence. Unable, by abusing him 
with his tongue, to insult him or i)rovoke him to move or 
speak, and disliking to shoot him down while thus crouch- 
ing like an insensible stock before him. Low fell upon 
him with his loaded cane, and whelting him over the head 
as he would a sullen and incorrigible spaniel, soon cudg- 
eled him out of ihe streets of Cleveland. His flight, 


after he was beyond the reach of the shiUahxh, was accel- 
erated by a shower of rocks, in the midst of which his 
receding skeleton made a similar show to that of old JefF. 
Davis himself, hobbling away from the Yankees in a flurry 
of petticoats. 

The name of this rebel oltender unfortunately lias been 
mislaid, otherwise we sliould be happy to give liim as 
well as others, that historical christening that would 
leave his name as Avell as his conduct on record, for the 
benefit of himself and friends and their posterity. 

Leaving young Low to enjoy the savor of his good 
name among his Union friends, and to profit by the ad- 
vantages his patriotism and virtues have given him over 
his rebel enemies, we will return to the other members of 
the family. 

From iMr. Low's acquittal at Knoxville, until the spring 
of 1863, with iDrudent management, he was permitted to 
remain at home. Being under forty-five, he now be- 
came subject to the rebel conscript law, having to make 
the best of the difficulty. He fled to Nashville, where he 
remained a few ^jionths, but finally stole his way back, 
once more reaching his home attempting to remain and 
provide for his famih^ His old enemies, hoAvever, Avere 
as merciless as ever. He, Mr. John O'Neil, Mrs. Low's 
brother, and a Mr. Batt, all citizens of Cleveland, fled to 
the tenth district. The}^ concealed themselves in artifi- 
cial refugee caves, near the residence of Mr. Elisha Wise, 
a Union man, arrangements being made, among others, 
with the family of Mr. AYise for their supplies. Miss 
Rebecca Wise participated very cordially and very labor- 
iously in the humane work of fulfilling these stipulations. 

The ground home of these refugees, Avas nearly west of 
Mr. AVise's house, AA'hich stood on the south side of an east 
and Avest road, and about twenty feet from it. Four or 
five feet to the rear or Avest of the main building, stood a 
small out-house, frequently used as a cook room. HaA'ing 
stolen from their caverns, these refugees, about eight 
o'clock one evening, Avith the family of Mr. Wise, Avere 
supifing in this cook room, AA'itli Sasa^ a little negro girl 

228 IIISTOllY OF tup: llEIjELLIO^^ 

on the road fence as a picket. Sudden)}^ twenty or 
twenty-five rebel cavalry came dashing down the road 
from the west. The little girl gave the alarm, bnt tlirougli 
mistake made tlie impression that the rebels were coming 
from the east. The refugees bounded from the cook-room, 
Mr. Low in advance, and attempted to strike for their 
caves in the woods. These caves being west from the 
house as just explained, the same direction from which 
the rebels w^ere coming, Mr. Low, before he saw them, 
the night being rather dark, ran almost into the midst of 
his enemies, and while but a few steps from them was 
lialted and fired upon at the same instant. The shot, liow- 
ever, w^as harmless, with the exception of scratching his 
boot and knocking the earth and gravel against his shins. 
Thus headed off, the refugees wlieeled, Mr. Low darting 
into tiie main building, and taking shelter in a refugee 
hiding place, prepared by Mr. Wise against such emergen- 
cies, the others, sinking back into and screening them- 
selves as best they could in the cook-room. The rebels 
were instantly in possession of the premises, and soon 
succeeded in dragging Mr. O'Neil and Mr. Batt from their 
imperfect concealment, very much to their mortification 
and chagrin. Li finding Mr. Low, however, they were less 
successful. Although he was on the lower lioor of the 
house, wdiich was only about twenty feet square, divided 
into only two rooms, with an angular stair- way in the end 
and corner of one of the rooms, while tiie rebels were all 
around him, and frequently not more than six inches from 
him ; yet it was impossible for them to find him. After 
fifteen or twenty of them had scoured the building from 
top to bottom, for half an hour, leaving as they supj)osed, 
not an inch of it uninspected, and after peering up the 
chimney also, they gave np the search, concluding that 
Mr. Low had given them the slip to the bushes before 
they got the building completely surrounded. 

Tlius vanquished in regard to their third man, they took 
their two prisoners and departed, leaving Mr. Low stand- 
ing there nearly in the middle of the floor, no doubt 


^Teatly to his satisfaction, as well as a good deal to his 

To understand the ingenious device by which Mr. Low 
was concealed, the reader has only to imagine the lower 
part of Wise's house made into two rooms, and a stairway 
at the end of one of the rooms, liaving a double partition 
1)et\veen it and the room from which it was taken, or in 
other Avords ; a stairway with one partition fastened to the 
end of the stairs, and another perhaps sixteen inches from 
this, further in the room, forming a space between the 
two sufficient to enclose the body of a person. AVhen on 
the stairs one would see the partition fastened to the end 
of the stairs. When in the room he would see the one 
sixteen inches from the stairs, or sixteen inches from the 
one fastened to tliem. 

The rebels took their two prisoners to Cleveland, from 
wliich place they were sent to Knoxville. Fortunately 
both proved themselves clear of the conscription, Mr. 
Batt from being a tanner, then manufacturing leather in 
Cleveland, Mr. O'Neil, from previously being connected 
with business belonging to the county. 

After the de^^arture of the rebels, Mr. Low emerged 
from his confinement, and receiving the congratulations 
of the family on his narrow escape from death, repaired 
alone to his haunts in the mountains. He remained in 
these retreats until our lines encircled Bradley, when he 
was once more privileged to sit upon his own threshhold, 
with the great viper, together with all the little vipers, 
lifeless at his feet — his family all saved, and with him joy- 
fully gazing at the stars and stripes waving above his 
dwelling in the town of Cleveland, while his lock-jawed 
rebel neighbors, marched quickstep to the tune of Yan- 
kee Doodle, on their way to SAvear themselves back into 
the fold of the old Government. 

This sketch would be incomplete without reference to 
the part borne by Mrs. Low and other members of the 
family in contending w^th Mr. Low against the rebellion. 

The history of the rebellion in East Tennessee will 
never be efFectuallv written, the secret of her miraculous 


resistance an4 long endurance Avill be an unexplained 
mj'^steiy, until the noble examples of patriotism, the invin- 
cible and suifering constancy throughout the struggle of 
her phalanx of Union women and children, are by the 
hand of some studious and lively chronicler, given to the 

The better half of man is liis wife, the next better por- 
tion are his children, and with ail these unflinchingly to 
stand by him in a good work, the Devil might as well 
hang up his fiddle, for we know of no just cause on this 
earth, that an army of households thus marshaled, could 
not carry. 

The patriotic conduct of Mrs. Low and other 
members of her family, is recorded as honorable and 
praiseworthy, not only to themselves, but as being a fac- 
simile of the noble conduct of liundreds of other Union 
women and their children in Bradley count}^, conduct 
equally meritorious, and which would be equally interest- 
ing and instructive to narrate. 

Mrs. Low was a Union woman from principles of right 
as well as from motives of policy. Eight and wrong with 
lier, Avere naturally the pivotal points of action, and 
blessed with a high sense of honor and feelings of strong 
self-respect, she Avas never long in deciding that rights 
were to be defended and wrongs resented, irrespective of 
consequences. Naturally possessing these qualities in a 
high degree, Mrs. Loav was not easily deceived in the 
moral ciuality of human enterprises and human institu- 
tions, nor Avas it her doctrine in order to prevent the 
breaking of a foAV limbs Aveakly, to temporize or vascilate, 
after opinions in regard to enterprises had been perman- 
ently fixed. The rebellion was thus by her instinctively 
seen to be the embodiment of crime, when she as quickh' 
decided that its votaries, notwithstanding their numbers 
ought to be treated as criminals, a course of reasoning 
AAdiich at once decided her position, a position Avhich she 
immediately took, and that AA^ithout any trembling hesita- 
tion in regard to consequences. Mrs. Loav felt her Avay to 
be right, and a Avay that Avas right although it might be 


studded with thorns, she felt, was not very likely, time and 
eternity botli considered, to lead to a disastrous termina- 

Without any very elal)orate philosophizing upon the 
subject, but rather from an intuitive sense of right and 
natural love of justice, the foregoing were the only wheels 
of logic Mrs. Low had to turn, to place her in the position 
thus described, in regard to the rebellion, a position 
which she found equal to all emergencies, and which car- 
ried her safely through all the troubles of the war. 

In this position, Mrs. Low had nothing to fear ])ut the 
possible extent or fatality of calamities to herself and 
family, fatalities common to the bloody struggle, and 
from which Providence alone could exempt her. Her 
husband might be hunted down and murdered by gueril- 
las, or hung or imprisoned for his loyalty ; her son might be 
slain by bushwhackers, or shot down in the ranks fighting 
for his country, but all these were calamities for vv'hich 
her position provided, and which she at the beginning- 
balanced against the crime, and probable safety of taking 
sides with the rebellion. Bad as her fate was, or worse as 
it sometimes promised to be, Mrs. Low at no time had any 
apology to make for the stand which she or her family 
had taken, and when the bolts came thick and fast — her 
husband threatened to be hung at Knoxville, her son 
dragged from home, pressed into the rebel ranks and 
made to assume the attitude of a traitor to liis country, 
her premises plundered, her property appropriated and 
destroyed by the rebel cavalry, her children tremblingly 
gathering about her, and looking to her for protection 
and support, with fear on every hand, no one daring to 
advise her, nor pretending to know what an hour might 
bring forth, there were no signs of recantation, none of 
that hypocritical dissembling, or appearing to side with 
the rebels; but she openly declared her sentiments and 
announced her position as a Union woman, defying the 
malignant ingenuity of her enemies, and unflinchingly 
accepting the storm smiting and wrathful as it was. 

If intense personal suffering could have justified pre- 


Yarication or dissembling, Mrs. Low could have been 
among the lirst to claim such an advantage. The repeated 
injuries inllicted ui3on herself and family by the rebels, 
with her clear and sensitive view of the possible conse- 
quences, were a two edged sword, night and day lacerat- 
ing her very vitals — an inward anguish that none could 
have felt more keenly than herself; and that for weeks 
and months with none but her children about her, sent 
her to a tearful and sleepless couch, yet, with a high 
minded sense that she was suffering for the right, dis- 
guising her sorrov/ she moved among her persecutors 
with an air of defiance and self-resiDect, and Vvdth looks of 
v,dthering scorn that not onl}^ evinced her self-control, 
but gave those enemies to understand that she compre- 
hended the insignificance of their moral worth, and the 
meanness of tlie treatment she was receiving at their 

Mr. Low concealing himself in the tenth district, in the 
spring of 1863, moved his family into that section. Early 
ill the following fall the rebels stationed a regiment on 
Condy's Creek, not far from Mrs. Low's dwelling. The 
men of this regiment collected from the, surrounding far- 
mers about three hundred swine. When the battle of 
Missionary Eidge opened the country to our armies the 
llight of these rebels was so percipitate that Mrs. Low 
found herself suddenlj^ in possession of nearly all the 
svrine in the north of Bradley county. Our forces soon 
took possession of Cleveland, and Mrs. Low dispatched 
her son, Lafayette, twelve years of age, by night, to in- 
form the Yankees of the valuable prize the rebels had 
left on Condy's Creek. A secesh family named Carr, dis- 
covered the boy traveling towards Cleveland, and mis- 
trusting his business reported him to a rebel, or rather 
bushwhacker, at that moment present, who threatened 
and attempted to shoot him down in the road. He, liov/- 
ever, escaped, reached Cleveland, and the Federals imme- 
diately took possession of the acceptable booty. Shortly 
after a rebel bushwhacker named Grigsby, meeting 
Lafayette accused him of reporting the swine, and of being 


sent by hi« mother to do so. The boy stoutly denied the 
charge telling Grigsby that he had been misinformed 
upon the subject. Grigsby replied that he believed he 
was lying, and if he knew positively that he was the 
guilty party, he would shoot him down in his tracks^ 

After being denounced by Grigsby as the son of a d d 

Lincolnite traitor, and as belonging to the vile race of 
Tennessee rebels, the boy was allowed to pass on. 

In the summer of 1863, as well as previously, an abun- 
dance of letters, photographs, and other valuables sent 
by Tennessee soldiers in the Northern army to their 
friends in Bradley, were deposited by Red Fox^ and other 
refugee pilots in the north part of the county. While on 
Oondy's Creek, Mrs. Low and her family performed their 
share of distributing these valuables to their owners. 
Immediately after the arrival of one of these invisible 
messengers from the north. Union men women and chil- 
dren would be seen hunting stray cattle, going to mill, or 
hurrying to find the doctor, or in search of seed grain, or 
would be on some other errand of pressing necessity. 
Miss Mattie Low, Miss Rebecca Wise, Misses Jane and 
Nancy McPherson, with many others that might be named, 
participated in this work of patriotic affection. The 
Misses McPhersons had three brothers in the Northern 
army, one of whom lost his life at Knoxville. Miss Low 
and Miss Wise, each had one brother in the Federal ranks 
representing their interests in the Federal cause. Per- 
sonal experience therefore, in the importance of their mis- 
sion, prompted these ladies, notwithstanding the country 
was full of rebel citizens and rebel soldiers, to distribute 
these letters to their owners, and many a heart was made 
glad while many were made sorrowful by the intelligence 
received at their hands. 

Notwithstanding Mr. Low and his family suffered incred- 
ibly as well as sustained heavy losses of property by 
the rebellion, yet the great calamity so much feared was 
providentially escaped. The end of the rebellion was 
reached and the lives of all were spared, a blessing in 
view of which all their temporal losses, and sufferings were 


not to be considered. Having thus survived the storm, 
Mr. and Mrs. Low and their family are now living in 
Cleveland, in the enjoyment of all, if not of an increase of 
their former happiness. 

The most appropriate sequel, perhaps, to the present 
chapter, is a i)aragraph having some reference to one of 
the principal actors in persecuting Mr. Loav and his family, 

C. L. Hardwick, the specimen of humanity who has 
been already introduced as the rebel that arrested Mr. 
Low, has escaped the law, but with some relief to the 
many he injured, has not altogether escaped the merciless 
goadings of the historical quill. Tlie writer had the pri- 
vilege of a squint at this diamond-eyed Union persecutor, 
as he among other rebels was crawling about the streets 
of Cleveland in September, 1865. His activity in laying 
up other rebel crimes, besides that against Mr. Low's 
family, for himself to answer to in a future day, so emptied 
his purse in the summer of 1865, before Mr. Low could 
get a dash at his old arrester, that any redress by law for 
Mr. Low is, perhaps, impossible. Reduced to bankruptcy 
by his rebel crimes, Mr. Low can afford to let him pass, so 
far as his money is concerned, as that, could he fleece him 
of it by the hundred thousand, would not compensate for 
the deadly stab he inflicted upon himself and family. Let 
him and his money perish with each other, but let him 
not perish or escape until the anathemas of the Union 
families, whom he afflicted, compel him either to make 
a public confession of his faults, or until these anathe- 
mas drive him from civilized society. Though destitute 
of the means to pay in the unsatisfactory thing of money, 
he has not, nor has been destitute of the opportunity to 
make amends by an humble and manly acknowledgement 
of his errors, in a public manner before the people. Now 
that the war is over, and its surprising results are before 
us, no rebel, unless he is yet wilfully hardened can fail to 
see in these results, the sin of his past career and its 
injustice to those who suffered by it. One such act of 
genuine repentance on the part of Mr. Hardwick, would 
do him greater honor, and would do more to restore him 


to the confidence of considerate men, than all the money- 
he could count in a life time. Until this is done, let Mr. 
Hardwick not comi)lain about the libels of history, or talk 
about the exaggerated rhetoric of those whose duty it is 
to trace out and set before the public and the world, the 
conduct of individual rebels. Until he has done this, let 
his shame become so public that it will meet him at every 
corner, and face him in every rail car in which he rides, 
and on every highway that he may travel the rest of his 
life. Language can hardly do this man injustice until lie 
has made these amends not only to Mrs. Low, but to 
others who suiFered at his hands. While the rebellion 
was rampant, giving him the liberty to slay as he j)leased ; 
and Mrs. Low and her children with other Union families, 
then not a stone's throw from his presence, were writhing 
in tortrue and trembling with fear for the results to them 
of his tyranny, in full view of the sufferers, he could com- 
posedly sit and stroke his aristocratic whiskers in the 
fashionable rebel doors of Cleveland. Go vile insect I 
Go thou unseemly creature, branded w^ith the mark of the 
Southern beast, and followed by the scathing tale of j^our 
infamous career, until an humble confession on your 
knees, as far as it can, shall make restitution at least to 
one whose nature could sufi'er so deeply from your vil- 
lainy, as to give you hope that it might now be moved by 
your repentance, and whose forgiveness would allow the 
world once more to call you a human being. 




Fantroy a. Carter was born in Danville, Pittsylvania 
county, Virginia, December 15th, 1819, and came to Brad- 
ley county, Tennessee, in 1842. August 29th, 1844, he was 
married to Miss Ellen W. P. Soul, neice of Bishop Soul, 
so long and favorably known as one of the Bishops of the 
Methodist Church. 

At the breaking out of the rebellion Mr. Carter was 
found an uncompromising Union man. When the 
railroad bridges were burned on the 8th of October, 1861, 
in East Tennessee, by the Federals, Mr. Carter was very 
unjustly accused of complicity in that matter ; and upon 
this accusation was arrested by Capt. Brown, and forced 
into the rebel army. He was put into the 36th East Ten- 
nessee Ilebel Infantry, and into the company of Wm. A. 
Camp. This company w^as composed almost entirely of 
Union men, pressed like himself into the ranks. Through 
the influence of these Union members, Mr. Carter was 
made Lieutenant of the company. 

As mentioned in another place, this regiment was or- 
dered to the field near Knoxville. In justice to Mr. Car- 
ter, and a'^ an illustration of his case, and that of thou- 
sands of others in East Tennessee, we give a short extract 
from a letter written by him to his wife at Cleveland, 
while his regiment was at Cumberland Gap. Tlie letter 
bears date March 12th, 1862 : 

"Yesterday there was an alarm — the report came that the Yankees 
were closing hi upon us. We could see them distinctly; they looked 
like there were two or three thousand. The stars and stripes could 
be plainly seen — they looked very natural to one who has always 
been taught to love and reverence them, next almost to the Supreme 
Being. When I saw them floating in the breeze, feelings ran through 
my mind which will be forgotten only when this bod}"^ of mine is 
laid beneath the clods of the valley. 1 could have stood there and 
gazed at them till the next day. without eating or sleeping. 


*'The time 1 have yet to serve the Confederacy as a volunteer is 
nine months from this good day; then I will again be a free man. 
and onoe more be permitted to speak the sentiments of a fre(anan, 
without the fear of any. Tlien, probably, I can the better appreciate 
what freedom is. 

"I have understood that there is a great deal of excitement in a!id 
around Cleveland. If such is the case I wish yon to remain at home; 
do not become alarmed, you have done nothing for which you need 
to run; tlierefore I charge you particularly to stand vour' ground; 
no ditferenee who runs or wlio does not. If I am in' the Southern 
army it will not hurt you; there are plenty of witnesses in Cleve- 
land who are friends of ours, who know niy condition, and know 
wliat placed me in my present situation." 

It is melancholy to rellect that Mr. Carter in this ex- 
tract expresses not only his own feelings, but the feelings 
of thousands of other Tennessee boys who were then in 
a similar condition with himself It is still more melan- 
choly that so great a multitude of these boys, like Mr. 
Carter, and young Stonecypher who died at Knoxville, 
were not permitted to live to enjoy their own and their 
country's freedom. 

As mentioned in another place, the 36th Tenn. was 
ordered to Georgia — returned to Cleveland and dis- 
banded. Mr. Carter accompanied his regiment on this 
t*our, but resigned when it was disbanded, being in the 
rebel service only about seven months. 

From his resignation, June, 1862, till September, 1863, 
Mr. Carter was at home. Though a Union man, and freely 
expressing himself as such in company with confidential 
Union neighbors, yet, having served in the rebel army, he 
had to conduct himself with reserve in the presence of 
rebels, as the result of which discretion, he was permitted 
during this interval to live with his family comparatively 
free from molestation. 

When our army reached the Tennessee River on its 
way to Chickamauga, Union men in Bradley enjoyed the 
privilege of enlisting to fight the rebellion without hav- 
ing to flee to Kentucky to find a Federal command. In 
view of this, Lieut. O. G. Frazier commenced at Cleve- 
land to recruit a company of horsemen. Mr. Carter 
united with Lieut. Frazier to raise this company, with the 
mutual understanding that Frazier should be Captain and 
Carter 1st Lieutenant of the company. 


From the time Bird's men came into Cleveland— Septem- 
ber 11th, 1863 — till after the battle of Missionary Kidge, 
Cleveland was taken and retaken, and thus alternately 
occupied several times by rebels and Federals. 

Enlisting as a Federal soldier, and engaging in recruit- 
ing this Union company, exposed Mr. Carter to the malice 
of Cleveland rebels. They called him the traitor, tory, 
Lincolnite, &c. ; and reported him to the rebel soldiery 
Avhen in their turn they occupied Cleveland. Mr. Carter 
was living at the time about three miles from town, in 
rather a thickly wooded country ; and knowing the rebel 
hatred against him, kept himself secreted in the thickets 
whenever he thought danger was near. 

Venturing one day from his hiding place to go to 
Cleveland, he was met bj^ Dr. Thomas Brown, a bitter old 
rebel citizen, who, the moment he saw Mr. Carter, 
wheeled and rode back towards Cleveland. Having been 
acquainted with Brown, and knowing his character, this 
sudden movement excited Mr. Carter's fears that rebel 
soldiers were in town, and that Brown had gone to report 
him. He returned to his home as soon as possible, related 
the circumstance to his wife, when she advised Iiim to 
flee to the woods. He however delayed a little, and 
shortly a troop of rebel cavalry was seen approaching 
from the direction of Cleveland, and this same old Brown 
on the same horse, one of the company. Mr. Carter 
started for the woods, but was discovered, and surrounded 
by the rebels just as he struck the edge of the timber, 
wiien one of them leveled his carbine and shot him 
through the heart. Closing around him, two of the rebels 
dismounted and robbed him of his money, his watch, tore 
his gold studs from his bosom, and endeavored to wrench 
his gold ring from his finger. The ring was not easily 
removed, and in this they failed. 

Mr. Carter was murdered perhaps a hundred yards from 
his own dwelling. Mrs. Carter, her children, and her two 
sisters, were present, saw the rebels spur their animals 
and converge upon her husband as he entered the Avood, 
and nothing but the undergrowth of bushes skirting the 




timber shut oif the foul deed from the gaze of the entire- 
family. Mrs. Carter and her family, bewildered and 
filled with terror, looked on from her door ; and in a mo- 
ment the fatal report of the rebel gun, followed by the 
lull in the general clamor of their commingling shouts 
and yells, and savage blasphemies, urging each other on 
to take the life of that innocent man, told that her hus- 
band was murdered. Mrs. Carter and her two sisters ven- 
tured across the narrow field and met the fiends emerging 
from the timber. They told Mrs. Carter that they had 

"killed a d d Lincolnite over the fence there," and she 

could go and attend to him. She asked one of them ta 
assist her to bring the body out of the bushes, but thi& 
was refused. 

In savage glee the murderers left the premises and re- 
turned to Cleveland. The party consisted of about 
twenty-five or thirty armed men. None but the following 
w^ere, perhaps, personally unacquainted with Mr. Carter i 
Wash. Brooks, Cam. Brooks — cousins — Capt. Peters, and 
the bloodthirsty Doctor who guided the others to the- 
retreat of his victim. 

As the gang, on their return, entered Cleveland, Capt. 
Peters, though his thirst for blood had been satiated, at 
least for the time, was, nevertheless, through the exertion 
this had cost him, thirsting physically, and called at the 
house of Dr. Jordan for a drink of water. The doctor and 
his two daughters came out and were supplying his- 
wants, when he began to boast of what he had done. He 

said he had "just killed a d d Lincolnite down in the 

woods by the name of Fant. Carter." The doctor replied 
that if it was Fan troy Carter, he had " killed a mighty 

fine man." " Well, he was the man, a d d traitor, that 

liad turned Lincolnite, and such men ought to die ; " and 
exhibiting his carbine, added, " there is the gun that did 
the deed." It is a pity that the doctor and his daughters 
did not administer to the wretch a dose that would have 
put an end to his thirst for Union blood as well as for the 
common beverage of life. 

By some of their own company it was subsequently 


disclosed that when the two men robbed Mr. Carter after 
they had shot him down, one of them opened his bosom, 
looked at the wound, saw the blood flowing, and remarked 
that " it was a d d good shot ! " 

These men it appeai-s belonged to Capt. Everett's com- 
pany of Hoge's regiment, then a portion of Wheeler's 

In connection with this affair, or about the time it hap- 
pened, this same gang of murderers boasted that, in one 
of their trips through Kentucky and Tennessee, the sabres 
of their company alone drank the blood of sixty Union 

After three days Mrs. Carter succeeded in getting the 
remains of her husband buried in the cemeter}^ at Cleve- 
land. Fear seized the entire Union population of Cleve- 
land and its vicinity, and scarcely any one dared to assist 
her. Mr. Carter's own brother, who was then either a 
rebel soldier or a rebel employee, was not allowed to 
leave his post to assist in the bur,ying. Another brotlier, 
when news of the murder reached him, remarked that 
"Fantroy was his brother, but any man Avho would turn 
traitor to his country ought to suffer." 

How little did this Mr. Carter reflect, when he made 
this remark, that it was a sentence of condemnation 
against himself, rather than against his murdered brother. 
His murdered brother, when alive, possessed the identif^al 
virtue, which he in his remark was contending for, conse- 
quently he died an innocent man, while he himself was 
the traitor that deserved to suffer. 

Mr. Carter w^as killed on the 23d of September, 1863. 
The deed was known in a few hours after it was com- 
mitted, to the entire community, rebels and Union peo- 
ple; yet not the least rebuke was administered to the 
perpetrators by their superiors, but the villains were 
allowed to boast of it as publicly and as much as they 
pleased. Nor was any expression heard from any of the 
leading rebel citizens that the deed was by them either, 
disapproved. The murder was no more disapproved by 
rebel citizens of Bradley than it was by the rebel sol- 


diery. Mr. Carter was universally known as one of the 
best of men, and this, perhaps, was spoken of and 
admitted by rebels in Bradley, at his death ; yet, that 
there Avas any injustice in his death, was not, as a general 
thing, admitted by the rebel citizens of the countiy. 

Mr. Carter left a wife and five children dependant, prin- 
cipally, if not entirely upon their ovrn exertions for sup- 
port. The following are the names of the latter : Maria 
v., Anna L., Frank W., Florence E., and Charles Fantroy. 
In addition to these, two maiden sisters of Mrs. Carter — 
Misses Maria and Jane Soul — were also members of the 
family, and equally with the others suffered under the 
blow, and were left to bear this distressing bereavement. 

Old doctor Brown who acted the bloodhound in this 
fearful tragedy, subsequently left for Dixie. If justice 
has not yet demanded his life, and he should ever again 
display himself in Cleveland, it is hoped that he will be 
summarily called to an account, and the gallows allowed 
to settle its claims with this rebel monster. 

Frank, the son, who was perhaps twelve years of age 
at his father's death, was at the time captured hy his 
father's murderers. The rebels ordered him to follow 
them, and he struck in behind them, but soon, when unob- 
served, darted to one side and fled through a cornfield, 
making his escape. While in their possession he heard 
the report of the gun but a short distance from him, which 
killed his father. 

Mrs. Carter and her two sisters, from the fact that the 
Union people of Cleveland dare not befriend them, and 
because the rebels would not, struggled three days almost 
entirely alone with the remains of Mr. Carter, to get them 
buried. They had scarcely left the grave, hov^^ever, when 
they were summoned before the rebel Provost Marshal, 
and requested to take the oath of allegiance to the Con- 
federate government. Not manifesting a disposition to 
comply, th<ey were told that they would not be allowed 
to leave Cleveland until they did so. Mrs. Carter, as we 
have seen, lived three miles from Cleveland, having tem- 
porarily only left her house for the interment of her hus- 



band. Detention, therefore, would occasion her the loss 
perhaps of all she left at home, besides the mortification 
and suffering of being held in durance by the murderers 
of her husband. Mrs. Carter and her two sisters were, 
therefore, comi^elled to submit, and reluctantly sub- 
scribe to the hated rebel oath. 

This was the kind of sympathy extended by the rebel 
authorities of Cleveland to Mrs. Carter and her two sis- 
ters, in their sorrowful and heart rending bereavement. 
These rebels had murdered the husband and brother of 
these defenseless and harmless women, had given them 
three days in which to bury his remains, then with their feet 
yet stained w4th the clay that covered his coffin, bewil- 
dered and nearly senseless from what they had passed 
through, these stricken creatures were made to stand 
before their persecutors and swear allegiance to the very 
power that had so heartlessly bereaved and crushed 


With a knowledge of this fact before us, it will be dif- 
ficult for any argument to counteract the truth of the 


statement, that the murder of Mr. Carter was, as a gen- 
eral thing, justified by the rebel element of the country. 

In our judgment it is not too severe to designate the 
leading rebels of Bradley, such as the Tibbses, Donahoos, 
Sugarts, Tuckers, Browns, McNellys, Hoyls, Hardwicks, 
Grants, Johnsons and others, as in a measure responsible 
for this murder, and as those who wdth the immediate per- 
petrators, will have to give an account to God for the 
slaughtering of that innocent man. 

The death of Mr. Carter stands among the most 
lamentable and unprovoked murders committed by the 
rebels in East Tennessee ; and will go far in the judg- 
ment of history to deepen the general blackness of the 
rebellion in Bradley county. 


Mr. Willhoit was principal of Flint Spring Academy in the tourtb 
district, Bradley connty. In November. 1861, while his school was in 
session, the Academy building was surrounded by a squad of rebels 
led by Stephen Gregory, and liimself and a number of his pupils 
captured. They were taken to Red Clay St., put into a guard-liouse 
and kept until next morning. While in this guard house, Mr. James 
Huff, in order to insult Mr. Willhoit and liis students, came m among 
them with his overgrown dog, and made the doof go througli with a 
performance which he called cursing Abraham Lincoln. 

The next morning the prisoners were offered their choice of three 
things : to go into the rebel army, be sent to southern prisons, or buy 
their liberty with money. Mr. Willhoit accepted the latter. He was 
afterwards appointed rebel enrolling officer in the fourth district. 
Not wishing to act in tliat capacity he and forty others fled North. 
Guiding the company across the Tennessee, and to the crest of Wal- 
dron's Ridge, Mr. Willhoit arranged for the others to proceed, but 
returned himself to Bradley for another company. He raised the 
second company and conducted it also safelj^ across the Tennessee, 
when he returned to Bradley as before for the third company. 

Reaching the Tennessee with his tliird charge, he found that John 
Morgan had just heavily picketed the river, and that it was impossi- 
ble for him to cross. He secreted his men in the AVhite Oak Moun- 
tains and waited for an opportunity to get over. While here, two 
men pretending to be rebel deserters were sent to him by Union 
friends. After being with him one day, one of these men slipped 
away, reported him to the rebels, in consequence of which he and his 
men were all captured. They were taken into Georgia and delivered 
to John L. Hopkins, general conscripting officer of tliat State. For the 
consideration of seventy dollars Hopkins agreed to give them a trial, 
but afterwards forfeited his word and sent them all prisoners to Ma- 

After being in the Macon prison a few months, through the influ- 
ence of friends at home, we believe, Mr. Willhoit and his entire com- 
pany were released and readied home in safety. 




The subjects of this chapter were not related to Mr. F. 
A. Carter, whose history has just been given. These were 
Levi and Robert Carter, father and son, having lived in 
the north part of the county for many years. 

Mr. Levi Carter, the father, was a blacksmith, was be- 
tween fifty and sixty years of age — an exhorter, or local 
IDreacher in the Methodist Church, and had always borne 
a good moral and Christian character. Robert, the son, 
was a young man, having a wife and two children, and 
was a quiet and respectable citizen. Both were strong 
Union men, but not of that extravagant zeal nor abusive 
deportment justly to render them offensive to the rebels; 
nor had they ever been guerrillas or bushwhackers, as 
accused by the rebels. Possibly and even probably, they 
had acted as pilots to Union refugees escaping from the 
county. Even in this, however, they had never been ex- 
tensively engaged. 

These statements reveal the full extent to which these 
men had offended against the Confederacy, and the only 
real causes of complaint which their immediate rebel 
neighbors could raise against them. 

On the 27th of September, 1863, Mr. Carter and his son 
were met in the road in the ninth district by five mounted 
rebel bushwhackers. Four of these bushwhackers were 
well known to the Carters, having been raised, perhaps, 
in the county. Their names were James and George 
Roberts, brothers, Felix Purviance, and Polk Runnions. 
The other — the fifth — was supposed by many to be a man 
by the name of Tenor. He called himself the " Texan 
Ranger." James Roberts, the leader of the company, 
was known to be one of the most lawless and bloodthirsty 
men in the country. 


When the two parties met, the Carters, recognizing the 
Roberts boys, and perhaps the others, and knowing that 
they would at least be arrested, attempted to flee. James 
Roberts drew his revolver and fired, wounding old Mr. 
Carter severely in the arm, bringing him down, or at least 
checking his speed so that he was soon taken. Young 
Roberts was also soon taken, when both were conducted 
to the house of Esq. Stanfield near by. 

Old Mr. Carter was severely w^ounded, and having bled 
considerable was becoming faint, and requested to lie 
down. This was refused, he and his son being told that 
they had to go before Gen. Wheeler at Georgetown. 

After James Roberts had finished reloading his revol- 
ver, tlie five rebels mounting their animals, the prisoners 
were ordered to take the road before them, and headed 
in the direction of Georgetown, they were driven away. 
All passed the house of the next neighbor, but a short 
distance from Esq. Stanfield's, in the same order, traveling 
in the direction of Georgetown, old Mr. Carter bleeding, 
apparently faint, and getting forward with considerable 
difficulty. This was the last time that all the parties 
w^ere seen together by Union persons. A half-mile, per- 
haps, beyond where they were last seen by this Union 
famil}^, the road on Avhich they were traveling struck into 
the main Georgetown road, where the five bushw^hackers 
found that Gen. Wheeler had left Georgetown, and was 
then v/ith his troops passing along this main road in the 
direction of Knoxville. They also ascertained that Gen. 
Wheeler was at that moment stopping for dinner at the 
house of a Union widow lady by the name of Grissom, 
upon this main road about a quarter of a mile to their 
right. Receiving this information the rebels wheeled 
their prisoners to the right, conducted them within about 
two hundred yards of Mrs. Grissom's house, where they 
halted them, dispatcliing one of their own number to Mrs. 
Grissom's to report to Gen. Wheeler, and receive instruc- 
tions in regard to the disposition of the prisoners. This 
messenger found Gen. Wheeler surrounded by his staff^ 
sitting upon the porch of Mrs. Grissom's house. 


When the Carters were captured they were carrying on 
their arms a quantity of Osuaburg grain sacks, which 
they picked up in some vacated Federal camps near the 
Hiwassee Eiver. It was noticed, when the company left 
Esq. Stanfield's, that the rebels kept possession of these 
Federal sacks, taking sacks as well as prisoners along 
with them from Stanfield's. 

The following affidavits of Mrs. Grissom and her two 
married daughters, will be a sufficient history of the ter- 
rible fate that immediately resulted to the two Carters : 

-State of Tennessee. } 
BiiADLEY County. ^ 

"On this, the 15th day of April, 1SC4, personally appeared before 
me, John Stantield. an acting Justice of the Peace of said county. 
Emily Grissom. Matilda McUen, and Mary McUen, and made oath in 
due form of law to tlie following facts : 

••Mrs. Emily Grissom. — I had been personally acquainted with 
Levi Carter and his son Robert for several j'ears before the}- were 

'• On the 27th day of September, 1863, two or three hundred rebel 
soldiers came to my house from towards Georgetown. They arrived 
about 12)^ o'clock P. M., and remained about one hour. There was 
an officer in command whom his men called Gen. Wheeler. They 
were cavalrymen. About fifteen of these soldiers stepped up to my 
table and eat their dinners. Gen. Wheeler did not eat. 

••Between a quarter and a half hour after they arrived, a cavalry- 
man came dashinp' up from towards Georgetown, and enquired tor 
Gen. Wheeler. The man whom they called Gen. Wlieeler was then 
sitting on the porch of the house ; being pointed out to the cavalry- 
man, he said to Gen. Wheeler, •We've captured two bushwhackers, 
and have them just above here in the road.' Gen. Wheeler asked the 
man where they caught them. He replied, ' Just above here, on an- 
other road.' 'Well." said Gen. Wheeler, 'we generally hang busli- 
whackers.' Gen. Wheeler then looked around and up to some trees 
near the door, and said, •! do not see anj^ convenient limb here to 
hang them on ; I think we better shoot them. Yes. I reckon we bet- 
ter shoot them, that is the way to do with bushwhackers.' General 
W^heeler then inquired if the prisoners had any arms ? The cavalry- 
man replied, 'Xo. only a pocket knife.' at the same time raising his 
hands and showing the knife to be about the len^rth of his forefinger 
and hand to the thumb. Gen. Wheeler replied tliat, • It does not look 
like they were bushv.hackers if they had no arms.' The cavalryman 
then held up an Osnaburg grain sack to Gen. Wheeler's view, saying. 
' Yes, the}^ are bushwhackers, for they had with them over a hun- 
dred of these Yankee sacks.' This was the substance of the conver- 
sation, and the man wheeled and dashed back the way he came. Gen. 
Vrheeler and his men then made sport of the cavalryman, laughing 
at his foolishness in calling these men bushwhackers when they had 
nothing but a jack knife, and because they had grain sacks, sayin<jj 
that he ought to be made Colonel for catching such bushwhackers, S:c. 

'• In a few minutes after the man left, we lieard the report of a gun 
in the direction he went: and apparently in the same place a loud, 
shrill scream, as though tlie person who uttered it. was in great dis- 


tress. We heard no more cries of distress ; but immediately the tiring 
commenced again and continued till four or live shots had been fired. 
There was then a cessation in tlie firing of about twenty minutes, 
after which it commenced the third tinie, apparently furtlier in the 
woods away from the road, and lasted till four or five shots more had 
been fired. About a quarter of an hour after this last firing, the 
same cavalryman came baclx and told — two others coming with him 
— that they had killed the two bushwhackers. Wheeler and his men 
were talking and laughing, and did not seem to care for what they 
had done. They also seemed to enjoy the firing whicli we heard, or 
at least were not at all disturbed by it. Gen. Wheeler and his men 
lef tsoon after this cavalryman returned. 

"About an hour after the man reported that tliey had killed the 
bushwhackers, as soon as we dare, all tliree of us went up the road 
nearly two hundred j-ards, and by following tlie tracks made by the 
horses of the rebels, found tlie dead body of old Mr. Carter about 
thirty yards froiu the main road. The body was very bloody, it hav- 
ing been shot through about five timer?. One bullet went through 
his suspender on the left breast. 

''We found his son, Robert, perhaps two hundred yards from the 
body of his father, further in the woods. Before Robert was found, 
his own wife came, and was the first to discover his body. It was 
8ome time after his wife came before the body of Robert was found. 
His wife would call him in a peculiar manner, saying 'if he is not 
dead but hiding awa}% he will hear and will answer me. He has had 
to lay in the woods all summer, and if I call him as I have done be- 
fore when hunting him, in a low tone, he will know my voice and 
will not be afraid to answer me.' In calling^ him in this manner, she 
at one time imagined that she heard him answer, and going in the 
direction she imagined his answer to be, she saw him lying upon his 
face, ran to him, turned him over, but found him dead. The body 
was pierced with five or six bullets, mostly in the region of the 
heart. There were no gunshot wounds in the head, but both eyes 
were cut out, eyelids and all, apparently with a sharp knife. The 
eyelids, flesh and all, to the bone, were cut away, leaving the sockets 
very large places or large hollows, presenting a very ghastly appear- 
ance. I, and one daughtei- — the other being gone for water— with the 
help of Robert's wife^ carried his body and laid it by the body of his 
father, where we w^atched them till dark. 

" When we saw that the eyes of Robert had been dug out, we 
looked all around upon the ground, thinking that the murderers had 
thrown them down near the body, but they could not be found The 
liands of old Mr. Carter were tied behind him with the strands of a 
hempen rope. 

" Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 15th day of April, 1SG4. 

"Justice of the Peace for Bradley County, Tennessee, by Emily 
Grissom, Matilda McUen and Mary McUen, of Bradley County.'' 

Tlie murder of these innocent men, under the license 
and in the presence of a rebel General, by their o>vn 
neighbors, — those who knew them to be guilty of nothing 
but loyalty to the old Government, — caused a thrill of 
horror throughout the country; and the Union people 
began to feel that none of them, however prudent or 


sagacious, had a lease of their lives for a single hour ! 
Many who had hoped to weather the storm, and live at 
or near their homes till deliverance should come, now lied 
from the county or buried themselves in dens or artificial 
caves in the mountains. 

Not only that night but the next morning, a diligent 
search was made for the eyes of young Carter, the entire 
ground of the bloody scene being thoroughly canvassed 
by Robert's own wife and others, yet they could not be 
found. It was currently reported and universally believed 
among Union people in the county, that James Roberts, 
the leader in this terrible work, took the eyes home in 
his pocket and showed them to his mother I As he en- 
tered his home, he informed his mother that he and others 
had killed the two Carters. She expressed her fears that 
they had not entirely finished them ! He swore that 
these " Lincolnites " were both dead ; and to convince 
her that the work was complete, at least in regard to 
Robert, he pulled the eyes out of his pocket, threw them 
into her lap, exclaiming, " Well, by G — d ! there are Rob- 
ert's eyes, any how ! " So far from being shocked at the 
sight, she replied that she hoped he would bring to her 
the eyes of more of the " Lincolnites ! " 

The writer spent considerable time to reach the origin 
of this report. The Union parties supposed to have a 
knowledge of the facts were absent, and their testimony 
could not be gotten. Facts w^ere elicited, however, abund^ 
antly sufiicient to justify the statement that, in sub- 
stance, the report was correct. There can be no question 
but that James Roberts took the eyes of Robert Carter 
home and showed them to his mother ; when she approved 
of the whole proceedings, and encouraged him not to 
slack his hand in the same kind of work for the future. 

Wicked men, and especially wicked cowards, love to 
boast of their wricked and cowardly exploits. The state- 
ments in regard to this murder, by no means all origi- 
nated with Union people, nor alone in the neighborhood 
where it was committed. In less than three days after 
the deed was done, it was, by means of Wheeler's men 


and the five bushwhackers themselves, with all its attend- 
ant circumstances, known throughout the adjoining coun- 

In regard to the final disposition of these eyes, it was 
reported that they were preserved in spirits, and kept by 
the rebels as a memorial of their valor and their victor}^ 

AVe find an allusion to this barbarism, by Mr. G. W. 
Hickey, Union candidate for office in Cherokee county, 
North Carolina, in an address which he delivered to Union 
people of that county. 

We extract from his address as follows : 

"III East Tennessee, near Georo;eto\vn, a band of these men ran 
upon an old man and bis son, by the name of Carter — the old man 
was a preacher of the Gospel — the young mau had a wife and eliil- 
dren. They shot the ohl man. kill'ino- him, then thre^y down the 
young man and cut out his eyes with knives, put them into their 
pockets, and afterwards into a bottle of brandy to preserve them. 
They then ^et him up and told him that he might go if be could 
make his escape. Tiiey still pursued him and ovei'took him. about 
two hundred yards from the former place and shot him down dead.*" 

It was with the utmost difficulty that the bodies of these 
murdered men could be buried. Not a Union male per- 
son dare come nigh the spot, nor have anything to do 
with committing the remains to the earth. With the 
assistance of a negro who was prevailed on to come with 
his cart, the two Mrs. Carters, aided by Mrs. Grissom and 
her daughters, and perhaps by one or two other Union 
women, were compelled to bur}^ tlieir own husbands. 

From developments made by the perpetrators them- 
selves, it was ascertained that the eyes of young Carter 
were cut out of his head Avhile he was yet alive, and 
before he had, to any extent, been otherwise injured. He 
was thrown upon the ground, held down by a posse of 
these demons, while another of their number dug out his 
eyes, perhaps with his own knife, taken from him when 
he was captured. After this he was allowed to rise, and 
told to make his escape if he could. Then with a hellish 
fiendishness that language cannot describe, these incar- 
nate devils mounted their animals, and at the word given 
by Jim Roberts and others, they would simultaneously, 
as a game of diabolical sport, charge upon him with their 



horses, driving him against the trees, or causing him to 
stumble over the logs, or trampling him under their horses 
feet! This was enacted time after time! The ground 

between where the bodies lay, in some places was 
tramped and torn, and the bushes twisted and broken 
from the heavy and compact dashing of their animals. 

After driving him in this manner, a hundred and fifty 
yards or more, his eyeless and ghastly face covered with 
blood, and his lips pleading for mercy, and when he could 
rise no more, they extinguished what life remained by 
piercing his heart with bullets from their carbines and 


Mrs. Grissom stated that it it was evident that some of 
Wheeler's men joined these five bushwhackers in murder- 
ing the Carters. Gen. Wheeler was then making his way 
up the Tennessee to a point convenient for crossing, pre- 
paratory to his big raid dov/n the Sequatchee valley, and 
through Tennessee in the rear of Gen. Rosecrans' army at 

In the dusk of the evening of the day, and near wliere 
the Carters Avere killed, a stranger, a rebel cavalryman, 
accosted two young ladies, and enquired if they knew 
Robert Carter. Being told that they did, he next enquired 
if they had heard from him that afternoon. They 
replied that they had not. "Well," said he "I suppose 
that I have seen Robert Carter since you have ; I helped 
to kill him this afternoon, and there," holding uj) his navy, 
*' is the revolver that performed the deed !" 

James Roberts, the leading criminal in this horrid trans- 
action, was a young man, perhaps between twenty and 
twenty-three. Previous to this, his career as a rebel, 
guerrilla, bushwhacker, murderer, thief, robber, and actor 
in all other kinds of villainy, had carried him well nigh 
through the entire catalogue of human crime. 

Previous to the death of the Carters, a Union soldier 
named Duncan, fell into the hands of Roberts. Duncan 
seeing himself overpowered, in an honorable manner, 
threw up his left hand in token of surrender, w^hich was 
no sooner seen by Roberts than he took deliberate aim 
at Duncan and fired! Duncan fell, the bullet striking 
him near the eye, but instead of penetrating the skull 
passed between it and the scalp, round to the back part 
of the head! The blood flowed freely, and to all appear- 
ance, when Roberts came to him, he was in the agonies of 
death. Supposing that the ball passed into his brain, and 
that further injury was unnecessary in order to his death, 
Roberts robbed him of his watch, his money, and all other 
-valuables that he could easily find upon him, then, as a 
Is^st trophy, pulled off his boots and left him. 

* Some hours after, it occurred to Roberts that a more 
thorough examination of Duncan's body might put him 


in possession of more money. He went to the spot where 
he fell, but to his surprise and mortification Iiis victim was 
not there. 

Duncan, shortly after Roberts left, came to his senses, 
and was not long in so far recovering, that he dragged 
himself away, and got out of danger. In a few days he 
reached the Federal lines, and finally recovered. As soon 
as he was fit for duty he took his place again in the ranks 
in defence of his country ; but the poor fellow, in about 
a year after he was shot by Roberts— was killed in Ken- 
tucky, loosing his life by the same class of abominable 
outlaws to Avliich Roberts belonged, the guerrillas and 
bushwhackers. Pie was a brave Tennesseean, and now 
sleeps among the honored dead of that State, who poured 
out their blood in contending against the most damnable 
set of tyrants that God ever suffered to oppress mankind. 

After the murder of the Carters, this Roberts continued 
his life of crime, scouring Bradley and Hamilton counties, 
until within a short time of the battle of Missionary 
Ridge, when his fortunes changed, and his career of blood 
was brought to an end. 

He and another rebel guerrilla named, we believe, 
Green, were traveling together, either in Bradley or Hamil- 
ton, when they saw a man cross the road before them and 
enter the house of a Union man named McNeil. Roberts 
knew that a son of this family was in the Federal army. 
Sui)posing the i)erson that crossed the road to be this son, 
home on a visit, Roberts at once determined to kill him. 
The two entered McNeils house and demanded of the old 
gentleman his " Lincolnite " son. McNeil replied that his 
son was not at home. Roberts told him that he was a 
liar, for he had just seen him enter his house ; and as he 
finished this remark, drew a chair to knock Mr. ]\IcNeil 
down. The old gentleman sprang for the door, and 
opened it just in time for the door to receive the blow 
instead of himself. Both followed, chasing Mr. McNeil 
around the house, Ro])erts calling out to his companion, 
d— n him, kill him 1" At this mo- 
ment the man whom they siw enter the house, sprang 


with a gun from a place of concealment, took the oi)po- 
site way round the house, met the parties and shot 
Roberts to the ground. Roberts' companion lied and 
escaped. The contents of the gun entered the breast of 
Roberts, and it was thought that he must immediately 
die. The man, however, commenced to reload his gun with 
a view then and there to complete his destruction. When 
the loading of the gun was completed, Roberts was still 
alive, and the man was preparing to send his spirit into 
eternity. Mrs. McNeil, not wishing to see him murdered 
lying helpless at her door, interfered in his behalf, argu- 
ing that as his wound was mortal, and he already beyond 
' doing them or any one else more harm, as bad a man as he 
was, it was not magnanimous nor Christian to deny the 
poor wretch the few remaining moments that were left 
him. Through these entreaties the man was prevailed on 
not to shoot him the second time. 

The mother of Roberts was sent for, who came and con- 
veyed him to her own home. When his mother saw him 
apparently dying, she turned to the family in an angry 
and upbraiding manner, and enquired why they did not 
leave their house and flee when her son entered, why they 
remained to contend with and murder her boy ? 

Soon after the battle of Missionary Ridge, the country 
from Chattanooga to Knoxville fell into our hands, and 
Roberts was found by the Federal soldiers, some of them 
Tennesseeans who were acquainted with his history, at 
home in the condition just described. The Tennessee sol- 
diers visited Roberts daily, determined, if they saw the 
least prospect of his recover3^ to take his life. 

His mother, his sister, and his physician, doctor Atch- 
ley, told these soldiers that Roberts was sinking and 
could not possibly live but a short time. Roberts him- 
self when these soldiers were present, would feign great 
exhaustion to help on the deception. Instead of sinking, 
however, Roberts was actually recovering, and as soon as 
his physician considered his strength sufficient, he was in 
the night, pitched into a wagon, and by his sister and 
this doctor, with a negro to drive the ox team, stealthily 


conveyed through our lines to Dalton, a distance of 
fiome twenty or twenty-five miles. Dalton being yet in 
the hands of the rebels, Koberls considered himself now 
safe from the vengeance of those whose friends he had 

At Dalton, Roberts was cared for by his sister at the 
house of a rebel named Thomas Eenfrow. After being 
here some time, Renfrew and his father fell into a quarrel 
in the room where Roberts lay ; and struggling together 
over a loaded gun, to see which should have it, the gun 
accidently discharged, and in such a position that the con- 
tents lodged in the bosom of Roberts, entering not more 
than two inches from his former wound, and causing in- 
stant death. 

This account of Roberts' fate at Dalton, was given to 
the writer by Mr. John Gilbert, who lived in the spring of 
18G-1:, at Blue Springs, Bradley county. Mr. Gilbert was 
living at or near Dalton at the time this accident to 
Roberts was said to occur, and related the circumstance 
as a fact. Mr. Gilbert is a Baptist minister, and on this 
sul)ject could have had no possible object in stating an 
untruth. Many Union people of Bradley regarded the 
report as a fabrication coming from Roberts' friends, and 
circulated in order to put an end to further efforts on the 
part of Union men and Federal soldiers to take Roberts' 
life. It is barely possible th^t Mr. Gilbert and others 
were deceived by Renfrow, and that Roberts is still alive. 
Roberts was taken to Dalton, perhaps, in December, 1S63, 
and had not been heard from since by the Union people 
of Bradley, late in the fall of 1865, and the strong proba- 
bility is, that this youthful scourge of his fellow beings, 
was at Georgia, removed from among men. 

George Roberts, younger than James, who, as stated, 
was also concerned in killing the Carters, was no mean 
accomplice with his older brother in crime. He fled to 
Dixie before our army in the winter of 1863-4, and is,i 
justice has not overtaken him, probably, somewhere in 

The father of these boys died about five years before 


the war, and was said to be as fine a man as lived in the 
country. Sometime in the winter of 1864-5, Mrs. Roberts 
followed her husband and her deceased rebel boy to the 
other world. 

Purvines and Runnions, two of the other accomplices 
in this crime, were citizens of Bradley. Purvines, in the 
fall of 1865, was yet at large. Runnions was arrested and 
incarcerated in Bradley county jail for his participation 
in this murder, but subsequently broke jail, and is now, 
so far as is known, also at large. 

Mrs. Carter, made a widow and bereft of her son by 
this talismanic butchery, died about a year after, measur- 
abl}^ from the grief and mental bewilderment of being 
the victim of such a tragedy. 

Young Mrs. Carter, Roberts wife, when she discovered 
her husband, and turned him over, seeing that he was not 
only dead, but struck with the ghastliness of his mangled 
and bloody face, pitched over him, falling upon her own face 
on the ground, and wild and beside herself in a paroxism 
of grief, clawed with her hands around his bod}^, smiting 
her head and face against the earth, besmearing and 
covering herself in his blood, until i^strained, and meas> 
ui-ably brought to her senses by the efforts of Mrs. Grissom 
and her two daughters. 




One of the most sublime moral spectacles elicited by this 
gigantic rebellion, was that intuitive and inextinguishable 
faith given to the Union people of East Tennessee, 
amounting, almost, to a positive foreknowledge that de- 
liverance ultimately would come to them and their coun- 

Through tlie perfidy of Gov. Harris and other Tennes- 
seeans in povrer, the State was submerged in the dark 
waters of the rebellion, carrying down "^dth it and stran- 
gling fifty thousand Union men in East Tennessee alone 
— Union men encouraged by as many Union women, both 
determined to trust in God and wait through suffering for 
His providential deliverance. ISotwithstanding the for- 
midable power with which the people of East Tennessee 
were overrun from the south, with the barrier of Ken- 
tucky's neutral re'bellioii on the north, they nevertheless 
stood firm, and willingly accepted the storm. The scourge 
and the prison Avere sure for the time, but faith and hope 
were amply strong to anticipate the future victory. 

From the commencement of the rebellion in 1S61, till 
the winter of 1863-4, East Tennessee struggled, fought^ 
looked and waited for relief Relief neared and retired, 
neared and retired again ; and it was not till the battles 
of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge — fought re- 
spectively on the 2-I:th and 25th of Novembea, 1863— that 
the clench of the beast was loosened from the throats of 
the loyal people of that part of the State. 

Our victories at Forts Henry and Donelson — the former 
on the 6th, and the latter on the 14th, 15th and 16th of 
February, 1862— opened the Confederacy, and our armies 
swept through Nashville and south to the Tennessee, tak- 
ing possession of Dixie from Corinth to the gates of Chat- 


The reverberation of General Negley's cannon, the 
deadly missiles of which on the Tth of June, 1862, were 
driven through the streets and buildings of Chattanooga, 
swelled and re-echoed over iifteen Union counties, thrill- 
ing with delight the hearts of their loyal inhabitants, and 
awakened in them a hope that the i^eriod of their captiv- 
ity had expired. 

On the 10th of June, 1862, Gen. Buell moved from Cor- 
inth, sweeping in a circuitous southern route to Athens, 
Tenn., where he unjustifiably delayed to reorganize, and 
enforce or restore discipline among his troops, by which 
error he lost Chattanooga, Gen. Bragg in the meantime 
occupying that town from Tupello, Miss.; after which 
Buell quietly settled down upon Battle Creek, his men 
whiling away their leisure hours exchanging newspaper 
congratulations with the rebels on the south side of the 
Tennessee liiver. 

On the 2d of August following, Gen. O. M. Mitchell, at 
his own request, in consequence of the strong rebel sym- 
j)athizing influence against him for his effective course, 
was relieved of his command of the Third Division of 
Buell's army ; and thus ingloriously terminated his bril- 
liant campaign in Tennessee. 

On the 22d of the same month, the rebel Gen. E. Kirby 
Smith, with his corps, left the vicinity of Knoxville, pass- 
ing through Big Creek Gap, to invade Kentucky. On the 
20th, two days earlier, Gen. Bragg started with his army 
from Chattanooga, passing over Waldron's Eidge, a spur 
of the Cumberlands, also to invade Kentucky, with partic- 
ular designs on Louisville. Gen. Buell was now com- 
pelled to abandon Tennessee, and follow Bragg in a par- 
allel line with him, having fears that his real designs were 
to strike Nashville. As Buell's army disappeared to the 
north, leaving the people of East Tennessee once more 
entirely at the mercy of the rebellion, hope died within 
them, to be revived only by events beyond their ability 
to foresee. 

The disappearing of Buell's army from Battle Creek and 
along the Tennessee, in August, 1802, sent a gloom over 


the land like the pall of death itself; yet the faith of 
these people did not waver. They believed that these 
arjnies would return, and that lii^ht would again dawn 
ui)on tlieir country. 

Esq. McPherson, of Bradley, thus describes his feelings 
on receiving the new^s of this retreat of BuelPs army to the 
north : This to him, he stated, was the darkest hour of 
the Avar, in regard to East Tennessee. In the spring of 
1861, he estimated that in one year the country would l)e 
redeemed. At the time of BuelPs retreat it had ])een 
scourged a year and a half already, apparently ruined ; 
and yet the Northern army was now compelled to fly to 
Nashville and Kentucky, allowing the rebellion again to 
swallow uj) the whole people like a flood ! This was a 
state of things for which none of his former calculations 
had made any provision ; and although his faith yet re- 
mained, he very forcibly felt himself now reduced to faith 
alone. He still felt that Tennessee would be saved ; but 
the time when or the manner how, were matters that no 
longer entered into any part of his hopeful theory. 

It was after the retreat of Buell to Kentucky to circum- 
vent Bragg, that the Union people of East Tennessee 
went into the hottest of the furnace ; and the manner in 
which they endured the flame can be accounted for upon 
no other principle than that patriotism is one of the 
strongest passions of the heart ; and that the faith 
and hope of Esq. McPherson were an illustration of the 
faith and hox^e of the whole eighty or hundred thousand 
Union sufl'erers in East Tennessee. 

The Union people of East Tennessee were under the 
yoke from the spring of 1861 till the winter of 1863-4. As 
this yoke from time to time was tightened upon their 
necks, in that proportion were their efforts increased and 
their expedients multiplied to baflle the tyrants and live 
through the ordeal till deliverance should reach them. 

In the summer of 1862, the first rebel conscript law was 
passed, and East Tennessee very suddenly felt the pres- 
sure of this Confederate war mandate. Under its vigor- 
ous enforcement, fight for the rebellion, or evade the con- 


scripting" officer, were the alternatives before all Union 
men between the ages of eighteen and thirty-six. Per- 
haps not one in a hundred of these Union men — and there 
were many thousands of them in East Tennessee, north- 
ern Georgia and northern North Carolina — tamely sub- 
mitted to the former alternative ; but immediately from 
this entire region, thousands of them were seen floating 
like autumn leaves in the direction of Nashville and 
Kentuck}^ Rebel conscripting officers went into a vigi- 
lance committee of the whole. Powder and lead, horse- 
flesh and bloodhounds, manipulated and driven on by de- 
mons incarnate, vrith citizen spies and rej^orters as a gen- 
eral picket guard, were brought into requisition, and 
many an unfortunate refugee, far from home, with his 
face towards his country's flag, was brought down by the 
fatal bullet, or sunk under xhe weight of tlie deadly blud- 

While in this extended field of strife it was universally 
the helpless refugee who bled, yet the general victory 
remained with him. Hate and hell nerved the arm of his 
thundering pursuer, but God helped the cause of the pur- 
sued. The loyal element of the countr}^ Vv'as not idle nor 
taken by surprise. A network of Union relays and re- 
liefs, of underground railroads and invisible camps of 
instruction and rendezvous, with secret places of refugee 
entertainment, lofts of silence, under-floor cells, natural 
caverns and dark places along the creeks and ravines, 
artificial caves in the woods, with every other conceivable 
place of personal abstraction, at once sprang into active 
being, and were systematically used from one end of the 
country to the other. While rebel hate did its worst, this 
system, being effectually carried on by an army of skill- 
ful citizen managers, and home guards secretly connected 
with two-hundred-mile pilots, disguising their regular 
trips to Kentucky, — the internal machinery being strung 
together by fraternal gripes, patriotic pass-words, Union 
signs and signals, and Lincolnite symbols, known and 
committed to heart from parent to the youngest child of 
every family, black as well as white, — under the blessing 


of Heaven gave the general victory to the Union people, 
and sent the strength and llower of the land to the aid of 
the Government by helping to swell the ranks of the 
Union army. 

During these three years East Tennessee Avas nominally 
in tlie hands of the rebels, but virtually it was controlled 
by the Union people. They were not the outward autlior- 
ity, yet they were the secret and governing power that 
held and moved the State. By the treachery of Harris 
and a leprous Legislature, East Tennessee was cut loose 
from the government dock ; but thanks to her Union 
men, women and children, by these means they sprang to 
the rescue and virtually kept her moored witliin tlie har- 

The most memorable of all the strategies resorted to by 
the Union people of East Tennessee to evade the rebel 
conscription, were the subterranean houses or artificial 
caves. One of these places is illustrated on page 263, a 
refugee inmate being represented as receiving food from 
the hand of a Union woman. 

The localities of these places were the most unfre- 
quented forests, and usually upon hill-sides, where cav- 
alry would not attempt to travel. They were perpendic- 
ular excavations in the earth, square or oblong, to a con- 
venient depth for a human residence, and of a size to suit 
the number proposing to occupy. The excavating com- 
pleted, strong poles vrere lain across, the ends being let 
down a foot or more below the surface. These were then 
covered with strong planks, rails or stout poles, forming 
a roof, when the depression above was filled, beaten down, 
turfed over and covered with leaves, and made to corres- 
pond with the surrounding surface. Sometimes, to make 
the decepiion entirely complete, shrubs of pine and other 
wood were planted on the roofs after they were finished. 
A trap-door was attached, to one corner of the roof, the 
outside of which was usually first covered Avith pitch, then 
rock moss and leaves imbedded in the pitch, to give the 
door the appearance of the rest of the surfac^e. These 
roofs were finished w^ith such permanence, that a cavalier 


might ride over one of them and not suspect the cavity 
beneath him. 

The writer visited and entered two of these subter- 
ranean refugee homes in the tAvelfth district — one near 
the residence of jMr. xVmos Potts, the other near that of 
Mr. Israel Boon. In the tenth district also he examined 
three of these places, near the farm of Mr. Elisha Wise. 

Bradley contained at least from fifty to seventy-five of 
tliese Union dungeons. They were the most numerous in 
the north part of the county, ranging from five to seven- 
teen miles south of the Tennessee Kiver. Notwithstand- 
ing their number, and the extent to which they were oc- 
cupied, these places were constructed and inhabited with 
such secresy, that no instance of Union men being cap- 
tured either in building or occupying them, came to our 


Tailoring, shoemaking, basket making, coopering, and 
all sorts of carving in wood, were improvised in these 
houses, especially by such as were heads of families — 
those who, notwithstanding their own sufferings and tlie 
pressure of the times, felt the claims of providing for their 
wives and children. Numerous samples of boots, shoes, 
wooden buckets, wooden dishes, baskets, and other man- 
ulactures, such as chairs, canes, ax handles, &c., &c., 
were shown to the writer, all of wliicli were the products 
of these strange exilements, the producers being nerved 
by a sense of duty, and by affection for those from whom 
they were exiled by rebellion and treason. The writer is 
in possession of a small oaken market basket, produced 
in one of these factories, wliich he proposes to keep while 
he lives, as a memorial, so far as it goes, of the truth of 
these statements. 

Union women and children secretly conveyed provis- 
ions, mostly in the night, to their husbands, sons, broth- 
ers and fathers, immured in the^e dungeons. 






Mr. Potts was among the earliest settlers of Bradley, 
being at the commencement of the rebellion upwards of 
sixty-five years of age. His home was in the twelfth dis- 
trict. Mr. and Mrs. Potts were people whose industry, 
frugality, and unscrupulous honesty, had procured for 
them through life a competency of this world's blessings; 
while their exemplary moral and Christian character, and 
their natural inoffensiveness as members of society, 
secured for them not only the respect and confidence, but 
the love and esteem of all who kne^v them. They were 
the very opposite of those whom considerate judges of 
liuman nature would suspect of intentional wrong, or 
whom any one could think deserving of punishment for 
political opinions. 

Mr. Potts served in the War of 1812, under Gen. Jack- 
son, and like all others in advanced age, who serve their 
country in early life, at the oi^ening of the rebellion, felt 
a proportionatel}^ stronger attachment than he otherwise 
would have felt for the government he once defended, 
and, upon the same principle, also felt an unusual venera- 
tion for the flag under which he fought and risked his life 
fifty years before. Accordingly wdien the rebellion 
showed its bloody hand, Mr. Potts and his whole family 
were not long in declaring themselves loyal to their 

Mr. Potts, with his children and grand-children around 
him, formed a nucleus of twelve or fifteen persons, in the 
twelfth district, who did their share during the war of 
throv>'ing obstructions in the way of the rebellion. 

Albert Potts, an unmarried son, living Avith his father, 
in the fall of 1861, was arrested at the instance of Capt. 


Brown, and given his clioice to enlist in tlie rebel army 
or be sent a prisoner to Tuscaloosa during the war. One 
or the other of these propositions must be immediately 
complied with. Albert reflected upon the consequences 
to himself of going to Tuscaloosa, and balanced these 
against the chances of desertion in the other case, and 
iinally, with a mental reservation which he thought jus- 
tifiable under the circumstances, told Capt. Brown thath-e 
would enlist. Shortly after his enlistment his regiment 
was sent to Knoxville, where young Potts took the bene- 
iit of the first opportunity, and left Capt. Brown to man- 
age both his Tuscaloosa prison and rebel army to suit 
himself. He returned to his home but soon fled to Ken- 
tucky, and after an absence of over two years, stole hi^ 
way back, reaching home in June, 1863, and by conceal- 
ing himself in the woods and caves eluded his enemies 
until our army took the country. Mr. Langston, a son-in- 
lav/ of the old gentleman, was driven into the woods, but 
at length flei to Nashville, where, in the employ of the 
government, he sickened and died. Mr. A. K. Potts and 
his son William, resorted to the same strategy of living in 
the Avoods, and fleeing North to escape from the rebels. 

Notvv'ithstanding the eagerness with which these men 
were pursued by traitors, all but Mr. Langston escaped 
and lived to see the rebellion conquered. 

Four or five times in two years these families were 
][<»iundered of everything on their premises the rebels 
could find that struck their fancy. 

On the 25th of December, 1863, a company of conva- 
lescent Federal soldiers passing irom Chattanooga to 
Knoxville, camped for the night a short distance from Mr. 
Potts' dwelling. A squad of rebel cavalry led by a fellow 
named Tyner, w^as on the same day making a plundering 
cavalry dash from Dalton into Bradley, and ascertaining 
from rebel citizens that these Federals were passing 
through the country, Tyner headed his column in the 
direction of their trail, which he struck about four miles 
south of Mr. Potts' plantation, and followed it until he 
reached Mr. Potts' house. Feeling themselves not strong 


enough, perhaps, to justify an attack of the Federals, the 
rebels wreaked their vengeance, what little time they dare 
remain, upon old Mr. Potts, accusing him of feeding the 
Yankees, abusing him and his family and robbing the house 
and premises. 

Three Union boys named Winkler, brothers, were at 
the house of Mr. Potts when the rebels dashed up. Two 
made their escape, the other being lame was captured 
but a few rods from the house. A leader among them 
named McDaniels, immediately commenced to abuse 
Winkler, cursing him and drew his revolver to shoot him. 
Winkler being lame and unarmed was unable to make 
any defense. The old gentleman, the old lady, and their 
daughter, Mrs. Langston, begged McDaniels not to take 
his life. This appeared the more to enrage McDaniels, 
who with his revolver cocked, v\'as endeavoring to aim it 
at Winkler's face. Mrs. Langston and the old lady threw 
themselves before Winkler, pleading with McDaniels not 
to shoot, both being able so vigorously to resist his 
attemi)ts, that after struggling with him three or four 
minutes he desisted. 

Failing to kill Winkler, McDaniels drew his revolver 
on old Mr. Potts, threatening to shoot him if he did not 
immediately deliver up his best saddle, an article, he said, 
which he greatly needed. The old gentleman refused, 
when McDaniels thrust his revolver against him, pushed 
him across the room and through the door into the yar«^ 
cursing him continually, and ordering him to deliver the 
saddle without delay. Though about seventy years of 
age, and exceedingly frail, instead of being frightened, 
when fairly out of doors, Ihe old gentleman commenced 
to halloo for the Federals at the top of his voice. This 
seemed to operate favorably upon his cowardh^ assailant, 
who, on looking toward the Federal camp, was diverted 
from stealing Union saddles to making preparations for 

Another circumstance besides the hallooing of the old 
gentleman, tended to hasten the retreat of the rebels. 
Miss Rebecca Potts, the daughter of A. K. Potts, con- 


fronted McDaniels Avlien assaulting her grand-father, and 
told him that she would go herself and report him to the 
Federals. One of the rebels informed her that if she left 
the house she would find herself overtaken with a bullet. 
Unintimidated, she started in full view of the wliole 
party, ran to the Federal camp and reported the rebels. 
They left, how^ever, before the Federals could attack 

The lame Winkler boy being unable to travel, and tlie 
rebels having no horse for him to ride, he w^as left behind. 
Another boy, hoAvever, named JMitchell, whom they there 
captured, was taken to Dalton, but he sul)sequently 

Before reaching the house of Mr. Potts, while on the 
trail of the convalescents, the rebels captured thirteen oi 
their number, those wdio had fallen behind their com- 
panions, and Avere resting in the houses by the way. 
These with young Mitchell were hurried oif to Dalton 
that night, some of wdiom no doubt suffered and possi])ly 
lost their lives in the horrible pens at Andersonville or 
other rebel prisons in the South. 

Although the rebels were at Mr. Potts' but a few'niin- 
utes, yet they stripped the house and premises of w liat 
they could find that suited them. As to McDaniels, 
besides his abuse of Mr. Potts, and robbing Albert of liis 
money and other valuables notwdthstanding the extent ot 
his cowardly threatening, the haste of his departure was 
such that Mr. Potts is still in the possession of liis saddle. 

One of the most remarkable visits, however, that ]Mr. 
Potts received from his rebel friends during the rebellion,, 
w\as that of a rebel, who at the time said his name w^a& 
Husten ; but whose right name probasbly W' as Hunley, a 
rebel colonel. He, with two others, on the 25th of Sep- 
tember, 18G4, came to Mr. Potts' house enquiring for 
horses. Mr. Potts ow^ned a fine young horse, a large clay 
colored animal, already evidently reported to Hunley by 
rebels in the vicinity, as appeared from his conversation. 
He found wdiere the horse was kept, and demanded of 
Mr. Potts the keys to the stable. Mr. Potts began to ex- 


posfiiiale with him iipon the injustice of taking his proij- 
erty in the way he proposed, when Hunley instantly went 
into a rai^e, chitclied the old gentleman by the throat and 
choked him to the ground. The old lady being present 
when the conversation about the keys commenced, and 
seeing that the rebel was becoming angry, thought it best 
to give np the keys, and hurrying into the house to get 
them, slie vras returning with them through the door a> 
tfie old gentleman w^ent down under Hunley's grasp. She 
quickly handed him the keys. He took them without say- 
ing a word, and deliberately v/ent to the barn and took 


the horse. With tlie attention of the old lady, Mr. Pott^ 
soon began to recover, and as Hunley was leading the 
animal past the door, was able to tell the thief v/hat he 
thought would become of such men as himselt\ and say- 
ing that it was his prayer, that God for the future would 
deliver him and his family fron. the hands of all 
bloodthirsty men of his class. To this address Hunley 
returned no reply, but got himself through the gate as 
hastily as rpossible and left with his booty vrithout so 
jnuch as a look of thanks toward its owner. 


This was tlio last that Mr. Potts saw of this reljel colo- 
nel, but this is not the sequel of the transaction. The 
next da}^, ten or twelve miles from Mr. Potts' i^lantation. 
Col. Hunley turned the horse loose, or rather left him 
with Mr. Abram Slover, desiring Mr. Slover to send liim 
back to Mr. Potts, or send Mr. Potts word where he could 
tind him, Ilunley representing to Mr. Slover that he sim- 
ply ])orrowed the animal to use for a short time in driving 
out a lot of stock that he had purchased in Bradley. Mr. 
Slover immediately delivered his trust to its proper oAvner^ 
when both Mr. and Mrs. Potts were as greatly surprised 
and rejoiced at the appearance, in ihis way, of their 
favorite animal, as they were tlie day before afflicted to 
loose him. 

Tiie only solution that could be reached in reference to 
this sudden change in Col. Hunley, was that a guilty con- 
science commenced a controversy with him on the su In- 
ject of his treatment of Mr. Potts. 

The most ripened villain could hardly avoid an hour of 
returning consciousness after thus abusing such a man a.^ 
Mr. Potts, a Jiian nearly seventy years of age, and one 
whose ver}^ countenance and tone of voice indicated him to 
be among the most innocent and harmless men in the 
world — one thai never wilfully injured a hair on the head 
of a human being. That Col. Hunley was pursued b}^ the 
ghost ol his outrage upon such a victim is not remarkable ; 
and the fact that he yielded and restored the property, is 
evidence that, though the outward hardening had fear- 
full^' progressed and was fast turning his nature into a 
stone, an impressible point remained in the centre which 
the petrifaction had not fully mastered. 

After this by various strategies Mr. Potts kept this 
vab-iable animal out of the hands of the rebels until the 
next July, a period of about ten months, when he waa 
again taken in a similar manner. Martin McGrifl^ Bud 
Beagles, and Reuben Boyd were the individuals wiio com- 
mitted the robbery the second time. McGrilf was raised 
in Bradley and was then living in Cleveland. 

The three came to the house of Mr. Potts together, 


McGrifF acting as the leader. Mr. Potts was not at home, 
and McGrifF enquired of the old lady where her Iiusband 
kept his clay-bank horse, adding th t her sons \vere 
the Federal army fighting against the Confederacy, and 
he should take the horse if he could find him. They soon 
found the animal and took him a^vay. 

McGrifF was mistaken in supposing that the old lady's 
sons were at that time in the Northern army. Albert, 
with three of the Winkler boys were then concealed in 
the barn, and saw him bridle the horse, and could have 
shot him while in the act, and would have done so had 
they known that only two other rebels were present, and 
had it not been for the revenge which they knew would 
be visited upon the family in consequence, the whole 
country then being at the mercy of the rebellion. Mc- 
GrifF was a notorious rebel, though in justice to the family 
it ought to be stated, that he had brothers who were good 
Union men, and who lectured him at the time on his vil- 
lainy in thus robbing one of the most worthy and inoffen- 
sive citizens of the county. These Union brothers tried 
to prevail on Martin to return the horse but without avail. 
He was seen riding him about the country, and once or 
twice rode him past Mr. Potts' house. In order to screen 
himself from the odium of being called a thief, McGrifF 
reported that he i)urchased the animal of Mr. Potts, and 
paid for him §600. 

The old gentleman never obtained his horse, and never 
fully ascertained what disposition was made of him. Mc- 
GrifF, doubtless disposed of him to great advantage, as he 
was universally conceded to be one of the finest animals 
in the country. 

In relating this affair in the winter of 1864, the old lady 
remarked that she felt the loss at the hands of McGrift* 
much more than at the hands of Col. Hunley. When the 
horse was taken by Hunley the case was fruitful of other 
troubles, so much greater and so much more calculated to 
excite her fears, that tlie idea of property was forgotten, 
and she was even glad to see the animal go if that would 
«ave their lives and rid their premises of such a monster 


as Hunley. But when she saw hiin taken by one of their 
own nei<Ahbors whom they liad never injured, but had 
aiwayc been ready to befriend, it was an injury and a h)ss 
that stung her to the lieart. She also remarked, that 
when McGriff led the animal by the door, he showed 
himself so high and lofty, was so full of life and looked 
so grand, that it brought to her mind how long and hard 
she and her whole family had struggled, and in how many 
ways they had tried to secrete and save him, and remeni- 
bering in .connection, at that moment all their other 
troubles of the rebellion, she went into the house and 
wept over the loss, feeling almost as though one of the 
family had been taken away. 

After the war Mr. Potts prosecuted McGriiFfor damages 
and mulcted him in the insignificant sum of three hundred 
dollars; when every principle of justice dictated that it 
should at least have been one thousand. 

This, as one instance, Avill illustrate the justice tliat is 
likely to be awarded in cases where the mildness, ameni- 
ties and advantages of civil law, and the customs of trial 
hy civil law, can he resorted to by criminals whose of- 
fences yvere committed, not in deiiance of existing civil 
law, but only after they, as a body of traitors in insurrec- 
tion and rebellion against their government, have annihi- 
lated all civil law in the premises. What is government 
but law ? What are national and municipal governments 
but systems of civil law, to which all concerned are alike 
subject? The man, therefore, or the body of men, who 
destroys the government destroys the civil law in the 
most effectual manner possible. He uproots the very 
source and support of the civil law. 

The difference between the private offender in time of 
l)eace, and organized and active traitors is, that the first 
simply offends againHt existing law. He does not attack 
the law itself, but commits his crime against it, leaving the 
law standing and in force to arrest and punish him if he 
cannot keep out of its way. The traitor, however, in the 
very first instance of his career, lays violent hands upon 
the law itself. He attacks and demolishes its very citadel. 


He does not deign to keep himself out of the way of the 
law, but he puts the law out of his own way, by putting 
it out of existence. The government and its time-hon- 
ored system of laws growing out of it, he sweeps aside as 
chaff, after wdiich he roams his country an unrestrained 
freebooter, with no civil power in existence to impede his 

This was exactly the condition of things, not only in 
Bradle}", but in the whole of East Tennessee, for three 
years. McGriff's offence, therefore, against Mr. Potts, 
was not committed against civil law, for no civil law ex- 
isted in fact or held jurisdiction, or even claimed to hold 
jurisdiction, in the country at the time. 

The principle is, that organized rebellion in a State — 
rebellion rising to such a magnitude as to compel the 
State to grant her rebel subjects belligerent rights — anni- 
hilates civil law, and consequently the jurisdiction of civil 
law within the territory under military occupation, till 
a; resort to arms settles the dispute. 

Government, or civil jurisdiction in the rebel States, 
was the very thing in dispute while our great contest was 
going on, and the concession of belligerent rights to tlie 
rebels was a mutual agreement between the parties to 
decide that question by the sword. Government, or civil 
jurisdiction of the disputed territory, by this mutual agree- 
ment, was placed in the condition of a stake, a thing pend- 
ing between the parties, to be won or iQst by either party, 
as the case might be; and while so placed was in fact the 
property of neither, but as much, by the agreement, the 
property of one as the other. It finally fell to us, but it 
might have fallen to the rebels ; and while by mutual 
agreement it was thus exposed or subject to the chances 
of their success, as well as to the chances of ours, it was 
not ours any more than theirs, so far as the agreement 
was concerned. Indeed, while thus iDendent, it was ours 
no more than theirs in any sense ; for in this agreement 
we yielded np our right to it on all other grounds, and 
hoped for it and expected it only on tlie abstract conditions 
of the agreement, namely : that we won it by the sword. 


111 regard to each party, therefore, ownerslnp, goverii- 
ment, or civil jurisdiction of the disputed territory, under 
tliis agreement, was a mere contingency of the future, 
and while thus a future contingency in regard to both, 
was practically as well as theoretically out of existence. 
Tlie civil i)ower on our part was withdrawn, and Uovern- 
mcnt represented itself there by a more potent element — 
the military. In other words, its jurisdiction in that ter- 
ritory passed from its civil to its military branch. The 
military is a branch of ail civil governments, and when 
from insurrection or rebellion, a tState cannot be repre- 
sented in any of its territory by its civil power, and this 
consequently is withdrawn, it represents itself there as 
liist as it can by its military branch ; and in the very na- 
ture of such changes — in the very nature of such military 
occupation — the jurisdiction of this branch is complete 
and unlimited in the premises, as well as linal in its 
action, extending to the conduct of every individual 
within the rebellious ten-itory as fast as occupation takes 
place. In the ver}^ nature of the case this must be so, or 
tlie organization is a myth, and its objects can never be 
accomplished. Eebel territory, as fast as we could pos- 
sess it, and the people within it, became subject to military 
authority, as they were before to that which this had super- 
seded. McGriff's crime against Mr. Potts, therefore, was 
not an offense against the civil law, but against the mili- 
tary law then in force in Tennessee, in place of the civil 
law, claiming and exercising jurisdiction over him aiid 
his conduct, as well as over all others in those parts of 
the State hat had been redeemed. 

Offenses against law or government, are civil or mili- 
tary according to the powder against which they are com- 
mitted — the power exercising jurisdiction in the premises 
at the time. The military was the only authority then in 
Tennessee representing the Government, consequently it 
eceived and took cognizance of McGriff's offense in that 
branch. But this is not all. This offense was not only 
against and in defiance of the military as the only author- 
itv then having jurisdiction in Bradley, but it was the act 


of a military foe against the strength of these authorities 
— opposing and obstructing their operations. It was 
committed against Mr. Potts because he was loyal to the 
Government — a Union man and an enemy to the rebel- 
lion ; ])ecause he was considered as aiding and abetting 
these authorities in putting the rebellion down. In fact, 
because he was considered part and parcel of the power 
then endeavoring to crush the rebellion. The Union peo- 
ple of Tennessee v^^ere a part of the power working to ac- 
complish this object. Our military authorities looked to 
and depended on them for aid in various ways. They 
depended on the Union people for information, for sup- 
plies, and to act as their guides through the country, and 
to co-operate with them in every Avay they could, which 
they did. When these Union people were damaged, in- 
jured and weakened, these authorities and their opera- 
tions suffered by it. Crimes, therefore, like that of 
McGriff's against Mr. Potts, were offenses against the 
Union people as a part of the military itself, — offenses, 
therefore, bearing against these authorities themselves, 
and against their operations, consequently over which 
they had unlimited and final jurisdiction. 

As a matter of war polic}^, with a view to defend tliem- 
elves, to husband and increase their strength and for- 
ward their operations, McGriff's case was theirs to dispose 

These remarks have not been made as indicating, nor 
are they an attempt to prove, that reorganized civil courts, 
after the war, can have no jurisdiction over cases of this 
kind neglected, or that could not be reached by the mili- 

For instance, the citizen murderers hung in Murfrees- 
boro by Gen. Tliomas, in the spring of 1862, had they es- 
caped the military then having jurisdiction over their 
crimes, w^ould have fallen subject to the authorities suc- 
ceeding the military ; and, had they ever become known, 
justly could have been punished by the civil law. Juris- 
diction of crime in that county changed after the war ; 
but the guilt of these criminals, had they not been de 


tected then, would have hasted tlirough all such chaii^^es. 
Their crime was committed against natural rigid — a rhjht 
which no changes among men can destroy, consoquenlly 
their guilt could not he annulled by mere changes in the 
jurisdiction of justice. 

Military law should have been applied to all ofren>e> in 
Tennessee similar to that which we are considering, as 
soon as possible after our military autliorities occupied 
the countr}^ 

The object of these remarks is not merely to establish 
the fact of military jurisdiction where civil law is with- 
drawn — a thing generally conceded — but to make' it plain 
that it was the imperious duty of our military authorities, 
immediately on taking i)ossession of Tennessee, to redress 
the wrongs inflicted on Union people by their rebel 
neighbors. This Avas what the Union people of Tennes- 
see had a right to expect, and this in fact is what they 
did expect. Had a military court of perfectly suitable 
n.en been appointed in Chattanooga as soon as our forces 
took the place, v/ithin a month after the battle of Mis- 
sionary Eidge, every Union family in Hamilton, injured 
by rebels owning real estate or personal property v/ithin 
our lines, might have been redressed, or placed in secur- 
ity of redress, very many of whom will now never get 
justice till they get it at the Judgment Seat above. 

A military commission of five honest, industrious and 
positive men appointed in Cleveland, to hold their ses- 
si )ns ten hours each day for two months immediatel.y fol- 
owing our entrance into the county, would have repaired 
more losses, redressed more wrongs, punislied more oiTend- 
ers, and administered more justice very important to be 
administered, than will now be elfected there while the 
rebellion can be remembered. 

Wiio can assign any good reason why all, or all that 
could have been reached, of the cases in East Tennessee, 
similar to that of McGriff's offense against Mr. Potts, 
should not have been called up and disposed of at once 
by military courts ? Who can assign any good reason 
why all such cases, or the most of them, should be de- 


laved two years, till civil courts could be or;2;ariized in 
which to adjudicate tliem ? No matter whetlier the per- 
sons ol' tlie offenders could have been immediately 
reached or not, full restitution at least should have been 
made b}^ our authorities to all Union parties injured by 
rebels, where property could be found to confiscate. 


Mr. Thomas lived in the eleventh district, Bradley 
county. He was a poor man, yet not wanting in the poor 
man's blessing, being surrounded, we believe, wdth nine 
children. Re resided upon the famous White Oak Ridge, 
of Union refugee fame, the boundary line between Brad- 
ley and Hamilton. He operated upon this ridge as a 
pilot, aiding Union refugees to cross the Tennessee. 

In October, 1863, on his vray home irom Cleveland, Mr. 
Thomas, after traveling about three miles, passed Larkin 
Taylor, Jacob Edwards, rebel guerrillas, and Mr. Andrew 
Carson, a citizen, conversing together by the road. Mr. 
Thomas saw tbe three that day, and was seen by them in 
Cleveland. They w^ere conversing near '^Ir. Carson's 
home. Carson ^vas a strong rebel, and had made eSbrts 
before that time to have Mr. Thomas arrested. Mr. Thomas 
knew that Taylor and Edwards pretended to belong to 
Capt. Snow's gang of cut-throats in Hamilton; and feared 
from vs^hat he saw in Cleveland, and from seeing the three 
conversing by the road, that they vrere meditating evil 
upon himself, and suspected a visit from Taylor and Ed- 
w^ards that night, as he presumed that they v/ere then on 
their way to Hamilton, which would lead them near his 

Mr. Thomas reached his home, retiring that niglit with 
his family as usual, but making preparations for emer- 
gencies. He was well acquaiuted with Taylor and 
Edwards. Tvro or three hours, perhaps, after he and his 
family retired, he heard a sui)pressed call at his gate, 
which vras near the door. He made no reply, waiting for 
the call to be repeated, the second and perhaps the third 
time : honing if it wa^ from Taylor and Edwards, to recog- 


nize them b}^ the voice. Being foiled in tliis — they per- 
haps a.-^suming a licticious voice— and tliinking tliat i1 
might ]je Union rei'iigees sent to him for oid, he opene<l 
his door, and was in tlie act of stepping down iij.on the 
ground, wliich brought him into a position to see the vis- 
itors sitting upon their horses, whom lie instantly recog- 
nized to be Taylor and Edwards. Feeling satisfied that 
they designed to kill him, he attempted to draw himself 
back into his house, when one and perhaps both of them 
fired, and he fell upon his own threshhold. One shot took 
effect and completely severed his thigh bone. The mur- 
derers lied, and the next day were tracked into Hamilton, 
and near to Peter i\[unger's dwelling, a Union man, whose 
carding mill and cotton gin — after appropriating to them- 
selves aL the woolen rolls they could find in the factory — 
tliey set on tire. The fire was discovered in time to save 
the buildings, but much of the proi)erty inside of them 
was destroyed. 

Edvv'ards, we believe, left Bradley, and is, doubtless, 
:itiil at large. Taylor was arrested for this crime after the 
war, and imprisoned in Cleveland. In 1S65 lie was dis- 
charged for want of evidence. 

That Taylor and Edwards were the persons who at- 
tempted to murder Mr. Tliomas is beyond peradventure. 
No honest man, acquainted with the circumstances of the 
case, can arrive at any other conclusion. Great efforts 
were made by Taylors friends and his lawyer, Mr. 31. Ed- 
wards, to im.peach the statements of Mr. Thomas in regard 
to his attempted murder. The positions taken by Tay- 
lor's friends and his lawyer in regard to these statements, 
were slanders as foul and unjust as their authors v.ere 
dishonest and unprincipled. 

Taylor, Edwards and Carsoii, notwithstanding tliis and 
all the other crimes they committed during the rebellion, 
go unvrhiijped of justice, while Mr. Thomas, through their 
thirst ibr Union blood, will spend the rest of his days a 
ruined and helpless man. His family also, unless Govern- 
ment shall afford him relief, socially and pecuniarily, will 
feel the blow, perhaps through life. 



Travplriuj — Wm. C. Dail}^, J. L. Mann. 

Local — Anderson Trim, John Brower, Elijah Still, A. F. 
Shannon, W. D. Smith, Asa Stamper, Isham Julian, W. W. 
Hames, P. H. Reed, Peter SwafFord, Wm. B. Ballenger, 
G. Blackman. 

All the foregoing ministers snfFered their full share of 
persecution from the rebels. Mr. Daily and Mr. Mann, 
however, being traveling ministers, were pursued with a 
proportionately greater virulence than the others ; both 
being called to an account for their disloyalty to the Con- 
federacy by the Holston Conference, Mr. Dail}^ at its 
annual session at Athens, Tennessee, 1862, and Mr. Mann 
at its annual session at Wytheville, 1863. Mr. Mann was 
expelled from the Conference. He fled north and was 
appointed chaplain of the 9th Tennessee cavalry in which 
he served sixteen months. Mr. Daily and Mr. Mann are 
now successfully serving under the auspices of the M. E. 
Church, in their former field of ministerial labor — Brad- 
ley and its adjoining counties. 

The following named ministers Avere also dealt with for 
their loyalty to the old Government, by the Conference 
at Athens. 

W. H. Rogers, W. H. Duggan, Jesse A. Hyden, Patrick 
H. Reed, John Spears, James Gumming, Thomas N. Rus- 
sel, and Thomas P. Rutherford. Bishop John Early pre- 
sided at both these Conferences. 


Traveling — A. G. Worley, Presiding Elder. J. W. Belt, 
G. McDaniel, T. K. Glenn, and H. B. Swisher. 
Local — A. L. Brooks. 


Hiram Douglas, Jacob Lawson, Robert Garden, Wash- 
ington Smith, Richard Parks. 



Mr. Cooper was murdered on the 15th of iJecember, 
1864. About an lioiir alter he and liis family retired for 
the night, live or six men called at his door, assuming to 
be Federal soldiers, and were admitted into his liouse. 
They pretended to be in search of rebels, and told Mr. 
Cooper that they mistrusted him as secreting rebel sol- 
diers on his premises. He replied that no rebel soldiers 
had ever been harbored about his house. Pretending to 
douljt his statement, they requested the privilege to 
search for themselves. After searching within, all but one, 
taking the light, went out doors, ostensibly to search the 
premises Avithout. Mr. Cooper, his wife and two or three 
children, and a brother, Dempsey Cooper, who was stop- 
ping with him him for the night, and the one rebel, re- 
mained in the house in the dark, with the exception of a 
faint light that glimmered from the embers on the hearth. 
By this time Mr. Cooper was convinced of the real char- 
acter of his visitors, and managed — though the one rebel 
was present — to express his fears to his brother Dempsey, 
and both prepared for the worst. 

In a few moments the rebels without returned to the 
door, one with the candle in his hand. The door was 
opened by Mr. Erby Cooper, when they, standing upon 
the step, inquired if he w^as Eraby Cooper. Either delaying 
to answ^er, or answering evasively, the whole company 
commenced to fire upon him, he standing his ground and 
returning the fire with his revolver. 

After firing six or eight shots the rebels yielded the 
ground and fled. Mr. Cooper pursued them over the yard 
fence a few steps from his door, where he fell, from which 
place he was taken up dead a short time afterwards, 
having been iDierced by five or six bullets. A trail of 
blood was found the next morning along the path taken 
by the rebels in their flight, but to what extent they were 
injured by Mr. Cooper, was never, we believe, fully 
ascertained by his friends. 

The moment the struggle commenced at the door 


l^etween Mr. Eraby Cooper and the four or live rebels, the 
rebel inside, and Mr. Dempsey Cooper, closed in a hand- 
to-hand light with their revolvers, near the bed wliere J^Irs. 
Eraby Cooper and her children were lying. Mr. Cooper's 
revolver proving to be out of order, and not discharging 
regnlarl}^ he dropped it, clenched a chair, and felled the 
rebel to the floor. As the blow was given, however, he 
received a shot that made it impossible for him to folkru' 
up his advantage. The rebel soon recovered, and the 
door being by this time clear, sprang to his feet and fled. 
Though severely wounded, Mr. Cooper finally recovered. 
Whom these rebels vvere, was, we believe, never ascer- 
tained. They were unknown to the Mr. Coopers, and as it 
ajjpears that they did not know which was My. Eraby 
Cooper, the Coopers must have been unknown to 
them. It was doubtless a similar case to that of the mur- 
der of Mr. Richmond, the perpetrators being evidently 
hired and sent to perform the foul deed, bj^ malicious 
rebel citizens wdio thirsted for Mr. Cooper's blood on 
account of his activity as a Union man. 

Mrs. Cooper and her cliildren narrowly escaped vvith 
their lives. Rebel bullets from the door, some of which 
possibly passed through the body of her husband, struck 
near the bed where she and her children were lying. As 
the contest between Mr. Eraby Cooper and the rebels at 
tiie door, and that between Mr. Dempsey Cooper, and the 
single rebel within, commenced and was raging at tlie 
same moment, one can easily imagine the frightfulnes^-. 
and horror of the scene through which the family of Mr. 
Cooper, that night, was compelled to pass. The case also 
may illustrate the fearful extent to Tvhich the Union peo- 
ple of East Tennessee w^ere made to suffer by the rebel- 

A. p i> E isr D I X 


Jt is true that our erreat American rebellion was unlike anythin^r rise of the- 
kind in history; and that the Government as well as our commanders in the Held, 
had to proceed in regard to it. almost entirely without precedent to guide them. 
The policy of the Government, and of the different department commanders alao, 
had to be improvised as the way opened before them, and particularly was this 
the case in regard to the border states, where rebels and loyalists were so inter- 
mingled; where the tares and the wheat i^o persistently sprung up together, that 
it was diflicult to remove the tares without destroying the wheat likewise. 
Making, however, all due allowance for the unprecedented difficulties of the case, 
it is questionable whether our military authorities in the border states, particu- 
larly those in Tennessee, and more particularly still in East Tennessee, aclerl with 
that discretion which might have been expected— justly and wisely discriminat- 
ing between rebels and loyalists, and upon this basis dispensing awards punativ* 
and compensative, which "the natui-e of the case not only ju&tilied, but the good of 
the cause positively demanded. 

It is doubtful whether any department commander operating in the West, with, 
the exception of Gen. Fremont, and any division commander with the exceptioa 
of Gen. O. M. Mitchell, and possibly a few others, developed and pur&ued that lino 
of policy, very perceptibly the most advisable at the time. 

Nashville was surrendered to Gen. Buell by It B. Cheatham, its mayor, J'eb. 2y. 
1S6-2. The following is Gen. Buell's proclamation to the people of NasbvUle and 
Davidson county on that occasion. 

Headquarters Department of the Ohio, r 
Nashville, Tenn., February 26th, Ism. j 

The General Commanding congratulates his troops that it has been th<'ir privi- 
lege to restore the national banner to the (Japital of Tennessee. He believes that 
thousands of hearts in every part of the State will sv.el! Avith joy to see that 
honored flag reinstated in a "position Irom which it was removed in the excite- 
ment and folly of an evil hour; that the voice of her own people will soon pro- 
claim its welcome, and that tlieir manhood and patriotism will protect and per- 
petuate it. 

The General does not deem it necessary, though the occasion is a fit one. to re- 
mind his troops of the rule of conduct they have hitherto observed and are still 
to pursue. VV^e are in arms not for the ptirpose of invading the rights of our fel- 
low-countrymen anywhere, but to maintain the integrity of the Union, and jno- 
tect the Constitution under which its people have been prosperous and happy. 
We cannot therefore look with indifference on any conduct which is de.-^igned to 
give aid and comfort to those who are endeavoring to defeat tiiese objects; but 
the action to be taken in such cases rests with certain authorized persons, anrl ia 
not to be assumed by individual officers or soldiers. Peaceable citizens are not to- 
be molested in their'personsor pro,ierty. Any wrongs to either are to be promj.tly 
corrected and the offenders brought to punishment. To this end all persons are 
desired to make complaint to the immediate commander of officers or soldiers so 
offending, and if justice be not done promptly, then to the next commander, and 
so on uiitil the wrong is redressed. If the necessities of the public srcrvice should 
require the u-e of private property for public purposes, fair compensation ib to 
be allowed. No such appropriation of private property is to be made except by 
the autboritv of the highest commander present, and any other officer or soldier 
who shall presume to exercise such privilege shall be brought to trial. Soldiers 
ure forbidden to enter the residence or grounds of citizens on any plea without 

No arrests are to be made without the authority of the Commanding General, 
except in cases of actual offence against the autboritv of the Government ; and 
in all such cases the fact and circumst.'uces v ill immediately be reported in 
writing to Headquarters through the intermediate commanders. 

The General reminds his officers that the most frequent depredations are those 

^Thich are committed by worthless characters who strangle from the ranks on the 

plea of being unable to march; and where the inabilitv really exists, it will be 

found in most instances^ that the soWier has overloaded himself with useless and 



uuauthoi-ized articles. The orders idready published on this subject must bo 

Thu condition and behavior of a corps are sure indications of the efficiency and 
lirness of its officers. If any regiment sliall be found to disregard that propriety 
of conduct which belongs to soldiers as well as citizens, they must not expect to 
occupy the posts of honor, but may rest assured that they will be placed in posi- 
tions where they cannot bring shame on their comrades and the cause they are 
engaged in. The Government supplies with liberality all the wants of tht- soldier. 
Tlie occasional deprivations and hardships incident to rapid marches must be 
burne with patience and fortitude. Any officer who neglects to provide properly 
for his troops, or separates himself from 'them to seek his own comfort, Avill be held 
t.> a rigid accountabilitv. 

Bv command of GENERAL BUEL. 

JAMES B. FRY. A. A. G., Chief of Staff, 

Official : J. M. WRIGHT, A. A. G. 

This proclamation is dignified and commanding, and, in some respects, even 
able. In fact it is too able, respecting matters on a scale altogether too general, 
overlooking the peculiar and most vital points of the case. It argues in the 
writer a great, an overgrown, but dead heavy talent, and a moral nature that 
never particularly concerns itself with the individual actualities of human life. 
What it combines" and enforces is eminently proper in all armies and on all occa- 
sioiis, but the most important combinations and enforcements in the premises are 
not made at all. The position of Gen. Buell and his army at the time Nashville 
was surrendered into h s hands was the mest peculiar, remarkable, and vitally 
imporlant. or the position of any General recorded in history. Gen. Buell, how"- 
ever, utlerly failed to apprehend this great fact, and, accordingly, the great /'awZ# 
of this proclamarion is want of difscrimiriation. It is a document, consequently^ 
fraught with very glaring and destructive omissions. As a moi-al pi'oduction, or 
production respousii)le to moral right, its fault is looseness of moral principle. It 
belraj s either moral ignorance and obtuseness of moral perceptions, or the 
absence of a consciencious regard for known truth — the absence of a consciencious 
regard for the known rights of all and justice to all. It was dictated either by 
a mis:ipprehension or disregard of. or rather indifference to, the ajyirit of the 
rebellion, purricularly as it existed in Nashville. This proclamation disappointed 
aud discouraged, if it did not positively mortify the Union people of Nashville and 
the surrounding country, while it encouraged and strengthened the hands of rebel 
citizens. It assured the rebels that their position as such, and what they hud done 
as such in persecuting, robbing, murdering and driving the Union people out of 
the country, were not to be looked upon as crimes nor as meriting an}' punish- 
ment, or as subjecting them to any inconvenience by proscription" or restriction 
of their liberties or of their business. It makes not the least distiirotion in any 
respect between guilty rebels and virtuous Union people. It takes no notice of 
the important fact of the existence in Nashville at that time of two opposite 
parties, the sole issue between them being the Rebellion — ©ne rebel the other loyal, 
one friends the other enemies to the Government. No notice whatever is taken 
of the Union people; the fact of their existence appears to have been purposely 
passed over through fear of giving offense to the reuels. Policy, as well as duty, 
demanded that the integrity with which these Union people had stood by the 
Government should be proclaimed in this order and put in the strongest possible 
contrast with the treasonable and criminal conduct of the rebels. A special recog- 
nition in this order of the Union people of Nashville and Davidson County, as a 
boily, and as having distinguished themselves as the friends of the Government, 
briefly eliminating the actual moral virtue of their position, and the services they 
had rendered the country, would have been a mark of distinguishing favor justly 
due, and which these Union people had a right to expect. This not only would 
have gratified the Union people, but they would have felt it a full recompense for 
what chey had suffered if not for what they had lost, thereby being encouraged 
in tiieir loyalty for the future, while this, alone, would have' reflected a cutting 
.rebuke to the rebels, causing them to smart under the contrast thus drawn be- 
tween their treason and the loyalty of their Union neighbors, Geu. Buell, how- 
ever, was too great a man; his'mifitary conceptions were altogether too vast, if 
not too Tague, to allow him to descend to these insigniticant particulars, particu- 
lars that would have touched the hearts of the people, and that Avould have 
evinced that his policy was to be Shaped and moulded from the bottom upwards, 
making its foundation the actual substratum of the materials among which he 
had to work. 

Gen. Buel, in this order, could use the most opprobions terms in expatiating in 
advance upon the possible delinquencies of his private soldiers; but it contain* 
not a word of i-eprimand or even advice to rebel citizens all around him in regard 
to their infinitely greater crimes already committed, a subject so eminently befit- 
ting it, crimes which hadcomj)elled tbes'e soldiers to leave their homes and expose 
themselves to fatigue, starvation and death, to rescue the country frooi that des- 
truction which from these crimes it was in the most iminent danger. lie could 
forbid the private soldier to enter the grounds of rebel citizens without authority, 
(Which was all proper enough in itself, and could read him a lecture of fortitude 


«ad patience in bearing up under the hiinlships and privations of the war, though 
he might be reduced to Aarc? tack ulone, indicating by a cold abrasion of hm- 
guage, that the abundance of rebel wealth in the country was not to be irregularly 
appropriated to relieve his wants in any case, however iinusual or trying. 

The error of Gen. Buell as a christian commander, was tliat he connived at 
crime as a means of destroying tiie spirit of it, instead of punishing it promptly 
und lirmly, yet mildly, as aconscientious and liumaneotlicer, feeling the responsi- 
bility of having in charge the interests of the country, and tlie welfare of the 
people with whom he was dealing and those under his command. 

Fort iJonelson surrendered on Sunday morning the IGlh ol I'ebruary 1862. On 
the following Sunday morning, the 2ad, about U o'clock, just one week, tilmost 
to an hour, from the surrender of l)onelsou,the Federal troops arrived in Edge- 
Jield opposite Nashville. The news of this great rebel defeat reached Nashville, 
the same morning the fort surrendei'ed, in consequence of whiclia i)anic seized 
the rebel inhabitants of that city uuequaled by any thing of the kind before 
known in the history of the country. Nashville reljcls were smitten dumb with 
fear, and stood appalled at their condition. They felt themselves guilty, and very 
naturally expecteil to be punished for their crimes, w hen our army should arrive. 
Especially did they look lor retribution to be visited upon them for iheoutragious 
manner in which they had persecuted, tortured, and despoiled their Union neigh- 
bors. They expected that the Union jieople would enter complaints against them 
to the Federals, and that they would at once have to pay bitterly for! hese outrages. 
Under the influence of these forebodings, all the rebels that possibly could, im- 
mediately on recc'ipt of the news from Donelson, fled from the city mi all the haste 
und confusion imaginable, taking refuge in Dixie. Those who couhl not fly but 
were compelled to remain and meet the consequences, were completely humbled 
in view of the ordeal that was approaching them. They were perfectly conque* ed. 
whipped and subdued. The spirit of rebellion Avas completely frightened out 
of them. During the interval between the victory at Donelson and the arrival of 
our troops at Nashville, their haughty and insolent bearing towards their I'niou 
neighbors entirely forsook them. They became perfectly respectful, and ap- 
proachable, almost universally pianifesting penitence lor their abusive treatment 
of the Union people with a disposition to be forgiven and to have old friendships 
restored. This was the wholesome eflect upon Nashville rebels, and this was the 
submissive spirit which they manifested while they were in prospect of the daily 
arrival of Federal troops into whose hands they expected to fall, and by whom 
they expected to be dealt with according to their sins. No sooner, however, did 
t.his Fedei-al armv arrive, and, was this order of Buell's published. Ids policy in- 
stantaneously becoming known throughout the country, causing the rebels un- 
bounded relief and jov, giving them to see that they had sufiered all their fears 
for nothing, that thev'were in no danger of being punished either for their rebel- 
lion or their injustice to the Union people, and that the complaints of these Union 
people were given the cold shoulder and treated with contempt, their authors in 
some cases even rebuked by Federal officers, and consequently, that they could do 
the same things again with impunity, than this door of renew ed friendship w ith 
Union people was backed out of bv the rebels instanter; and the evil demon of re- 
bellion again took possession of them, and they went to plotting treason, the over 
throw of our armies and the destruction of the country with ten fold more wick 
edness and bitterness than before. Thev also assumed towards the Union peopU 
their former insolent bearing, the same haughty air and hateful look, made the 
same venomous flings, coupled w ith the same bitter spirit of persecution that 
characterized their course before Nashville was taken. These, thouffh l)riefly 
stated, are historical facts, facts that can be attested to-day by hundreds of Union 
witnesses in Nashville. ^ , . ,. 

Now, had Buell possessed the penetration to fathom the depths ot this malig- 
nancy, instead of administering the opiate of a milk anfl water ])roclamation to 
eradicate it. his policy, without being vindictive, would have been based upon 
the principle that the treason of these rebels was a crime. His action towards 
them would have corresponded to their own convictions of their guilt, wheai the 
prospect of falling into our hands and of being subject to the prosecution* 
of the Union people, whom thev had injured, had brought them to their senses. A 
marked distinction should have been made between rebels and Union people, and 
adopted as the rule in point of liberties, privileges and advantages, till circum- 
stances warranted a generalization in these respects. Forty-eight hours after 
Buell's arrival in Nashville would have been suflicient tolurnish him with a per- 
fect list of the names of all the friends and enemies of the Govermuent in David- 
son countv. Six or eight such men as Lawyer Fast, John Trimble. Esq.. Post 
Master Liudsey Mr. Hickcv, H. C.Thompson and John L. Stewart, ol Nashville, 
und Mr Joseph and George "SVeeklv, of Edgefield, with two Irom each ot the 
other districts, selected bv these, the whole to act as a committee ot information, 
in two davs would have given an unexceptionable list, of the personal lovalty antt 
treason of Nashville and the surrounding country. Two or three individuals 
only acting as vouchers for the people of the whole country, and that for months 
together, left room for great abuses. Twenty or twenty-five, all more or less ac- 
quainted with the people, deciding upon the political status ot an individual, 
would have precluded the possibility of personal favoritism, and thus hundreds 


of Avortliy persons who were denied the passes, would have been granted fhen?^ 
jind vice versn. All Union men in the country vouched foi' by sucli a committee, 
before our army had been in Xashvile three days, might have been given stand- 
ing and unlimited passes forthe term of the war or at least during their loyalty, 
judged by the same committee, to go and come as they pleased, without further 
molestation from the authorities. Instead of this, however, the Union people, 
not. vithsianding what they had already suffered from the rebellion, musi be 
subject alike with the rebels, to the very great annoyance and damage of getting 
their passes renewed every few days, for three yeaVs. Xo possil)le harm could 
have resulted to the cause' from the unrestrained liberty of these I'nion people, 
any more than from the unresti-ained liberty given to Federal soldiers them- 
selVes when sent out as spies. 

Unlimited permits, also, for the transacting of business, should at the same 
time have been granted to all Union families and firms, subject of course, to the 
necessity and pressure of our militnry opeiations; while the rebels in their busi- 
ness shovild have been restricted, circumscribed and narrowed down to a point 
of absolute necessity. Sudi was something like the distinction that should have 
Ix'en made between rebels and Union people, and made at once after our au- 
thorities ixxssessed the country, not only in Nashville, but in the whole of Ton- 
uessee, and particlarly in Eas^: Tennessee, as welt as particuhirly in Nashville. 

Hwch a course, not only wouldhave l>fen just, but it would have resulted greatly 
to the benefit of our cai se. It would have aflorded the Union people opportnni- 
ties to repair the damages which they had sustained by the rebellion, and ^\ould 
have encouraged them to be active in co-operating with our authorities, obtain- 
ing information, &c., information that would have essentially aided our authori- 
ties in making general progress against the rebellion. 

On the other hand, restriction would have been no more than justice to the 
rebels for their rebellion, and as retaliatory punishment for the same treatment 
on thfir part towards tiie Union people, and especially in as much as it was abso- 
lutely necessary to restrict both them and tlieir business in view of our own 
safetv. Justice' thus administered to the rebels in Nashville, not tyrannically, 
nor insultingly, nor in a vindictive spirit, but in a proper manner, mildly but 
with firmness,' and administered at the right time, when they themselves felt that 
they deserved it, the rod would have done them good ; and the spirit of rebellion 
woiild have been conquered and annihilated at "that time in Davidscn county, us, 
it will now not cease to exist while the i)resent generation continues. 

These remarksillusferate the principle or policy that should have been pursued 
by our authorities in regard to rebels and Union people throughout the State of 
Tennessee, or in fact wherever the persecuting spirit of the rebellion had made 
Union people suffer. 

The Union people of Tennessee, and particularly of East Tennessee iived and 
sufi'eiTed for three years in hope, and that hope was the Northern army. The 
arrival of the Northern army was to them the pro.-pective hour and culininatiou 
of their pfitriotic bliss and of their country's deliverance. This was an event for 
whi(;h they looked, longed, waited and prayed, with an intensity proportionate to- 
their trials, and what they considereil to be the importance of the e.xpected tri- 
umph. Many Tennessee boys had fled to the Northern army, and were anxiously 
and faithfully helping to push our lines to include their own homes. It was k 
common remark among Union people in Tennessee, while they were suffering 
wilder rebel oppression that, '• When our/r-ends arrive," referring to the Northern 
soldiers, "the tables will be turned. We shall be recognized as frienfls to the 
government, our position and our sufl'erings both will be appreciated, and we 
hhixll not only be protected, but our rebel neighbors aa ill be called to an account 
lor the wrongs they have inflicted upon us." As fast as the Northern soldiers did 
arrive in Tennessee, Union hands and Union hearts were open to receive them. 
Union t;it)les were spread to supply their wants, and everything in the possession 
of the Union people that could administer to their comfort was at their disposal. 
At the sight of the Northern army the Union people laughed and cried for joy. 

3Ir. John L. tetewart, one of the most enthusiastic Union men in Nashville! had 
been bitteily persecuted and tortured by the rebels. During the long week of 
suspense between the lall of Doneisou and the arrival of the Federal aimy in that- 
city, Mr. Stewart could scarcely eat or sleep for his anxiety to see the" Federal 
soldiers take possession of Nashvi^Je. When, on the morning "of the 25th of Feb- 
ruary, 186-2. the fleet of government transports headed by a gun-boat, with all her 
guns' frowning upon either side, was descried irom the Capitol ascending the Cum- 
berland and nearing the city, each transport with the Stars and Stripes visible at 
mast head, as they sfceanud up to the landing with banners flying, their decks 
burdened with dense regiments of blue coats and the shrill martial music watt- 
ing out the notes of Hail Columbia upon the morning air, Mr. Stewart was com- 
pletely overwhelmed and carried away with the sight, the effect being more than 
he could bear. The national glory and Union triumph that Mas in the scene, 
bringing deliverance to himself and his friends, gave him a bnrst of joy that quit© 
berett htm of his senses, sending him wild and insane with delight. To make use 
ol Mr. Stewart's own language, for the whole diiy ami even for a wetk he could 
compire himself to nothing but a shouting Methedist at a camp-meeting, so great^ 


«,nd unbouuded was his joy, from the effects of which he did not fullj- recover for 
a month. 

Tlie case of Mi-. Stewart may illustrate upon general principles the spirit in 
which the Union people of Tennessee, Union women and children, jiarticuhirly of 
East Tennessee, were i^nrpared to hail and welcome the l'"e<leral army to their 

Now, the fiicts in the case do not warrant the statement that our armies, as they 
took possession of Tennessee, fully appreciated this fteling among the Union 
people. Reciprocated Federal frien«lship to this feeling fell consuUrably belov. 
the point of iis actual existence on the part of the Union people, from Uie de- 
partment commanders down, from the beginning to the end of the \\ar. Had 
Gen. Buell given the example at Nashville, shaping his policy in that direction- 
enjoined the practice of it upon his ollic<.-rs. thu.s infusing the true sidrit into hii 
army among ollicers and men, the principle, doubtless, would have remained in 
the army and more or less translVred itself to successive commanders and suc- 
cessive armies. As it was, a great proportion of the good, or in other words, a 
^rcat proportion of the disposition in our army to defend and administer strict 
justice to the Union people, and keep the rebels iii their proi)er places, was lost for 
want of this active encouragement in the tlepartmuut coinmandeis, and for want 
of that system which such authoritative encouragement would have induced in 
regard to' the subject. Individuals, here and there, saw the disgraceful evils and 
iibuses. and desired to correct them but could not, only to the extent of their 
individual authority. 

From this cold indifference to loyalty and loose manner of dealing with treason 
in the beginning, the evil branche("l oil" and showed itself in other forms equally 
injurious and mortitying tothe Union people. Classing all together with little or 
no distinction, as equally virtuous, was an indirect invitation to our ollicers to 
mingle with all as equally virtuous and equally desirable company, and this ex- 
posed them .to the temptation of mingling most with those who made thegreatest 
efforts to win their favor, and couM hold out the most profuse and gratifying 
inducements to secure it. The rebels, at the approach of our armies, feared the 
wusequences to themselves and their property, and having been corrupt enough 
to plunge thecountrv into ti'ouble, thev could now resort to treachery and mean- 
ness to get themselVes out of difficulty. On the arrival of our armies, rebels 
were the first to obtrude themselves upon the notice of our othcers and continued 
the most constant and obsequious in their attentions upon them. Kelxds invited 
these officers to their houses and to their parties, introduced them to their wives 
and daughters, feasted them at their tables, heaped upon them their good things 
of which thev generally had plenty, by these and other means they labored in- 
siduously to (ingratiate themselves into the favor of these ollicers, and in many 
cases were too successful. Having intrenched themselves in tlie coutidence ot 
ti.ese officers, or rather having bought their favoritism, these rebels were periectly 
at home and perfectly independent. They could get passes and permits simply 
bv asking for them, when modest Union men had to produce vouchers to obtain 
them. Thev couhl get protection papers for their property and Federal guanls to 
stand at their doors, when upright Union men seldom requested either. Union 
people were infinitelv above the hvpocrisy and disgraceful truckling resorted to 
bv the rebels to secure the protection of our armies. Union people hud too much 
self-respect to descend to such meannes.s to court acquaintances or curry lavors, 
especially favors that were in reality a matter of due; and had they been 
disoosed to enter this mire of competitorship, very frequently would have labored 
xit a great disadvantage. They had been pillaged, robbed, and had had their sul>- 
stance lain v.aste perhaps by thest; very rebels 'till not enough remained, in many 
instances, for themselves and families. The rebels by their treason and Jriend- 
•ship with the rebellion had escaped these misfortunes. The rebels possessed lino 
houses, elegantly furnished rooms and -sumptions boards which were weighty 
arguments in their favor, and against which the Union people, in their circum- 
stances, felt little disposed to strive, especially considering the moral character ol 
the contest. ^ , j 

It was patent throughout the country, and during the fii'st and second years of 
the war, Avas the universal newspaper topic from JJoston to Chicago, as m ell as 
the universal theme of army conversation that rennessee was hlled with sufler- 
ing and outraged Union people. These Union peoide were not unadvised ol 
this fact Thev were periectly aware that their situation was fully known to the 
(Government and the army ; and very naturally expected that Government kept 
an eve to their condition. They also supposed that one of the principal objects 
for which the army was sent into that country was their rebel ; and that on the 
arrival of our armies, their grievances would be redressed. They did not pre- 
sume that it would be necessary, on the arrival of those armies, lor them to board 
and >;warm upon our ollicers at once, and load them not only with their com- 
Dhiints. but their physical dainties, in order to be recognised and nppnciated. 
The rebels, however: having the impudence to take this course, thus stealing the 
inarch not only upon the Union people, but even upon these olhcers themselves 
immediately secured their confidence, then engrossed their att« ntion and pro. 
cured their protection, while Union people disappointed and mortltied, stood a- 
,1 distance, and looked ou with disgust. 


Rebels were frequentlv' known to boast that it was better to be a rebel, tliai> ix 
Union man. To be a rebel, they asserted, gave them indemnity from loss v. bile 
the rebels held the country, and left them something with \\ hich to bribe yankee 
officers, and buy indemniiication of the Fedei'ais on their arrival, and have an 
abundance for themselves besides; with the other advantages of escaping en- 
tirely the storms and persecutions univer?ally endured by the Union people. 

It fs not intended by these remarks to convey the idea, that these abuses be- 
came absolutely therule through >nt the State of Tennessee, during the war; but 
it is safe to assert that they were so frequent in many localities, owing to the 
looseness of the genei-al policy in this respect, and owing to the number of Fed- 
eral othcei-s in the army, whose principles and patriotism were as loose as those 
of the rebels, that these abuses lo?t the character of positive exceptions to the 
rule, and more or less in every county in the State, mortified and disgusted the 
Union people. 

While we appeal to the Union people of Tennessee for the truth of what we have 
said upon this subject, we neverthelf ss do not ojler it as an adequate defence of 
their cause, either in regard to the diabolical cruelties of their immediate enemies, 
or the indifference of many, and the pi-rlidy of some of thei)' friends. The suffer- 
ings of the Union people of East Tenn* ssee,"and the horrors of Andersouvilie, Bell 
Istand and Libby, are the two mountainous— distinguishing and diabolical wrongs 
of the rebellion, and are subjects that will not be exhausted by the historical 
themers of the coming centiu-y. 

At the commencemLnt of this article Gen. O. M. Mitchel was spoken of ss a com- 
mander in Tennessee whose policy was an exception to the fault we have iiere 
complained of. No writer ought to touch this subject without leaving it distinctly 
recorded that Gen. Mitchel as clearly, if not more clearly than any other com- 
mander in Tennessee, saw this subject in its true light. Had his policy upon this 
subject, inaugurated during his brilliant campaign iVom Nashville through Ten- 
nessee to Alabama in the spring and summer of 1SG2, been adopted as the general 
rule, the evil we have here spoken of, to any appreciable extent, never would have 
existfd. The eminent justice of thut policy, hovrever, created him enemies whose 
relentless opposition cost him his command of the Third Division of the Army oi 
the Ohio, and in all probability was the initiatory stjp that cost him his valuable 
life. He saw at a glance the dVpthsof the wickedness of the rebellion, from which 
stand point a policy in regard to it in Tennessee was dictated that emphatically 
announced him as Ihe friend of the Union people of the State, and could not, in any 
proper sense of the tei'm, announce him as an enemy to her rebels. Had he been 
permitted, as he earnestly requested of the Secretary of War in the fall of 1861. to 
march with his command from Louisville thiough Cumberland Gap to Knoxville, 
with a view to relieve East Tennessee, the result could scarcely have been other- 
than anational blessing, as well as a merciful relief to the suffering Union people 
of that part of the State. After having been granted his request by the Secretary 
of War. Mr. Cameron, President Lincoln, infinenced by the miserable jealousy 
and selfish complaints of other Generals in tiie Army of the Cumberland, was 
induced to countermand the order; and thus that important expedition was aban- 
doned, and the valuable services of Gen. Mitchel as prospectively connected Avith 
it were lost, and East Tennessee for three years left to be consumed by the venom 
of the destroyir. 

It may v.ith propriety also be stated in this connection, that, had a similar pro- 
position made by Gov. Brownlow a short time after this, been accepted by the 
government, and the number of men furnished him that he desired. East Tennessee 
doubtless^ would have been released early in lSi)2. 


John P. Gatewooil. the noted guerrilla, murderer and bushwhacker of Northern 
Georgia and Tennessee, was born in Fentress county. East Tennessee; and at the 
comuiencement of the rebellion was. perhaps, twenty years of age. being the 
vbungest but one of six brothers. The names of the other brothers were, Henry, 
Berrv. Milron. William and Lytle. The father and sons were all rebels, and all 
bat the youngest, Lytle. one way and another connected with the rebel army. 
Milton was drowned in the Tennessee River sometime during the war. Twa 
others, perhap- Henry and Berrv, were in Johnston's array when he surrendered 
to Sherman in Virginia. Another, probably William, was; during the last of tiie 
war. a guerrilln, and it was understood operated as such with his brother John in 
Tennessee and Georgia. 

John P. Gatewood, if not some of his brothers, received his first schooling in 
rebel crimes under the tuition of Champ Furguson in Kentucky, being a member 
of his company perhaps one or two years. He appeared in Tennessee and Georgia 
in the summer of ISfti, being sent bv the rebel General \Vheeler to recruit for tbo 


rebel sprvice in the rear of Sherman's army during tlio Athmta Campaign. Hf 
soon distinguished himself, and was not long in becoming gc-neiaUv known in 
that section as ihe leader of one of the most savage ami ljlood-lhir>tV guerrilla 
gangs that was ever collected, or that ever operated in Tennessee or (ieorgia. lie 
established his general headquarters, probably in Cherokee county, Georgia, about 
iifty miles south of Chattanooga: and lor a i)iriod of eight or nine months, or lilj 
.Johnston surrendered in Virginia on the 2f5th of April, 1805, he laid wa^li- Nojtliern 
Georgia and South-Kastern Tennessee, robbing, j)lundering and murdering the 
Union people, till his name became the horror of every household in the land. 

liis distinguished raid into East Tennessee, whicli was made through I'olk 
county, was perpetrated on the syth of November, lKi4. On the night of fhc ii.stb, 
Gatewood, w ith his company, camped in IVIaury countv, Georgia, a*f<'W milts 
south of the Georgia and Tennessee line. Earlv'ou the 'morning of the 2!Uh, hi.s 
column, in two or three dirisioiis, struck Tennessee, the two right divisions enter- 
ing Polk c(junty, while the lelt division entered iiradlev countv, and passi-ii 
through the third and thirteenth districts, boarding ami piflaging the ])remise.-! of 
Mr. Wm Humbert, and robbing other Union families of those distiicts, con%erg- 
ing in its route to a point of conjunction in I'olk countv with the other two 

Gatewood himself headed what was supposed to be the center division; and 
either before or shortly after all came together in Polk county, at the head ol hih 
column, he rode up to the hou^e of a Union man by the name of Horace Hill. Mr. 
Ilill was sitting upon the fence in front of his door. Gatewooil ai>proached near 
to ilr. Jlill, as though he proposed to converse with him in a friendlv niannei-. but 
stealthily drew his revolver, placed it close to his heail and liied. The ball pus.-ed 
nearly in a straight line through the head from one ear to the other, causing im- 
mediate death. Mr. Hill fell backward from the fence into his own yanl, and ex- 
pired in the presence of his own family. Michael Hill, a nephew of Mr. Horace 
liill. was also on tlie premises at the time, and was also attacked by the nljels. 
He, however, being armed, returned their lire, defending himsell as best he could. 
retreating at the same time. He kept the rebels at bay till he reached the Cona- 
saui'.a iliver, leaped in, swam across and escaped unhiirt. 

W hile Mr. Horace Hill w as yet lying by the fence, either alreadv dead or dying, 
the rebels invaded the i)remises. t'aptured two colored lioys. whil some of their 
number entt'i-ed the house, pulled the lire from tlie hearth'out uj'on ihe lloor. ap- 
par'^ntly making an eliort to set the house on lire. After committing these out- 
rages, by which the rest of the family became nearly dead w ith lear. retaining 
the colored boys as prisoners, the iiends left the premises, directing their conise 
towards Benton, the county seat of Polk county. One of these colored boys sub- 
sequenth- escaped and returned. He reported that Gatewood Avas slightly 
wounded in the arm by Michael Hill. He stated that he saw Galewood wasli ihe 
blood from the wound "in a stream, shortly after leaving the premises of Mr. Hill, 

About four miles from where they murdered Mr. Hill, the rebels met four Union 
refugees from Cherokee county, Georgia. The parties were within sixty yards ol ' 
each other before either saw the otlier. The refugees fled across a field to their 
left. One of them, Mr. Elihu Morse, unobserved, dropped behind a piieof raiis 
und escaped. The other three were soon captured. In the meantime Gate\\ ood 
and his Lieut., Jasper Graddv, had passed forward about a quarter of a mile to 
the residence of Mr. Pettit. and w ere talking w ith the family at the gate. The 
three refugees were brought within a few rods of where he was stai.ding and 
halted in the road. He watched them as they were brought up. and in a few min- 
utes after thev were halted, he suddenly w heeled, and di awing his revolver, rode 
upon the pris'oners, and with an unerring aim. successively shot two of them 
t.hrouirh the head. His men also at the same time commenced tiring upon the 
helpless victims, and instantlv the three, in their gore, w ere struggling in the ag- 
onies of death in the ro:id. As soon as the men fell, Gatewood waved his revolver 
over his head and cried. "Hurrah for the brave Tennesseeans !" 

The murderers robbed the persons of their victims of the money and other val- 
uables which thev could find upon i;hem ; stripped off their shoes and a i)oiti(>n of 
their other garinents, and left them. Shortly, how ever, two of the lebels le- 
turned. kicked and turned the bodies over, examining them for money the second 
time. One of the rebels in the meantime remarked, that he believed that they 
v.ere not all dead, but were possoming. and that he thought it safer ;o shoot tin ni 
tdl no possibility of their rccoverv remained. His companion replied that, 
whether anv of them were vet alive or not. their wound.s were mortal-that they 
were all shot through the head and must certainly die: and he proi)Ost<l to let the 
Lincolnites linger and suffer as long as possible. Before the point w as decided, 
two or three other rebels returned to the spot and joined in the conversation, as 
to the necessitv of shootiiig the bodies the second time. One of those w ho last 
arrived, notwithstanding the school of blood he w:is in. had not, it appears, lost 
all humanity. He stated that there had been too much shooting nlreadv for that 
morning, an'd he was opposed to anv more savage mangling <d' the dead men be- 
fore him. This advice prevailed, and the bodies were soon left w ithout receiving 
further injurv. , ^ ,. , .. 

The names of the three victims were Chriswoll Morse— brother to Elisha Moi-se 
■n-ho escaped— and L. C. and J. W. Hapgood. brothers, all men of families- having 


wives and children iu Cherokee county, Georgia. J. W. Hapgood Avas shot 
.through the head, and probably died iustautaueouslv. He lelt a wife and two 
•Shildieu. L. C. Hapgood and Mr. Moise caine to their senses before the strag- 
gluig r.-bi'ls returned to them, and though feigning death, as some of these rebels 
suspecti-d, were able to hear the conversation in regai'd to shooting them the sec- 
ond time. Half-au-hour, perhaps, after the rebels left them, they ventured to 
rise., and dragged themselves away to places of safety. They were taken to 
Cleveland, received into our hospital at that place, and both finally recoveied. 
Mr. Hapgood was struck on the left eyebrow, the bullet passing into and carrying 
away the eye, ranging downwards and through just above the roots of the tongue, 
and passing out below and a little bidiiud the right ear. Mr. Morse was strwck, 
on the left cheek, the ball passing downwards through the neck, lodging iu the 
left shoulder, where it still remains. Although they recovered, both are crippled 
and badly injured for life. 

The writer saw Mr. L. C. Hapgood in the fall of 1865, in Bradley county, and 
received these statements from his own lips. 

Shortly after this scene of butchery, about eight o'clock A. M.. Gatewood's 
Lieutenant, Jasper Graddy, captured a Union man named Robt. F. McClary. 
Graddy and McClary were schoolmates when boys. Gatewood ordered McClary 
to dismount from his horse, a fine animal, and directed it to be given to one of 
his own men. McClary was then put upon a dull and very bad riding mule, 
placed in the rear of the column under strict guard, and made to keep up with 
the company. He was immediately robbed of his money — twenty dollars in 
greenbacks— by one of the number, whose name was Johnson, a Iventuckian. 
McClary appealed to Graddy, requesting him to compel Johnson to return his 
money. Graddy replied that Johnson was a very bad man, that he could do noth- 
ing w'ith him, and that the theft could not be remedied. 

The rebels were universally well mounted and well armed. Many of them 
wore, and almost all had with them, the blue Federal overcoat. They passed 
from one place of robbery and butchery to another generally on a gallop'. Gate- 
wood rode at the head of the column the entire day, and Graddy was most of tJie 
time at his side. At one time Gatewood ordered McClary to be brought to the 
head of the column, where he compelled him to ride between himself and Graddy 
for several miles. The object appeared to be to ascertain where the best horses 
and mules belonging to Union people could be found. Mr. McCiary's answers 

were not altogether satisfactory, and cursing him as a d d know-nothing, 

Gatewood ordered him to take his place again at the foot of the line. 

The first halt of any note that was made l^y the raiders after McClary was cap- 
tured, was at the Widow Armstrong's, a Union lady. A mile, perhaps, before 
they reached the house of this lady, they passed the house of a bitter rebel named 
Griflith. As McClary, being at tlie foot of the column, passed Griflith's, he no- 
ticed that Lieut. Graddy had halted, and was talknig at the gate with two or 
three of the Griflith women. In a tew moments, however, Graddy overtook 
them, and dashed by to reach his place at the head of the column. Tlie informa- 
tion that Graddy received at Griffith's, encouraged the rebels to believe that their 
prey was sui-e; and as they came within sight of the widow's plantation. Gate- 
wood ordered his men to charge. The order was passed along down the line in 
loud and vociferous repetitions by the men, when like so many infuriated demons, 
iilmost the entire column imraedrately swarmed upon the premises of Mrs. Arm- 
strong, leaping their animals into the yard and surrounding the house with an 
eager fury and hellish hate, as though they proposed instantly to murder every- 
thing upon the plantation. Baker Armstrong, a single man about thirty years of 
age, and son of the widow, and A. C. Parks, particularly, were the Union vic- 
tims for whose blood Gatewood and his men were thirsting. Both of these Union 
men, with a Federal soldier named Raper, a member of the 5th Tennessee Cavalry, 
were at Mrs. Armstrong's house when the rebels dashed up. Mr. Armstrong lied 
across afield in the rear of his mother's dwelling, but w^as soon overtaken and 
surrounded. .Seeing himself overpowered, he threw away his revolver, raised 
his left hand in token of surrender, and began to walk towards his enemies, when 
one of them dismounted and commenced firing on him. Thus attacked, he 
wheeled and made another effort to escape Rebel bullets, however, soon ])rought 
him down. After receiving three or four shots, two in the back part of the head, 
and in the neck, he fell, pitching forward upon his face. By this time his mother 
was within a few feet of him, begging of the rebels to desist. The dismounted 
rebel, however, sprang before her*! fastened his hand in the hair of the dying man, 
pulled him over, with his face upwards, and placing his revolver near his lips, iu 
spite of his mother's efforts, emptied the contents of it into her son's mouth, 
mingling and blowing away his face in the most shocking manner conceivable. 
Without uttering a word the fiend then walked away, bearing, as Mrs. Armstrong 
and her daughter afterwards asserted, more emphatically the countenance of a 
<iemou incarnate, than any otiier human being on whose features they ever 

Mr. Parks fled to the chamber, and by some members of the family was covered 
in a pile of cotton; and his life was saved. Raper was taken prisoner. All this 
occupierl but a few moments; although the search for Parks was continued for 
sometime. Gatewood, finally abandoning the effort to find Parks, orderedhis men 


into line, crying out that they must be on the move, lor more workolthe kiml re- 
maine lor them to perlbnn. Kaper was or(l( red to mount his horse, an<l lake iiis 
place at the loot of the column iu comjjany with Mr. iMeLlary. rrottteding, j)ir- 
haps a quarter of a mile, with his column on the move, (Jatewood apiJioached 

liaper. u ing him furiously, tnciuiring why he ran w lien he and his men ap- 

pioached him. vociferously addin.i,'. ••! will put an end tovou;"' and iiistanllv 
blew out his brains with his navy revolver. The poor maii fell from hishoi>e 
w ith a heavy gulch to the grountf. The blood gushed from Ins wouml streaming 
completely from one wagon track to the other across the road, lie w as but a few 
feet ui advance of McClary when he fell. After i>erl"umnig this deed Uatewood 
approached McClary, ctirsed him, and told him if lie did nut promittly keep hi.s 
place in line, and keei) np with the column, he w«nild serve him in the^iime man- 
ner. Then lookin^^ back to some of his men yet in the reai-, he instructeil tiicnj to 

shoot the d d Lincolnite that lay in the road till they were certain he was 

dead; after which he dashed forward to iiis position at the head of the line. A> 
llaper was considered already dead, he was shot no more, but was lelt in the mid- 
dle of the road, while his horse was kei)t by the murderers. 

Half an hour, perhaps, alter the rebi is hati disappeared, a daughter of the 
Gritilth family, one of the women who wen- seen by iVlcLlary talking w ith (iraddy, 
entered the dwelling of Mrs. Armstrong, and imj>udently,'and in a spirit of e.\- 
ultant satisfaction, told Mrs. Armstrong that she was the pel-son w ho informed the 
rebels that they would lind her son and Mr. Parks at her house. 

The name of the wretch who murdered Armstrong, by some, was supposed to 
be King. It was also supposed that his murderer was known to Armstrong; and 
was recognized by hun at the time, and that the reason that he shot him in the 
mouth as related, was through fear that Armstrong might yet be able to siieak, 
and would iaiorm his mother whom his murderer was. 

Between Mrs. Armstrong's and Benton, a distance of seven miles. Llei. tenant 
Graddy, as usual, was seeu to stop at three or four rebel hou>es. as w as under- 
stood, to obtiiin information of his Cnion victim^, and of Union projierty w hich 
the rebels w ished to capture. In this way he halted at a Mr. Sloan's, w hen he w as 
seen talking, probably to Mrs. Sloan herself. Graddy also stopped at the house 
of a rebel named Patterson, where it was thought that the person who came out 
and apparently gave him directions, was Mr. Patterson. He also halted at the 
dwelling of Mr. Win. tliggms. Here he was seen conversing with both men and 
women belonging to the premises. All these were rebel families living if we 
misuike not, between Mrs. Armstrong's and Benton. 

Two miles from Mrs. Armstrong's the rebels invaded the promises of Mr. Parks, 
fatiier, we believe, to A. C. Parks, who had escaped them at the house of 31rs. 
Armstrong. Here they captured a Union man named Gurley. They inquired of 
McClary ii their prisoner was A. C. Parks, whom they were in search of at the 
house of Mrs. Armstrong. Although they were answered in the negative, they 
immediately murdered their victim by shooting him through tho he a-l with a car- 
bine or an Enlield rifle. McClary could not distinguish the individual w ho com- 
mitted the deed, but from the report and from the movements of the murderers 
within his view% judged the weapon used to he a carbine or an Enfield rifie. Mr. 
Gurley was a man of a family, and, we believe, from the Nortii, at least he w :is 
a stranger in the country. McClary passed the body of Mr. Gurley, also left in the 
road, f he back part of" his head w as literally blown to pieces. 

Reaehiug Benton, the rebels took possession of the town, refreshed themselves 
and their animals for a short time, robbing and plundering the Union citizens to 
their satisfaction. While here, one of their number— Columbus Moony— mur- 
• iered Thomas Kincer, a Union man of the place. Mr. Kincer was at woik in 
his shoe shop. As the rebels came upon him. he lied into a house near by. and b< g- 
ged of the woman of the house, lor Gods sake to shu* the door. His murderers, 
however, were close upon him. ami found him in the act of disappearing under 
the house, having removed a loose plank in the floor for that purpose. Being a 
moment too late, with his head anil shoulders yet exposeti as the rebels burst in. 
he raised his left hand surrendering himself a'pi'isoner and begging for his life. 
Moonv. however, instantly shot him while in that heli)less condition, the biilUt 
passing through his left hand raiseil in token of surrender, and striking him in 
tile throat ranged downwards towards his bretist, and he died in less than live 
ininiiies, with his bodv partly concealed under the floor. 

This was the sixth victim whose spirit that day ha<l been hurried into eternity, 
bv this moving swarm of blood-stained demons incarnate. 

Samuel Brown, whose history has already been given, son of the notoriou* 
Capt Brown, was one who puisued Mr. Kincer. and was standing by Moony 
side, when Mr. Kincer w as murdered. In the history of this Brown, it w ;u 
stated that he murdered a I'nion man, whose name could not then be given. We 
have since discovered that the name of this victim was Smith Irw in. of Polk 

On leaving Benton. Gatewood. directed his course back towards Georgia, tak- 
ing the Ducktown Uoad. About eight miles from Hen ton. the rebels met a smaP 
companv traveling w ith two or three teams. Alvin Jones, a lad perhai^s filteen. 
w ith a U. S. Plated belt buckled about his waist, was sitting upon one of the 
wagons. Discovering the Federal belt, Gatewood. approached Jones, cursing 


him for being a bushwhacker, at the same time dischurging two revolver shots 
into his body. (Jatewoodthen ordered him to get out ol'his wagon, which he did. 
He was then robljed of the rings fjom his lingers, and other valuables. By this 
time the boy liegan to faint from loss of blood, and was unable to stand. Gate- 
wood, pointed to a stone but a few few feet troui Jones, and cursing him, told 
him to lay his head upon that rocl-c and die. The boy obeyed, layed his head uj)- 
on the rock as directed, and breathed out his life in the presence of his murder- 

The rebels tiien tui-ned their attention to robbing the other membei-s of the 
company, plundering their goods, &c. In one of the wagons tiii-y found a cask of 
whiskey. This immediately absorbed the attention of the whole crew. They 
threw the cask upon the ground, burstedone of its heads, and transferred its con- 
tents to their canteens by sinking them in the liquor, as it was in the cask. A 
portion of it was at once transferred to tlieir stomachs, fi-om which receptacle it 
soon made its w'ay to the brain, a transfc* that was visible from the increased 
spirit of fiendishness that entered into many ot them before they left the ground. 

Four miles from this point, the rebels suddenly came upon six Union men. A 
part, and perhaps all of the Union men Mere armed. They, however, fied up the 
bluff of the Ocoee river. The rebels exhibited themselves to their viev/ with their 
blue overcoats, calling out for them to come down— that tht-y were Yankees also, 
and wished to see them. One of tlseir number ventured down to the rtbels. They 
treated Inm with the whiskey they had just pillaged, appeared very friendly, 
.showed liim their Federal uniforms to convince him that they were Yankees. 
Tiiey then requested him to go back to his companions and tell them to have no 
fears, but to come down — that they were all friends, and that tlu-y wished to have 
a talk with them about the rebels in the country. Thus deceived, he Ment back 
to ills companions, and unsuspectingly and very unfortunately, they all came 
doAvn to the rebels. Tiiey were immediately taken prisoners, s'tripped of their 
arms, after which the rebels simultaneously commenced to shoot them down. 
Four of them, Samuel Lovel, Harvey Brewster. Thomas Bell and James Xelson, 
were killed dead upon the spot. Two, Peter Paris and Jaspt r Partoa made their 
escape. Paris fled back up the mountain and although he received four wounds, 
escape:!, and finall.v recovered. Parton started fiom the very midst of the rebels, 
made his way through them, leaped into the Ocoee river, swa'm to the other shore, 
an<l. although he received live or six wounds, subseqiiently recovered. 

jMcChiry stated that he never saw a lot of hunters or a pack of hounds wilder 
with excitement, and more furious after a buck, than these demons were in their 
efforts to head off and destroy Parton while he was escaping from tliem. They 
swarmed around and after him, some on their horses, and others on foot, firing 
upon him a perfect blaze continually. A.t one time their shots brought him down, 
iind he rolleu completely over, and apparently under their horses' feet, but rose 
again, and made his way through them. 

Throwing the four dead bodies together in one pile near the road, the rehcks 
passed on. One mile from this scene they murdered another union man, a refugee 
fleeing north, whom they also left dead by the side of the road. His name, per- 
haps, was Johnson. 

McClary, through entreaties wdth Graddy, at the foot of the column, perhaps 
unknown to Gatewood at the time, was released, we helieve, just before the rebels 
murdered Johnson. Seeing himself free once more from such hands, after 
such a day's ride, and such a day's scene, McClary must have felt himself a happy 

Mr. Johnson was the twelfth victim at least, that had fallen lifeless that day up 
to that hour, at the hands of these men, besides those escaping wounded. At'this 
point we find our notes confused, and in regard to Gatewood's further transactions 
of that day cannot speak with positiveuess. Kejiorts stated that sixteen or eighteen 
men in Tennessee and (ieorgia lost their lives as the result of that day's raidii.g 
bv Gatewood. Evidently more mischief was committed by him that day after the 
death of Mr. Johnson, and possibly more lives were taken. He crossed the Ocoee. 
it appears, at Grier's Ferry, and ascending the river some distance, camped for 
the night upon its bank 

The nt- xt morning, as Gatewood passed into Georgia, the work of murder was 
resumed. Early in the morning, the rebels invaded the premises of a Union man 
named Gasaway. Mr. Gasaway fied and escaped. Gatewood himself attacked a 
young man whose name w as Barnes. He chased Barnes into the woods, aiKl over- 
taking him, commenced to fire upon him. Barnes caught hold of a sapling and 
begged for his life. Gatewood, however, continued to fire, aiming at his head. 
Holding on to the sapling Barnes managed to evade the shots. The fourth 
ever, struck him in the eye, carrying it away entirely— the bullet passing down 
and lodging at the roots of the jaw. Gatewood, supposing him mortally wounded, 
placed his foot upon his neck, pulled ofi' his boots and left him. About two hours 
afterwards, he was found bv his friends sitting up, though entirely senseless, 
wiping the blood from his face with his hand up into his hair. The print oi the 
the heel of Gatewood's boot was found upon Barnes's neck. He subsequently 

Gatewood and his company took their booty a short distance south into Georgia, 
where they sold their stole'n horses and inules, about forty in number, to the 


hig-hest bidders among themselves. The purdiasers were given fifteen davs in 
wjucli to go South, dispose of th(.- proijurty, retiiru and redeem thtii- notes 'that 
the proceeds might be equally distril>uted among all the rol>ber-<. 

Oatewood's command on the day of the raid coi)si>ted of about liftv mt-n. A 
number were boys from twelve to si.xteen. From the best information "that could 
be obtained, the names of a few were as follows: Gatewood himself ami one of 
his brothers. perhaj)s V/illiam; Jasper (Jraddv, the Lieutenant; Johnson, the 
KentucKian wno robbed McUlarv: Columbus Moonv, tlie one who s .ot iviuci-r- 
iSamuel lirown, son of Capt. Jirown. of Uradlev; Frank Green, of Folk countv- 
Stuart, from Kenucky; Marion Gillian, Selh Gregory and Jaujes Gregory, all we 
believe, from the third district, Hradl.*y county ; Fdinondson, McCardv. Ilarvis- 
son, Hawkins, Maston, A. Young, Freenman. Graham; one whom his compunioiia 
called Hall, from Kentucky; Bowman and Mucker. 

Gdtewood and his men, while the fruits of the J'olk county raiil wore being dis- 
posed of, quartered u|)on the plantation of a Union man named Smith, in Georgia, 
about sixty miles from Cleveland. Gatewood himself, during the time, boarded 
at the house of a rebed named Holland. The whole companv, however, soon left 
for Walker county, Gi^orgia. 

In. April, 18f)5, or shortly after the surrender of Johnston in Virginia, Gutevsood 
andmostof his com[)any, knowing that their conduct des..rved ileath, and that 
their lives would be unsafe in Georgia, or anywhere cl&e in the L'nited States 
after the war, left for Texas, taking one of their number, a murderer, out of 
Cherokee county jail, as they passed. They readied the Mississippi bottoms in 
safety. A report returned, ho vever, that they were attacked by some of our 
forces on the bank of the Mississippi, and that Gatewood was killed. This v/as 
simply a report; and this scourge of the human race, may yet be alive and en- 
gaged in his work oi blood and crime, somewhere in the South. 

(iate wood was married, shortly before he left Georgia, to a lady in Cherokee 
county, whose name was Kane. 

When Gate wood's men, wei'e murdering Baker Armstrong on the Polk county 
raid, two Union citizens were about staru ng from the Armstrong neighborhooil, 
to go to Cleveland, Bradk-y county. Before thty left, they heard theliringat 
Armstrong's, and learn -d tliat it was tlie work of rebel raiders. They hastcneil 
to Cleveland, and intormed our military authorities, that the rebels weie mak- 
ing a raid through Folk county. These informants must have cached Cleveland 
as early as 3 o'clock P. M., and probably before. The rebels could scarcely have 
left Benton, when our military at Cleveland, were informed of the affair.' Tow- 
ards night, some hours after our commander at Cleveland received thi.s news, 
he started out an insignificant force of cavalry, which proceeded leisurly toward.% 
Ducktown. The party affected nothing further than to strike the upward trail 
of the raiders into Polk, and to ascertain some facts in regard to the raid. Had 
our authorities at Cleveland possessed the least spark of the spirit that fired the 
bosom of General Marion and Ethen Allen, in the days of the Hevolution. Gate- 
wood and the most of his men would have paid the debt of their crimes under ihe 
gallows before daylight next morning G.itewood's camp on the Ocoee, the night 
of the raid, could not have been but about forty miles from Cleveland. 

During the seven or nine months, that Gatewood was in the country, he perpe- 
trated other and similar i-aius into Tennessee. His name became emphatically 
the terror of the land, especially in Georgia. That such a scourge of God and 
man Avas permitted to remain in the country for this length of time, with his gt n- 
eral headquarters not more than thirty or li'fcy miles from Chattanooga, while our 
forces at that place and Cleveland, numbered during the Mhole period, from 
three to five thousand men, was as great a disgrace to our arms, as the presence 
of such an enemy was terrible and destructive to the country; and caused our 
commanders in those i)laces at that time to be remembered by "the Union people 
of Northern Georgia and East Tennessee with feelings at least «d" great disrespect. 

The parents of Gatewood, before the war, for many years perhaps, were mem- 
bers of the Methodist Church. appears, iii some respects, was a i>re- 
cocious child as well as a precocious youth. When a lad, and going to mill on 
horseback, with a view to frighten "the neighboring women ^vhose houses he 
jiassed, he would suddenly drop helplessly from his animal's back with a heavy 
fall to the gx-ound, feigning death from the stroke of some terrible di^ease. Thi> 
and similar traits when a boy, were the foreshadowing of the <lesperate character 
oi the man. He was the pupil in blood of Champ Furgnscn; but if he is >et alive 
and God sees fit to alliict our race by prolonging his days to the number that was 
allotted Champ, other things beingequal, he will infinitely outstiip his illustrious 
prototvpeina life of crime. Hundreds of Union victims, probably, fell by his 
hand alone during his stay in Georgia. He reminds one of West's picture of 
death with the lightning forks of destruction in the monsters fingers. 



After Sherman started upon his Atlanta campaign, in the spring of isn4, wit^ 
the exception of the principal towns and principal railroad stations, Bradlev aiui 
jts adjoining counties were left unprotected and exposed to rebel guerrillas ami 
bushwhackers, wlio, in the roar of Sherman's army, collected into bands and im- 
mured themselves or established rheir headquarters in the fastnesses and moun- 
tains of northern Georgia and northern North Carolina. Depredations by thi> 
cla^s of men commenced in the county as early as August, ]8()4, and were con- 
tinued till the loHowing April or May. During this interval Bradley was in- 
vaded, more or less extensively, not less, perhaps, than ten different times bv 
rebel bands emerging from Georgia and the mountains of North Carolina— band't-. 
coniposed of the most lawless and wretched men in existence. 

The raiders would .strike the southern line of the county usually about sun- 
down, and on a circuitous route penetrate during the night, sometimes even ts 
the north part of the county, robbing and plundering Union families, shooting 
and murdering Union men; and sweeping the county of stock, would make their 
way b.ick into Georgia generally about daylight the next morning. 

In one of these raids the rebels attempted to murder a minister whose name 
Avas ilaraes. Supposing their shots to be fatal, they left liim. He, however, sub- 
.sequently recovered from his wounds. At another time the raiders murdered a 
Union man near Georgetown, whose name was Hunter. Mr. Hunter was mur- 
dered on the niglit of the 5th of February, 1865. His life was taken in cold blood, 
and for no cause, only, as was supposed that he was an unusually active Union 
man, and had previously, perhaps, reported as rebels some of the raiders to our 

On the 1st of February, 1SG">, another Union citizen, named Alfred Johnson, fell 
in the south part of the county, by a band of these rebel murderers. 31r. Johnson 
was beaten to death with bludgeons, and left by the rebels, his head being broken 
literally to pieces. A small company from the 5th Tennessee Cavalry was sent 
from Clevelarid to reconnoiter for the rebels, and perhajjs to recover or bury Mr. 
Johnson's body. Being yet in the vicinity, the rebels attacked these cavalrymen, 
killing one of their number— Decatur Wler— and causing the others to fly. The 
remains of Mr. Johnson were finally buried by Union women. The following are 
the names of those who performed the hum'ane work: Mrs. Colv, widow, Mrs. 
Arthur Oar. Mrs. Jno. Mitchel, Miss Mary Ann Mitehel, Miss Mary Willhoit, 
Miss Elizabeth Willhoit, Miss Margaret Huffiue, Miss Myra Jones, Miss Queen- 
tine Jones. Mrs. John Bell. 

One of the moit remarkable of these raids was made, perhaps, in November. 
The raiders penetrated as far north as Georgetown, some six or eight miles north 
■«>f Cleveland. It was during this i-aid that they murdered Mr. Hunter. Number- 
ing about one hundred and seventy, they were enabled to sweep a wide breadth 
of country as they traveled. On tlieir return they spread into Hamilton, gather- 
ing up and taking out of the country an iiuraense amount of stock, together with 
a large amount of supplies and household plunder. 

In their course north, their right wing passed not more than three miles west of 
Cleveland. Col. Keiffner, of the 14!)th Illinois, was then in command of the post 
at Cleveland. Capt. Norwood and other oliicers ot the 5lh Tennessee Cavalry, 
were anxious to take a command and cut the rebels off on their return into Geor- 
gia. Notwithstanding the desirableness and practicability of this proposed mea- 
sure. Col. Keift'ner overruled their request and sent Capt. Norwood, some time 
after the rebels had passed Cleveland, v.ith an insignificant force to meet them at 
Georgetown. As was expected by Capt. Norwood.'before he reached Georgetovvu 
the raiders had been absent from that place two or three hours on their return 
out 01 the county. Thus Capt. Norwood's expedition was not only rendered a 
failure, but he .ind other Union officers of the post, and the Union people of the 
county generally, suffered the mortification of having less than two hundred 
rebels devour and lay waste the country almost within sightof about a thousand 
of our troo})s then at Cleveland. 

These raids were not confined to Bradley county alone. Hamilton. Polk, Mc- 
Minn, and other counties eust of these sufl'ered also. The Union people of these 
<-,ounties, especially Bradley county, felt the scourge of these raids to be equally 
intolerable with the reign of rebel" rule, before our forces took the country, All 
the Union men who fled from these counties, except those who were in the Federal 
army, had returned and were now at home. Ihe raidei's were princiiially rebels 
who had been raised in the country— men ot the worst class, those who had fallen 
oft" from Johnston's army as he retreated south before Sherman, and who were 
now taking advantage of the absence of our army to d^'Spoil the Union people. 
Individual rebels among these raiders would wivak their vengeance on those 
Union families and those Union men whom they considered their particular ene- 
mies. Ihus, as it was before our armies took the country, rebels whose homes 
were in these counties, were again ijersecuting and de'stroying their Union 
neighbors. Notwithstanding the presence of our troops at the principal stations 
on the railroads, the scourge became so intolerable that the Union people ap- 
i^eai^d in various ways to our authorities for relief. Some ^t' our commanders at 


Cleveland urgetl that thi-y uerc pl:iccd there to tTcfeTid the poet, not to institute 
ofl'c-nsive or t-ven defiiisive operations against the rebels at a distance. The 
Union people of Bradley county, and possdjlv those of other counties, llnallv ap- 
plied to Gen. Steadnian, connnander of the district, whose headquarters w eVt- at 
Chattanooga, proposing to defend themselves if he would supjjly tht-ni \\ ith arms. 
This proposition, however, was as unsuccessful as tlie others, (ieu. Stea<luiai> 
<lid not. it appears, consider that his position endowed him with authiirit\ to 
grant the retjuist. The only altonative, therefoie, as a general thing, lelt'the 
L'iiionpeoi)le of these counties, was to bare themselves to the storm, and, with the 
best grace they could, allow it to sj)eiul its fury upon them. 

It ought to be stated, however, in this connection that, Princesam, Col. of a 
Michigan regiment, who was in command at Cleveland in the spring of lb8.% 
manifested a disposition to rid Eradley county and other ])arts of the countrv of 
tliese raiding rebel thieves and cut throats. "He encouraged the ollicers of'tht? 
5th Tennessee Cavalry, most of whom, perha])S, were from IJradlev and adjoining 
counties, to prepare themselves to meet and to ferret out these rebel raiders ; and 
promised to furnish thein with troops on all occasions for these purposes. Ihough 
the help of this ofllcer came too late, being aiipoii.ted to the command in Lleve- 
l:vnd perhaps the first of March. 18(j.j, yet the good eilectsof his policy in Bradley 
vvyre soon perceptible. The last attempt of the raiders to enter the' countv was 
made during the first days of April following the appointment of I'rincesam. 
The band was met by Capt. Norwood near the southein line of the countv i.nd 
efiectually scattered; and had it not been for the mismanagement of one "of hi» 
Lieutenants, nearly the whole comjjany must have been killed or captured. 

In addition to the names given of tho^e engaged in the Gatewood raifl into Polk 
county, the following are the names of a lew of those among the raiders into 

\Vm. Stanton, leader; AVm. Rogers, leader; Abiam Tate, leader; Wm. King, 
leader; Martin McCJrifl', John Tucker, Bloom Upton, Gillihan. Henry Stallbril. 
VVm. Bussey, Seth Gregory, Bud Wooton, James bugart, James (.iregorv, George 


?»Ir. Casey was sshot in Cleveland, Bradley county, on the 21st of August, 18(;5. by 
a soldier of the 11th Michigan, the Regiment then stationed at that i)lace. Casey 
had served three years in the Union army, and having just been dischai-gtd w a's 
keeping a saloon in (Cleveland. A soldij-r of this IViiehigan Regiment, entered 
his saloon and called for a glass of liquor. Casey infoimed the soldier that his 
own Col., Col. Kegan, had issued an order, prohibiting dealers in Cleveland from 
selling liquor to soldiers. The soldier, however, insisted on having the liquor, but 
being still refused, began to curse and abuse Casey, threatening, if hedi<ln€> 
comply with his wishes, to tear down his building." Casey then order* <l him to 
leave his store, repeating the order the third time This stifl more enragi d the sol- 
dier, who, draw ing his bayonet from its scabbard l)y his side, beg;in to" stab ^\Uh 
it over the counter at Casey. Casey drew his revolver and fired upon the soldier, 
Avounding him in the wrist. The Provost Marshal, immediately arresteil (_usey, 
and took him to Col. Kegan's head quarters, jneparatory to trying him for the 
ollence. The citizens of Cleveland, i)ctitioned tul. Eegan, to'delivi r Casey tor 
trial, to the civil authorities, m hich, Avithout much hesitation was complieil w ith. 
Casey was tried by the civil autliorities and acquitted. 

By order of Col" Kegan he w as immediately arrestctl the second time, and the 
second time taken to his headquarters. From the b( aring of the Col. t()A\ ards hini 
—the Col. telling him that he now had him just w here he desired to have hiui— 
and from the expressions of others around him, companions of the soldier A\Ium 
he had wounded, Casey feared his life and attempted to fiee. He reached 
the street, but was fired upon by Col. Kegan's men and brought down by u 
bullet that completely severed his thigh bone. Another soldier w ho wa^ in piir- 
suit attempted to bayonet him as he lay upon the ground. This w as prevented by 
other soldiers, or bj' citizens, or perhaps by both. The citizens again petitioneti 
for Casev's release, and their request being comylied w ith, he was taken to a pub- 
lic house and eared for by his friends till he recovered. 

No punishment was inflicted upon the soldier who shot Casey, and the unavoid- 
able inference is that, if Col. Kegan did not himself order Casey to be shot, the act 
was, nevertheless, in accordance with his feelings. Complaint was made to Gov. 
lirownlow bv the citizens against Col. Regan, and the (iovernor dispatched an 
officer to Cleveland to investrgate the aflair. '1 he investigation, how ever. .»uch as 
it was, if it resulted in anything i)ositive, resulted favorable to Col. Kegan, and 
thus the Avhole matter terminated, at least so far as authoritative action was con- 


Although Col. Kegau escaped, perhaps even without censure by his superior^, 
for his action iu this matter, yet serious prejudices were left on the minds of the 
citizens of Clevehuid against him and his I'rovost Alarshall, Cuiit. Stout — preju- 
dices that will not soon be elHiced; and the conduct of these oilicevs in this partic- 
ular case, its well as their policy in regard to rebels and Union people in Bradley, 
when properly and conscientio"usly weighed, undoubtedly justify this prejudice 
to the full extent of its existence. 

The following is taken from the Report of tiie Adjutant General of the State of 
Tennessee, James i'. Bro-\viilow, of the military forces of the State from 1861 to 

The Heport shows the following number of tx-oops raised in Tennessee for the 
Unitt'd .States service, and which verj- etliciently aided in putting doAvn thf re- 
bellion, viz: eigiit infantry regiments, eight mounted infahtry regiments, twelve 
cavalry regiments, live batteries of light artillery. 

In addition to tlie above there v>ere enlisted in this State, by U. S. recruiting 
oUicers. 17,770 colored troops, v.hich Avere not reported to this otllce, and are nor. 
included, accordingly, in this record. 

From various sources bfclieved to be perfeclty reliable, it is estimated, also, that 
some 7.000 Ten uesseeaus eulisied in the Kentucky federal regiments, and were 
credited t(} that State. 


Major Gekekals ur Bkevkt.— Samuel P. Carter, Alviu C. Gillem, Joseph A. 

BiilGADiER Gexerals.— Andrew Johnson, Samuel P. Carter, Joseph A. Cooper. 
Wm. B. Campbell. Alvin C. Gillem. James G. Spears. 

Brigadier Generals by Brevet.— James P. Brownlow, George Spaldimr,Wm, 
J. Smith. 

Governor and Staff.— William G. Ilrownlow, Governor, and Commander-in- 
Chief of State Forces. 

James P. Brownlow, Brig. andA^djt Gen'l. Dale of commission, March etb, 
1865; resigned Bee. 27th, 1865. 

John 11. James. Brig, and Q. M. Gen'l. Date of commission March 6th, 1805: 
resigned June oOth, 18t55. 

H H. Thomas. Brig, and Q. M. Gen'l. Date of commission July 1st. 1865. 

Edward Maynard, Col. and A. 1>. C. Date of commission March Gth, 1H)5. 

Milton C. Wilcox, Col. and A. D. C. Date of commission March Gth, 1865: i\ 
signed July. 1865. 


Truxton ChUtenden, of Winamac, Pula-ski connty, Indiana, being duly sworn, 
vieposts and says : That on or about the 7th of April, 1865, David Myers, of Winamac, 
made the following statements and predictions, to-wit: That Abraham Lincoln 
v.'oubl not live six months, that he would be assassinated; and he, Myers, refused 
to give his reason for making these statements, further than thathe, justprevious, 
returned from church, and sat down to read from his Bible : and as he Avas reading, 
heard distinctly the report of a pistol— sprang from his seat, impressed thai 
Abraham Lincoln Avas assassinated. He also stated that for three mornings in 
succession, after this, he came to the depot to get a paper, expecting to see the 
report of the assassination, but failed then to find it ; but Avas firm in the belief 
that it Avas or Avould prove true, and AndreAV Johnson would turn traitor and 
Avould be hung for participation in the assassination of Lincoln within three 
yeais: and thus he would not serve out his time. After the news of the assassina- 
ion reached us, in Winamac, he Myers, on the 20th of April, said to me: "You 
would not believe Avhat I told you about Lincoln, but you now see that it Avas 
true, and vou Avill not l^elieve that Johnson Avill be hung Avithin three years, but 
vou Avill find that true also. I have no doiibt of it, and am as sure of it as I can 
be of any thing." TRUXTON CIII7?TENDEN. 

Subscribed and sworn to this the lOth day of November, 1866. I also certify that 
the above aftiant, Truxton Chittenden, is to me Avell knoAvn as a creditable per- 
son. iSEAL.l .J. N. INGRIM, N, P. 


W I SAM AC, Iiid., :>ov. 10th, ItGG. 

D. A. Farley, -[ySiwz dulv sworn, .k^po.-os and s;iv^: That bomotime previous to 
the assassination ol rresidont Lincoln, he, 1). A. Favh;y, liad a co..VL'rsation with 
IXivid .Myers, ot the town ot Wiuaniac. I'lilaski county, Indiana, wlio stated tliat 
ADrahani Lincoln would be shot, and that Andrew Johnbon would take liis uhu-e 
and turn traitor to the Republican party, and that bel'oiv the expiration ol his 
term ol olUce he, Andrew Johnson, would be hun^j. DAN'L A. FAULLV. 

Subscribed and sworn to, this 10th dav of November, 3 8Ct). I also certify that 
the above alUant is to me well known as a credible person. 

l^EAL.] J. X. LVGUIM, N. P. 

WiNAMAC, Ind., Nov. 10:ii, ]b(j6. 

Charles A. Meeker, being: duly sworn, deposes and says; That David M vers of 
V^inamac. stated to him immediately after the election "of Al)raham Lincoln ' in 
1861, that he, Lincoln, would not livt- three niontlis after his inauguration 'j'l- 
also stated on the morninii: of the 15th of April, 18<»5, that Lincoln was assas'^in- 
ated— this statement bein^ made before we in Winanuic r. ceived the news that 
Mr. Lincoln was shot. Myers also stated that he heard the reiiort of the pistol- 
also, that Andrew Johnson was at the bottom of the aOair. ,Mvers al^o statui 
that Andreu- Johnson would yet be hung for treason, and tiiat before his term of 
oMce expired. I asked him how he knew tliese things. lie replied tliat they 
were spiritual manifestations. CiIARLE.S A. MiLEKJ-JIi. 

Subscribed and sworn to this 10th day of November. 1860. I jiiso certify that 
the above alliant. (.'harles A. Meeker, is w'*dl known to me as a creditable iierson. 
[SEAL.] .r. N. INGRIM, N. P. 

WlNAMAC, iND., Nov. 10th, 1866. 

Byram r. Xf;««— Being duly SAVorn. deposes and says : That on the IGth day of 
Apiil, 1805, learning tliat certain statements and predictions had been made by 
David ]SIyers. of Winamac, Pulaski county, tjtate of Indiana, relating to the as- 
sassination of Abraham Lincoln— he (Lane) at that time acting Deputy Provost 
Marshal for the county of Pulaski— arrested said Myers on suspicion (Alvers being 
a violent opposer of the administration of Abraham Lincoln) of coniplicitv m 
the plot to assassinate President Lincoln, or of being in ])ossession of knowledge 
of said plot before its consummation. Lane supi)osing this knowledge of 
Myers to have been derived through a secret oi'gani/atron that he believed 
to* exist in the State of Indiana, before making the arrest. Lane requested 
Richard Taylor, of Winamac, to accompany him to the house of Mvers. Taylor 
accompanied Lane to th<; house of Myers, \yhen Lane arnsted JMyt-rs and took 
him to his own (Lane's) house, where the following conversation ensued: 

Za«e— Mr. Myers, the reason that I have arrested you is this: 1 harned from 
Mr. Wrn. H. Ryiey, thtit you stated in the post-ollice last night that you knew six 
weeks ago that Abraham Lincoln v>as to be kilU.'il, and that Hyley asked you hoic 
you knoAV, and you replied that that was best knov. n to yourself, l^id \o\\ make statemeiit'f 

Myers — I did. 

Zt/rtf— Now. Mr. Myers, I wish you to tell me how you knev. that 
Lincoln >yas to be killed. 

Myers— I don't know as I have any right to tell you. 

Lane— Yow can do as you choose. *Mr. Myers, about giving mc the information ; 
but If you do not <lo so, I shall take von to Col. Shryock, at Michigan City, ■who is 
Provost Marshal of the District, and he can do with you as he pltases. 

Slyers reflected some time, then said he did not know as he could explain, so as 
to be understood : but stated that the knowledge came to him something like a 
flrcam, although he was not asleep at the time.— That he was sitting in his room 
one night reading his Bible, when he heard the report of a pistol, lie sprang to 
his feet, and it came to him that Abraham Lincoln was shot, and that Johnson 
was to take his place; and that btfore Joluison had served three years he would 
tui-n traitor to his party.— That he (Johnson) would be arrested for. and tried and 
found guilty of the nuirder of Abraham Lincoln, and be hung for thu crime. 
Myers said that he felt so certain that Lincoln was killed, that he came to the 
train every morning for a week, expecting to lind the death of Lincoln announced 
in the papers. I then asked Myers, if he knew or believed that such a thing 
would take place, ^vhy he did not notify Mr. Lincoln of the lact. He replieil. 
that he did not kno^y as it was his l)usiness to do so. I then enquired of him if he 
had not received this knowledge in some secret meeting— if he had not bem in 
some secret meeting and there heard that Mi*. Lincoln was to be assassinated"? 
He replied that he had not. I then asked him if he had not made tliis stalenient 
at some secret meeting '? He answered that he had not. I then said, Mr. flyers, 
I shall release vou, but be cautions in future, when any t>ne asks you how yo»i 
know these things, tell him, and not say that that is best known to yourself. I 


then Aveut out to my g:ite, and there met Sheriff Korner and others. I asked the 
.Sheriff whut he wanted ? ile replied that he came to ascertain why 1 had ar- 
rested Myers. 1 told him in effect that it was none of his bnsiness ; and if he came 
thire with Lhe mob to take Mr. Myers ont of my hands, 1 would send to Col. 
tihryock arid have men enough com(3 down, not only to take Myers if I wished, 
to Michigan Citv, but to take him and the w liole of his party there also. 

B. T. LANE. 

Subs;;ri))ed and sworn to this 10th day of November, 1800. I also certify that the 
abote iivram T. Lane is well known to me as a ciedible person. 

[SK.\L.] J. N. INGRIM, N. P. 

WiNAMAC, IND., Nov. 10th, 18()6, 
Trujcton Ckitienden—HGing dul\' sworn, deposes and says: That on Sunday, the 
IGth day of April. 1865, he saw from the window of his warehowse in Winamac, 
a crovvci gathered in front of John Dean's saloon— the said warehouse being about 
four rods irom said saloon. That he (Uhittendeu) lowered the window of said 
warehouse, and heard persons in the crowd say that they were going to release 
David Myers from the custody of the Deputy Provost Marshal, B. T. Lane.— That 
he saw the crowd leave the saloon and go to the residence of Lane, which was 
•within sight, lie (Chittenden) then followed the crowd in he.tring distance to 
the resuleuce of Lane, The Sheriff (Mr, Koruur) said to Lane, that he (Lane) had 
no business to arrest Myers ; and the purport of the conversation seemed to be 
that they (,th« persons of the crowd) int.nided to take Myers out of Lane's hands. 
Lane told Korner, the Sheriff, that if thev interfered with his business, he would 
have men enough sent to take them all to Michigan Citv. 


Subscribed and sworn to this 10th day of November, 1866. I also certify that the 
above alliant is to me w^ell know li as a credible person. 1 further certify that 
the above David Myers never has, to my knowkdge, had any connection 
whatever with, or to" any extent professed the faith of, modern "spiritualism, 
but is a member in good standing of an Orthodox Church. 



Lkadixg Union Peusoks in the First District.— John Boyer, Preston Bed- 
well, William II, Bryant, A, J, Cate, G. B. Cate. James Coke, Geo. \V. Castellow, 
Matthew Corn, Janies Corn, A, J. Carson, W. F, Clark, J, H, Harwood. John 
Ilambright, Isham Julian. R, P. Julian, Wm. Kyle, Geo, C. Kyle, Henry Kyle, P. 
C. R, Lawson, \Ym. Longwith. James J, Lauderdale, Mason, F, M. McAllis- 
ter, Jacksou McAllister, George McCoy, S. D, Outlaw, II, H, Purvines, A, J. Par- 
ker, William Parker. John Pearce. William Pursley, Jack Petty, Gilbert Ran- 
dolph, Gillmore Randolph, C. H. Rice, Elisha Smith, R. T. Weatherlv, William 

Union Soldiers from the First District.- Capt. F. W. Baker, Capt, W. L. 
Cate. Maj. S. C. Ilambright, Lieut, James Kvle, Lieut, Nelson Lawson, Lieut Mar- 
shall Lawson. Lieut. Samuel Weatherly. Lieut. William Weatherly, Capt. C, P. 
Simons. G. R. Ashley. James Ashley. William Ashley, H. L. Baldwin, Robert 
Brookshear, Joseph Bedwell, John Bedwell. Isaac Be"dwell, Leroy Bedwell, W, 
H, H, Baker, Marshall Buster, Lafayette Boyer, John A. Carson. George Carson, 
John L. Cate, Jackson Cooper, Robert Cooper. JohnCoopf^r, Charles Castellow, 

John C, Foyster, Vincent Garner, William Gold, Holmes, John M, Julian, 

Robert Keeny, John Kyle. John D. Long, Riley R. Long, Reuben Longwith, Isaac 
Longwith, Isham Lawson, John Long, Daniel McBrien, Lewis Pearce, Allen 
Pearce, Robert Pearce. Blackburn Pennell, James Pennell. Joseph V. Purvine, 
Richard Parker. Fraidc Parker. Thomas Pursley, David Purkins. Ball P. Petty, 
James Petty. Joseph Petty, William Smith, James Stevenson, William Swinford, 
Wesley A, Simmons, Isham C. Simmons, William II. Simmons, James Sparks, 
James Star, Julian E. Thomas, James Templeton. Henry Weatherly. 

Leading Rebels in the First District.— II. L. Baldwin, Robert Baldwin, 
George B. Billingsly, W, P, Colwell. Charles Donahoo, Horace England, John 
Evans, S, C, Gold. P. W. Green, James Hunt. Timothy Hadey, Christopher Knox, 
Thomas Kinderick, F. M. Lee, John Mee, J, F, Mee, James Pearce, James Pierce, 
Washington Routh, M. T, C, Rovston, B. S, S, Royston, Bird Scroggins, George 
W^ir. John Wilson, 

Rebel Soldiers from the First District,— Robert Baldwin, William Clark, 
Henry C, Carrol, Richard Clark, Joseph Donahoo, Charles Donahoo, Horace Eng- 


land, John England, Jacob Edwards, Martin Gold, Jacob Gold, P. AV. Green, 
James H. Hampton, Lieut. Timothy llaney, John Keeny, Lieut. Henry Knox, 
Christopher Knox, Lieut. F. M. Lee, I&ham Long, John Long, liush Long, W. I. 
Long, Kobert Melton. Lapt. Joseph Mce, Wilson Price, Benjamin Parker. AVilliara 
Reynolds, Ralplj Reynolds, Lieut. Washington Kouth, James .Slanson, John Smith, 
F. Triplit, Jonas Tucker, Geo. N. Weir, John Weir, John Villyson. Union Peksons in the Second Distkict.— g W. Allen, James 
Armstrong— son in U. b. A.; Isaac Armstrong, James Brannon, Jellerson Brew- 
er—two sous in U. S. A. ; Wm. B. Ballingc-r, Iliram Bacon, Samuel Brannon, Mar- 
tin Brannon, llobt. Barnet, Wm. O. Barnes, Kobt. Brookshier, 31rs. lieoecca Cli- 
mer— son in U. S. A.; Thomas Cowden— son in U. S. A.; Smith Carson, Jackson 
Copeland, L. P. Carpenter, George Clark, "Wm. Clark, A. W. Chilcott— son in U. S. 
A.; Robert Campbell, sr., Alfred Dixon, John Dixon, S. A. Dixon, S. E. Dixon, 
Esq., E. S. Gibson, P. B. Gibson, AVm. Gibson, A.J. Gooduer, Geo. W. Goodner, 
John Gowans, Wm. Guinn, James Gowin, Alex. Gray, AVm. llamentree, Isaac 
Hicks— son in U. S. A.; AVm. Horn, Ake Henry, John Harmon, William Horton, 
Timothy Haney— son in L'. S. A.; Daniel Johnson— son in U. S. A. ; Joel Johnson, 
sr., Emanuel Johnson, Matthew Johnson, Larkin Johnson, Joel Johnson, Benja- 
min John, Samuel John, Jacob Kinser— two sons in U. S. A.; Enoch Kincheloe — 
son in U. S. A.; Peter Lawson, John Lay— soldier; H. K. Lawson— three sons in 
U. S. A.; Henry Laudon, Mrs. Jane McClennin— son in U. S. A.; 2<;ewton 3IcKin- 
ney, Mrs. Elizab-th McKinney, Matthew McCollister, James McCoIlister, Charles 
Patty, S. B. ralmer— son in U. S. A.; Jonathan Parsons— two sons in U. S. A.; Ja- 
cob Routh, Jonathan Routh, Asa Stamper, AVm. Smith, Anthony Smith, Jacob 
Tappin, Mrs. I'rudeuce Triplet, Philip Irozier, Isaac Varnel, Mrs. "Margaret Yar- 
nel — son pressed into C. S. A.; Martha York. 

Medium Men OF THE SECOND DiSTKiCT.—Wm. Blair. Esq., Henry Barr, Daniel 
Gowan, John Lauden, Julius 31cClarv, Philip Xewberrv, Josepher Staper, Louis 
Triplit, Doct. Walker, Geo. T. Parker' Wm A. W^right, Abram York. 

Union Solpieks from the Second District.— Samuel Brewer, John Brown, 
Amos Brewer, S. Brannon, Sterling Brannon, Lieut. Walker Baker, S. E. Broils, 
"Wm. Barnes,— died in Ky. ; Smith Carson, Jackson Copeland,— killed at Atlanta; 
"W"m. Climer, John Chandler, James R. Chilcott, Wm. Crowdeu, George Crowden, 
dead ; E. F. Gibson, Wm. Horn,— died in Nashville ; John Harmon, Wm. Hicks, 
Robert Haney,— died al Vicksburg ; Doct. Hamentree, Henderson Hamentree, Z. 
L. John. Andrew Johnson, John Y. Johnson, James Johnson, Capt. John 
F. Kincheloe, John Laj", H. K. Lawson, W^m. X. Lawson, Isham Law- 
son, John J. Simmons, Isaac "Tarual, John Yarnal,— pressed into the rebel ranks 
and died. 

Medium List.— John Kincer, T. T. Mclennan, Joseph Barnes, Lewis Triplit, 
John Louden. Clay Kinser, James Harden. 

Leading Rebel's in the Second District.— Isaac Agee, D. Blankenship, Bra- 
ziel, A. Cassou. Mrs. Sarah Carson— widow: Johnson Crews. Jonathan Cry. And^n 
Campbell, J. W. Cox, Jacksoii^Finnel, John Gatlin, Gillord Gatliu, Wm^ Gowan, 
Hugh Gowan, T. S. Haney, T. Haney, Esq., Lazarus Haynes, James Hunt, J. E. 
Helms, John Hunt, Jacob'lvinser, John Kinser, Reynolds Lawson— two sons in 
C. S. A.; Wilson Lewallen. Capt. Garner Landermelt, A. II. Lawson— two sons in 
C S. A.; Mrs. M. J. McClellan— son rebel bushwhacker ; Samuel Montgomery, 
Matthew McKnabb, Andrew Miller, AVm. Mathas, Robert Melton, Wm. Norris, 
David Parsons, James Richie, John Richie. Bird Scroggins. Lieut. Franklin Trip- 
lit, James Talley. Sterling' Talley, Hiram Woods, Silas M. W^an— four sons in C. S. 
A.; Isaac Wan. James Wan, Wm. W. Whittenburg, Geo. Willis. 

Rebel Soldiers from the Second District.— John Agy, Creed Brown, Tom 

Brown, Joseph Barnes. Jack Barnes, "Wm. Braziel, Bfankenship, Columbtis 

Barnet. John Barnes, Wm. Barnes, James Barnes. Clark Barnet. Crack Barnet, 
Johnson Crev,s. Jonathan Cry, Wm. R. Crews, James Chandler, Jackson Finnell, 
Hugh Gowen, Isaac Gillian, Wm. Gowen, Lewis Gatlin, Jacob Gatlin, Stewart 
Gatlin. Little Tim. Haney. Timothy Haney. Wright Haney, Hewston Harden, J. 
E. Helms, Y\'m. Kinser, JohnKinser, Jacob Lawson, Edward Lawson, Lewis Law- 
son, Kin. Lawson, Frank Lowery, Timothy Lowery, Abraham Lowery, Garner 
Loudermelt. James Loudermelt, George Loudermelt, James Lawson. Charles 

Lewallen, Clay Lowdon. Andrew Miller. Samuel Montgomery, Matthias, 

Robert Marr, Lafayette 3IcClelland, Robert Melton, Phillip Xe'wberg. "Wm. Xor- 
ris, David Parsons. Isaac Perry. John Ritchie, Eli Ritchie, James Ritchie, Isaac 
Stamper. Biril Scroggins. Yan" Scroggins. Wm. Singleton, AVm. Stiimper, James 
lYan, Marion Wan, Wm. Wan, Isaac Wan, John "Wright, Wm. "NYhittenburgh, 
John Willis. 

Leading Union Persons in the Third District.— Ephraim Ash, James 
Armstrong, J. R. Bates. Wm. Burns, jr.— soldier; Vrm. Burns, sr— son in U. S. 
A. ; Charles Bacon- son died in Ky. ; James Cry. Daniel Carpenter, Rol)ert Carson, 
Martin Carpenter, D. C. Cowan, Adam Carpenter. S. Y. Colville. John Cowden— 
killed at Atlanta: W.J. Duggan. J. X. Duggan, Dawson Deford. Isaac Denton. 
James Dabbs. Wm. Deford— soldier ; S. H. Duggan— soldier; G. Deford, William 
Dodd— died in Xashvilie: Robert Dixon, X. "^V. Epperson— soldier: J.R.Epper- 
son, Thomas Epperson— five sous in U. S. A. ; "^Yidow Epperson— three sons in U. 
S. A. ; H. H. Fisher— two sons in U. S. A. ; W. M. Felker. Elijah Fair, John Felker. 



J. G. Felker, Henry Foster— two sons in U. S. A. ; Edward Goode, G. C. Gilbert- 
two sons in U. S. A. ; G. E, Grubb, Jeremiah Green, Stephen Hughes, Leander 
Hughes, W. A. Helterbrand, J. L. Hughes, John Hughes, AVm, D. Humberd, A. 
R. F. Hambright, Wm. Humberd, Esq., Anthony Hughes. Orlunder Hughes. W. 
J. Hansford, James Helterbrand, W. H. Hannah, A. J. Hicks — soldier; Thomas 
Hughes, W illiam Johns, Thomas Jenkins, H. L. Kerby, W. Keith— son in U. S. A,; 
J. H. Keith, A. C. Ki-ith, Thomas Kimbro— two sons in U. S. A. ; James Lauder- 
dale, 8. AV. Lee— army emjdoyee; John Lacy, sr.— soldier; J. A. Lacy, E. G. Long 
— son in U. S. A.; Joseph Loftice, sr. — son in U. S. A.; Je.«se Mover— son in L^. S. 
A ; A. Melsom— soldier; John McClure— soldier; Pleasant Morrison— two sous in 
U. S. A. lost on Sultana; J. 11. Moreland— son in U. S. A., another pressed into C. 
S. A. and died; A. H. Mitchell— soldier, died at Knoxville; R. Nixon, D. P. Pettit, 
Jacob Phillips— five sons in U. S. A. ; George Phillips, James Parsons, Oswell 
Phillips— soldier; Williamson Parks, Thomas Poindcxter— soldier, killed in Polk 
county; Henry Ramius, G. Randolph— two sons in U. S. A.; William Rasor, John 
Rasor— son in U. S. A. ; George Roland— son in U S. A. ; John Roland— son in U. 
S. A.; 3. D. Richmonil— four sons in U. S. A.; Michael Roland— single; Isaac 
Richmond — single; Edmund Ramsey — two sous in U. S. A.; J.H.Ramsey — sol- 
dier: W. C. Richmond- soldier; W. R. Richmond, Eli Shearland— son in U. S. A.; 
John Stonecyplier, Phillip Stonecypher, E. H. Southerland— son in U. S. A. ; Jos. 
Sionerypher— two sons in U. S. A.; Henry Stonecypher— two sons in U. S. A.; 
John Smith, sr, W. M. Samples— soldier ; A. M. Soutiierland, A. P. Wiggins. Adam 
Wattenl)Lrirer, Martin Webb— soldier ; Enoch White— pressed in C. S. A. and died; 
David White, William White. 

Union Soldiers from the Thirp District.— Henry Armstrong, Jacob Bacon 
— died in Kv. -. Captain James E. Colwell, John Cowden— killed near Atlanta; 
Edward Colvllle. Elmore Colville, Edwartl Colwell. S. H. Dugan, Wm. Dodd— died 
at Xashville; Wm. J. Duggan, Robert Duggan. Prior Duggan, Isaac Denton— died 
in Knoxville; J. X. Duggan. J. C. Duggan, X. \V. Epperson, J. X. Epperson. J. D. 
Epperson, W. P. Epperson, B. C. Epperson, (sous of Thomas Epperson.) Thomas 
Epperson, Arthur Epperson, Joseph Epperson, (sons of widow Epperson.) George 
Eilwards, Joseph G- Felker, Wm, Fisher, Wm. Finnell. Thomas Foster— died near 
Xashville; Russell Foster— died near Xashville; H. C. Fisher, Absalom Giles, 
James Goode, jr.. James Goode, sr., Larkin Giles, John Humberd. Jacob Hum- 
berd, Thomas tlickey, Sam. PI. Humberd, A. J. Hicks. George Humberd. John A. 
Hicks, James Hawkins. Charles Harvey, John Helterbrand. Asbury Helterbrand, 
Elijah Havey. Cornelius Hooker, Wm."Hyde, Mark Irvin, John Jenkins, Fayette 
Jorden, Michael Keith, John Kimbro— died in Tenn. ; John Kinnamon, Samuel 
Lemmons, S. 31. Lea. Greenville Long — died at home; Samuel Long, David Lof- 
tice— killed at Xashville; Joshua Loftice, S. W. Lee, John Lacy, Washington 
Moreland, William Melton, John Moyers, John McClure, G. W. Moreland— died at 
Knoxville; John Moyers— killed on "Lookout Mountain; AVashington Mitchell- 
dead; James Melsom". Gilford Morrison— lost on Sultana; Isaac Morrison— lost on 
Sultana; James Moreland. Isaac Moreland. Timothy Mitchell. Samuel May. Xel- 
son Xorton, Anderson Xelson, Alexander Xorton. George Phillips, Aaron Phillips, 
Marion Ponder, AYilliamson Parks, Marion Parks, Oswell Phillips. Reuben Phil- 
lips, Isaac Richmond. Wm. C. Richmond, John Richmond, James Ramsey, Russell 
Ramsey, Georae W. Rasor, John Roland, Daniel Rogers. Garrett Randolph. Earl 
Randolph. Jackson Rogers, Samuel Rogers, Absalom Stonecypher, John Stone- 
cypher— died at Knoxville: Elijah Sutton, Thomas Sutton, Philip Stonecypher, 
Samuel Simmons. Harvey Sanders, Joseph P. Southerland. AVm. Samples, John 
AVhite, jr., Enoch White, John White, sr.. John AVhite, jr., George W. Webb, Mar- 
tin Webb. John Watters, Washington Westmoreland. 

Le.vdtng Rebels in the Third District.— John A irhart, Ambrose Bearsden, 
Moses Britton. Jolm K. Boyd, J. B. Britton. Wm. A. Britton, John Brirton. L. C. 
€agler, J. H. Davis, A. A. Davis. Hiram Gillian. James Guisan, R. AY. Grant, 
Jotham Gregorv— one of the worst of men ; Tapley Gregory, Harrison Hughes, 
Rice Hughes, g! C. Hi^hberger. G. W. Hughes. Fraiicis Hagler, Pinckney Haw- 
kins, M. R. Hamilton, Lemuel Jones. AA^. AA'. Johnson. George Kinser. David Kerr 
—throe sons in C. S. A.; Abner Logan, J. H. Logan, C. H. Livingston. Joseph S. 
Loftice. G. L. Miller. Doct. Price, J. E. Ross— soldier ; P. AA". Rogers, Robert Smith, 
David Stewart. David Stev^art. ir.. W. H. Taff, AA'm. II. Tibbs. 

Rebel Soldiers from the Third District. — lohn Ayerhart. Stephen Bear- 
den, AYilliam Bearden, Dr. Bearden, L. C. Cagler. James R. P. Davis, AA'illiam 
Davis. Benjamin Davis, (brothers.) D. G. Fry, AYiley Foxtenor. Stephen Gregory, 
Seth Gregory, James Gregory, Gregory Tapley, Rice Hughes, John Hughes, 
George Hughes, G. C. Highberger, G. AY". Hughes, Francis Haggler. George Kin- 
ser. Jesse Kerr, AYilliamson Kerr, Kerr. John Kei-ney, Joseph S. Loftice. J. 
H. Logan, Samuel Lemons, J. L. Miller. David Stewart, E. F. Southerland, Ben 
Satterfield, Casuel Shields, Peter AYhite. L. L. AYhite, S. H. White. 

Leadin(} Union Persons in the Fourth District— Peter Averhart— son in 
U.S. v.; AA^. A. Coe, AA'. B. Cowan, Mrs. Elizabeth Campbell— son in U.S.A.; 
Mrs. Mary Cheek, Samuel Cook. Andrew Cowan, B. A. Davis, J. H. Dearmond— 
two sons "in U. S. A.; Robert Delzell, (japt. John T. Dearmond, Marion Hardin, 
Eli Hardin. Miss Margaret Howard, J. X. Henry, S. H. Hickman, Elias Hender- 
son—soldier; Benjamin Hambright, Jemima Hannah— widow; AA'. J. Horner, 


Lucy Horned— widow ; George Henderson, J. W. lagon, Jeremiah Johnson— son 
in U. S. A. : B. A. Johnson, Diivid Lee, Mary Lawson— widow, son in U. .S. A. ; O. 
W. Leonard— son in U. S. A.; Joseph Lusk— three sons in U. S. A.; Samuel Ma«- 
roon— two sons in U. S. A. ; A. J. MciJallie. Capt. P. W. Norwood. John Posev, P. 
N. Koberts. W. F. M. Kiei-. Kev. Elijah Still-son in U. 8. A. ; William Smedley, 
A. B. Smedley, Ananias Thatch, W. H. Weatherly, Daniel White, W. M. "NVill- 

Union Soldiers from tee Fourth District.— Jamrs Ayerhart, John jiirch- 
field, Samuel Boil, Wm. J. Collit— ditd in Tasewell, Tennessee : Lieut. John O. 
Cobb. James Carroll. Wm. W. Cam)»bell. ^Mansel Cornwell, (Jco. W. Coley, Samuel 
H. Duggau. Albert G. Duggan, Capt. John T. Dearmond, Samuel Dearrnbnd, Wat- 
son M. Duggan, Jacob W. Everett, George Furguson. John Faris, Stephen Green- 
field, Andrew Greenfield, Peter Greenfield, J D. Iliggius, Elias Henderson— died 
in Nashville; S. J. Holdcn, Samuel Henry, James It Henry, C. S. Hooker. AV. B. 
Hyde, Hardy Hughes— volunteered at 50 years of age ; Stephen Hughes, William 
Hughes. Jefl'erson Hughes, (three brothers.); John Hughes, James T. lagon, 
Jacob Irvin, S. E. Johnson, Lieut. J.M.Johnson, W.K.James, John Jordon, 
Arthur Johnson— died at Nashville; Harry James, Wm. Kimbro. John Knight, 
Wm. B Kirkpatrick, R. F. Lawson, James A. Lawson, Samuel I Lusk. Lavander 
C. Lusk. Lieut. J. N. B. Lusk. J. R. Leonard, George F. Lampson, John B. Lan- 
din, George F. Lawson. Peter G. Maroon— died in Ky.; Lieut. Samuel W. Maroon, 
G. C. Montgomery. Samuel May, Cai)t. I*. \V. Norwood, Lieut. James R. Peiry, 
Martin Palmer. "Wm. Roberson — died at Nashville; James Roberson, Ji.mes 
Roberts, G. W. Rasor. Joseph Still, James Still. C. L. Smedley, George Smedley, 
Allen Tuell, Jonathan White, Washington Westmoreland, R. W. Weatherlv, Joh'b 
Waters. W. M. Willhoite. 

Leading Rebels in the ForRTn District.— Hinson EUersou. M. F. Frller- 
ton. W. H. Fulton. Thomas Hannah. Hardy Hughes— three sons in the U. S. A^ 
W. W. Johnson, Eli V. Morloek, David May, James Parsoi s, Wiley Ragsdale, P. 
A. Sloan. Melson Siner, Alfred Tilley. Wm. P. Tracev, Green Weatherly. 

Rebel Soldiers from the Fourth District.— H. H. H. Hambright, Charles 
Hicks. Tate Lawson. M. M. Leonard. Jacob Parsons. James Parsons. 

Le.-^ding Union Persons in the Fifth District. -Josejih Anderson, Wel- 
come Atchley, G. W. Brooks. Abram Brooks, Bonny, John Blackburn, John 

Bene. Wm. Bene, Widow Barkley— son pressed in the C, S. A and died: George 
Courtney, Isaac Cooper. George Colville— son in U.S.A.: J. M. Coppis, CaWili 
j>avis. Uriah Hunt, Dudley Hovey, J. R. Humphreys. Widow Henderson, James 
IfelterT)rand, G. R. Hambright— two sons in the U. S. A.; Russell Lawson— son in 
T'. S. A.: J. H. Lee— two sons in U. S. A.; Andrew McCormack, Joel Mcilitt, 
J"seph Manes— son in U. S. A.; W. H. Manes. Rev. Louis Mitchell— son in U. S. 
A.; D. G. McCullev— son in U. S. A. ; Henrv Maples. Widow Manes— three sons 
In U. S. A.; John McGriff, Walker McGriff. T. L. Ramsev, John Reed— son in U. 
S. A.; Isa'ac Smith, Hiram H. Smith, John R. Smith, John Scott. Silas Sisk. Johli 
Sisk, Blackburn Sisk, Rev. A. F. Shannon. Samuel Tague, M. Tague— two sons iu 
U. S. \: Wm. Trewhitt. J. :M. Trewhitt, Levi Trewhitt, jr.. Levi Tv, ewhitt, sr..— 
murdered at Mobile; Thos. T. Trewhitt. Jahue Whitteu. tAvo sons in the U. S. A. 5 
William White. Jacob Wattenberger— two sons in U. S. A. ; Wiland Wattenber- 
ger. Samuel Wattenbersrer. 

Medium Men of the Fifth District.— Martin Langston. George Morelock. 

Union Soldiers from the Fifth District.— Joseph Anderson. Harrison Ba- 
con. Moses Barger. Zachariah Burson, Jacob Bacon— killed at Franklin. Tenn^ 
Richard Carter— once pressed in C. S. A.: John Davis, John Davis. Benjamin T. 
Hambright, Joseph Howell, J. R. Hambright. Jerrv Lawson. Wm. Langston, 
John Lee— died at Nashville: S. W.Lee, William McHolland— last seen on the 
ground dead or dying, with rope marks around his neck; Amos Manes— shot at 
home by J. M.Henry; Wm. Manes, John Mitchell, Jame? McCulley. Harri&oli 
Manes. D. H. Murphy, L. B. McNabb— hospital surgeon; John L. Reed— assistant 
surgeon; Thomas L. Reed. John Stuart— died in Ky.; James Stuart, Kendriqk 
Stuart — four brothers; Newton Stuart, George Templeton, George Teigue. SanuiS 
Teigue. James L. Taylor— killed by rebels near Cumberland Gap; Wilson Watten- 
barger. Willard Wattenbarger. James Whitten. John Whitten. 

Leading Rebels in the Fifth District. — John Atchley. Amos Allison, Thos. 
Atchlev, S. D Bridgeman. John Beaty, Rol)ert Boyd. Wm.L. Brown— son a guer- 
rilla; James Donahoo. John Forest, Rev. John Gilbert. James Hcnkle. Charles 

Hess. Joel Hess. Janes, ('aptain John Kuhn. Wm. Logan, Hiram Lomans— 

son in C. S. .A.; Wm. iledaris. John Osment. John R«i.1. Doer. Lemuel Sugart— 
son aguerrilla: Ro])ert Stuart. Win. Smith. Wm. H. Tibbs— two sons in C. S. A— 
one a guerrilla: George Tucker— son in C. S. A. ; Nicholas Upton— two sons in the 
C. S. A.— one a guerrilla. 

Rebel Soldiers from the Fifth District.— Thomas Atchley, John Atchlev, 
Rnfus Allison, Capt. Bdl Brown, Samuel Brown— guerrilla; Ben Bridgeman, 

John Forest, James Henkle, Ben Holtscloth. Frank Hess. James. John T. 

Kuhn. Captain John Kuhn, Lieut. Nathan ^Y. Kuhn, G. W. Langston, AVm. Lo- 
gan, Wm. Medaris. Joseph Osment, INTell Osment. Robert Simpson. Lilburii Sugart. 
Livingston Sugart, James Sugart, Wm. Sugart, Charles Tibbs, John Tibbs— guer- 
rilla; George Tucker, L, B. Upton— guerrilla; Isaac Upton. 


Leading Union Persons in the gixTH District.— Washington Alexandei% 
John Atchley, M. F. Anderson, John Bower, R. U. Bhickburn, Doct. B. Brocker, 
Mrs. Sarah Brown— widow; Doct. J. G, Brown. James Batt, Marck Black- two 
sons in U. S. A'.; J. R. Becknei', J. H. Boyd— son in U. S. A.; A. E. Blunt. John 
Banks, James Baker, J. C. Coffman, Arthur Coflman, H. M. Collins, Joseph Car- 
son. James Chilcott, F. A. Carter, R. J. F. Calaway, Leonard Caronth, Andrew 
Chilcott— son in U. S. A.; Wm. Cate— son in U. S. A.; Andrew Campbell, Wm. I. 
Campbell, James Campbell, Jacob Collit, Edward Cooper, W. II. Craigmiles, D. 
H.Carson, P. M. Craigmiles, James Cotlman, John Collman— soldier ; A.W.Da- 
vis, Joseph H. Davis, Wm. L. Dearing, Mrs. W. J. Delano. W. R. Davis, M. E, 
Dodson, Woodson Davis— son in U. S. .V.; Wm. C Davis, Rev. Wm. H. Daily, H. 
B. Davis, A. W. Davis. W. P. Foster, John Forget, Judge Gaut, C. M. Gallagher, S. 
Grigsbv, J. H. Gaut S. P. Gaut, Jolin Goodner, John Glaze, Masten C. Henrj, 
Harrison Henrv, James H. Henry, Robert Hayne— son in U. S. A. ; Baldwin 
Harle, Joseph Harle, J. P. Hackei", James Hasse"ll, Ake. E. Henry, Wm. W. P. 
Hancock, S. Hunt, J. Henderson, W. vS. Hays, John F. Hays, Clayburn Haggard, 
Alfred Havner, F. E. Hardwick, Green Henry, E. M. Ingle, Benjamin Johess, 

F. P. Kelley, Elijah Kibler. Patrick Lane, Rev. J. B Lawson— died in U. S. service; 
Isaac Low— sheriff; Wm. H. Low— son in U. S. A. ; Mrs. Mary A. Leapier— widow; 
M. M. Leonard, M. W. Legg, S. F. Larrison, D. C. McMillen— son in C. S. A.: W. 
S. Montgomerv. S. N. Montgomery— son in U. S. A.; Jesse Maples, L. B. Miller, 
Wm. Minnis, Thomas Maroon. Dr. A. McNabb, James McGee, J. H. Norman, C. 
A. Norman, D. B. O'Neil, L. L. Osment, M. B. Prichard. L. G. Purtle— soldier; 
Qapt. E. J. Purtle, Eliiah Purtle— two sons inlJ. S. A.; Samuel Parks, J. F. Price, 
A. N. Pendergrass, Williamson Parks— son in U. S. A.; John Pierce—son in U. S. 
A ; A.J. Parks— three sons in U. S. A.; A. C. Parks, J. N. Rucker, James S. Rob- 
iso'n, J. E. Raht, L. G. Ross. Capt. Thomas Rains, G. W. Rollins, F. G. Robisson, 
J c' Steel, Maj. Wm. P. Story. Wm. Samples— son in U. S. A.; Matthew Samples, 
Rev. Eli IT. Sutherland— son in U. S A.; A.J. Trewhitt, Esq., Wm. R. Irewhitt, 

G. B. Thompson— three sons in C. S. A. ; J. C. Tipton, Isham Vest, J. IT. Walker- 
soldier: A. J. White, E. C. Williams, W. C.Walker, Henry Wooden, W. G. Weath- 
ea-by, William Welcher, M. M. Willhoit, M. A. White, G. P. Welcher, Thomas 
Young, Doct. AA"m Hunt. 

Union Soldiers from the Sixth District.— Surg. J. B. Brown, Joseph Boyd, 
Reuben Bovd, James Be:igles, Zachariidi Burson, Wm. H. Black, Geo. W. Black, 
dapt. F. A. Carter. Wm. Cooper, Thomas Cooper, Marion Choat, Isaac Collit, Jos. 
Chadwick. J. IT. Callahan, David Cooper, Lieut. Wm. B. Davis, Chi^rh s Davis, 
.Limes D;ivis, Col. M. R Edwards. Henrv Hayes. Lafayette W. Hieks.N. B. Hicks, 
Gideon Horn, Bradl'ord Hai,Mie, Geo. M. "Haves. Major S. Hunt, Gilp Harvey, John 
Hague, Samuel tlarvev, Capt. Robert Hague, Wm. H. Jones. Rev. Jacob Lawson, 
Powell H. Lov,'. John McDaniels, C. G. Montgomery. Jackson Maples, Henry 
Parks. Robert I'arks. Bud Parks, Wm. M. Parks, Charles Pearce, James Pearce, 
John Parks, Jesse Parks. Eliiah Parkle, Wm Parks, Capt. Thomas Rains, Ben 
ifeobisson. F. G. Robisson. Daniel Robisson, Charles Reynolds. Robert Samples, 
WilliaTU Samples. Joseph Southerland. William Southerland, Charles Tliompson, 
(j. B Thomoson. Richard Thomas. M M. Tucker. Ben Thompson. C. G. Traynor, 
J D. Travnbr, Hugh Wece, Samuel Wece. Orlando White, William White, Capt. 
-lames Ware, Wm. Williams, James E. Walker, Capt. Robert Wooten, Surgeon 

Leaping Rebels IN THE Sixth District.— John A. Black, Robert Boyd, S. Y. 
Brovvn— soldier: S. D. Bridgenian, Ezekiel Bates. T. L. Bates, C. Y. Brown, John 
N <'owan Rev. W. E. Colwell. John II. Craigmiles, Matthew Carter, Paschal 
Oarti^r, Mr^. INIahala Cannon. John P. Campbell, Joseph Colde, James M. Craig- 
miles. Henrv Cate. James M. Cowen. Wm. R Deinore. S. E. Dixon. Thos. Dodson, 
P. J. R. Edward, F. W. Earnest, J. S. Frv— son in C. S. A.; J. A. Francisco, Jos. 
Frv, Dr (t W. Ford. Louis Guthman, Is'iiac Guthman, Wm. B. Craddy. Wm. H. 
Grant, William Grant, C. L. Hardwick, Wm. J. Hughes, James H. Huff, James 
Hoyle, L. M. Jones, S. E. Johnson, Kames M. Johnson. Josish Johnson, Campbell 
Johnson E. F. Johnson, David Kincannon, L. W. Keeling— soldier ; J. J. Kennedy, 
A. II. Lawson. Caswell Lee, Dr. G. A. Long, J. E. M Montgomery— Major in C. S. 
A • J L Morisson Robert Mc'SeUy— "Editor of Clevelafid Banner; Preston Ma- 
ple's—two sons in C. S. A.; Rev. Win. McNutt. C. IT. Mills, Thos. McMillen, Allen 
Iffipper. John Osment-two sons in C S. A.; W. H. Pete, J. H. Payne, A. B. Rus- 
S£ll, B F. Ragsdale, J. L Swan. S. A. R. Swan. R. M. Swan— son in C S. A.; J. E. 
Siirgine. David Stratv, Joseph K. Tavlor— soldier; Wm. IT. Tibbs, M.C. C— two 
spns in C. S. A.; Wm.'C. Tibbs, J. A. Tibbs. G. AV. Tucker, Wm. IT. Underwood, 
John Wood— two sons inC. S.A.; Davis Whitman, Euclid Waferhouse. J. C. Wood. 

Rebel Soldiers from the Sixth District.— Capt. Alvin Beagles, Matthias 
Beatles W \ Camp. Robert Cook, J. A. Davis, Solomon Guthman, Manuel Guth- 
man^ Robert Grant. John B. Ilogle. T. L. Hogle, Doct. Hogle. Charles Hardwick, 
James Irwin, Brad Irwin, James K. Johnson, E. F. Johnson, A. H. Lawson, John 
Lauderdale. Lewis \. Lawson. Jacob Lawson, James Lauderdale, John Lea, Jos. 
Lea. Wm. McGhee, Theodore Mountcastle, Martin Magriflf, Jefferson Magriff, Al- 
len Nippe-, John H. Parker. Wm. Paslev, C. L. ]{evnolds, S. A. R. Swan, David 
Stralev. Joseph R. Taylor, Larkin Taylor, John Traynor, James Traynor, C. C. 
Tibbs," John Tibbs, George Tucker, John Woods. 


Leadiko Union Persons in the Seventh District.— Abram Burdit, J. W. 

Baruet, Melsoii liacou, Samuel Bin-ton, — — Bird, Bird, Bird, J. F. Cleve- 

laiid— son in IJ. S. A.; Berry Collins, T. L. (Jate— Tuscaloosa prisoner; Widow 
Caywood— son in U. S. A. ; Alfred Castiller, George Cooper, T. J.Collier, James 
Curry, Jefferson Eldridge. Geo. Ezell— soldier; Minton Garrett— soldier; Widow 
Hall, Wni. Hancock, Benj. Jimison. Young Kibler, Montgomery Kil)ler. Fountain 
Larrison— son in U. S. A.; John More, Geoige More, liev. Ilichmond Burks, Rev. 
R. T. Parks, N. J. Peters— son in U. S. A. ; M. H. Purviance— son in U. S. A. ; Wm. 
Simpson— son in U. S. A.; John Swinney— soldier; Campbell Steed. W. B. Sim- 
mons, Widow Taylor— son in U. S. A. ; Willson Thomas— son in IJ. S. A.; Andrew 
Thomas— three sons in U. S. A.; J. E. Willson, John Wrinkle— soldier; Samuel 

Medium List.— Campbell Ackerson, N. Hayes— three sons in C. S. A.; Thomas 
Knox, Wm. Day, Isaac Day— three sons in C. S. A.; C. Collins, Jacob Casey, John 

Union Solpiers from the Seventh District.— Abel Burdit. George Burdit^— 
killed; W. F. Bell, Ell)ert Bacon. Jacob CoUit, Chester Collins. Franklin Caywood, 
Jacob Collier— died at liome; Eli Cleveland, Jacob Casey, George P^zell, Mintor 
Garrett, Joseph Garrett— died at Nashville; Moses Harmon, Frank Haywood, 
Napoleon Hall, David Jack— died in army; Clinton Jack, Henderson Jones. SamT 
Kebler, Benjamin Lane— died at Camp Dick Robisson; John Lambert — died at 
Nashville; Robert Larrison, James Marr, John llee, Benjamin Prultt, John Pur- 
vians, J. N. Peters, Joseph Purvians. John Swinney. John Simpson, Jos. Spears, 
Wm. Taylor, David Thomas, Albert Thomas, John Thomas— three brothers; Wm. 
A. Thomas, John Winkle, Robert W^ooten. 

Leading Rebels in the Seventh District.— Lorenzo Alexander, Samuel 
Billingsly, IL Collins— one son in each army; Captain Simon Eldreilge. Hender- 
son Finley, Wm. Gault— soldier; Wm. Kelley, Jacob Lawson, Widow Lee. Col. 
Lee, Russell Lawson, E. Morrison, Hiram McCasther, Wm. WcMillen. Joseph 
McMillen, S. H. Parks, R. T. Parks. G. W. Parks, Susan Parks— widow, oix sons 
in C. S. A ; Brice Robbins— son iu C. S. A.; M. D. L. Spriggs, Ezekiel Sprigge^ 
Robert Wooten. 

Rebel Solwiers from the Seventh Distbict.- Samuel Billingsly. James 
Brown, John Collins— Union at heart; John Collins. George Day. Samuel Day, 
Jonas Day, Jackson Day, Eldridge Ezekiel, Capt. S. W. Eldredge. Jami s P^person, 
Tobe Eperson, S. D. Eperson, Stephen Eperson, J. W". M. Eperson. Henderson 
Finly, Jolm Finly, Enoch Finly. Wm. Gault, George Hayes, W^m. Hayis. James 
Hayes, Thomas Hoyle, Thomas Henderson. Samuel Hickman, Jacob Law son, L. 
K. Lawson, R. C. Lav/son, Col. R. Lawson. Kelson Lawson, Wellington McClellan. 
—rebel Captain, one of the worst of men; G. W. Parks, T. J. Parks, C. M. Parks, 
R. C. Parks, R. T. Parks. S. H. Parks, (six brothers,) Samuel Pickle, James Rob- 
bins. ]NL D. L Spriggs, John Shipman. 

Union Soldiers from the Ni.hth District.— Solomon Belvin. T. Breedw«ll, 
Wm. Bracket, Jacob Carter, Jesse D. Carter, James Cavett. Andrew J. Coie, John 
Cuffee, Joseph D. Duncan, .Tttmes Dennis, John Everett, sr.. John Everett, jr., 
Lucas Everett, Andrew Everett, James Everett, Warren Eaton. Ke\\ ton Eaton, 
Robert Eaton, A. .T. Furguson, Richard Farmer, J L. Farmer, James Farmer, 
Samuel Farmer. W^m. D. Farmer, D. D. Foster. James Francisco. John Francisco, 
H. C. Francisco, Wm. Farmer, Lieut. Eli Fitzgerald, Squire Fitzgerald. Archy 
Fitzgerald, INIerriam Graham. Samuel Graham, Landon Graham. Lewis Gregsby, 
James Gregsby, J. K. Green, Wm. Green. W^m. Grissom. Jos'^ph Gris>om, Wil- 
ford Grissom, Lieut. Richard Grissom, Joseph Hyden, F. A. Holt, .lackson Harvey, 
Pleasant Harper, Alfred Hyden, John Hooper, Wm. Hooper, Jahue Hooper, R. C. 
Hooper, Robert D. Hayes, Lieut. James Hooper, Lieut. Pleasant Harper. Minton 
Houser, Lieut, F. C. Johnson, Wm. King, James King, Francis King, Isaac Kirk- 
patrick. Alex. Liles, Andrew D. Leopard, Green Lawson. John D. McPherson, 
Lieut. R. H. McPherson, .James McDowell. Silas Morgan. .John Moi'gan. William 
McDuft'ee. Newton McDuffee. Samuel Mclnturff. Hugh IMurphy. Jam* s Murphy, 
Robert Murphy, Wm. Marr, Nafhan Marr. James Marr, Samuel McCracken. John 
McCracken. R. F. McPherson. W^m. Slurphy. Edward Murphy, Robert McEwen, 
H. A. McEwen, Gardner McEwen. Kane Millard. Henry Newbury, AVm. Perren, 
Squire Perren, James Perren, Robeit Prichet, John D. Prichet,' Wm. D. Ross, 
James Ross, T. J. Ross, Alex. D. Rogers, Thomas D. Rains. James Romaines. Jas. 
Rives Captain W. C. Shelton, Van Seaburu, James Scroggins,Quiller Shiply, Thos. 
Spvirgen— U. S. recruitingotlicer and Tehn. pilot : Wm Stanlield. Joseph Stanfield, 
Hardv Stanfield, Charles D. Swafford. Howard Swafford. Dallas Shelton. E. N. 
Taylor, T. J. Tavlor, Lafayette Tucker. T. H. Tucker. Merrien Tucker, John 

Tucker. Elijah Tudor, John Wrinkle, W^iley Wrinkle, D. D. Wrinkle. Witt, 

John W^ilsoh. R. D. W^ilson, George W^ilson. Wm. W^vrick. Samuel Wright, Irvin 
D. Wood. Albright Wyrick, T W. D. Wyrick. James' Young. 

Union Men Pressed into the C. S. A.— Benjamin Grissom— died at Cumber- 
land Gap; Elbert Graham— died at Taswell. Tenn.; Isham Guinn— died at Tas- 
well, Tenn.: John Lawson— died at Knoxville, Tenn.; Robert McEwen— died at 
Knoxville. Tenn. 

Rebel Soldiers from the Ninth District.— John Basket, John Everett, 
Christopher Graves, James Willson. 


Union Soldiers from the Tenth District.— James O. Beard— lost on the Sul- 
tana: Nicholas Bary— died at Nashville; John Baty, Thomas Baty, Lieut. Col. 
Stephen Beard, Henry Barger, John Bargir, James B. Brooks, George W. Black, 
Wm. II. Black. George Bradshaw— died at Louisville; Major James S. Bradford, 
Doct. Campbell, Hugh Campbell— lost on the Sultana; James Capp, Sam'l Cheak, 
Alex. Carson, Capt. Charles Champion, Joseph Collins— lost on the Sultana; Jas 
Collins— escaped from the Sultana ; Michael Capp, Judge K. Clingham. Jas. Cling- 
ham— died ot Nashville; Capt. J. R. Clingham, Loran Davis— died at Nashville; 

Elam Dean- dead; Thomas Dean, Debralkum. George Debralkum, John 

Everett— died at Nashville; Jackson Furguson, George Furguson- died South; 
Samuel W. Grigsby, John Garner, John Gonce, Elias Guiun — died at Nashville; 
James Goodwin, Amos Goodwin, Harti'ord Goode, Isham Guinn— died at Taswell, 
Tenn,; Wm. Grigsby, Marion F, Grigsby, Wm. Gammon, John Gearin, Thomas 
Gearin— died at Resaca; Jackson Hays, Andrew Hickman— killed on Chattahoo- 
chie, near Atlanta; William Hickman, William Holden, Anderson llyden, Jack- 
gon Henkle. Madison B. Hvsinger— lost on Sultana; Washington Henkle, Benj. 

F. Hysinger. Lieut. Pleasant Harper— died at Nashville; AValter L. Haskins— 
killed on Lost Mt.. Ga. ; Reece Ingle— killed at Resaca; Elbert Ingle, Geo. Ingle, 
Jackson Irvin, William Irvin — dead; Stephen Johnson, Joseph Lane, Ben Lane, 
Thomas Lane, Jesse C. Lee. Burrill Lee, Wm. Lacewell, Westly Mowry, Samuel 
George Mario, James K. Polk Mario — accidentally killed with his own gun ; Wm. 
Miller— died in rebel prison ; Jacob Miller, John Miller. Isaac McCamis, George 
JklcCamis, Wm. Mowrv, Jackson Mowry, John Miller, Leaudei- Mowrv, Lieut. 
Isaac B. Xewton, Melvin Ormes, Joseph Ormes, Tliomas Ormes, John Oweusby, 
Andrew Overhulcer, Wm. H. Oliver, Douglas Ottinger, James Prater. Jas. Poiu- 
dexter, Lafayetre Panter, John Peak, John Parker, Geo. Parker, Thomas Prater, 
Bud Roberts, Daniel Rogers, James Rains — accidentally killed by pistol shot; 
Samuel Ralston— died near Chattanooga; Robert Ray, Quiller Shiply— lost on Sul- 
tana; John Simpson- died at Louisville; Charles Swafford— died in Andersonville 
prison; Butler Seaburn, James Swafford, Biles Swafford — died at Andersonville, 
Ga. ; Aaron Swafford— died at Louisville; Henry Smita. James Smith, Enoch 
Shipley, James Sears, Abner Stults Yanburen Seaburn, James Turner, Lavater 
Taylor, Joseph Thompson, Lafayette Thompson, Isaac A. Thompson, Jackson 
Thompson, David W^right. Samuel Wright— died at Nashville; Stephen Willhoite, 
Charles Weatherly. Luke L. Wrinkle. James Wooden, Thomas Wooden— killed 
at Resaca; NYilliam Wooden— died at Nashville of smallpox; T. J. Weir, John L. 
Weir— died at Andersonville; Samuel H. Weir— died at Nicholasville, Ky. ; Wiley 
Wrinkle — died at Nasliville; Mark Wrindle, Wm. Wrinkle, Sidney Wise, Joseph 
YoLintc. Jas' Newell, Wm. Norton. John Wooden— died at Nashville. 

Heads of Families in the Tenth District, who with their Sons Joinei^ 
THE, Army.— Dr. Campbell. Joseph Collins, Stephen Beard, John Thomp- 
son, J. A. Thompson, each one son ; Thomas J. Weir, two sons. 

L^NiON Persons in the Tenth District. — Welcome Beard, Stephen Beard, 
Mrs. Joseph Collins, Dr. Campbell, Mrs. Elizabeth Cheat, Moses Carson, Benja- 
min Franklin, John R. Gonce, Joel Hall, Felix Hice, D. D. Halkum. Jacob Hysin- 
ger, Jesse Haskins, Wm. Johnston, Robert Lee, Barbery Lee, Caroline Mowrey, 
Wm. Peck. John Poindexter, Alexander Shipley, Peter W. Swafford, Mrs. Mary 
Swafford, R. C. Seaburn, Isaac A Thompson. John Thompson, Elishn Wise— each 
one son in the U. s. A ,* James L. Bargar, Andrew Capp, Mrs. A. A.Clingan, Thos. 
Dean. Jonathan Erwin, Mrs. Elizabeth Goodwin, Joseph Hicks, John Hickman, 
Allen Marler, Thomas Praytor, Abner Stults, Thomas J. Weir— each two sons in 
U. S. A.; Beaty James, Mrs. Elizabeth Furguson, John Ingle, Anderson Lane, 
Andi-ew McAiiiis, Samuel Mowry. Noah R. Smith, Wm. Wooden— each three son* 
in U. S. A.; John E. Grigsby, Mrs. Lienor Miller— each four sons in U. S, A.; 
Hiles G. Davis. 

Heads of Union Families in the Tenth District, who had no Sons in 
THB Federal Army.— A. M. Allen. Mrs. Elizab'h Beaty, Asa Bean, Elijah Beard, ' 
Jacob A. Barger. Mrs. Bennet Collins, Joseph Carter, Joseph Cheek, Joseph Cobb, 
Thomas Cooper, Bennet Cooper, Thomas H. Calaway, Albert Davis, Alex. Daucy, 
James P. Dean, Henry Davis, Elijah Fortner. George Gibson, Jacob Goodner, 
Coswell Goodner, -lohh Goodner, S. S. J. Gilliland, Wm. Gilliland, Lewis Griffin, 
James Gaut. Mrs. Mary Hale, William P.' Hase, Samuel Henkle, Joseph Henkle, 

G. W. Hawk. Mrs Marv G. Hanes, Wm. Ingle, Robert Johnson. C. M. Johnson, J. 
G. Johnson, Burrell Lee. Russell Lee, Wm. E. Lee Thomas Lee. Aaron Lee. Pe- 
ter Lacewell. Hamrick Marler, James Maury, Joseph Oldham, Wm. Poindexter, 
Uriah Potter, John Purvance. J. W. Pangle, Lorenzo Tipton. John Thompson, 
Alfred Smith. Franklin Suttles, T. J. Smith. John Underwood. Merrill Witt, Gid- 
eon \\'illiams, Jackson Williams, Rufus Wrinkle. Jesse Wooden. 

Widows whose Husbands Died or were Killed in the Federal Army. — 
Mrs. Nicholas Beatv. Mrs. Jos, Collins, Mrs. John Everett, Mrs. Jackson Hanes, 
Mrs. Barry Hames,"Mrs. Madison Hysinger. Mrs. Rice Ingle, Mrs. AndreAV Over- 
hulcer, Mrs. Samuel Raulsson, Mrs. Aaron Swafford, Mrs. John Wooden, Mrs. Wi- 
lev Winkle. 

Single Union Men in the Tenth District not Soldiers. Davis, Jas. 

Goodner, Joseph Gardner, John Halcum, Freeling H. Haskins, Daniel Kibler, 
Wm. Lee, John Lee, Robert Lee, James Peck, Harrison Thompson, 


Leading Rebels ik the Tenth District.— Russell Allen, Joseph Barksdale, 
Rale Barksdale, Edward Browder, Gideon liiannom, Audrew Carson, William 
Carr, Josepli E. Dyke, Alfred Duvis, J. 1). Fiuiderburk, C IS. Grigsley, James F. 
Harris, Stephen L. Harris, Doct. C. A. Legg, Dallas Miller, .Saml. Maxwell, John 
Minnis, Robert ISlinnis, Wm. Totter, Thomas Potter, Romuhis Roberts, William 
Rnnyans, L. H; Ueeder, Thomas Renfrow, James Seaburn, Miles W. Seaburu, 
Richard Seaburn. J. II. Thompson, Wiley Thompson. 

Rebel iSoLDiEKS from the Tenth District.— Edward Allen, Joseph Barks- 
dale, Edward Browder, John Brunnorn, Gideon Brannon, Sterling Brandon, G. 
G. Grigsby, Thomas Goode, Obadiah Harris, Alfred Legg, Isaac W. Legg, Mere- 
dith lA'gg, Dallas Miller, John Minnis, Robert 31innis, Felix Rnrviance — bush- 
whacker; Thomas Potter, Richard Potter, James Roberts, George Roberts, Hiram 
Roberts, Polk Ruuions — bushwhacker; W^m. Renl'row, Henj-j' Renfrow, Hender- 
son Renfrow, Thomas Kenfrow, Romulus Roberts, John Seaburn, Miles W. Sea- 
burn, Richard Seaburn, NV'iley Thompson, Richard Thomjison. 

Union Soldiers kho.m the Eleventh District.— Daniel Atchley, Green Boon, 

Bradford. Mitager iirooks. Dock. Brooks, James Denton, Dock. Denton, 

Martin Fan— died at jS'a^hville; Robert Fan, Joseph Gass, Benjamin Hall, Mor- 
gan B. Hall— died at Chattanooga; Curran Harris, Joseph Harris, Elwood Har- 
ris, Marion Ilarrold, Leonard Harrold, Luke Harrold— four brothers: D. M. Har- 
vey, Lieut. 1). N. Kelly, Lieut. Wm. Kelley, Lieut. James Kelly, R. M. C. Lewis 
— died at Columbus, S'. C; Joseph Lacy— died in Cincinnati; M.'H. H. Lacy— died 
in N. C— Thonijis Lacy— died in Ky.; three brothers; Joseph Lambert— died at 
Nashville; Daniel McAndrew— died in Ky. ; Samuel McAmy, John McAm}% 

McDaniels— died at Murfreesboro; Joseph Pair, Sam'l Pair, D. Stephenson— 

died at Louisville, Ky. ; Jackson Swaflord— died at Nashville; Ezekiel Swalford, 
Howard Swalford, Win. Swaflord, W'm. Selvidge, Wm. Thomas— died in Louis- 
ville; Wm. Talent, John Trotier, Joseph Talent. Jerry Triplet, Meredith Wolf. 

Rebel Soldiers from the Eleventh District.- Samuel Browder. Wm. 
Blanton, James Blanton, Bird Browder, Francis Barksdale, Joseph Barksdale, 
Samuel D. Barksdale, Gale Gabit, John Gwin, James Gwin. Albert Hannah, Alex 

Leamon, James McKegham, Samuel McKegham, McKegham, Rob't Parks, 

David Russell. Wm. Russell, Egleton Russell, Asbery Tavlor, Jeptha Talent. Po- 
ney Talent, Erby Thomas, John Tucker, Wm. W^illis,'Dock. Woods. 

Leading Rebels in the Elev|:nth District.— Samuel Bro\< der. William 
Brown, Rafe JJarksdale, Michael Bough— killeil, it is supposed by the Miller 
boys; Thomas Hall, John Hall, John Hannah, James N. Johnson, Marshall W. 
McDaniels, Stewart Russell, William Triplit, AVilliam Tucker— killed; Jeptha 
Talent, David Thompson, W' illiam Woods. 

Leading Union Persons in the Twelfth District.— Henrr M. Allen— son 
inU. S. A.; Jefferson Bridges. R. B. Bridges— two sons in U. S. A.; W. R. Brad- 
ley—son in U. S. A.; Joseph Brown, Solomon Bell, John W. Bell. R. H. Brown, 
Aaron Bennet, Israel Boon, John Bloon— son in U. S. A.; John Bottoms, Wil- 
ford Chapman— son in U. S. A.; James Davis, E. F. Dawn, Thomas Early, Lean- 
der Frazier, Peter Greenfield— four sons in U. S. A.; Lewis Hale, John Harris, 
Henry Hall, ^y. L. Howard, Lee. Huffacre, AYiley HutVacre, C. P. Howard, S. 
P. Howard, Hamilton Howard, Samuel Howard, Ephraim Hufiine, Perry How- 
ard, George W. Heaslet, Nathan Hinch, John Howard, Crawford Jones, Mrs. 
Cynthia Jones— widow ; Riley Keyton, Samuel Kelley, Elijah Kellev, Henry 

Lj^nton, A. J. Lynton— son iii U. S. A.; Langston— died in Nashville; Isaac 

Lee, P. M. Lee," Jefferson Lewis. James Mason. Mrs. Mary McSpadden, J. L. 
Metzer, J. B. Mitchell, James Mitchell, W. D. Mitchell, William Mitchell B. F. 
Mitchell, Mrs. Martha Mitchell— son in U. S. A.; Mrs. Jane AlcCarty— son in 
Government employ; Joseph Melton, Jacob McDaniel, F. S. Miller, Austin Mc- 
Donald, E. B. McCord, Perry McSpadden, Samuel McSpadden, Benjamin Mc- 
■^padden, R. P. McSpadden, A. P. Miller, Munroe Miller, Thomas Miller, Henry 
Nicholson, Alfred W^orth. Widow Price— son killed in U. S. A.; Mrs. Mary Pes- 
terlield, Joel Parker, Andrew Pair— two sons in U- S. A.: Amos Potts— son in 
Government employ; A. K. Potts, Albert Potts, William Potts, James A. 
Rubed, William Sanders, J. H. Smith, Early H.Scrimpsher, Thomas Schnoggins, 
Jos. Smith, John Smith, A. S. Swanson, James Taylor— son in U. S. A.; Stephen 
Thatch— son in U. S. A. ; William Talent, Esq.— son in U. S. A. ; George Varnel, 
Marion Wolf. Mrs. Mary W^illhoite, Alfred Willhoite— Government employ; 
Abraham Winkler— four " sons in U. S. A.; W. L. Willis. Mrs. Nancy Wolf, 
James Wolf, David Wolf, Montgomery Williams, Willis White, Riley W^aters. 

Union Soldiers in the Twelfth District.— Henry M. Allen, Capt. Andrews, 
John Bell, Andrew Bridges. John Bridges. A. C. Bradly— dead: Judson Boon, 
James Beloin, John W. Bell, Lieut. Samuel Chapman, William Crum. Jasper Car- 
den. Newton Garden, J. D. Carter, W'illiam Gillet, John Greentield, Wiley Ham- 
monds—died in service; Jesse Huffacre, Campbell Hicks, Alexander Hall. Wiley 
Huffacre, Bartlet Johnson, Franklin Johnson— died at Chattanooga; Russell 
Johnson. Stephen Johnson, Wm. Lynton. Samuel McAmey. James Miller— died 
at Nashville; Perry Mitchell, Jame's McCarty. Jonathan McNace, Robt. Mohon — 

died in the service; Jonathan Miller: IMiller; Charles North, Preston North, 

Gabriel North, Zachariah Nicholson, Jesse Prince, Jos. Pair, Samuel Pair, George 
Price, Wm. Robison, James Roberts, Samuel Smith, Robert Smith, Jeff. Taylor, 


John Tliatch, Alien Tuell, Samuel Talent, Thomas "Winkler — died at Nashville ;^ 
Wm. Winkler, S. N. Winkler, Hiram Winkler, John AYolf, David Wolt, George 

Leading Rebels in the Twelfth District.— Rev. John Burke, Henry Ben- 
uet— horse thiei'; Doct. F. L. Blair, Geo W. Bennet, Maze Blackburn, R. M. Chest- 
nut, James B. Cay wood. Thomas Gardner— son guerrilla; J. H. Gibson, Michael 
ilo\\ ell— son in C. S. A.; William Hale, Terry Hawkins. J. W. Hawkins, Campbell 
Johnson, M. M. McDonald, Marion More, John D. >iesl, John Philips, teteplien B. 
Bhilips, Wm. Scott, James bmith, Mrs. Mary Tucker, Fleming T. Wells, James 
Wilison, Capt. Wm Wheeler. 

Rebel 8oluieks fuom the Twelfth District.— Lafayette Blackburn, Henry 
Bennet — horse thief and guerrilla; John Bennet, Wm. Bennet, Jesse Bennet, Jas. 
Bariie, George Burke— guerrilla; Hugh Blair, AVm. Blackburn, Jesse Blackburn, 
Abram Blackburn— guerilla; John Brown, Alex. Bennet— guerilla; Wm. Garden, 
Henderson Gardner. James Hawkins, William Hawkins, John Hawkins, Joseph 
Howell. Campbell Johnson, Zachariah Johnson, Lowery Johnson— guerrilla; Luke 
Lea, John x\JcCoy, James McCoy, Louis McSpaddcn, Alfred Martin, Isaac Martin, 
John Martin, James Martin, Thomas A. Miller, B. Neil, J. Neil, Edward Bhilips, 
William Philips, John Philips, Tate ShuU, V»'m. Stradler, Jefferson Murphrey, 
Josepli Wilison, V>'illiam WillbOu, "William Wheeler, 


Hulline-,— died at home; Mock Smith— died near Knoxville; Isaac Winkler— died 
at home. 

Leading LTniox Men in the Thirteenth District.— Isaac Armstrong, J. 
Armstrong, James Armstrong— two sons in U..S. A. ; Henry Brown— three son.s 
in U. S. A.; Jefferson Brewer— two sons in U. S. A. ; Robert CoSej— forced into 
rebel service and soon died; P. L. Garden- two sons in U. S. A. ; Mrs. Mahala 
Cart Wright— son in U.S.A.; George Carson— soldier; Martin Frazer— four sons 
in U. S. A.; O. G. Frazier, Hamilton Fox, S. L. Griffith, Lynch Goode— son in U. 
S. A.; Mrs. Griffith, widow— two sons in U. S. A.; George Ghan— son in \J. S. A.; 
Wm. Howell, Wm. Horton. Martin Hannah, Wm. Johnson— soldier.; John Law- 
son, Nelson Lawson, Lafavette More, Vv'ashington More— son in U. S. A. ; Jackson 
Million, John Million. S. \V. Officer, Nathan Osment— son in U. S. A. ; Nathaniel 
Philips, Jesse A. Pritchet, Benoui Pritchet— two sons in U. S. A.; Gilraore Ran- 
dolph—two sous in U. S. A.; Redferin Routh, Gabriel Ragsdale, David W Stuart, 
Jaspei- Stuart, William Taylor, James M. Thompson. 

Wavering Union Men of the Thirteenth District. —Levi Civils, Buck 
Gulnn, John Griffith. 

I Niox Soldiers from the Thirteenth District.— Jefferson Brewer, Amos 
Brew ei — i lied near Murlreesboro ; Jacol) Bacon— killed near Nashville: Harrison 
Bacon, Elocft JJacon. Samuel Brewer, Tillman Burns, Thomas W. BroAvn— died 
at .Na:-hville; Wm. H. Brown— died at Trenton, Tenn. ; Lieut. James L. Brown — 
died at Camp Dennison, Ohio; John Baruet, Riley Caygler, Thomas S. CavAvood, 
Washington Copeland. Elbert Copeland, Andrew Copeland— killed near Atlanta; 
Calvin C. Copeland, J. F. Cartwright. Marion Garden, Wright Garden, George Car- 
son, Thomas Copeland, Capt. John G. Duff— died in prison in N. C. ; Geoi-ge Ed- 
wards. Riley Fox, George Fox, John F. Fox, Marion Fox, Wm. Finnel, Wesley 
Firiuel, O. g". Frazier— Federal recruiting officer; G. R. Frazier, Thomas G. Fra- 
zier— died ; John N. Frazier, John Griffith, Solomon Griffith, Daniel Glian, Jasper 
Guinn, M;iriun Coode, Hanson Griffith, Haywood Gillian— died; Joseph Howell, 
HearviLiNcs. Wm. Joh!isr)n. Louis Milbur'n— died: John More. Stei»!ien Nelson, 
Jeff (JiUcer.Henrv Osme;it — i:iili;d iie;ir N;i = bville; Nathaniel I'lii'.ii.s— died a pris- 
oner at Andersonvillc; .In rj,!, i'/l t liei-dieu a prisoner at Kk 'ii;..i>n«l, Matthew 
Jiovalstiiii, Wm. H. Riuker. e.urrt lltnduipii. Earl S. Randolph, Marion Routh, 
Jam -s .M. Sliiirmon— died: Wya. .--leLCu'r. Jaim s Arnistroiig. 

Lkadinc Rei;k;.s in 'j-iiE Tiiiktekxtii i)isTi;K'T.--.M:!tl!'jw Baswell, Wm. Bar- 
net ilioma.s Bro\vn. Mra. Atlariue Davidson- t \'.o sons in C. S. A.; Richard Dean, 

J. De:keiouii-h, Alex. Dean, A. Etter, Ellison, Ellison, G. W. Finnel— 

two sons in U. S. A.; John Fagan, James Furguson, Newton Griffee, Lock Griii'ee, 
John Gibson, Isaac Hope— sou in C S. A.; Robert Hope, Peter Kinser, John Kin- 
ser. John Ivennadv, Henry Kinser, Lazarus Lawson, James Officer, Robert Penny, 
Edward Roberts, George Siegler— son in C. S. A.; Wm. Shelton, James Smith, 
31oion Sprmkles, George Willis, John Wooten, Robert Wooten, Wm. Webb. 

REBEL soldiers FROil THE THIRTEENTH DISTRICT— Av 111. Airhart— guerrilla ; 
Jas. Aiihart— guerrilla; Isaac Barnet Robt. Barnet, Thos. Barnet, Wm. Earnet, 
Isaac Bruce, Jesse Bruce, Hezekiah Bruce, Creed L. Brown, Thomas Brown, 
James Carson, John Copeland, Patton Davidson, Young Davidson, Jacob Uethe- 
rouuh. Lieut. A. J. Dean— turned guerrilla: B. M. Ellerson, Alex. Ellerson, Thos, 
Ellerson. Samuel Ellerson, Andrew Etter, James Furguson, James Fagan, John 
Gibson. L. V. Grillee, Ira Griffee, Jesse Howell, Thomas Howell, L. C. Howell, 
Nathaniel Howell, James Howell, (five brothers,) Jonathan Hope, Janus Ilenkle, 
Samuel Hampton. Thomas Howell, Kane Howell, (two brothers,) Thomas Ilickey, 
AVm. Kenuady, John Kinser, Louis Kinser, Samuel Kinser, Lazarus Lawson, 
AVm Mount — guerrilla; Nichols AA'itcher, John C. Routh, Wm. Routh, Alex. 
Roviston, Thomas Scot, Polk Scot, Samuel Swan, AA'm. Shelton, Bud AA'ooten— 
guerrilla: Robt. AVooten,AVm. AVebb, George Willis,