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;w>i; I
BISHOP BURNET'S
HISTORY
OF
THE REFORMATION
OF THE
CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
a ilttu Coition.
EMEELLISHED WITH
TWENTY-TWO PORTRAITS $ FRONTISPIECE.
IN SIX VOLUMES:
VOL. I.— PART I.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY J. F. DOVE, ST. JOHN'S SQUARE ;
FOR RICHARD PRIESTLEY. HIGH HOLBORtf.
1820.
THE
HISTORY
REFORMATION
CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
PART I.
OF THE PROGRESS MADE IN IT DURING THE
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
TO THE
KING.
SIR,
The first step that was made in the Reformation of
this Church, was the restoring to your royal an-
cestors the rights of the crown, and an entire do-
minion over all their subjects, of which they had
been disseized by the craft and violence of an unjust
Pretender : to whom the clergy, though your Ma-
jesty's progenitors had enriched them, by a bounty
no less profuse than ill-managed, did not only ad-
here, but drew with them the laity, over whose con-
sciences they had gained so absolute an authority,
that our kings were to expect no obedience from
their people, but what the popes were pleased to
allow.
It is true, the nobler part of the nation did fre-
quently, in parliament, assert the regal prerogatives
against those papal invasions ; yet these were but
faint endeavours : for an ill-executed law is but an
unequal match to a principle strongly infused into
the consciences of the people.
But how different was this from the teaching of
Christ and his apostles ? They forbade men to use
all those arts by which the papacy grew up and yet
subsists : they exhorted them to obey magistrates,
when they knew it would cost them their lives :
they were for setting up a kingdom, not of this
world, nor to be attained but by a holy and peace-
able religion If this might every where take place,
n THE EPISTLE
princes would find government both easy and se-
cure : it would raise in their subjects the truest
courage, and unite them with the firmest charity :
it would draw from them obedience to the laws, and
reverence to the persons of their kings. If the
standards of justice and charity which the gospel
gives, of doing as we would be done by, and loving
our neighbours as ourselves, were made the mea-
sures of men's actions, how steadily would societies
be governed, and how exactly would Princes be
obeyed !
The design of the Reformation was to restore
Christianity to what it was at first, and to purge it
of those corruptions with which it was overrun in
the later and darker ages.
Great Sir, this work was carried on by a slow
and unsteady progress under King Henry the
Eighth ; it advanced in a fuller and freer course
under the short but blessed reign of King Edward ;
was sealed with the blood of many martyrs under
Queen Mary ; was brought to a full settlement in
the happy and glorious days of Queen Elizabeth ;
was defended by the learned pen of King James :
but the established frame of it, under which it had
so long flourished, was overthrown with your Ma-
jesty's blessed father, who fell with it, and honoured
it by his unexampled suffering for it; and was again
restored to its former beauty and order by your
Majesty's happy return.
What remains to complete and perpetuate this
blessing, the composing of our differences at home,
the establishing a closer correspondence with the
reformed churches abroad, the securing us from the
restless and wicked practices of that party, who
hoped so lately to have been at the end of their de-
signs; and that which can only entitle us to a bless-
DEDICATORY. vii
ing from God, the reforming of our manners and
lives, as our ancestors did our doctrine and worship;
all this is reserved for your Majesty, that it may
appear that your royal title of Defender of the
Faith is no empty sound, but the real strength and
glory of your crown.
For attaining these ends, it will be of great use
to trace the steps of our first reformers; for if the
land-marks they set be observed, we can hardly go
out of the way. This was my chief design in the
following sheets, which I now most humbly offer to
your Majesty, hoping, that as you were graciously
pleased to command that I should have free access
to all Records for composing them, so you will not
deny your royal patronage to the History of that
Work, which God grant your Majesty may live to
raise to its perfection, and to complete in your reign
the glory of all your titles. This is a part of the
most earnest as well as the daily prayers of,
May it please your sacred Majesty,
Your Majesty's most loyal, most faithful,
And most devoted subject and servant,
G. BURNET.
:\ *
THE
PREFACE.
There is no part of history better received than the account
of great changes and revolutions of states and govern-
ments, in which the variety of unlooked-for accidents and
events both entertains the reader and improves him.
Of all changes, those in religion, that have been sudden
and signal, are inquired into with the most searching curio-
sity : where the salvation of souls being concerned, the
better sort are much affected; and the credit, honour, and
interest of churches and parties draw in those, who though
they do not much care for the religious part, yet make
noise about it to serve other ends. The changes that were
made in religion in the last century have produced such
effects every where, that it is no wonder if all persons de-
sire to see a clear account of the several steps in which they
advanced, of the counsels that directed them, and the mo-
tives, both religious and political, that inclined men of all
conditions to concur in them. Germany produced a Sleidan,
France a Thuanus, and Italy a Friar Paul, who have given
the world as full satisfaction in what was done beyond sea
as they could desire. And though the two last lived and
died in the communion of the church of Rome, yet they
have delivered things to posterity, with so much candour
and evenness, that their authority is disputed by none but
those of their own party.
But while foreign churches have such historians, ours
at home have not had the like good fortune : for whether
it was, that the reformers at first presumed so far on their
legal and calm proceedings, on the continued succession of
their clergy, the authority of the law, and the protection of
the Prince, that they judged it needless to write a history;
and therefore employed their best pens rather to justify
x PREFACE.
what they did, than to deliver how it was done ; or whether
by a mere neglect the thing was omitted, we cannot deter-
mine. True it is, that it was not done to any degree of
exactness, when matters were so fresh in men's memories,
that things might have been opened with greater advan-
tages, and vouched by better authority, than it is to be ex-
pected at this distance.
They were soon after much provoked by Sander's history,
which he published to the world in Latin : yet either de-
spising a writer, who did so impudently deliver falsehoods,
that from his own book many of them may be disproved, or
expecting a command from authority, they did not then set
about it. The best account I can give of their silence, is,
that most of Sander's calumnies being levelled at Queen
Elizabeth, whose birth and parents he designed chiefly to
disgrace ; it was thought too tender a point by her wise
counsellors to be much inquired into: it gave too great cre-
dit to his lies to answer them ; an answer would draw forth
a reply, by which those calumnies would still be kept alive ;
and therefore it was not without good reason thought better
to let them lie unanswered and despised. From whence it
is come that in this age that author is in such credit, that
now he is quoted with much assurance : most of all the writ-
ers, in the church of Rome, rely on his testimony as a good
authority. The collectors of the general history of that age
follow his thread closely, some of them transcribe his very
words. One Pollini, a Dominican, published a history of
the changes that were made in England, in Italian, at
Rome, anno 1594, which he should more ingenuously have
called a translation or paraphrase of Sander's History :
and of late more candidly, but no less maliciously, one of
the best pens of France has been employed to translate him
into their language, which has created such prejudices in
the minds of many there, that our Reformation, which gene-
rally was more modestly spoken of, even by those who
wrote against it, is now looked on by such as read Sanders,
and believe him, as one of the foulest things that ever was.
Fox, for all his voluminous work, had but few things in
his eye when he made his collection, and designed only to
discover the corruptions and cruelties of the Roman clergy,
and the sufferings and constancy of the reformers. But his
work was written in haste, and there are so many defects in
PREFACE. xi
it, that it can by no means be called a complete history of
these times; though I must add, that having compared his
acts and monuments with the records, I have never been
able to discover any errors or prevarications in them, but
the utmost fidelity and exactness. Parker, archbishop of
Canterbury, designed only, in his account of the British An-
tiquities, to do justice and honour to his see, and so gives
us barely the life of Cranmer, with some few and general
hints of what he did. Hall was but a superficial writer,
and was more careful to get full informations of the clothes
that were worn at the interviews of princes, justs, tourna-
ments, and great solemnities, than about the counsels or
secret transactions of the time he lived in. Holingshead,
Speed, and Stow, give bare relations of things that were
public, and commit many faults. Upon their scent most of
our later writers have gone, and have only collected and
repeated what they wrote.
The Lord Herbert judged it unworthy of him to trifle as
others had done, and therefore made a more narrow search
into records and original papers, than all that had gone be-
fore him; and with great fidelity and industry, has given us
the history of King Henry the Eighth. But in the transac-
tions that concern religion, he dwells not so long as the
matter required, leaving those to men of another profession ;
and judging it, perhaps, not so proper for one of his con-
dition to pursue a full and accurate deduction of those
matters.
Since he wrote, two have undertaken the ecclesiastical
history; Fuller and Heylin. The former got into his hands
some few papers that were not seen before he published
them ; but, being a man of fancy, and affecting an odd way
of writing, his work gives no great satisfaction. But Doctor
Heylin wrote smoothly and handsomely; his method and
style are good, and his work was generally more read than
any thing that had appeared before him: but either he was
very ill informed, or very much led by his passions ; and he
being wrought on by most violent prejudices against some
that were concerned in that time, delivers many things in
such a manner, and so strangely, that one would think he
had been secretly set on to it by those of the church of Rome,
though I doubt not he was a sincere protestant, but vio-
lently carried away by some particular conceits. In one
xii PREFACE.
thing he is not to be excused ; that he never vouched any
authority for what he writ, which is not to be forgiven any
who write of transactions beyond their own time, and de-
liver new things not known before. So that upon what
grounds he wrote a great deal of his book we can only
conjecture, and many in their guesses are not apt to be very
favourable to him.
Things being delivered to us with so much alloy and un-
certainty, those of the church of Rome do confidently dis-
parage our Reformation. The short history of it, as it is
put in their mouths, being, that it was begun by the lusts
and passions of King Henry the Eighth, carried on by the
ravenousness of the Duke of Somerset, under Edward the
Sixth, and confirmed by the policy of Queen Elizabeth
and her council to secure her title. These things being
generally talked and spread abroad in foreign parts, espe-
cially in France, by the new translation of Sanders, and not
being yet sufficiently cleared, many have desired to see a
fuller and better account of those transactions than has yet
been given ; so the thing being necessary, 1 was the more
encouraged to set about it by some persons of great worth
and eminence, who thought I had much leisure and other
good opportunities to go through with it, and wished me to
undertake it. The person that did engage me chiefly to
this work, was on many accounts much fitter to have under-
taken it himself, being the most indefatigable in his industry,
and the most judicious in his observations, of any I know,
and is one of the greatest masters of style now living. But
being engaged in the service of the church, in a station that
affords him very little leisure, he set me on to it, and fur-
nished me with a curious collection of his own observations.
And in some sort this Work may be accounted his ; for he
corrected it with a most critical exactness ; so that the first
materials, and the last finishing of it, are from him. But
after all this, I lie nnder such restraints from his modesty,
that I am not allowed to publish his name.
I had two objections to it, besides the knowledge of my
own unfitness for such a work. One was my unacquaint-
edness with the laws and customs of this nation, not being
born in it : the other was the expense that such a search
as was necessary required, which was not easy for ine to
bear. My acquaintance with the most ingenious master.
PREFACE. xiii
William Petyt, counsellor of the Inner Temple, cleared
one difficulty, he offering me his assistance and direction.,
without which I must have committed great faults. But I
must acknowledge myself highly obliged by the favour and
bounty of the honourable master of the rolls, Sir Hare-
bottle Grimstone, of whose worth and goodness to me I
must make a large digression, if I would undertake to say
all that the subject will bear : the whole nation expressed
their value of him, upon the most signal occasion, when
they made him their mouth and speaker in that blessed
assembly which called home their King, after which real
evidence all little commendations maybe well forborne. The
obligations he has laid on me are such, that, as the gratitude
and service of my whole life, is the only equal return I can
make for them ; so as a small tribute I judge myself obliged
to make my acknowledgments in this manner, for the leisure
I enjoy under his protection, and the support I receive from
him ; and if this Work does the world any service, the best
part of the thanks is due to him, that furnished me with
particular opportunities of carrying it on. Nor must I
conceal the nobleness of that renowned promoter of learn-
ing Master Boyle, who contributed liberally to the expense
this Work put me to.
Upon these encouragements I set about it : and began
with the search of all public records and offices, the parlia-
ment and treaty rolls, with all the patent rolls, and the re-
gisters of the sees of Canterbury and London, and of the
Augmentation Office. Then I laid out for all the MSS. I
could hear off, and found things beyond my expectation in
the famous Cotton Library, where there is such a collection
of original papers relating to these times, as perhaps the
world can shew nothing like it. I had also the favour of
some MSS. of great value, both from the famous and emi-
nently learned Doctor Stillingfleet, who gave me great as-
sistance in this Work, and from Mr. Petyt, and others.
When I had looked these over, I then used all the endea-
vours I could, to gather together the books that were print-
ed in those days, from which I not only got considerable
hints of matters of fact, but (that which I chiefly looked for)
the arguments upon which they managed the controversies
then on foot, of which I thought it was the part of an eccle-
siastical historian to give an account, as I could recover
xiv PREFACE. , ,
them, that it may appear upon what motives and grounds
they proceeded.
The three chief periods of Henry the Eighth's reign,
in which religion is concerned, are, first — From the be-
ginning of his reign, till the process of his divorce with Queen
Katharine^ commenced. The second is — From that till his
total breaking off from Rome, and setting up his supremacy
over all causes and persons. The third is — From that to
his death.
When I first set about this Work, I intended to have
carried on the history of the Reformation to the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, in which it was finished and fully settled;
but I was forced to change that resolution. The chief rea-
son, among many others, was, that I have not yet been
able to discover such full informations of what passed
under the succeeding reigns, as were necessary for a his-
tory; and though I have searched the public registers of
that time, yet I am still in the dark myself in many par-
ticulars. This made me resolve on publishing this volume
first, hoping, that those in whose hands any manuscripts or
papers of that time lie, will from what is now performed
be encouraged to communicate them : or, if any have made
a considerable progress in those collections, I shall be far
from envying them the honour of such a work, in which it
had been inexcusable vanity in me to have meddled, if the
desires of others, who have great power over me, had not
prevailed with me to set about it. And, therefore, though
I have made a good advance in the following part of the
Work, I shall most willingly resign it up to any who will
undertake it, and they shall have the free use of all my
papers. But if none will set about it, who yet can furnish
materials towards it, I hope their zeal for carrying on so
desired a work, will engage them to give all the help to it
that is in their power.
There is only one passage belonging to the next volume
which I shall take notice of here; since from it I must plead
my excuse for several defects, which may seem to be in this
Work. In the search I made of the Rolls and other offices,
I wondered much to miss several commissions, patents, and
other writings, which by clear evidence I knew were grant-
ed, and yet none of them appeared on record. This I
could not impute to any thing but the omission of the clerks,
PREFACE. xv
who failed in the enrolling those commissions, though it
was not likely that matters of so high concernment should
have been neglected, especially in such a critical time, and
under so severe a king. But as I continued down my search
to the fourth year of Queen Mary, I found, in the twelfth
roll of that year, a commission, which cleared all my former
doubts, and by which I saw what was become of the things
I had so anxiously searched after. We have heard of the
expurgation of books practised in the church of Rome,
but it might have been imagined, that public registers and
records would have been safe : yet, lest these should have been
afterwards confessors, it was resolved they should then be
martyrs ; for, on the 29th of December, in the fourth year
of her reign, a commission was issued out under the great
seal to Bonner, bishop of London, Cole, dean of St. Paul's,
and Martin, a doctor of the civil law, which is of that im-
portance, that I shall here insert the material words of it :
" Whereas it is come to our knowledge, that, kin the time of
the late schism, divers accounts, books, scrolls, instruments,
and other writings were practised, devised, and made, con-
cerning professions against the Pope's holiness, and the see
apostolic ; and also sundry infamous scrutinies taken in ab
beys and other religious houses, tending rather to subvert
and overthrow all good religion and religious houses, than
for any truth contained therein : which being in the custody
of divers registers, and we intending to have those writings
brought to knowledge, whereby they may be considered and
ordered according to our will and pleasure, thereupon,
those three or any two of them are empowered to cite any
persons before them, and examine them upon the premises
upon oath, and to bring all such writings before them, and
certify their diligence about it to Cardinal Pool, that fur-
ther order might be given about them."
When I saw this, I soon knew which way so many writ-
ings had gone : and as I could not but wonder at their bold-
ness, who thus presumed to raze so many records; so their
ingenuity in leaving this commission in the rolls, by which
any who had the curiosity to search for it, might be satisfied
how the other commissions were destroyed, was much to be
commended. Yet in the following Work it will appear
that some few papers escaped their hands.
I know it is needless to make great protestations of my
xvi PREFACE.
sincerity in this Work. These are of course, and are little
considered ; but I shall take a more effectual way to be be-
lieved, for I shall vouch my warrants for what I say, and
tell where they are to be found. And having copied out of
records and MSS. many papers of great importance, I shall
not only insert the substance of them in the following Work,
but at the end of it shall give a collection of them at their
full length, and in the language in which they were originally
written : from which, as the reader will receive full evidence
of the truth of this History ; so he will not be ill-pleased,
to observe the genius and way of the great men in that time,
of which he will be better able to judge, by seeing their let-
ters and other papers, than by any representation made of
them at second-hand. They are digested into that order
in which they are referred to in the History.
It will surprise some to see a book of this bigness writ-
ten of the history of our Reformation, under the reign of
King Henry the Eighth : since the true beginnings of it
are to be reckoned from the reign of King Edward the
Sixth, in which the Articles of our church, and the forms
of our worship, were first compiled and set forth by autho-
rity. And, indeed, in King Henry's time, the Reformation
was rather conceived than brought forth, and two parties
were in the last eighteen years of his reign struggling in the
womb, having now and then advantages on either side, as
the unconstant humour of that king changed, and as his in-
terests, and often as his passions, swayed him.
Cardinal Wolsey had so dissolved his mind into pleasures,
and puffed him up with flattery and servile compliances, that
it was not an easy thing to serve him ; for being boisterous
and impatient naturally, which was much heightened by
his most extravagant vanity and high conceit of his own
learning and wisdom, he was one of the most uncounsellable
persons in the world.
The book which he wrote had engaged him deep in these
controversies, and by perpetual flatteries he was brought
to fancy it was written with some degree of inspiration.
And Luther in his answer had treated him so unmannerly,
that it was only the necessity of his affairs that forced him
into any correspondence with that party in Germany.
And though Cranmer and Cromwell improved every ad-
vantage, that either the King's temper, or his affairs ollered
PREFACE. xvii
them, as much as could be ; yet they were to be pitied, hav-
ing to do with a prince, who upon the slightest pretences
threw down those whom he had most advanced ; which Crom-
well felt severely, and Cranmer was sometimes near it.
The faults of this King being so conspicuous, and the se-
verity of his proceedings so unjustifiable, particularly that
heinous violation of the most sacred rules of justice and
government, in condemning men without bringing them to
make their answers, most of our writers have separated
the concerns of this Church from his reign ; and imagining,
that all he did was founded only on his revenge upon the
court of Rome, for denying his divorce, have taken little
care to examine how matters were transacted in his time.
But if we consider the great things that were done by
him, we must acknowledge that there was a signal provi-
dence of God, in raising up a king of his temper, for clear-
ing the way to that blessed work that followed : and that
could hardly have been done, but by a man of his humour ;
so that I may very fitly apply to him the witty simile of an
ingenious writer, who compares Luther to a postilion in his
waxed boots and oiled coat, lashing his horses through thick
and thin, and bespattering all about him.
This character befits King Henry better (saving the re-
verence due to his crown), who, as the postilion of Reforma-
tion, made way for it through a great deal of mire and filth.
He abolished the Pope's power, by which not only that tyran-
ny was destroyed, which had been long a heavy burden on
this oppressed nation; but all the opinions, rites, and con-
stitutions, for which there was no better authority than pa-
pal decrees, were to fall to the ground ; the foundation that
supported them being thus sapped. He suppressed all the
monasteries; in which though there were some inexcusable
faults committed, yet he wanted not reason to do what he
did : for the foundation of those houses being laid on the
superstitious conceit of redeeming souls out of purgatory,
by saying masses for them; they, whose office that was, had
by counterfeiting relics, by forging of miracles, and other
like impostures, drawn together a vast wealth, to the enrich-
ing of their saints; of whom some, perhaps, were damned
souls, and others were never in being. These arts being
detected, and withal their great viciousness in some places,
and in all their great abuse of the Christian religion, made
vol. i. p. I. |)
xviii PREFACE.
it seem uniit they should be continued. But it was their
dependence on the see of Rome, which, as the state of
things then was, made it necessary that they should be sup-
pressed. New foundations might have done well ; and the
scantiness of these, considering the number and wealth of
those which were suppressed, is one of the great blemishes
of that reign. But it was in vain to endeavour to amend
the old ones. Their numbers were so great, their riches
and interests in the nation so considerable ; that a prince
of ordinary metal would not have attempted such a design*
much less have completed it in five years time. With these
fell the superstition of images, relics, and the redemption
of souls out of purgatory. And those extravagant addresses
to saints that are in the Roman offices were thrown out, only
an ora pro nobis was kept up, and even that was left to the
liberty of priests, to leave it out of the litanies as they
saw cause. These were great preparations for a reforma-
tion. But it went further; and two things were done, upon
which a greater change was reasonably to be expected.
The Scriptures were translated into the English tongue,
and set up in all churches, and every one was admitted to
read them, and they alone were declared the rule of faith.
This could not but open the eyes of the nation; who, finding
a profound silence in these writings about many things, and
a direct opposition to other things that were still retained,
must needs conclude, even without deep speculations or nice
disputing, that many things that were still in the church
had no ground in Scripture, and some of the rest were di-
rectly contrary to it. This Cranmer knew well would have
such an operation, and therefore made it his chief business
to set it forward, which in conclusion he happily effected.
Another thing was also established, which opened the way
to all that followed ; — that every national Church was a
complete body within itself; so that the Church of England,
with the authority and concurrence of their head and king,
might examine and reform all errors and corruptions, whe-
ther in doctrine or worship. All the provincial councils in
the ancient Church, were so many precedents for this, who
condemned heresies, and reformed abuses as the occasion
required. And yet these being all but parts of one empire,
there was less reason for their doing it without staying for
a general council, which depended upon the pleasure of one
PREFACE. xix
man (the Roman emperor) than could be pretended, when
Europe was divided into so many kingdoms; by which a
common concurrence of all these churches was a thing scarce
to be expected : and therefore this church must be in a very
ill condition, if there could be no endeavours for a reforma-
tion, till all the rest were brought together.
The grounds of the new covenant between God and man
in Christ, were also truly stated, and the terms on which
salvation was to be hoped for, were faithfully opened ac-
cording to the New Testament. And this being, in the strict
notion of the word, the Gospel, and the glad tidings preached
through our blessed Lord and Saviour, it must be con-
fessed that there was a great progress made, when the na-
tion was well instructed about it: though there was still an
alloy of other corruptions, embasing the purity of the faith.
And, indeed, in the whole progress of these changes, the
King's design seemed to have been to terrify the court of
Rome, and cudgel the pope into a compliance with what he
desired : for in his heart he continued addicted to some of
the most extravagant opinions of that church ; such as tran-
substantiation, and the other corruptions in the mass, so that
he was to his life's end more papist than protestant.
There are two prejudices, which men have generally
drunk in against that time. The one is, from the King's
great enormities, both in his personal deportment and go-
vernment, which make many think no good could be done
by so ill a man, and so cruel a prince. I am not to defend
him, nor to lessen his faults, The vastnessand irregularity
of his expense procured many heavy exactions, and twice
extorted a public discharge of his debts, embased the coin,
with other irregularities. His proud and impatient spirit
occasioned many cruel proceedings. The taking so many
lives, only for denying his supremacy, particularly Fisher's
and More's, the one being extremely old, and the other one
of the glories of his nation for probity and learning: the
taking advantage from some irruptions in the north, to break
the imdemnity he had before proclaimed to those in the re-
bellion, even though they could not be proved guilty of those
second disorders : his extreme severity to all Cardinal Pole's
family : his cruel using, first Cromwell, and afterwards the
Duke of Norfolk and his son, besides Lis unexampled pro-
ceedings against some of his wives: and that which was
b2
xx PREFACE.
worst of all, the laying a precedent for the subversion of
justice, and oppressing the clearest innocence, by attaint-
ing- men without hearing them : these are such remarkable
blemishes, that as no man of ingenuity can go about the
whitening them ; so the poor reformers drunk so deep of that
bitter cup, that it very ill becomes any of their followers to
endeavour to give fair colours to those red and bloody cha-
racters with which so much of his reign is stained.
Yet after all this sad enumeration, it was no new nor un-
usual thing in the methods of God's providence, to employ
princes who had great mixtures of very gross faults to do
signal things for his service. Not to mention David and
Solomon, whose sins were expiated with a severe repent-
ance ; it was the bloody Cyrus that sent back the Jews to
their land, and gave them leave to rebuild their temple.
Constantine the Great is, by some of his enemies, charged
with many blemishes both in his life and government. Clovis
of France, under whom that nation received the Christian
faith, was a monster of cruelty and pei fidiousness, as even
Gregory of Tours represents him, who lived near his time,
and nevertheless makes a saint of him. Charles the Great,
whom some also make a saint, both put away his wife for
a very slight cause, and is said to have lived in most unna-
tural lusts with his own daughter. Irene, whom the church of
Rome magnifies as the restorer of their religion in the east,
did, both contrary to the impressions of nature, and of her
sex, put out her own son's eyes, of which he died soon after,
with many other execrable things. And whatever reproaches
those of the church of Rome cast on the Reformation,
upon the account of this King's faults, may be easily turned
back on their popes, who have never failed to court and ex-
tol princes that served their ends, how gross and scanda-
lous soever their other faults have been. As Phocas, Bru-
nichild, Irene, Mathildis, Edgar of England, and many
more. But our church is not near so much concerned in
the persons of those princes, under whom the Reformation
began, as theirs is in the persons of their popes, who are
believed to have far higher characters of a Divine power
and spirit in them, than other princes pretend to. And yet
if the lives of those popes, who have made the greatest ad-
vances in their jurisdiction, be examined, particularly Gre-
gory the Seventh, and Boniface the Eighth, vices more emi-
PREFACE. xxi
nent than any can be charged on King Henry, will be found
in them. And if a lewd and wicked pope may yet have the
Holy Ghost dwelling in him, and directing him infallibly;
why may not an ill king do so good a work as set a reform-
ation forward, and if it were proper to enter into a dissec-
tion of four of those popes, that sat at Rome during this
reign, Pope Julius will be found beyond him in a vast am-
bition, whose bloody reign did not only embroil Italy, but a
great part of Christendom. Pope Leo the Tenth was as
extravagant and prodigal in his expense, which put him on
baser shifts, than ever this King used to raise money ; not
by embasing the coin, or raising new and heavy taxes, but
by embasingthe Christian religion, and prostituting the par-
don of sin in that foul trade of indulgences. Clement the
Seventh was false to the highest degree ; a vice which can-
not be charged on this King : and Paul the Third was a
vile and lewd priest, who not only kept his whore, but glo-
ried in it, and raised one of his bastards to a high dignity,
making him Prince of Parma and Piacenza ; and himself is
said to have lived in incest with others of them. And, ex-
cept the short reign of Hadrian the Sixth, there was no
pope at Rome ail this while, whose example might make
any other prince blush for his faults ; so that Guicciardine,
when he calls Pope Clement a good pope, adds, " I mean not
goodness apostolical, for in those days he was esteemed a
good pope, that did not exceed the wickedness of the worst
of men."
In sum, God's ways are a great deep, who has often
shewed his power and wisdom, in raising up unlikely and un-
promising instruments, to do great services in the world ; not
always employing the best men in them, lest good instru*-
ments should share too deep in the praises of that which
is only due to the Supreme Creator and Governor of the
world ; and therefore he will stain the pride of all glory that
suck as glory may only glory in the Lord. Jehu did an ac-
ceptable service to God, in destroying the idolatry of Baal,
though neither the way of doing it be to be imitated, being
grossly insincere, nor was the reformation complete, since
the worshipping the two calves was still kept up; and it is
very like, his chief design in it was to destroy all the party
that favoured Ahab's family ; yet the thing was good, and was
rewarded by God : so whatever this King's other faults were,
xxii PREFACE.
and how defective soever the change he made was, and upon
what ill motives soever it may seem to have proceeded ;
yet the things themselves being good, we ought not to think
the worse of them because of the instrument, or manner by
which they were wrought ; but are to adore and admire the
paths of the Divine wisdom, that brought about such ja.
change in a church, which, being subjected to the see of
Rome, had been more than any other part of Europe most
tame under its oppressions, and was most deeply drenched
in superstition : and this by the means of a Prince, who was
the most devoted to the interest of Rome of any in Christen-
dom, and seemed to be so upon knowledge, being very
learned ; and continued to the last much leavened with su-
perstition, and was the only king in the world whom that
see declared Defender of the Faith. And that this should
have been carried on so far, with so little opposition, some
risings, though numerous and formidable, being scattered
and quieted without blood ; and that a mighty prince who was
victorious almost in all his undertakings, Charles the Fifth,
and was both provoked in point of honour and interest, yet
could never find one spare season to turn his arms upon
England, are great demonstrations of a particular influence
of Heaven in these alterations, and of its watchful care of
them.
But the other prejudice touches the Reformation in a
more vital and tender part ; and it is, that Cranmer, and
the other bishops, who promoted the Reformation in the
succeeding reign, did in this comply too servilely with King
Henry's humours, both in carrying on his frequent divorces,
and in retaining those corruptions in the worship, which by
their throwing them off* in the beginning of King Edward's
reign, we may conclude were then condemned by them ; so
that they seem to have prevaricated against their consciences
in that compliance.
It were too faint a way of answering so severe a charge,
to turn it back on the church of Rome, and to shew the
base compliances of some, even of the best of their popes, as
Gregory the Great, whose congratulations to the usurper
Phocas, are a strain of the meanest and indecentest flat-
tery that ever was put in writing. And his compliments to
Brunichild, who was one of the greatest monsters, both for
lust and cruelty that ever her sex produced, shew that there
PREFACE. xxiii
waB no person so wicked that he was ashamed to flatter :
but the blemishing them will not (I confess) excuse our
reformers, therefore other things are to be considered for
their vindication. They did not at once attain the full
knowledge of Divine truth, so that in some particulars, as
in that of the corporal presence in the sacrament, both
Cranmer and Ridley were themselves then in the dark.
Bertram's book first convinced Ridley, and he was the chief
instrument in opening Cranmer's eyes; so if themselves
were not then enlightened, they could not instruct others.
As for other things, such as the giving the cup to the laity,
the worshipping God in a known tongue, and several re-
formations about the mass, though they judged them neces-
sary to be done as soon as was possible ; yet they had not so
full a persuasion of the necessity of these, as to think it a
sin not to do them. The Prophet's words to Naaman, the
Syrian, might give them some colour for that mistake ; and
the practice of the apostles, who continued not only to
worship at the temple, but to circumcise and to offer sacri-
fices (which must have been done by St. Paul, when he
purified himself in the temple) even after the law was dead,
by the appearing of the Gospel, seemed to excuse their
compliance. They had also observed, that as the apostles
were " all things to all men, that so they mightgain some ;"
so the primitive Christians had brought in many rites of
heathenism into their worship : upon which inducements
they were wrought on to comply in some uneasy things, in
which if these excuses do not wholly clear them, yet they
very much lessen their guilt.
And after all this, it must be confessed they were men,
and had mixtures of fear and human infirmities with their
other excellent qualities. And, indeed, Cranmer was in all
other points so extraordinary a person, that it was perhaps
fit there should be some ingredients in his temper, to les-
sen the veneration, which his great worth might have raised
too high, if it had not been for these feeblenesses, which
upon some occasions appeared in him. But if we examine
the failings of some of the greatest of the primitive fathers,
as Athanasius, Cyril, and others, who were the most zealous
asserters of the faith, we must conclude them to have been
nothing inferior to any that can be charged on Cranmer ;
whom, if we consider narrowly, we shall find as eminent
xxiv PREFACE.
virtues, and as few faults in him, as in any prelate that has
been in the Christian church for many ages. And if he
was prevailed on to deny his Master through fear, he did
wash off that stain by a sincere repentance, and a patient
martyrdom, in which he expressed an eminent resentment
of his former frailty, with a pitch of constancy of mind above
the rate of modern examples.
But their virtues, as well as their faults arc set hpforeus
for our instruction ; and how frail soever the vessels were,
they have conveyed to us a treasure of great value — the pure
Gospel of our Lord and Saviour : which if we follow, and
govern our lives and hearts by it, we may hope in easier
and plainer paths to attain that blessedness which they
could not reach, but through scorching flames : and if we do
not improve the advantages which this light affords, we
may either look for some of those trials which were sent
for the exercise of their laith and patience, and perhaps for
the punishment of their former compliance; or, if we escape
these, we have cause to fear worse in the conclusion.
CONTENTS.
BOOK I.
A summary view of King Henry tlw Eighth's reign, till the process of his
divorce was began, in which the state of England, chiefly as it related to
religion, is opened.
Page
KING Henry's succession to the
crown 1
He proceeds against Dudley and
Empson 2
He holds a parliament 3
His great expense ib.
A flairs beyond sea ib.
A peace and match with France 4
He offers his daughter to the Dol-
phin ib.
Tiie King of Spain chosen emperor 5
He comes to England ib.
A second war with France 6
Upon Leo theTenth's death, Hadrian
chosen Pope ib.
He dies, and Clement the Seventh
succeeds ib.
Charles the Fifth, at Windsor, con-
tracted to the King's daughter, ib.
13ut breaks his faith 7
The Clementine league 8
Kome taken and sacked ib.
The Pope is made a prisoner. . . . ib.
The King's success against Scot-
land 9
A faction in his councils 10
Cardinal Wolsey's rising 11
His preferments 12
The character of the Dukes of Nor-
folk and Suffolk 13
Cardinal Wolsev against parliaments
15
The King's breeding in learning ib.
He is flattered by scholars 17
The King's prerogative in ecclesiasti-
cal affairs ib.
It was still kept up by him 18
A contest concerning immunities 19
A public debate about them. ... 20
Page
Hunne murdered in prison 22
The proceedings upon that 23
The King much courted by Popes 29
And declared Defender of the Faith
30
The Cardinal absolute in England ib.
He designed to reform the clergy 31
And to suppress monasteries . . . ib.
The several kinds of convocations ib.
The clergy grant a subsidy to the
King 33
Of the state of monasteries ib.
The Cardinal founds two colleges 34
The first beginning of reformation
in England 35
The cruelties of the church of Kome
36
The laws made in England against
heretics 38
Under Richard the Second 39
Under Henry the Fourth 40
And Henry the Fifth 41
Heresy declared by the King's judges
43
SVarham's proceeding against here-
tics ib.
The Eishop of London's proceedings
against them 46
The progress of Luther's doctrine 47
His books were translated into Eng-
lish 49
The King wrote against him. . . . ib.
He replied 50
Endeavours to suppress the New
Testament ib.
Sir Thomas More writes against Lu-
ther ib.
Bilney and others proceeded against
lor heresy 51
XXVI
CONTENTS.
BOOK II.
Of the process of divorce between King Henry and Queen Katharine, and of
wJtat passed from the nineteenth to the twenty-fifth year of his reign, in
which he was declared Supreme Head of the Church of England.
Page
The beginning of the suit of divorce
53
Prince Arthur married the Infanta
ib.
And died soon after 54
A marriage proposed between Henry
and her ib.
It is allowed by the Pope 55
Henry protested against it ... . 56
His father dissuaded it ib.
Being come to the crown, he marries
her ib.
She bore some children, but only the
Lady Mary lived ib.
Several matches proposed for her 57
The King's marriage is questioned
by foreigners ib.
Anno 1527.
He himself has scruples concerning
it 58
The grounds of these 59
All his bishops, except Fisher, con-
demn it 60
The reasons of state against it. . ib.
Wolsey goes into France 61
The King's fears and hopes .... ib.
Arguments against the bull .... 62
Calumnies cast on Anne Boleyn 64
They are false and ill-contrived 65
Her birth- and education , 68
She was contracted to the Lord
Piercy • 69
The divorce moved for at Rome 71
The first dispatch concerning it ib.
Anno 1528.
The Pope granted it 74
And gave a bull of dispensation 75
The Pope's craft and policy. ib.
A subtile method proposed by the
Pope 77
Staphileus sent from England.. 78
The Cardinal's letters to the Pope 79
A fuller bull is desired by the King 80
Gardiner and Fox are sent to Rome
81
The bull desired by them 82
Page
Wolsey's earnestness to procure it 83
Campegio declared legate 84
He delays his journey ib.
The Pope grants the decretal bull 85
Two letters from Anne Boleyn to
Wolsey 86
Wolsey desires the bull may be seen
by some of the King's council 88
The Emperor opposes the King's bu-
siness ib.
A breve is found in Spain 89
It was thought to be forged .... 90
Campegio comes to England . . 91
And lets the King see the bull . ib.
But refuses to shew it to others, ib.
Wolsey moves the Pope that some
might see it ib.
But in vain 92
Campana is sent by the Pope to
England 93
The King offers the Pope a guard 94
The Pope inclines to the Emperor
95
Threatenings used to him ib.
Anno 1529.
He repents the sending over a bull
96
But feeds the King with promises 97
The Pope's sickness 98
Wolsey aspires to the papacy. . 99
Instructions for promoting him . 1 00
New motions for the divorce . . 101
The Pope relapses dangerously. 102
A new dispatch to Rome ib.
Wolsey's bulls for the bishoprick of
Winton 104
The Emperor protests against the le-
gates 105
Yet the Pope promises not to recal
it 106
The legates write to the Pope . . ib.
Compegio led an ill life 108
The Emperor moves for an avoca-
tion 109
The Pope's dissimulation ib.
Great contests about the u\ur;i-
tiOD HO
The legates begin the pfOQBMU - 1 12
CONTENTS.
XXV11
Page
A severe charge against the Queen
112
The King and Queen appear in
court 113
The Queen's speech 114
The King declares his scruples, ib.
The Queen appeals to the Pope 115
Articles framed and witnesses exa-
mined ib.
An avocation pressed at Rome . 116
The Pope joins with the Emperor 1 17
Yet is in great perplexities .... 118
The avocation is granted 119
The proceedings of the legates . ib.
Campegio adjourns the court . . 121
Which gave great offence .... ib.
Wolsey's danger ib.
Anne JBoleyn returns to court. . 123
Cranmer's opinion about the di-
vorce 124
Approved by the King 125
Cardinal Wolsey's fall 120
The meanness of his temper . . . 127
He is attached of treason 128
He dies : his character ib.
A parliament called ib.
Complaints against the clergy. . 129
The King's debts are discharged 130
The Pope and the Emperor unite 132
The women's peace ib.
Anno 1530.
The Emperor is crowned at Bono-
nia . 133
The Universities consulted in the
King's suit of divorce ib.
The answers from Oxford and Cam-
bridge 134—136
Dr. Crooke employed in Venice 137
Many in Italy wrote for the di-
vorce 139
It was opposed by the Pope and the
Emperor 140
No money given by the King's agents
141
Great rewards given by the Empe-
ror 142
It is determined for the King at Bo-
nonia, Padua, Ferrara, and Or-
leans. 143,144
At Paris, Bourges, andTholouse 144
The opinions of some reformers 145
And of the Lutherans 147
The King will not appear at Rome
149
Cranmer offers to defend the di-
vorce ib.
Page
1 he clergy, nobility, and gentry write
to the Pope for the divorce . 149
The Pope's answer to them. . . . 150
A proclamation against bulls . . 152
Books written for the divorce . . ib.
Reasons out of the Old and New
Testament 152, 153
The authorities of popes and coun-
cils 154
And the Greek and Latin fathers 155
And canonists 157
Marriage is complete by consent ib.
Violent presumptions of the consum-
mation of the former marriage 158
The Pope's dispensation of no force ib.
Bishops are not to obey his de-
crees 160
The authority of tradition 161
The reasons against the divorce 162
Answers made to these 164
The Queen is intractable 166
Anno 1531.
A session of parliament ib.
The clergy found in a prcemunh~e 167
The prerogatives of the kings of Eng-
land in ecclesiastical affairs . . i&.
The encroachments of popes. . . 168
Statutes made against them . . . ib.
The popes endeavoured to have those
repealed 171
But with no effect 175
The clergy excused themselves. 176
Yet they submit and acknowledge
the King Supreme Head of the
Church ib.
The King pardons them 178
And with some difficulty the laity ib.
One attainted for poisoning . . . ib.
The King leaves the Queen .... 179
A disorder among the clergy. . . 180
The Pope turns to the French. . 181
And offers his niece to the Duke of
Orleans ib.
The Turk invades the empire . . 182
Anno 1532.
The parliament complains of the spi-
ritual courts 183
They reject a bill concerning wards
ib.
An act against annates 184
The Pope writes to the King . . 186
The King's answer ib.
Sir Edward Karne sent to Rome 188
His negotiation there ib.
XXV111
CONTENTS.
Tage
He corrupts the Cardinal of Raven-
na. 189
The process against the King at
Rome , 190
A bull for new bishopricks .... 191
The Pope desires the King would
submit to him 192
A new session of parliament. . . ib.
A subsidy is voted 193
The oaths the clergy swore to the
Pope and to the King . . .194, 195
Chancellor More delivers up his of-
fice 195
The King meets with the French
King 196
Eliot sent to Rome ib.
The King marries Anne Boleyn 198
New overtures for the divorce. . ib.
Anno 1533.
A session of parliament 199
An act against appeals to Rome ib.
Archbishop Warham dies 200
Cranmer succeeds him 201
His bulls from Rome ib.
His consecration 202
The judgment of the coBVocation
concerning the divorce 203
Endeavours to make the Queen sub-
mit 205
Rut in vain ib.
Cranmer gives judgment 206
Censures that pass upon it .... 207
The Pope united to the French
King 209
A sentence against the King's pro-
ceedings 210
Queen Elizabeth is born 211
An interview between the Pope and
the French King ib.
The King submits to the Pope . 213
The imperialists oppose the agree-
ment, 214
And procure a definitive sentence ib.
The King resolves to abolish the
Pope's power in England . .. 215
It was long disputed . ; ib.
Arguments against it from Scrip-
ture 2)6
And the primitive church 218
Arguments for the King's suprem-
acy 221
From Scripture and the laws of Eng-
land 221—2-23
The supremacy explained 224
Pains taken to satisfy Fisher . . . .226
Anno 1534.
A session of parliament ib.
An act for taking away the Pope's
power »", 227
About the succession to the crown
229
For punishing heretics 231
The submission of the clergy . . 232
About the election of bishops. . 233
And the Maid of Kent 234
The insolence of some friars . . , 238
The Nun's speech at her death „ 240
Fisher is dealt with gently .... 241
The oath for the succession taken by
many , 243
More and Fisher refuse it, ... . 244
And are proceeded against .... 246
Another session of parliament. . 247
The King's supremacy is enacted ib.
An act for suffragan bishops . . . ib.
A subsidy is granted 248
More and Fisher are attainted . 249
The progress of the Reformation 250
Tindal and others at Antwerp send
over books and the New Testa-
ment 251
The supplication of the beggars. 252
More answers and Frith replies 253
Cruel proceeding against reformers
255
Bilney's sufferings 256
The sufferings of Byfield 259
And Bainham ib.
Articles abjured by some 260
Tracy's Testament 261
Frith 's sufferings 262
His arguments against the corporal
presence in the sacrament . . ib.
His opinion of the sacrament and
purgatory for which he was con-
demned '266, 267
His constancy at his death .... 267
A stop put to cruel proceedings 269
The Queen favoured Ihe reformers
ib.
Crammer promoted it ib.
And was assisted l.\ Cromwell. 270
A strong paih against it 271
Reasons used against it ib.
A ud for it 272
The judgment of sonic bishops < on-
cerning a general council. . . . 273
A ipeechof Cranmer's of it.p>, 274
CONTENTS.
XXIX
BOOK III.
Of the other transactions about religion and reformation, during the rest of
the reign of King Henry, the Eighth.
Anno 1535.
Page
The rest of the King's reign was trou-
blesome 279
By the practices of the clergy . . ib.
Which provoked the King much 280
The bishops swear the King's supre-
macy 281
The Franciscans only refuse it . 283
A visitation of monasteries .... 284
The instructions of the visitors . 286
Injunctions sent by them. ..... 288
The state of the monasteries in Eng-
land, and their exemptions 289, 290
They were deserted, but again set up
by King Edgar 290, 29 1
Arts used by the monks ...... 291
They were generally corrupt. , . 293
And so grew the friars ib.
The King's other reasons for suppress-
ing monasteries 294
Craumer's design in it 295
The proceedings of the visitors . 296
Some houses resigned to the King ib.
Anno 1536.
Queen Katharine dies 297
A session of parliament in which
the lesser monasteries were sup-
pressed 299
The reasons for doing it. ..... . 300
The translation of the Bible in Eng-
lish designed 301
The reasons for it 302
The opposition made to it 303
Queen Anne's fall driven on by the
popish party 304
The King became jealous 306
She is put in the Tower 308
She confessed some indiscreet words
309
Craumer's letters concerning her 310
She is brought to a trial 313
And condemned 314
And also divorced 315
She prepares for death 316
The Lieutenant of the Tower's letters
about her 317
Her execution 318
Page
The censures made On this .... 318
Lady Mary is reconciled to her father,
and makes a full submission. 321
Lady Elizabeth is Well used by the
King 323
A letter of hers to the Queen . . 324
A new parliament is called .... 325
An act of succession ib.
The Pope endeavouis a reconcilia-
tion 327
But in vain ib.
The proceedings of the convocation
329
Articles agreed on about religion 333
Published by the King's authority 337
But variously censured 338
The convocation declared against the
council summoned 6y tlie Pope 339-
The King publishes his reasons a-
gainst it 340
Cardinal Pole writes against the
King... 343
Many books are written for the
King ib.
Instructions for the dissolution of
monasteries 344
Great discontents among all sorts 345
Endeavours to qualify these . .. 346
The people were disposed to rebel 347
The King's injunctions about reli-
gion... 349
They were much censured 351
A rising in Licolnshire 352
Their demands, and the King's an-
swer ib.
It was quieted by the Duke of Suf-
folk 354
A great rebellion in the north... ib.
The Duke of Norfolk was sent against
them 356
They advance to Doncaster 357
Their demands 358
The King's answer to them 359
Anno 1537.
The rebellion is quieted 361
New risings soon dispersed 362
The chief rebels executed 363
A new visitation of monasteries, ib.
Some great abbots resign 365
XXX
CONTENTS.
Page
Confessions of horrid crimes are
made 367
Some are attainted 369
And their abbeys suppressed . . 372
The superstition and cheats of these
houses discovered 374
Anno 1538.
Some images publicly broken'. . 375
Thomas Becket's shrine broken 377
New injunctions about religion. 379
Invectives against the King at Rome
ib.
The Pope's bulls against the King
380
The clergy in England declared a-
gainst these 384
The Bible is printed in English 385
New injunctions 386
Prince Edward is born 388
The compliance of the popish party
ib.
Lambert appealed to the King. 390
And is publicly tried * . . . 391
Many arguments brought against
him ib.
He is condemned and burnt. , . 393
The popish party gain ground . . ib.
A treaty with the German princes
394
Bonner's dissimulation 395
Anno 1539.
A parliament is called 396
The Six Articles are proposed . . 397
Arguments against them ib.
An act passed for them ....... 400
Which is variously censured. . . 401
An act about the suppression of all
monasteries 402
Another for erecting new bishop-
ricks 405
The King's design about these . . ib.
An act for obedience to the King's
proclamations 407
An act concerning precedence 408
Some acts of attainder ib.
The King's care of Cranmer. . . 409
Who wrote against the Six Arti-
cles 410
Proceedings upon that act ... . 411
Bonner's commission lor holding his
bishoprick of the King 412
The total dissolution of abbeys. 413
Which were sold or given away 415
Page
A project of a seminary for ministers
of state 415
A proclamation for the use of the Bi-
ble 417
The King designs to marry Anne of
Cleve ib.
Who comes over, but is disliked by
the King 419, 420
Anno 1540.
But he marries her, yet could never
love her 422
A parliament is called 423
Where Cromwell speaks as lord vice-
gerent il.
The suppression of the knights of St.
John of Jerusalem 425
Cromwell's fall 426
The King is in love with Katharine
Howard * 427
Cranmer's friendship to Cromwell
428
Cromwell's attainder 429
Censures past upon it 431
The King's divorce is proposed . 432
And referred to the convocation 433
Reasons pretended for it ib.
The convocation agree to it. . . . 434
Which was much censured.... ib.
It is confirmed in parliament . . 435
The Queen consents to it 436
An Act about the incontinence of
priests ib.
Another act about religion ib.
Another concerning precontracts 438
Subsides granted by clergy and laity
ib.
Cromwell's death 439
His character 440
Designs against Cranmer 441
Some bishops and divines consult
about religion 442
An explanation of faith ib.
Cranmer's opinion about it ... . 445
They explain the Apostle's Creed ib.
And the Seven Sacraments with great
care 446
As also the Ten Commandments. 449
The Lord's Prayer, the Ave Maria
and free-will 450
And justification and good works
451, 452
Published by the King, but much
censured 452
A correction of the missals. . . . 454
The sufferings of Barnes and others
456
CONTENTS.
XXXI
Page
They are condemned unheard . 458
Their speeches at their death . . 459
Bonner's cruelty 462
New bishopricks founded 463
Craurner's design is defeated. .. 464
These foundations are censured 465
The state of the court 466
The Bible is set up in churches 467
An order for churchmen's house-
keeping 469
The King goes to York ib.
The state of Scotland 470
The beginning of the Reformation ib.
Patrick Hamilton's sufferings.. 472
A further prosecution 475
The King's was wholly quieted by
the clergy 478
Some put to death, others escaped
479
The Queen's ill life is discovered 482
Anno 1542.
A parliament called 483
An act about the Queen much cen-
sured 483, 484
A design to suppress the English Bi-
ble 486
The Bible ordered to be revised by
the universities 487
Bishop Bonner's injunctions. . . ib.
The way of preaching at that time
489
Plays and interludes then acted .491
War between England and Scot-
land 492
The Scots are defeated, and their king
dies 494
Anno 1543.
Cranraer promotes a reformation 496
An act of parliament for it ... . 497
Another about the King's proclama-
tions 498
A league between the King and the
Emperor 499
A match designed with Scotland 500
But the French party prevailed there
501
A war with France 503
A persecution of the reformers, ib.
Marbeck's great ingeniousness. 504
Three burnt at Windsor 505
Their persecutors are perjured, ib.
A design against Craumer 506
It came to nothing 507
Page
His Christian behaviour 508
Anno 1544.
A new parliament. » 509
An act about the succession . . . ib.
An act against conspiracies. . . . 510
An act for revising the canon law
ib.
A discharge of the King's debts 51 1
The war against Scotland ib.
Audley, the chancellor, dies. . . . 512
The prayers are put in English . ib.
Bulloigne is taken 513
Anno 1545.
The Germans mediate a peace be-
tween England and France. . 514
Some great church preferments ib,
Wishart's sufferings in Scotland 515
Cardinal Beaton is killed 520
Anno 1546.
A new parliament 522
Chapels and chantries given to the
King ib.
The King's speech to the parliament
523
The King confirms the rights of uni-
versities 525
A peace with France ib.
Designs of a further reformation 526
Shaxton's apostacy ib.
The troubles of Anne Askew.. 627
She endures the rack 528
And is burnt with some others . ib.
A design against Cranmer 529
The King takes care of him . . . 530
A design against the Queen. . . 531
The cause of the Duke of Norfolk's
disgrace 533
Anno 1547.
The Earl of Surrey is executed. 535
The Duke of Norfolk's submission
ib.
A parliament meets 536
The Duke of Norfolk is attainted
537
His death prevented by the King 538
The Emperor's designs against the
protestants ib.
The Kinar's sickness 539
XXXII
CONTENTS.
Page
His letter all a forgery 540
The King's severities against the po-
pish parly 542
Some Carthusians executed for deny-
ing the King's supremacy . . . 544
And a priest lor treason ....... ib.
Three monks executed 545
Fisher's trial and death 546
His character 547
More's trial and death ib.
His character 549
Tage
Attainders after the rebellion was
quieted 551
Censures passed upon it ib.
Friar Forrest's equivocation and he-
resy. 552
The proceedings against Cardinal
Pole's friends 553
Attainders without hearing the par-
ties 555
The conclusion 55J>
Addenda 560*
THE
HISTORY,
&c.
BOOK I.
A summary View of King Henry the Eighth's Reign, till
the Process of his Divorce was begun, in which the
State of England, chiejly as it related to Religion, is
opened.
England had for a whole age felt the miseries of a book
long and cruel war between the two houses of York L
and Lancaster ; during which time as the Crown had ~
lost great dominions beyond sea, so the nation was Henry's sue-
much impoverished, many noble families extinguished, tc£fslc°"^°
much blood shed, great animosities every where raised, Apr. 22.
with all the other miseries of a lasting civil war : but 1509'
they now saw all these happily composed, when the two
families did unite in King Henry the Eighth. In his
father's reign they were rather cemented and joined
than united; whose great partiality to the house of Lan-
caster, from which he was descended, and severity to
the branches of the house of York, in which even his
own Queen had a large share, together with the im-
postors that were set up to disturb his reign, kept these
heats alive, which were now all buried in his grave :
and this made the succession of his son so universally
acceptable to the whole nation, who now hoped to re-
vive their former pretensions in France, and to have
again a large share in all the affairs of Europe, from
which their domestic broils had so long excluded them.
vol. 1. p. 1. E
2 HISTORY OF
book There was another thing, which made his first com-
ing to the Crown no less acceptable, which was, that
He pro- the same day that his father died,* he ordered Dudley
ceeds anc[ Empson to be committed to the Tower : his t"a-
Dudieyand ther, whether out of policy, or inclination, or both,
Empson. was a]i his jjfe much set on the gathering of treasure,
so that those ministers were most acceptable, who could
fill his coffers best : and though this occasioned some
tumults, and disposed the people to all those commo-
tions, which fell out in his reign : yet he being suc-
cessful in them all, continued in his course of heaping
up money.
Towards the end of his life, he found out those two
instruments, who out-did all that went before them,
and what by vexatious suits upon penal but obsolete
laws, what by unjust imprisonments, and other violent
and illegal proceedings, raised a general odium upon the
government ; and this grew upon him with his years,
and was come to so great a height towards the end of
his life, that he died in good time for his own quiet :
for as he used all possible endeavours to get money, so
what he got, he as carefully kept, and distributed very
little of it among those about him ; so that he had many
enemies, and but few friends. This being well consi-
dered by his son, he began his government with the
disgrace of those two ministers, against whom he pro-
ceeded according to law ; all the other inferior officers
whom they had made use of were also imprisoned.
When they had thus fallen, many and great com-
plaints came in from all parts against them ; they also
apprehending the danger they were like to be in upon
their master's death, had been practising with their part-
ners to gather about them all the power they could
bring together, whether to secure themselves from po-
pular rage, or to. make themselves seem considerable,
or formidable to the new King. This and other crimes
being brought in against them, they were found guilty
of treason in a legal trial. But the King judged this
was neither a sufficient reparation to his oppressed peo-
* Hall says, tlir same <\ay. L. Herbert says, the day following-.
THE REFORMATION. 3
pie, nor satisfaction to justice: therefore he went fur- book
ther, and both ordered restitution to be made by his L
father's executors of" great sums of money, which had Hall,
been unjustly extorted from his subjects ; and in his
first parliament which he summoned to the twenty-first He holds &
of January following, he not only delivered up Empson jan'sT"'
and Dudley with their complices to the justice of the isio.
two houses, who attainted them by act of parliament,
and a little after gave order for their execution ; but
did also give his royal assent to those other laws by Aug. 18.
which the subject was secured from the like oppres-
sions for the future : and that he might not at all be
suspected of any such inclinations as his father had to
amass treasure, he was the most magnificent in his ex-
pense of any prince in Christendom, and very bounti-
ful to all about him ; and as one extreme commonly
produces another, so his father's covetousness led him
to be prodigal, and the vast wealth which was left him,
being reckoned no less then 1,800,000/. was in three His great
years dissipated, as if the son in his expense had vied exPense-
industry with his father in all his thrift.
Thomas Earl of Surrey (afterwards Duke of Nor-
folk) to shew how compliant he was to the humours of
the princes whom he served, as he had been lord-
treasurer to the father the last seven years of his life ;
so being continued in the same office by this King, did
as dexterously comply with his prodigality, as he had
done formerly with his sparingness.
But this in the beginning of the Prince's reign did
much endear him both to the court and nation : there
being a freer circulation of money, by which trade was
encouraged ; and the courtiers tasted so liberally of the
King's bounty, that he was every where much magnified,
though his expense proved afterwards heavier to the
subject, than ever his father's avarice had been.
Another thine: that raised the credit of this Kino; was, His affairs
r p - r\
the great esteem he was in beyond sea, both for his }°nasea-
wisdom and power ; so that in all the treaties of peace
and war he was always much considered ; and he did
so exactly pursue that great maxim of princes, of hold-
ing the balance, that still as it grew heavier, whether
e 2
HISTORY OF
BOOK
I.
A war with
t ranee.
Aug. 24, 8$
Octob. i>,
1513.
Aug. 7,
1514.
A peace,
and a match
with
France.
Oct. 9.
Lewis dies
Jan. 1,
1515.
Lady Mary
betrothed
to the
Dauphin,
Octob. 8,
IMS.
in the scale of France, or Spain, he governed himself
and them as a wise arbiter. His first action was against
France, which by the accession of the dutchy of Bri-
tain, through his father's oversight, was made greater
and more formidable to the neighbouring princes ;
therefore the French successes in Italy having united
all the princes there against them, Spain and England
willingly joined themselves in the quarrel. The king-
dom of Spain being also then united, conquered Na-
varre, which set them at great ease, and weakened the
King of France on that side. Whose affairs also de-
clining in Italy, this King finding him so much lessen-
ed, made peace with him ; having first managed his
share of the war, with great honour at sea and land :
for, going over in person, he did both defeat the French
army, and take Terwin and Tourney ; the former he
demolished, the latter he kept : and in these exploits
he had an unusual honour done him, which, though it
was a slight thing, yet was very pleasant to him : Maxi-
milian the Emperor taking pay in his army, amounting
to a hundred crowns a day, and upon all public solem-
nities giving the King the precedence.
The peace between England and France was made
firmer by Lewis, the French King's marrying the King's
sister ; but he dying soon after, new counsels were to
be taken. Francis, who succeeded, did in the begin-
ning of his reign, court this King with great offers to
renew the peace with him, which Was accordingly done.
Afterward Francis falling in with all his force upon the
dutchy of Milan, all endeavours were used to engage
King Henry into the war, both by the Pope and Em-
peror, this last feeding him long with hopes of resign-
ing the empire to him, which wrought much on him ;
insomuch that he did give them a great supply in mo-
ney, but he could not be engaged to divert Francis by
making war upon him : and Francis ending the war of
Italy by a peace, was so far from resenting what the
King had done, that he courted him into straiter league,
and a match was agreed between the Dauphin and the
Lady Mary, the King's daughter, and Tourney was de-
livered up to the French again.
THE REFORMATION.
But now Charles, archduke of Austria by his father,
and heir to the house of Burgundy by his grand-
mother, and to the crown of Spain by his mother,
began to make a great figure in the world ; and his
grandfather, Maximilian, dying, Francis and he were
co-rivals for the empire : but Charles being preferred in
the competition, there followed, what through personal
animosities, what through reason of state, and a desire
of conquest, lasting wars between them ; which, though
they were sometimes for a while closed up, yet were
never clearly ended. And those two great monarchs, as
they eclipsed most other princes about them, so they
raised this King's glory higher, both courting him by
turns, and that hot only by earnest and warm addresses,
but oft by unusual submissions ; in which they, know-
ing how great an ingredient vanity was in his temper,
were never deficient when their affairs required it. All
which tended to make him appear greater in the eyes of
his own people. In the year 1520, there was an inter-
view agreed on between the French King and him ; but
the Emperor, to prevent the effects he feared from it,
resolved to outdo the French King in the compliment,
and, without any treaty or previous assurances, came to
Dover, and solicited the King's friendship aganst Fran-
cis : and to advance his design gained Cardinal Wolsey,
who then governed all the King's counsels, by the pro-
mise of making him pope ; in which he judged he
might, for a present advantage, promise a thing that
seemed to be at so great a distance, (Pope Leo the Tenth
being then but a young man) and with rich presents,
which he made both to the King, the Cardinal, and all
the court, wrought much on them. But that which pre-
vailed most with the King was, that he saw, though
Charles had great dominions, yet they lay at such a dis-
tance, that France alone was a sufficient counterpoise to
him ; but if Francis could keep Milan, recover Naples,
Burgundy, and Navarre, to all which he was then pre-
paring, he would be an uneasy neighbour to, himself;
and if he kept the footing he then had in Italy, he
would lie so heavily on the papacy, that the popes could
iio longer carry equally in the affairs of Christendom,
BOOK
i.
Emperor
dies Jan.
12, 1519.
Charles
elected
June 28.
1520.
The Empe-
ror comes to
England,
May 26.
HISTORY OF
BOOK
I.
June 7.
July 10.
A second
■war with
Prance.
Leo. X. dies
Dec. 1,
1521.
Adrian
chosen
pope Jan.
9, 1522.
He died
Sept. 14,
1523.
Clement
the VJlth.
chosen
Nov. 19.
1522.
Emperor
landed at
Dover
May 26.
The Empe-
ror con-
tracted to
the King's
daughter,
June 19.
upon which much depended, according to the religion
of that time. Therefore he resolved to take part with
the Emperor, till at least' Francis was driven out of Italy,
and reduced to juster terms : so that the following in-
terview, between Francis and him, produced nothing
but a vast expense and high compliments : and from a
second interview, between the King and the Emperor,
Francis was full of jealousy, in which what followed
justified his apprehensions ; for the war going on be-
tween the Emperor and Francis, the King entered into
a league with the former, and made war upon France.
But the Pope dying sooner than it seems the Emperor
looked for, Cardinal Wolsey claimed his promise for
the papacy ; but before the messenger came to him,
Adrian, the Emperor's tutor, was chosen pope : yet to
feed the Cardinal with fresh hopes, a new promise was
made for the next vacancy, and in the mean while he
was put in hope of the archbishopric of Toledo. But
two years after, that Pope dying, the Emperor again
broke his word with him ; yet though he was thereby
totally alienated from him, he concealed his indignation,
till the public concerns should give him a good oppor-
tunity to prosecute it upon a better colour ; and by his
letters to Rome, dissembled his resentments so artifi-
cially, that in a congratulation he wrote to Pope Cle-
ment, he " protested his election was matter of such
joy both to the King and himself, that nothing had ever
befallen them which pleased them better, and that he
was the very person whom they had wished to see raised
to that greatness." But while the war went on, the Em-
peror did cajole the King with the highest compliments
possible, which always wrought much on him, and
came in person into England to be installed knight of
the garter, where a new league was concluded, by
which, beside mutual assistance, a match was agreed on
between the Emperor and Lady Mary, the King's only
child by his Queen, of whom he had no hopes of more
issue. This was sworn to on both hands, and the Em-
peror was obliged, when she was of age, to marry her,
per verba de prtesenti, under pain of excommunication
and the forfeiture of 100,000/.
1527.
THE REFORMATION. 7
The war went on with great success on the Emperor's book
part, especially after the battle of Pavia, in which Fran- L
cis's army was totally defeated, and himself taken pri-
soner and carried into Spain. After which, the Emper-
or being much offended with the Pope for joining with
Francis, turned his arms against him, which were so
successful that he besieged and took Rome, and kept May 6,
the Pope a prisoner six months.
The Cardinal finding the public interests concur so
happily with his private distastes, engaged the King to
take part with France, and afterwards with the Pope
against the Emperor, his greatness now becoming the
terror of Christendom ; for the Emperor, lifted up with
his success, began to think of no less than an universal
empire. And, first, that he might unite all Spain to-
gether, he preferred a match with Portugal, to that
which he had before contracted in England : and he
thought it not enough to break off his sworn alliance
with the King, but he did it with a heavy imputation on
the Lady Mary : for in his council it was said that she
was illegitimate, as being born in an unlawful marriage,
so that no advantage could be expected from her title to
the succession, as will appear more particularly in the
Second Book. And the Pope having dispensed with the
oath, he married the Infanta of Portugal. Besides,
though the King of England had gone deep in the
charge, he would give him no share in the advantages
of the war ; much less give him that assistance which
he had promised him, to recover his ancient inheritance
in France. The King being irritated with this manifold
ill usage, and led on by his own interests, and by the
offended Cardinal, joined himself to the interests of
France. Upon which there followed, not only a firm
alliance, but a personal friendship, which appeared in all
the most obliging expressions that could be devised.
And upon the King's threatening to make war on the
Emperor, the French King was set at liberty, though on Mar. 18,
very hard terms, if any thing can be hard that sets a
king out of prison ; but he still acknowledged he owed
his liberty to King Henry.
Then followed the famous Clementine League be-
1526.
HISTORY OF
BOOK
I.
The Cle-
mentine
League.
May 22,
1526.
Sept. 20.
1527.
Rome tak-
en and
sacked,
May 16.
tween the Pope and Francis, the Venetians, the Floren-
tines, and Francis Sforza, duke of Milan, by which the
Pope absolved the French King from the oath he had
sworn at Madrid, and they all united against the Em-
peror, and declared the King of England Protector of
the League. This gave the Emperor great distaste, who
complained of the Pope as an ungrateful and perfidious
person. The first beginning of the storm fell heavy on
the Pope ; for the French King, who had a great mind
to have his children again into his own hands, that lay
hostages in Spain, went on but slowly in performing his
part. And the King of England would not openly break
with the Emperor, but seemed to reserve himself to be
arbiter between the princes. So that the Colonnas,
being of the imperial faction, with 3000 men entered
Rome, and sacked a part of it, forcing the Pope to fly
into the castle of St. Angelo, and to make peace with
the Emperor. But as soon as that fear was over, the
Pope returning to his old arts, complaining of the Car-
dinal of Colonna, and resolved to deprive him of that
dignity, and with an army entered the kingdom of
Naples, taking divers places that belonged to that fa-
mily. But the confederates coming slowly to his assist-
ance, and he hearing" of great forces that were coming
from Spain against him, submitted himself to the Em-
peror, and made a cessation of arms ; but being again
encouraged with some hopes from his allies, and (by a
creation of fourteen cardinals for money) having raised
300,000 ducats, he disowned the treaty, and gave the
kingdom of Naples to Count Vaudemont, whom he
sent with forces to subdue it. But the Duke of Bour-
bon prevented him, and went to Rome, and giving the
assault, in which himself received his mortal wound, the
city was taken by storm, and plundered for several days,
about 5000 being killed. The Pope, with seventeen
cardinals, fled to the castle of St. Angelo, but was
forced to render his person, and to pay 400,000 ducats
to the army.
This gave great offence to all the princes of Christen-
dom, except the Lutherans of Germany ; but none re-
sented it more loudly than this King, who sent over
THE REFORMATION. 9
Cardinal Wolsey to make up a new treaty with Francis, book
which was chiefly intended for setting the Pope at liber-
ty. Nor did the Emperor know well how to justify an Juiy ^u
action which seemed so inconsistent with his devotion
to the see of Rome ; yet the Pope was for some months
detained a prisoner, till at length the Emperor having
brought him to his own terms, ordered him to be set at
liberty : but he being weary of his guards escaped in a ix-c. 9.
disguise, and owned his liberty to have flowed chiefly
from the King's endeavours to procure it. And thus
stood the King as to foreign affairs : he had infinitely
obliged both the Pope and the French King, and was
firmly united to them, and engaged in a war against the
Emperor, when he began first to move about his divorce.
As for Scotland, the near alliance between him and Tbe Kin°s
SUCCESS
James the Fourth, king of Scotland, did not take away a-aiiist
the standing animosities between the two nations, nor ScotJand-
interrupt the alliance between France and Scotland.
And therefore when he made the first war upon France,
in the fourth year of his reign, the King of Scotland
came with a great army into the north of England, but
was totally defeated by the Earl of Surrey in Flodden Sept 9»
Field. The King himself was either killed in the battle,
or soon after ; so that the kingdom falling under fac-
tions, during the minority of the new king, the govern-
ment was but feeble, and scarce able to secure its own
quiet. And the Duke of Albany, the chief instrument
of the French faction, met with such opposition from
the parties that were raised against him by King Henry's
means, that he could give him no disturbance. And
when there came to be a lasting peace between England
and France, then, as the King needed to fear no trouble
from that warlike nation, so he got a great interest in
the government there. And at this time money becom-
ing a more effectual engine than any the war had ever
produced, and the discovery of the Indies having brought
great wealth into Europe, princes began to deal more
in that trade than before : so that both France and
England had their instruments in Scotland, and gave
considerable yearly pensions to the chief heads of par-
ties and families. In the search I have made, I have
10
HISTORY OF
BOOK
I.
His ooun-
sels at
home.
1509.
Jan. 21,
1510.
Feb. 4,
1512.
found several warrants for sums of money, to be
sent Into Scotland, and di'vided there among the fa-
vourers of the English interest ; and it is not to be
doubted but France traded in the same manner, which
continued till a happier way was found out for extin-
guishing these quarrels, both the crowns being set on
one head.
Having thus shewed the state of this King's govern-
ment as to foreign matters, I shall next give an account
of the administration of affairs at home, both as to civil
and spiritual matters. The King upon his first coming
to the crown did choose a wise council, partly out of
those whom his father had trusted, partly out of those
that were recommended to him by his grandmother,
the Countess of Richmond and Derby, in whom was
the right of the house of Lancaster, though she wil-
lingly devolved her pretensions on her son, claiming
nothing to herself, but the satisfaction of being mother
to a king. She was a wise and religious woman, and
died soon after her grandson came to the crown. There
was a faction in the council, between Fox, bishop of
Winchester and the Lord Treasurer, which could never
be well made up, though they were often reconciled :
Fox always complaining of the Lord Treasurer, for
squandering away so soon thr4: vast mass of treasure
left by the King's father, in which the other justified
himself, that what he did was by the King's warrants,
which he could not disobey :• but Fox objected that he
was too easy to answer, if not to procure these war-
rants, and that he ought to have given the King better
advice. In the King's first parliament things went as he
desired, upon his delivering up Empson and Dudley, in
which his preventing the severity of the houses, and
proceeding against them at the common law, as it se-
cured his ministers from an unwelcome precedent, so
the whole honour of it fell on the King's justice.
His next parliament was in the third year of his
reign, and there was considered the brief from Pope
Julius the Second to the King, complaining of the in-
dignities and injuries done to the apostolic see and the
Pope by the French King, and entreating the King's
)
>////>'//{/,
' - v
/
THE REFORMATION.
11
BOOK
I.
Cardinal
Wolsey's
rising.
assistance with such cajoling words as are always to be
expected from popes on the like occasions. It was first
read by the Master of the Rolls in the House of Lords,
and then the Lord Chancellor (Warham, archbishop of
Canterbury), and the Lord Treasurer, with other lords,
went down to the House of Commons and read it there.
Upon this and other reasons they gave the King subsi-
dies towards the war with France. At this time Fox,
to strengthen his party against the Lord Treasurer, find-
ing Thomas Wolsey to be a likely man to get into the
King's favour, used all his endeavours to raise him, who
was at that time neither unknown nor inconsiderable :
he was at first made a privy counsellor, and frequently
admitted to the King's presence, and waited on him over
to France. The King liked him well, which he so ma-
naged that he quickly engrossed the King's favour to
himself, and for fifteen years together was the most ab-
solute favourite that had ever been seen in England :
all foreign treaties and places of trust at home were at
his ordering ; he did what he pleased, and his ascendant
over the King was such, that there never appeared any
party against him all that while. The great artifice by
which he insinuated himself so much on the King, is set
down very plainly by one that knew him well, in these
words : "In him the King conceived such a loving Cavendish's
fancy, especially for that he was most earnest and rea-
Life of Wol-
sey, MSS.
diest in all the council to advance the King's only will »» Bibiioth.
and pleasure, having no respect to the case ; and where- piemoint. '
as the ancient counsellors would, according to the office
of good counsellors, divers times persuade the King to
have sometime a recourse unto the council, there to
hear what was done in weighty matters ; the King was
nothing at all pleased therewith ; for he loved nothing
worse than to be constrained to do any thing contrary
to his pleasure, and that knew the almoner very well,
having secret insinuations of the King's intentions \ and
so fast as the others counselled the King to leave his
pleasures, and to attend to his affairs, so busily did the
almoner persuade him to the contrary, which delighted
him much, and caused him to have the greater affection
and love to the almoner." Having got into such power,
12 HISTORY OF
book he observed the King's inclinations exactly, and followed
' his interests closely : for though he made other princes
retain him with great presents and pensions, yet he ne-
ver engaged the King into any alliance, but what was
for his advantage. For affairs at home, after he was
established in his greatness, he affected to govern with-
out parliaments, there being from the seventh year of
his reign, after which he got the great seal, but one
parliament in the fourteenth and fifteenth year, and no
more till the one-and-twenticth, when matters were
turning about: but he raised great sums of money by
loans and benevolences. And indeed if we look on him
as a minister of state, he was a very extraordinary per-
son ; but as he was a churchman, he was the disgrace
of his profession. He not only served the King in all
his secret pleasures, but was lewd and vicious himself;
so that his having the French pox (which in those days
was a matter of no small infamy) was so public, that it
was brought against him in parliament, when he fell in
disgrace : he was a man of most extravagant vanity, as
appears by the great state he lived in ; and, to feed that,
his ambition and covetousness were proportionable.
Oct. 1313. He was first made bishop of Tourney, when that
town was taken from the French ; then he was made
»iiest. bishop of Lincoln,1 which was the first bishopric that
March 5. fell void in this kingdom ; after that, upon Cardinal
Regni, i Bembridge's death, he parted with Lincoln and was
part. Hot. i i • l r -\r l i ft l • i
pat. made archbishop or lork;b then Hadrian, that was a
■R°n\ 6i cardinal and bishop of Bath and Wells, being deprived,
part, r, p. that see0 was given to him ; then the abbey of St.
loRemf'i Albansd was given to him in comendam : he next
part. ii. p. parted with Bath and "Wells, and got the bishopric of
is.ReJni,3 Duresme,e which he afterwards exchanged for the bi-
part. r.p. shopric of Winchester/ But besides all that he had
is Regni. « m his own hands, the King granted him a full power of
part. r. p. disposing of all the ecclesiastical benefices in England
so. ^tegni, (which brought him in as much money as all the places
spart.R.p. }ie nelc^ ; for having so vast a power committed to him,
both from the King and the Pope, as to church prefer-
ments, it maybe easily gathered what advantages a man
of his temper would draw from it. Warham was lord
THE REFORMATION. 13
chancellor the first seven years of the King's reign, but book
retired to give place to his aspiring favourite, who had a
mind to the great seal, that there might be no interfer-
ing between the legantine and chancery courts. And
perhaps it wrought somewhat on his vanity, that even
after he was cardinal, Warham, as lord chancellor, took
place of him, as appears from the entries made in the
Journals of the House of Peers in the parliament held
the seventh year of the King's reign, and afterwards
gave him place, as appears on many occasions, particu-
larly, in the letter written to the Pope 1530, set down
by the Lord Herbert, which the Cardinal subscribed be-
fore Warham. We have nothing on record to shew
O
what a speaker he was, for all the journals of parliament
from the seventh to the twenty-fifth year of this King are
lost, but it is like he spoke, as his predecessor in that of-
fice Warham did, whose speeches as they are entered in
the Journals, are sermons begun with a text of scripture ;
which he expounded and applied to the business they
were to go upon, stuffing them with the most fulsome
flattery of the King that was possible.
The next in favour and power was the Lord Trea-
surer restored to his father s honour of Duke of Nor-
folk, to whom his son succeeded in that office, as well
as in his hereditary honours ; and managed his interest
with the King so dexterously, that he stood in all the
changes that followed, and continued lord treasurer
during the reign of this King, till near the end of it,
when he fell through jealousy, rather than guilt ; this
shewed how dexterous a man he was, that could stand
so long in that employment under such a King.
But the chief favourite in the King's pleasures; was
Charles Brandon, a gallant graceful person, one of
the strongest men of the age, and so a fit match for the
King at his justs and tiltings, which was the manly di-
version of that time, and the King taking much plea-
sure in it, being of a robust body, and singularly expert
at it, he who was so able to second him in these courses,
grew mightily in his favour ; so that he made him first
Viscount Lisle, and some months after, Duke of Suf- Mayi5,5to
folk. Nor was he less in the ladies' favours, than the Rot. "pat"4'
14 HISTORY OF
book king's; for his sister the Lady Mary liked him, and
being but so long married to King Lewis of France, as
to make her queen dowager of France, she resolved
to choose her second husband herself, and cast her eye
on the Duke of Suffolk, who was then sent over to the
court of France. Her brother had designed the mar-
riage between them, yet would not openly give his
consent to it ; but she, by a strange kind of wooing,
prefixed him the term of four days to gain her consent,
in which she told him, if he did not prevail, he should
for ever lose all his hopes of having her, though, after
such a declaration, he was like to meet with no great
April 1515. difficulty from her. So they were married, and the King
was easily pacified and received them into favour ; nei-
Lady Mary fcjjgj. dj^ hjs favour die with her, for it continued all his
23, 1533. life : but he never meddled much in business, and by all
that appears was a better courtier than statesman. Lit-
tle needs be said of any other person more than will af-
terwards occur.
The King loved to raise mean persons, and upon the
least distaste to throw them down : and, falling into dis-
grace, he spared not to sacrifice them to public discon-
tents. His court was magnificent, and his expense vast ;
he indulged himself in his pleasures : and the hopes of
children (besides the Lady Mary) failing by the Queen,
he, who of all things desired issue most, kept one Eliza-
beth Blunt, by whom he had Henry Fitzroy, whom in
June 17, the seventeenth year of his reign he created Earl of
ifo't^S". Nottingham, and the same day made him Duke of
Richmond and Somerset, and intended afterwards to
have put him in the succession of the crown after his
DukeRidi. other children ; but his death prevented it.
9^1536. As for his parliaments, he took great care to keep a
good understanding with them, and chiefly with the
House of Commons, by which means he seldom failed
to carry matters as he pleased among them : only in the
parliament held in the fourteenth and fifteenth of his
reign, the demand of the subsidy towards the war with
France, being so high as 800,000 lib. the fifth of men's
goods and lands to be paid in four years, and the Cardi-
nal being much hated, there was great opposition made
THE REFORMATION.
15
to it : for which the Cardinal blamed Sir Thomas More book
much, who was then speaker of the House of Commons ; _ '
and finding that which was offered, was not above the
half of what was asked, went himself to the House of
Commons, and desired to hear the reasons of those who
opposed his demands, that he might answer them :
but he was told the order of their House was to reason
only among themselves, and so went away much dissa-
tisfied. It was with great difficulty that they obtained
a subsidy of three shillings in the lib. to be paid in
four years. This disappointment, it seems, did so of-
fend the Cardinal, that as no parliament had been called
for seven years before, so there was none summoned for
seven years after. And thus stood the civil government
of England in the nineteenth year of the King's reign,
when the matter of divorce was first moved. But I shall
next open the state of affairs in reference to religious
and spiritual concerns.
King Henry was bred with more care than had been Hewasbred
usually bestowed on the education of princes for many a ,cho ar'
ages, who had been only trained up to those exercises
that prepared them to war ; and if they could read and
write, more was not expected of them. But learning
began now to flourish ; and as the house of Medici in
Florence had great honour by the protection it gave to
learned men, so other princes every where cherished the
muses. King Henry the Seventh, though illiterate him-
self, yet took care to have his children instructed in
good letters. And it generally passes current that he
bred his second son a scholar, having designed him to
be archbishop of Canterbury, but that has no founda-
tion ; for the writers of that time tell, that his elder bro-
ther, Prince Arthur, was also bred a scholar. And all
the instruction King Henry had in learning, must have
been after his brother was dead, when that design had
vanished with his life. For he being born the twenty-
eighth of June, 149], and Prince Arthur dying the
second of April, 1502, he was not full eleven years of
age when he became prince of Wales ;* at which age
* Here it is supposed that the next heir- apparent of the crown was
prince of Wales. The heir-apparent of the crown is indeed prince, but
10 HISTORY OF
look princes have seldom made any great progress in learn-
' ing. But King Henry the Seventh, judging either that
it would make his sons greater princes, and fitter for the
management of their affairs, or being jealous of their
looking too early into business, or their pretending to
the crown upon their mother's title, which might have
been a dangerous competition to him, that was so little
beloved by his subjects, took this method for amusing
them with other things : thence it was, that his son was
the most learned prince that had been in the world for
many ages, and deserved the title Bean-clerke, on a bet-
ter account than his predecessor, that long before had
carried it. The learning then in credit, was either that
of the schools, about abstruse questions of divinity,
which from the days of Lombard were debated and des-
canted on with much subtlety and nicety, and exercised
all speculative divines ; or the study of the canon law,
which was the way to business and preferment. To the
former of these the King was much addicted, and de-
lighted to read often in Thomas Aquinas ; and this
made Cardinal Wolsey more acceptable to him, who
was chiefly conversant in that sort of learning. He loved
the purity of the Latin tongue, which made him be so
kind to Erasmus, that was the great restorer of it, and
to Polydore Virgil ; though neither of these made their
court dexterously with the Cardinal, which did much in-
tercept the King's favour to them ; so that the one left
England, and the other was but coarsely used in it, who
lias sufficiently revenged himself upon the Cardinal's
memory. The philosophy then in fashion was so inter-
mixed with their divinity, that the King understood it
too ; and was also a good musician, as appears by two
is not prince of Wales, strictly speaking, unless he has it given him by
creation. And it is said, that there is nothing on record to prove thai any
of King Henry's children were ever created prince of Wales. There are
indeed some hints of the Lady Mary's being styled Princess of Wales; for
when a family was appointed for her, 152o, \c\sev, bishop of Exeter, her
tnlor, was made president of Wales. She also is said to have kept her
house at Ludlow; and Lclaad says, tbatTeken Hill, a house in those
parts Imiit for Prince Arthur, was repaired for h< r. And Too. Linacre
dedicates his " Rndiiuents of Grammar" to her, by the title ofPrincesa of
Cornwall and Wales.
THE REFORMATION. 17
whole masses which he composed. He never wrote well, book
but scrawled so that his hand was scarce legible. '
Being thus inclined to learning, he was much courted
by all hungry scholars, who generally over Europe de-
dicated their books to him, with such flattering epistles,
that it very much lessens him, to see how he delighted
in such stuff. For if he had not taken pleasure in it,
and rewarded them, it is not likely that others should
have been every year writing after such ill copies. Of all
things in the world, flattery wrought most on him ; and
no sort of flattery pleased him better than to have his
great learning and wisdom commended. And in this,
his parliaments, his courtiers, his chaplains, foreigners
and natives, all seemed to vie who should exceed most,
and came to speak to him in a style which was scarce fit
to be used to any creature. But he designed to entail
these praises on his memory, cherishing churchmen
more than any king in England had ever done ; he also
courted the Pope with a constant submission, and upon
all occasions made the Pope's interest his own, and made
war and peace as they desired him. So that had he died
any time before the nineteenth year of his reign, he
could scarce have escaped being canonized, notwith-
standing all his faults ; for he abounded in those virtues
which had given saintship to kings for near a thousand
years together, and had done more than they all did, by
writing a book for the Roman faith.
England had for above three hundred years been the The king's
tamest part of Christendom to the papal authority, and Pre™ffcs^e
had been accordingly dealt with. But though the par- asticai mat-
liaments, and two or three high-spirited kings, had
given some interruption to the cruel exactions and
other illegal proceedings of the Court of Rome, yet that
court always gained their designs in the end. But even
in this King's days, the crown was not quite stripped of all
its authority over spiritual persons. The investitures of
bishops and abbots, which had been originally given by
the delivery of the pastoral ring and staff, by the kings
of England, were, after some opposition, wrung out of
their hands : yet I find they retained another thing,
which upon the matter was the same. When any see was
VOL, I. f. i. c
ters.
HISTORY OF
Restitutio
tempurali-
tatii.
Collect.
Numb. 1.
fart vacant, a writ was issued oat of the chancery for seizing
on all the temporalities of the bishoprick, and then the
Custodia k-mg recommended one to the pope, upon which his
temporalis bulls were expeded at Rome, and so by a warrant from
the pope he was consecrated, and invested in the spi-
ritualities of the see ; but was to appear before the king,
either in person or by proxy, and renounce every clause
in his letters and bulls, that were or might be prejudi-
cial to the prerogative of the crown, or contrary to the
laws of the land, and was to swear fealty and allegiance
to the king. And after this a new writ was issued out
of the chancery, bearing that this was done, and that
thereupon the temporalities should be restored. Of this
there are so many precedents in the records, that every
one that has searched them must needs find them in
every year ; but when this began, I leave to the more
learned in the law to discover. And for proof of it the
reader will find in the Collection the fullest record
which I met with concerning it in Henry the Seventh's
reign, of Cardinal Adrian's being invested in the bi-
shoprick of Bath and Wells. So that upon the matter
the kings then disposed of all bishopricks, keeping that
still in their own hands which made them most desired
in those ages ; and so had the bishops much at their
devotion.
But King Henry in a great degree parted with this,
by the above-mentioned power granted to Cardinal
Wolsey, who being legate as well as lord chancellor, it
was thought a great error in government, to lodge such
a trust with him, which might have passed into a prece-
dent, for other legates pretending to the same power ;
since the papal greatness had thus risen, and oft upon
weaker grounds, to the height it was then at. Yet the
King had no mind to suffer the laws made against the
suing out of bulls in the Court of Rome without his
License to leave to be neglected ; for I find several licenses granted
pLahmg. *° sue bulls in that court, bearing for their preamble the
Novem.3. statute of the sixteenth of Richard the Second against
RegdRot. the Pope's pretended power in England.
Pat- But the immunity of ecclesiastical persons was a
tiling that occasioned great complaints. And good
THE REFORMATION. 11)
cause there was for them. For it was ordinary for per- book
sons after the greatest crimes to get into orders ; and £ '
then not only what was past must be forgiven them, but
they were not to be questioned for any crime after holy
orders given, till they were first degraded ; and till that
was done, they were the Bishop's prisoners. Where-
upon there arose a great dispute m the beginning of this
King's reign, of which none of our historians having
taken any notice, I shall give a full account of it.
King Henry the Seventh, in his fourth parliament, A contest
did a little lessen the privileges of the clergy, enacting ecdesiast?-
that clerks convicted should be burnt in the hand. But c?i immu-
this not proving a sufficient restraint, it was enacted in "'ay's Re-"
parliament in the fourth year of this King, that all mur- Ports-
derers and robbers should be denied the benefit of their
clergy. But though this seemed a very just law, yet to
make it pass through the House of Lords, they added
two provisos to it — the one, for excepting all such as
were within the holy orders of bishop, priest, or deacon ;
the other, that the act should only be in force till the
next parliament. With these provisos it was unani-
mously assented to by the Lords on the 26th of Ja-
nuary, 1513, and being agreed toby the Commons,
the royal assent made it a law : pursuant to which, many
murderers and felons were denied their clergy, and
the law passed on them to the great satisfaction of the
whole nation. But this gave great offence to the clergy,
who had no mind to suffer their immunities to be
touched or lessened. And judging, that if the laity made
bold with inferior orders, they would proceed further
even against sacred orders ; therefore, as their opposi-
tion was such, that the act not being continued, did de-
termine at the next parliament (that was in the fifth
year of the King), so they, not satisfied with that, re-
solved to fix a censure on that act as contrary to the
franchises of the holy church. And the Abbot of Win-
chelcomb being more forward than the rest, during the
session of parliament in the seventh year of this King's
reign, in a sermon at Paul's Cross, said openly, That that
act was " contrary to the law of God, and to the liberties
of the holy church, and that all who assented to it, as
c 2
20 HISTORY OF
part well spiritual as temporal persons, hadj by so doing, in-
L curred the censures of the church." And for confirma-
tion of his opinion, he published a book to prove, that
all clerks, whether of the greater or lower orders, were
sacred, and exempted from all temporal punishment by
the secular judge, even in criminal cases. This made
great noise, and all the temporal lords, with the concur-
rence of the House of Commons, desired the King to
Suppress the growing insolence of the clergy. So there
was a hearing of the matter before the King, with all the
judges and the King's temporal council. Doctor Stam-
dish, guardian of the Mendicant Friars in London (af-
terwards bishop of St. Asaph), the chief of the King's spi-
ritual council, argued, That by the law, clerks had been
still convened and judged in the King's court for civil
crimes, and that there was nothing either in the laws of
God or the church inconsistent with it ; and that the
public good of the society, which was chiefly driven at
by all laws, and ought to be preferred to all other things,
required that crimes should be punished. But the Abbot
of Winchelcomb, being counsel for the clergy, excepted
to this, and said, " There was a decree made by the
church expressly to the contrary, to which all ought to
pay obedience under the pain of mortal sin ; and that
therefore the trying of clerks in the civil courts was a
sin in itself." Standish upon this turned to the King
and said, " God forbid that all the decrees of the church
should bind. It seems the bishops think not so, for
though there is a decree that they should reside at their
cathedrals all the festivals of the year, yet the greater
part of them do it not ;" adding, that no decree
could have any force in England till it was received
there ; and that this decree was never received in Eng-
land, but that, as well since the making of it, as before,
clerks had been tried for crimes in the civil courts. To
this the Abbot made no answer, but brought a place of
Scripture to prove this exemption to have come from
our Saviour's words, Nolite tangere cliristos meos, Touch
not mine anointed ; and therefore princes ordering
clerks to be arrested and brought before their courts,
was contrary to Scripture, against which no custom can
THE REFORMATION. 21
take place. Standish replied, these words were never book
said by our Saviour, but were put by David in his
Psalter one thousand years before Christ ; and he said
these words had no relation to the civil judicatories, but
because the greatest part of the world was then wicked,
and but a small number believed the law, they were a
charge to the rest of the world, not to do them harm.
But though the Abbot had been very violent, and con-
fident of his being able to confound all that held the
contrary opinion, yet he made no answer to this. The
laity that were present being confirmed in their former
opinion by hearing the matter thus argued, moved the
bishops to order the Abbot to renounce his former opi-
nion, and recant his sermon at Paul's Cross. But they
flatly refused to do it, and said they were bound by the
laws of the holy church to maintain the Abbot's opinion
in every point of it. Great heats followed upon this
during the sitting of the parliament, of which there is
a very partial entry made in the journal of the Lords'
House ; and no wonder, the clerk of the parliament,
Dr. Tylor, doctor of the canon law, being at the same Madecierfc,
time speaker of the Lower House of Convocation. The ?^°b--|9:
• • i t i • i- i 1. Keg. Hot.
entry is m these words : r In this parliament and con- Pat. Part,
vocation, there were most dangerous contentions be- 10j0lunal
tween the clergy and the secular power, about the ec- procemm j
clesiastical liberties ; one Standish, a minor friar, being so[ulum X
the instrument and promoter of all that mischief." But fi»itum fuit
a passage fell out, that made this matter be more fully nJentam ??
prosecuted in the Michaelmas term. One Richard J)e,Cn15i5'
Hunne, a merchant tailor in London, was questioned Tylor, juris
by a clerk in Middlesex for a mortuary, pretended to be g^f^L
due for a child of his that died five weeks old. The clerk rico pariia-
claiming the beering sheet, and Hunne refusing to give pomtoiRe-
it ; upon that he was sued, but his counsel advised him gis: eteo-
to sue the clerk in a prcemunire, for bringing the King's jj£™ p'r"]0_
subjects before a foreign court ; the spiritual court sit- cutore Coa-
ting by authority from the legate. This touched the cieri,'°quod
clergy so in the quick, that they used all the arts they raroacrfdit
could to fasten heresy on him ; and understanding that ifemento'et
he had WicklifF's Bible, upon that he was attached of <*>™™*±
l 1 t 11 11 t» n i lione pen-
neresy, and put in the Lollard s tower at Paul s, and ex- cuiusissimaj
22
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
seditiones
exortae sunt
inter cle-
rum et se-
cularem po-
testatem su-
per liberta-
tibus Eccle-
siasticis,
quodara
fratre mi-
nore, no-
mine Stan-
dish, omni-
um malo-
tu in rninis-
tro ac sti-
mulatore.
Hall and
Fox.
* Hunne
hanged in
prison.
And his bo-
dy burned.
Dec. 20,
amined upon some articles objected to him by Fitz-
James, then bishop of London. He denied them as
they were charged against him, but acknowledged he
had said some words sounding that way, for which he
was sorry, and asked God's mercy, and submitted him-
self to the Bishop's correction ; upon which he ought to
have been enjoined penance, and set at liberty ; but he
persisting still in his suit in the King's courts, they used
him most cruelly. On the 4th of December he was
found hanged in the chamber where he was kept prison-
er.* And Dr. Horsey, chancellor to the Bishop of
London, with the other officers who had the charge of
the prison, gave it out that he had hanged himself.
But the Coroner of London coming to hold an inquest
on the dead body, they found him hanging so loose,
and in a silk girdle, that they clearly perceived he was
killed ; they also found his neck had been broken, as
they judged, with an iron chain, for the skin was all
fretted and cut ; they saw some streams of blood about
his body, besides several other evidences, which made it
clear he had not murdered himself; whereupon they
did acquit the dead body, and laid the murder on the
officers that had the charge of that prison : and by other
proofs they found the Bishop's Sumner and the Bell-
ringer guilty of it ; and by the deposition of the Sum-
ner himself, it did appear, that the Chancellor and he,
and the Bell-ringer, did murder him, and then hang
him up.
But as the inquest proceeded in this trial, the Bishop
began a new process against the dead body of Richard
Hunne, for other points of heresy ; and several articles
were gathered out of Wickliff's preface to the Bible
with which he was charged. And his having the book
in his possession being taken for good evidence, he was
judged an heretic, and his body delivered to the secular
power. When judgment was given, the Bishops of Du-
resme and Lincoln, with many doctors both of divinity
and the canon law, sat with the Bishop of London ; so
that it was looked on as an act of the whole clergy, and
done by common consent. On the 20th of December
his body was burnt at Smithfield.
THE REFORMATION. 23
But this produced an effect very different from what was book
expected ; for it was hoped that he being found an heretic, L
nobody should appear for him any more : whereas, on
the contrary, it occasioned a great outcry, the man hav-
ing lived in very good reputation among his neighbours ;
so that after that day the city of London was never well
affected to the popish clergy, but inclined to follow any
body who spoke against them, and every one looked on
it as a cause of common concern. All exclaimed against
the cruelty of their clergy, that for a man's suing a clerk
according to law, he should be long and hardly used in
a severe imprisonment, and at last cruelly murdered ;
and all this laid on himself to defame him, and ruin his
family. And then to burn that body which they had
so handled, was thought such a complication of cruel-
ties, as few barbarians had ever been guilty of. The
Bishop finding that the inquest went on, and the whole
matter was discovered, used all possible endeavours to
stop their proceedings ; and they were often brought
before the King's council, where it was pretended that
all proceeded from malice and heresy. The Cardinal
laboured to procure an order to forbid their going any
further, but the thing was both so foul and so evident
that it could not be done : and that opposition made it
more generally believed. In the parliament there was
a bill sent up to the Lords by the Commons for re-
storing Hunne's children, which was passed, and had
the royal assent to it ; but another bill being brought
in about this murder, it occasioned great heats among
them. The Bishop of London said that Hunne had
hanged himself, that the inquest were false perjured cai-
tiffs, and if they proceeded further, he could not keep
his house for heretics ; so that the bill which was sent
up by the Commons was but once read in the House of Aprils.
Lords, for the power of the clergy was great there.
But the trial went on, and both the Bishop's Chancel-
lor and the Sumner were indicted as principals in the
murder.
The convocation that was then sitting, finding so
great a stir made, and that all their liberties were now
struck at, resolved to call Dr. Standish to an account
24 HISTORY OF
part for what he had said and argued in the matter ; so he
' being summoned before them, some articles were ob-
jected to him by word of mouth, concerning the judg-
ing of clerks in civil courts ; and the day following,
they being put in writing, the bill was delivered to him,
and a day assigned for him to make answer. The Doc-
tor, perceiving their intention, and judging it would go
hard with him, if he were tried before them, went and
claimed the King's protection, from this trouble that he
was now brought in, for discharging his duty as the
King's spiritual counsel. But the clergy made their ex-
cuse to the King, that they were not to question him
for any thing he had said as the King's counsel ; but for
some lectures he read at St. Paul's and elsewhere, con-
trary to the law of God and liberties of the holy church,
which they were bound to maintain ; and desired the
King's assistance, according to his coronation oath, and
as he would not incur the censures of the holy church.
On the other hand, the temporal lords and judges,
with the concurrence of the House of Commons, ad-
dressed to the King to maintain the temporal jurisdic-
tion according to his coronation oath, and to protect
Standish from the malice of his enemies.
This put the King in great perplexity, for he had no
mind to lose any part of his temporal jurisdiction, and
on the other hand was no less apprehensive of the dan-
gerous effects that might follow on a breach with the
clergy. So he called for Dr. Veysey, then dean of his
chapel, and afterwards bishop of Exeter, and charged
him upon his allegiance to declare the truth to him in
that matter: which after some study he did, and said,
upon his faith, conscience, and allegiance, he did think
that the convening of clerks before the secular judge,
which had been always practised in England, might
well consist with the law of God and the true liberties
of the holy church. This gave the King great satisfac-
tion ; so he commanded all the judges, and his council
both spiritual and temporal, and some of both Houses,
to meet at Blackfriars, and to hear the matter argued.
The bill against Dr. Standish was read, which consist-
ed of six articles that were objected to him. " First.
THE REFORMATION. 25
That he had said that the lower orders were not saered. book
Secondly, That the exemption of clerks was not found- _
ed on a divine right. Thirdly, That the laity might
coerce clerks when the prelates did not their duty.
Fourthly, That no positive ecclesiastical law binds any
but those who receive it. Fifthly, That the study of
the canon law was needless. Sixthly, That of the whole
volume of the Decretum, so much as a man could hold
in his fist, and no more, did oblige Christians." To these
Dr. Standish answered, That for those things expressed
in the third, the fifth, and the sixth articles, he had ne-
ver taught them ; as for his asserting them at any time
in discourse, as he did not remember it, so he did not
much care, whether he had done it or not. To the
first, he said, lesser orders in one sense are sacred, and
in another they are not sacred. For the second and
fourth, he confessed he had taught them, and was ready
to justify them. It was objected by the clergy, that
as, by the law of God, no man could judge his father,
it being contrary to that commandment, " Honour thy
father:" so churchmen being spiritual fathers, they
could not be judged by the laity, who were their chil-
dren. To which he answered, That as that only con-
cluded in favour of priests, those in inferior orders not
being fathers ; so it was a mistake to say a judge might
not sit upon his natural father, for the judge was by ano-
ther relation above his natural father : and though 1 he
commandment is conceived in general words, yet there
are some exceptions to be admitted ; as though it be
said, " Thou shalt not kill," yet in some cases we may
lawfully kill; so in the case of justice a judge may law-
fully sit on his father.
But Dr. Veysey's argument Was that which took
most with all that were present. He said, it was cer^
tain that the laws of the church did not bind any but
those who received them. To prove this, he said, that
in old times all secular priests were married ; but in the
days of St. Augustine, the apostle of England, there
was a decree made to the contrary, which was received
in England, and in many other places, by virtue where-
of the secular priests in England may not marry ; but
26 HISTORY OF
part this law not being universally received, the Greek church
never judged themselves bound by it, so that to this
day the priests in that church have wives as well as
other secular men. If then the churches of the east,
not having received the law of the celibate of the clergy,
have never been condemned by the church for not
obeying it ; then the convening clerks having been al-
ways practised in England, was no sin, notwithstanding
the decree to the contrary, which was never received
here. Nor is this to be compared to those privileges
that concern only a private man's interest, for the com-
monwealth of the whole realm was chiefly to be looked
at, and to be preferred to all other things.
When the matter was thus argued on both sides, all
the judges delivered their opinions, in these words :
" That all those of the convocation who did award the
citation against Standish, were in the case of a pr&mu-
nire facias j" and added somewhat about the constitu-
tion of the parliament, which being foreign to my busi-
ness, and contrary to a received opinion, I need not
mention, but refer the reader to Keilway for his in-
formation, if he desires to know more of it : and thus
the court broke up. But soon after, all the lords, spi-
ritual and temporal, with many of the House of Com-
mons, and all the judges and the King's council, were
called before the King to Baynard's Castle ; and in all
their presence the Cardinal kneeled down before the
King, and in the name of the clergy said, " That none
of them intended to do any thing that might derogate
from his prerogative, and least of all himself, who owed
his advancement only to the King's favour. But this
matter of convening of clerks, did seem to them all to
be contrary to the laws of God and the liberties of the
church, which they were bound by their oaths to main-
tain according to their power :" therefore in their name
he humbly begged, " That the King, to avoid the cen-
sures of the church, would refer the matter to the de-
cision of the Pope and his council, at the Court of
Rome." To which the King answered, " It seems to us,
that Dr. Standish, and others of our spiritual council,
have answered you fully in all points." The Bishop of
THE REFORMATION. 27
Winchester replied, " Sir, I warrant you Dr. Standish book
will not abide by his opinion at his peril." But the L
Doctor said, " What should one poor friar do alone,
against all the bishops and clergy of England ?" After
a short silence the Archbishop of Canterbury said,
" That in former times divers holy fathers of the church
had opposed the execution of that law, and some of
them suffered martyrdom in the quarrel." To whom
Fineux, Lord Chief Justice, said, " That many holy
kings had maintained that law, and many holy fathers
had given obedience to it, which it is not to be pre-
sumed they would have done, had they known it to be
contrary to the law of God :" and he desired to know,
by what law bishops could judge clerks for felony, it
being a thing only determined by the temporal law ; so
that either Jt was not at all to be tried, or it was only in
the temporal court ; so that either clerks must do as
they please, or be tried in the civil courts. To this no
answer being made, the King said these words : " By
the permission and ordinance of God we are king of
England, and the kings of England in times past had
never any superior, but God only. Therefore know
you well that we will maintain the right of our crown,
and of our temporal jurisdiction, as well in this, as in
all other points, in as ample manner as any of our pro-
genitors have done before our time. And as for your
decrees, we are well assured that you of the spirituality
go expressly against the words of divers of them, as hath
been shewed you by some of our council ; and you in-
terpret your decrees at your pleasure, but we will not
agree to them more than our progenitors have done in
former times," But the Archbishop of Canterbury made
most humble instance, that the matter might be so long
respited, till they could get a resolution from the Court
of Rome, which they should procure at their own
charges ; and if it did consist with the law of God, they
should conform themselves to the law of the land. To
this the King made no answer : but the warrants being
out against Dr. Horsey, the Bishop of London's chan-
cellor, he did abscond in the Archbishop's house ;
though it was pretended he was a prisoner there, till
28 HISTORY OF
part afterwards a temper was found, that Horsey should ren-
der himself a prisoner in the King's Bench and be tried.
But the Bishop of .London made earnest application to
the Cardinal that he would move the King to command
the Attorney General to confess the indictment was not
true, that it might not be referred to a jury ; since he
said the citizens of London did so favour heresy, that
if he were as innocent as Abel, they would find any
clerk guilty. The King, not willing to irritate the clergy
too much, and judging he had maintained his preroga-
tive by bringing Horsey to the bar, ordered the Attor-
ney to do so. And accordingly, when Horsey was
brought to the bar, and indicted of murder, he pleaded
Not Guilty ; which the Attorney acknowledging, he was
dismissed, and went and lived at Exeter, and never again
came back to London, either out of fear or shame. And
for Dr. Standish, upon the King's command, he was
also dismissed out of the court of Convocation.
It does not appear that the Pope thought fit to inter-
pose in this matter. For though upon less provoca-
tions, popes had proceeded to the highest censures
against princes, yet this King was otherwise so neces-
sary to the Pope at this time, that he was not to be of-
fended. The clergy suffered much in this business, be-
sides the loss of their reputation with the people, who
involved them all in the guilt of Hunne's murder ; for
now their exemption being well examined, was found to
have no foundation at all but in their own decrees ;
and few were much convinced by that authority, since
upon the matter it was but a judgment of their own,
in their own favours : nor was the city of London at
all satisfied with the proceedings in the King's Bench,
since there was no justice done ; and all thought the
King seemed more careful to maintain his prerogative
than to do justice.
This I have related the more fully, because it seems
to have had great influence on people's minds, and to
have disposed them much to the changes that followed
afterwards. How these things were entered in the
books of Convocation, cannot be now known. For
among the other sad losses sustained in the late burn-
THE REFORMATION. 29
ing of London, this was one, that almost all the regis- book
ters of the spiritual courts were burnt, some few .of the '
Archbishops of Canterbury and Bishops of London's re-
gisters being only preserved. But having compared
Fox's account of this and some other matters, and find-
ing it exactly according to the registers that are pre-
served, I shall the more confidently build on what he
published from those records that are now lost.
This was the only thine: in the first eighteen years of T,h,<: Kjns
At rr« i I 11 i /• obliged the
the King s reign that seemed to lessen the greatness of popes high-
the clergy, but in all other matters he was a most faith- ^ a"d WM
OJ ' _ ^ much
Ful son of the see of Rome. Pope Julius, soon after his courted by
coming to the crown, sent him a golden rose, with a
letter to Archbishop Warham to deliver it ; and though JfumbTt.
such presents might seem fitter for young children than
for men of discretion, yet the King was much delighted
with it ; and to shew his gratitude, there was a treaty Treaty
concluded the year following between the King and 3.rL
Ferdinand of Arragon, for the defence of the papacy
against the French King. And when, in opposition to
the council that the French King and some other
princes and cardinals had called, first to Pisa (which was
afterwards translated to Milan), and then to Lyons, that
summoned the Pope to appear before them, and sus-
pended his authority, Pope Julius called another coun- April 19,
•cil to be held in the Lateran ; the Kino- sent the
Bishop of Worcester, the Prior of St. John's, and the
Abbot of Winchelcomb, to sit in that council, in which
there was such a representative of the Catholic church as
had not been for several of the later ages in the Western
church : in wThich a few bishops, packed out of several
kingdoms, and many Italian bishops, with a vast num-
ber of abbots, priors, and other inferior dignified clergy-
men, were brought to confirm together whatever the
popes had a mind to enact'; which passing easily among
them, was sent over the world with a stamp of sacred
authority, as the decrees and decisions of the holy uni-
versal church assembled in a general council.
Nor was there a worse understanding between this
King and Pope Leo the Tenth, that succeeded Julius,
who did also compliment him with those papal presents
30
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
Oct. 11,
1521.
L. Herbert.
A bull for
reforming
the clergy,
10 June,
1519.
L. Herbert,
and article
- 29. of his
impeach-
ment.
The Cardi
nal's pritie
Polydore
Yirk'l.
of roses, and at his desire made Wolsey a cardinal;
and above all other things obliged him by conferring
on him the title of Defender of the Faith (upon the pre-
senting to the Pope his book against Luther), in a pomp-
ous letter, signed by the Pope, and twenty-seven cardi-
nals, in which the King took great pleasure, affecting it
always beyond all his other titles, though several of the
former kings of England had carried the same title, as
Spelman informs us. So easy a thing it was for popes
to oblige princes in those days, when a title or a rose
was thought a sufficient recompence for the greatest
services.
The Cardinal governing all temporal affairs as he did,
it is not to be doubted but his authority was absolute in
ecclesiastical matters, which seem naturally to lie within
his province ; yet Warham made some opposition to
him, and complained to the King of his encroaching too
much in his legantine courts upon his jurisdiction ; and
the things being clearly made out, the King chid the
Cardinal sharply for it, who, ever after that, hated War-
ham in his heart, yet he proceeded more warily for the
future.
But the Cardinal drew the hatred of the clergy upon
himself, chiefly by a bull which he obtained from Rome,
giving him authority to visit all monasteries, and all the
clergy of England, and to dispense with all the laws of
the church for one whole vear after the date of the bull.
The power that was lodged in him by this bull was not
more invidious, than the words in which it was con-
ceived were offensive; for the preamble of it was full
of severe reflections against the manners and ignorance
of the clergy, who are said in it to have been delivered
over to a reprobate mind. This, as it was a public de-
faming them, so, how true soever it might be, all thought
it did not become the Cardinal, whose vices were no-
torious and scandalous, to tax others, whose faults were
neither so great nor so eminent as his were.
He did also affect a magnificence and greatness, not
only in his habit (being the first clergyman in England
that wore silks), but in his family, his train, and other
pieces of state, equal to that of kings. And even in
THE REFORMATION. 31
performing divine offices, and saying mass, he did it book
with the same ceremonies that the popes use ; who
judge themselves so nearly related to God, that those
humble acts of adoration, which are devotions in other
persons, would abase them too much. He had not
only bishops and abbots to serve him, but even dukes
and earls to give him the water and the towel. He
had certainly a vast mind ; and he saw the corruptions
of the clergy gave so great scandal, and their ignorance
was so profound, that unless some effectual ways were
taken for correcting these, they must needs fall into
great disesteem with the people; for though he took
great liberties himself, and, perhaps, according to the
maxim of the canonists, he judged cardinals, as princes
of the church, were not comprehended within ordinary
ecclesiastical laws ; yet he seemed to have designed the He designs
reformation of the inferior clergy by all the means he ^ufonna"
could think of, except the giving them a good example :
therefore he intended to visit all the monasteries of
England, that so discovering their corruptions, he
might the better justify the design he had to suppress And a sup-
most of them, and convert them into bishopricks, ca- Pression of
thedrals, collegiate churches, and colleges ; for which ries.
end he procured the bull from Rome ; but he was
diverted from making any use of it, by some who ad-
vised him rather to suppress monasteries by the Pope's
authority, than proceed in a method which would raise
great hatred against himself, cast foul aspersions on re-
ligious orders, and give the enemies of the church great
advantages against it. Yet he had communicated his
design to the King, and his secretary Cromwell under-
standing it, was thereby instructed how to proceed after-
wards, when they went about the total suppression of
the monasteries.
The summoning of convocations he assumed by virtue The calling
of his legantine power. Of these there were two sorts : uons.nvoca
the first was called by the King ; for with the writs for
a parliament, there went out always a summons to the
two Archbishops, for calling a convocation of their pro-
vinces, the style of which will be found in the Collection. Collect
It differs in nothing from what is now in use, but that Numb- 3-
32 HISTORY QF
part the King did not prefix the day : requiring them only
to be summoned to meet with all convenient speed ;
and the Archbishops, having the King's pleasure sig-
nified to them, did in their writs prefix the day. Other
convocations were called by the Archbishops in their
several provinces, upon great emergencies, to meet and
treat of things relating to the church, and were pro-
Coiiect. vincial councils. Of this I find but one, and that called
nmb. 4. ^ Warham in the first year of this King, for restoring
the ecclesiastical immunities that had been very much
impaired, as will appear by the writ of summons. But
the Cardinal did now, as legate, issue out writs for con-
Reg. Tonst. vocations. In the year 1522, I find, by the register,
f-33'34f- there was a writ issued from the King to Warham to
call one, who, upon that, summoned it to meet at St.
Paul's, the 20th of April. But the Cardinal prevailed
so far with the King, that, on the 2d of May after, he,
by his legantine authority, dissolved that convocation ;
and issued out a writ to Tonstall, bishop of London, to
bring the clergy of Canterbury to St. Peter's in West-
minster, there to meet and reform abuses in the church,
and consider of other important matters that should be
proposed to them. What they did towards reformation
I know not, the records being lost ; but as to the King's
supply, it was proposed, That they should give the King
the half of the full value of their livings for one year, to
be paid in five years. The Cardinal laid out to them
how much the King had merited from the church, both
by suppressing the schism that was like to have been in
the papacy in Pope Julius's time, and by protecting the
See of Rome from the French tyranny ; but most of all,
for that excellent book written by him in defence of the
faith against the heretics : and that, therefore, since the
French King was making war upon him, and had sent
over the Duke of Albany to Scotland to make war also
on that side, it was fit that on so great an occasion it
should appear that his clergy were sensible of their hap-
piness in having such a king ; which they ought to ex-
press in granting somewhat, that was as much beyond
all former precedents, as the King had merited more
from them than all former kings had ever done.
THE REFORMATION. 33
But the Bishops of Winchester and Rochester op- book
posed this ; for they both hated the Cardinal. The one '
thought him ungrateful to him who had raised him ;
the other, being a man of a strict life, hated him for his
vices. Both these spake against it as an unheard-of tax,
which would so oppress the clergy, that it would not be
possible for them to live and pay it ; and that this would
become a precedent for after-times, which would make
the condition of the clergy most miserable. But the
Cardinal, who intended that the convocation, by a great
subsidy, should lead the way to the parliament, took
much pains for carrying it through ; and got some to
be absent, and others were prevailed on to consent to
it : and, for the fear of its being made a precedent, a clause
was put in the act, That it should be no precedent for
after-times. Others laughed at this, and said, it would
be a precedent for all that, if it once passed. But in
the end it was granted, with a most glorious preamble ;
and by it all the natives of England that had any eccle- Collect,
siastical benefice were to pay the full half of the true
value of their livings in rive years ; and all foreigners
who were beneficed in England, were to pay a whole
year's rent in the same time ; out of which number
were excepted the Bishops of Worcester and Landaffe,
Polydore Virgil, Peter the Carmelite, Erasmus of Rotter-
dam, Silvester Darius, and Peter Vannes, who were to
pay only as natives did. This increased the hatred that
the clergy bore the Cardinal. But he despised .them,
and in particular was a great enemy to the monks, and
looked on them as idle mouths that did neither the
church nor state any service, but were, through their
scandalous lives, a reproach to the church, and a burden
to the state. Therefore, he resolved to suppress a great
number of them, and to change them to another insti-
tution.
From the days of King Edgar, the state of monkery of the state
had been still growing in England. For most of the Masteries?"
secular clergy being then married, and refusing to put
away their wives, were, by Dunstan archbishop of
Canterbury, and Ethelwald bishop of Winchester, and
Oswald bishop of Worcester, who were all monks,
VOL. i. p. i. d
34 HISTORY OF
part turned out of their livings. There is in the rolls an
inspeximus of King Edgar's, erecting the priory and
Rot. Pat. convent of Worcester, which bears date anno 964,
li.Hen. Edgari 6t0. on St. Innocent's day, signed by the King,
the Queen, two archbishops, five bishops, six abbots (but
neither bishoprick nor abbey are named), six dukes, and
five knights. It bears, that the King, with the counsel
and consent of his princes and gentry, did confirm and
establish that priory ; and that he had erected forty-
seven monasteries, which he intended to increase to
fifty, the number of jubilee; and that the former in-
cumbents should be for ever excluded from all preten-
sions to their benefices, because they had rather chosen,
with the danger of their order, and the prejudice of the
ecclesiastical benefice, to adhere to their wives, than to
serve God chastely and canonically.
The monks being thus settled in most cathedrals of
England, gave themselves up to idleness and pleasure,
which had been long complained of; but now that learn-
ing began to be restored, they, being every where pos-
sessed of the best church-benefices, were looked upon
by all learned men with an evil eye, as having in their
hands the chief encouragements of learning, and yet
doing nothing towards it ; they, on the contrary, de-
crying and disparaging it all they could, saying, It
would bring in heresy, and a great deal of mischief.
And the restorers of learning, such as Erasmus, Vives,
and others, did not spare them, but did expose their
ignorance and ill manners to the world.
Now the King naturally loved learning, and there-
fore the Cardinal, either to do a thing which he knew
would be acceptable to the King, or that it was also
agreeable to his own inclinations, resolved to set up
The Cardi- some colleges, in which there should be both great en-
leges. couragements for eminent scholars to prosecute their
studies, and good schools for teaching and training up
of youth. This he knew would be a great honour to
him, to be looked upon as a patron of learning ; and,
therefore, he set his heart much on it, to have two
colleges (the one at Oxford, the other at Ipswich, the
place of his birth) well constituted and nobly endowed.
THE REFORMATION, 85
Bat towards this, it was necessary to suppress some book
monasteries, which was thought every whit as justifiable
and lawful, as it had been many ages before to change
secular prebends into canons regular; the endowed
goods being still applied to a religious use. And it
was thought hard to say, That if the Pope had the abso-
lute power of dispensing the spiritual treasure of the
church, and to translate the merits of one man and ap-
ply them to another ; that he had not a much more
absolute power over the temporal treasure of the church,
to translate church-lands from one use, and apply them
to another. And, indeed, the Cardinal was then so
much considered at Rome, as a pope of another world,
that whatever he desired he easily obtained. Therefore,
on the 3d of April, 1 524, Pope Clement, by a bull, gave
him authority to suppress the monastery of St. Frides-
wide, in Oxford, and in the diocess of Lincoln, and to
carry the monks elsewhere, with a very full non obstante. The bull
To this the King; gave his assent the loth of April fol- and royal
• assent
lowing. After this there followed many other bulls for 1.5. Reg. 2.
other religious houses and rectories that were impro- Par,-Rot-
priated. These houses being thus suppressed by the
law, they belonged to the King ; who thereupon made
them over to the Cardinal by new and special grants,
which are all enrolled. And so he went on with these
great foundations, and brought them to perfection ;
that at Oxford in the eighteenth year, and ttjat at Ips-
wich in the twentieth year of the King's reign, as ap-
pears by the dates of the King's patents for founding
them.
In the last place, I come to shew the new opinions
in religion, or those that were accounted new then in
England ; and the state and progress of them till the
nineteenth year of the King's reign.
From the days of Wickliffe, there were many that The fir?t
disliked most of the received doctrines, in several parts bj;g"ming
of the nation. The clergy were at that time very hate- mationin
ful to the people ; for as the Pope did exact heavily on Ens,and-
them, so they, being oppressed, took all means possible
to make the people repay what the popes wrested from
them. Wickliffe being much encouraged and supported
d 2
36 HISTORY OF
part by the Duke of Lancaster and the Lord Piercy, the
' bishops could not proceed against him till the Duke of
Lancaster was put from the King, and then he was con-
demned at Oxford. Many opinions are charged upon
him, but whether he held them or not, we know not,
but by the testimonies of his enemies, who write of him
with so much passion, that it discredits all they say ; yet
he died in peace, though his body was afterwards burnt.
He translated the Bible out of Latin into English, with
a long preface before it, in which he reflected severely
on the corruptions of the clergy, and condemned the
worshipping of saints and images, and denied the cor-
poral presence of Christ's body in the sacrament, and
exhorted all people to the study of the Scriptures. His
Bible, with this preface, was well received by a great
many, who were led into these opinions, rather by the
impressions which common sense and plain reason made
on them, than by any deep speculation or study. For
the followers of this doctrine were illiterate and igno-
rant men: some few clerks joined to them, but they
formed not themselves into any body or association ;
and were scattered over the kingdom, holding these
opinions in private without making any public profession
of them : generally they were known by their disparag-
ing the superstitious clergy, whose corruptions were
then so notorious, and their cruelty so enraged, that no
wonder the people were deeply prejudiced against them.
Nor were the methods they used likely to prevail much
Upon them, being severe and cruel.
The cruel- In the primitive church, though in their councils
churdh fhe ^ey were not backward to pass anathematisms on every
Rome. thing that they judged heresy, yet all capital proceed-
ings against heretics were condemned; and when two
bishops did prosecute Priscillian and his followers before
the Emperor Maximus, upon which they were put to
death, they were generally so blamed for it, that many
refused to hold communion with them. The Roman
emperors made many laws against heretics, for the fining
and banishing of them, and secluded them from the
privileges of other subjects ; such as making wills, or
receiving legacies ; only the Manichees (who were a
THE REFORMATION. 37
strange mixture between heathenism and Christianity) book
were to suffer death for their errors. Yet the bishops _
in those days, particularly in Afric, doubted much,
whether, upon the insolencies of heretics or schismatics,
they might desire the Emperor to execute those laws for
fining, banishing, and other restraints. And St. Austin
was not easily prevailed on to consent to it. But at
length the Donatists were so intolerable, that after seve-
ral consultations about it, they were forced to consent
to those inferior penalties, but still condemned the
taking away of their lives. And even in the execution of
the imperial laws in those inferior punishments, they
were always interposing, to moderate the severity of the
prefects and governors. The first instance of severity
on men's bodies, that was not censured by the church,
was in the fifth century, under Justin the First, who or-
dered the tongue of Severus (who had been patriarch of
Antioch, but did daily anathematize the council of Chal-
cedon) to be cut out. In the eighth century, Justinian
the Second (called Rhinotmetus from his cropped nose)
burnt all the Manichees in Armenia: and in the end of
the eleventh century, the Bogomili were condemned to
be burnt by the Patriarch and council of Constantinople.
But in the end of the twelfth, and in the beginning of
the thirteenth century, a company of simple and inno-
cent persons in the southern parts of France, being dis-
gusted with the corruptions, both of the popish clergy
and of the public worship, separated from their assem-
blies; and then Dominick and his brethren-preachers,
who came among them to convince them, finding their
preaching did not prevail, .betook themselves to that
way that was sure to silence them. They persuaded
the civil magistrates to burn all such as were judged
obstinate heretics. That they might do this by a law,
the fourth council of Lateran did decree, that all here-
tics should be delivered to the secular power to be ex-
tirpated ; (they thought fit not to speak out, but by the
practice it was known that burning was that which they
meant ;) and if they did it not, they were to be excom-
municated; and after that, if they still refused to do
their duty, (which was upon the matter to be the inqui-
38 HISTORY OF
part sitor's hangman) they were to deny it at their utmost
perils. For not only the ecclesiastical censures, but
anathemas were thought too feeble a punishment for
this omission. Therefore a censure was found out, as
severe upon the prince, as burning was to the poor he-
retic : — He was to be deposed by the Pope, his subjects
to be absolved from their oaths of allegiance, and his
dominions to be given away, to any other faithful son
of the church, such as pleased the Pope best ; and all
this by the authority of a synod, that passed for a holy
general council. This, as it was fatal to the Counts of
Tholouse, who were great princes in the south of
France, and first fell under the censures ; so it was
terrible to all other princes, who thereupon, to save
themselves, delivered up their subjects to the mercy of
the ecclesiastical courts.
Fitz-Her- Burning was the death they made choice of, because
Nat. Bre- witches, wizards, and sodomites had been so executed.
Timo, Therefore, to make heresy appear a terrible thing, this
was thought the most proper punishment of it. It had
also a resemblance of everlasting burning, to which they
adjudged their souls, as well as their bodies were con-
demned to the fire ; but with this signal difference, that
they could find no such effectual way to oblige God to
execute their sentence, as they contrived against the
civil magistrate. But, however, they confidently gave
it out, that by virtue of that promise of our Saviour's,
" Whose sins ye bind on earth, they are bound in hea-
ven," their decrees were ratified in heaven. And it not
being easy to disprove what they said, people believed
the one, as they saw the other sentence executed. So
that, whatever they condemned as heresy, was looked
on as the worst thing in the world.
There was no occasion for the execution of this law
in England till the days of Wickliffe. And the favour
The laws of ne nac* from some great men stopped the proceedings
England a- against him. But in the fifth year of King Richard the
reS he" Second, a bill passed in the House of Lords, and was as-
sented to by the King, and published for an act of par-
liament, though the bill was never sent to the House
of Commons. By this pretended law it appears, Wick-
THE REFORMATION. 39
liffe's followers were then very numerous ; that they had book
a certain habit, and did preach in many places, both in
churches, churchyards, and markets, without licence under
from the ordinary; and did preach several doctrines, both Richar<i n.
against the faith and the laws of the land, as had been
proved before the Archbishop of Canterbury, the other
bishops, prelates, doctors of divinity, and of the civil
and canon law, and others of the clergy: that they
would not submit to the admonitions nor censures of
the church ; but by their subtle ingenious words did
draw the people to follow them and defend them by
strong hand, and in great routs. Therefore it was or-
dained, that, upon the Bishop's certifying into the chan-
cery the names of such preachers and their abettors, the
Chancellor should issue forth commissions to the sheriffs
and other the King's ministers, to hold them in arrest
and strong prison, till they should justify them according
to the law and reason of holy church. From the gen-
tleness of which law it may appear, that England was
not then so tame as to bear the severity of those cruel
laws which were settled and put in execution in other
kingdoms.
The custom at that time was to engross copies of all c.oke's In*
the acts of parliament, and to send them with a writ, part.echap.
under the great seal, to the sheriffs, to make them be 5- of heresy-
proclaimed within their jurisdictions. And Robert
Braibrook, bishop of London, then lord chancellor,
sent this with the other acts of that parliament, to
be proclaimed. The writ bears date the 26th of
May, 5t0 Reg. But in the next parliament, that was
held in the sixth year of that King's reign, the Com-
r 1 1 mi • • 1 r i 6toRich.
rnons preferred a bill reciting the former act, and con- n. 1. Part,
stantly affirmed that they had never assented to it, and Na52.Rot.
therefore desired it might be declared to be void ; for
they protested it was never their intent to be justified,
and to bind themselves and their successors to the pre-
lates, more than their ancestors had done in times past.
To which the King gave the royal assent, as it is in the
records of parliament. But in the proclamation of the
acts of that parliament this act was suppressed ; so that
the former act was still looked on as a good law, and is
40 HISTORY OF
part printed in the book of statutes. Such pious frauds
' were always practised by the popish clergy , and were
indeed necessary for the supporting the credit of that
church. When Richard the Second was deposed, and
the crown usurped by Henry the Fourth, then he, in
gratitude to the clergy that assisted him in his coming
Another to the crown, granted them a law to their hearts' con-
KingUIHen- tent in the second year of his reign. The preamble
Ty Iv- bears, " That some had a new faith about the sacraments
of the church, and the authority of the same, and did
preach without authority, gathered conventicles, taught
schools, wrote books against the catholic faith ; with
many other heinous aggravations. Upon which the
prelates and clergy, and the commons of the realm,
prayed the King to provide a sufficient remedy to so
great an evil. Therefore the King, by the assent of the
states, and other discreet men of the realm, being in the
said parliament, did ordain, That none should preach
without licence, except persons privileged; that none
should preach any doctrine contrary to the catholic
faith, or the determination of the holy church, and that
none should favour and abet them, nor keep their books,
but deliver them to the diocesan of the place within
forty days after the proclamation of that statute. And
that if any persons were defamed, or suspected of doing
against that ordinance, then the ordinary might arrest
them, and keep them in his prison, till they were cano-
nically purged of the articles laid against them, or did
abjure them according to the laws of the church. Pro-
vided always, that the proceedings against them were
publicly and judicially done and ended, within three
months after they had been so arrested ; and if they
were convict, the diocesan, or his commissaries, might
keep them in prison as long as to his discretion shall
seem expedient, and might fine them as should seem
competent to him, certifying the fine into the King's
exchequer ; and if any being convict did refuse to ab-
jure, or after abjuration did fall into relapse, then he
was to be left to the secular court, according to the holy
canons. And the mayors, sheriff's, or bailiff's were to be
personally present at the passing the sentence, when
THE REFORMATION. 41
they should be required by the diocesan, or his com- book
missaries, and after the sentence they were to receive _
them, and them before the people in a high place do to
be brent." By this statute, the sheriffs, or other officers,
were immediately to proceed to the burning of heretics
without any writ or warrant from the King. But it
seems the King's learned council advised him to issue
out a writ, De hceretico comburendo, upon what grounds
of law I cannot tell. For in the same year, when Wil-
liam Sautre (who was the first that was put to death
upon the account of heresy) was judged relapse by Tho-
mas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, in a convo- Fitz-Her-
cation of his province, and thereupon was degraded bert's Na-
from priesthood, and left to secular power ; a writ was vium.
issued out to burn him, which in the writ is called
" the customary punishment," (relating it is like to the
customs that were beyond sea.) But this writ was not
necessary by the law, and therefore it seems these writs
were not enrolled. For in the whole reign of King
Henry the Eighth, I have not been able to find any of
these writs in the rolls. But by Warham's register I
see the common course of the law was, to certify into
the chancery the conviction of an heretic, upon which,
the writ was issued out, if the King did not send a par-
don. Thus it went on all the reign of Henry the
Fourth, but in the beginning of his son's reign, there
was a conspiracy (as was pretended) by Sir John Old-
castle, and some others, against the King and the clergy ;
upon which many were put into prison, and twenty-nine
were both attainted of treason, and condemned of he-
resy, so they were both hanged and burnt. But, as a
writer that lived in the following age, says, " Certain Hail,
affirmed that these were but feigned causes, surmised
of the spirituality more of displeasure than truth."
That conspiracy, whether real or pretended, produced a
severe act against those heretics, who were then best
known by the name of Lollards. By which act, all offi-
cers of state, judges, justices of the peace, mayors, she-
riffs, and bailiffs, were to be sworn, when they took their
employments, to use their whole power and diligence to
destroy all heresies and errors, called Lollardics, and to
42 HISTORY OF
part assist the ordinaries and their commissaries in their pro-
' ceedings against them ; and that the Lollards should for-
feit all the lands they held in fee simple, and their goods
and chattels to the King.
The clergy, according to the genius of that religion,
having their authority fortified with such severe laws,
were now more cruel and insolent than ever. And if any
man denied them any part of that respect, or of those
advantages, to which they pretended, he was presently
brought under the suspicion of heresy, and vexed with
imprisonments, and articles were brought against him.
Upon which great complaints followed. And the
judges, to correct this, granted habeas corpus upon their
imprisonments, and examined the warrants, and either
bailed or discharged the prisoners as they saw cause :
for though the decrees of the church had made many
things heresy, so that the clergy had much matter to
work upon ; yet when offenders against them in other
things could not be charged with any formal heresy,
then by consequences they studied to fasten it on them,
but were sometimes overruled by the judges. Thus,
when one Keyser (who was excommunicated by Tho-
Fifthyearof rnas Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury, at the suit of
Edw. iv. another) said openly, that " That sentence was not to
be feared ;" for though the Archbishop, or his commis-
sary, had excommunicated him, " yet he was not excom-
municated before God ;" he was upon this committed
by the Archbishop's warrant, as one justly suspected of
heresy: but the judges, upon his moving for an habeas
corpus, granted it ; and the prisoner being brought to
the bar, with the warrant for his imprisonment, they
found the matter contained in it was not within the sta-
tute, and first bailed him, and after that they discharged
him. One Warner of London, having said, " That
he was not bound to pay tithes to his curate," was also
imprisoned by Edward Vaughan, at the command of
the Bishop of London ; but he escaped out of prison,
and brought his action of false imprisonment against
Vaughan. Whereupon Vaughan pleading the statute
of Henry the Fourth, and that his opinion was an he-
resy against the determination of the catholic faith ;
THE REFORMATION. 43
the court of the Common Pleas judged. That the words book
were not within the statute, and that his opinion was an '
error, but no heresy. So that the judges, looking on
themselves as the interpreters of the law, thought, that
even in the case of heresy, they had authority to declare,
what was heresy by the law, and what not: but what
opposition the clergy made to this, I do not know.
I hope the reader will easily excuse this digression,
it being so material to the history that is to follow. I
shall next set down what I find in the records about
the proceedings against heretics in the beginning of
this reign.
On the 2d of May, in the year 1511, six men Warham't
and four women, most of them being of Tenterden, f^agaiiut
appeared before Archbishop Warham, in his manor heretics.
of Knoll, and abjured the following errors. First, That warbain,
in the sacrament of the altar is not the body of Christ, f°i- W*-
but material bread. Secondly, That the sacraments of
baptism and confirmation are not necessary nor pro-
fitable for men's souls. Thirdly, That confessions of sins
ought not to be made to a priest. Fourthly, That there
is no more power given by God to a priest than to a
layman. Fifthly, That the solemnization of matrimony
is not profitable nor necessary for the well of man's
Soul. Sixthly, That the sacrament of extreme unction
is not profitable nor necessary for man's soul. Seventh-
ly, That pilgrimage to holy and devout places be not
profitable, neither meritorious for man's soul. Eighthly,
That images of saints be not to be worshipped. Ninth-
ly, That a man should pray to no saint, but only to
God. Tenthly, That holy water and holy bread be not
the better after the benediction made by the priest, than
before. And as they abjured these opinions, so they
were made to swear, that they should discover all whom
they knew to hold these errors, or who were suspected
of them, or that did keep any private conventicles, or
were fautors or comforters of them that published such
doctrines. Two other men of Tenterden did that day
in the afternoon abjure most of these opinions. The
court sat again the 5 th of May, and the Archbishop
4-1 HISTORY OF
part enjoined them penance, to wear the badge of a fagot
in flames on their clothes during their lives, or till they
were dispensed with for it ; and that in procession, both
at the cathedral of Canterbury, and at their own parish
churches, they should carry a fagot on their shoulders,
which was looked on as a public confession that they
deserved burning.
That same day another of Tenterden abjured the
same doctrines. On the 15 th of May the court sat at
Lambeth, where four men and one woman abjured.
On the 19th, four men more abjured. On the 3rd of
June, a man and a woman abjured. Another woman,
the 26th of July ;.. another man, the 2Qth of July ; two
women on the 2d of August ; a man on the 3d, and a
woman on the 8th of August ; three men on the 1 6th
of August ; and three men and a woman on the 3d of
September. In these abjurations some were put to ab-
jure more, some fewer of the former doctrines ; and in
some of their abjurations two articles more were add-
ed : First, That the images of the crucifix, of our Lady
and other saints, ought not to be worshipped, because
they were made with men's hands, and were but stocks
and stones. Secondly, That money and labour spent in
pilgrimages was all in vain. All these persons (whether
they were unjustly accused, or were overcome with fear,
or had but crude conceptions of those opinions, and
so were easily frighted out of them) abjured and per-
formed the penance that was enjoined them. Others
met with harder measure; for on the 2Qth of April,
in the same year, 1511, one William Carder, of Tenter-
den, being indicted on the former articles, he denied
them all but one, That he had said it was enough to
pray to Almighty God alone, and therefore we needed
not to pray to saints for any mediation. Upon which
witnesses were brought against him, who were all such
as were then prisoners, but intended to abjure, and were
now made use of to convict others. They swore that
he had taught them these opinions. When their depo-
sitions were published, he said he did repent if he had
said any thing against the faith and the sacraments; but
THE REFORMATION. 45
he did not remember that he had ever said any such book
thing. Sentence was given upon him as an obstinate _____
heretic, and he was delivered up to the secular power.
On the same day a woman, Agnes Grevill, was indicted
upon the same articles : she pleaded Not guilty ; but, by
a strange kind of proceeding, her husband and her two
sons were brought in witnesses against her. Her hus-
band deposed, that, in the end of the reign of King Ed-
ward the Fourth, one John Ive had persuaded her into
these opinions, in which she had persisted ever since :
her sons also deposed, that she had been still infusing
these doctrines into them. One Robert Harrison was
also indicted, and pleaded Not guilty ; witnesses did
prove the articles against him. And on the 2d of
May sentence was given against these two as obstinate
heretics. And the same day the Archbishop signed
the writs for certifying these sentences into the chancery,
which conclude in these words: "Our holy mother
the church, having nothing farther that she can do in
this matter, we leave the fore-mentioned heretics, and
every one of them, to your Royal Highness, and to your
secular council." And on the 8th of May, John Brown
and Edward Walker, being also indicted of heresy on
the former points, they both pleaded Not guilty. But
the witnesses deposing against them, they were judged
obstinate heretics, and the former a relapse, for he had
abjured before Cardinal Morton. And on the igth of
May sentence was given. When or how the sen-
tences were executed, I cannot find. Sure I am, there
are no pardons upon record for any of them ; and it was
the course of the law, either to send a pardon, or to is-
sue out the writ for burning them.
Fox mentions none of these proceedings ; only he
tells that John Brown was taken for some words said in
discourse with a priest, about the saying of masses for
redeeming souls out of purgatory. Upon which he was
committed for suspicion of heresy : but Fox seems to
have been misinformed about the time of his burning,
which he says was anno 1517 ; for they would not have
kept a condemned heretic six years out of the fire. I
never find them guilty of any such clemency. These
46 HISTORY OF
part severe sentences made the rest so apprehensive of their
danger, that all the others who were indicted abjured.
And in the year 1512, on the 5th of June, two men
and two women abjured that article, That in the sacra-
ment of the altar there was only material bread, and
not the body of Christ. And on the 4th and 13th of
September, two other women abjured the former arti-
cles : and this is all that is in Warham's register about
heretics.
Fitz-James, jn what remains of Fitz-James, bishop of London's
London" his register, there are but three abjurations. In the year
a-ainednngs 1509> one Elizabeth Sampson, of Aldermanbury, was
retics,foi.<i. indicted for having spoke reproachfully of the images of
our Lady of Wilsden, Crom, and Walsingham, con-
demning pilgrimages to them, and saying, It was better
to give alms at home to poor people, than to go on pil -
grimages ; and that images were but stocks and stones ;
and denying the virtue of the sacrament of the altar,
when the priest was not in clean life, and saying, It
was but bread, and that Christ could not be both in
heaven and in earth ; and for denying Christ's ascension
to heaven, and saying, That more should not go to
heaven than were already in it. But she, to be free of
further trouble, confessed herself guilty, and abjured
all those opinions. It is generally observed, that in the
proceedings against Lollards, the clergy always mixed
some capital errors, which all Christians rejected, with
those for which they accused them ; and some particu-
lars being proved, they gave it out that they were guilty
of them all, to represent them the more odious. And
in this case the thing is plain: for this woman is charged
for denying Christ's ascension ; and yet another of the
articles was, That she said Christ's body could not be
in the sacrament, because it could not be both in hea-
ven and on earth. Which two opinions are inconsis-
tent. In the year 1511, William Potier was indicted
for saying, There were three Gods, and that he knew
not for what Christ's passion, or baptism, availed ; and
did abjure. Whether he only spoke these things im-
piously, or whether he held them in opinion, is not
clear. But certainly he was no Lollard. One Joan Ba-
THE REFORMATION. 47
ker was also made to abjure some words she had said, book
That images were but idols, and not to be worshipped ; _ '
and that they were set up by the priests out of covet-
ousness, that they might grow rich by them ; and that
pilgrimages were not to be made. More is not in that
register : but Fox gives an account of six others, who
were burnt in Fitz-James's time. On this I have been
the longer, that it may appear what were the opinions
of the Lollards at that time, before Luther had pub-
lished any thing against the indulgences. For these
opinions did very much dispose people to receive the
writings which came afterwards out of Germany.
The first beginnings and progress of Luther's doc- The pro-
trine are so well known, that I need not tell how, upon EVdoc?"
the publishing of indulgences in Germany, in so gross trine.
a manner, that for a little money any man might both
preserve himself, and deliver his friends out of purga-
tory, many were offended at this merchandise, against
which Luther wrote. But it concerning the see of
Rome in so main a point of their prerogative, which
would also have cut off a great branch of their revenue,
he was proceeded against with extreme severity : so
small a spark as that collision made could never have
raised so great a fire, if the world had not been strongly
disposed to it, by the just prejudices they had conceived
against the popish clergy, whose ignorance and lewd
lives had laid them so open to contempt and hatred,
that any one that would set himself against them, could
not but be kindly looked on by the people. They had
engrossed the greatest part both of the riches and power
of Christendom, and lived at their ease, and in much
wealth. And the corruptions of their worship and doc-
trine were such, that a very small proportion of com-
mon sense, with but an overly looking on the New
Testament, discovered them. Nor had they any other
varnish to colour them by, but the authority and tradi-
tions of the church. But when some studious men
began to read the ancient fathers and councils (though
there was then a great mixture of sophisticated stuff
that went under the ancient names, and was joined to
their true works, which critics have since discovered to
48 HISTORY OF
part be spurious), they found a vast difference between the
' first live ages of the Christian church, in which piety
and learning prevailed, and the last ten ages, in which
ignorance had buried all their former learning ; only a
little misguided devotion was retained for six of these
ages ; and in the last four, the restless ambition and
usurpation of the popes was supported by the seeming
holiness of the begging friars, and the false counterfeits
of learning, which were among the canonists, school-
men, and casuists. So that it was incredible to see,
how men, notwithstanding all the opposition the princes
every where made to the progress of these reputed
new opinions, and the great advantages by which the
church of Rome both held and drew many into their
interests, were generally inclined to these doctrines.
Those of the clergy who at first preached them, were
of the begging orders of friars, who having fewer en-
gagements on them from their interests, were freer to
discover and follow the truth. And the austere disci-
pline they had been trained under, did prepare them to
encounter those difficulties that lay in their way. And
the laity, that had long looked on their pastors with an
evil eye, did receive these opinions very easily ; which
did both discover the impostures with which the world
had been abused, and shewed a plain and simple way to
the kingdom of heaven, by putting the Scriptures into
their hands, and such other instructions about religion,
as were sincere and genuine. The clergy, who at first
despised these new preachers, were at length much
alarmed when they saw all people running after them,
and receiving their doctrines.
As these things did spread much in Germany, Swit-
zerland, and the Netherlands, so their books came over
into England, where there was much matter already pre-
pared to be wrought on, not only by the prejudices they
had conceived against the corrupt clergy, but .by the
opinions of the Lollards, which had been now in Eng-
land since the days of WicklifFe, for about one hundred
and fifty years. Between which opinions, and the doc-
trines of the reformers, there was great affinity ; and
therefore, to give the better vent to the books that came
THE REFORMATION. 49
out of Germany, many of them were translated into the book
English tongue, and were very much read and applauded. _ '
This quickened the proceedings against the Lollards, and
the inquiry became so severe, that great numbers were
brought into the toils of the bishops and their commis-
saries. If a man had spoken but a light word against
any of the constitutions of the church, he was seized on
by the bishop's officers ; and if any taught their children
the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and the
Apostles' Creed, in the vulgar tongue, that was crime
enough to bring them to the stake : as it did six men
and a woman at Coventry, in the Passion week, 15 1Q, fos.
being the 4th of April. Longland, bishop of Lincoln,
was very cruel to all that were suspected of heresy in
his diocess : several of them abjured, and some were
burnt.
But all that did not produce what they designed by
it. The clergy did not correct their own faults ; and
their cruelty was looked on as an evidence of guilt, and
of a weak cause ; so that the method they took wrought
only on people's fears,, and made them more cautious and
reserved, but did not at all remove the cause, nor work
either on their reasons or affections.
Upon all this, the King, to get himself a name, and Th.e King
to have a lasting interest with the clergy, thought it not against Lu-
enough to assist them with his authority, but would ther« 1522,
needs turn their champion, and write against Luther*
in defence of the seven sacraments. This book was
magnified by the clergy as the most learned work that
ever the sun saw ; and he was compared to King Solo-
mon, and to all the Christian emperors that had ever
been : and it was the chief subject of flattery for many
years, besides the glorious title of Defender of the Faith,
which the Pope bestowed on him for it. And it must
* No doubt this book was wrote by the King, as other books were un-
der his name; that is, by his bishops, or other learned men. Sir Thomas
More (who must have known the authors) gives this account of it: —
" That after it was finished by his Grace's appointment, and consent of
the makers of the same, I was only a sorter out, and placer of the prin-
cipal matters therein contained." So it seems others were makers, and
Sir Thomas More only a sorter. By the style, it was guessed by some
to be wrote by Erasmus.
VOL. I. P. I. E
50
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
October 23.
Reg. Ton-
stall, fol.
45. with
which that
in Fox
agrees ex-
actly.
Collect.
Numb. 6.
be acknowledged, that, considering the age, and that it
was the work of a king, it did deserve some commend-
ation. But Luther was not at all daunted at it, but
rather valued himself upon it, that so great a King had
entered the lists with him, and answered his book.
And he replied, not without a large mixture of acrimo-
ny, for which he was generally blamed, as forgetting
that great respect that is due to the persons of sove-
reign princes.
But all would not do. These opinions still gained
more footing, and William Tindal made a translation
of the New Testament in English, to which he added
some short glosses. This was printed in Antwerp, and
sent over into England in the year 1526. Against
which there was a prohibition published by every bishop
in his diocess, bearing that some of Luther's followers
had erroneously translated the New Testament, and
had corrupted the word of God, both by a false trans-
lation, and by heretical glosses : therefore they required
all incumbents to charge all within their parishes, that
had any of these, to bring them into the Vicar-General
within thirty days after that premonition, under the
pains of excommunication and incurring the suspicion
of heresy. There were also many other books prohi-
bited at that time, most of them written by Tindal.
And Sir Thomas More, who was a man celebrated for
virtue and learning, undertook the answering of some
of those ; but before he went about it, he would needs
have the bishop's license for keeping and reading them.
He wrote according to the way of the age, with much
bitterness : and though he had been no friend to the
monks, and a great declaimer against the ignorance of
the clergy, and had been ill used by the Cardinal; yet he
was one of the bitterest enemies of the new preachers ;
not without great cruelty when he came into power,
though he was otherwise a very good-natured man.
So violently did the Roman clergy hurry all their friends
into those excesses of fire and sword.
When the party became so considerable, that it was
known there were societies of them, not only in Lon-
don, but in both the universities, then the Cardinal
THE REFORMATION. 51
was constrained to act. His contempt of the clergy BOOK
was looked on as that which gave encouragement to
the heretics. When reports were brought to court
of a company that were in Cambridge, Bilney, Latimer,
and others, that read and propagated Luther's book and
opinions ; some bishops moved, in the year 1523, that
there might be a visitation appointed to go to Cam-
bridge, for trying who were the fautors of heresy there.
Bat he, as legate, did inhibit it (upon what grounds
I cannot imagine), which was brought against him
afterwards in parliament (Art. 43. of his impeachment).
Yet when these doctrines were spread every where, he
called a meeting of all the bishops, and divines, and
canonists about London ; where Thomas Bilney and
Thomas Arthur were brought before them, and articles
were brought in against them. The whole process is
set down at length by Fox, in all points according to
Tonstall's Register, except one fault in the translation.
When the Cardinal asked Bilney whether he had not
taken an oath before, not to preach, or defend any of
Luther's doctrines ; he confessed he had done it, but
not judicially, (judicialiter in the Register.) This Fox
translates not lawfully. In all the other particulars
there is an exact agreement between the Register and
his Acts. The sum of the proceedings of the court
was, that after examination of witnesses, and several
other steps in the process, which the Cardinal left to
the Bishop of London, and the other bishops, to
manage, Bilney stood out long, and seemed resolved
to suffer for a good conscience. In the end, what
through human infirmity, what through the great im-
portunity of the Bishop of London, who set all his
friends on him, he did abjure on the 7th of December,
as Arthur had done on the 2d of that month. And
though Bilney was relapsed, and so was to expect no
mercy by the law, yet the Bishop of London enjoined
him penance, and let him go. For Tonstall being a
man both of good learning and an unblemished life,
these virtues produced one of their ordinary effects in
him, great moderation, that was so eminent in him,
that at no time did he dip his hands in blood. Geoffry,
e 2
52 HISTORY OF
part Loni, and Thomas Gerrard, also abjured for having had
• Luther's books, and defending his opinions.
These were the proceedings against heretics in the
first half of this reign. And thus far I have opened the
state of affairs, both as to religious and civil concerns,
for the first eighteen years of this King's time, with
what observations I could gather of the dispositions and
tempers of the nation at that time, which prepared them
for the changes that followed afterwards.
THE REFORMATION. 53
BOOK II.
Of the Process of Divorce between King Henry and Queen
Katharine, and of what passed from the nineteenth to
the twenty -fifth Year of his Reign, in which he was de-
clared Siipreme Head of the Church of England,
King Henry hitherto lived at ease, and enjoyed his book
pleasures ; he made war with much honour, and
that always produced a just and advantageous peace. The be-
He had no trouble upon him in all his affairs, ex- g'"ningor
cept about the getting of money, and even in that divorce,
the Cardinal eased him. But now a domestic trouble
arose, which perplexed all the rest of his govern-
ment, and drew after it consequences of a high na-
ture.
Henry the Seventh, upon wise and good eonsidera- The ™JT"
tions, resolved to link himself in a close confederacy Prince Ar-
with Ferdinand and Isabella, Kings of Castile and Ar- Jj£ ^'Jj
ragon, and with the House of Burgundy, against Spain.
France, which was looked on as the lasting and danger-
ous enemy of England. And therefore a match was
agreed on between his son, Prince Arthur, and Katha-
rine, the infanta of Spain, whose eldest sister Joan was
married to Philip, that was then duke of Burgundy,
and earl of Flanders ; out of which arose a triple al-
liance between England, Spain, and Burgundy, against
the King of France, who was then become formida-
ble to all about him. There was given with her
'200,000 ducats, the greatest portion that had been
given for many ages with any princess, which made it
not the less acceptable to King Henry the Seventh.
The Infanta was brought into England, and on the
14th of November was married at St. Paul's to the
Prince of Wales. They lived together as man and
wife till the 2d of April following ; and not only had
their bed solemnly blessed when they were put in it,
on the night of their marriage, but also were seen pub*
54 HISTORY OF
PART Hcly in bed for several days after, and went down to
live at Ludlow Castle in Wales, where they still bedded
1501. together. But Prince Arthur, though a strong and
See the de- healthful youth when he married her, yet died soon
SeLTs in after, which some thought was hastened by his too
l. Herbert. ear]y marriage. The Spanish Ambassador had by his
Arthur's master's orders taken proofs of the consummation of
2ei502Apr* tne marriage> and sent them into Spain ; the young
Prince also himself had by many expressions given his
servants cause to believe, that his marriage was con-
summated the first night, which in a youth of sixteen
years of age, that was vigorous and healthful, was not
at all judged strange. It was so constantly believed,
that when he died, his younger brother, Henry Duke
of York, was not called Prince of Wales for some con-
Bacon's siderable time : some say for one month, some for six
vn.ry months. And he was not created Prince of Wales till
ten months were elapsed, viz. in the February follow-
ing, when it was apparent that his brother's wife was
not with child by him. These things were afterwards
looked on as a full demonstration (being as much as
the thing was capable of) that the Princess was not a
virgin after Prince Arthur's death.
Consults- But the reason of state still standing for keeping
aTecond" up the alliance against France, and King Henry the
marriage of Seventh havine; no mind to let so great a revenue as
the Infanta .*-' ^
tohisbro- she had in jointure be carried out of the kingdom, it
ther- was proposed, That she should be married to the
younger brother Henry, now Prince of Wales. The
two prelates that were then in greatest esteem with
King Henry the Seventh, were Warham, archbishop
of Canterbury, and Fox, bishop of Winchester. The
Warham's former delivered his opinion against it, and told the
in lThc" King, that he thought it was neither honourable nor
bert. well-pleasing to God. The Bishop of Winchester per-
suaded it, and for the objections that were against it,
and the murmuring of the people, who did not like a
marriage that was disputable, lest out of it new wars
should afterwards arise about the right of the crown,
the Pope's dispensation was thought sufficient to an-
swer all ; and his authority was then so undisputed
THE REFORMATION. 55
that it did it effectually. So a bull was obtained on book
the 26th of December, 1503, to this effect, " That the IL
Pope, according to the greatness of his authority, hav- i50it
ing received a petition from Prince Henry and the itisaiiow-
Princess Katharine, bearing, That whereas the Princess ^opl coi-
was lawfully married to Prince Arthur (which was per- lfTctio"s'
haps consummated by the carnalis copula) who was.
dead without any issue, but they, being desirous to
marry for preserving the peace between the crowns of
England and Spain, did petition his Holiness for his
dispensation ; therefore the Pope, out of his care to
maintain peace among all catholic kings, did absolve
them from all censures under which they might be, and
dispensed with the impediment of their affinity, not-
withstanding any apostolical constitutions or ordinances
to the contrary, and gave them leave to marry ; or, if
they were already married, he, confirming it, required
their confessor to enjoin them some healthful penance
for their having married before the dispensation was ob-
tained."
It was not much to be wondered at that the Pope uPonPoii,
did readily grant this; for though very many both car- ^ns "l"
dinals and divines did then oppose it, yet the interest Herbert.
of the papacy, which was preferred to all other con-
siderations, required it. For as that Pope, being a great
enemy to Lewis the Twelfth, the French King, would
have done any thing to make an alliance against him
firmer ; so he was a warlike Pope, who considered re-
ligion very little, and therefore might be easily per-
suaded to confirm a thing that must needs oblige the
succeeding kings of England to maintain the papal au-
thority, since from it they derived their title to the
crown ; little thinking, that by a secret direction of an
overruling Providence, that deed of his would occasion
the extirpation of the papal power in England. So
strangely doth God make the devices of men become of
no effect, and turn them to a contrary end to that which
is intended.
Upon this bull they were married, the Prince of
Wales being yet under age. But Warham had so
possessed the King with an aversion to this marriage,
56
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1505.
Henry pro-
testsagainst
it, June 27,
1505.
Collect.
Numb. 2.
Morison.
His father
also dis-
suaded it.
April 22,
1509. King
Henry VII.
dies.
Henry, be-
ing come to
the crown,
marries her,
June 3.
They are
crowned,
June 2$.
Son born,
Jan. 1,
1511, dies
Feb. 22 ;
another
born, and
dies, Nov.
1514.
Lady Mary
born, Feb.
19, 1516.
1518.
Treaty
Ptolls,
10 Reg.
Hi? daugh-
ter Mary
contracted
that on the same day that the Prince was of age, he, by
his father's command, laid on him in the presence of
many of the nobility and others, made a protestation in
the hands of Fox, bishop of Winchester, before a pub-
lic notary, and read it himself, by which he declared,
" That whereas he being under age was married to the
Princess Katharine ; yet now, coming to be of age, he
did not confirm that marriage, but retracted and an-
nulled it, and would not proceed in it, but intended in
full form of law to void it and break it off; which he
declaredhe did freely and of his accord."
Thus it stood during his father's life, who continued
to the last to be against it ; and when he was just
dying, he charged his son to break it off, though it
is possible that no consideration of religion might work
so much on him, as the apprehension he had of the
troubles that might follow on a controverted title to
the crown ; of which the wars between the houses of
York and Lancaster had given a fresh and sad demon-
stration. The King being dead, one of the first things
that came under consultation was, that the young King
must either break his marriage totally, or conclude it.
Arguments were brought on both hands; but those for
it prevailed most with the King : so, six weeks after he
came to the crown, he was married again publicly, and
soon after they were both crowned. On the first day
of the year she made him a very acceptable new-year's
gift of a son, but he died in the February thereafter:
she miscarried often, and another son died soon after
he was born ; only the Lady Mary lived to a perfect
age.
In this state was the King's family when the Queen
left bearing more children, and contracted some dis-
eases that made her person unacceptable to him ; but
was, as to her other qualities, a virtuous and grave
Princess, much esteemed and beloved both of the King
and the whole nation. The King being out of hopes
of more children declared his daughter Princess of
Wales, and sent her to Ludlow to hold her court there,
and projected divers matches for her. The first was
with the Dauphin, which was agreed to between the
THE REFORMATION. 57
King of France and him the Qth of November, 1518, book
as appears by the treaty yet extant. But this was
broken afterwards upon the King's confederating t0 theDau-
with the Emperor against France, and a new match Phin» 0cU
agreed and sworn to between the Emperor and the Afterwards
Kinsr at Windsor, the 22d of June, 1522, the Emperor t0 the^ra-
. o * „,. ... r7 , r peror, June
being present in person. Ihis being afterwards neg- 22,15s*;
lected and broken by the Emperor, by the advice of
his cortes and states, as was formerly related, there
followed some overtures of a marriage with Scotland. 0ff^*edto
— , , -ill 1 - Scotland,
But those also vanished, and there was a second treaty Sept. 1524.
begun with France, the King offering his daughter to pfaan"0to
Francis himself, which he gladly accepting, a match April 30,
was treated : and on the last of April it was agreed, 15~ '
that the Lady Mary should be given in marriage either
to Francis himself, or to his second son the Duke of ^rnJ^ng
Orleans ; and that alternative was to be determined himself, or
by the two Kings, at an interview that was to be be- Jjj^jjjjj
tween them soon after at Calais, with forfeitures on of Or-
both sides if the match went not on. eans*
But while this was in agitation, the Bishop of Tarbe, The King's
the French ambassador, made a great demur about the niarriagc
t» • T\/r i • •^^ • • t • questioned
Jrnncess Mary being illegitimate, as begotten in a by foreign-
marriage that was contracted against a divine precept, ers'
with which no human authority could dispense. How
far this was secretly concerted between the French
court and ours, or between the Cardinal and the Am-
bassador, is not known. It is surmised, that the King
or the Cardinal set on the French to make this ex-
ception publicly, that so the King might have a bet-
ter colour to justify his suit of divorce, since other
princes were already questioning it. For if, upon a
marriage proposed of such infinite advantage to France,
as that would be with the heir of the crown of England,
they nevertheless made exceptions, and proceeded but
coldly in it ; it was very reasonable to expect that, after
the King's death, other pretenders would have disputed
her title in another manner.
To some it seemed strange that the King did offer
his daughter to such great princes as the Emperor
and the King of France, to whom if England had
58
HISTORY OF
PART
II.
1527.
The King
himself
scruples it.
Sanderus
De Schism.
Angl.
fallen in her right, it must have been a province : for
though in the last treaty with France, she was offered
either to the King, or his second son ; by which either
the children which the King might have by her, or the
children of the Duke of Orleans, should have been
heirs to the crown of England, and thereby it would
still have continued divided from France ; yet this was
full of hazard : for if the Duke of Orleans by his bro-
ther's death should become King of France, as it after-
wards fell out, or if the King of France had been once
possessed of England, then, according to the maxim of
the French government, that whatever their King ac-
quires he holds it in the right of his crown, England
was still to be a province to France, unless they freed
themselves by arms. Others judged that the King in-
tended to marry her to France, the more effectually
to seclude her from the succession, considering the
aversions his subjects had to a French government, that
so he might more easily settle his bastard son the Duke
of Richmond in the succession of the crown.
While this treaty went on, the King's scruples about
his marriage began to take vent. It is said that the
Cardinal did first infuse them into him, and made Long-
land, bishop of Lincoln, that was the King's confessor,
possess the King's mind with them in confession.* If
it was so, the King had, according to the religion of
that time, very just cause of scruple, when his Confes-
sor judged his marriage sinful, and the Pope's legate was
of the same mind. It is also said that the Cardinal,
being alienated from the Emperor, that he might irre-
parably embroil the King and him, and unite the King
to the French interests, designed this out of spite ;
and that he was also dissatisfied toward the Queen,
* In a MS. life of Sir Thomas More, wrote not many years after Long-
land's death, this aoeount is given : — " I have heard Dr. Draycot, that
was his (Longland's) chaplain and chancellor, say, that he once told the
Bishop what rumour ran; and desired of him to know the truth. Who
answered, that in very deed lie did not break the matter after that sort,
as is said; but the King brake the matter to him first; and never left
urging him, nntil he had won him to give bis consent. Of which hit
doings he did foicthiuk himself, and repented afterwards," See. MS.Vull.
Enuui. Cant.
THE REFORMATION. 59
who hated him for his lewd and dissolute life, and book
had oft admonished and cheeked him for it : and that
he therefore, designing to engage the King to marry 1325.
the French Kings sister, the Dutchess of Alenson, did
(to make way for that) set this matter on foot : hut as
I see no good authority for all this, except the Queen's
suspicions, who did afterwards charge the Cardinal as
the cause of all her trouble ; so I am inclined to think
the King's scruples were much ancienter, for the King
declared to Simon Grineus four years after this, that inhis letter
for seven years he had abstained from the Queen upon s^'i"'
these scruples ; so that by that it seems they had been ioji. in
received into the King's mind three years before this s!nith.R'
time.
What were the King's secret motives and the true The
grounds of his aversion to the Queen, is only known to hilTcm-"
God ; and till the discovery of all secrets at the day of rlcs-
judgment, must lie hid. But the reasons which he al-
ways owned, of which all human judicatories must
only take notice, shall be now fully opened. He found
by the law of Moses, If a man took his brother's wife,
they should die childless. This made him reflect on
the death of his children, which he now looked on as a
curse from God for that unlawful marriage. Upon
this he set himself to study the case, and called for the
judgments of the best divines and canonists. For his
own inquiry, Thomas Aquinas being the writer in
whose works he took most pleasure, and to whose
judgment he submitted most, did decide it clearly
against him. For he both concluded, that the laws in
Leviticus about the forbidden degrees of marriage were
moral and eternal, such as obliged all Christians ; and
that the Pope could only dispense with the laws of
the church, but could not dispense with the laws of
God ; upon this reason, that no law can be dispensed
with, by any authority, but that which is equal to the
authority that enacted it. Therefore he infers, that the
Pope can indeed dispense with all the laws of the
church, but not with the laws of God, to whose au-
thority he could not pretend to be equal. But as the
King found this from his own private study^ so having
60
HISTORY ,OF
PART
I.
1527.
All his bi-
shops, ex-
cept Fisher,
declare it
unlawful.
Caven-
dish's Life
of Wolsey.
The dan-
gers that
■were like
lo follow
from it.
commanded the Archbishop of Canterbury to require
the opinions of the bishops of England, they all in a
writing, under their hands and seals, declared they
judged it an unlawful marriage. Only the Bishop of
Rochester refused to set his hand to it, and though the
Archbishop pressed him most earnestly to it, yet he
persisted in his refusal, saying, that it was against his
conscience. Upon which the Archbishop made another
write down his name, and set his seal to the resolution
of the rest of the bishops. But this being afterwards
questioned, the Bishop of Rochester denied it was his
hand, and the Archbishop pretended that he had leave
given him by the Bishop to put his hand to it ; which
the other denied. Nor was it likely that Fisher, who
scrupled in conscience to subscribe it himself, would
have consented to such a weak artifice. But all the
other bishops did declare against the marriage ; and as
the King himself said afterwards, in the Legantine court,
neither the Cardinal nor fhe Bishop of Lincoln did first
suggest these scruples ; but the King being possessed
with them, did in confession propose them to that
Bishop ; and added, that the Cardinal was so far from
cherishing them, that he did all he could to stifle them.
The King was now convinced that his marriage was
unlawful, both by his own study and the resolution of
his divines. And as the point of conscience wrought
on him, so the interest of the kingdom required that
there should be no doubting about the succession to
the crown : lest, as the long civil war between the
houses of York and Lancaster had been buried with
his father, so a new one should rise up at his death.
The King of Scotland was the next heir to the crown
after his daughter. And if he married his daughter to
any out of France, then he had reason to judge, that
the French, upon their ancient alliance with Scotland,
and that they might divide and distract England, would be
ready to assist the King of Scotland in his pretensions ;
or if he married her in France, then all those in Eng-
land to whom the French government was hateful, and
the Emperor and other princes, to whom the French
power grew formidable, would have been as ready to
THE REFORMATION. Gl
support the pretensions of Scotland. Or if he should book
either set up his bastard son, or the children which his
sister bore to Charles Brandon, there was still cause to 152T-
fear a bloody decision of a title that was so doubtful.
And though this may seem a consideration too politic
and foreign to a matter of that nature ; yet the obliga-
tion that lies on a prince to provide for the happiness
and quiet of his subjects, was so weighty a thing, that it
might well come in, among other motives, to incline
the Kina: much to have this matter determined. At Woisey
went into
this time the Cardinal went over into France, under f™
colour to conclude a league between the two crowns, J^L11*
and to treat about the means of setting the Pope at
liberty, who was then the Emperor's prisoner at Rome ;
and also for a project of peace between Francis and the
Emperor. But his chief business was to require Francis
to declare his resolutions concerning that alternative
about the Lady Mary. To which it was answered, That
the Duke of Orleans, as a fitter match in years, was the
French King's choice ; but this matter fell to the ground
upon the process that followed soon after.
The King did much apprehend the opposition the The King's
Emperor was like to make to his designs ; either out hop«^jut
of a principle of nature and honour to protect his aunt, >*■
or out of a maxim of state, to raise his enemy all the
trouble he could at home. But on the other hand he
had some , cause to hope well even in that particular.
For the question of the unlawfulness of the match had
been first debated in the cortes, or assembly of the
states at Madrid ; and the Emperor had then shewn
himself so favourable to it, that he broke the match (to
which he had bound himself) with the Princess. There-
fore, the King had reason to think that this at least
would mitigate his opposition. The Emperor had also
used the Pope so hardly, that it could not be doubted
that the Pope hated him. And it was believed that he
would find the protection of the King of England most
necessary to secure him, either from the greatness of
France or Spain, who were fighting for the best part of
Italy, which must needs fall into one of their hands.
Therefore the King did not doubt but the Pope would
G2
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1527,
The argu-
ments
against the
bull.
be compliant to his desires. And in this he was much
confirmed by the hopes, or rather assurance, which the
Cardinal gave him of the Pope's favour ; who, either cal-
culating what was to be expected from that court, on
the account of their own interest, or upon some pro-
mises made him, had undertaken to the King to bring
l. Herbert, that matter about to his heart's content. It is certain
that the Cardinal had carried over with him, out of the
King's treasure, 240,000/. to be employed about the
Pope's liberty. But whether he had made a bargain for
the divorce, or had fancied that nothing could be denied
him at Rome, it does not appear. It is clear, by many
of his letters, that he had undertaken to the King, that
the business should be done ; and it is not like that a
man of his wisdom would have ventured to do that
without some good warrant.
But now that the suit was to be moved in the court
of Rome, they were to devise such arguments as were
like to be heard there. It would have been unacceptable
to have insisted on the nullity of the bull, on this ac-
count, because the matter of it was unlawful, and fell
not within the Pope's power. For popes, like other
princes, do not love to hear the extent of their prero-
gative disputed, or defined. And to condemn the bull
of a former pope as unlawful, was a dangerous precedent
at a time when the Pope's authority was rejected by so
many in Germany. Therefore the canonists, as well as
divines, were, consulted to find such nullities in the bull
of dispensation, as, according to the canon law, and the
proceedings of the Rota, might serve to invalidate it
without any diminution of the papal power. Which
being once done, the marriage that followed upon it
must needs be annulled. When the canonists examined
the bull, they found much matter to proceed upon. It
is a maxim in law, that if the pope be surprised in any
thing, and bulls be procured upon false suggestions and
untrue premises, they may be annulled afterwards.
Upon which foundation most of all the processes against
popes' bulls were grounded. Now they found by the
preamble of this bill that it was said, The King had
desired that he might be dispensed with to marry the
THE REFORMATION. 63
Princess. This was false ; for the King had made no book
such desire, being of an age that was below such con- r
siderations, but twelve years old. Then it appeared by 1527.
the preamble, that this bull was desired by the King, to
preserve the peace between the King of England, and
Ferdinand and Isabella (called Elizabetha in the bull),
the Kings of Spain. To which they excepted, That it
was plain this was false, since the King, being then but
twelve years old, could not be supposed to have such
deep speculations, and so large a prospect, as to desire a
match upon a politic account. Then it being also in
the bull, that the Pope's dispensation was granted to
keep peace between the crowns ; if there was no
hazard of any breach or war between them, this was a
false suggestion, by which the Pope had been made to be-
lieve, that this match was necessary for averting some
great mischief ; and it was known that there was no
danger at all of that: and so this bull was obtained by a
surprise. Besides, both King Henry of England, and
Isabella of Spain, were dead before the King married his
Queen ; so the marriage could not be valid by virtue of
a bull that was granted to maintain amity between
princes that were dead before the marriage was con-
summated : and they also judged, that the protestation
which the King made, when he came of age, did retract
any such pretended desire, that might have been pre-
ferred to the Pope in his name ; and that from that
time forward, the bull could have no further operation,
since the ground upon which it was granted, which was
the King's desire, did then cease ; any pretended desire
before he was of age being clearly annulled and deter-
mined by that protestation after he was of age; so that
a subseqent marriage, founded upon the bull, must
needs be void.
These were the grounds upon which the canonists Woise/s
advised the process at Rome to be carried on. But t^iOna
first, to amuse or overreach the Spaniard, the King Aug. 1,
sent word to his Ambassador in Spain, to silence the
noise that was made about it in that court. Whether
the King had then resolved on the person that should
succeed the Queen, when he had obtained what he
15^7.
fJ4 HISTORY Of
part desired, or not, is much questioned. Some suggest
' that from the beginning he was taken with the charms
1327. of Anne Boleyn, and that all this process was moved
by the unseen spring of that secret affection. Others
will have this amour to have been later in the Kind's
thoughts. How early it came there, at this distance,
is not easy to determine. But before I say more of
it, she being so considerable a person in the following
relation, I shall give some account of her. Sanders
Sanders's has assured the world, " That the King had a liking to
Amie Bo- her mother, who was daughter to the Duke of Norfolk ;
leyn, ex- an(j f-0 t}ie enci that he mipht enjov her with the less
For this he disturbance, he sent her husband, Sir Thomas Boleyn,
cites Has- to be ambassador in France ; and that, after two years'
sir Thomas absence, his wife being with child, he came over, and
More, a sued a divorce against her in the Archbishop of Canter-
bury's court ; but the King sent the Marquis of Dorset
wast never
seen b^ any to let him know, that she was with child by him, and
that, therefore, the King desired he would pass the mat-
ter over and be reconciled to his wife : to which he con-
sented. And so Anne Boleyn, though she went under
the name of his daughter, yet was of the King's beget-
ting." As he describes her, " she was ill shaped and ugly,
had six fingers, a gag tooth, and a tumour under her
chin, with many other unseemly things in her per-
son. At the fifteenth year of her age, (he says,) both her
father's butler and chaplain lay with her : afterwards
she was sent to France, where she was first kept pri-
vately in the house of a person of quality ; then she went
to the French court, where she led such a dissolute life,
that she was called the English Hackney. That the
French King liked her, and from the freedoms he took
with her, she was called the King's Mule. But re-
turning to England, she was admitted to the court,
where she quickly perceived how weary the King was
of the Queen, and what the Cardinal was designing ;
and having gained the King's affection, she governed
it so, that by all innocent freedoms she drew him into
her toils, and by the appearances of a severe virtue, with
which she disguised herself, so increased his affection
and esteem, that he resolved to put her in his Queen's
THE REFORMATION. 65
place, as soon as the divorce was granted." The same book
author adds, " That the King had likewise enjoyed her _ '
sister," with a great deal more to the disgrace of this 1537.
lady and her family.
I know it is not the work of an historian to refute the
lies of others, but rather to deliver such a plain account
as will be a more effectual confutation than any thing
can be that is said by way of argument, which belongs
to other writers. And at the end of this King's reign, I
intend to set down a collection of the most notorious
falsehoods of that writer, together with the evidences of
their being so. But all this of Anne Boleyn is so pal-
pable a lie, or rather a complicated heap of lies, and so
much depends on it, that I presume it will not offend
the reader to be detained a few minutes in the refutation
of it. For if it were true, very much might be drawn
from it, both to disparage King Henry, who pretended
conscience to annul his marriage, for the nearness
of affinity, and yet would after that marry his own
daughter. It leaves also a foul and lasting stain both
on the memory of Anne Boleyn, and of her incom-
parable daughter Queen Elizabeth. It also derogates
so much from the character of the first reformers, who
had some kind of dependance on Queen Anne Boleyn,
that it seems to be of great importance for directing the
reader in the judgment he is to make of persons and
things, to lay open the falsehood of this account. It
were sufficient for blasting it, that there is no proof pre-
tended to be brought for any part of it, but a book of
one Rastal, a judge. The title of the book is, The
Life of Sir Thomas More. There is great reason to
think, that Rastal never writ any such book ; for it is
most common for the lives of great authors to be pre-
fixed to their works. Now this Rastal published all
More's works in Queen Mary's reign, to which, if he
had written his life, it is likely he would have prefixed
it. No evidence, therefore, being given for his relation,
either from records, letters, or the testimony of any per-
son who was privy to the matter, the whole is to be
looked upon as a black forgery, devised on purpose to
defame Queen Elizabeth. For, upon her mother's death
vol. 1. p. 1. f
1527.
66 HISTORY OF
part who can doubt but that some, either to flatter the King,
■ or to defame her, would have published these things,
which if they had been true could be no secrets ? For
a lady of her mother's condition to bear a child two
years after her husband was sent out of England on
such a public employment, and a process thereupon to
be entered in the Archbishop's courts, are things that
are not so soon to be forgotten. And that she herself
was under so ill a reputation, both in her father's family,
and hi France, for common lewdness, and for being the
King's concubine, are things that could not lie hid.
And yet when the books of the Archbishop's courts
Anti-San- (which are now burnt) were extant, it was published to
the world, and satisfaction offered to every one that
would take the pains to inform themselves, that there
was no such thing on record. Nor did any of the
writers of that time, either of the imperial or papal
side, once mention these things, notwithstanding their
great occasion to do it. But eighty years after, this
fable was invented, or at least it was then first published,
when it was safer to lie, because none who had lived in
the time could disprove it.
But it has not only no foundation, but Sanders,
through the vulgar errors of liars, has strained his wit
to make so ill a story of the lady, that some things
in his own relation make it plainly appear to be im-
possible. For, to pass by those many improbable things
that he relates, as namely, That both the King of
England and the French King, could be so taken with
so ugly and monstrous a woman, of so notorious and
lewd manners ; and that this King, for the space of
seven years, that is, during the suit of the divorce,
should continue enamoured of her, and never discover
this, or having discovered it should yet resolve, at all
hazards, to make her his wife ; which are things that
would require no common testimony to make them
seem credible : there is beside, in that story, a heap of
things so inconsistent with one another, that none but
such an one as Sanders could have had either blind-
ness or brow enough to have made or published it.
For first, if the King, that he might the more freely
THE REFORMATION. 07
enjoy Sir Thomas Boleyn's lady, sent him over into book
France, as Sanders says, I shall allow it as soon as IL
may be, that it was in the very beginning of his reign, 132r
150Q. Then the time when Anne Boleyn was born,
being, according to Sanders's account, two years after,
that must be anno 1511, and being, as he says, de-
flowered when she was fifteen, that must be anno 1526.
Then some time must be allowed for her going to
France, for her living privately there for some time,
and afterwards for her coming to court, and meriting
those characters that he says went upon her;, and, after all
that, for her return into England, and insinuating her-
self into the King's favour ; yet by Sanders's own re-
lation, these things must have happened in the same
year, 1526 ; for in that year he makes the King think of
putting away his wife, in order to marry Anne Boleyn,
when, according to his account, she could be but fif-
teen years old, though this King had sent Sir Thomas
Boleyn into France the first day of his coming to the
crown. But that he was not sent so early appears by
several grants, that I have seen in the Rolls, which
were made to him in the first four years of the
King's reign : they sufficiently shew that he was all
that while about the King's person, and mention no
services beyond sea, but about the King's person, as
the ground upon which they were made. Besides, I
find in the Treaty-Rolls no mention of his being am-
bassador the first eight years of the King's reign. In March 10,
the first year the Bishops of Winchester and Duresme, 1309,
and the Earl of Surry, are named in the treaty between
the two crowns, as the King's ambassadors in France.
After this, none could be ambassadors there for two
years together ; for before two years elapsed, there was Feb. if,
a war proclaimed against France, and when overtures 1511151*-
were made for a peace, it appears by the Treaty-Rolls
that the Earl of Worcester was sent over ambassador,
And when the King's sister was sent over to Lewis, the
French King, though Sir Thomas Boleyn went over
with her, he was not then so much considered as to
be made an ambassador. For in the commission that ffiiP'
was given to many persons of quality, to deliver her
F 2
68 HISTORY OF
part to her husband, King Lewis the Twelfth, Sir Thomas
L Boleyn is not named. The persons in the commis-
1527._ sion are the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of Dor-
chester, the Bishop of Duresme, the Earls of Surry
and Worcester, the Prior of St John's, and Doctor
West, dean of Windsor. A year after that, Sir Thomas
Boleyn was made ambassador ; but then it was too
late for Anne Boleyn to be yet unborn, much less could
it be, as Sanders says, that she was born two years af-
ter it.
Cambd. in But the learned Cambden, whose study and profes-
hKeBz, s^on ^d him to a more particular knowledge of these
Reg- things, gives us another account of her birth. He says
that she was born in the year 1507, which was two
years before the King came to the crown. And if it be
suggested, that then the Prince, to enjoy her mother,
prevailed with his father to send her husband beyond
sea, that must be done when the Prince himself was not
fourteen years of age ; so they must make him to have
corrupted other men's wives at that age, when yet they
will not allow his brother (no, not when he was two
. years older) to have known his own wife.
Her birth, j$ut now I leave this foul fiction, and go to deliver
certain truths. Anne Boleyn's mother was daughter to
the Duke of Norfolk, and sister to the Duke that was
at the time of the divorce lord treasurer. Her father's
mother was one of the daughters and heirs to the Earl
of Wiltshire and Ormond, and her great grandfather,
Sir Geoffry Boleyn, who had been lord mayor of Lon-
don, married one of the daughters and heirs of the Lord
Hastings ; and their family, as they had mixed with so
much great blood, so had married their daughters to very
1514. noble families. She being but seven years old, was carried
over to France with the King's sister, which shews she
could have none of those deformities in her person,
and breed smce sucn are not brought into the courts and families
ing. of queens. And though, upon the French King's death,
the Queen Dowager came soon back to England, yet she
was so liked in the French court, that the next King
Francis's Queen kept her about herself for some years :
and after her death the King's sister, the Dutchess of
THE REFORMATION. 69
Alenson, kept her in her court all the while she was in book
France ; which, as it shews there was somewhat extra-
ordinary in her person, so those princesses being much 1527
celebrated for their virtues, it is not to be imagined
that any person so notoriously defamed as Sanders
would represent her, was entertained in their courts.
When she came into England is not so clear; it is Her coming
said that in the year 1522, when war was made on LHefiSrt!
France, her father, who was then ambassador, was re- Title and
called, and brought her over with him, which is not cavendish
improbable ; but, if she came then, she did not stay sa^'s she
long in England, for Cambden says, that she served young.
Queen Claudia of France till her death (which was in Cambden-
July, 1524), and after that she was taken into service
by King Francis's sister. How long she continued in
that service I do not find ; but it is probable that she
returned out of France with her father, from his em-
bassy in the year 1527 ; when, as Stow says, he brought
with him the picture of her mistress, who was offered
in marriage to this King. If she came out of France
before, as those authors before-mentioned say, it ap-
pears that the King had no design upon her then, be-
cause he suffered her to return, and when one mistress
died to take another in France ; but if she stayed there
all this while, then it is probable he had not seen her
till now at last, when she came out of the Princess of
Alenson's service : but whensoever it was that she came
to the court of England, it is certain that she was much
considered in it. And though the Queen, who had taken
her to be one of her maids of honour, had afterwards
just cause to be displeased with her as a rival ; yet she
carried herself so, that in the whole progress of the
suit, I never find the Queen herself, or any of her
agents, fix the least ill character on her, which would
most certainly have been done, had there been any just
cause or good colour for it.
And so far was this lady, at least for some time, from she is con-
any thoughts of marrying the King, that she had con- ^acH}°
sented to marry the Lord Piercy, the Earl of Northum- piercy.
berland's eldest son, whom his father, by a strange
compliance with the Cardinal's vanity, had placed in his
70 HISTORY OF
part court and made him one of his servants.* The thing
is considerable, and clears many things that belong to
1527# this history ; and the relator of it was an ear-witness of
the discourse upon it, as himself informs us. The Car-
Cavendish's dinal, hearing that the Lord Piercy was making ad-
Woisey. dresses to Anne Boleyn, one day as he came from the
court, called for him before his servants (" before us all,"
says the relator, "including himself "), " and chid him
for it, pretending at first that it was unworthy of him
to match so meanly ;. but he justified his choice, and
reckoned up her birth and quality, which he said was
not inferior to his own. And the Cardinal insisting
fiercely to make him lay down his pretensions, he told
him, he would willingly submit to the King and him ;
but that he had gone so far before many witnesses, that
he could not forsake it, and knew not how to discharge
his conscience ; and therefore he entreated the Cardinal
would procure him the King's favour in it. Upon that
the Cardinal, in great rage, said, ' Why, thinkest thou
that the King and I know not what we have to do in so
weighty a matter ? Yes, I warrant you ; but I can see in
thee no submission at all to the purpose;' and said, e you
have matched yourself with such an one, as neither the
King, nor yet your father, will agree to it ; and there-
fore I will send for thy father, who at his coming shall
either make thee break this unadvised bargain, or dis-
inherit thee for ever.' To which the Lord Piercy re-
plied, That he would submit himself to him, if his con-
science were discharged of the weighty burden that lay
upon it ; and, soon after, his father coming to court, he
was diverted another way."
Had that writer told us in what year this was done,
it had given a great light to direct us, but by this rela-
tion we see that she was so far from thinking of the
King at that time, that she had engaged herself another
way ; but how far this went on her side, or whether it
was afterwards made use of, when she was divorced from
the King, shall be considered in its proper place. It
* The Lord Piercy was in the Cardinal's family rather in a way of edu-
cation (not unusual in Ihose limes) than of service.
THE REFORMATION. 71
also appears that there was a design about her then book
formed between the King and the Cardinal ; yet how far _ '
that went, whether to make her queen, or only to cor- 1527.
rupt her, is not evident. It is said, that upon this she l. Herbert,
ever after hated the Cardinal, and that he never designed
the divorce after he saw on whom the King had fixed
his thoughts : but all that is a mistake, as will after-
wards appear.
And now, having made way through these things 1527.
that were previous to the first motion of the divorce,
my narration leads me next to the motion itself. The The King
King, resolving to put the matter home to the Pope, ™ov*drfor
sent Dr. Knight, secretary of state, to Rome, with some at Rome,
instructions to prepare the Pope for it, and to observe
what might be the best method, and who the fittest
tools to work by. At that time the family of the Cas-
sali, being three brothers, were entertained by the
King as his agents in Italy, both in Rome, Venice, and
other places. Sir Gregory Cassali was then his ordi-
nary ambassador at Rome : to him was the first full dis-
patch about this business directed by the Cardinal, the
original whereof is yet extant, dated the 5th of De-
cember, 1527, which the reader will find in the Collec-
tion : but here I shall give the heads of it.
" After great and high compliments, and assurances xhe first
of rewards, to engage him to follow the business very disPatch
• 1 about it
vigorously, and with great diligence, he writes that he collect.'
had before opened the King's case to him, and that Numb- 3-
partly by his own study, partly by the opinion of many
divines, and other learned men of all sorts, he found
that he could no longer with a good conscience continue
in that marriage with the Queen ; having God and the
quiet and salvation of his soul chiefly before his eyes.
And that he had consulted both the most learned di-
vines and "canonists, as well in his own dominions as
elsewhere, to know whether the Pope's dispensation
could make it good, and that many of them thought
the Pope could not dispense in this case of the first
degree of affinity, which they esteemed forbidden by a
divine, moral, and natural law ; and all the rest con-
cluded, that the Pope could not do it, but upon very
72 HISTORY OF
part weighty reasons, and they found not any such in the
' bull. Then he lays out the reasons for annulling the
i52r. bull which were touched before, upon which they all
concluded the dispensation to be of no force ; that
the King looked on the death of his sons as a curse
from God; and, to avoid further judgments, he now
desired help of the apostolic see, to consider his case,
to reflect on what he had merited by these services he
had done the papacy, and to find a way, that he, being
divorced from his Queen, may marry another wife, of
whom, by the blessing of God, he might hope for issue
male. Therefore the ambassador was to use all means
possible to be admitted to speak to the Pope in private,
and then to deliver him these letters of credence, in
which there was a most earnest clause added with the
King's own hand. He was also to make a condolence
of the miseries the Pope and cardinals were in, both in
the King's name and the Cardinal's, and to assure the
Pope they would use all the most effectual means that
were possible for setting him at liberty, in which the Car-
dinal would employ as much industry, as if there were
no other way to come to the kingdom of heaven but by
doing it. Then he was to open the King's business to
the/Pope, the scruples of his conscience, the great dan-
ger of cruel' wars upon so disputable a succession, the
entreaties of all the nobility and the whole kingdom,
. with many other urgent reasons to obtain what was de-
sired. He was also to lay before the Pope the present
condition of Christendom and of Italy, that he might
consider of what importance it was to his own affairs,
and to the apostolic see, to engage the King so firmly to
his interests as this would certainly do. And to move
that the Pope without communicating the matter to any
person, would freely grant it, and sign the commission
which was therewith sent engrossed in due form, and
ready to be signed, by which the Cardinal was authorized
with the assistance of such as he should choose, to pro-
ceed in the matter, according to some instructions which
were also sent fairly written out for the Pope to sign. A
dispensation was also sent in due form ; and if these
were expeded, he might assure the Pope that as the
THE REFORMATION. 73
King had sent over a vast sum to the French King, for book
paying his army in Italy, so he would spare no travel nor
treasure, but make war upon the Emperor in Flanders, 1627.
with his whole strength, till he forced him to set the
Pope at liberty, and restore the state of the church to
its former power and dignity. And if the Pope were
already at liberty, and had made an agreement with the
Emperor, he was to represent to him how little cause he
had to trust much to the Emperor, who had so oft broke
his faith, and designed to do all he could towards the
depressing the ecclesiastical state. And the Pope was
to be remembered, that he had dispensed with the Em-
peror's oath, for marrying the King's daughter, without
communicating the matter to the King. And if he had
done so much for one that had been his enemy, how
much more might the King expect the like favour, who
had always paid him a most filial duty ? Or if the Pope
would not grant the commission to the Cardinal to try
the matter, as a person that, being the King's chief mi-
nister, was not indifferent enough to j udge in any of the
King's concerns ; he was by all means to overcome that,
and assure the Pope that he would proceed in it as a
judge ought to do. But if the Pope stood upon it, and
would by no means be persuaded to sign the commission
for the Cardinal, then he was to propose Staphileus,
dean of the Rota, who was then in England ; and was to
except against all other foreigners, if the Pope chanced
to propose any other. He was also to represent to
the Pope, that the King would look upon a delay as a
denial ; and if the Pope inclined to consult with any of
the cardinals about it, he was to divert him from it all
that was possible : but if the Pope would needs do it,
then he was to address himself to them, and partly by
informing them of the reasons of the King's cause, part-
ly by rewarding the good offices they should do, he was
to engage them for the King. And with this dispatch,
letters were sent to Cardinal Pucci, Sanctorum Quatuor,
and the other cardinals, to be made use of as there
should be occasion for it. And because money was like
to be the most powerful argument, especially to men
impoverished by a captivity, ten thousand ducats were
74 HISTORY OF
part remitted to Venice, to be distributed as the King's af-
' fairs required; and he was empowered to make farther
1527. promises, as he saw cause for it, which the King would
faithfully make good ; and, in particular, they were to be
wanting in nothing, that might absolutely engage the
Cardinal Datary to favour the King's business."
The Pope The same things had been committed to the Secre-
grants it tary's care, and they were both to proceed by concert,
was in pri- each of them doing all that was possible to promote
Collect tne business. But before this reached Rome, Secretary
Numb. 4. Knight was come thither; and finding it impossible to
be admitted to the Pope's presence, he had, by corrupting
some of his guards, sent him the sum of the King's de-
mands. Upon which the Pope sent him word, that the
dispensation should be sent fully expeded. So gracious
was a pope in captivity ! But at that time the General
of the Observants in Spain being at Rome, required a
promise of the Pope not to grant any thing that might
prejudice the Queen's cause, till it were first communi-
cated to the imperialists there. But when the Pope made
Pope es- his escape, the Secretary and the Ambassador went to
Dec. 9. him to Orvieto about the end of December, and first
did, in the King's and Cardinal's name, congratulate his
freedom. Then the Secretary discoursed the business.
The Pope owned that he had received the message
which he had sent to him at Rome ; but in respect of
his promise, and that yet in a manner he was in captivity,
he begged the King would have a little patience, and he
should before long have not only that dispensation, but
any thing else that lay in his power. But the Secretary
not being satisfied with that excuse, the Pope in the end
said he should have it; but with this condition, that he
would beseech the King not to proceed upon it, till the
Pope were fully at liberty, and the Germans and Spa-
niards were driven out of Italy. And upon the King's
promising this, the dispensation was to be put in his
hands. So the Secretary, who had a great mind once to
have the bull in his possession, made no scruple to en-
gage his promise for that. The Pope also told them, he
was not expert in those things, but he easily apprehend-
ed the danger that might arise from any dispute about
THE REFORMATION. 75
the succession to the crown, and that therefore he would book
ii.
communicate the business to the Cardinal Sanctorum
Quatuor; upon which they resolved to prevent that 152r.
Cardinal's being with the Pope, and went and delivered
the letters they had for him, and promised him a good
reward if he were favourable to their requests in the
King's behalf. Then they shewed him the commissions
that were sent from England : but he, upon the perusal
of them, said, they could not pass without a perpetual
dishonour on the Pope and the King too, and excepted
to several clauses that were in them. So they desired
him to draw one that might both be sufficient for the
King's purpose, and such as the Pope might with ho-
nour grant: which being done, the Pope told them,
That though he apprehended great danger to himself, if
the Emperor should know what he had done, yet he
would rather expose himself to utter ruin, than give the
King or the Cardinal cause to think him ingrate ; but with
many sighs and tears, he begged that the King would
not precipitate things, or expose him to be undone, by
beginning any process upon the bull. And so he deli- And being
vered thecommission and dispensation, signed, toKnight. glve/a^uii
But the means that the Pope proposed for his publish- forit-
ing and owning what he now granted was, that Lau- The Pope's
trech, with the French army, should march, and, coming CI^can<
where the Pope was, should require him to grant the
commission : so that the Pope should excuse himself to
the Emperor, that he had refused to grant it upon the
desire of the English Ambassador, but that he could
not deny the General of the French army to do an act
of public justice : and by this means he would save his
honour, and not seem guilty of breach of promise; and
then he would dispatch the commission about the time
of Lautrech's being near him, and therefore he entreat-
ed the King to accept of what was then granted for the
present. The commission and dispensation was given
to the Secretary; and they promised to send the bull
after him, of the same form that was desired from Eng-
land ; and the Pope engaged to reform it as should be
found needful. And it seems by these letters, that a
dispensation and commission had been signed by the
icy.
76 HISTORY OF
part Pope when he was a prisoner ; but they thought not fit
to make any use of them, lest they should be thought
1527> null, as being granted when the Pope was in captivity.
And the Thus the Pope expressed all the readiness that could
that go-S be expected from him, in the circumstances he was then
vemed 'm . being overawed by the imperialists, who were ha-
rassing the country, and taking castles very near the
place where he was. Lautrech with the French army
lay still fast about Bononia, and as the season of the
year was not favourable, so he did not express any incli-
nations to enter into action. The Cardinal Sanctorum
Quatuor got four thousand crowns as the reward of his
pains, and in earnest of what he was to expect when the
matter should be brought to a final conclusion. In this
whole matter, the Pope carried himself as a wise and poli-
tic prince, that considered his interest, and provided
against dangers with great foresight. But as for aposto-
lical wisdom, and the simplicity of the gospel, thatwas not
to be expected from him. For now, though the high-
sounding names of Christ's Vicar, and St. Peter s Succes-
sor, were still retained to keep up the Pope's dignity and au-
thority, yet they had for many ages governed themselves
as secular princes ; so that the maxims of that court
were no more to keep a good conscience, and to proceed
according to the rules of the gospel, and the practice of
the primitive church, committing the event to God, and
submitting to his will in all things : but the keeping a
balance, the maintaining their interest in the courts of
princes, the securing their dominions, and the raising
their families, being that which they chiefly looked at,
it is not to be wondered at, that the Pope governed him-
self by these measures, though religion was to be made
use of to help him out of straits. All this I set down
the more particularly, both because I take my informa-
tion from original letters, and that it may clearly appear
how matters went at that time in the court of Home.
Secretary Knight, being infirm, could not travel with
that haste that was required in this business, and there-
fore he sent the Proto-notary Gambara with the com-
mission and dispensation to England, and followed in
Numb. 5. easy journeys. The cardinals that had been consulted
THE REFORMATION. 77
with, did all express great readiness in granting the book
King's desire. The Cardinal Datary had forsaken the
court, and betaken himself to serve God and his cure ; 152a.
and other cardinals were hostages : so that now there
were but five about the Pope — Monte, Sanctorum Qua-
tuor, Ridolphi, Revennate, and Perusino. But amotion
being made of sending over a legate, the Pope would by
no means hearken to it, for that would draw new trou-
bles on him from the Emperor. That had been desired
from England by a dispatch of the 27 th of December,
which pressed a speedy conclusion of the business; upon
which the Pope, on the 12th of January, did commu-
nicate the matter under the seal of confession to the
cardinals Sanctorum Quatuor and Simoneta (who was
then come to the court) , and upon conference with them,
he proposed to Sir Gregory Cassali, that he thought the
safer way was, " That either by virtue of the commis- Themethod
sion that the Secretary had obtained, or by the legan- ProPosed
tine power that was lodged with the Cardinal of York, Pope.
he should proceed in the business. And if the King ^itfcrif'B
found the matter clear in his own conscience (in which
the Pope said, no doctor in the whole world could re-
solve the matter better than the King himself ), he should
without more noise make judgment be given ; and
presently marry another wife, and then send for a le-
gate to confirm the matter. And it would be easier to
ratify all when it was once done, than to go on in a
process from Rome. For the Queen would protest,
that both the place and the judges were suspected and
not free; upon which, in the course of law, the Pope
must grant an inhibition for the King's not marrying
another, while the suit depended, and must avocate
the business to be heard in the court of Rome; which,
with other prejudices, were unavoidable in a public pro-
cess, by bulls from Rome. But if the thing went on
in England, and the King had once married another wife,
the Pope then would find very good reasons to justify
the confirming a thing that was gone so far, and pro-
mised to send any cardinal whom they should name."
This the Pope desired the Ambassador would signify to
the King, as the advice of the two Cardinals, and take
78
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1528.
Staphileus
sent from
England.
His instruc-
tions.
Cotton Lib.
Vitel B
10. Jan. 8.
Duplicates
corrected
by the Car-
dinal's
hand.
no notice of him in it. But the dispatch shews he was
a more faithful minister than to do so.
The Ambassador found all the earnestness in the Pope
that was possible to comply with the King, and that
he was jealous both of the Emperor and Francis, and
depended wholly on the King ; so that he found if the
terror of the imperial forces were over, the court of
England would dispose of the apostolical see as they
pleased. And indeed this advice, how little soever it
had of the simplicity of the gospel, was certainly
prudent and subtle, and that which of all things the
Spaniards apprehended most. And therefore the Ge-
neral of the Observants moved Cardinal Campegius,
then at Rome, for an inhibition, lest the process should
be carried on and determined in England. But that
being signified to the Pope, he said, It could not be
granted, since there was no suit depending; in which
case only an inhibition can be granted.
Butnow I must look over again to England, to open the
counsels there. At that time Staphileus was there ; and
he either, to make his court the better, or that he was
so persuaded in opinion, seemed fully satisfied about the
justice of the King's cause. So they sent him to Rome
with instructions both public and secret. The public
instructions related to the Pope's affairs, in which all
possible assistance was promised by the King. But one
proposition in them flowed from the Cardinal's ambition,
"That the kings of England and France thought it
would advance the Pope's interests, if he should com-
mand the cardinals that were under no restraint, to meet
in some secure place, to consider of the affairs of the
church, that they might suffer no prejudice by the Pope's
captivity ; and for that end, and to conserve the dignity
of the apostolic see, that they should choose such a
vicar or president, as partly by his prudence and cou-
rage, partly by the assistance of the two Kings, upon
whom depended all their hopes, might do such services
to the apostolic see, as were most necessary in that dis-
tracted time, by which the Pope's liberty would be has-
tened."
It cannot be imagined but the Pope would be offended
THE REFORMATION. 79
with this proposition, and apprehend that the Cardinal book
of York was not satisfied to be intriguing for the pope-
dom after his death, but was aspiring to it while he was 1528.
alive. For as it was plain he was the person that must
be chosen for that trust ; so if the Pope were used hard-
ly by the Emperor, and forced to ill conditions, the vicar
so chosen and his cardinals would disown those condi-
tions, which might end in a schism, or his deposition.
But Staphileus's secret instructions related wholly to
the King's business, which were these: "That the
King had opened to him the error of his marriage, and
that the said Bishop, out of his great learning, did now
clearly perceive how invalid and insufficient it was: there-
fore the King recommended it to his care, that he would
convince the Pope and the cardinals with the arguments
that had been laid before him, and of which a breviate
was given him. He was also to represent the great
mischiefs that might follow, if princes got not justice
and ease from the apostolic see. Therefore, if the Pope
were yet in captivity, he was to propose a meeting of
the cardinals, for choosing the Cardinal of York to be
their head, during the Pope's imprisonment, or that a
full commission might be sent to him for the King's
matter. And in particular he was to take care that the
business might be tried in England. And for his pains
in promoting the King's concerns, the King promised
to procure a bishoprick for him in France; and to help
him to a cardinal's hat." By him the King wrote to
the Pope. The rude draught of it remains under the
Cardinal's hand, earnestly desiring a speedy and favour-
able dispatch of his business with a credence to the
bearer.
The Cardinal also wrote to the Pope by him, and, The Cardi-
after a long congratulating his liberty, with many sharp terAjhUn,
reflections on the Emperor, he pressed a dispatch of the
King's business, in which he would not use many words :
"This only I will add," says he, "that that which is de-
sired is holy and just, and very much for the safety and
quiet of this kingdom, which is most devoted to the
apostolical see. He also wrote by the same hand to the
Ambassador, that the King would have things so carried,
80 HISTORY OF
part that all occasion of discontent or cavilling, whether at
, home or abroad, might be removed ; and therefore de-
L528. sired that another cardinal might be sent legate to
England, and joined in commission with himself for
judging the matter. He named either Campegius, Tra-
nus, or Farnese. Or if that could not be obtained, that
a fuller commission might be sent to himself, with all
possible haste, since delays might produce great incon-
veniences. If a legate were named, then care must be
taken that he should be one who was learned, indifferent,
and tractable; and if Campegius could be the man, he
was the fittest person. And when one was named, he
should make him a decent present, and assure him that
the King would most liberally recompense all his labour
and expense. He also required him to press his speedy
dispatch, and that the commission should be full to try
and determine, without any reservation of the sentence
to be given by the Pope." This dispatch is interlined,
and amended by the Cardinal's own hand.
buifdesLed But, uPon t-he arrival of the messenger whom the Se-
by the cretary had sent, with the commission and dispensation,
ing' and the other packets before- mentioned ; it was debated
in the King's council, whether he should go on in his
process, or continue to solicit new bulls from Rome.
On the one hand, they saw how tedious, dangerous, and
expensive a process at Rome was like to prove: and
therefore it seemed the easiest and most expedite way
to proceed before the Cardinal in his legantine court,
who should ex officio, and in the summary way of their
court, bring it to a speedy conclusion. But, on the other
hand, if the Cardinal gave sentence, and the King should
marry, then they were not sure, but before that time
the Pope might either change his mind, or his interest
might turn him another way. And the Pope's power
was so absolute by the canon law, that no general clauses
in commissions to legates could bind him to confirm
their sentences: and if, upon the King's marrying ano-
ther wife, the Pope should refuse to confirm it, then the
King would be in a worse case than he was now in, and
his marriage and issue by it should be still disputable :
therefore they thought this was by no means to be ad-
THE REFORMATION. 81
ventured on, but they should make new addresses to the book
court of Rome. In the debate, some sharp words fell
either from the King, or some of his secular counsel- 1527.
lors ; intimating, that if the Pope continued under such
fears, the King must find some other way to set him at
ease. So it was resolved, that Stephen Gardiner, com- Gardiner
monly called Doctor Stevens, the Cardinal's chief secre- ^tto*
tary, and Edward Fox, the King's almoner, should be Rome,
sent to Rome ; the one being esteemed the ablest ca-
nonist in England, the other, one of the best divines :
they were dispatched the 10th of February. " By With let-
them the King wrote to the Pope, thanking him that !£" King.
he had expressed such forward and earnest willingness
to. give him ease : and had so kindly promised to gratify
his desires, of which he expected now to see the effects.
He wrote also to the cardinals his thanks for the cheer- collect
fulness with which they had in consistory promised to Numb- 7-
promote his suit ; for which he assured them, they
should never have cause to repent." But the Cardinal
wrote in a strain that shews he was in some fear that if
he could not bring about the King's desires, he was like
to lose his favour. " He besought the Pope as lying at And the
his feet, that if he thought him a Christian, a good car- collect
dinal, and not unworthy of that dignity, a useful mem- Nu™b.8.
ber of the Apostolical See, a promoter of justice and
equity, or thought him his faithful creature, or that he
desired his own eternal salvation, that he would now so
far consider his intercession, as to grant kindly and speed-
ily that which the King earnestly desired ; which if he
did not know to be holy, right, and just, he would un-
dergo any hazard or punishment whatsoever, rather
than promote it ; but he did apprehend, if the King
found that the Pope was so overawed by the Emperor,
as not to grant that which all Christendom judged was
grounded both on the divine and human laws, both he
and other Christian princes would from thence take oc-
casion to provide themselves of other remedies, and
lessen and despise the authority of the Apostolic See." In Collect.
his letters to Cassali, he expressed a great sense of the Nurab' 9"
services which the Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor had
done the King; and bid him inquire what were the
vol. i. p. I. G
82
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1527.
The sub-
stance of
the bull de-
sired by
them.
Collect.
No. 10.
things in which he delighted most, whether furniture,
gold, plate, or horses, that they might make him accept-
able presents ; and assure him, that the King would con-
tribute largely towards the carrying on the building of
St. Peter's in the Vatican. .
The most important thing about which they were
employed, was to procure the expediting of a bull which
was formed in England, with all the strongest clauses
that could be imagined. In the preamble of which all
the reasons against the validity of the bull of P. Julius
the Second were recited; and it was also hinted, " that
it was against the law of God; but to lessen that, it was
added, At least where there was not a sufficient dispen-
sation obtained: therefore the Pope, to reward the
great services by which the King had obliged the Apo-
stolic See, and having regard to the distractions that
might follow on a disputable title ; upon a full consul-
tation with the cardinals, having also heard the opi-
nions of divines and canonists, deputed — for his legate
to concur with the Cardinal of York either together,
or (the one being hindered or unwilling) severally.
And if they found those things that were suggested
against the bull of P. Julius, or any of them, well or
sufficiently proved, then to declare it void and null, as
surreptitiously procured upon false ground ; and there-
upon to annul the marriage that had followed upon it :
and to give both parties full leave to marry again, not-
withstanding any appellation or protestation, the Pope
making them his vicars with full and absolute power and
authority : empowering them also to declare the issue
begotten in the former marriage good and legitimate, if
they saw cause for it. The Pope binding himself to con-
firm whatever they should do in that process, and never
to revoke or repeal what they should pronounce. De-
claring also that this bull should remain in force till the
process were ended, and that by no revocation or inhi-
bition it should be recalled; and if any such were ob-
tained, these are all declared void and null, and the le-
gates were to proceed notwithstanding : and all ended
with a full non obstante."
This was judged the utmost force that could be in a
THE REFORMATION, 88
-bull, though the civilians would scarce allow any va- book
lidity at all in these extravagant clauses; but the most
material thing in this bull is, that it seems the King 1527
was not fully resolved to declare his daughter illegiti-
mate. Whether* he pretended this to mitigate the
Queen's or the Emperor's opposition, or did really in-
tend it, is not clear. But what he did afterwards in
parliament, shews he had this deep in his thoughts,
though the Queen's carriage did soon after provoke him
to pursue his resentments against her daughter. The
French King did also join a most earnest letter of his to
the Pope, which they were also to deliver. They had
likewise a secret instruction by all means to endeavour
that Cardinal Campegio should be the legate: he had the
reputation of a learned canonist, and they knew he was
a tractable man ; and besides that he was bishop of
Salisbury, the King had obliged him by the grant of a Rot. Pat.
palace which the King was building in Burgo at Rome ^da p*™-
for his ambassadors ; which, before it was finished, he
had, by a patent, given to him and his heirs ; so they
had better hopes of him than of any other.
By these ambassadors the Cardinal wrote a long and The Cardi-
most earnest letter to John Cassali, the proto-notary, J^JJf
that was the ambassador's brother. In which all the this matter,
arguments that a most anxious mind could invent or Numb!'ii.
dictate, are laid together to persuade the Pope to grant
the King's desires. Among other things, he tells
him, " How he had engaged to the King that the Pope
would not deny it ; that the King, both out of scruple
of conscience, and because of some diseases in trie
Queen that were incurable, had resolved never to come
near her more ; and that if the Pope continued, out of
his partial respects to the Emperor, to be inexorable,
the King would proceed another way." He offers to
take all the blame of it upon his own soul, if it were
amiss ; with many other particulars, in which he is so
pressing, that I cannot imagine what moved the Lord
Herbert, who saw those letters, to think that the Car-
dinal did not really intend the divorce. He (it seems)
saw another paper of their instructions, by which they
were ordered to say to the Pope, that the Cardinal was
g 2
84 HISTORY OF
part not the author of the counsel. But all that was in-
' tended by that, was only to excuse him so far, that he
1527 might not be thought too partial, and an incompetent
judge : for as he was far from disowning the justice
of the King's suit, so he would *iot have trusted a
secret of that importance to paper; which, when it
should be known to the King, would have lost him his
favour. But undoubtedly it was concerted between the
King and him, to remove an exception which otherwise
the cardinals of the imperial faction would have made
to his being the judge in that matter.
Collect. With those letters and instructions were Gardiner
Numb. 12. an(j pQx sent tQ Rom6j where both the Cassalis* and
Staphileus were promoting the King's business all they
could. And being strengthened with the accession of
those other two, they made a greater progress ;• so that
*rampejfi° in April the Pope did, in consistory, declare Cardinal
gate. Campegio legate, to go to England, that he, with the
Numb* i3 Cardinal of York, might try the validity of the King's
marriage ; but that Cardinal made great excuses : he
was then legate at Rome, in which he had such advan-
tages, that he had no mind to enter in a business which
must for ever engage either the Emperor or the King
against him. He also pretended an inability to travel
so great a journey, being much subject to the gout.
Woisey But when this was known in England, the Cardinal
him to haste wrote him a most earnest letter to hasten over, and
"Yer- bring with him all such things as were necessary for
making their sentence firm and irreversible, so that it
might never again be questioned.
But here I shall add a remark which, though it is of
no great importance, yet will be diverting to the reader.
The draught of the letter is in Wolsey's Secretary's
hand, amended in some places by his own ; and con-
cluded thus : — " I hope all things shall be done accord-
ing to the will of God, the desire of the King, the
quiet of the kingdom, and to our honour, with a good
* S. Greg. Cassali was not then at Rome, but at Orvieto, where the
Pope was at that time. Staphileus was not yet conic ; ami when he earne,
he did not promote but hindered the Kind's business all he rould. — See
Gardiner's Letters.
THE REFORMATION. 85
conscience." But the Cardinal dashed out this last book
word, " with a good conscience ;" perhaps j udging that
it was a thing fit for meaner persons, but that it was be- 1527.
low the dignity of two cardinals to consider it much. He
wrote also to Cassali high compliments for his diligence
in the step that was made, but desired him with all pos-
sible means to get the bull granted and trusted to his
keeping, with the deepest protestations, that no use
should be made of it, but that the King only should see
it ; by which his mind would be at ease, and he, being
put in good hopes, would employ his power in the ser-
vice of the Pope and Apostolic See ; but the Pope was
not a man to be cozened so easily.
When the Cardinal heard, by the next dispatch, what May 23.
excuses and delays Campegio made, he wrote to him
again, and pressed his coming over in haste : — " For his
being legate of Rome, he desired him to name a vice-
legate. For his want of money and horses, Gardiner
would furnish him as he desired, and he should find an
equipage ready for him in France ; and lie might cer-
tainly expect great rewards from the King. But if he
did not make more haste, the King would incline to be-
lieve an advertisement that was sent him, of his turning
over to the Emperor's party. Therefore, if he either
valued the King's kindness, or were grateful for the
favours he had received from him ; if he valued the Car-
dinal's friendship or safety, or if he would hinder the
diminution of the authority of the Roman church, all
excuses set aside, he must make what haste in his
journey was possible." Yet the Legate made no great
haste, for till October following he came not into Eng-
land. The bull that was desired could not be obtained,
but another was granted, which perhaps was of more
force, because it had not those extraordinary clauses in
it. There is the copy of a bull to this purpose in the
Cottonian Library, which has been printed more than
once by some that have taken it for a copy of the same
bull that was sent by Campegio ; but I take it to be The Pope
rather a copy of that bull which the Pope signed at srantsa?t'-
Kome, while he was there a prisoner, and probably Anti-San-
afterward at Orvicto he might give it the date that it H7,";;rtL"
8fl HISTORY OF
part bears, 1527, December 17.* But that there was a de-
cretal bull, sent by Campegio, will appear evidently in
1528 the sequel of this relation. About this time I meet
with the first evidence of the progress of the King's
love to Anne Boleyn, in two original letters of her's to
the Cardinal, from which it appears, not only that the
King had then resolved to marry her, but that the Car-
dinal was privy to it. They bear no date, but the mat-
ter of them shews they were written after the end of
May, when the sweating- sickness began, and about the
time that the Legate was expected. They give such a
light to the history, that I shall not cast them over to
the Collection at the end, but set them down here.
" MY LORD,
Two letters ( ( jN my most humblest wise that my heart can
Boieyn's to think, I desire you to pardon me that I am so bold to
Woisey. trouble you with my simple and rude writing, esteeming
it to proceed from her, that is much desirous to know
that your Grace does well, as I perceive by this bearer
that you do. The which I pray God long to continue,
as I am most bound to pray ; for I do knpw the great
pains and troubles that you have taken for me both day
and night, is never like to be recompensed on my part,
but alonely in loving you next unto the King's Grace,
above all creatures living. And I do not doubt but the
daily proofs of my deeds shall manifestly declare and
affirm my writing to be true, and I do trust you do
think the same. My Lord, I do assure you I do long
to hear from you news of the Legate ; for I do hope
and they come from you they shall be very good ; and I
am sure you desire it as much as I, and more, and it
were possible, as I know it is not : and thus remaining
in a steadfast hope, I make an end of my letter, written
with the hand of her that is most bound to be.
a post- " The writer of this letter would not cease till she
Kin)t's°tothe had caused me likewise to set to my hand ; desiring
him. you, though it be short, to take it in good part. I en-
sure you there is neither of us but that greatly desireth
* This was the third commission sent from the Pope. The first was sent
from Rome, hy Gambera, and the second from Orvieto, brought over by
Fox; but both were disliked; so this was now obtained.
THE REFORMATION. 87
to see you, and much more joyous to hear that you book
have scaped this plague so well, trusting the fury '
thereof to be passed, specially with them that keepeth i528.
good diet, as I trust you do. The not hearing of the
Legate's arrival in France, cause th us somewhat to muse;
notwithstanding, we trust, by your diligence and vigi-
lancy (with the assistance of Almighty God) shortly to
be eased out of that trouble. No more to you at this
time ; but that I pray God send you as good health and
prosperity as the writer would. By your
Loving sovereign and friend,
Henry K.
Your humble servant,
Anne Boleyn."
" MY LORD,
" In my most humble wise that my poor heart can
think, I do thank your Grace for your kind letter, and
for your rich and goodly present, the which I shall
never be able to deserve without your help : of the
which I have hitherto had so great plenty, that all the
days of my life I am most bound of all creatures, next
the King's Grace, to love and serve your Grace : of the
which I beseech you never to doubt that. ever I shall
vary from this thought as long as any breath is in my
body. And as touching your Grace's trouble with the
sweat, I thank our Lord that them that I desired and
prayed for, are escaped, and that is the King and you ;
not doubting but that God has preserved you both for
great causes, known alonely of his high wisdom. And
as for the coming of the Legate, I desire that much, and
if it be God's pleasure, I pray him to send this matter
shortly to a good end, and then I trust, my Lord, to
recompense part of your great pains. In the which I
must require you in the mean time to accept my good
will, in the stead of the power, the which must proceed
partly from you, as our Lord knoweth ; to whom I
beseech to send' you long life, with continuance in
honour. Written with the hand of her that is most
bound to be,
Your humble and obedient servant,
Anne Boleyn."
88
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
15L'8.
Collect.
Ni mb. 14.
The Cardi-
rial's col-
leges finish-
ed.
Octob. 30.
More mo-
nasteries
were to be
suppressed.
The Empe-
ror opposes
the King's
•utt.
The Cardinal, hearing that Campegius had the de-
cretal bull committed to his trust, to be shewed only to
the King and himself, wrote to the Ambassador that it
was necessary it should be also shewed to some of the
King's council ; not to make any use of it, but that
thereby they might understand how to manage the
process better by it. This he begged might be trusted
to his care and fidelity, and he undertook to manage it
so, that no kind of danger could arise out of it.
At this time the Cardinal, having finished his founda-
tions at Oxford and Ipswich, and finding they were
very acceptable, both to the King and to the clergy,
resolved to go on and suppress more monasteries,
and erect new bishopricks, turning some abbeys to
cathedrals. This was proposed in the consistory, and
granted, as appears by a dispatch of Cassali's. He also
spoke to the Pope about a general visitation of all
monasteries : and, on the 4th of November, the bull for
suppressing some was expected ; a copy whereof is yet
extant, but written in such a hand, that I could not
read three words together in any place of it ; and
though I tried others that were good at reading all
hands, yet they could not do it. But I find by the dis-
patch, that the Pope did it with some aversion ; and
when Gardiner told him plainly, It was necessary, and
it must be done, he paused a little, and seemed unwilling
to give any further offence to religious orders : but
since he found it so uneasy to gratify the King in so
great a point, as the matter of his divorce, he judged it
the more necessary to mollify him by a compliance in
all other things. So there was a power given to the
two Legates to examine the state of the monasteries, and
to suppress such as they thought fit, and convert them
into bishopricks and cathedrals.
While matters went thus between Rome and Eng-
land, the Queen was as active as she could be, to engage
her two nephews, the Emperor and his brother, to
appear for her. She complained to the.m much of the
King, but more of the Cardinal ; she also gave them
notice of all the exceptions that woiv made to the bull,
and desired ruth their advice and assistance. They,
THE REFORMATION, 89
having a mind to perplex the King's affairs, advised her book
by no means to yield, nor to be induced to enter into a
religious life ; and gave her assurance, that by their 1528.
interest at Rome, they would support her, and maintain
her daughter's title, if it went to extremities. And as
they employed all their agents at Rome to serve her
concerns, so they consulted with the canonists about the
force of the exceptions to the bull. The issue to which A breve
was, that a breve was found out or forged, that supplied jn Spain.
some of the most material defects in the bull. For ^olle^t*15
whereas in the bull, the preamble bore, that the King
and Queen had desired the Pope's dispensation to
marry, that the peace might continue between the two
crowns, without any other cause given : in the pre-
amble of this breve, mention is made of their desire to
marry, " because otherwise it was not likely that the
peace would be continued between the two crowns :
and for that, and divers other reasons, they asked the
dispensation," Which in the body of the breve is
granted, bearing date the 26th of December, 1503.
Upon this they pretended that the dispensation was
granted upon good reasons ; since by this petition it
appeared, that there were fears of a breach between the
crowns, and that there were also other reasons made use
of, though they were not named. But there was one
fatal thing in it. In the bull it is only said, that the
Queen's petition bore, " That perhaps she had consum-
mated her marriage with Prince Arthur, by the car-
nalis copula" But in this perhaps is left out, and it is
plainly said, That they had consummated their mar-
riage. This the King's council, who suspected that
the breve was forged, made great use of when the ques-
tion was argued, whether Prince Arthur knew her or
not ? Though at this time it was said, the Spaniards
did put it in on design, knowing it was like to be proved
that the former marriage was consummated ; which
they intended to throw out of the debate, since by this
it appeared, that the Pope did certainly know that, and
yet granted the breve ; and that therefore there was to
be no more. inquiry to be made into that, which was
already confessed: so that all that was now to be de-
9tt HISTORY OF
part bated was the Pope's power of granting such a dispen-
sation, in which they had good reason to expect a
1528 favourable decision at Rome.
Presump- But there appeared great grounds to reject this breve
its'being as a forged writing. It was neither in the records of
forged. England nor Spain, but said to be found among the
papers of D. de Puebla, that had been the Spanish
ambassador in England at the time of concluding the
match. So that if he only had it, it must have been
cassated, otherwise the parties concerned would have
got it into their hands; or else it was forged^ since.
Many of the names were written false, which was a pre-
sumption that it was lately made by some Spaniards,
who knew not how to write the names true. For Sigis-
mund, who was secretary, when it was pretended to
have been signed, was an exact man, and no such errors
were found in breves at that time. But that which
shewed it a manifest forgery, was, that it bore date the
26th of December, anno 1503, on the same day that
the bull was granted. It was not to be imagined, that
in the same day, a bull and a breve should have been
expedited in the same business, with such material dif-
ferences in them. And the style of the court of Rome
had this singularity in it ; that in all their breves, they
reckon the beginning of the year from Christmas-day ;
which being the nativity of our Lord, they count the
year to begin then. But in their bulls they reckon the
year to begin at the Feast of the Annunciation. So that
a breve dated the 26th of December, 1503, was, in the
vulgar account, in the year 1502 : therefore it must be
false ; for neither was Julius the Second, who granted
it, then pope, nor was the treaty of the marriage so far
advanced at that time, as to admit of a breve so soon.
But allowing the breve to be true, they had many of
the same exceptions to it that they had to the bull, since
it bore that the King desired the marriage, to avoid a
breach between the crowns ; which was false. It like-
wise bore, that the marriage had been consummated be-
tween the Queen and Prince Arthur, which the Queen
denied was ever done ; so that the suggestion in her
name being, as she said, false, it could have no force,
THE REFORMATION. 91
though it were granted to be a true breve : and they book
said, it was plain the Imperialists were convinced the '
bull was of no force, since they betook themselves to 1528.
such arts to fortify their cause.
When Cardinal Campegio came to England, he was Campegio
received with the public solemnities ordinary in such a Siand!°
case ; and in his speech at his first audience, he called
the King " The deliverer of the Pope, and of the city of
Rome," with the highest compliments that the occasion
did require. But when he was admitted to a private
conference with the King and the Cardinal, he used
many arguments to dissuade the King from prosecut-
ing the matter any further. This the King took very
ill, as if his errand had been rather to confirm than
annul his marriage ; and complained that the Pope had
broken his word to him. But the Legate studied to
qualify him, and shewed the decretal bull, by which he And si.ews
might see, that though the Pope wished rather that the J5lS "bu"is
business might come to a more friendly conclusion, yet
if the King could not be brought to that, he was em-
powered to grant him all that he desired. But he could But refuses
not be brought to part with the decretal bull out of his JJ^JJ ^e
hands, or to leave it for a minute, either with the King council.
or the Cardinal, saying, That it was demanded on these
terms, that no other person should see it ; and that
Gardiner and the Ambassador had only moved to have
it expedited, and sent by the Legate, to let the King
see how well the Pope was affected to him. With all
this the King was much dissatisfied ; but to encourage
him again, the Legate told him, he was to speak to the
Queen in the Pope's name, to induce her to enter into
a religious life, and to make the vows. But when he
proposed that to her, she answered him modestly, that
she could not dispose of herself but by the advice of her
nephews.
Of all this the Cardinal of York advertised the Cas- Woisey's
salis, and * ordered them to use all possible endeavours, atRomeUr
that the bull might be shewn to some of the King's «»»»*
council. Upon that (Sir Gregory being then out of "hewed.6
Rome) the Proto-notary went to the Pope, and com- * Collect.
plained that Campegio had dissuaded the divorce. The.
92
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1528.
Collect.
Numb. 17.
But all in
Pope justified him in it, and said, he did as he had or-
dered him. He next complained that the Legate would
not proceed to execute the legantine commission. The
Pope denied that he had any order from him to delay
his proceedings, but that by virtue of his commission
they might go on and pass sentence. Then the Proto-
notary pressed him for leave to shew the bull to some
of the King's council, complaining of Campegio's stiff-
ness in refusing it, and that he would not trust it to the
Cardinal of York, who was his equal in the commission.
To this the Pope answered in passion, that he could
shew the Cardinal's letter, in which he assures him, that
the bull should only be shewed to the King and himself;
and that if it were not granted, he was ruined ; therefore
to preserve him he had sent it, but had ordered it to be
burnt when it was once shewed. He wished he had ne-
ver sent it, saying, he would gladly lose a finger to re-
cover it again, and expressed great grief for granting it :
and said, they had got him to send it, and now would
have it shewn, to which he would never consent, for then
he was undone for ever. Upon this, the Pro to- notary
laid before him the danger of losing the King, and the
kingdom of England ; of ruining the Cardinal of York,
and of the undoing of their family, whose hopes de-
pended on the Cardinal ; and that by these means, he-
resy would prevail in England, which, if it once had got
footing there, would not be so easily rooted out ; that
all persons judged the King's cause right, but though
it were not so, some things that were not good must be
borne with to avoidt greater evils. And at last he fell
down at his feet, and in most passionate expressions
begged him to be more compliant to the King's desires,
and at least not to deny that small favour of shewing
the decretal to some few counsellors, upon the assurance
of absolute secrecy. But the Pope interrupted him, and
with great signs of an unusual grief told him, these sad
effects could not be charged on him ; he had kept his
word, and done what he had promised, but upon no con-
sideration would he do any thing that might wound his
conscience, or blemish his integrity : therefore let them
proceed as they would in England, he should he free of
THE REFORMATION. 93
all blame, but should confirm their sentence. And he book
protested he had given Campegio no commands to make ______
any delays, but only to give him notice of their proceed- 1328
ings. If the King, who had maintained the Apostolic
See, had written for the faith, and was the defender of
it, would overturn it, it would end in his own disgrace.
But at last the secret came out : for the Pope confessed
there was a league in treaty between the Emperor and
himself; but denied that he had bound himself up by it
as to the King's business.
The Pope consulted with the Cardinals Sanctorum
Quatuor and Simonetta (not mentioning the decretal
to them, which he had granted without communicating
it to any body, or entering it in any register), and they
were of opinion that the process should be carried on
in England without demanding any thing further from
Rome. But the imperial Cardinals spake against it, and
were moving presently for an inhibition, and an avoca-
tion of the cause to be tried at the court of Rome. The
Pope also took notice that the intercession of England «
and France had not prevailed with the Venetians to re-
store Cervia and Ravenna, which they had taken from
him ; and that he could not think that republic durst do
so, if these Kings were in earnest. It had been promised
that they should be restored as soon as his Legate was
sent to England; but it was not yet done. TheProto-no-
tary told him, it should most certainly be done. Thus end-
ed that conversation. But the more earnest the Cardinal
was to have the bull seen by some of the privy-council,
the Pope was the more confirmed in his resolutions ne-
ver to consent to it. For he could not imagine the de-
sire of seeing it was a bare curiosity, or only to direct
the King's counsellers ; since the King and the Cardinal
could inform them of all the material clauses that were
in it. Therefore he judged the desire of seeing it was 1
only that they might have so many witnesses to prove
that it was once granted, whereby they had the Pope in
their power ; and this he judged too dangerous for him
to submit to.
But the Pope finding the King and the Cardinal so ill T1>e Pope
satisfied with him, resolved to send Francisco Campana, Pana to3™
94 HISTORY OF
part one of his bed-chamber, to England, to remove all mis-
takes, and to feed the King with fresh hopes. In Eng-
1528- land, Campegio found -still means by new delays to put
England, off the business, and amused the King with new and
jNumb. is. subtle motions for ending the matter more dexterously.
Upon which, in the beginning of December, Sir Fran-
?cw!m" c^s Brian and Peter Vannes, the King's secretary for
sent to the Latin tongue, were sent to Rome. They had it in
Rome. commission to search all the records there, for the breve
that was now so much talked of in Spain. They were
With other to propose several overtures: "Whether if the Queen
overtures. vowed religion, the Pope would not dispense with the
King's second marriage ? Or, if the Queen would not
vow religion unless the King also did it, whether in that
case would the Pope dispense with his vow ? Or whether,
if the Queen would hear of no such proposition, would
not the Pope dispense with the King's having two wives,
for which there were divers presidents vouched from the
Old Testament ?" They were to represent to the Pope
that the King had laid out much of his best treasure in
his service, and therefore he expected the highest fa-
vours out of the deepest treasure of the church. And
Collect. Peter Vannes was commanded to tell the Pope as of
Numb. 19. . . r
himself, that if he did, for partial respects and fears, re-
fuse the King's desires, he perceived it would not only
alienate the King from him, but that many other princes,
his confederates, with their realms, would withdraw their
devotion and obedience from the Apostolic See.
a guard of By a dispatch that followed them, the Cardinal tried
two thou- a new project, which was an offer of two thousand men
sand men i t» i ••11 r
offered to for a guard to the Pope, to be maintained at the cost of
the Pope. t^e King ancj hjs confederates. And also proposed an
interview of the Pope, the Emperor, the French King,
and the ambassadors of other princes, to be either at
Nice, Avignon, or in Savoy, and that himself would
come thither from the King of England. But the Pope
resolved steadfastly to keep his ground, and not to engage
himself too much to any prince; therefore, the motion
of a guard did not at all work upon him. To have
guards about him upon another prince's pay, was to be
their prisoner ; and he was so weary of his late impri-
THE REFORMATION. 95
sonment, that he would not put himself in hazard of it book
a second time. Besides, such a guard would give the __
Emperor just cause of jealousy, and yet not secure him 1528-
against his power. He had been also so unsuccessful in
his contests with the Emperor, that he had no mind to
give him any new provocation : and though the Kings
of England and France gave him good words, yet they
did nothing'; nor did the King make war upon the Em-
peror ; so that his armies lying in Italy, he was still un-
der his power. Therefore the Pope resolved to unite him- The Pope
self firmlv to the Emperor ; and all the use he made of resolv^ t°
. J L . . . .. ••'.*■• unite him-
the King s earnestness in his divorce, was only to bring self to the
the Emperor to better terms. The Lutherans in Ger- EmPeror-
many were like to make great use of any decision he
might make against any of his predecessor's bulls. The
Cardinal Elector of Mentz had written to him to con-
sider well what he did in the King's divorce ; for if it
went on, nothing had ever fallen out since the begin-
ning of Luther's sect, that would so much strengthen it
as that sentence. He was also threatened on the other
side from Rome, that the Emperor would have a gene- B.e;ng
ral council called, and whatsoever he did in this process, witfi tf«
should be examined there, and he proceeded against ac- thre^ts of
cordingly. Nor did they forget to put him in mind of riaiists',pe
his birth, that he was a bastard, and so by the canon in-
capable of that dignity, and that thereupon they would
depose him. He, having all these things in his prospect,
and being naturally of a fearful temper, which was at
this time more prevalent in him by reason of his late
captivity, resolved not to run these hazards, which
seemed unavoidable if he proceeded farther in the King's
business. But his constant maxim being to promise and
swear deepest when he intended least, he sent Campana
to England with a letter of credence to the Cardinal, the
effects of which message will appear afterwards. And
thus ended this year, in which it was believed, that if the
King had employed that money, which was spent in a
fruitless negociation at Rome, on a war in Flanders, it
had so distracted the Emperor's forces, and encouraged
the Pope, that he had sooner granted that, which in a
more fruitless way wa*s sought of him.
9(j HISTORY OF
part In the beginning of the next year, Cassali wrote to
' the Cardinal, that the Pope was much inclined to unite
1529. himself with the Emperor, and proposed to go in person
Jan. 3. to Spain, to solicit a general peace ; but intended to go
privately, and desired the Cardinal would go with him
thither, as his friend and counsellor, and that they two
should go as legates. But Cassali, by Salviati's means,
who was in great favour with the Pope, understood that
the Pope was never in greater fear of the Emperor than
at that time ; for his Ambassador had threatened the
Pope severely, if he would not recal the commission that
he had sent to England ; so that the Pope spoke oft to
Repents Salviati of the great repentance that he had inwardly in
thedectetaK his heart, for granting the decretal : and said, He was
undone forever, if it came to the Emperor's knowledge.
He also resolved, that though the Legates gave sentence
in England, it should never take effect, for he would
not confirm it : of which Gregory Cassali gave adver-
tisement by an express messenger, who' as he passed
King's Let- 'through Paris, met Secretary Knight and Doctor Ben-
Cardinaf. net> wnom the King had dispatched to Rome, to assist
Jan. 8. his other ambassadors there, and gave them an account
of his message: and that it was the advice of the King's
friends at Rome, that he and his confederates should fol-
low the war more vigorously, and press the Emperor
harder, without which all their applications to the Pope
would signify nothing. Of this they gave the Cardinal
an account, and went on but faintly in their journey,
judging that upon these advertisements they would be
recalled, and other counsels taken.
Jan. 9. At the same time, the Pope was with his usual arts
cajoling the King's agents in Italy : for when Sir Fran-
cis Brian and Peter Vannes came to Bononia, the proto-
notary Cassali was surprised to hear that the business
was not already ended in England; since, he said, he
knew there were sufficient powers sent about it, and
that the Pope assured him he would confirm their sen-
tence ; but that he made a great difference between the
confirming their judgment, by which he had the Legates
between him and the envy or odium of it, and the.
granting a bull, bv which the judgment should arise im-
THE REFORMATION. &7
mediately from himself. This his best friends dissuaded ; book
and he seemed apprehensive, that in case he should do mmmmmmm
it, a council would be called, and he should be deposed ^o,
for it. And any such distraction in the papacy, consi-
dering the footing which heresy had already gotten,
would ruin the ecclesiastical state, and the church : so
dexterously did the Pope govern himself between such
contrary tides. But all this dissimulation was short of
what he acted by Campana in England, whose true er-
rand thither was to order Campegio to destroy the bull;
but he did so persuade the King and the Cardinal of the
Pope's sincerity, that by a dispatch to Sir Francis Brian, Jan- 15-
and Peter Vannes, and Sir Gregory Cassali, he chid the
two former for not making more haste to Rome ; for he
believed it might have been a great advantage to the
King's affairs, if they had got thither before the Gene-
ral of the Observants (then Cardinal Angel). He or-
dered them to settle the business of the guard about the
Pope presently, and tells them that the Secretary was
recalled, and Dr. Stephens again sent to Rome : and in
a letter to Secretary Knight, who went no further than
Lyons, he writ to him, "That Campana had assured But feeds
the King and him in the Pope's name, that the Pope ^& biA
was ready to do, not only all that of law, equity, or jus- promises,
tice, could be desired of him, but whatever of the fulness
of his power he could do or devise, for giving the King
content: and that although there were three things
which the Pope had great reason to take care of; the call-
ing a general council, the Emperor's descent into Italy,
and the restitution of his towns, which were offered to be
put in his hands by the Emperor's means; yet neither
these, nor any other consideration, should divert him
from doing all that lay within his authority or power
for the King : and that he had so deep a sense of the
King's merits, and the obligations that he laid on him^
that if his resignation of the popedom might do him any
service, he would readily consent to it: and therefore in
the Pope's name he encouraged the Legates to proceed
and end the business."
Upon these assurances, the Cardinal ordered the Se-
cretary to haste forward to Rome, and to thank the Pope
vol. i. p. I. h
98
HISTORY OF
PART
. I.
.1529.
The Pope
sickens.
for that kind message, to settle the guard about him?
and to tell him, that for a council, none could be called
but by himself, with the consent of the Kings of Eng-
land and France. And for any pretended council, or
meeting of bishops, which the Emperor by the cardi-
nals of his party might call, he needed not fear that :
for his towns, they should be most certainly restored.
Nor was the Emperor's offering to put them in his hand
to be much regarded ; for though he restored them, if
the Pope had not a better guarantee for them, it would
be easy for him to take them from him when he pleased.
He was also to propose a firmer league between the
Pope, England, and France ; in order to which, he was
to move the Pope most earnestly to go to Nice ; and if
the Pope proposed the King's taking a second wife, with
a legitimation of the issue which she might have, so the
Queen might be induced to enter into a state of religion,
to which the Pope inclined most, he was not to accept
of that; both because the thing would take up much
time, and they found the Queen resolved to do nothing,
but as she was advised by her nephews. Yet if the
Pope offered a decretal about it, he might take it, to be
made use of as the occasion might require. But by a
postscript he is recalled, and it is signified to him, that
Gardiner was sent to Rome to negociate these affairs,
who had returned to England with the Legate ; and his
being so successful in his former message, made them
think him the fittest minister they could employ in that
court; and to send him with the greater advantage, he
was made a privy-counsellor.
But an unlooked-for accident put a stop to all pro-
ceedings in the court of Rome. For on Epiphany-
day the Pope was taken extreme ill at mass, and a great
sickness followed, of which it was generally believed he
could not recover; and though his distemper did soon
abate so much, that it was thought to be over, yet it re-
turned again upon him, insomuch that the physicians
did suspect he was poisoned. Then followed all the se-
cret caballings and intrigues, which are ordinary in that
court upon such an occasion. The Colonnas and the
other Imperialists were very busy, but the Cardinal of
THE REFORMATION. 99
Mantua opposed them ; and Farnese, who was then at book
his house in the country, came to Rome and joined '
with Mantua; and these of that faction resolved, that, 1529.
if the Spanish army marched from Naples toward them,
they would dispense with that bull which provides that
the succeeding Pope should be chosen in the same place
where the former died, and would retire to some safe
place. Some of the cardinals spoke highly in favour of
Cardinal Wolsey, whom (if the ambassadors did not Jan- 27.
flatter and lie grossly in their letters, from which I draw
these informations) they reverenced as a deity. And
the Cardinal of Mantua, it seems, proposing him as a
pattern, would needs have a particular account of his
whole course of life, ar.d expressed great esteem for him. ■
When Gardiner was come as far as Lyons, he wrote
the Cardinal word, that there went a prophecy that an
angel should be the next pope, but should die soon af-
ter. He also gave advice, that if the Pope died, the
commission for the Legates must needs expire with him,
unless they made some step in their business by a cita-
tion of parties, which would keep it alive; but whether
this was done or not I cannot find. The Cardinal's am- Cardinal
bition was now fermenting strongly, and he resolved to ^tr'eues3
lay his project for the popedom better than he had done for the pa-
before. His letter about it to Gardiner, and the King's peby6.
instructions to his ambassadors, are printed by Fox,
and the originals from which they are taken are yet ex-
tant. He wrote also another letter to the ambassadors,
which the reader will rind in the Collection. But be- Collect.
cause the instructions shew what were the methods in
choosing popes in those days, by which it may be easily
gathered how such an election must needs recommend
a man to infallibility, supremacy, and all the other ap-
pendages of Christ's Vicar pn earth, I shall give a short
summary of them.
"By his letter to his confidant Gardiner, he commits
the thing chiefly to his care, and orders him to employ
all his parts to bring it to the desired issue, sparing
neither presents nor promises; and that as he saw men's
inclinations or affections led them, whether to public or
private concerns, so he should govern himself towards
h 2
Numb. 20.
100 HISTORY OF
PAffl them accordingly. The instructions bear, That the
King thought the Cardinal the fittest person to succeed
1529. to the papacy; (they being advertised that the Pope was
The King's dead;) that the French King did also of his own motion
for the dec- offer his assistance to him in it, and that, both for pub-
tion- lie and private ends, the Cardinal was the fittest. There-
fore the ambassadors are required, with all possible ear-
nestness and vigour, to promote his election. A sche-
dule of the cardinals' names is sent them, with marks to
every one, whether he was like to be present or absent,
favourable, indifferent, or opposite to them. It was
reckoned there could be but thirty-nine present, of which
twenty-six were necessary to choose the Pope. Of these
the two Kings thought themselves sure of twenty. So
six was all the number that the ambassadors were to gain,
and to that number they were first to offer them good
reasons, to •convince them of the Cardinal's fitness for
the papacy. But because human frailty was such, that rea-
son did not always take place, they were to promise pro-
motions, and sums of money, with other good rewards,
which the King gave them commission to offer, and
would certainly make them good : besides all the great
preferments which the Cardinal had, that should be
shared among those who did procure his election. The
cardinals of their party were first to enter into a firm
bond, to exclude all others. They were also to have
some creatures of their's to go into the conclave to ma-
nage the business. Sir Gregory Cassali was thought
fittest for that service. And if they saw the adverse par-
ty too strong in the conclave, so that they could carry
nothing, then Gardiner was to draw a protestation, which
should be made in the name of the two crowns ; and
that being made, all the cardinals of their faction were
to leave the conclave. And if the fear of the Emperor's
forces overawed them, the ambassadors were to offer a
guard of two or three thousand men to secure the car-
dinals ; and the French King ordered his armies to move,
if the Spanish troops did move either from Naples or
Milan. They were also to assure them, that the Car-
dinal.would presently upon his election come and live
at Rome, and were to use all endeavours to gain the
THE REFORMATION. 101
Cardinal de Medici to their faction ; but at the same book
time to assure the Florentines, that Wolsey would assist
them to exclude the Medici out of the government of 1529.
their town and state. They were also to have a strict
eye upon the motions of the French factions, lest, if the
Cardinal were excluded, they should consent to any
other, and refuse to make the protestation as it was de-
sired. But to oblige Campegio the more, it was added,
that if they found all hopes of raising the Cardinal of
York to vanish, then they should try if Campegio could
be elected ; and in that case the cardinals of their fac-
tion were to make no protestation."
These were the apostolical methods then used for
choosing a successor to St. Peter ; for though a succes-
sor had been chosen to Judas by lot, yet more caution
was to be used in choosing one for the Prince of the Apo-
stles. But when the Cardinal heard that the Pope was
not dead, and that there was hope of his recovery, he
wrote another long letter to the ambassadors (the ori-
ginal of which is yet extant), " to keep all their instruc-
tions about a new pope very secret, to be gaining as
many cardinals as they could, and to take care that the
cardinals should not go into the conclave, unless they
were free and safe from any fears of the imperial forces.
But if the Pope recovered, they were to press him to Jtek 20.
give such orders about the King's business, that it might poeshions"
be speedily ended; and then the Cardinal would come ^l30111 the
and wait on the Pope over to Spain, as he had proposed.
And for the apprehensions the Pope had of the Empe-
ror's being highly offended with him, if he granted the
King's desire, or of his coming into Italy, he needed not
fear him. They knew whatever the Emperor pretended
about his obligation to protect his aunt, it was only for
reason of state ; but if he were satisfied in other things,
that would be soon passed over. They knew also that
his design of going into Italy was laid aside for that year,
because he apprehended that France and England would
make war on him in other places. There were also
many precedents found, of dispensations granted by
popes in like cases : and lately there had been one
granted by Fope Alexander the Sixth to the King of
divorce.
102
HISTORY OF
PAUT
I.
1529.
Collect.
Numb. 21.
The Pope's
relapse.
April 6.
Another
dispatch to
Rome.
Collect.
Numb. 22.
Hungary, against the opinion of his cardinals, which
had never been questioned :" and yet he could not pre-
tend to such merits as the King had. And all that had
ever been said in the King's cause was summed up in
a short breviate by Cassali, and offered to the Pope ; a
copy whereof, taken from an original, under his own
hand, the reader will find in the Collection.
The King ordered his ambassadors to make as many
cardinals sure for his cause as they could, who might
bring the Pope to consent to it, if he were still averse.
But the Pope was at this time possessed with a new jea-
lousy, of which the French King was not free, as if the
King had been tampering with the Emperor, and had
made him great offers, so he would consent to the di-
vorce ; about which Francis wrote an anxious letter to
Rome, the original of which I have seen. The Pope was
also surprised at it, and questioned the ambassadors
about it ; but they denied it, and said, the union between
England and France was inseparable, and that these
were only the practices of the Emperor's agents to create
distrust. The Pope seemed satisfied with what they
said, and added, " That in the present conjuncture a
firm union between them was necessary." Of all this
Sir Francis Brian wrote a long account in cipher.
But the Pope's relapse put a new stop to business ; of
which the Cardinal being informed, as he ordered the
King's agents to continue their care about his promo-
tion, so he charged them to see if it were " possible to
get access to the Pope, and though he were in the very
agony of death, to propose two things to him : the one,
that he would presently command all the princes of
Christendom to agree to a cessation of arms, under pain
of the censures of the church, as Pope Leo and other
popes had done ; and if he should die, he could not do
a thing that would be more meritorious, and for the
good of his soul, than to make that the last act of his
life. The other thing was concerning the King's busi-
ness, which he presseth as a thing necessary to be done,
for the clearing and ease of the Pope's conscience, to-
wards God : and withal, he orders them to gain as
many about the Pope, and as many cardinals and offi-
THE REFORMATION. 103
cers in the Rota as they could, to promote the King's book
desires, whether in the Pope's sickness or health. The
Bishop of Verona had a great interest with the Pope ; so 1529.
by that, and another dispatch of the same date (sent
another way), they were ordered to gain him, promising
him great rewards, pressing him to remain still about
the Pope's person, to balance the ill offices which Car-
dinal Angel and the Archbishop of Capua did, who never
stirred from the Pope : and to assure that Bishop, that
the King laid this matter more to heart than any thing
that ever befel him ; and that it would trouble him as
much to be overcome in this matter, by these two friars,
as to lose both his crowns : and for my part (writes the
Cardinal), I would expose any thing to my life, yea life
itself, rather than see the inconveniencies that may en-
sue upon disappointing of the King's desire." For pro-
moting the business, the French King sent the Bishop
of Bayon to assist the English ambassadors, in his
name, who was first sent over to England, to be well
instructed there. They were either to procure a decre-
tal for the King's divorce, or a new commission to the
two Legates, with ampler clauses irt it than the former
had ; " To judge rfs if the Pope were in person, and to
emit compulsory letters against any, whether emperor,
king, or oT what degree soever, to produce all manner
of evidences or records, which might tend towards the
clearing the matter, and to bring them before them."
This was sought because the Emperor would not send
over the pretended original breve to England, and gave
only an attested copy of it to the King's ambassadors :
lest, therefore, from that breve, a new suit might be
afterwards raised for annulling any sentence which the
Legates should give, they thought it needful to have the
original brought before them. In the penning of that
new commission, Dr. Gardiner was ordered to have
special care that it should be clone by the best advice he
could get in Rome. It appears also from this dispatch,
that the Pope's pollicitation to confirm the sentence
which the Legates should give was then in Gardiner's
hands; for he was ordered to take care that there might
be no disagreement between the date of it and of the
104 HISTORY OF
part new commission. And when that was obtained, Sir
' Francis Brian was commanded to bring them with him
1529. to England. Or if neither a decretal nor a new com-
mission could be obtained, then, if any other expedient
were proposed, that upon good advice should be found
sufficient and effectual, they were to accept of it, and
send it away with all possible diligence. And the Car-
dinal conjured them, " By the reverence of Almighty
God, to bring them out of their perplexity, that this
virtuous Prince may have this thing sped, which would
be the most joyous thing that could befal his heart upon
earth. But if all things should be denied, then they
were to make their protestations, not only to the Pope,
but to the cardinals, of the injustice that was done the
King ; and in the Cardinal's name to let them know,
that not only the King and his realm would be lost, but
also the French King and his realm, with their other
confederates, would also withdraw their obedience from
the see of Rome, which was more to be regarded than
either the Emperor's displeasure, or the recovery of two
cities." They were also to try what might be done in
law by the cardinals in a vacancy, and they were to take
good counsel upon some chapters of the canon law
which related to that, and govern themselves accord-
ingly, either to hinder an avocation or inhibition, or, if
it could be done, to obtain such things as they could
grant, towards the conclusion of the King's business.
2s bulls1" "^ tms tuTieJ a^so' tne Cardinal's bulls for thebishoprick
for the bi- of Winchester were expedited; they were rated high at
Winches^ fifteen thousand ducats ; for though the Cardinal pleaded
ter. his great merits, to bring the composition lower, yet the
cardinals at Rome said the apostolic chamber was very
poor, and other bulls were then coming from France,
to which the favour they should shew the Cardinal
would be a precedent. But the Cardinal sent word, that
he would not give past five or six thousand ducats, be-
cause he was exchanging Winchester for Duresme ; and
by the other they were to get a great composition. And
if they held his bulls so high he would not have them ;
for he needed them not, since he enjoyed already, by the
King's grant, the temporalities of Winchester; which
THE REFORMATION. 105
it is very likely was all that he considered in a bishoprick. book
They were at last expedited, at what rates I cannot tell ;
but this I set down, to shew how severe the exactions 1529.
of the court of Rome were.
As the Pope recovered his health, so he inclined more The Pope
to join himself to the Emperor than ever3 and was more •"f1^40
alienated than formerly from the King and the Cardi- theEmpe-
nal ; which perhaps was increased by the distaste he ror '
took at the Cardinal's aspiring to the popedom. The
first thing that the Emperor did in the King's cause,
was to protest, in the Queen of England's name, that Who pro-
she refused to submit to the Legates. The one was the thelites'
King's chief minister, and her mortal enemy; the other cpmmis-
was also justly suspected, since he had a bishoprick in Mayis.
England. The King's ambassador pressed the Pope
much, not to admit the protestation ; but it was pre-
tended that it could not be denied, either in law or jus-
tice. But that this might not offend the King, Salviati,
that was the Pope's favourite, wrote to Campegio, that
the protestation could not be hindered, but that the
Pope did still most earnestly desire to satisfy the King, -
and that the ambassadors were much mistaken, who
were so distrustful of the Pope's good mind to the King's
cause. But now good words could deceive the King
no longer, who clearly discovered the Pope's mind ; and
being out of all hopes of any thing more from Rome,
resolved to proceed in England before the Legates ;
and therefore Gardiner was recalled, who was thought
the fittest person to manage the process in England,
being esteemed the greatest canonist they had ; and was
so valued by the King, that he would not begin the pro-
cess till he came. Sir Francis Brian was also recalled ; Collect
and when they took leave of the Pope, they were or- Numb- 23-
dered to expostulate in the King's name, " Upon the
partiality he expressed for the Emperor, notwithstand-
ing the many assurances that both the Legates had given
the King, that the Pope would do all he could toward
his satisfaction ; which was now so ill performed, that
he expected no more justice from him. They were also
to say as much as they could devise in the Cardinal's
name, to the same purpose, upon which they were to
106 HISTORY OF
part try, if it were possible to obtain any enlargement of the
commission, with fuller power to the Legates ;" for they
i5t'9. saw ll was m vam to m°ve for any new bulls or orders
from the Pope about it. And though Gardiner had ob-
The Pope tained a pollicitation from the Pope, by which he both
mrttore- bound himself not to recall the cause from the Legates,
call, but to an(j a]so to confirm their sentence, and had sent it over ;
they found it was so conceived, that the Pope could go
back from it when he pleased. So there was a new
draught of a pollicitation formed, with more binding
clauses in it, which Gardiner was to try if he could ob-
tain by the following pretence : " He was to tell the
Pope, that the courier to whom he trusted it, had been
so little careful of it, that it was all wet and defaced, and
of no more use ; so that he durst not deliver it. And
this might turn much to Gardiner's prejudice, that a
matter of such concern was, through his neglect,
spoiled : upon which he was to see if the Pope would
renew it. If that could be obtained, he was to use all
his industry to get as many pregnant and material words
added, as might make it more binding. He was also to
assure the Pope, that though the Emperor was gone to
Barcellona, to give reputation to his affairs in Italy, yet
he had neither army nor fleet ready ; so that they needed
not fear him. And he was to inform the Pope of the
arts he was using both in the English and French courts
to make a separated treaty ; but that all was to no pur-
pose, the two Kings being so firmly linked together.1*
But the Pope was so great a master in all the arts of
dissimulation and policy, that he was not to be over-
reached easily ; and when he understood that his polli-
citation was defaced, he was in his heart glad at it, and
could not be prevailed with to renew it. So they re-
turned to England, and Dr. Bennet came in their place.
wrftelifthe -^e carrie^ Wltn mm one °f tne fullest and most im-
Pope. portant dispatches that I find in this whole matter, from
the two Legates to the Pope and the consistory, who
Collect. wrote to them, " That they had in vain endeavoured
Numb. 24. to persuade either party to yield to the other ; that the
breve being shewed to them by the Queen, they found
great and evident presumptions of its being a mere for-
THE REFORMATION. 107
gery ; and that they thought it was too much for them book
to sit and try the validity or authenticalness of the Pope's 1 '
bulls or breves, or to hear his power of dispensing in a5w9.
such cases disputed ; therefore, it was more expedient
to avocate the cause, to which the King would consent,
if the Pope obliged himself, under his hand, to pass sen-
tence speedily in his favour : but they rather advised the
granting a decretal bull, which would put an end to the
whole matter ; in order to which, the bearer was in-
structed to shew very good precedents. But in the mean
while, they advised the Pope to press the Queen most
effectually to enter into a religious life, as that which
would compose all these differences in the softest and
easiest way. It pitied them to see the rack and torments
of conscience under which the King had smarted so
many years : and that the disputes of divines, and the
decrees of fathers, had so disquieted him, that for clear-
ing a matter thus perplexed, there was not only need, of
learning, but of a more singular piety and illumination.
To this were to be added, the desire of issue, the settle-
ment of the kingdom, with many other pressing rea-
sons : that as the matter did admit of no further delays,
so there was not any thing in the opposite scale to ba-
lance these considerations. There were false sugges-
tions surmised abroad, as if the hatred of the Queen, or
the desire of another wife (who was not perhaps yet
known, much less designed), were the true causes of this
suit. But though the Queen was of a rough temper,
and an unpleasant conversation, and was passed all hopes
of children ; yet who could imagine that the King, who
had spent his most youthful days with her so kindly,
would now, in the decline of his age, be at all this trou-
ble to be rid of her, if he had no other motives ? But
they, by searching his sore, found there was rooted in
his heart, both an awe of God, and a respect to law and
order ; so that though all his people pressed him to
drive the matter to an issue, yet he would still wait for
the decision of the Apostolic See. Therefore, they most
pressmgly desire the Pope to grant the cure which his
distemper required, and to consider that it was not fit to
insist too much on the rigour of the law : but, since the
108 HISTORY OF
part soul and life of all the laws of the church was in the
L Pope's breast, in doubtful cases, where there was great
1529. hazard, he ought to mollify the severity of the laws ;
which if it were not done, other remedies would be
found out, to the vast prejudice of the ecclesiastical au-
thority, to which many about the King advised him :
there was reason to fear they should not only lose a
King of England, but a Defender of the Faith. The
nobility and gentry were already enraged at the delay of
a matter in which all their lives and interests were so
nearly concerned : and said many things against the
Pope's proceedings, which they could not relate without
horror. And they plainly complained, that whereas
popes had made no scruple to make and change divine
laws at their pleasure, yet one Pope sticks so much at
the repealing what his predecessor did, as if that were
more sacred, and not to be meddled with. The King
betook himself to no ill arts, neither to the charms of
magicians, nor the forgeries of impostors ; therefore they
expected such an answer as should put an end to the
whole matter."
Campegio's But all these things were to no purpose : the Pope
PeieriJ> na<^ taken his measures, and was not to be moved by all
ingiese. the reasons or remonstrances the Ambassador could lay
before him. The King had absolutely gained Campegio
to do all he could for him without losing the Pope's
favour. He led at this time a very dissolute life in Eng-
land, hunting and gaming all the day long, and following
whores all the night : and brought a bastard*1 of his own
over to England with him, whom the King knighted :
so that if the King sought his pleasure, it was no strange
thing, since he had such a copy set him by two Le-
gates, who representing his Holiness so lively in their
manners, it was no unusual thing if a King had a slight
APril «• sense of such disorders. The King wrote to his am-
bassadors, that he was satisfied of Campegio's love and
affection to him, and if ever he was gained by the Em-
* Campegio's son is, by HUH, none of his Batterers, said to have been
born in wedlock, i. r. before he took orders, litis is also confirmed by
Ganricus Gcnitur. '24.. who sivs, he had by Ins wife thiee sons and two
daughters.
THE REFORMATION. 109
peror's agents, he had said something to him, which did book
totally change that inclination. '
The Imperialists, being alarmed at the recalling of 1509.
some of the English ambassadors, and being: informed The EmPe*
. , ° . , r • i ror presses
by the Queen s means, that they were forming the pro- for an avc-
cess in England, put in a memorial for an avocation of catlon '
the cause to Rome. The ambassadors answered, that
there was no colour for asking it, since there was nothing
yet done by the Legates. For they had strict orders to
deny that there was any process forming in England,
even to the Pope himself in private, unless he had a
mind it should go on ; but were to use all their endea-
vours to hinder an avocation, and plainly in the King's
name to tell the Pope, that if he granted that, the
King would look on it as a formal decision against him.
And it would also be an high affront to the two Cardi- Whic,h the
nals : and they were thereupon to protest, that the King bassadors
would not obey, nor consider the Pope any more, if he °pp°se
did an act of such high injustice, as, after he had grant-
ed a commission, upon no complaint of any illegality,
or unjust proceedings of the Legates, but only upon sur-
mises and suspicions, to take it out of their hands. But
the Pope had not yet brought the Emperor to his terms
in other things ; therefore, to draw him on the faster, he
continued to give the English Ambassador good words ;
and in discourse with Peter Vannes, did insinuate as if The Pope's
he had found a means to bring the whole matter to a Stion.1"
good conclusion, and spoke it with an artificial smile,
adding, "In the name of the Father," &c. but would
not speak it out, and seemed to keep it up as a secret
not yet ripe. But all this did afterwards appear to be Collect.
the deepest dissimulation that ever was practised. And Numb- 2o-
in the whole process, though the Cardinal studied to
make tricks pass upon him, yet he was always too hard
for them all at it; and seemed as infallible in his arts of
juggling, as he pretended to be in his decisions. He
wrote a cajoling letter to the Cardinal ; but words went Jumb! s&
for nothing.
Soon after this, the Pope complained much to Sir The Pope
Gregory Cassali, of the ill usage he received from the ofX^lo-
French Ambassador, and that their confederates, the *eni»™-
7 June b.
110 HISTORY OF
part Florentines, and the Duke of Ferrara, used him so ill,
that they would force him to throw himself into the
15c29 Emperor's hands : and he seemed inclined to grant an
avocation of the cause, and complained that there was
a treaty of peace going on at Cambray, in which he had
no share. But the Ambassador undertook that nothing
should be done to give him just offence; yet the Floren-
tines continued to put great affronts on him, and his fa-
Juue 13. rnily ; and the Abbot of Farfa, their general, made excur-
sions to the gates of Rome; so that the Pope, with great
signs of fear, said, " That the Florentines would some day
seize on him, and carrv him with his hands bound behind
his back, in procession to Florence: and that all this
while, the Kings of England and France did only entertain
him with good words, and did not so much as restrain
the insolencies of their confederates. And whereas they
used to say, that if he joined himself to the Emperor,
he would treat him as his chaplain ; he said with great
commotion, that he would not only choose rather to be
his chaplain, but his horse-groom, than suffer such inju-
ries from his own rebellious vassals and subjects." This
was perhaps set on by the Cardinal's arts, to let the Pope
feel the weight of offending the King, and to oblige him
to use him better : but it wrought a contrary effect, for
the treaty between the Emperor and him was the more
advanced by it. And the Pope reckoned that the Em-
peror being (as he was informed) ashamed and grieved
for the taking and sacking of Rome, would study to re-
pair that by better usage for the future.
Great con- The motion for the avocation was still driven on, and
tii'-lvoca- Passed the more earnestly, because they heard the Le-
'"""'• gates were proceeding in the cause. But the ambassa-
CoHect.' (l°rs were instructed by a dispatch from the King, to ob-
Nun»b. 87. viate that carefully ; for as it would reflect on the Le-
gates, and defeat the commission, and be a gross viola-
tion of the Pope's promise, which they had in writing;
so it was more for the Pope's interest, to leave it in the
Legates' hands, than to bring it before himself ; for then,
whatever sentence passed, the ill effects of it would lie
on the Pope without any interposition. And as the
King had very just exceptions to Rome, where the Em-
THE REFORMATION. Ill
peror's forces lay so near, that no safety could be ex- book
pected there ; so they were to tell the Pope that, by the '
laws of England, the prerogative of the crown royal 1529.
was such, that the Pope could do nothing that was pre-
judicial to it : to which the citing the King to Rome, to
have his cause decided there, was contrary in a high de-
gree. And if the Pope went on, notwithstanding all
the diligence they could use to the contrary, they were,
by another dispatch which Gardiner sent, ordered to pro-
test and appeal from the Pope as " not the true Vicar of
Christ, to a true Vicar." But the King upon second
thoughts judged it not fit to proceed to this extremity
so soon. They were also ordered to advertise the Pope,
that all the nobility had assured the King, they would
adhere to him, in case he were so ill used by the Pope,
that he were constrained to withdraw his obedience from
the Apostolic See ; and that the Cardinal's ruin was un-
avoidable, if the Pope granted the avocation. The Em-
peror's agents had pretended they could not send the
original breve into England, and said their master would
send it to Rome, upon which the ambassadors had soli-
cited for letters compulsory, to require him to send it to
England ; yet, lest that might now be made an argument
by the Imperialists for an avocation, they were ordered
to speak no more of it, for the Legates would proceed
to sentence, upon the attested copy that was sent from
Spain.
The ambassadors had also orders to take the best June 28.
counsel in Rome about the legal ways of hindering an
avocation. But they found it was not fit to rely much
on the lawyers in that matter. For as, on the one hand,
there was no secrecy to be expected from any of them,
they having such expectations of preferments from the
Pope, (which were beyond all the fees that could be given
them,) that they discovered all secrets to him ; so none
of them would be earnest to hinder an avocation, it
being their interest to bring all matters to Rome, by
which they might hope for much greater fees. And
Salviati, whom the ambassadors had gained, told them,
that Campana brought word out of England, that the
process was then in a good forwardness. They with
112
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1529.
The Le-
gates sit in
England.
Orig. Jour.
Cott. Lib.
Vitel. B.
12.
A severe
charge
against the
Queen.
many oaths denied there was any such thing, and Silves-
ter Darius, who was sent express to Rome for opposing
the avocation, confirmed all that they swore. But no-
thing was believed ; for, by a secret conveyance, Campana
had letters to the contrary. And when they objected
to Salviati, what was promised by Campana in the
Pope's name, that he would do every thing for the King
" that he could do out of the fulness of his power ;" he
answered, " that Campana swore he had never said any
such thing." So hard is the case of ministers in such
ticklish negociations, that they must say and unsay,
swear and forswear, as they are instructed, which goes
of course as a part of their business.
But now the Legates were proceeding in England : of
the steps in which they went, though a great deal be al-
ready published, yet considerable things are passed over.
On the 31st of May, the King, by a warrant under the
great seal, gave the Legates leave to execute their com-
mission, upon which they sate, that same day. The com-
mission was presented by Longland, bishop of Lincoln,
which was given to the Proto-notary of the court, and he
read it publicly : then the Legates took it in their hands,
and said, they were resolved to execute it : and first
gave the usual oaths to the clerks of the court, and or-
dered a peremptory citation of the King and Queen to
appear on the 18th of June, between nine and ten
o'clock ; and so the court adjourned. The next sessions
was on the 18th of June, where the citations being re-
turned duly executed, Richard Sampson, dean of the
chapel, and Mr. John Bell, appeared as the King's
proxies. But the Queen appeared in person, and did pro-
test against the Legates as incompetent judges, alleging
that the cause was already avocated by the Pope, and de-
sired a competent time in which she might prove it. The
Legates assigned her the 21st, and so adjourned the
court till then.
About this time there was a severe complaint exhibit-
ed against the Queen in council, of which there is an
account given in a paper, that lias somewhat written at
the conclusion of it with the Cardinal's own hand. " The
substance of it is, Thatthev were informed some designed
THE REFORMATION. 113
to kill the King or the Cardinal ; in which, if she had book
any hand, she must not expect to be spared. That she
had not shewed such love to the King, neither in bed 1529#
nor out of bed as she ought. And now that the King
was very pensive and in much grief, she shewed great
signs of joy, setting on all people to dancings and other
diversions. This it seemed she did out of spite to the
King, since it was contrary to her temper and ordinary
behaviour. And whereas she ought rather to pray to
God to bring this matter to a good conclusion, she
seemed not at all serious ; and that she might corrupt
the people's affections to the King, she shewed herself
much abroad, and by civilities, and gracious bowing her
head, which had not been her custom formerly, did study
to work upon the people; and that, having the pretend-
ed breve in her hands, she would not shew it sooner.
From all which the King concluded that she hated him :
therefore his council did not think it advisable for him
to be any more conversant with her, either in bed or at
board. They also in their consciences thought his life
was in such danger, that he ought to withdraw himself
from her company, and not suffer the Princess to be
with her. These things were to be told her, to induce
her to enter into a religious order, and to persuade her
to submit to the King." To which paper, the Cardinal
added in Latin, " That she played the fool, if she con- fe* ?"Zt<!
tended with the King, that her children had not been tend'a mm
blessed ; and somewhat of the evident suspicions that fX'^K**
were of the forgery of the breve." But she had a constant successit in
mind, and was not to be threatened to any thing. On the SS^Jj.
21st of June, the court sate; the King and Queen were vinonefai-
present in person. Campegio made a long speech of £^e *'K.
the errand they were come about:* "That it was a new, and Queen
unheard of, vile, and intolerable thing, for the King and com™1*1
Queen to live in adultery, or rather incest;" which they *Fiddisser-
must now try, and proceed as they saw inst cause. And Tl l"JideU
•Liix 11 • r- i • • subdito re-
botn the Legates made deep protestations ot the sincerity spomio.
of their minds, and that they would proceed justly and
fairly without* any favour or partiality.
As for the formal speeches which the King and
Queen made, Hall, who never failed in trifles, sets them
vol. i. p. I. I
114
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1529.
Collect.
Numb. 28.
The
Queen's
»peecu.
The King
- gires the
accouiil of
down, which I incline to believe they really spoke ; for
with the journals of the court I find those speeches
written down, though not as a part of the journal.
But here the Lord Herbert's usual diligence fails him ;
for he fancies the Queen never appeared after the 18 th,
upon which, because the journal of the next sessions are
lost, he infers, against all the histories of that time,
that the King and the Queen were not in court to-
gether. , And he seems to conclude, that the 25th of
June was the next session after the 1 8th, but in that he
was mistaken : for, by an original letter of the King's
to his ambassadors, it is plain that both the King and
Queen came in person into the court ; where they both
sate, with their counsel standing about them; the Bishops
of Rochester and St. Asaph, and Doctor Ridley being
the Queen's counsel. When the King and Queen were
called on, theKing answered, "Here ;" but the Queen left
her seat, and went and kneeled down before him, and
made a speech, that had all the insinuations in it to raise
pity and compassion in the court. She said, " She was
a poor woman, and a stranger in his dominions, where
she could neither expect good counsel, nor indifferent
judges; she had been long his wife, and desired to
know wherein she had offended him : she had been his
wife twenty years and more, and had borne him several
children, and had ever studied to please him ; and pro-
tested he had found her a true maid; about which she
appealed to his own conscience. If she had done any
thing amiss, she was willing to be put away with shame.
► Their parents were esteemed very wise princes, and no
doubt had good counsellors and learned men about them
when the match was agreed : therefore, she would not
submit to the court, nor durst her lawyers, who were
his subjects, and assigned by him, speak freely for her.
So she desired to be excused till she heard from Spain."
That said, she rose up, and made the King a low re-
verence, and went out of the court. And though they
called after her, she made no answer, but went away,
and would never again appear in court.
She being gone, the King did publicly declare, what
a true and obedient wife she had always been, and com-
THE REFORMATION. 115
mended her much for her excellent qualities. Then book
the Cardinal of York desired the King would wit- '
ness, whether he had been the first or chief mover of 1529.
that matter to him, since he was suspected to have done hjs scru"
it. In which the King did vindicate him, and said, That p e"
he had always rather opposed it, and protested it arose
merely out of a scruple in his conscience, which was oc-
casioned by the discourse of the French Ambassador ;
who, during the treaty of a match between his daughter
and the Duke of Orleans, did except to her being
legitimate, as begotten in an unlawful marriage : upon
which he resolved to try the lawfulness of it, both for
the quiet of his conscience, and for clearing the succes-
sion of the crown : and if it were found lawful, he was
very well satisfied to live still with the Queen. But
upon that, he had first moved it in confession to the
Bishop of Lincoln ; then he had desired the Archbishop
of Canterbury to gather the opinion of the bishops, who
did all, under their hands and seals, declare against the
marriage. This the Archbishop confirmed, but the
Bishop of Rochester denied his hand was at it. And the
Archbishop pretended he had his consent to make an-
other write his name to the judgment of the rest, which
he positively denied.
The court adjourned to the 25th, ordering letters mo-
nitory to be issued out for citing the Queen to appear,
under pain of contumacy. But on the 25th was brought The
in her appeal to the Pope, the original of which is ex- appeal*
tant, every page being both subscribed and superscribed
by her. She excepted both to the place, to the judges,
and to her counsel, in whom she could not confide ; and,
therefore, appealed and desired her cause might be
heard by the Pope, with many things out of the canon
law, on which she grounded it. This being read, and
she not appearing, was declared contumax. Then the
Legates being to proceed ex officio, drew up twelve Articles
articles, upon which they were to examine witnesses. theWafes,
The substance of them was, 'f That Prince Arthur and
the King were brothers ; that Prince Arthur did marry
the Queen, and consummated the marriage ; that upon
his death, the King, by virtue of a dispensation, had
1 2
11G HISTORY OF
part married her ; that this marrying his brother's wife was
forbidden both by human and divine law; and that
1529. upon the complaints which the Pope had received, he
had sent them now to try and judge in it." The King's
counsel insisted most on Prince Arthur's having con-
summated the marriage, and that led them to say many
things that seemed indecent ; of which the Bishop of
Rochester complained, and said they were things de-
testable to be heard : but Cardinal Wolsey checked him,
and there passed some sharp words between them.
Upon which ^he Legates proceeded to the examination of wit-
witnesses
are exa- nesses, of which I shall say little, the substance of their
mmed. depositions being fully set down, with all their names,
by the Lord Herbert. The sum of what was most ma-
terial in them, was, that many violent presumptions ap-
peared by their testimonies, that Prince Arthur did car-
nally know the Queen. And it cannot be imagined
how greater proofs could be made twenty-seven years
after their marriage. Thus the court went on several
days examining witnesses ; but as the matter was going
on to a conclusion, there came an avocation from Rome:
of which I shall now give an account.
The pro- The Queen wrote most earnestlv to her nephews to
ceedings at "^ . . J. i -i rr
Rome procure an avocation ; protesting she would suiter any
about an thins\ and even death itself, rather than depart from
avocation. » • 1 r 1
her marriage ; that she expected no justice from the
Legates, and therefore looked for their assistance, that
her appeal being admitted by the Pope, the cause might
ah this is be taken out of the Legates' hands. Campegio did also
fhTc.rieinai g*ve tne Pope an account of their progress, and by all
letters, June means advised an avocation ; for by this, he thought to
July's 3°' excuse himself to the King, to oblige the Emperor
and 9. much, and to have the reputation of a man of con-
science.
The Emperor and his brother Ferdinand sent their
ambassadors at Rome orders, to give the Pope no rest
till it were procured ; and the Emperor said, He would
look on a sentence against his aunt as a dishonour to
his family, and would lose all his kingdoms sooner
than endure it. And they plied the Pope so warmly,
that between them and the English ambassadors, he had
THE REFORMATION. 117
for some days very little rest. To the one he was kind, book
and to the other he resolved to be civil. The English
ambassadors met often with Sal via ti, and studied to per- 1529.
suade him, that the process went not on in England ;
but he told them their intelligence was so good, that
whatever they said would not be believed. They next
suggested, that it was visible Campegio's advising an
avocation was- only done to preserve himself from the
envy of the sentence, and to throw it wholly on the
Pope : for were the matter once called to Rome, the
Pope must give sentence one way or another, and so
bear the whole burden of it. There were also secret
surmises of deposing the Pope, if he went so far ; for
seeing that the Emperor prevailed so much by the ter-
rors of that, the Cardinal resolved to try what operation
such threatenings in the King's name might have. But
they had no armies near the Pope, so that big words did
only provoke and alienate him the more.
The matter was such, that by the canon law it could
not be denied. For to grant an avocation of a cause
upon good reason, from the delegated to the supreme
court, was a thing which by the course of law was very
' usual : and it was no less apparent that the reasons of
the Queen's appeal were just and good. But the secret The Pope
and most convincing motives, that wrought more on thrEmpe-'
the Pope than all other things, were, that the treaty ror :
between him and the Emperor was now concerted :
therefore, this being to be published very speedily, the
Pope thought it necessary to avocate the matter to
Rome, before the publication for the peace ; lest, if he
did it after, it should be thought that it had been one of
the secret articles of the treaty, which would have cast
a foul blot upon him. Yet, on the other hand, he was
not a little perplexed with the fears he had of losing the
King of England ; he knew he was a man of a high
spirit, and would resent what he did severely. " And Collect,
the Cardinal now again ordered Dr. Bennet, in his name,
and as with tears in his eyes, lying at the Pope's feet, to
assure him, that the King and kingdom of England
were certainly lost, if the cause were avocated : there-
fore, he besought him to leave it still in their hands,
118 HISTORY OF
part and assured him, that for himself, he should rather be
torn in pieces, joint by joint, than do any thing in that
1529. matter contrary to his conscience or to justice." These
Yet is in things had been oft said, and the Pope did apprehend
piexities. that ill effects would follow ; for if the King fell from
his obedience to the Apostolic See, no doubt all the
Lutheran princes who were already bandying against the
Emperor, would join themselves with him ; and the in-
terests of France would most certainly engage that King
also into the union, which would distract the church,
give encouragement to heresy, and end in the utter ruin
of the popedom. But in all this the crafty Pope com-
forted himself, that many times threatenings are not in-
tended to be made good, but are used to terrify ; and
that the King, who had written for the faith against
Luther, and had been so ill used by him, would never
do a thing that would sound so ill, as, because he could
not obtain what he had a mind to, therefore to turn
heretic : he also resolved to caress the French King
much, and was in hopes of making peace between the
Emperor and him.
But that which went nearest the Pope's heart, of all
other things, was the setting up of his family at Flo-
rence : and the Emperor having given him assurance of
that, it weighed down all other considerations. There-
fore, he resolved he would please the Emperor, but do
all he could not to lose the King : so on the Qth of July,
he sent for the King's ambassadors, and told them, the
process was now so far set on in England, and the avoca-
tion so earnestly pressed, that he could deny it no longer ;
for all the lawyers in Rome had told him, the thing
could not be denied in the common course of justice.
Upon this the ambassadors told him what they had in
commission to say against it, both from the King and
the Cardinal, and pressed it with great vehemence: so
that the Pope, by many sighs and tears, shewed how
deep an impression that which they said made upon
him ; he wished himself dead, that he might be delivered
out of that martyrdom : and added these words, which,
because of their savouring so much of an apostolical spirit,
J set down : " Woe is me, nobody apprehends all those
THE REFORMATION. 119
evils better than I do. But I am so between the ham- book
mer and the forge, that when I would comply with the
King's desires, the whole storm then must fall on my 15<j9.
head; and, which is worse, on the church of Christ." They
did object the many promises he had made them, both
by word of mouth, and under his hand. He answered,
" He desired to do more for the King than he had pro-
mised ; but it was impossible to refuse what the Em-
peror now demanded, whose forces did so surround him,
that he could not only force him to grant him justice,
but could dispose of him and all his concerns at his
pleasure."
The ambassadors, seeing the Pope was resolved to
grant the avocation, pressed against it no further, but
studied to put it off for some time : and therefore pro-
posed, that the Pope would himself write about it to the
King, and not grant it till he received his answer. Of
all this they gave advertisement to the King, and wrote
to him, that he must either drive the matter to a sen-
tence in great haste, or, to prevent the affront of an
avocation, suspend the process for some time. They
also advised the searching all the packets that went or
«ame by way of Flanders ; and to keep up all Campegio's
letters, and to take care that no bull might come to
England ; for they did very much apprehend that the
avocation would be granted within very few days. Their July 26.
next dispatch bore, that the Pope had sent for them, to
let them know that he had signed the avocation the day The avoca-
before. But they understood another way, that the Uonls,
J ■ ■ * m granted.
treaty between the Emperor and him was finished, and
the peace was to be proclaimed on the 18th of July ; and
that the Pope did not only fear the Emperor more than
all other princes, but that he also trusted him more now.
On the lQth of July, the Pope sent a messenger with Collect.
the avocation to England, with a letter to the Cardinal. Nurab-30-
To the King he wrote afterwards.
All this while Campegio, as he had orders from the Pope The pro-
to draw out the matter by delays, so he did it very dex- SeLeJate".
terously : and in this he pretended a fair excuse, that it
would not be for the Kings honour to precipitate the
120 HISTORY OF
part matter too much, lest great advantages might be taken
from that by the Queen's party. That, therefore, it was
l529i fit to proceed slowly, that the world might see with
what moderation as well as justice the matter was
handled. From the 25th of June, the court adjourned
to the 28th, ordering a second citation for the Queen,
under the pains of contumacy, and of their proceeding
to examine witnesses. And on the 28th, they declared
the Queen contumacious the second time.; and ex-
amined several witnesses upon the articles, and ad-
journed to the 5 th of July : on that day the bull and
breve were read in court, and the King's counsel argued
long against the validity of the one, and the truth of
the other, upon the grounds that have been already
mentioned ; in which Campegio was much disgusted to
hear them argue against the Pope's power, of granting
such a dispensation in a matter that was against a divine
precept, alleging that his power did not extend so far.
This the Legates overruled, and said, That that was too
high a point for them to judge in, or so much as to hear
argued ; and that the Pope himself was the only proper
judge in that : " and it was odds but he would judge
favourably for himself." The court adjourned to the
12th, and from that to the 14th. On these days the
depositions of the rest of the witnesses were taken, and
some that were ancient persons were examined by a
commission from the Legates ; and all the depositions
were published on the 17th ; other instruments relating
to the process, were also read and verified in court. On
the 21st, the court sate to conclude the matter, as was
expected, and the instrument that the King had signed
when he came of age, protesting- that he would not stand
to the contract made when he was under age, was then
read and verified. Upon which the King's counsel (of
whom Gardiner was the chief) closed their evidence,
ah things and summed up all that had been brought ; and, in the
awn- King's name, desired sentence might be given. But
tence. Campegio, pretending that it was fit some interval should
be between that and the sentence, put it off till the 23d,
being Friday ; and in the whole process he presided,
are
for
THE REFORMATION. 121
both being the ancienter cardinal,* and chiefly to shew book
great equity ; since exceptions might have been taken, '
if the other had appeared much in it ; so that he only i«^9.
sate by him for form: but all the orders of the court were
still directed by Campegio. On Friday there was a great
appearance, and a general expectation ; bat, by a strange
surprise, Campegio adjourned the court to the 1st of Campegio
October, for which he pretended that they sate there as Sjj^JUJ1
a part of the consistory of Rome, and therefore must
follow the rules of that court, which, from that time till
October, was in a vacation, and heard no causes : and
this he averred to be true on the word of a true prelate.
The King was in a chamber very near, where he heard
what passed, and was inexpressibly surprised at it. The
Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk were in court, and com-
plained much of this delay ; and pressed the Legates to
give sentence. Campegio answered, that what they
might then pronounce would be of no force, as being in
vacation-time; but gave great hopes of a favourable
sentence in the beginning of October. Upon which the
Lords spake very high. And the Duke of Suffolk, with
great commotion, swore "by the mass, that he saw it was
true which had been commonly said, That never cardi-
nal yet did good in England ;" and so all the temporal
lords went away in a fury, leaving the Legates ( Wolsey Which
especially) in no small perplexity. Wolsey knew it EasT**
would be suspected that he understood this beforehand,
and that it would be to no purpose for him, either to
say he did not know, or could not help it ; all apologies
being ill heard by an enraged Prince. Campegio had not
much to lose in England but his bishoprick of Salisbury,
and the reward he expected from the King, which he
knew the Emperor and the Pope would plentifully make
up to him. But his colleague was in a worse condition ;
he had much to fear, because he had much to lose : for
as the King had severely chid him for the delays of the Woisey's
business, so he was now to expect a heavy storm from dan8er-
* Campegio might take upon him to direct the process, as being sent
express from Rome, or to avoid the imputation that might have been cast
on the proceedings, if Wolsey had done it ; but he was not the ancienter
cardinal, for Wolsey was- made alone Sept. 7, 1515; and Campegio, with
manyjnore, was advanced July 1, 1517.
12$ HISTORY OF
part hjm . anjj after so jong an administration of affairs by
.. so insolent a favourite, it was not be doubted, but as
1529. many of his enemies were joining against him, so matter
must needs be found to work his ruin with a Prince that
was alienated from him : therefore, he was under all the
disorders which a fear that was heightened by ambition
and covetousness could produce.
But the King governed himself upon this occasion,
with more temper than could have been expected from
a man of his humour : therefore, as he made no great
show of disturbance, so, to divert his uneasy thoughts,
he went his progress. Soon after, he received his agent's
letter from Rome, and made Gardiner (who was then
secretary of state) write to the Cardinal, to put Cam-
pegio to his oath, whether he had revealed the King's
secrets to the Pope, or not ? And if he swore he had
not done it, to make him swear he should never do it.
A little after that, the messenger came from Rome with
a breve to the Legates, requiring them to proceed no
further, and with an avocation of the cause to Rome ;
Aug. 4. together with letters citatory to the King and Queen to
appear there in person, or by their proxies. Of which
when the Kino- was advertised, Gardiner wrote to the
Cardinal by his order, That the King would not have
the letters citatory executed, or the commission dis-
charged by virtue of them ; but that upon the Pope's
breve to them, they should declare their commission
void : for he would not suffer a thing so much to the
prejudice of his crown, as a citation be made to appear
in another court, nor would he let his subjects imagine
that he was to be cited out of his kingdom. This was
the first step that he made for the lessening of the Pope's
power: upon which, the two Cardinals (for they were
legates no longer) went to the King at Grafton. It-was
generally expected that Wolsey should have been dis-
graced then, for not only the King was offended with
him, but he received new informations of his having
juggled in the business, and that he secretly advised the
Pope to do what was done. This was set about by some
of the Oueen's agents, as if there was certain knowledge
had of it at Rome ; and it was said, that some letters of
THE REFORMATION. 123
his to the Pope were by a trick found and brought over book
to England. The Emperor looked on the Cardinal as '
his inveterate enemy., and designed to ruin him if it was 1529.
possible ; nor was it hard to persuade the Queen to con-
cur with him to pull him down. But all this seems an
artifice of their's only to destroy him. For the earnest-
ness the Cardinal expressed in this matter was such,
that either he was sincere in it, or he was the best at
dissembling that ever was. But these suggestions were
easily infused in the King's angry mind : so strangely are
men turned by their affections, that sometimes they will
believe nothing, and at other times they believe every
thing. Yet when the Cardinal with his colleague came
to court, they were received by the King with very hearty
expressions of kindness ; and Wolsey was often in pri-
vate with him, sometimes in presence of the council, and
sometimes alone : once he was many hours with the King
alone, and when they took leave he sent them away
very obligingly. But that which gave Cardinal Wolsey Sept. 23, m
the most assurance was, that all those who were admit- J^^e
ted to the King's privacies did carry themselves towards Cardinal,
him as they were wont to do ; both the Duke of Suf- Cromwell
folk, Sir Thomas Boleyn, then made viscount of Roch-
ford, Sir Brian Tuke, and Gardiner : concluding, that
from the motions of such weathercocks the air of the
Prince's affections was best gathered.
Anne Boleyn was now brought to the court again, Anne Bo-
out of which she had been dismissed for some time, for ^court!™*
silencing the noise that her being at court during the
process would have occasioned. It is said, that she took
her dismission so ill, that she resolved never again to
return ; and that she was very hardly brought to it
afterwards, not without threatenings from her father.
But of that nothing appears to me ; only this I find,
that all her former kindness to the Cardinal was now
turned to enmity, so that she was not wanting in her
endeavours to pull him down.
But the King being reconciled to her> and, as it is or-
dinary after some intermission and disorder between
lovers, his affection increasing, he was casting about for
overtures how to compass what he so earnestly desired.
124
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1529.
King's di-
vorce,
Sometimes he thought of procuring a new commission ;
but that was not advisable, for after a long dependance
it might end as the former had done. Then he thought
of breaking off with the Pope ; but there was great dan-
ger in that, for besides that in his own persuasion, he
adhered to all the most important parts of the Roman
religion, his subjects were so addicted to it, that any
such a change could not but seem full of hazard. Some-
time he inclined to confederate himself with the Pope
and Emperor, for now there was no dividing of them,
till he should thereby bring the Emperor to yield to his
desires. But that was against the interests of his king-
dom, and the Emperor had already proceeded so far in
his opposition, that he could not be easily brought
about.
Cranmer's While his thoughts were thus divided, a new propo-
about the11 sition was made to him, that seemed the most reason-
able and feasible of them all. There was one Dr. Cran-
mer, who had been a Fellow of Jesus College in Cam-
bridge ; but having married, forfeited his fellowship ; yet
continued his studies, and was a reader of divinity in
Buckingham College. His wife dying, he was again
chosen Fellow of Jesus College ; and was much es-
teemed in the university for his learning, which appeared
very eminently on all public occasions. But he was a
man that neither courted preferment, nor did willingly
accept of it when offered. And therefore, though he
was invited to be a reader of divinity in the Cardinal's
College, at Oxford, he declined it. He was at this time
forced to fly out of Cambridge from a plague that was
there, and having the sons of one Mr. Cressy, of Walt-
ham Cross, committed to his charge, he went with his
pupils to their father's house at Waltham. There he
was when the King returned from his progress, who
took Waltham in his way, and lay a night there. The
harbingers having appointed Gardiner and Fox, the
King's secretary and almoner, to lie at Mr. Cressy 's
house, it so happened that Cranmer was with them at
supper. The whole discourse of England being then
about the divorce, these two courtiers, knowing Cran-
mer's learning and solid judgment, entertained him with
Uy/ldJ I 7(///M€
THE REFORMATION. 125
it, and desired to hear his opinion concerning it. He book
modestly declined it; but told them, that he judged it
would be a shorter and safer way once to clear it well, if 1529
the marriage was unlawful in itself, by virtue of any
divine precept : for if that were proved, then it was cer-
tain, that the Pope's dispensation could be of no force
to make that lawful, which God had declared to be un-
lawful. Therefore he thought that, instead of a long
fruitless negotiation at Rome, it were better to consult
all the learned men, and the universities of Christen-
dom ; for if they once declared it in the King's favour,
then the Pope must needs give judgment ; or otherwise,
the bull being of itself null and void, the marriage would
be found sinful, notwithstanding the Pope's dispensa-
tion. This seemed a very good motion, which they
resolved to offer to the King ; so next night, when he
came to Greenwich, they proposed it to him ; but with
this difference, that Gardiner had a mind to make it
pass for their own contrivance ; but Fox, who was of a
more ingenuous nature, told the King from whom they
had it. He was much affected with it, so soon as he Approved
heard it, and said, had he known it sooner, it would ^ae:
have saved him a vast expense and much trouble ; and
would needs have Cranmer sent for to court, saying, in
his course way of speaking, " That he had the sow by
the right ear." So he was sent for to court, and being
brought before the King, he carried himself so, that the
King conceived a high opinion of his judgment and
candour, which he preserved to his death, and still paid
a respect to him, beyond all the other churchmen that
were about him : and though he made more use of
Gardiner in his business, whom he found a man of great
dexterity and cunning ; yet he never had any respect
for him : but for Cranmer, though the King knew that
in many things he differed from him, yet, for all his be-
ing so impatient of contradiction, he always reverenced
him.
He was soon looked on as a rising churchman, and And he
the rather because the Cardinal was now declining ; for Smed'by
in the following Michaelmas term, the King sent for him.
the great seal, which the Cardinal at first was not will-
126
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1529.
The Cardi-
nal's fall.
Rol. Pat.
t. pars
vices, prin.
Regni.
Feb. 12.
ing to part with. But the next day the King wrote to
him, and he presently delivered it to the Dukes of Nor-
folk and Suffolk. It was offered back again to Warham,
archbishop of Canterbury ; but he being very old and
foreseeing great difficulties in the keeping of it, excused
himself. So it was given to Sir Thomas More, who was
not only eminent in his own profession, but in all other
learning ; and was much esteemed for the strictness of
his life, and his contempt of money. He was also the
more fit to be made use of, having been in ill terms
with the Cardinal. Soon after, Hales, the attorney-
general, put in an information against the Cardinal in
the King's Bench ; bearing, " that notwithstanding the
statute of Richard II. against the procuring bulls rrom
Rome, under the pains of premunire, yet he had pro-
cured bulls for his legantine power, which he had for
many years executed ; and some particulars, for form,
were named out of a great many more." To this he put
in his answer, by his attorney, and confessed the indict-
ment, but pleaded his ignorance of the statute, and sub-
mitted himself to the King's mercy. Upon this it was
declared, that he was out of the King's protection, and
that he had forfeited his goods and chattels to the King,
and that his person might be seized on. Then was his
rich palace of York House (now Whitehall), with all
that vast wealth and royal furniture that he had heaped
together (which was beyond any thing that had ever
been seen in England before), seized on for the King.*
But it seems the King had not a mind to destroy him
outright, but only to bring him lower, and to try if the
terror of that would have any influence on the Pope :
therefore, on the 21st of November, the King granted
him first his protection, and then his pardon, and re-
stored him to the archbishopriek of York, and the
bishoprick of Winchester, and gave him back in money,
goods, and plate, that which amounted to 6374/. 3s. jd.
and many kind messages were sent him, both by theKing
and Anne Boleyn.
* The house of his see could not he forfcitc d, or seized ; it was conveyed
over by him to the Kinjj (the convej ance confirmed by the. dean and chap-
ter of York). See his Life of Caveudish, Chap. 18.
THE REFORMATION. 127
But as he had carried his greatness with most extra- book
vagant pride, so he was no less basely cast down with '___
his misfortune ; and having no ballast within himself, 1529.
but being wholly guided by things without him, he was The ™ean.~
lifted up, or cast down, as the scales of fortune turned : temper.
yet his enemies had gone too far, ever to suffer a man of
his parts or temper to return to favour. And therefore
they so ordered it, that a high charge of many articles
was brought against him, into the House of Lords, in the
parliament that sate in November following ; and it passed
there, where he had but few friends, and many and great
enemies. But when the charge was sent down to the
House of Commons, it was so managed by the industry
of Cromwell, who had been his servant, that it came
to nothing. The heads of it have been oft printed,
therefore I shall not repeat them ; they related chiefly
to his legantine power, contrary to law, to his insolence
and ambition, his lewd life, and other things that were
brought to defame as well as destroy him.
All these things did so sink his proud mind, that a
deep melancholy overcame his spirits. The King sent The King
him frequent assurances of his favour, which he received voli/edhhn.
with extravagant transports of joy, falling down on his
knees in the dirt before the messenger that brought one
of them, and holding up his hands for joy, which shewed
how mean a soul he had, and that, as himself afterwards
acknowledged, ll He preferred the King's favour to God
Almighty's." But* the King found they took little notice
of him at Rome ; the Emperor hated him, and the Pope
did not love him, looking on him as one that was almost
equal to himself in power : and though they did not
love the precedent to have a cardinal so used, yet they
were not much troubled at Rome to see it fall on him.
So in Easter week, he was ordered to go north, though
he had a great mind to have stayed at Richmond. But
that was too near the court, and his enemies had
a mind to send him further from it. Accordingly
he went to Cawood in Yorkshire, in which journey it
appears, that the ruins of his state were considerable, for
he travelled thither with one hundred and sixty horse in
128
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1529.
He is after-
wards at-
tached for
treason ;
And dies.
His charac-
ter.
A parlia-
ment
called.
his train, and seventy-two carts following him, with his
household stuff.
To conclude his story all at once, he was, in Novem-
ber the next year, seized on by the Earl of Northumber-
land, who attached him for high treason, and committed
him to the keeping of the Lieutenant of the Tower, who
was ordered to bring him up to London. And even then
he had gracious messages from the King ; but these did
not work much on him, for whether it was that he knew
himself guilty of some secret practices with the Pope, or
with the Emperor, which yet he denied to the last ; or,
whether he could no longer stand under the King's
displeasure, and that change of condition ; he was so cast
down, that, on his way to London, he sickened at Shef-
field Park, in the Earl of Shrewsbury's house, from
whence, by slow journeys, he went as far as Leicester,
where after some days' languishing he died ; and at the
last, made great " protestations of his having served the
King faithfully, and that he had little regarded the ser-
vice of God, to do him pleasure ; but if he had served
God as he had done him, he would not have given him
over so, as he did in his grey hairs. And he desired the
King to reflect on all his past services, and in particular,
in his weighty matter (for by that phrase, they usually
spoke of the King's divorce), and then he would find in
his conscience whether he had offended him or not." He
died the 29th of November, 1530, and was the greatest
instance that several ages had shewn of the variety and
inconstancy of human things, both in his rise and fall ;
and by his temper in both, it appears he was unworthy
of his greatness, and deserved what he suffered. But to
conclude all that is to be said of him, I shall add what
the writer of his life ends it with : (i Here is the end and
fall of pride and arrogance, for I assure you, in his time
he was the haughtiest man in all his proceedings alive,
having more respect to the honour of his person, than
he had to his spiritual profession, wherein should be
shewed all meekness and charity."
But now with the change of this great minister, there
followed a change of counsels, and therefore the King
THE REFORMATION. 129
resolved to hold a parliament, that he might meet his book
people, and establish such a good understanding between
himself and them, that he might have all secured, at 1529.
home ; and then he resolved to proceed more confi-
dently abroad. There had been no parliament for seven
years, but the blame of that, and of every other mis-
carriage, falling naturally on the disgraced minister, he
did not doubt, that he should be able to give his people
full satisfaction in that, and in every thing else. So a
parliament was summoned to meet the 3d of November.
And there, among several other laws that were made
for the public good of the kingdom, there were bills sent
up by the House of Commons, against some of the most
exorbitant abuses of the clergy : one was against the
exactions for the probates of wills ; another was for the
regulating of mortuaries ; a third was about the plurality
of benefices, and non-residence, and churchmen's being
farmers of lands. In the passing of these bills, there
were severe reflections made on ihe vices and corrup-
tions of the clergy of that time, which were believed to
flow from men that favoured Luther's doctrine in their
hearts.
When these bills were brought up to the House of
Lords, the Bishop of Rochester speaking to them, did HaU-
reflect on the House of Commons : saying, That they
were resolved to bring down the church, and he desired
they would consider the miserable state of the kingdom
of Bohemia, to which it was reduced by heresy, and
ended, ' ' That all this was for lack of faith." But this be-
ing afterwards known to the House of Commons, they The House
sent their speaker, Sir Thomas Audley, with thirty of ^f0£°™m.
their members, to complain to the King of the Bishop plains of
of Rochester, for saying, that their acts flowed from the ofWcS
want of faith, which was a high imputation on the ter-
whole nation, when the representative of the Commons
was so charged, as if they had been infidels and heathens.
This was set on by the court to mortify that Bishop,
who was unacceptable to them, for his adhering so
firmly to the Queen's cause. The King sent for the
Archbishop of Canterbury and six other bishops, and
before them told the complaint of the Commons. But
vol. 1. p, 1. k
180 HISTORY OF
part the Bishop of Rochester excused himself, and said, he
only meant of the kingdom of Bohemia, when he said
1529. " a^ flowed from the want of faith," and did not at all in-
tend the House of Commons. This explanation the King
sent by the treasurer of his household, Sir William Fitz-
Williams. But though the matter was passed over, yet
they were not at all satisfied with it ; so that they went
on, laying open the abuses of the clergy.
Some bills In the House of Peers great opposition was made to
fonning'the the bills, and the clergy both within and without doors
abuses of did defame them, and said, these were the ordinary
rg ' beginnings of heresy, to complain of abuses, and pre-
tend reformation, on purpose to disgrace the clergy,
from which heresy took its chief strength. And the
spiritual lords did generally oppose them, the temporal
lords being no less earnest to have them passed. The
Cardinal was admitted* to sit in the House, where he
shewed himself as submissive in his fawning, as he had
formerly done in his scorn and contempt of all who
durst oppose him. But the King set the bills forward,
and in the end they were agreed to by the lords, and
had the royal assent.
The King intended by this to let the Pope see what
he could do if he went on to offend him, and how
willingly his parliament would concur with him, if he
went to extremities. He did also endear himself much
to the people, by relieving them from the oppressions of
the clergy. But the clergy lost much by this means, for
these acts did not only lessen their present profits, but
did open the way for other things that were more to their
detriment afterward. Their opposing of this, and all
other motions for reformation, did very much increase
the prejudices that were conceived against them :
whereas, if such motions had either risen from them-
selves, or had at least been cherished by them, their
adversaries had not perhaps been so favourably heard :
so fatally did they mistake their true interest, when they
thought they were concerned to link with it all abuses
and corruptions.
One act But there passed another bill in this parliament, which
^.•charging was not printed with the other statutes, but which will be
THE REFORMATION. 131
found in the Collection of Instruments at the end. The book
bill bore in a preamble the highest flattery that could be
put in paper, of the great things the King had done for 1529.
the church and nation, in whieh he had been at vast Jj!e king of
charges ; and that divers of the subjects had lent great Collect,
sums of money, which had been all well employed in the Numb- 31-
public service ; and whereas, they had security for their
payment, the parliament did offer all these sums so lent
to the King, and discharged him of all the obligations
or assignations made for their payment, and of all suits
that might arise thereupon.
This was brought into the House by the King's ser-
vants, who enlarged much on the wealth and peace of
the nation, notwithstanding the wars, the King always
making his enemies' country the scene of them ; and
shewed that, for fourteen years, the King had but one
subsidy from his people ; that now he asked nothing for
any other purpose, but only to be discharged of a debt
contracted for the public, the accounts whereof were
shewn, by which they might see to what uses the money
so raised had been applied. But there were several ends
in passing this bill : those of the court did not only in-
tend to deliver the King from a charge by it, but also
to ruin all the Cardinal's friends and creatures, whom
he had caused every where to advance great sums, for
an example to others. Others in the House, that were
convinced that the act was unjust in itself, yet did easily
give way to it, that they might effectually for the future
discredit that way of raising money by loans, as judging
it to be the public interest of the kingdom, that no sums
of money should be raised but by parliament. So this
act passed, and occasioned great murmuring among all
them that suffered by it. But to qualify the general dis-
content, the King gave a free pardon to his subjects for
all offences, some capital ones only excepted, as is usual
in such cases ; and, to keep the clergy under the lash,
all transgressions against the statutes of provisors and
premunire were excepted, in which they were all in-
volved, as will afterwards appear. There are two other
exceptions in this pardon, not fit to be omitted : the one
is, of the pulling or digging down crosses on the high-
k 2
132
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1529.
The Pope
and the
Emperor
firmly
united.
June 20.
The wo-
men's
peace.
Aug. 5.
ways, which shews what a spirit was then stirring among
the people ; the other is, of the forfeitures that accrued
to the King by the prosecution against Cardinal Wol-
sey, that is, the Cardinal's college in Oxford, with the
lands belonging to it, which are excepted, upon which the
dean and canons resigned their lands to the King, the
original of which is yet extant : but the King founded
the college anew soon after. All this was done both to
keep the clergy quiet, and to engage them to use what
interest they had in the court of Rome, to dispose the
Pope to use the King better in his great suit. After
those acts were passed, on the 17 th of December the
parliament was prorogued till April following ; yet it did
not sit till January after that, being continued by seve-
ral prorogations.
There had been great industry used in carrying elec-
tions for the parliament, and they were so successful,
that the King was resolved to continue it for some time.
This great business being happily over, the King's
thoughts turned next to affairs beyond sea. . The whole
world was now at peace. The Pope and the Emperor (as
was said before) had made an alliance, on terms of such
advantage to the Pope, that as the Emperor did fully
repair all past injuries, so he laid new and great obliga-
tions on him : for he engaged that he would assist him
in the recovery of his towns, and that he would restore
his family to the government of Florence, and invest
his nephew in it with the title of duke, to whose son
he would marry his own natural daughter ; and that he
would hold the kingdom of Naples of the papacy. These
were the motives that directed the Pope's conscience so
infallibly in the King's business. Not long after that, in
August, another peace was made in Cambray, between
the Emperor and the French King, and Lady Margaret,
the Emperor's aunt, and Regent of Flanders : where
the King first found the hollowness of the French friend-
ship and alliance ; for he was not so much considered
in it as he expected, and he clearly perceived that Fran-
cis would not embroil his own affairs to carry on his
divorce. :
The Emperor went over into Italy, and met the Pope
THE REFORMATION. 133
at Bononia, where he was crowned with great magnifi- book
cence. The Pope and he lodged together in the same '
palace, and there appeared such signs of a familiar friend- 1529.
ship between them, that the King's ambassadors did Thf EmPe"
1 * o ror s coro-
now clearly perceive that they were firmly united. The nation at
Emperor did also, by a rare mixture of generosity and Bouoma-
prudence, restore the dutchy of Milan to Francis Sforza.
By this he settled the peace of Italy, nothing holding
out but Florence, which he knew would be soon re-
duced, when there was no hope of succour from France ;
and, accordingly, after eleven months siege, it was taken, Florence
and within a year after, Alexander de Medici was made Aug" 9.
duke of it. About the time that the Emperor came to P°pe'Sne-
Bononia, news was brought that the Turk was forced to duke of it,*
raise the siege of Vienna ; so that all things concurred Jjjjj 17>
to raise his glory very high. At Bononia he would siege of
needs receive the two crowns of the Roman empire, that ^™?a
of Milan, and that of Rome, which was done with all Oct. 13,
the magnificence possible, the Pope himself saving mass, Emperor
both in Latin and Greek. There is one ceremony of crowned
the coronation fit to be taken notice of in this work — Lonfbardy,
that the Emperor was first put in the habit of a canon Feb. 22,
of Sancta Maria de la Torre in Rome, and after that in Rom.Emp.
the habit of a deacon, to make him be looked on as an Ftb- 24,
ecclesiastical person. This had risen out of an extrava-
gant vanity of the court of Rome, who devised such
rites to raise their reputation so high, that, on the great-
est solemnity, the Emperor should appear in the habit
of the lowest of the sacred orders, by which he must
know that priest and bishops are above him. When the
Pope and he first met, the ceremony of kissing the
Pope's foot was much looked for, and the Emperor very
gently kneeled to pay that submission ; but the Pope
(whether it was that he thought it was no more season-
able to expect such compliments, or more signally to
oblige the Emperor) did humble himself so far as to
draw in his foot, and kiss his cheek.
But now the divorce was to be managed in another The King
method; and therefore Cranmer, after he had discoursed universities*
with the King about that proposition which was for- "bouthis
merly mentioned, was commanded by him to write a
184 HISTORY OF
part book for his opinion, and confirm it with as much au-
' thority as he could ; and was recommended to the care
1530. °f tne -^ar^ of Wiltshire and Ormond (to which honour
the King had advanced Sir Thomas Boleyn, in the right
of his mother), and in the beginning of the next year, he
published his book about it. Richard Crooke (who was
tutor to the Duke of Richmond) was sent into Italy, and
others were sent to France and Germany, to consult the
divines, canonists, and other learned men in the univer-
sities, about the King's business. How the rest managed
the matter, I have not yet been able to discover ; but
from a great number of original letters of Dr. Crooke's,
I shall give a full account of his negotiation. It was
thought best to begin at home; and therefore the King
wrote to the two Universities in England, to send him
Lord Her- their conclusions about it. The matters went at Oxford
the record! thus • — The Bishop of Lincoln being sent thither, with
April 4, the King's letters for their resolution, it was by the
major vote of the convocation of all the doctors and
masters, as well regents as non-regents, committed to
thirty- three doctors and bachelors of divinity (who
were named by their own faculty), or to the greater
number of them, to determine the questions that were
«, sent with the King's letters, and to set the common
seal of the University to their conclusions : and by virtue
of that warrant, they did, on the 8th of April, put the
common seal of the University to an instrument, declar-
ing the marriage of the brother's wife to be both con-
Vid.Wood, trary to the laws of God and nature. The Collector
p. 8. 257. of the Antiquities of Oxford informs us of the uneasi-
ness that was in the University in this matter, and of
the several messages the King sent, before that instru-
ment could be procured ; so that from the 12th of
February to the 8th of April, the matter was in agita*
tion, the masters of arts generally opposing it, though
the doctors and heads were, for the greatest part, for it.
Lib. i. But after he has set down the instrument, he gives
p" ' some reasons (upon what design I cannot easily ima-
gine) to shew that this was extorted by force ; and being
done without the consent of the masters of arts, was of
itself void, and of no force : and, as if it had been an ill
THE REFORMATION. 13*
thing, he takes pains to purge the University of it, and book
lays it upon the fears and corruptions of some aspiring
men of the University : and, without any proof, gives 1530>
credit to a lying story, set down by Sanders, of an as-
sembly called in the night, in which the seal of the
University was set to the determination. But it appears
that he had never seen or considered the other instru-
ment to which the University set their seal, that was
agreed on in a convocation of all the doctors and mas-
ters, as well regents as non-regents ; giving power to
these doctors and bachelors of divinity to determine
the matter, and to set the seal of the University to their
conclusion : the original whereof the Lord Herbert
saw, upon which the persons so deputed, had full au-
thority to set the University seal to that conclusion
without a new convocation. Perhaps that instrument
was not so carefully preserved among their records, or
was in Queen Mary's days taken away, which might
occasion these mistakes in their historian.
There seems to be also another mistake in the rela-
tion he gives : for he says, those of Paris had determined
O J -3
in this matter before it was agreed to at Oxford. The
printed decision of the Sorbonne contradicts this: for it
bears date the 2d of July, 1530, whereas this was done
the 8th of April, 1530. But what passed at Cambridge Collect.
I shall set down more fully, from an original letter, Numb- 3i-
written by Gardiner and Fox, to the King, in February
(but the day is not marked). When they came to Cam-
bridge, they spake to the. Vice-chancellor, whom they
found very ready to serve the King ; so was also Dr. And at
Edmonds, and several others ; but there was a contrary pj™bridg6'
party, that met together, and resolved to oppose them.
A meeting of the doctors, bachelors of divinity, and
masters of arts, in all about two hundred, was hefcl.
There the King's letters were read, and the Vice-chan-
cellor, calling upon several of them, to deliver their opi-
nions about it, they answered as their affections led
them, and were in some disorder. But it being Drouosed,
1 . Oil'
that the answering the King's letter, and the questions
m it, should be referred to some indifferent men; great
exceptions were made to Dr. Salcot, Dr. Reps, and
136 HISTORY OF
part Crome, and all others who had approved Dr. Cranmer's
' book, as having already declared themselves partial. But
1530. to that it was answered, that after a thing was so much
discoursed of, as the King's matter had been, it could
not be imagined that any number of men could be
found, who had not declared their judgment about it
one way or another. Much time was spent in the de-
bate ; but when it grew late, the Vice-chancellor com -
manded every man to take his place, and to give his
voice, whether they would agree to thetnotion of refer-
ring it to a select body of men : but that night they
would not agree to it.
The congregation being adjourned till next day, the
Vice-chancellor offered a grace (or order) to refer the
matter to twenty-nine persons (himself, ten doctors, and
sixteen bachelors, and the two proctors), That (the
questions being publicly disputed) what two parts of
three agreed to, should be read in a congregation, and
without any further debate the common seal of the
University should be set to it. Yet it was at first de-
nied ; then being put to the vote, it was carried equally
on both sides. But being a third time proposed, it was
carried for the divorce. Of which an account was pre-
sently sent to the King, with a schedule of their names
to whom it was committed, and what was to be expected
from them ; so that it was at length determined, though
not without opposition, That the King's marriage was
against the law of God.
wiT^eat ty *s thought strange, that the King, who was other-
difficuity. wise so absolute in England, should have met with more
difficulty in this matter at home than he did abroad.
But the most reasonable account I can give of it is, that
at this time there were many in the Universities (parti-
cularly at Cambridge) who were addicted to Luther's
doctrine. And of those Cranmer was looked on as the
most learned : so that Crome, Shaxton, Latimer, and
others of that society, favoured the King's cause ; be-
sides that, Anne Boleyn had, in the Dutchess of Alan-
son's court (who inclined to the reformation), received
such impressions as made them fear, that her greatness
and Cranmer's preferment would encourage heresy ; to
THE REFORMATION. 137
which the Universities were furiously averse ; and, there- book
fore, they did resist all conclusions that might promote
the divorce. 1530
But as for Crooke in Italy, he being very learned in Crookeem-
the Greek tongue, was first sent to Venice, to search Venice"1
the Greek manuscripts that lay in the library of St. Crooke's
Mark, and to examine the decrees of the ancient coun- ^ taken
cils : he went incognito, without any character from the fl'°™ nia.ny
ijr- liiii v 1 • i °* his ongi-
King ; only he had a letter recommending him to the nai letters.
care of John Cassali, then ambassador at Venice, to V;t"j ^br*
procure him an admittance into the libraries there, is.
But in all his letters he complained mightily of his po-
verty, that he had scarce whereby to live and pay the
copiers whom he employed to transcribe passages out of
MSS. He stayed some time at Venice, from whence
he went to Padua, Bononia, and other towns, where
he only talked with divines and canonists about these
questions — whether the precepts in Levkicus, of the
degrees of marriage, do still oblige Christians ? And
whether the Pope's dispensation could have any force
against the law of God ? These he proposed in dis-
course, without mentioning the King of England, or
giving the least intimation, that he was sent by him,
till he once discovered their opinions. But finding
them generally inclining to the King's cause, he took
more courage and went to Rome ; where he sought to
be made a penitentiary priest, that he might have the
freer access into libraries, and be looked on as one of
the Pope's servants. But at this time the Earl of Wilt-
shire and Stokesley (who was made bishop of London,
Tonstall being translated to Duresme,) were sent by the
King into Italy, ambassadors both to the Pope and
Emperor. Cranmer went with them to justify his
book in both these courts. Stokesley brought full in-
structions to Crooke to search the writings of most of
the fathers on a great many passages of the Scripture;
and, in particular, to try, what they wrote on that law in
Deuteronomy, which provided, That when one died
without children, his brother should marry his wife to
raise up children to him. This was most pressed
against the King by all that were for the Queen, as
138 HISTORY OF
part either an abrogation of the other law in Leviticus, or at
* least a dispensation with it in that particular case. He
1530. was also to consult the Jews about it ; and was to copy
out every thing that he found in any manuscript of the
Greek or Latin fathers relating to the degrees of mar-
riage. Of this labour he complained heavily, and said,
That though he had a great task laid on him, yet his
allowance was so small, that he was often in great
straits. This I take notice of, because it is said by
others, That all the subscriptions that he procured were
bought. At this time there were great animosities be-
tween the ministers whom the King employed in Italy ;
the two families of the Cassali and the Ghinucci
hating one another. Of the former family were the
ambassadors at Rome and at Venice : of the other,
Hierome was Bishop of Worcester, and had been in se-
veral embassies into Spain. His brother Peter was also
employed in some of the little courts of Italy as the
King's agent. Whether the King out of policy kept
this hatred up to make them spies one on another, I
know not. To the Ghinucci was Crooke gained, so
that in all his letters he complained of the Cassali, as
men that betrayed the King's affairs ; and said that
John, then ambassador at Venice, not only gave him
no assistance, but used him ill : and publicly discovered,
that he was employed by the King ; which made many
who had formerly spoken their minds freely, be more
reserved to him. But as he wrote this to the King, he
begged of him, that it might not be known, otherwise
he expected either to be killed or poisoned by them :
yet they had their correspondents about the King, by
whose means they understood what Crooke had in-
formed against them. But they wrote to the King,
that he was so morose and ill-natured, that nothing
could please him ; and to lessen his credit, they did all
they could to stop his bills. All this is more fully set
down than perhaps was necessary, if it were not to
shew that he was not in a condition to corrupt so many
divines, and whole universities, as some have given
out. He got into the acquaintance of a friar at Venice,
Franciscus Georgius, who had lived forty-nine years in
THE REFORMATION. 139
a religious order, and was esteemed the most learned book
man in the republic, not only in the vulgar learning,
but in the Greek and Hebrew, and was so much ac- 1530.
counted of by the Pope, that he called him the ham~
mer of heretics. He was also of the senatorian qua-
lity, and his brother was Governor of Padua, and
paid all the readers there. This friar had a great
opinion of the King : and having studied the case,
wrote for the King's cause, and endeavoured to satisfy Many in
all the other divines of the republic, among whom he ila'y w«te
had much credit. Thomas Omnibonus, a Dominican, King's
Philippus de Cremis, a doctor of the law, Valerius of cause- -
Bergamo, and some others, wrote for the King's cause.
Many of the Jewish rabbins did give it under their
hands in Hebrew, " That the laws of Leviticus and Deu-
teronomy were thus to be reconciled : That law of
marrying the brother's wife, when he died without chil-
dren, did only bind in the land of Judea, to preserve
families, and maintain their successions in the land, as
it had been divided by lot ; but that in all other places
of the world, the law of Leviticus, of not marrying the
brother's wife, was obligatory." He also searched all the
Greek MSS. of councils, and Nazianzen's and Chry-
sostom's works. After that he run over Macarius, Aca-
cius, Apollinaris, Origen, Gregory Nyssen, Cyril, Se-
verian, and Gennadius ; and copied out of them all
that which was pertinent to his purpose. He procured
several hands to the conclusions, before it was known
that it was the King's business in which he was em-
ployed. But the government of Venice was so strict,
that when it was known whose agent he was, he found
it not easy to procure subscriptions : therefore he ad-
vised the King to order his minister to procure a li-
cence from the senate, for their divines to declare
their opinions in that matter. Which being proposed
to the senate, all the answer he could obtain was, That
they would be neutrals ; and when the ambassador Feb. is.
pressed, as an evidence of neutrality, that the senate
would leave it free to their divines, to declare of either
side as their consciences led them ; he could procure no
other answer, the former being again repeated. Yet %
140 HISTORY OF
1»art the senate making no prohibition, many of their di-
vines put their hands to the conclusions. And Crooke
1530 had that success, that he wrote to the King, he had
never met with a divine that did not favour his cause :
Though the but the conclusions touching the Pope's power, -his
Emperor agents did every where discourage, and threaten those
discou- wh0 subscribed them. And the Emperor's ambassador
T3£?Cu til '"'Ml
July 4. at Venice did threaten Omnibonus for writing in pre-
judice of the Pope*s authority ; and asserting conclu-
sions, which would make most of the princes of Eu-
rope bastards. He answered, he did not consider things
as a statesman, but as a divine. Yet, to take off this
fear, Crooke suggested to the King, to order his mi-
nister at the court of Rome to procure a breve, " That
divines or canonists might without fear or hazard de-
liver their opinions according to their consciences, re-
quiring them, under the pain of excommunication, that
they should write nothing for gain or partial affections,
but say the pure and simple truth, without any artifice,
as they would answer to God in the great day of judg-
ment." This seemed so fair, that it might have been
expected the successor of St. Peter would not deny it ;
yet it was not easily obtained, though the King wrote
Aug. 7. a very earnest letter to the Bishop of Verona, to assist
his minister in procuring it. And I find by another
Sept. 16. dispatch, that the breve was at length gained, not with-
out much opposition made to it by the Emperor's am-
bassadors : for at Rome, though they knew not well
how to oppose this method, because it seemed so very
reasonable ; yet they had great apprehensions of it, be-
cause they thought it was designed to force the Pope
to determine as the King pleased : and they abhorred
the precedent, that a company of poor friars should
July 28. dictate to them in matters of this nature. Crooke re-
ports out of a letter of Cranmer's to him from Rome,
these words : " As for our successes here, they be very
little, nor dare we attempt to know any man's mind,
because of the Pope ; nor is he content with what you
have done ; and he says, no friars shall discuss his
power: and as for anv favour in this court, I look for
none, but to have the Pope with all his cardinals de-
THE REFORMATION.
141
clare against us." But Crooke, as he went up and down
procuring hands, told those he came to, " he desired they
would write their conclusions, according to learning
and conscience, without any respect or favour, as they
would answer it at the last day ; and protested he never
gave nor promised any divine any thing, till he had
first freely written his mind, and that what he then
gave, was rather an honourable present than a reward."
And in another letter to the King he writes : " Upon
pain of my head, if the contrary be proved, I never
gave any man one halfpenny, before I had his conclu-
sion to your Highness, without former prayer or pro-
mise of reward for the same." From whence it appears,
that he not only had no orders from the King to cor-
rupt divines, but that his orders were express to the
contrary.
As for the money he gave, the reader will be best
able fa) judge by the following account, whether it was
such as could work much on any man. There is an
original bill of his accounts yet extant, audited and
signed by Peter a Ghinucciis, out of which I have ex-
tracted these particulars : " Item, to a Servite friar when
he subscribed, one crown. To a Jew, one crown. To
the doctors of the Servites, two crowns. To the Ob-
servant friars, two crowns. To the Prior of St. John
and St. Paul's, who wrote for the King's cause, fifteen
crowns. To that convent, four crowns. Item, given to
John Maria for his expense of going to Milan from
Venice, and for rewarding the doctors there, thirty
crowns. Item, to John Marino, minister of the Fran-
ciscans, who wrote a book for the King's cause, twenty
crowns." This shews that they must have had very
prostituted consciences, if they could be hired so cheap.
It is true, Crooke in many of his letters says, "That if he
had money enough, he did not doubt but he should
get the hands of all the divines in Italy, for he found
the greatest part of them all mercenary." But the
Bishop of Worcester in his letters to him, ordered him
only to promise rewards to those who expected them,
and lived by them, that is, to the canonists who did
not use to give their opinion without a fee.
BOOK
ii.
1530.
Aug. 5,
No money
nor bribes
given fox
subscrip-
tions.
Sept. 7.
Feb. 8,
Only some
small
acknow-
ledgments.
Feb. gg,
Feb. 9.
142
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1530.
Sept. 16.
But great
rewards
given by
the Empe-
ror.
Sept. 29.
Feb. 18.
Match 29.
May 26.
June Yf.
But at the same time, the Emperor did reward and fee
divines at another rate ; for Crooke informed the King,
that one Friar Felix having written for the validity of
the marriage against the King, there was a benefice of
five hundred ducats a year given him in reward. And
the Emperor's ambassador offered a thousand du-
cats to the Provincial of the Gray- Friars in Venice, if
he would inhibit all within his province to write or
subscribe for the King's cause. But the Provincial re-
fused it, and said, he neither could nor yet would do it.
And another that wrote for the Queen had a benefice
of six hundred crowns. So that it was openly said at
Ferrara, That they who wrote for the King had but a few
crowns a-piece, but they who wrote on the other side
had good benefices. They also tried what could be done
at Padua, both by threatenings, entreaties, and rewards,
to induce them to reverse the determination they had
made in the matter ; but with no success. And though
Francis Georgius, the Venetian friar, did greatly pro-
mote theKing's cause, both by his writings and authority;
yet Crooke wrote, " that he could not prevail to make
either him or his nephew accept one farthing of him."
By such fair means it was that Crooke procured so many
subscriptions.
First, of particular divines, many Franciscans, Domi-
nicans, and Servites, set their hands to the conclusions ;
though even in that there was opposition made by the
Pope's agents. Campegio was now engaged in the Em-
peror's faction, and did every where misrepresent the
King's cause. Being at Venice, he so wrought on the
Minister of the Franciscans, that though he had declared
for the King, and engaged to bring the hands of twentv-
four doctors and learned men of his order for it, and
had received a small present of ten crowns ; yet, after
he had kept the money three weeks, he sent it back, and
said, he would not meddle more in it : but they pro-
cured most of these hands without his help. At Milan, a
suffragan bishop and sixteen divines subscribed. Nine
doctors subscribed at Vincenza ; but the Pope's Nuncio
took the writing out of his hands that had it, and sup-
pressed it. At Padua, all the Franciscans, both Obser-
THE REFORMATION. 143
vants and Conventuals, subscribed, and so did the Do- book
minicans, and all the canonists ; and though the Pope's
and Emperor's emissaries did threaten all that sub- 1530%
scribed, yet there were got eighty hands at Padua. Next
the Universities determined.
At Bononia, though it was the Pope's town, many They de-
subscribed. The Governor of the town did at first op- f0"™ed
pose the granting of any determination ; but the Pope's King at Bo-
breve being brought thither, he, not without great dif- noma'
ficulty, gave way to it. So, on the 10th of June, the June 10.
matter being publicly debated, and all Cajetan's argu-
ments being examined, who was of opinion, " That
the laws of marriage, in Leviticus, did not bind the
Christian church ; they determined, That these laws
are still in force, and that they bind all, both Christians
and infidels, being parts of the law of nature, as well as
of the law of God; and that, therefore, they judged
marriages, in these degrees, unlawful, and that the
Pope had no authority to dispense with them."
The University of Padua, after some days' public dis- At Padua,
pute, on the 1st of July, determined to the same pur- coiLct.
pose ; about which Crooke's letter will be found among Numb- 33-
the Instruments at the end of this book.
At Ferrara, the divines did also confirm the same And Ferra-
conclusion, and set their seal to it: but it was taken ra»SePt29*
away violently by some of the other faction : yet the
Duke made it be restored. The profession of the canon
law was then in great credit there, and in a congrega-
tion of seventy-two of that profession it was deter-
mined for the King ; but they asked one hundred and
fifty crowns for setting the seal to it, and Crooke would
not give more than a hundred : the next day he came
and offered the money ; but then it was told him they
would not meddle in it, and he could not afterwards
obtain it.
In all, Crooke sent over by Stokesley a hundred seve-
ral books, papers, and subscriptions, and there were
many hands subscribed to many of those papers. But
I hope the reader will forgive my insisting so much on
this negotiation ; for it seemed necessary to give full and
convincing evidences of the sincerity of the King's
144 HISTORY OF
part proceedings in it, since it is so confidently given out
that these were but mercenary subscriptions.
1530> What difficulties or opposition those who were em-
ployed in France found, does not yet appear to me ; but
the seals of the chief universities there were procured.
And in Or- The University of Orleans determined it on the 7 th of
Ap™' ru April. The faculty of the canon law, at Paris, did also
At Paris of conclude that the Pope had no power to dispense in that
the canon- ^^ ^ ^ ^^ q£ ^^ g^ ^ ^^ ^ ^^^^
May 25. faculty of the Sorbonne (whose conclusions had been
bonne, looked on for some ages as little inferior to the decrees of
July 2. councils) made their decision with all possible solemnity
and decency. They first met at the church of St.
Mathurin, where there was a mass of the Holy Ghost,
and every one took an oath to study the question, and
resolve it according to his conscience ; and from the 8th
of June to the 2d of July, they continued searching the
matter with all possible diligence, both out of the Scrip-
tures, the fathers, and the councils ; and had many dis-
putes about it. After which, the greater part of the
faculty did determine, "That the King of England's mar-
riage was unlawful, and that the Pope had no power to
dispense in it ;" and tney set their common seal to it, at
At Angiers, St. Mathurin's, the 2d of July, 1530. To the same pur-
May 7. pOSe j^ DOth the faculties of law, civil and canon, at
Angiers, determine the 7th of May. On the 10th of
AtBourges, June, the faculty of divinity at Bourges came to the
AndTi.o- same determination. And on the 1st of October, the
Jose, Oct. i. whole University of Tholose did all, with one consent,
give their judgment, agreeing with the former conclu-
Numb.34. sions. More of the decisions of universities were not
printed, though many more were obtained to the same
effect. In Germany, Spain, and Flanders, the Empe-
ror's authority was so great, that much could not be
expected except from the Lutherans, with whom Cran-
mer conversed, and chiefly with Osiander, whose niece
jnn. if. he then married. Osiander upon that wrote a book about
letter^Sott incestuous marriages, which was published ; but was
Iibr. Otho. called in by a prohibition printed at Augsburg, because it
determined in the King's cause and on his side.
But now I find the King did likewise deal among
THE REFORMATION. 145
those in Switzerland that had set up the reformation, book
The Duke of Suffolk did most set him on to this (so _
one who was employed in that time writes), for he often 1530.
asked him, " How he could so humble himself, as to sub- Pelerine
. , . i ., . . , • lnglese.
mit his cause to such a vile, vicious, stranger-priest, as
Campegio was ?" To which the King answered, " He
could give no other reason, but that it seemed to him,
spiritual men should judge spiritual things ; yet (he said)
he would search the matter further ; but he had no great
mind to seem more curious than other princes." But
the Duke desired him to discuss the matter secretly
amongst learned men, to which he consented ; and wrote
to some foreign writers that were then in great esti-
mation. Erasmus was much in his favour, but he would
not appear in it : he had no mind to provoke the Em-
peror, and live uneasily in his own country. But Simon Grineus
Grineus was sent for, whom the King esteemed much amfl^stfbe
for his learning. The King informed him about his reformed in
process, and sent him back to Basil, to try what his ia„^er'
friends in Germany and Switzerland thought of it. He Whose ,et-
wrote about it to Bucer, CEcolampadius, Zuinglius, and a ms, in
Paulus Phryffion. R. Smith's
___, 11. • i i 1 .Library.
CLcolampadius, as it appears by three letters, one Theo inion
dated the 10th of August, 1531, another the last of the ofCEcoiam-
same month, another to Bucer the 10th of September, Pad,U8,
was positively of opinion, "That the law in Leviticus did
bind all mankind;" and says, "That law of a brother's mar-
rying his sister-in-law was a dispensation given by God
to his own law, which belonged only to the Jews ; and,
therefore, he thought that the King might, without any
scruple, put away the Queen." But Bucer was of another Bucer.
mind, and thought the law in Leviticus did not bind,
and could not be moral, because God had dispensed with
it in one case, of raising up seed to his brother : there-
fore he thought these laws belonged only to that dispen-
sation, and did no more bind Christians than the other
ceremonial or judiciary precepts ; and that to marry in
some of these degrees was no more a sin, than it was a
sin in the disciples to pluck ears of corn on the sabbath-
day. There are none of Bucer's letters remaining on this
head ; but by the answers that Grineus wrote to him,
vol. i. p. i. l
14G HISTORY OF
part one on the 29th of August, another on the 10th of
' September, I gather his opinion, and the reasons for it.
1530. But they all agreed, that the Pope's dispensation was of no
Photon, force to alter the nature of the thing. Paulus Phrygion
was of opinion, that the laws in Leviticus did bind all na-
tions, because it is said in the text, " That the Canaanites
were punished for doing contrary to them, which did
not consist with the justice of God, if those prohibitions
had not been parts of the law of nature." Dated Basil,
the 10th of September. In Grineus's letter to Bucer,
he tells him that the King had said to him, " That now
for seven years he had perpetual trouble upon him about
Zuingiius. f-j-jjg marriage." Zuinglius's letter is very full. First, he
largely proves, that neither the Pope nor any other
power could dispense with the law of God : then, that
the apostles had made no new laws about marriage, but
had left it as they found it : that the marrying within
near degrees was hated by the Greeks, and other hea-
then nations. But whereas Grineus seemed to be of
opinion, that though the marriage was ill made, yet it
ought not to be dissolved, and inclined rather to advise
that the King should take another wife, keeping the
Queen still ; Zuingiius confutes that, and says, if the
marriage be against the law of God, it ought to be dis-
solved ; but concludes the Queen should be put away
honourably, and still used as a Queen ; and the mar-
riage should only be dissolved for the future, without
illegitimating the issue begotten in it, since it had
gone on in a public way, upon a received error : but
advises, that the King should proceed in a judiciary way,
and not establish so ill a precedent, as to put away his
Queen, and take another, without due form of law.
Dated Basil, 17th of August. There is a second letter
of his to the same purpose from Zurich, the 1st of Sep-
tember. There is also with these letters a long paper
of Osiandcr's, in the form of a direction how the pro-
cess should be managed.
AndCaivin, There is also an epistle of Calvin's, published among
Epist.j84. ., r . . T».Tr. 1 1 1 1 °
the rest of his. Neither the date nor the person to
whom it was directed are named. Yet I fancy it was
written to Grineus upon this occasion : Calvin was
THE REFORMATION. 147
clear in his judgment that the marriage was null, and book
that the King ought to put away the Queen upon the *
law of Leviticus. And whereas it was objected, that the 153o,
law is only meant of marrying the brother's wife while,
he is yet alive ; he shews that could not be admitted,
for all the prohibited degrees being forbidden in the
same style, they were all to be understood in one sense :
therefore, since it is confessed, that it is unlawful to mar-
ry in the other degrees, after the death of the father,
son, uncle, or nephew, so it must be also a sin to marry
the brother's wife after his death. And for the law in
Deuteronomy of marrying the brother's wife to raise up
seed to him ; he thought, that by brother there is to be
understood a near kinsman, according to the usual
phrase of the Hebrew tongue : and by that he reconciles
the two laws which otherwise seem to differ, illustrating
his exposition by the history of Ruth and Boaz. It is
given out that Melancthon advised the King's taking
another wife, justifying polygamy from the Old Testa-
ment ; but I cannot believe it. It is true the lawfulness
of polygamy was much controverted at this time. And
as in all controversies newly started, many crude things
are said ; so some of the Helvetian and German divines
seem not so fierce against it ; though none of them Lord Her-
went so far as the Pope did, who did plainly offer to 1^5«£!kt
grant the King licence to have two wives : and it was a Sept. is,
motion the Imperialists consented to, and promoted, i530'
though upon what reason the ambassador Cassali, who
wrote the account of it to the King, could not learn.
The Pope forbad him to write about it to the King,
perhaps as whisperers enjoin silence, as the most effec-
tual way to make a thing public. But for Melancthon's
being of that mind, great evidences appear to the con-
trary ; for there is a letter of Osiander's to him, giving
him many reasons to persuade him to approve of the
King's putting away the Queen, and marrying another :
the letter also shews he was then of opinion, that the
law in Leviticus was dispensable.
And after the thing was done, when the King desired ^n°,Jl"the
the Lutheran divines to approve his second marriage, Lutheran
they begged his excuse in a writing, which they sent dmnes-
l 2
14S
HISTORY OF
?ART
1.
1530.
Instruc-
tions sent
by Dr.
Barns to
Cromwell,
Cott Lib,
Vitel. B.
13.
They con-
demn the
King's first
marriage,
but are
against a
second.
Collect.
Numb. 35.
Fox.
over to him ; so that Melancthon, not allowing the
thing when it was done, cannot be imagined to have
advised polygamy beforehand. And to open at once all
that may clear the sense of the Protestants in the ques-
tion, when, some years after this, Fox being made bishop
of Hereford, and much inclined to their doctrine, was
sent over to get the divines of Germany to approve of
the divorce, and the subsequent marriage of Anne Bo-
leyn; he found that Melancthon, and others, had no
mind to enter much into the dispute about it, both for
fear of the Emperor, and because they judged the King
was led in it by dishonest affections ; they also thought
the laws in Leviticus were not moral, and did not
oblige Christians, and since there were no rules made
about the degrees of marriage in the gospel, they thought
princes and states might make what laws they pleased
about it : yet, after much disputing, they were induced
to change their minds, but could not be brought to
think that a marriage once made might be annulled;
and therefore demurred upon that, as will appear by the
conclusion they passed upon it, to be found at the end
of this volume. All this I have set together here, to
give a right representation of the judgments of the se-
veral parties of Christendom about this matter.
It cannot be denied, that the protestants did express
great sincerity in this matter ; such as became men of
conscience, who were acted by true principles, and not
by maxims of policy. For if these had governed them,
they had struck in more compliantly with so great a
Prince, who was then alienated from the Pope, and in
very ill terms with the Emperor : so that, to have gained
him by a full compliance to have protected them,
was the wisest thing they could do; and their being so
cold in the matter of his marriage, in which he had en-
gaged so deeply, was a thing which would very much
provoke him against them. But such measures as these,
though they very well became the Apostolic See, yet
they were unworthy of men, who designed to restore
an apostolic religion.
The Earl of Wiltshire, with the other ambassadors,
when they had their audience of the Pope at Bononia,
THE REFORMATION. 140
refused to pay him the submission of kissing his foot, book
though he graciously stretched it out to them; but _ '
went to their business and expostulated in the King's 1530.
name, and in high words ; and in conclusion told the
Pope, that the prerogative of the crown of England was
such, that their master would not suffer any citation to Th/ ^"s
■ refuses to
be made of him to any foreign court ; and that there- appear at
fore the King would not have his cause tried at Rome. Rome-
The Pope answered, that though the Queen's solicitor
had pressed him to proceed in the citation ; both that
her marriage, being further examined, might receive a
new confirmation for silencing the disputes about it,
and because the King had withdrawn himself from her;
yet, if the King did not go further, and did not innovate
in religion, the Pope was willing to let the matter rest.
They went next to the Emperor, to justify the King's
proceedings in the suit of the divorce. But he told
them, he was bound in honour and justice to support
his aunt, and that he would not abandon her. Cran- Cranm«
mer offered to maintain what he had written in his book; maintain
but whether they went so far as to make their divines the Kin§'*
f. • 1 1 • 1 t i cause.
enter into any discourse with him about it, I do not
know. This appears, that the Pope, to put a compli-
ment on the King, declared Cranmer his penitentiary in
England. He, having stayed some months at Rome, after
the ambassadors were gone, went into Germany : where
he became acquainted with Cornelius Agrippa, a man
very famous for great and curious learning, and so sa-
tisfied him in the King's cause, that he gave it out, that
the thing was clear and indisputable, for which he was
afterwards hardly used by the Emperor, and died in.
prison.
But when the King received the determinations and Tiienobm-
conclusions of the Universities, and other learned men In'/com?'
beyond sea, he resolved to do two things. First, to mons of
make a new attempt upon the Pope, and then to pub- wKo
hsh those conclusions to the world, with the arguments the PoPe>
upon which they were grounded. But to make his ad-
dress to the Pope carry more terror with it, he got a
letter to be signed by a great many members of parlia-
ment to the Pope. The Lord Herbert saith, it was done
150
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1530.
In the Life
of Wolsey.
This letter
and the an-
swer are
printed by
the Lord
Herbert.
The Pope's
auswcr.
by his parliament ; but in that he had not applied his
ordinary diligence: the letter bears date the* 13th of
July. Now, by the records of Parliament, it appears,
there could be no session at that time, for there was a
prorogation from the 1 1st of June, till the 1st of Oc-
tober that year ; but the letter was sent about to the
chief members for their hands ; and Cavendish tells,
how it was brought to the Cardinal, and with what cheer-
fulness he set his hand to it. It was subscribed by the
Cardinal and the Archbishop of Canterbury, four bi-
shops, two dukes, two marquisses, thirteen earls, two
viscounts, twenty-three barons, twenty-two abbots, and
eleven commoners, most of these being the King's ser-
vants.
The contents of the letters were, " That their near
relation to the King, made them address thus to the
Pope. The King's cause was now, in the opinion of the
learned men, and universities both in England, France,
and Italy, found just, which ought to prevail so far
with the Pope, that though none moved in it, and not-
withstanding any contradiction, he ought to confirm
their judgment; especially it touching a King and king-
dom, to whom he was so much obliged. But since
neither the justice of the cause, nor the King's most
earnest desires, had prevailed with him, they were all
forced to complain of that strange usage of their King;
who both by his authority, and with his pen', had sup-
ported the Apostolic See, and the catholic faith, and yet
was now denied justice. From which they apprehend-
ed great mischief and civil wars, which could only be
prevented by the King's marrying another wife, of
whom he might have issue. This could not be done
till his present marriage were annulled. And if the
Pope would still refuse to do this, they must conclude
that they were abandoned by him, and so seek for other
remedies. This they most earnestly prayed him to pre-
vent, since they did not desire to go to extremities till
there was no more to be hoped for at his hands."
To this the Pope made answer the 27th of Septem-
ber. "He took notice of the vehemency of their letter,
which he forgave them, imputing it to their great af-
THE REFORMATION. 151
fection to their King : they had charged him with in- book.
gratitude and injustice ; two grievous imputations. He '
acknowledged all they wrote of the obligations he owed 1530.
to their King, which were far greater than they called
them, both on the Apostolic See, and himself in parti-
cular. But in the King's cause he had been so far from
denying justice, that he was oft charged as having
been too partial to him. He had granted a commission
to two legates to hear it, rather out of favour, than in
rigour of law ; upon which the Queen had appealed :
he had delayed the admitting of it as long as was pos-
sible; but when he saw it could not be any longer de-
nied to be heard, it was brought before the consist
tory, where all the cardinals, with one consent, found
that the appeal, and an avocation of the cause, must be
granted. That since that time, the King had never de-
sired to put it to a trial, but, on the contrary, by his
ambassadors at Bononia, moved for a delay ; and in that
posture it was still ; nor could he give sentence in a
thing of such consequence, when it was not so much
as sought for. For the conclusions of universities and
learned men, he had seen none of them from any of
the King's ambassadors. It was true, some of them
had been brought to him another way; but in them
there were no reasons given, but only bare conclusions,
and he had also seen very important things for the other
side ; and therefore he must not precipitate a sentence
in a cause of such high importance, till all things were
fully heard and considered. He wished their King
might have male issue, but he was not in God's stead to
give it. And for their threatenings of seeking other reme-
dies, they were neither agreeable to their wisdom, nor to
their religion. Therefore he admonished them to ab-
stain from such counsels ; but minded them, that it is
not the physician's fault if the patient will do himself
hurt. He knew the King would never like such courses ;
and though he had a just value for their intercession,
yet he considered the King much more, to whom, as he
had never denied any thing that he could grant with his
honour, so he was very desirous to examine this mat-
152
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
m • —
1530.
A procla-
mation
against
bulls from
Rome.
Lord Her-
bert.
ter, and to put it to a speedy issue, and would do every-
thing that he could without offending God."
But the King, either seeing the Pope resolved to grant
nothing, or apprehending that some bull might be
brought into England in behalf of the Queen, or the
disgraced Cardinal, did on the lQth of September
put forth a proclamation against any " who purchased
any thing from Rome, or elsewhere, contrary to his
royal prerogative and authority, or should publish or
divulge any such thing, requiring them not to do it,
under the pains of incurring his indignation, imprison-
ment, and other punishments on their persons." This
was founded on the statutes of provisors and premu-
nires. But that being done, he resolved next to pub-
lish to the world, and to his subjects, the justice of his
cause : therefore, some learned men were appointed to
compare all that had been written on it, and out of all
the transcripts of the manuscripts of fathers and coun-
cils, to gather together whatsoever did strengthen it.
Several of these manuscripts I have seen ; one is in Mr.
Smith's Library, where are the quotations of the fa-
thers, councils, schoolmen, and canonists, written out
at length. There are three other such MSS. in the
Cotton Library, of which, one contains a large vindica-
tion of these authorities, from some exceptions made
to them ; another is an answer to the Bishop of Ro-
chester's book for the Queen's cause. A third digests
the matter into twelve articles, which the reader will find
in my Appendix ; and these are there enlarged on and
proved. But all these, and many more, were summed
up in a short book, and printed first in Latin, then in
English, with the determinations of the Universities
before it. These are of such weight and importance,
and give so great a light to the whole matter, that I hope
the reader will not be ill pleased to have a short abstract
of them laid before him.
An abstract of those things which were written for the
The divorce.
groonda of
out— " The law of marriage was originally given by God
menu to Adam in the state of innocence, with this declaration,
Books
•written for
the King's
cause.
Otlio. C.
10.
Ibidem.
Veap. B. 5
Collect.
Numb. 36.
THE REFORMATION. 153
that man and wife were one flesh ; but being afterwards book
corrupted by the incestuous commixtures of those
which were of kin in the nearest degrees, the primi- 1530/~
tive law was again revived by Moses. And he gives Lev. xviii.
many rules and prohibitions about the degrees of kin-
dred and affinity, which are not to be looked on as new
laws and judiciary precepts, but as a restoring of the
law of nature, originally given by God, but then much
corrupted. For as the preface which is so oft repeated Lev. xvm.
before these laws, ' I am the Lord,' insinuates that they 2-4>3' 6»
were conform to the Divine Nature ; so the conse-
quences of them shew, they were moral and natural. For ver. 17,
the breaches of them are called wickedness and abomi- f* ' 2!h 25
nation, and are said to defile the land; and the violation
of them is charged on the Canaanites, by which the
land was polluted, and for which it did vomit out the
inhabitants. From whence it must be concluded, that
these were not positive precepts, which did only bind
the Jews, but were parts of the law of mankind and na-
ture ; otherwise those nations could contract no guilt by
their violating them. Among the forbidden degrees,
one is, i Thou shalt not discover the nakedness of thy Lev. xvm.
brother's wife, it is thy brother's nakedness.' And it 16'
is again repeated, 4 If a man shall take his brother's Lev- xx-
wife, it is an unclean thing ; he hath uncovered his bro-
ther's nakedness, they shall be childless.' These are
clear and express laws of God, which therefore must
needs oblige all persons of what rank soever, without
exception.
" In the New Testament, St. John Baptist said to And in the
Herod, ' It is not lawful for thee to take thy brother's ^eJ'xiv 4
wife,' which shews that these laws of Moses were still
obligatory. St. Paul also, in his Epistle to the Corin- 1 Cor. v. 1.
thians, condemns the incestuous person for having his
father's wife, which is one of the degrees forbidden by
the law of Moses, and calls it a fornication, not so
much as named among the Gentiles. From whence it
is inferred, that these forbidden degrees are excluded by
the law of nature, since the Gentiles did not admit
them. St. Paul also calling it by the common name of
fornication, within which, according to that place, all
154
HISTORY OF
PART
1.
1530.
Lib. iv.
cont. Mar-
cionem.
The autho-
rities of
popes.
a Ad omnes
Galliae
episcopos.
t> SO. Quest.
3 Cap. Pi-
tan u in.
cDe Pres.
Cap. cum
in juvcntu-
tcm.
undue commixtures of men and women are included ;
therefore those places in the New Testament, that con-
demn fornication) do also condemn marriages in forbid-
den degrees : our Saviour did also assert the foundation
of affinity, by saying, e that man and wife are one flesh.*
" But in all controverted things, the sense of the
Scriptures must be taken from the tradition of the
church, which no good catholic can deny ; and that is
to be found in the degrees of popes and councils, and in
the writings of the fathers and doctors of the church:
against which, if any argue from their private under-
standing of the Scriptures, it is the way of heresy, and
savours of Lutheranism. The first of the fathers who
had occasion to write of this matter was Tertullian, who
lived within an age after the apostles. He in express
words says, that the law of not marrying the brother's
wife, did still oblige Christians.
The first pope, whose decision was sought in this
matter, was Gregory the Great, to whom Austin, the
apostle of England, wrote for his resolution of some
things, in which he desired direction ; and one of these
is, 'Whether a man may marry his brother's wife?' (who
in the language of that time was called his kinswoman.)
The Pope answered negatively, and proved it by the law
of Moses, and therefore defined, ' that if any of the Eng-
lish nation, who had married within that degree, were
converted to the faith, he must be admonished to ab-
stain from his wife, and to look on such a marriage as
a most grievous sin.' From which it appears, that
that good Pope did judge it a thing, which by no means
could be dispensed with, otherwise he had not pressed
it so much under such circumstances ; since in the first
conversion of a nation to the Christian faith, the in-
sisting too much upon it might have kept back many
from receiving the Christian religion, who were other-
wise well inclined to it. Calixtus/ Zacarias,1, and Inno-
cent the Third,0 have plainly asserted the obligation of
these precepts in the law of Moses, the last particularly,
who treats about it with great vehemency: so that the
Apostolic See lias already judged the matter.
"Several provincial councils have also declared the ob-
THE REFORMATION. * 155
ligation of the precepts, about the degrees of marriage book
in Leviticus, by the Council at Neocaesarea ; * If a wo-
man had been married to two brothers, she was to be 1530.
cast out of the communion of the church till her death, ^jld coim"
and the man that married his brother's wife, was to be Can. 2.
anathematized,' which was also confirmed in a council Chap' v'
held by Pope Gregory the Second. In the council of Can- 61-
Agde, where the degrees that make a marriage inces-
tuous are reckoned, this of marrying the brother's wife
is one of them ; and there it was decreed, ' That all
marriages within these degrees were null, and the par-
ties so contracting, were to be cast out of the commu-
nion of the church, and put among the catechumens,
till they separated themselves from one another.' And
in the second council of Toledo, the authority of the ciiap. t.
Mosaical prohibitions about the degrees of marriage is
acknowledged. It wasoneof WicklifFe's errors, that the
prohibition of marriage, within such degrees, was with-
out any foundation in the law of God ; for which, and
other points, he was condemned, first in a convocation
at London, then at Oxford ; and last of all, at the general
council of Constance these condemnations were con-
firmed. So formally had the church, in many pro-
vincial councils, and in one that was general, decided
this matter.
" Next to these, the opinions of the fathers were to
be considered. In the Greek church Origena first had Greek, in
occasion to treat about it, writing; on Leviticus ; and "; u?'lU
Chrysostomb after him; but most fully St. Basil the n.onxxU.
Great,c who do expressly assert the obligations of these j^tt.
precepts. The last particularly, refuting at great length Diodor.
the opinion of some, who thought the marrying two
sisters was not unlawful, lays it down as a foundation,
That the laws in Leviticus about marriage were still in
; force. Hesychius, also, writing upon Leviticus, proves On Lcvit.
that these prohibitions were universally obligatory, be- **"'' aild
cause both the Egyptians and Canaanites are taxed for
marrying within these degrees ; from whence he infers,
they are of moral and eternal obligation.
"From the Greek they went to the Latin fathers, And the.
and alleged, as was already observed, that Tertullian thtr"
156
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1530.
B Lib. viii.
Ep. 66.
* Cont.
Helvidiura.
c Cont.
Faust,
chap. 8, 9,
10, et
Quffist. 64.
in Lev. Ad
Bonifac.
Lib. Hi.
chap. 4.
Lib. 15. de
Civ. Dei,
chap. 16.
And of the
modern
writers.
InEpist. ad
Pium Fra-
trem.
d On xviii.
Lev.
* Lev. 2. de
Sacram. p.
2. chap. 4.
art. 2.
fEpist. ad
Arch. Ro-
tomag. et
Epis. Sag.
8EphU.240.
The school-
iiiiii.
2da. 2ocrc.
Qiia;st.
154. art. 9.
In lerliain
Qnsst. 54.
art..'!. In
4"m. dist.
40. Q. 3.
and 4.
taught
held the same opinion, and with him agreed the three
great doctors of the Latin church, Ambrose," Jerome,5
and St. Austin/ who do plainly deliver the tradition of
the church about the obligation of those laws, and
answer the objections that were made, either from
Abraham's marrying his sister, or from Jacob's marry-
ing two sisters, or the law in Deuteronomy for the
brother's marrying his brother's wife, if he died without
children.
They observed, that the same doctrine was also
by the fathers and doctors in the latter ages.
Anselm d held it, and pleads much for marrying in re-
mote degrees, and answers the objection from the de-
cision in the case of the daughters of Zelophehad.
Hugo Cardinalis,8 e Radulphus Flaviacensis, and Ru-
pertus Tuitiensis, do agree, that these precepts are
moral, and of perpetual obligation, as also Hugo de Sto.
Victore. Hildebert/ bishop of Mans, being consulted
in a case of the same nature with what is now contro-
verted, plainly determines, That a man may not marry
his brother's wife ; and by many authorities shews,
That by no means it can be allowed. And Ivo Carno-
tensis,g being desired to give his opinion in a case of
the same circumstances, of a King's marrying his bro-
ther's wife, says, 'Such a marriage is null, as inconsistent
with the law of God, and that the King was not to be
admitted to the communion of the church, till he put
away his wife, since there was no dispensing with the
law of God, and no sacrifice could be offered for those
that continued willingly in sin.' Passages also to the
same purpose, are in other places of his Epistles.
" From these doctors and fathers the inquiry de-
scended to the schoolmen, who had with more niceness
and subtilty examined things. They do all agree in
asserting the obligation of these Levitical prohibitions.
Thomas Aquinas does it in many places, and confirms
it with many arguments. Altisiodorensis says, they are
moral laws, and part of the law of nature. Petrus de
Palude is of the same mind, and says, that a man's
marrying his brother's wife was a dispensation granted
by God, but could not be now allowed, because it was
TlHE REFORMATION. 157
contrary to the law of nature. §t. Antonine of Florence, book
Joannes de Turre Cremata, Joannes de Tabia, Jacobus
de Lausania, and Astexanus, were also cited for the same 1630.
opinion. And those who wrote against Wicldiffe, name-
ly, Wydeford,3 Cotten,b and Waldensis,c charged him a C0,lt-
with heresy, for denying that those prohibitions did ob- art.V
lige Christians ; and asserted that they were moral laws ^J^'9
which obliged all mankind. And the books of Walden- Conjugns.
sis were approved by Pope Martin the First. There were Jj^f e
l also many quotations brought out of Petrus de Taren- torn. u. c.
tasia, Durandus, Stephanus Brulifer, Richard us de Media 134u
Villa, Guido Briancon, Gerson, Paul us Ritius, and many
others, to confirm the same opinion, who did all unani-
mously assert, That those laws in Leviticus are parts of
the law of nature, which oblige all mankind, and that
< marriages contracted in these degrees are null and void.
All the canonists were also of the same mind, Joannes And ca-
Andreas, Joannes de Imola, Abbas Panormitanus, Mat- nonis,s-
thasus Neru, Vincentius, Innocentius, and Ostiensis, all
concluded that these laws were still in force, and could
not be dispensed with.
" There was also a great deal alleged to prove, that Marriage
a marriage is completed by the marriage contract, byconsent.
though it be never consummated. Many authorities
were brought to prove that Adonijah could not marry
Abishag, because she was his father's wife, though
never known by him. And by the law of Moses, a
woman espoused to a man, if she admitted another to
her bed, Was to be stoned as an adulteress ; from whence
it appear^, that the validity of marriage is from the
mutual covenant. And though Joseph never knew the
blessed Virgin, yet he was so much her husband by the
espousals, that he could not put her away, but by a bill
of divorce : and was afterwards called her husband, and
Christ's father. Affinity had been also defined by all
writers, ' a relation arising out of marriage ;? and since
marriage was a sacrament of the church, its essence
could only consist in the contract : and therefore, as a
man in orders has the character, though he never
consecrated any sacrament ; so marriage is complete,
though its effect never follow. Arid it was shewed
158
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1530.
Violent
presump-
tions of the
consumma-
tion of
Prince Ar-
thur's mar-
liage.
The Pope's
dispensa-
tion of no
force.
that the canonists had only brought in the consumma-
tion of marriage as essential to it by ecclesiastical law :
but that, as Adam and Eve were perfectly married before
they knew one another, so marriage was complete upon
the contract ; and what followed was only an effect
done in the right of the marriage. And there was a
great deal of filthy stuff brought together of the dif-
ferent opinions of the canonists concerning consum-
mation, to what degree it must go, to shew that it
could not be essential to the marriage contract, which
in modesty were suppressed. Both Hildebertof Mans,
Ivo Carnotensis, and Hugo de Sto. Victore, had de-
livered this opinion, and proved it out of St. Chrysos-
tom, Ambrose, Austin, and Isidore. Pope Nicholas,
and the council of Tribur, defined, that marriage was
completed by the consent, and the benediction : from
all which they concluded, that although it could not
be proved that Prince Arthur knew the Queen, yet that
she being once lawfully married to him, the King could
not afterwards marry her.
" It was also said, that violent presumptions were
sufficient, in the opinion of the canonists, to prove con-
summation. Formal proofs could not be expected ;
and for persons that were of age, and in good health, to
be in bed together, was in all trials about consumma-
tion all that the canonists sought for. And yet this
was not all in this case ; for it appeared that upon her
husband's death, she was kept with great care by some
ladies, who did think her with child ; and she never
said any thing against it. And in the petition offered
to the Pope, in her name (repeated in the bull that
was procured for the second marriage), it is said, she
was 'perhaps known by Prince Arthur;' and in the breve
it is plainly said, she was known by Prince Arthur;
and though the Queen offered to purge herself by oath,
that Prince Arthur never knew her, it was proved by
many authorities out of the canon law, That a party's
oath ought not to be taken, when there were violent
presumptions to the contrary.
" As for the validity of the Pope's dispensation, it
was said, That though the schoolmen and canonists did
THE REFORMATION. 159
generally raise the Pope's power very high, and stretch book
it as far as it was possible ; yet they all agreed that it
could not reach the King's case ; upon this received 1530.
maxim, i That only the laws of the church are subject
to the Pope, and may be dispensed with by him ; but
that laws of God are above him, and that he cannot dis-
pense with them in any case.' This Aquinas delivers in quod lib.
in many places of his works. Petrus de Palude says, :^b'efi*rt'
The Pope cannot dispense with marriage in these de- 4**™. dist.
grees, because it is against nature. But Joannes de art. 2. 3'
Turre Cremata reports a singular case, which fell out Sup-. CaP-
when he was a cardinal. A king of France desired a tionw35.
dispensation to marry his wife's sister. The matter Q. *.ets.
was long considered of, and debated in the Rota, him-
self being there, and bearing a share in the debate ; but
it was concluded, ' That if any Pope, either out of igno-
rance, or being corrupted, had ever granted such a dis-
pensation, that could be no precedent or warrant for
doing the like any more, since the church ought to be
governed by laws, and not by such examples.' Antonin,
and Joannes de Tabia, held the same. And one Bacon,
an Englishman, who had taught the contrary, was
censured for it even at Rome, and he did retract his
opinion, and acknowledged, that the Pope could not
dispense with the degrees of marriage forbidden by the
law of God.
" The canonists agree also to this ; both Joannes sup. Cap.
Andreas, Joannes de Imola, and Abbas Panormitanus Reg™
assert it, saying, That the precepts in Leviticus oblige Spons.
for ever, and therefore cannot be dispensed with. And
Panormitan says, 'These things are to be observed in Cap. ad
practice, because great princes do often desire dispen- £"^1.
sations from popes.' Pope Alexander the Third would
not suffer a citizen of Pavia to marry his younger son
to the widow of his eldest son, though he had sworn to
do it. For the Pope said, it was against the law of
God, therefore it might not be done, and he was to
repent of his unlawful oath.
" And for the power of dispensing even with the laws
of the church by popes, it was brought in in the latter
ages. All the fathers with one consent believed, That
160
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1530.
Several
bishops re-
fuse to sub-
mit to the
Pope's de-
crees. Gul.
Malmesbur.
Lib. i.
the laws of God could not be dispensed with by the
church, for which many places were cited out of St.
Cyprian, Basil, Ambrose, Isidore, Bernard, and Urban ;
Fabian, Marcellus, and Innocent, that were popes ;
besides an infinite number of later writers. And also
the popes Zosimus, Damascus, Leo, and Hilarius did
freely acknowledge they could not change the decrees
of the church, nor go against the opinions or practices
of the fathers. And since the apostles confessed ' they
could do nothing against the truth, but for the truth ;'
the Pope, being Christ's Vicar, cannot be supposed to
have so great a power as to abrogate the law of God ;
and though it is acknowledged, that he is vested with a
' fulness of power,' yet the phrase must be restrained to
the matter of it, which is the pastoral care of souls.
And though there was no court superior to the Pope's,
yet as St. Paul had withstood St. Peter to his face, so
in all ages, upon several occasions, holy bishops have
refused to comply with, or submit to orders sent from
Rome, when they thought the matter of them unlawful.
" Laurence, that succeeded Austin the monk in
the see of Canterbury, having excommunicated King
Edbald* for an incestuous marriage, would not absolve
him, till he put away his wife ; though the Pope plied
him earnestly both by entreaties and threatenings, to let
it alone, and absolve him. Dunstan did the like to
Count Edwin for another incestuous marriage ; nor did
all the Pope's interposition make him give over. They
found many other such instances, which occurred in
the ecclesiastical history, of bishops proceeding by cen-
sures, and other methods, to stop the course of sin, not-
withstanding any encouragement the parties had from
popes.
" And it is certain, that every man, when he finds
himself engaged in any course which is clearly sinful,
ought presently to forsake it, according to the opinion
of all divines. And therefore the King, upon these
marriage, ought
evidences of the unlawfulness of his
* He did not excommunicate Edbald, nor coufd bo. Edbald being yet
abeatben'; but, upon liis conversion, lie put away b:s wile. — JJai. Hut.
.Lib. 2. cap- o, 6'.
THE REFORMATION. 161
to abstain from the Queen ; and the Archbishop of book
Canterbury, with the other bishops, ought to require '
him to do it, otherwise they must proceed to church i530.
censures. Many things were also brought from reason
(or at least the maxims of the school philosophy,
which passed for true reason in those days,) to prove
marriage in the degrees forbidden by Moses to be con-
trary to the law of nature ; and much was alleged out
of profane authors, to shew what an abhorrency some
heathen nations had of incestuous marriages.
" And whereas the chief strength of the arguments The autho-
I for the contrary opinion rested in this, That these awon. Ua*
laws of Moses were not confirmed by Christ or his
apostles, in the New Testament : to that they an-
swered, That if the laws about marriage were moral, as
had been proved, then there was no need of a particular
confirmation, since those words of our Saviour : ' I came
not to destroy the law, but to fulfil it,' do confirm the
whole moral law. Christ had also expressly asserted
the relation of affinity, saying, i That man and wife are
one flesh.' St. Paul also condemned a match as in-
cestuous for affinity. But though it were not expressly
set down in the gospel, yet the traditions of the church
are received with equal authority to written verities.
This the court of Rome, and all the learned writers for
the catholic faith, lay down as a fundamental truth.
And without it, how could the seven sacraments (some
of which are not mentioned in the New Testament) with
many other articles of catholic belief, be maintained
against the heretics ? The tradition of the church being
so full and formal in this particular, must take place; and
if any corruptions have been brought in by some popes
within an age or two, which have never had any other
authorities from the decrees of the church, or the opi-
nions of learned men, they are not to be maintained in
opposition to the evidence that is brought on the other
side."
This I have summed up in as short and comprehen-
sive words as I could, being the substance of what I
gathered out of the printed books and manuscripts for
the King's cause. But the fidelity of an historian leads
VOL. I. P. I. M
162 HISTORY OF
part me next to open the arguments that were brought
against it, by those who wrote on the other side for the
1530. Queen's cause, to prove the validity of the marriage, and
the Pope's power of dispensing with a marriage in that
degree of affinity.
I could never, by all the search I have made, see
either MSS. or printed books that defended their cause,
except Cajetan's and Victoria's* books, that are printed
in their works. But from an answer that was written to
the Bishop of Rochester's book, and from some other
writings on the other side, I gather the substance of
their arguments to have been what follows :
The argu- ft Cardinal Caietan had by many arguments endea-
mcnts for .
the mar- voured to prove, that the prohibitions in Leviticus were
nage. not parts of the moral law. They were not observed
before the law, no not by the holy seed. Adam's chil-
dren married one another, Abraham married his sister,
Jacob married two sisters, Judah gave his two sons to Ta-
mar, and promised to give her thethird for her husband.
By the law of Moses, a dispensation was granted in one
case, for marrying the brother's wife, which shews the
law was not moral, otherwise it could not be dispensed
with ; and if Moses dispensed with it, why might not
the Pope as well do it ? nor was there any force in the
places cited from the New Testament. As for that of
Herod, both Josephus and Eusebius witness, that his
brother Philip was alive when he took his wife, and so
his sin was adultery, and not incest. We must also
think that the incestuous person in Corinth took his
father's wife when he was yet living ; otherwise, if he had
been dead, St. Paul could not say it was a ( fornication
not named among the Gentiles :' for we not only find,
both among the Persians and other nations, the mar-
riage of step-mothers allowed, but even among the
Jews, Adonijah desired Abishag in marriage, who had
been his father's concubine."
* There was a hook printed at Lunenbnrgh, anno 1532, dedicated to
the Emperor's ambassador in England, Eustathins Chapnysiqs, £cc. It was
against the divorce; and charged very indirect practices mi fire other side,
by monies and bribes, &c. Cochlens likewise wrote against the divorce,
ad PauhimTertium; hut whether his book was printed before the year
1535, cannot be ascertained.
THE REFORMATION. 163
From all which they concluded, "That the laws about book
the degrees of marriage were only judiciary precepts, '
and so there was no other obligation on Christians to 1530
obey them, than what flowed from the laws of the
church, with which the Pope might dispense. They
also said, that the law in Leviticus, of not taking away
the brother's wife, must be understood of not taking
her while he was alive ; for after he was dead, by another
law, a man might marry his brother's wife.
" They also pleaded, that the Pope's power of dispens-
ing did reach further than the laws of the church, even
to the law of God; for he daily dispensed with the break-
ing of oaths and vows, though that was expressly con-
trary to the second commandment; and though the fifth
command, c Thou shalt do no murder,' be against
killing, yet the Pope dispensed with the putting thieves
to death, and in some cases, where the reason of the
commandment does not at all times hold, he is the only
judge, according to Sunnna Angelica. They concluded
the Pope's power of dispensing was as necessary as his
power of expounding the Scriptures ; and since there
was a question made concerning the obligation of these
Levitical prohibitions, whether they were moral, and
did oblige Christians, or not, the Pope must be the only
judge. There were also some late precedents found,
one of P. Martin, who in the case of a man's having mar- s
ried his own sister,* who had lived long with her, upon
a consultation with divines and lawyers, confirmed it ; to
prevent the scandal which the dissolving of it would have
given. Upon which St. Antonin of Florence says, that
since the thing was dispensed with, it was to be referred
to the judgment of God, and not to be condemned.
" The Pope had granted this dispensation, upon a
very weighty consideration, to keep peace between two
great crowns : it had now stood above twenty years :
it would therefore raise a high scandal to bring it under
debate ; besides that it would do much hurt, and bring
the titles to most crowns into controversy.
" But they concluded, that whatever informalities
* Not his own sirter, but his wife's sister. Ahtonin. Flor. Part 3- Tit. 1.
cap. 11.
M 2
164 HISTORY OF
part or nullities were pretended to be in the bulls or breves,
' the Pope was the only competent judge of it ; and that
1531. it was too high a presumption for inferior prelates, to
take upon them to examine or discuss it."
The an- jjut to these arguments it was answered by the writers
to these. for the King's cause, " that it was strange to see men,
who pretended to be such enemies to all heretical novel-
ties, yet be guilty of that, which catholic doctors hold to
be the foundation of all heresy ; which was, the setting
up of private senses of Scripture, and reasonings from
them, against the doctrine and tradition of the church.
It was fully made out, that the fathers and doctors of
the church did universally agree in this, that the Levitical
prohibitions of the degrees of marriage are moral, and
do oblige all Christians. Against this authority, Cajetan
was the first that presumed to write, opposing his private
conceits to the tradition of the church : which is the
same thing for which Luther and his followers are so
severely condemned. May it not then be justly said of
such men, that they plead much for tradition when it
makes for them, but reject it when it is against them ?
Therefore all these exceptions are overthrown, with this
one maxim of catholic doctrine, 'That they are novelties
against the constant tradition of the Christian church
in all ages.' But if the force of them be also examined,
they will be found as weak as they are new. That
before the law these degrees were not observed, proves
only, that they are not evidently contrary to the com-
mon sense of all men ; but as there are some moral
precepts, which have that natural evidence in them,
that all men must discern it, so there are others, that
are drawn from public inconvenience and dishonesty,
which are also parts of the law of nature. These pro-
hibitions are not of the first, but of the second sort,
since the immorality of them appears in this, that the
familiarities and freedoms among near relations are such,
that if a horror were not struck in men at conjunctures
in these degrees, families would be much defiled. This
is the foundation of the prohibitions of marriages in
these degrees ; therefore it is not strange if men did not
apprehend it, before God made a law concerning it.
THE REFORMATION. 165
Therefore all examples before the law, shew only the book
thing is not so evident, as to be easily collected by the ;
light of nature. And for the story of Judah and Tamar, 1531.
there is so much wickedness in all the parts of it, that it
will be very hard to make a precedent out of any part of
it. As for the provision about marrying the brother's
wife, that only proves, the ground of the law is not of
its own nature immutable, but may be dispensed with
by God in some cases. And all these moral laws, that
are founded on public conveniency and honesty, are dis-
pensable by God in some cases ; but because Moses did
it by divine revelation, it does not follow, that the Pope
can do it by his ordinary authority.
" For that about Herod, it is not clear from Josephus
that Philip was alive when Herod married his wife. For
all that Josephus says is, that she separated from her
husband, when he was yet alive, and divorced herself
from him. But he does not say, that he lived still after
she married his brother. And by the law of divorce
marriage was at an end, and broken by it as much as
if the party had been dead ; so that in that case she
might have married any other : therefore Herod's sin
in taking her was from the relation of having been his
brother's wife. And for the incestuous person in
Corinth, it is as certain, that though some few instances,
of a King of Syria and some others, may be brought
of sons marrying their step-mothers, yet these things
were generally ill looked on, even where they were
practised by some princes, who made their pleasure their
law. Nor could the laws of Leviticus be understood of
not marrying the brother's wife when he was alive ; for
it was not lawful to take any man's wife from him living :
therefore that cannot be the meaning. And all those
prohibitions of marriage in other degrees, excluding
those marriages simply, whether during the life, or after
the death of the father, son, uncle, and other such rela-
tions, there is no ground to disjoint this so much from
the rest, as to make it only extend to a marriage before
the husband's death. And for any precedents that were
brought, they were all in the latter ages, and were
never confirmed by any public authority. Nor must
the practices of latter popes be laid in the balance against
166 HISTORY OF
part the decisions of former popes, and the doctrine of the
' whole church ; and as to the power that was ascribed
1531. to the Pope, that began now to be inquired into with
The Queen great freedom, as shall appear afterwards."
able. These reasons on both sides being thus opened, the
censures of them, it is like, will be as different now,
as they were then ; for they prevailed very little on the
Queen, who still persisted to justify her marriage, and to
Hall. stand to her appeal. And though the King carried it very
kindly to her in all outward appearance, and employed
every body that had credit with her, to bring her to sub-
mit to him, and to pass from her appeal, remitting the
decision of the matter to any four prelates, and four
secular men in England, she was still unmoveable, and
would hearken to no proposition. In the judgments
that people passed, the sexes were divided ; the men
generally approved the King's cause, and the women
Aiesiiouof favoured the Queen. But now the session of parlia-
paname . ment came on tne j ()th of January, and there the King
first brought into the House of Lords the determina-
tion of the Universities, and the books that were written
for his cause by foreigners. After they were read and
More. considered there, the Lord Chancellor did on the 20th
of March, with twelve lords both of the spirituality
and temporality, go down to the House of Commons,
and shewed them what the Universities and learned men
beyond sea had written for the divorce, and produced
twelve original papers, with the seals of the Universities
to them, which Sir Brian Tuke took out of his hand,
and read openly in the House, translating the Latin into
English. Then about a hundred books written by
foreign divines for the divorce, were also shewed them ;
none of which were read, but put off to another time,
it being late, When that was done, the Lord Chan-
cellor desired they would report in their countries,
"what they had heard and seen, and then all men should
clearly perceive, that the King hath not attempted this
matter of will and pleasure, as strangers say, but only
for the discharge of his conscience, and the security of
the succession to the crown." Having said that, he
left the House. The matter was also brought before
tion. the convocation ; and they having weighed all that was
THE REFORMATION
167
aid on both sides, seemed satisfied that the marriage book
was unlawful, and that the bull was of no foree ; more not '
being required at that time. 1531.
But it is not stranere, that this matter went so easily The whole
.1 1 i r r clergy sued
111 the convocation, when another or far greater conse- mapremu-
quence passed there, which will require a full and dis- mre-
tinct account. Cardinal Wolsey, by exercising his le-
gantine authority, had fallen into a premunire, as hath
been already shewn; and now those who had appeared in
his courts, and had suits there, were found to be likewise
in the same guilt by the law ; and this matter, being
excepted out of the pardon that was granted in the for-
mer parliament, was at this time set on foot : therefore an
indictment was brought into the King's Bench, against
all the clergy of England, for breaking the statutes
against provisions or provisors. But to open this more
clearly,
It is to be considered, that the kings of England hav~ The Prer°-
ing claimed in all ages a power in ecclesiastical matters, the kings
equal to what the Roman emperors had in that empire, ff England
in ccch *si 3S-
they exercised this authority both over the clergy and ticai affairs.
laity ; and did at first erect bishopricks, grant investi-
tures in them, call synods, make laws, about sacred as
well as civil concerns ; and, in a word, they governed
their whole kingdom. Yet when the bishops of Rome
did stretch their power beyond either the limits of it in
the primitive church, or what was afterward granted
them by the Roman emperors, and came to assume an
authority in all the churches of Europe ; as they found
some resistance every where, so they met with a great
deal in this kingdom ; and it was with much difficulty,
that they gained the power of giving investitures, re-
ceiving appeals to Rome, and of sending legates to
England, with several other things, which wrere long
contested, but were delivered up at- length, either by
feeble princes, or when kings were so engaged at home
or abroad, that it was not safe for them to offend the
clergy. For in the first contest between the kings and
the popes, the clergy were generally on the pope's side,
because of the immunity and protection they enjoyed
from that see ; but when popes became ambitious and
168
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1531.
The en-
croachment
of the pa-
pacy.
Mat. Paris.
The laws
made
against
them.
25 Edw.
I. repeat-
ed in the
statute of
provisors.
25 Edw.
III.
25 Edw.
HI. statute
ofprovisors.
warlike princes, then new projects and taxes were every
where set on foot, to raise a great treasure. The pall,
with many bulls and high compositions for them, annates,
or first-fruits and tenths, were the standing taxes of the
clergy, besides many new ones upon emergent occasions.
So that they, finding themselves thus oppressed by the
popes, fled again back to the crown for protection,
which their predecessors had abandoned.
From the days of Edward the First, many statutes
were made to restrain the exactions of Rome. For then
the popes, not satisfied with their other oppressions,
(which a monk of that time lays open fully, and from
a deep sense of them) did by provisions, bulls, and
other arts of that see, dispose of bishopricks, abbeys,
and lesser benefices, to foreigners, cardinals, and others
that did not live in England. Upon which the com-
monalty of the realm, did represent to the King in
parliament, " That the bishopricks, abbeys, and other
benefices were founded by the kings and people of Eng-
land, to inform the people of the law of God, and to
make hospitality, alms, and other works of charity, for
which end they were endowed by the King and people
of England ; and that the King, and his other subjects
who endowed them, had upon voidances the present-
ment and collations of them, which now the Pope had
usurped and given to aliens, by which the crown would
be disinherited, and the ends of their endowments de-
stroyed, with other great inconveniences." Therefore
it was ordained, " that these oppressions should not be
suffered in any manner." But, notwithstanding this,
the abuse went on, and there was no effectual way laid
down in the act to punish these transgressions. The
court of Rome was not so easily driven out of any thing
that either increased their power or their profits ; there-
fore, by another act in his grandchild Edward the Third's
time, the Commons complained, "that these abuses did
abound, and that the Pope did daily reserve to his colla-
tion church preferments in England, and raised the
first-fruits, with other great profits, by which the treasure
of the realm was carried out of it, and many clerks, ad-
vanced in the realm, were put out of their benefices,
THE REFORMATION. 169
by those provisors ; therefore the King, being bound by book
oath to see the laws kept, did, with the assent of all the
great men and the commonalty of the realm, ordain, That 1531.
the free elections, presentments, and collations of bene-
fices, should stand in the right of the crown, or of any
of his subjects, as they had formerly enjoyed them, not-
withstanding any provisions from Rome. And if any
did disturb the incumbents by virtue of such provisions,
those provisors, or others employed by them, were to be
if put in prison, till they made fine and ransom to the
King at his will ; or if they could not be apprehended,
' writs were to be issued out to seize them, and all be-
nefices possessed by them were to fall into the King's
hands, except they were abbeys or priories, that fell
to the canons or colleges." Ry another act " the 27 Edw.
provisors, were put out of the King's protection, and cap'
if any man offended against them, in person or goods,
I he was excused, and was never to be impeached for it."
j! And two years after that, upon another complaint of
1 their suing the King's subjects in other courts, or beyond
f sea, it was ordained, " that any who sued, either beyond
• sea, or in any other court, for things that had been sued,
I and about which judgment had been given in former
1 times, in the King's courts, were to be cited to answer
1 for it in the King's courts within two months ; and if
I they came not, they were to be put out of the King's
protection, and to forfeit their lands, goods, and chattels to
[Lthe King, and to be imprisoned and ransomed at the
King's will." Both these statutes received a new con- ss Edw.
I firmation eleven years after that. But those statutes m- ^p1-
I proved ineffectual ; and in the beginning of the reign of
'} Richard the Second, the former acts were confirmed 3 Richard
j by another statute, and appointed to be executed : and ' cap'
!| not only the provisors themselves, but all such as took
, procuratories, letters of attorneys, or farms from them,
were involved in the same guilt. And in the seventh
year of that King, provisions were made .against aliens
having benefices without the King's licence, and the
: King promised to abstain from granting them licences :
I for this was another artifice of the Roman court, to get
1! the King of their side, by accepting his licence, which
tl by this act was restrained. This failing, they betook
170 HISTORY OF
part themselves to another course, which was, to prevail with
the incumbents that were presented in England accord-
1531. mg to law, to take provisions for their benefices from
Rome, to confirm their titles. This was also forbidden
i2Rkhard under the former pains. As for the rights of presenta-
ii. cap. 15. tions, by the law they were tried and judged in the
King's courts ; and the bishops were to give institutions]
according to the title declared in these judgments. This^
the popes had a mind to draw to themselves, and to
have all titles to advowsons tried in their courts ; and
bishops were excommunicated, who proceeded in this
matter according to the law. Of which great complaint
was made in the sixteenth year of the reign of Richard
16 Richard the Second. And it was added to that, that the Pope
'cap'5' intended to make many translations of bishops, some to
be within, and some out of the realm, which, among
other inconveniences reckoned in the statute, would
produce this effect, "That the crown of England, which
had been so free at all times, should be subjected to the
Bishop of Rome, and the laws and statutes of the
realm by him defeated and destroyed at his will. They
also found those things to be against the King's crown
and regality, used and approved in the time of his pro- ]
genitors. Therefore all the Commons resolved to live
and die with him and his crown; and they required him
by way of justice, to examine all the lords, spiritual
and temporal, what they thought of those things, and
whether they would be with the crown to uphold the
regality of it ? To which all the temporal lords
answered, thev would be with the crown. But the
spriritual lords being asked, said, thev would neither
deny nor affirm that the Bishop of Rome might, or
might not, excommunicate bishops, or make translations
of prelates : but upon that protestation, (they said,) that
if such things were done, they thought it was against
the crown, and said, they would be with the King, as
they were bound by their legeancc." Whereupon it was
ordained, "that if any did purchase translations, sentence!
of excommunications, bulls, or other instruments from
the court of Rome, against the King or his crown ; or
whosoever brought them to England, or did receive, or
execute them ; they were out of the King s protti n.
THE REFORMATION. . 171
and that they should forfeit their goods and chattels to book
the King, and their persons should be imprisoned." *
And because the proceedings were to be put upon a writ, 1331-
called from the most material words of it, praemunire
fades, this was called the ''statute of premunire."
When Henry the Fourth had treasonably usurped
the crown, all the bishops (Carlisle only excepted) did
assist him in it, and he did very gratefully oblige them
again in other things ; yet he kept up the force of the
former statutes. For the Cistercian order having procu-
red bulls, discharging them of paying tithes, and forbid-
iding them to let their farms to any, but to possess them
themselves: this was complained of in parliament in the se-
cond year of his reign, " and those bulls were declared 2 Henry
to be of no force; and if any did put them in execution, IV' cap-4,
or procured other such bulls, they were to be proceeded
against, upon the statutes made in the thirteenth year
of the former King's reign against provisors." But all
Ithis while, though they made laws for the future, yet
jthey had not the courage to put them in execution.
lAnd this feebleness in the government made them so
much despised, and so oft broken ; whereas the severe
execution of one law in one instance would more effec-
tually have prevented the mischief, than all these laws
did without execution. In the sixth year of his reign, 6 H
complaints being made of the excessive rates of compo- iv. cap. 1.
isitions for archbishopricks and bishopricks in the Pope's
ichamber, which were raised to the treble of what had
been formerly paid ; it was enacted, " that they should
:pay no more than had been formerly wont to be paid."
[In the seventh year of his reign, the statute made in the 7 Henry 6.
second year was confirmed; and by an other act, " the iy- cap-
licences which the King had granted for the executing
any of the Pope's bulls are declared of no force to pre-
judice any incumbent in his right." Yet the abuses
and encroachments of the court of Rome still increasing,
all former statutes against provisors were confirmed
again, and all elections declared free, and not to be in-
terrupted, either by the Pope or the King : but, at the
same time, the King pardoned all the former transgres-
sions against these statutes. By those pardons the iv.Sp"?.
172 HISTORY OF
part court of Rome was more encouraged than terrified by the
'__ laws ; therefore there was a necessity of making another
1531. law in the reign of Henry the Fifth, against provisors,
4 Henry « that the incumbents lawfully invested in their livings
V can 4< -^ O
p" ' should not be molested by them, though they had the
King's pardon ; and both bulls and licences were de-
clared void and of no value ; and those who did upon
such grounds molest them, should incur the pains of
the statutes against provisors."
Our kings took the best opportunity that ever could
have been found to depress the papal power ; for from
the beginning of Richard the Second's reign, till the
fourth year of Henry the Fifth, the popedom was
broken by a long and great schism ; and the kingdoms
of Europe were divided in their obedience : some hold-
ing for those that sate at Rome, and others for the
popes of Avignon : England, in opposition to France,
that chiefly supported the Avignon popes, did adhere
to the Roman popes. The papacy being thus divided,
the popes were as much at the mercy of kings for
their protection, as kings had formerly been at their's ;
so that they durst not thunder as they were wont to
do ; otherwise this kingdom had certainly been put
under excommunications and interdicts for these statutes,
as had been done formerly upon less provocations.
But now that the schism was healed, Pope Martin
the Fifth began to reassume the spirit of his predeces-
sors, and sent over threatening messages to England, in
the beginning of Henry the Sixth's reign. None of our
books have taken any notice of this piece of our history:
ExMSs. the manuscript out of which I draw it has been written
' etyt' near that time, and contains many of the letters that
passed between Rome and England, upon this occasion.
Reg. Chi- The first letter is to Henry Chichely, then arch-
chei.foi.39. bishop 0f Canterbury, who had been promoted to that
see by the Pope, but had made no opposition to
the statute against provisions in the fourth year of
Henry the Fifth ; and afterwards, in the eighth year of j
his reign, when the Pope had granted a provision of the I
archbishoprick of York to the Bishop of Lincoln,
the Chapter of York rejected it, and, pursuant to the
former statute, made a canonical election. Henry the |
THE REFORMATION. 173
Fifth being then the greatest king in Christendom, book
the Pope durst not offend him : so the law took place,
without any further contradiction, till the sixth year of i33i.
his son's reign, that England was both under an infant
King, and had fallen from its former greatness : there-
fore the Pope, who waited for a good conjuncture, laid
hold on this, and first expostulated severely with the
Archbishop for his remissness, that he had not stood
!up more for the right of St. Peter and the See of
j Rome, that had bestowed on him the primacy of Eng-
I land ; and then says many things against the statute of
I premunire, and exhorts him to imitate the example of
his predecessor St. Thomas of Canterbury the marytr,
in asserting the rights of the church ; requiring him,
i under the pain of excommunication, to declare at the
next parliament to both Houses, the unlawfulness of
i that statute, and that all were under excommunication
who obeyed it. But to make sure work among the peo-
| pie, he also commands him to give orders, under the
same pains, that all the clergy of England should preach
the same doctrine to the people. This bears date the collect.
5th day of December, 1426, and will be found in the Numb. 3r.
Collection of Papers.
But it seems the Pope was not satisfied with his
answer ; for the next letter in that MS. is yet more
severe, and in it his legantine power is suspended. It
I has no date added to it, but the paper th&t follows,
bearing date the 6th of April, 1427, leads us pretty
near the date of it. It contains an appeal of the Arch-
bishop's, from the Pope's sentence, to the next general
council ; or, if none met, to the tribunal of God and
Jesus Christ.
There is also another letter, dated the 6th of May,
l directed to the Archbishop, and makes mention of
letters written to the whole clergy to the same purpose,
requiring him to use all his endeavours for repealing
the statute, and chides him severely because he had said,
1 " that the Pope's zeal in this matter was only, that he
might raise much money out of England ;" which he
resents as a high injury, and protests that he designed
only to maintain these rights that Christ himself had
174 HISTORY OF
part granted to his see, which the holy fathers, the councils,
' and the catholic church has always acknowledged. If
1531, this does not look like teaching ex cathedra, it is left to
the reader's judgment.
But the next letter is of a higher strain. It is direct-
ed to the two Archbishops only ; and, it seems, in despite
to Chichely, the Archbishop of York is named before
Canterbury. By it the Pope annuls the statutes made
by Edward the Third and Richard the Second, and
commands them to do no act in pursuance of them : and
declares, if they, or any other, gave obedience to them,
they were ipso facto excommunicated, and not to be re-
laxed, unless at the point of death, by any but the
Pope. He charges them also to intimate that his moni-
tory letter to the whole nation, and cause it to be affixed
in the several places, where there might be occasion for
it. This is dated the 8th of December, the tenth
year of his popedom. Then follow letters from the
University of Oxford, the Archbishop of York, the
Bishops of London, Duresme, and Lincoln, to the Pope ;
all to mitigate his displeasure ngainst the Archbishop of
Canterbury, in which they gave him the highest testi-
mony possible, bearing date the J Oth and the 25th day
of July. These the Archbishop sent by an express to
Rome, and wrote the humblest submission possible to
the Pope ; protesting that he had done, and would do,
all that was in his power for repealing these statutes.
One thing in this letter is remarkable: he says, "He
hears the Pope had proceeded to a sentence against him,
which had never been done from the days of St. Austin
to that time : but he knew that only by report, for he
had not opened, much less read, the bulls in which it
was contained ; being commanded by the King, to bring
them with the seals entire, and lay them up in the paper-
office, till the parliament was brought together."
And to the There are two other letters to the King, and one to
parliament the parliament, for the repeal of the statute. In those
Collect. to the King the Pope writes, that he had often pressed
Numb. 30. i ,, „. b , ,.r '. , , ,i rr- ii
both King and parliament to it ; and that the King had
answered, that he could not repeal it without the par-
liament. But he excepts to that, as a delaying the busi-
THE REFORMATION. 175
ness, and shews it is of itself unlawful, and that the book
King was under excommunication as long as he kept IL
it : therefore he expects that, at the furthest, in the next 1531
parliament it should be repealed. It bears date the Collect.
13th of October, in the tenth year of his popedom. In NuiBb-29-
his letter to the parliament he tells them, that no man
can be saved who is for the observation of that statute;
therefore he requires them, under pain of damnation,
|to repeal it, and offers to secure them from any abuses
jwhich might have crept in formerly with these pro-
visions. This is dated the 3d of October, decimo pontifi-
cat: but I believe it is an error of the transcriber, and
thaw its true date was the 13th of October.
The parliament sate in January 1427, being the 6th
[year of King Henry the Sixth ; during which, on the
30th of January, the Archbishop of Canterbury, ac-
companied by the Archbishop of York, the Bishops of
London, St. David's, Ely, and Norwich, and the Abbots
'of Westminster and Reading, went from the House of
Lords to the place where the House of Commons
ordinarily sate, which was the refectory of the abbey of
Westminster, where the Archbishop made a long speech,
in the form of a sermon, upon that text, " Render
to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the
things that are God's." He began with a protestation,
that he and his brethren intended not to say any thing
that might derogate from the King, the crown, or the
people of England. Then he alleged many things
for the Pope's power in granting provisions, to prove it
iwas of Divine right, and admonished and required them
i to give the Pope satisfaction in it, otherwise he laid out
*to them with tears what mischief might follow, if he
proceeded to censures ; which will appear more fully
from the instrument that will be found in the Collection
;at the end. But it seems the parliament would do But to no
nothing for all this ; for no act, neither of repeal nor coCt'
explanation, was passed. Numb. 40.
Yet it appears the Pope was satisfied with the Arch-
bishop's carriage in this matter, for he soon after re-
stored him to the exercise of his legantine power, as
Godwin has it; only he, by a mistake, says, he was
176
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1531.
The clergy
excuse
themselves.
Yet they
compound.
And ac-
knowledge
the King
supreme
head of the
church of
England.
L. Herbert.
made legate anno 1428, whereas it was only a restitu-
tion after a censure.
Thus stood the law of England in that matter, which
was neither repealed nor well executed ; for the Pope's
usurpations still increasing, those statutes lay dead
among the records, and several cardinals had procured
and executed a legantine power, which was clearly con-
trary to them. And as Cardinal Wolsey was already
brought under the lash for it, so it was now made use
of, partly to give the court of Rome apprehensions of
what they were to expect from the King, if they went
on to use him ill ; and partly to proceed severely against
all those of the clergy who adhered obstinately to the
interests .of that court, and to make the rest compound
the matter, both by a full submission and a considerable
subsidy. It was in vain to pretend, it was a public and
allowed error, and that the King had not only connived
at the Cardinal's proceedings, but had made him all
that while his chief minister : that, therefore, they were
excusable in submitting to an authority to which the
King gave so great encouragement ; and that if they had
done otherwise they had been unavoidably ruined. For
to all this it was answered, that the laws were still in
force, and that their ignorance could not excuse them,
since they ought to have known the law ; yet since the
violation of it was so public, though the court proceeded
to a sentence, that they were all out of the King's pro-
tection, and were liable to the pains of the statutes ; the
King was willing, upon a reasonable composition, and a
full submission, to pardon them.
So, in the convocation of Canterbury, a petition was
brought in to be offered to the King. In the King's
title, he was called, " The protector and supreme head
of the church and the clergy of England." To this
some opposition was made, and it was put off" to another
day ; but, by the interposition of Cromwell, and others
of the King's council, who came to the convocation and
used arguments to persuade them to it, they were pre-
vailed with to pass it with that title, at least none speak-
ing against it : for when Warham, archbishop of Can-
terbury, said, "That silence was to be taken for consent,"
THE REFORMATION. 177
one cried out, " they were then all silent ;" yet it was book
moved by some to add these words to the title, " in so '
far as is lawful by the law of Christ." But Parker says, 1531
the King disliked that clause, since it left his power Antiquit.
still disputable ; therefore it was cast out, and the in vita War-
petition passed simply as it was first brought in. Yet ham'
in that he was certainly misinformed, for when the con-
vocation of York demurred about the same petition,
and sent their reasons to the King, why they could not
acknowledge him supreme head, which (as appears by Printed in
the King's answer to them) were chiefly founded on ^ Cabala*
this, that the term head was improper, and did not
agree to any under Christ ; the King wrote a long and
sharp answer to them, and shewed them, that words
were not always to be understood in their strict sense,
but according to the common acceptation. And among
other things, he shewed what an explanation was made
in the convocation of Canterbury, that it was "in so far
as was agreeable to the law of Christ ;" by which it
appears, that at that time the King was satisfied to have
it pass any way, and so it was agreed to by nine bishops
(the Bishop of Rochester being one) and sixty-two
abbots and priors, and the major part of the lower House
of Convocation in the province of Canterbury. Of
which number it is very probable Reginald Pool was,
for in his book to the King he says, he was then in
England ; and adds, that the King would not accept of
the sum the clergy offered, unless they acknowledged
him supreme head : he being then Dean of Exeter, was
of the lower House of Convocation ; and it is not likely
the King would have continued the pensions and other
church preferments he had, if he had refused to sign
that petition and submission. By it they prayed the
King to accept 100,000/. in lieu of all punishments
which they had incurred by going against the statutes
of provisprs, and did promise for the future, neither to
make nor execute any constitution without the King's
licence ; upon which he granted them a general pardon :.
and the convocation of the province of York offering
18,840/. with another submission of the same nature
vol. i. p. {. n
178 HISTORY OF
part afterwards, though that met with more opposition, they
were also pardoned.
1531. When the King's pardon for the clergy was brought
The Com- into the House of Commons, they were much troubled
To0behi-Sire t0 fincl themselves not included within it ; for by the
eluded in statutes of provisors many of them were also liable, and
pardon.83 they apprehended that either they might be brought
Hail. m trouble, or at least it might be made use of to draw
a subsidy from them : so they sent their Speaker, with
some of their members, to represent to the King, the
great grief of his Commons to find themselves out of
his favour, which they concluded from the pardon of
the pains of premunire to his spiritual subjects, in which
they were not included ; and therefore prayed the King
that they might be comprehended within it. But the
King answered them, That they must not restrain his
mercy, nor yet force it: it was free to him either to exe-
cute or mitigate the severity of the law : that he might
well grant his pardon by his great seal without their ,
assent, but he would be well advised before he par-
doned them, because he would not seem to be com-
pelled to it. So they went away, and the House was in
some trouble : many blamed Cromwell, who was grow-
ing in favour, for this rough answer ; yet the King's
pardon was passed.
Which the But his other concerns made him judge it very unfit
wards* L " to send away his parliament discontented ; and since he
grants. Was so easy to them as to ask no subsidy, he had no
mind to offend them ; and therefore, when the thing
was over, and they out of hopes of it, he, of his owr
accord, sent another pardon to all his temporal subjects
of their transgressions of the statutes of provisors and
premunire; which they received with great joy, and ac-
knowledged there was a just temperature of majesty and
clemency in the King's proceedings.
One at- During this session of parliament, an unheard-of crime
was committed by one Richard Rouse, a cook, who, on
the l6th of February, poisoned a vessel of yeast, that was
to be used in porridge in the Bishop of Rochester's
kitchen, with which seventeen persons of his family
tainted for
poisoning
THE REFORMATION. 179
were m6rtally infected, and one of the gentlemen died book
of it; and some poor people, that were charitably fed ___
with the remainder of it, were also infected one wo- 1531-
man dying. The person was apprehended, and by
act of parliament poisoning was declared treason, and 22 Hen.
Rouse was attainted, and sentenced to be boiled to Actie.
death, which was to be the punishment of poisoning for
all times to come, that the terror of this unheard-of
punishment might strike a horror in all persons at such
an unexampled crime. And the sentence was executed Hail,
in Smithfield soon after.
Of this I take notice the rather because of Sanders's
malice, who says, this Rouse was set on by Anne
Boleyn, to make away the Bishop of Rochester, of
which there is nothing on record, nor does any writer
of that time so much as insinuate it. But persons that
are set on to commit such crimes are usually either
conveyed out of the way, or secretly dispatched, that
they may not be brought to an open trial. And it is
not to be imagined, that a man that was employed by
them that might have preferred him, and found himself
given up and adjudged to such a death, would not have
published their names who set him on, to have lessened
his own guilt, by casting the load upon them that had
both employed and deserted him. But this must pass
among the many other vile calumnies of which Sanders
has been the inventor, or publisher, and for which he
had already answered to his Judge.
When the session of parliament was over, the King L- Herbert
continued to ply the Queen, with all the applications he
could think of, to depart from her appeal. He grew
very melancholy, and used no sort of diversion, but was
observed to be very pensive. Yet nothing could pre-
vail with the Queen. She answered the lords of the
council, when they pressed her much to it, " That she
prayed God to send the King a quiet conscience, but
that she was his lawful wife, and would abide by it, till
the court of Rome declared the contrary." Upon which The King
the King forbore to see her, or to receive any tokens Q*^!n#the
from her, and sent her word, to choose where she had
a mind to live, in any of his manors. She answered,
N 2
180
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1531.
A disorder
among the
clergy at
London
about the
subsidy.
Hall.
that to which place soever she was removed, " nothing
could remove her from being his wife." Upon this an-
swer the King left her at Windsor, the 14th of July,
and never saw her more. She removed first to Moor,
then to Easthamstead, and at last to Ampthill, where
she stayed longer.
The clergy went now about the raising of the hun-
dred thousand pounds, which they were to pay in five
years ; and, to make it easier to themselves, the pre-
lates had a great mind to draw in the inferior clergy to
bear apart of the burden. The Bishop of London called
a meeting of some priests about London, on the 1st of
September, to the Chapter-house at St. Paul's. He
designed to have had at first only a small number, among
whom he hoped it would easily pass, and that being done
by a few, others would more willingly follow. But the
matter was not so secretly carried, but that all the clergy
about the city hearing of it, went thither. They were
not a little encouraged by many of the laity, who thought
it no unpleasant diversion to see the clergy fall out
among themselves. So when they came to the Chapter-
house on the day appointed, the Bishop's officers would
only admit some few to enter ; but the rest forced the
door and rushed in, and the Bishop's servants were beat-
en and ill used. But the Bishop, seeing the tumult
was such that it could not be easily quieted, told them
all, " That as the state of men in this life was frail, so
the clergy, through frailty and want of wisdom, had mis-
demeaned themselves towards the King, and had fallen
in a premunire, for which the King of his great clemen-
cy was pleased to pardon them, and to accept of a little,
instead of the whole of their benefices, which by the
law had fallen into his hand : therefore he desired they
would patiently bear their share in this burden." But
they answered, they had never meddled with any of the
Cardinal's faculties, and so had not fallen in the premu-
nire ; and that their livings were so small, that they
could hardly subsist by them. Therefore, since the
bishops and abbots were only guilty, and had good
preferments, they only ought to be punished and pay
the tax; but that for themselves they needed not the
THE REFORMATION. 181
King's pardon, and so would pay nothing for it. Upon book
which the Bishop's officers threatened them ; but they
on the other hand (being encouraged by some laymen 1531.
that came along with them) persisted in the denial to
pay any thing ; so that from high words the matter
came to blows, and several of the Bishop's servants
were ill handled by them. But he, to prevent a further
tumult, apprehending it might end upon himself, gave
them good words, and dismissed the meeting with his
blessing, and promised that nothing should be brought
in question that was then done. Yet he was not so
good as his word, for he complained of it to the Lord
Chancellor, who was always a great favourer of the
clergy ; by whose order fifteen priests and five laymen
were committed to several prisons ; but whether the in-
ferior clergy paid their proportion of the tax, or not, I
have not been able to discover.
This year the state of affairs beyond sea changed JJ^Sr^
very considerably. The Pope expected not only to re- the French
cover Florence to his family by the Emperor's means, actlon*
but also to wrest Modena and Reggio from the Duke
of Ferrara, to which he pretended, as being fiefs of the
papacy ; and the Emperor had engaged by the former
treaty to restore them to him. But now that the Pope's
pretensions were appointed to be examined by some
judges delegated by the Emperor, they determined
against the Pope, for the Duke of Ferrara ; which so
disgusted the Pope, that he fell totally from the Empe-
ror, and did unite with the King of France, a match
being also projected between the Duke of Orleans
(afterwards Henry II.) and his niece Catharine de Me-
dici ; which did work much on the Pope's ambition,
to have his family allied to so mighty a monarch. So
that now he became wholly French.
The French King was also on account of this mar- A ™atfh.
11 1 -lii • projected
riage, to resign all the pretensions he had to any ternto- between
ry in Italy to his younger son ; which, as it would give ^^8^*
less umbrage to the other princes of Italy, who liked ra- the Duke
ther to have a King's younger son among them, than j)t!a^r"
either the Emperor, or the French King ; so the Pope
was wonderfully pleased to raise another great prince in
182 HISTORY OF
part Italy out of his own family. On these grounds was the
match at this time designed, which afterwards took effect ;
1531. but with this difference, that by the Dauphin's death the
Duke of Orleans became King of France, and his Queen
made the greatest figure that any Queen of France had
done for many ages.
This change in the Pope's mind might have produced
another in the King's affairs, if he hnd not already gone
so far, that he was less in fear of the Pope than formerly.
He found the credit of his clergy was so low, that to pre-
serve themselves from the contempt and fury of the peo-
ple, they were forced to depend wholly on the crown. For
Lutheranism was then making a great progress in Eng-
land, of which Ishallsay nothing here, being resolved at the
end of this book to give an account of the whole course
of it in those years that fall within this time. But what
by the means of the new preachers, what by the scan-
dals cast on the clergy, they were all at the King's mercy ;
so he did not fear much from them, especially in the
southern parts, which were the richest and best peopled :
therefore 'the King went on resolutely. The Pope on
the other hand was in great perplexity ; he saw England
ready to be lost, and knew not what to do to rescue or
preserve it. If he gave way to what was lately done in
the business of the premunire, he must thereby lose the
greatest advantages he drew from that nation; and it was
not likely, that after the King had gone so far, he would
undo what was done.
TheEmpc- The Emperor was more remiss in prosecuting the
gagedlna Queen's appeal at Rome ; for at that time the Turk, with
war with a most numerous and powerful army, was making an
urk' impression on Hungary, (which to the great scandal
of the most Christian King was imputed to his councils
and presents at the Port,) and all the Emperor's thoughts
were taken up with this. Therefore, as he gave the pro-
testant princes of Germany some present satisfaction in
religion and other matters ; so he sent over to England,
and desired the King's assistance against that vast army
of three hundred thousand men that was falling in upon
Christendom. To this the King made a general answer,
that gave some hopes of assisting him. But at the same
THE REFORMATION. 183
time, the protestant princes, resolving to draw some ad- book
vantage from that conjuncture of affairs, and being court-
ed, by the French King, entered into a league with him 1531,
for the defence of the rights of the empire. And to
make this firmer, the King was invited by the French
King to join in it ; to which he consented, and sent over
to France a sum of money to be employed for the safety
of the empire. And this provoked the Emperor to re-
new his endeavours in the court of Rome for prosecut-
ing the Queen's appeal. *
The French King encouraged the King to go on with
his divorce, that he might totally alienate him from the
Emperor. The French writers also add another consi-
deration, which seems unworthy of so great a King,
that he himself, being at that time so public a courtier
for ladies, was not ill pleased to set forward a thing of
that nature. "But though princes allow themselves
their pleasures, yet they seldom govern their affairs by
such maxims."
In the beginning of the next year a new session of Th1632;.
parliament was held, in which the House of Commons mentPcom-
went on to complain of many other grievances they lay P'ains °f .
*■ ■/ o j j the ecclesi-
under from the clergy, which they put in a writing, and asticai
presented it to the King. In it they complained of the court3,
proceedings in the spiritual courts, and especially their
calling men before them, ex officio, and laying articles
to their charge without any accuser ; and then admit-
ting no purgation, but causing the party accused, either Hail.
to abjure, or to be burnt; which they found very griev-
ous and intolerable. This was occasioned by some vio-
lent proceeding against some reputed heretics, of which
an account shall be given afterwards. But those com-
plaints were stifled, and great misunderstandings arose
between the King and the Flouse of Commons upon
this following occasion.
There was a common practice in England of men's But reject
making such settlements of their estates by their last wads.* °
wills, or other deeds, that the King and some great lords
were thereby defrauded of the advantages they made by
wards, marriages, and primer seasin. For regulating
which, a bill was brought in to the House of Peers, and
184 HISTORY OF
part assented to there; but when it was sent down to the
House of Commons, it was rejected by them, and they
answer.
1532. would neither pass the bill, nor any other qualification
of that abuse. This gave the King great offence ; and
the House, when they addressed to him about the pro-
TheCom- ceedings of the clergy, also prayed, "That he would
t?onSthattl" cons^er what cost, charge, and pains they had been at
they may since the beginning of the parliament, and that it would
solved* please his Grace of his princely benignity to dissolve his
court of parliament, and that his subjects might return
into their countries." To which the King answered,
The King's "That for their complaints of the clergy, he must hear
them also before he could give judgment, since in jus-
tice he ought to hear both parties; but that their de-
siring the redress of such abuses, was contrary to the
other part of their petition; for if the parliament were
dissolved, how could those things they complained of
be amended ? And as they complained of their long at-
tendance, so the King had stayed as long as they had done,
and yet he had still patience, and so they must have,
otherwise their grievances would be without redress.
But he did expostulate severely upon their rejecting the
bill about deeds in prejudice of the rights of the crown.
He said, he had offered them a great mitigation of what
by the rigour of the law he might pretend to ; and if
they would not accept of it, he would try the utmost
severity that the law allowed, and \vould not offer them
such a favour again." Yet all this did not prevail, for
the act was rejected, and their complaint against the
clergy was also laid aside, and the parliament was pro-
rogued till April next.
In this parliament the foundation of the breach that
afterwards followed with Rome was laid, by an act for
restraining the payment of annates to that court ; which,
since it is not printed with the other statutes, shall be
found in the end of this volume. The substance of it is
as follows :
" That great sums of money had been conveyed out
naics. of the kingdom, under the title of annates, or first-fruits
Numb^i to tne court of Rome, which they extorted by restrain!
of bulls and other writs ; that it happened often, by the
An act
against an
1532.
THE REFORMATION. 185
frequent deaths of archbishops and bishops, to turn to book
the utter undoing of their friends, who had advanced IL
those sums for them. These annates were founded on
no law ; for they had no other way of obliging the in-
cumbents of sees to pay them, but by restraining their
bulls. The parliament therefore, considering that these
were first begun to be paid to defend Christendom
against infidels, but were now turned to a duty claimed
by that court against all right and conscience, and that
vast sums were carried away upon that account, which,
from the second year of King Henry the Seventh to
that present time, amounted to eight hundred thousand
ducats, besides many other heavy exactions of that
court, did declare that the King was bound by his duty
to Almighty God, as a good Christian Prince to hinder
these oppressions. And that the rather, because many
of the prelates were then very aged, and like to die in a
short time, whereby vast sums of money should be car-
ried out of England, to the great impoverishing of the
kingdom. And therefore all payments of first-fruits to
the court of Rome were put down, and for ever re-
strained, under the pains of the forfeiture of the lands,
goods, and chattels of him that should pay them any
more, together with the profits of his see during the
time that he was vested with it. And in case bulls were
restrained in the court of Rome, any person presented
to a bishoprick, should be, notwithstanding, consecrated
by the archbishop of the province ; or if he were pre-
sented to an archbishoprick, by any two bishops in the
kingdom, whom the King should appoint for that end ;
and being so consecrated, they should be invested
and enjoy all the rights of their sees in full and ample
manner : yet, that the Pope and court of Rome might
have no just cause of complaint, the persons presented
to bishopricks are allowed to pay them five lib. for the
hundred, of the clear profits and revenues of their se-
veral sees. But the parliament, not willing to go to ex-
tremities, remitted the final ordering of that act to the
King, that if the Pope would either charitably and rea-
sonably put down the payment of annates, or so mode-
rate them that they might be a tolerable burden, the
186
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1532.
Pari. Rolls.
The Pope
•writes to
the King
about the
Queen's
appeal.
L. Hubert.
King might at any time before Easter 1533, or before
the next session of parliament, declare by his letters
patents, whether the premises or any part of them should
be observed or not, which should give them the full force
and authority of a law. And that if upon this act the
Pope should vex the King, or any of his subjects, by
excommunications or other censures, these notwith-
standing, the King should cause the sacraments, and
other rites of the church to be administered, and that
none of these censures might be published or executed."
This bill began in the House of Lords ; from them it
was sent to the Commons, and being agreed to by them,
received the royal assent, but had not final confirmation
mentioned in the act before the Qth of July 1533 ; and
then by letters patents (in which the act is at length re-
cited) it was confirmed.
But now I come to open the final conclusion of the
King's suit at Rome. On the 25th of January, " The
Pope wrote to the King, that he heard reports which he
very unwillingly believed, that he had put away his
Queen, and kept one Anne about him as his wife; which,
as it gave much scandal, so it was a high contempt of
the Apostolic See, to do such a thing while his suit was
still depending, notwithstanding a prohibition to the
contrary. Therefore the Pope, remembering his former
merits, which were now like to be clouded with his pre-
sent, carriage, did exhort him to take home his Queen,
and to put Anne away ; and not to continue to provoke
the Emperor and his brother by so high an indignity,
nor to break the general peace of Christendom, which
was its only security against the power of the Turk."
What answer the King made to this, I do not find ; but
instead of that I shall set down the substance of a dis-
patch, which the King sent to Rome about this time,
drawn from a copy of it, to which the date is not added.
But it being an answer to a letter he received from the
Pope the 7th of October, it seems to have been written
about this time ; and it concluding with a credence to an
ambassador, I judge it was sent by Doctor Bennet, who
was dispatched to Rome in January 1532, to bhew the
Pope the opinions of learned men, and of the univerai-
THE REFORMATION. 187
ties, with their reasons. The letter will be found in the book
end of this volume ; the contents of it are to this _"
ipe.
purpose: 1582.
"The Pope had writ to the Kinsr, in order to the Collect.
* .*'■,. . JSurub 42.
clearing all his scruples, and to give him quiet in his A dispatc^
conscience ; of which the Kino; takes notice, and is sor- of the
ry that both the Pope and himself were so deceived in P™B
that matter ; the Pope by trusting to the judgments
of others, and writing whatever they suggested ; and
the King by depending so much on the Pope, and in
vain expecting remedy from him so long. He imputes
the mistakes that were in the Pope's letters (which he
says had things in them contrary both to God's laws and
man's laws), to the ignorance and rashness of his coun-
sellors : for which himself was much to be blamed, since
he rested on their advice ; and that he had not carried
himself as became Christ's Vicar, but had dealt both
unconstantly and deceitfully; for when the King's cause
was first opened to him, and all things that related to
it were explained, he had granted a commission, with
a promise not to recal it, but to confirm the sentence
which the Legates should give ; and a decretal was sent
over, defining the cause. If these were justly granted,
it was injustice to revoke them ; but if they were justly-
revoked, it was unjust to grant them. So he presses
the Pope, that either he could grant these things, or he
could not. If he could do it, where was the faith which
became a friend, much more a Pope, since he had broke
these promises ? but if he said he could not .do them,
had he not then just cause to distrust all that came from
him, when at,one time he condemned what he had al-
lowed at another ? So that the King saw clearly he did
not consider the ease of his conscience, but other world-
ly respects, that had put him on consulting so many
learned men, whose judgments differed much from those
few that were about the Pope, who thought the prohi-
bition of such marriages was only positive, and might
be dispensed with by the Pope ; whereas all other learned
men thought the law was moral and indispensable. He
perceived the Apostolic See was destitute of that learn-
ing by which it should be directed, and the Pope had
188 HISTORY OF
P-VTiT oft professed his own ignorance, and that he spake by
other men's mouths; but many universities in England,
i532i France, and Italy, had declared the marriage unlaw-
ful, and the dispensation null. None honoured the
Apostolic See more than he had done, and therefore
he was sorry to write such things if he could have been
silent. If he should obey the Pope's letters, he would
offend God and his own conscience, and give scandal to
those who condemned his marriage : he did not willingly
dissent from him without a very urgent cause, that he
might not seem to despise the Apostolic See ; therefore
he desired the Pope would forgive the freedom that he
used, since it was the truth that drew it from him. And
he added, that he intended not to impugn the Pope's
authority further, except he compelled him ; and what
he did was only to bring it within its first and ancient li-
mits, to which it was better to reduce it, than to let it
always run on headlong and do amiss ; therefore he de-
sired the Pope would conform himself to the opinions of
so many learned men, and do his duty and office. The
letter ends with a credence to the ambassador."
The Pope, seeing his authority was declining in Eng-
land, resolved now to do all he could to recover it, either
by force or treaty : and so ordered a citation to be made
of the King to appear in person, or by proxy, at Rome,
to answer to the Queen's appeal : upon which, Sir Ed-
ward Karne was sent to Rome, with a new character of
sir Edward Excusator. " His instructions were to take the best
Karne sent ... . ,. r , Jr. ,
to Rome, counsel tor pleading an excuse of the Kings appearance
at Rome. First, upon the grounds that might be found
in the canon law ; and these not being sufficient, he was
to insist on the prerogatives of the crown of England."
Doctor Bonner went with him, who had expressed much
zeal in the Kind's cause, though his oreat zeal was for
preferment, which by the most servile ways he always
courted. He was a forward bold man, and since there
were many threatenings to be used to the Pope and car-
dinals, he was thought fittest for the employment, but
was neither learned nor discreet.
BUne o- They came to Rome in February, where they found
there,takcn great heats in the consistory about the King's business
THE REFORMATION. 189
The Imperialists pressed the Pope to proceed, but all the book
wise and indifferent cardinals were of another mind.
And when they understood what an act was passed i.--;2.
about annates, they saw clearly that the parliament was from the
resolved to adhere to the King in every thing he intended ten. cott.
to do against their interests. The Pope expostulated «bjsVite1'
with the ambassadors about it ; but they told him the act
was still in the King's power ; and except he provoked
^ him, he did not intend to put it in execution. The am-
bassadors, finding the Cardinal of Ravenna of so great
reputation, both for learning and virtue, that in all mat-
: ters of that kind, his opinion was heard as an oracle, and
gave law to the whoie consistory ; they resolved to gain
him by all means possible. And Doctor Bennet made
a secret address to him, and offered him what bishoprick
either in France or England he would desire, if he would
[ bring the King's matter to a good issue. He was at
i first very shy : at length he said, he had been oft deceived
■ by many princes, who had made him great promises, but
when their business was ended never thought of per-
forming them; therefore he would be sure; and so drove
a bargain, and got under Dr. Bennet's hand a promise,
(of which a copy being sent to the King, written by Ben-
net himself, will be found at the end of this volume,)
bearing, that he, having powers from the King for that The Carrie
effectuated the 2Qth of December last, did promise the "^ ^J;
Cardinal, for his help in the King's affair, monasteries or rapted u
other benefices in France, to the value of six thousand c"ii«*.
ducats a year, and the first bishoprick that fell vacant in *fnmb. 4&
. England; and if it were not Ely, that whenever that see
was vacant, upon his resigning the other, he should be
. provided with the bishoprick of Ely : dated at Rome, the
I 7th of February, 1532. This I set down as one of the
most considerable arguments that could be used to satis-
fy the Cardinal's conscience about the justice of the
King's cause. This Cardinal was the fittest to work se-
cretly for the King, for he had appeared visibly against
him. I find also by other letters, that both the Cardinals
of Ancona and Monte (afterwards Pope Julius the Third)
were prevailed with by arguments of the same nature,
though I cannot find out what the bargains were. Pro-
190
HISTORY OF
PATtT
I.
1532.
Collect.
Numb. 44.
videllus, that was accounted the greatest canonist in Italy,
was brought from Bononia, and entertained by the am-
bassadors to give counsel in the King's cause, and to
plead his excuse from appearing at Rome. The plea
was summed up in twenty-seven articles, which were of-
fered to the Pope ; and he admitted them to be exa-
mined in the consistory, appointing three of them to be
opened at a session. But the Imperialists opposed that,
and after fifteen of them. had been heard, procured a
new order, that they should be heard in a congregation
of cardinals before the Pope ; pretending, that a consis-
tory sitting but once a week, and having a great deal of
other business, it would be long before the matter could
be brought to any issue. So Karne was served with a
new order to appear in the congregation the 3d of
April, with this certification, that if he appeared not,
they would proceed. Upon which he protested, that he
would adhere to the former order ; yet being warned the
second time, he went first and protested against it, which
he got entered in the Datary. This being considered in
the congregation, they renewed the order of hearing it
in the consistory on the 10th of April, and then Pro-
videllus opened three conclusions. Two of them related
to Karne's powers, the third was concerning the safety
of the place to both parties. But the Imperialists and
the Queen's counsel being dissatisfied with this order,
would not appear. Upon which Karne complained of
their contumacy, and said, by that it was visible they
were distrustful of their cause. On the 14th of April,
a new intimation was made to Karne to appear on the
17 th with his advocates, to open all the rest of the con-
clusions ; but he, according to the first order, would only
plead to three of them, and selected the nineteenth,
twentieth, and twenty-first (what these related to I lind
not). Upon which Providellus pleaded, and answered
the objections that did seem to militate against them ;
but neither would the Imperialists appear that session.
In June news were brought to Rome, which gave the
Pope great offence : a priest had preached for the Pope's
authority in England, and was for that cast into prison^
And another priest being put in prison by the Arch-
THE REFORMATION. 191
bishop of Canterbury, upon suspicion of heresy, had book
appealed to the King as the supreme head : upon
which he was taken out of the Archbishop's hands, 1532.
and being examined in the King's courts was set at li-
berty. This the Pope resented much ; but the ambas-
sadors said, all such things might have been prevented,
if the King had got justice at the Pope's hands.
The King also at this time desired a bull for a com- A bu.u for
mission to erect six new bishopricks, to be endowed by new bishop-
monasteries that were to be suppressed. This was ex- ricks*
pedited and sent away at this time : and the old Cardi-
nal of Ravenna was so jealous, that the ambassadors
were forced to promise him the bishoprick of Chester,
(one of the new bishopricks) ; with which he was well
satisfied, having seen, by a particular state of the en-
dowment that was designed for it, what advantage it
would yield him. But he had declared himself so
openly before against the reasons for the excuse, that
he could not serve the King in that matter, but in the
main cause he undertook to do great service, and so
did the Cardinals De Monte and Ancona.
Upon the 27th of June the debate was brought to a
conclusion about the plea excusatory ; and when it was
expected that the Pope should have given sentence
against the articles, he admitted them all, si et prout
dejure. Upon which the Imperialists made great com-
plaints : the cardinals grew weary of the length of the
debate, since it took up all their time ; but it was told
them, the matter was of great importance, and it had
been better for them not to have proceeded so precipi-
tately at first, which had now brought them into this
trouble, and that the King had been at much pains and
trouble on their account ; therefore it was unreasonable
for them to complain, who were put to no other trou-
ble, but to sit in their chairs two or three hours in a
week to hear the King's defences. The Imperialists
had also occasioned the delays, though they complained
of them by their cavils, and allegations of laws, and
decisions that never were made, by which much time
was spent. But it was objected, that the King's ex-
cuse for not coming to Rome, because it was too re-
192
HISTORY OF
PART
r.
The Pope
desires the
King would
submit to
him.
Collect.
Numb. 46.
A session
of parlia-
ment.
One moves
tor bringing
the Queen
to court :
At winch
the King is
offended.
mote from his kingdom, and not safe, was of no force,
since the place was safe to his proxy. And the Cardi-
nal of Ravenna pressed the ambassadors much to move
the King, instead of the excusatory process, to send a
proxy, for examining and discussing the merits of the
cause, in which it would be much easier to advance the
King's matter ; and that he, having appeared against
the King in this process, would be the less suspected in
the other.
The business being further considered in three ses-
sions of the consistory, it was resolved, that, since the
vacation was coming on, they would neither allow of,
nor reject the King's excusatory plea ; but the Pope
and college of cardinals would write to the King, en-
treating him to send a proxy for judging the cause
against the winter. And with this Bonner was sent
over, with instructions from the cardinals that were
gained to the King, to represent to him that his excu-
satory plea could not be admitted ; for since the debate
was to be, whether the Pope could grant the dispensa-
tion or not, it could not be committed to legates, but
must be judged by the Pope and the consistory. He
was also ordered to assure the King, that the Pope did
now lean so much- to the French faction, that he needed
not fear to refer the matter to him.
But while these things were in debate at Rome, there
was another session of parliament in April ; and then
the King sent for the Speaker of the House of Com-
mons, and gave him the answer which the clergy had
drawn to the addresses they made in the former session
about their courts. The King himself seemed not at
all pleased with it ; but what the House did in it does
not appear, further than that they were no way satis-
fied with it. But there happened another thing that
offended the King much : one Themse of the House of
Commons moved, that they shouldaddress to the King
to bring the Queen back to the court ; and ran out
upon the inconveniences that were like to follow if the
Queen were put away, particularly the ill consequence
of the ^legitimation of the Princess. Upon this the
King took occasion (when he gave them the elei
THE REFORMATION. 193
answer) to tell them, that he wondered at that motion book
made in their House, for the matter was not to be de-
termined there. It touched his soul ; he wished his l532>
marriage were good, but the doctors and learned men
had determined it to be null and detestable ; and there-
fore, he was obliged in conscience to abstain from her,
which he assured them flowed from no lust nor foolish
appetite. He was then forty-one years old, and at that
age those heats abate. But except in Spain or Portu-
gal it had not been heard of, that a man married two
sisters ; and that he never heard, that any Christian
man before himself had married his brother's wife :
therefore he assured them his conscience was troubled,
which he desired them to report to the House. In this
session the Lord Chancellor came down to the Com-
mons, with many of the nobility about him, and told
them, the King had considered the marches between
England and Scotland, which were uninhabited on the
English side, but well peopled on the Scottish ; and
that laid England open to the incursion of the Scots :
therefore the King intended to build houses there, for
planting the English side. This the Lords liked very
well, and thought it convenient to give the King some
aids for the charges of so necessary a work, and there-
fore desired the Commons to consult about it. Upon
which the House voted a subsidy of a fifteenth : but be- a subsidy
fore the bill could be finished, the plague broke out in is voted-
London, and the parliament was prorogued till Fe-
bruary following. On the 1 lth of May (three days The King
before the prorogation) the King sent for the Speaker remits th.e
of the House of Commons, and told him, " That he the clergy
found upon inquiry, that all the prelates, whom he ■*<>«! to be
had looked on as wholly his subjects, were but half by the
subjects ; for at their consecration they swore an oath Comraon8-
quite contrary to the oath they swore to the Crown ;
so that it seemed they were the Pope's subjects rather
than his. Which he referred to their care, that such
order might be taken in it, that the King might not be
deluded." Upon which the two oaths that the clergy
swore to the King and the Pope were read in th e
vol. i. p. i. o
194 HISTORY OF
part House of Commons ; but the consequence of them will
1532.
be better understood by setting them down.
The Oath to the Pope.
Their oath " I John, Bishop or Abbot of A. from this hour for-
Pojli! ward shall be faithful and obedient to St. Peter, and to
the holy church of Rome, and to my Lord the Pope,
and his successors, canonically entering. I shall not be
of counsel nor consent, that they shall lose either life
or member, or shall be taken, or suffer any violence or
any wrong by any means. Their counsel to me cre-
dited by them, their messengers or letters, I shall not
willingly discover to any person. The papacy of Rome,
the rules of the holy fathers, and the regality of St.
Peter, I shall help, and maintain, and defend against all
men. The legate of the See Apostolic going and
coming I shall honourably entreat. The rights, ho-
nours, privileges, authorities of the church of Rome,
and of the Pope and his successors, I shall cause to be
conserved, defended, augmented, and promoted. I
shall not be in council, treaty, or any act in the which
any thing shall be imagined against him or the church
of Rome, their rights, seats, honours, or powers. And
if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall
resist it to my power, and as soon as I can I shall adver-
tise him, or such as may give him knowledge. The
rules of the holy fathers, the decrees, ordinances, sen-
tences, dispositions, reservations, provisions, and com-
mandments apostolic, to my power I shall keep, and
cause to be kept of others. Heretics, schismatics, and
rebels to our holy father, and his successors, I shall re-
sist and persecute to my power. I shall come to the
synod when I am called, except I be letted by a cano-
nical impediment. The thresholds of the apostles
I shall visit yearly personally, or by my deputy. I
shall not alienate or sell my possessions without the
Pope's counsel. So God help me and the holy Evan-
gelists."
THE REFORMATION. 195
The Oath to the Kin*. B?T0K
'6- II.
" I John, Bishop of A. utterly renounce and clearly 1532.
forsake all such clauses, words, sentences, and grants, Their oatl
which I have or shall have hereafter of the Pope's holi- King.
ness, of and for the bishoprick of A. that in any wise
hath been, is, or hereafter may be hurtful or prejudicial
to your Highness, your heirs, successors, dignity, pri-
I vilege, or estate royal. And also I do swear, that I
shall be faithful and true, and faith and truth I shall
bear to you my sovereign Lord, and to your heirs,
kings of the same, of life and limb, and yearly worship
above all creatures, for to live and die with you and
yours against all people. And diligently I shall be
attendant to all your needs and business, after my wit
and power, and your counsel I shall keep and hold, ac-
knowledging myself to hold my bishoprick of you only,
1 beseeching you of restitution of the temporalities of the
same ; promising as before that I shall be a faithful,
true, and obedient subject to your said Highness, heirs,
and successors, during my life ; and the services and
other things due to your Highness for the restitution
of the temporalities of the same bishoprick, I shall truly
do and obediently perform. So God me help and all
saints."
The contradiction that was in these was so visible,
that it had soon produced a severe censure from the
House, if the plague had not hindered both that and the
bill of subsidy. So on the 14th of May the parliament
was prorogued. Two days after, Sir Thomas More, More '?id
lord chancellor, having oft desired leave to deliver up office,
the great seal, and be discharged of his office, obtained
it ; and Sir Thomas Audley was made lord chancellor.
More had carried that dignity with great temper, and
lost it with much joy. He saw now how far the King's
designs went ; and though he was for cutting off all
the illegal jurisdiction which the popes exercised in
England, and therefore went cheerfully along with the
suit of praemunire ; yet when he saw a total rupture
like to follow, he excused himself, and retired from bu-
o *
196 HISTORY OF
part siness with a greatness of mind, that was equal to what
' the ancient philosophers pretended in such cases. He
1532. a^so disliked Anne Boleyn, and was prosecuted by her
father, who studied to fasten some criminal imputations
on him about the discharge of his employment ; but
his integrity had been such, that nothing could be
found to blemish his reputation.
An inter- In September following, the King created Anne Bo-
the^n'h leyn marchioness of Pembroke, to bring her by de-
King, grees up to the height for which he had designed her.
And in October he passed the seas, and had an inter-
view with the French King ; where all the most oblig-
ing compliments that were possible passed on both sides
with great magnificence, and a firm union was concerted
about all their affairs. They published a league that
they made to raise a mighty army next year against the
Turk ; but this was not much considered, it being ge-
nerally believed that the French King and the Turk
were in a good correspondence. As for the matter of
the King's divorce, Francis encouraged him to go on
in it, and in his intended marriage with Anne Boleyn ;
promising, if it were questioned, to assist him in it : and
as for his appearance at Rome, as it was certain he
could not go thither in person, so it was not fit to
trust the secrets of his conscience to a proxy. The
French King seemed also resolved to stop the payment
of annates, and other exactions of the court of Home,
and said he would send an ambassador to the Pope, to
ask redress of these, and to protest, that if it were not
granted, they would seek other remedies by provincial
councils : and since there was an interview designed be->
tween the Pope and the Emperor at Bononia in De-
cember, the French King was to send two cardinals
thither to procure judges for ending the business in
England. There was also an interview proposed be-
tween the Pope and the French King at Nice or Avig-
non. To this the King of England had some inclina-
tions to go for ending all differences, if the Pope were
well disposed to it.
Eliot sent Upon this, Sir Thomas Eliot was sent to Rome with
answer to a message the Pope had sent to the King ;
THE REFORMATION. 197
from whose instructions both the substance of the mes- book
sage and of the answer may be gathered. " The Pope
had offered to the King, that if he would name any in- 1532.
different place out of his own kingdom, he would send with ™-
a legate and tfao auditors of the Rota thither, to form colt.LU
the process, reserving only the sentence to himself. The J?"?- V0-
Pope also proposed a truce of three or four years, and
promised that in that time he would call a general coun-
cil. For this message the King sent the Pope thanks ;
but for the peace, he could receive no propositions about
it without the concurrence of the French King ; and
though he did not doubt the justice of a general coun-
cil, yet, considering the state of the Emperor's affairs at
that time with the Lutherans, he did not think it was
then seasonable to call one. That as for sending a proxy
to Rome, if he were a private person he could do it ; but
it was a part of the prerogative of his crown, and of the
privileges of his subjects, that all matrimonial causes
should be originally judged within his kingdom by the
English church, which was consonant to the general
counsels and customs of the ancient church, whereunto
he hoped the Pope would have regard: and that for
keeping up his royal authority, to which he was bound
by oath, he could not, without the consent of the realm,
submit himself to a foreign jurisdiction ; hoping the
Pope would not desire any violation of the immunities
of the realm, or to bring these into public contention,
which had been hitherto enjoyed without intrusion or
molestation. The Pope had confessed that without an
urgent cause the dispensation could not be granted. This
the King laid hold on, and ordered his ambassador to
shew him that there was no war, nor appearance of any,
between England and Spain when it was granted. To
verify that, he sent an attested copy of the treaty be-
tween his father and the crown of Spain at that time :
by the words of which it appeared, that it was then
taken for granted that Prince Arthur had consummated
the marriage, which was also proved by good witnesses.
In fine, since the thing did so much concern the peace
of the realm, it was fitter to judge it within the king-
dom than any where else ; therefore he desired the Pope
IDS
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1532.
The King
married
Anne Bo-
leyn, Nov.
14.
Cowper,
Hoi ins ties,
and San-
ders.
An inter-
view be-
tween the
Pope and
Emperor.
Some over-
tures about
the divorce.
Lord Her-
bert.
would .remit the discussing of it to the church of Eng-
land, and then confirm the sentence they should give.
To the obtaining of this, the ambassador was to use all
possible diligence ; yet if he found real intentions in the
Pope to satisfy the King, he was not to "insist ofi that
as the King's final resolution : and to let the Cardinal
of Ravenna see that the King intended to make good
what was promised in his name, the bishoprick of
Coventry and Litchfield falling vacant, he sent hinr the
offer of it, with a promise of the bishoprick of Ely when
it should be void."
Soon after this, he married Anne Boleyn, on the 14th
of November, upon his landing in England ; but Stow
says that it was on the 25th of January.* Rowland Lee
(who afterwards got the bishoprick of Coventry and
Litchfield) did officiate in the marriage. It was done
secretly in the presence of the Duke of Norfolk, and
her father, her mother, and brother. The grounds on
which the King did this were, that his former marriage
being of itself null, there was no need of a declarative
sentence after so many universities and doctors had
given their judgments against it. Soon after the mar-
riage she was with child, which was looked on as a signal
evidence of her chastity, and that she had till then kept
the King at a due distance.
But when the Pope and the Emperor met at Bononia,
the Pope expressed great inclinations to favour the
French King ; from which the Emperor could not re-
move him, nor engage him to accept of a match for his
niece, Katherine de Medici, with Francis Sforza, duke
of Milan. But the Pope promised him all that he de-
sired as to the King of England, and so that matter was
still carried on. Dr. Bennet made several propositions to
end the matter ; either that it should be judged in Eng-
land, according to the decree of the council of Nice,
and that the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the whole
clergy of his province, should determine it ; or that the
* Slow is in the right ; for in a letter of Cranmer's to Hawkins, then
flic King's ambassador with the Emperor, dated in June from Croydon, he
wrote: ■ " (x>nrcii Aline was married much aboul SI. Paul's l>a\ last: as
the condition (hereof d"tli well appear, l>\ reason she is now somewhat
big wild child."
THE REFORMATION. 199
King should name one, either Sir Thomas More or the book
Bishop of London, the Queen should name another, the _ _J
French King should name a third, and the Archbishop 1532.
of Canterbury to be the fourth ; or that the cause should
be heard in England, and if the Queen did appeal, it
should be referred to three delegates, one of England, an-
other of France, and a third to be sent from Rome, who
should sit and judge the appeal in some indifferent place.
But the Pope would hearken to none of these overtures,
since they were all directly contrary to that height of
authority which he resolved to maintain : therefore he
ordered Capisucci, the dean of the Rota, to cite the
King to answer to the Queen's appeal. Karne at Rome
protested against the citation, since the Emperor's
power was so great about Rome, that the King could
not expect justice there ; and therefore desired they
would desist, otherwise the King would appeal to the
learned men in universities ; and said, there was a nullity
in all their proceedings, since the King was a sovereign
prince, and the church of England a free church, over
which the Pope had no just authority.
But while this depended at Rome, another session of 153?-
parliament was held in England, which began to sit on ofparii^
the 4th of February. In this, the breach with Rome was ment-
much forwarded by the act they passed against all ap-
peals to Rome. " The preamble bears, That the crown An.act
of England was imperial, and that the nation was a peai"Stoap
complete body within itself, with a full power to give Ro,»e.
justice in all cases, spiritual as well as temporal ; and vin e Act
that in the spirituality, as there had been at all times, so n-
there were then men of that sufficiency and integrity,
that they might declare and determine all doubts within
the kingdom ; and that several kings, as Edward I.,
Edward III., Richard II., and Henry IV., had by several
laws preserved the liberties of the realm, both spiritual
and temporal, from the annoyance of the See of Rome,
and other foreign potentates ; yet many inconveniences
had arisen by appeals to the See of Rome in causes of
matrimony, divorces, and other cases? which were not
sufficiently provided against by these laws ; by which
200 HISTORY OF
part not only the King and his subjects were put to great
' charges, but justice was much delayed by appeals ; and
1533t Rome being at such a distance, evidences could not be
brought thither, nor witnesses, so easily as within the
kingdom : therefore it was enacted, that all such causes,
whether relating to the King or any of his subjects, were
to be determined within the kingdom, in the several
courta to which they belonged, notwithstanding any ap-
peals to Rome, or inhibitions and bulls from Rome ;
whose sentences should take effect, and be fully executed
by all inferior ministers : and if any spiritual persons
refused to execute them because of censures from Rome,
they were to suffer a year's imprisonment, and fine and
ransom at the King's will ; and if any persons in the
King's dominions procured or executed any process or
censures from Rome, they were declared liable to the pains
in the statute of provisors in the sixteenth of Richard II.
But that appeals should only be from the archdeacon,
or his official, to the bishop of the diocess, or his com-
missary, and from him to the archbishop of the pro-
vince, or the dean of the Arches ; where the final deter-
mination was to be made without any further process ;
and in every process concerning the King, or his heirs
and successors, an appeal should lie to the Upper House
of Convocation ; where it should be finally determined,
never to be again called in question."
As this bill passed, the sense of both houses of par-
liament about the King's marriage did clearly appear,
but in the convocation the business was more fully
debated. The convocation of the province of Canter-
bury was at this time destitute of its head and principal
Warham's member. For Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, was
^eath.Aug. ^Q^ sjnce August last year. He was a great canonist,
an able statesman, a dexterous courtier, and a favourer
of learned men. He always hated Cardinal Wolsey, and
would never stoop to him, esteeming it below the dig-
nity of his see. He was not so peevishly engaged to
the learning of the schools as others were, but set up
and encouraged a more generous way of knowledge ;
yet he was a severe persecutor of them whom he thought
THE REFORMATION. 201
heretics, and inclined to believe idle and fanatical peo- book
pie, as will afterwards appear, when the impostures of
the Maid of Kent shall be related. 1533.
The King saw well of how great importance it was The King
to the designs he was then forming to fill that see with promote t0
a learned, prudent, and resolute man ; but finding none Cranmer.
in the episcopal order that was qualified to his mind,
and having observed a native simplicity, joined with
much courage, and tempered with a great deal of wis-
dom, in Dr. Cranmer, who was then negotiating his
business among the learned men of Germany ; he, of
his own accord, without any addresses from Cranmer,
designed to raise him to that dignity, and gave him no-
tice of it, that he might make haste and come home to
enjoy that reward which the King had appointed for
him. But Cranmer, having received this, did all he could Fox.
to excuse himself from the burden which was coming
upon him ; and therefore he returned very slowly to
England, hoping that the King's thoughts cooling,
some other person might step in between him and a dig-
nity, of which having a just and primitive sense, he did
look on it with fear and apprehension, rather than joy
and desire. This was so far from setting him back, that
the King (who had known well what it was to be im-
portuned by ambitious and aspiring churchmen, but had
not found it usual that they should decline and fly from
preferment) was thereby confirmed in his high opinion
of him ; and neither the delays of his journey, nor his
entreaties to be delivered from a burden, which his hu-
mility made him imagine himself unable to bear, could
divert the King. So that though six months elapsed
before the thing was settled, yet the King persisted in
his opinion, and the other was forced to yield.
In the end of January the King sent to the Pope for Oanmer's
the bulls for Cranmer's promotion ; and though the
statutes were passed against procuring more bulls from
Rome, yet the King resolved not to begin the breach
till he was forced to it by the Pope. It may be easily
imagined, that the Pope was not hearty in this promotion,
and that he apprehended ill consequences from the ad-
vancement of a man, who had gone over many cbtirts of
bulls from
Rome.
202 HISTORY OF
part Christendom, disputing against his power of dispensing,
and had lived in much familiarity with Osiander and the
1535. Lutherans in Germany : yet, on the other hand, he had
no mind to precipitate a rupture with England ; there-
fore he consented to it, and the bulls were expedited,
though instead of annates there was only nine hundred
ducats paid for them.
They were the last bulls that were received in Eng-
land in this King's reign ; and therefore I shall give an
account of them, as they are set down in the beginning
of Cranmer's Register. By one bull he is, upon the
King's nomination, promoted to be archbishop of Can-
terbury, which is directed to the King. By a second,
directed to himself, he is made archbishop. By a third,
he is absolved from all censures. A fourth is to the
suffragans. A fifth to the dean and chapter. A sixth
to the clergy of Canterbury. A seventh to all the laity
in his see. An eighth to all that held lands of it, re-
quiring them to receive and acknowledge him as arch-
bishop. All these bear date the 21st of February, 1533.
By a ninth bull, dated the 22d of February, he was or-
dained to be consecrated, taking the oath that was in
the pontifical. By a tenth bull, dated the 2d of March,
the pall was sent him. And by an eleventh of the same
date the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London
were required to put it on him. These were the seve-
ral artifices to make compositions high, and to enrich
the apostolic chamber ; for now that, about which St.
Peter gloried that he had none of it (" neither silver nor
gold"), was the thing in the world for which his succes-
sors were most careful.
When these bulls were brought into England, Tho-
mas Cranmer was on the 30th of March consecrated
by the Bishops of Lincoln, Exeter, and St. Asaph. But
here a great scruple was moved by him concerning the
oath that he was to swear to the Pope, which he had no
mind to take ; and writers near that time say, the dislike
of that oath was one of the motives that made him so
iiis pro- unwillingly accept of that dignity. He declared, that
abonulis ne thought there were many things settled by the laws
oath to tiic of the popes, which ought to be reformed ; and that the
THE REFORMATION. 203
obligation which that oath brought upon him, would book
bind him up from doing his duty both to God, the King,
and the church. But this being communicated to some 1533.
of the canonists and casuists, they found a temper that
agreed better with their maxims than Cranmer's sin-
cerity ; which was, that before he should take the oath,
he should make a good and formal protestation, that
he did not intend thereby to restrain himself from any
thing that he was bound to, either by his duty to God,
or the King, or the country ; and that he renounced
every thing in it that was contrary to any of these.
This protestation he made in St. Stephen's chapel at
Westminster, in the hands of some doctors of the canon
law, before he was consecrated, and he afterwards re-
peated it when he took the oath to the Pope ; by which,
if he did not wholly save his integrity, yet it was plain
he intended no cheat, but to act fairly and above-board.
As soon as he was consecrated, and had performed Antiq,Brit.
every thing that was necessary for his investiture, he Grander,
came and sate in the Upper House of Convocation. There
were there at that time hot and earnest debates upon
these two questions : — Whether it was against the law of
God, and indispensable by the Pope, for a man to marry
his brother's wife, he being dead without issue, but hav-
ing consummated the marriage ? And whether Prince
Arthur had consummated his marriage with the Queen ?
As for the first, it was brought first into the Lower
House of Convocation, and when it was put to the vote,
fourteen were for the affirmative, seven for the negative ;
one was not clear, and another voted the prohibition to
be moral, but yet dispensable by the Pope. In the Up-
per House it was long debated ; Stokesly, bishop of Lon-
don, arguing for the affirmative, and Fisher, bishop of
Rochester, for the negative. The opinions of nineteen
universities were read for it, and the one house being as
full as the other was empty, two hundred and sixteen be-
ing present either in person or by proxy, it was carried in
the affirmative, nemine contradicente ; those few of the
Queen's party that were there it seems going out. For
the other question, about the matter of fact, it was re-
mitted to the faculty of the canon law (it being a matter
204 HISTORY OF
fart that lay within their studies), whether the presumptions
_J were violent, and such as in the course of law must be
1533. looked on as good evidences of a thing that was secret,
and was not capable of formal proof ? They all, except
five or six, were for the affirmative, and all the Upper
House confirmed this, the Bishop of Bath and Wells
only excepted.
In this account it may seem strange that there were
but twenty-three persons* in the Lower House of Con-
vocation, and two hundred and sixteen in the Upper
House. It is taken from an unquestioned authority, so
the matter of fact is not to be doubted. The most
learned Sir Henry Spelman has in no place of his Col-
lection of our Councils, considered the constitution of
the two houses of convocation; and in none of our
records have I been able to discover of what persons they
were made up in the times of popery : and therefore,
since we are left to conjecture, I shall offer mine to the
learned reader. It is, that none sate in the Lower House
but those who were deputed by the inferior clergy ; and
that bishops, abbots, mitred and not mitred, and
priors, deans, and archdeacons, sate then in the Upper
House of Convocation. To which I am induced by
these two reasons : it is probable that all who were de-
clared prelates by the Pope, and had their writ to sit in
a general council, had likewise a right to come to the
Upper House of Convocation, and sit with the other
prelates. And we find in the tomes of the councils, that
not only abbots and priors, but deans and archdeacons
were summoned to the fourth council in the Lateran,
and to that at Vienna. Another reason is, that their
sitting in two houses (for in all other nations they sit
together) looks as if it had been taken from the constitu-
tion of our parliament, in which all that have writs per-
sonally sit in the Lord's House ; and those who come
upon an election sit in the Lower House. So it is not
improbable, that all who were summoned personally sate
* The number of those who voted being only twenty-three, must bo
understood only of the divines ; for the second question was put only to
the jurists, who, in those limes, exceeded the divines in number, ami liny
did all vote in the alliimativc: &o that tiro numbers did far exeeed twenty-
three.
THE REFORMATION. 205
in the Upper House, and those who were returned with book
an election sate in the Lower House of Convocation.
This account of that convocation I take from that 15>j3>
collection of the British antiquities, which is believed to
have been made by Matthew Parker, who lived at that
time, and was afterwards archbishop of Canterbury.
But the convocation books being burnt, there are no
records to be appealed to ; yet it is not to be supposed,
that in a matter of fact that was so public and well known,
any man (especially one of that high rank) would have
delivered falsehoods, while the books were yet extant that
would have disproved them.
The church of England having in her representative New en-
made such a full decision, nothing remained but to give make the °
judgment and to declare the marriage null. The thing ^!ieen sub*
was already determined, only the formality of a sentence
declarative was wanting. But before they proceeded to
that, a new message was sent to the Queen, to lay all
that had passed before her, and to desire her to acquiesce
in the opinions of so many universities and learned men.
But she still persisted in her resolution to own her
marriage and to adhere to her appeal, till the Pope
should judge in it. And when it was told her, that
the King would settle the jointure that she was to have
by his brother, and that the honour of Princess of
Wales should still be paid her, she rejected it. But the Bui in vain.
new Queen was now with child, and brought forth
Queen Elizabeth the 7th of September this year ; from
which, looking backwards nine months, to the beginning
of December, it shews that she must have been married
at or before that time : for all the writers of both sides
agree that she was married before she conceived with
child. The King therefore thought not fit to conceal
it much longer ; so on Easter- eve she was declared
Queen of England. It seems it was not thought need-
ful'at that time to proceed to any further sentence about
the former marriage ; otherwise I cannot see what made
it be so long delayed, since the thing was in their power
now, as well as after. And it was certainly a preposter-
ous method to judge the first marriage null after the se-
cond was published. So that it seems more probable,
206 HISTORY OF
part they did not intend any sentence at all, till afterwards,
perhaps upon advertisements from beyond sea, they went
1533. on to a formal process. Nor is it unlikely that the King,
remembering the old advice that the Pope sent him,
once to marry a second wife, and then to send for a
commission to try the matter, which the Pope was
willing to confirm, though he would not seem to allow
it originally, resolved to follow this method ; for the
Pope was now closing with Francis, from which union
the King had reason to expect great advantages.
Whatsoever were the reasons of the delay, the process
was framed in this method. First, Cranmer* wrote to
the King, that the world had been long scandalized
with his marriage, and that it lay on him as his duty to
see it tried and determined ; therefore craved his royal
Cranmer leave to proceed in it. Which being obtained, both
a sentence the King and Queen were cited to appear before the
of divorce, Archbishop, at Dunstable, the 20th of May, and the
taken from . . r» » J*
theorigi- Archbishop went thither with the Bishops ot London,
Lib'ofhT' Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells, and Lincoln,
c. io. and many divines and canonists. That place was chosen
because the Queen lay then very near it at Ampthill,
and so she could not pretend ignorance of what was
done ; and they needed not put many days in the cita-
tion, but might end the process so much the sooner.
On the 10th of May the Archbishop sate in court, and
the King appeared by proxy, but the Queen appeared
* Cranmer, in a Idler to Hawkins, gives <|IC following account of llic
final sentence of divorce: — "As touching the final determination and
concluding of the matter of divorce, between my Lady {Catherine and
the King's grace; and after the convocation in that behalf had deter-
mined and agreed, according Io the former sentence of the universities,
it was thought convenient, by the King and his learned council, that I
should repair to Dunstable, and there to call her before me, to hear final
sentence in this said matter. Notwithstanding, she would not at all obey
thereunto. On the 81h of May, according to the said appointment, I
came to Dunstable, my Lord of Lincoln being assistant to me; and mv
Lord of Winchester, Dr. Hell, Dr. Claybroke, Dr. Tregounel, Dr. Ster-
key, Dr. Olyver, Dr- Britton, Mr. Bedel, with divers others learned in
the law, being counsellors for the King. And so there, at our coming,
kepi a court, for the appearance of the said Katherioe; where we exa-
mined certain witnesses, who testified that she was lawfully cited, and
called to appear, as the process of the law thereunto belongeth ; which
continued fifteen days after our first coming thither. 'The morrow after
Ascension day, I gave sentence therein, how that it was indispensable
for the Pope to license any such marriage."
THE REFORMATION. 207
not. Upon which she was declared contumax, and a book
second citation was issued out, and after that a third : '
but she intended not to appear, and so she was finally 1533.
declared contumax. Then the evidences that had been
brought before the Legates, of the consummation of
the marriage with Prince Arthur, were read. After that
the determinations of the universities, and divines, and
canonists, were also produced and read. Then the
judgments of the convocations of both provinces were
also read, with many other instruments, and the whole
merits of the cause were opened. Upon which, after Collect.
many sessions, on the 23d of May sentence was given,
with the advice of all that were there present, declaring
it only to have been a marriage de facto, but not de
jure, pronouncing it null from the beginning. One
thing is to be observed, that the Archbishop in the sen-
tence is called, the Legate of the Apostolic See. Whe-
ther this went of course as one of his titles, or was put
in to make the sentence firmer, the reader may judge.
Sentence being given, the Archbishop, with all the rest,
returned to London ; and five days after, on the 28 th
of May, at Lambeth, by another judgment, he, in ge-
neral words (no reasons being given in the sentence),
confirmed the King's marriage with the new Queen
Anne ; and the 1st of June she was crowned Queen.
When this great business, which had been so long in Thecen-
agitation, was thus concluded, it was variously censured suresPa.ssed
as men stood affected. Some approved the King's pro-
ceedings as canonical and just, since so many authori-
ties, which in the interval of a general council were all
that could be had (except the Pope be believed infalli-
ble,) had concurred. to strengthen the cause; and his
own clergy had, upon a full and long examination,
judged it on his side. Others, who in the main agreed
to the divorce, did very much dislike the King's second
marriage before the first was dissolved ; for' they thought
it against the common course of law, to break a mar-
riage without any public sentence ; and since one of the
chief politic reasons that was made use of in this suit,
was to settle the' succession of the crown, this did em-
broil it more, since there was a fair colour given to ex-
208 HISTORY OF
part cept to the validity of the second marriage, because it
was contracted before the first was annulled. But to
1533< this others answered, that the first marriage being
judged by the interpreters of the doctrine of the church,
to have been null from the beginning, there was no
need of any sentence, but only for form. And all con-
cluded, it had been better there had been no sentence
at all, than one so late. Some excepted to the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury's being judge, who by his former
writings and disputes had declared himself partial. But
to this it was answered, that when a man changes his
character, all that he did in another figure is no just
exception ; so judges decide causes in which they for-
merly gave counsel ; and popes are not bound to the
opinions they held when they were divines or canonists.
It was also said, that the Archbishop did only declare in
legal form, that which was already judged by the whole
convocation of both provinces. Some wondered at the
Pope's stiffness, that would put so much to hazard,
when there wanted not as good colours to justify a bull,
as they had made use of to excuse many other things.
But the Emperor's greatness, and the fear of giving the
Lutherans advantages in disputing the Pope's authority,
were on the other hand so prevalent considerations,
that no wonder they wrought much on a Pope, who
pretended to no other knowledge but that of policy ;
for he had often said, he understood not the matter,
and therefore left it in other men's hands. All persons
excused Queen Katherine for standing so stiffly to her
ground ; only her denying so confidently that Prince
Arthur consummated the marriage, seems not capable
of an excuse. Every body admired Queen Anne's
conduct, who had managed such a King's spirit so
long, and had neither surfeited him with great freedom,
nor provoked him by the other extreme ; for the King,
who was extremely nice in these matters, conceived still
a higher opinion of her; and her being so soon with
child after the marriage, as it made people conclude she
had been chaste till then, so they hoped for a blessing
upon it, since there were such early appearances of
issue. Those that favoured the Reformation expected
THE REFORMATION. 200
better days under her protection, for they knew she book
favoured them : but those who were in their hearts for _ '
the established religion, did much dislike it ; and many 153;J.
of the clergy, especially the orders of monks and friars,
condemned it both in their sermons and discourses.
But the King, little regarding the censures of the
vulgar, sent ambassadors to all the courts of Europe,
to give notice of his new marriage, and to justify it by
some of those reasons which have been opened in the
former parts of this History. He also sent the Lord
Mountjoy to the divorced Queen, to let her know
what was done, and that she was no more to be treated
as Queen, but as Princess Dowager. He was to mix
promises with threatenings, particularly concerning her
daughter's being put next the Queen's issue in the
succession. But the afflicted Queen would not yield,
and said, she would not damn her soul, nor submit to
such an infamy : that she was his wife, and would never
call herself by any other name, whatever might follow
on it, since the process still depended at Rome. That
Lord having written a relation of what had passed be- Cott. Lib.
tween him and her, shewed it to her ; but she dashed °0tho c*
with a pen all those places' in which she was called Prin-
cess Dowager ; and would receive no service at any
one's hands, but of those who called her Queen : and
she continued to be still served as Queen by all about
her. Against which, though the King used all the
endeavours he could, not without both threatening: and
violence to some of the servants, yet he could never
drive her from it ; and what he did in that, was thought
far below that height of mind which appeared in his
other actings ; for, since he had stripped her of the real
greatness of a queen, it seemed too much, to vex her
for keeping up the pageantry of it.
But the news of this made great impressions else-
where. The Emperor received the King's justification
very coolly, and said he would consider what he was to
do upon it, which was looked on as a declaration of
war. The French King, though he expressed still great umtesbuH-
friendship to the King, yet was now resolved to link seiftathe
himself to the Pope ; for the crafty Pope, apprehend- King.
vol. i. p. i. p
210 HISTORY OF
part ing that nothing made the King of England so confi-
' dent, as that he knew his friendship was necessary to
1533. the French King, and fearing they had resolved to pro-
ceed at once to the putting down the papal authority in
their kingdoms (which it appears they had once agreed
to do,) resolved by all means to make sure of the French
King, which, as it would preserve that kingdom in his
obedience, so would perhaps frighten the King of Eng-
land from proceeding to such extremities ; since that
Prince, in whose conjunction he trusted so much, had
forsaken him : therefore the Pope did so vigorously pur-
sue the treaty with Francis, that it was as good as ended
at this time, and an interview was projected between
them at Marseilles. The Pope did also grant him so
great power over his own clergy, that he could scarce
have expected more, if he had set up a patriarch in
France ; so that Francis did resolve to go on in the de-
signs, which had been concerted between him and the
King of England, no further ; but still he considered
his alliance so much, that he promised to use his most
effectual intercession with the Pope to prevent all cen-
sures and bulls against the King ; and if it were possible
to bring the matter to an amicable conclusion. And
the Emperor was not ill-pleased to see France and Eng-
land divided. Therefore, though he had at first opposed
the treaty between the Pope and Francis, yet afterwards
he was not troubled that it took effect, hoping that it
would disunite those two kings, whose conjunction had
been so troublesome to him.
And con- But when the news was brought to Rome of what
King'Ss pro- was done in England, with which it was also related
ceedingsin that books were coming out against the Pope's supre-
macy, all the cardinals of the imperial faction pressed
the Pope to give a definitive sentence, and to proceed
to censures against the King. But the more moderate
cardinals thought, England was not to be thrown away
with such precipitation : and therefore a temper was
found, that a sentence should be given upon what had
been attempted in England, by the Archbishop of Can-
terbury (which in the style of the canon law were called
the attentates,) for it was pretended that the matter dc-
THE REFORMATION. 211
pending in the court of Rome, by the Queen's appeal/ book
and the other steps that had been made, it was not in __
the Archbishop's power to proceed to any sentence. ^^
Therefore in general it was declared, that all that had
been attempted or done in England about the King's
suit of divorce was null, and that the King by such at-
tempts was liable to excommunication, unless he put
things again in the state they were in, and that before
September next, and that then they would proceed fur-
ther ; and this sentence wasafrlxed in Dunkirk soon after.
The King resolving to follow the thing as far as it
was possible, sent a great embassy to Francis, who was
then on his journey to Marseilles, to dissuade the inter-
view and marriage, till the Pope gave the King satisfac-
tion. But the French King was engaged in honour to
go forward ; yet he protested he would do all that lay
in his power to compose the matter, and that he would
take any injury that were done to the King as highly
as if it were done to himself; and he desired the King
would send some to Marseilles, who thereupon sent
Gardiner and Sir Francis Brian.
But at this time the Queen brought forth a daughter, Queen eh
who was christened Elizabeth1* (the renowned Queen of zabe,h
England.) the Archbishop of Canterbury being her god-
father. She was soon after declared Princess of Wales,
though lawyers thought that against law ; for she was
only heir presumptive, but not apparent, to the crown,
since a son coming after, he must be preferred. Yet
the King would justify what he had done in his marriage
with all possible respect, and having before declared the
Lady Mary Princess of Wales, he did now the same in
favour of the Lady Elizabeth.
The interview between the Pope and the French An inter-
King was at Marseilles in October, where the marriage JJJ^S,,
was made up between the Duke of Orleans and Katha- Pope and
rine de Medici ; to whom besides one hundred thou- KhSt
sand crowns portion, the principality of many towns in Marseilles.
* Queen Elizabeth was born the 13th and 14th day of September, for
so Cranmer wrote to Hawkins, and says, that he himself was godfather
at the christening, and the Dutchess of Norfolk, and the Marchioness of
Dorset, were godmothers.
P2
-212 HISTORY OF
tart Italy, as Milan, Reggio, Pisa, Leghorn, Parma, and
Piacenza, and the dutchy of Urbio were given. To
15S3, the former the Pope pretended in the right of the pope-
dom, and to the last in the right of the house of Medici.
But the French King was to clear all those titles by his
sword. As for the King's business, the Pope referred
The Pope ^ to the consistory. But it seems there was a secret
give sen- transaction between him and Francis, that if the King
ten" fo? would in all other things return to his wonted obedience
of Eng-° to the apostolic see, and submit the matter to the
lami's di- judgment of the consistory (excepting only to the car-
dinals of the imperial faction as partial and incompetent
judges), the decision should be made to his heart's con-
tent. This I collect from what will afterwards appear.
The King upon the sentence that was passed against him,
Fidel, scrv. sent Bonner to Marseilles, who, procuring an audience
dit''dRe-lb" °f tne P°PeJ delivered to him the authentic instrument
sponsio. of the King's appeal from him to the next general
council lawfully called. At this the Pope was much
incensed, but said he would consider of it in consistory ;
and, having consulted about it there, he answered, that
the appeal was unlawful, and therefore he rejected it ;
and for a general council, the calling of it belonged to
him, and not to the King. About the same time the
Archbishop of Canterbury being threatened with a pro-
cess from Rome, put in also his appeal to the next gene-
ral council. Upon which Bonner delivered the threat-
enings that he was ordered to make, with so much
vehemency and fury, that the Pope talked of throwing
him in a cauldron of melted lead, or of burning him
alive ; and he apprehending some danger made his
escape. About the middle of November the interview
ended, the Pope returning to Rome, and the French
King to Paris, a firm alliance being established between
them. But upon the Duke of Orleans his marrying
the Pope's niece, I shall add one observation, that will
neither be unpleasant nor impertinent. The Duke of
Diovius. Orleans was then but fourteen years and nine months
old, being born on the last of March, 1518, and yej
was believed to have consummated his marriage the
very first night after: so the Pope's historians tell us
THE REFORMATION. 213
with much triumph ; though they represented that im- book
probable, if not impossible in Prince Arthur, who was
nine months elder when he died. 15S3
Upon the French King's return from Marseilles, the T„he French
Bishop of Paris was sent over to the King ; which (as vaflfwith
may be reasonably collected,) followed upon some agree- the King of
ment made at Marseilles, and he prevailed with the submit tu
King to submit the whole matter to the Pope and the ,he PoPe-
consistory, on such terms that the Imperialists should
not be allowed a voice, because they were parties, being
in the Emperor's power. None that have observed the
genius of this King, can think that, after he had pro-
ceeded so far, he would have made this submission with-
out very good assurances ; and if there had not been
great grounds to expect good, effects from it, the Bishop
of Paris would not in the middle of winter have under-
taken a journey from England to Rome. But the
King, it seems, would not abase himself so far as to send
any submission in writing, till he had fuller assurances.
The Lord Herbert has published a letter (which he
transcribed from the original, written by the Archbishop
of York and the Bishop of Duresme, to the King, the
1 1 th of May, 1 534,) giving an account of a conference
they had with Queen Katharine ; in which, among
other motives they used, this was one, to persuade her
to comply with what the King had done : that the
Pope had said at Marseilles, That if the King would send
a proxy to Rome, he would give the cause for him
against the Queen, because he knew his cause was good
and just. Which is a great presumption, that the Pope
did really give some engagements to the French King
about the King's business.
When the Bishop of Paris came to Rome, the motion Which wm
was liked ; and it was promised, that if the King sent a ^vJdat
promise of that under his hand, with an order to his Rome,
proxies to appear in court, there should be judges sent
to Cambray to form the process, and then the matter
should be determined for him at Rome. This was sent Hist. Coun-
to the King, with the notice of the day that was prefixed by'kdre"
for the return of his answer, and with other motives Panl°*
which must have been very great, since they prevailed
214
HISTORY OF
PART
L
1533.
But the Im-
perialists
opposed it.
And with
great pre-
paration
procure a
sentence
aeainst the
Kin-.
so much. For in answer there was a courier dispatched
from the King, with a formal promise under his hand.
And now the matter seemed at a point, the French
interest was great in the court of Rome; four new cardi-
nals had been made at Marseilles, and there were six
of that faction before, which with the Pope's creatures,
and the indifferent or venal voices, balanced the impe-
rial faction ; so that a wound that was looked on as fatal,
was now almost healed. But God in his wise and
unsearchable providence had designed to draw other
great ends out of this rupture, and therefore suffered
them that were the most concerned to hinder it, to be
the chief instruments of driving it on. For the cardi-
nals of the Imperial faction were very active, they
liked not the precedent of excluding the cardinals of
the nations concerned out of any business. But
above all things they were to hinder a conjunc-
tion between the Pope and the King of England ;
for the Pope being then allied to France, there was
nothing the Emperor feared more than the closing the
breach with England, which would make the union
against him so much stronger. Therefore, when the
day that had been prefixed for the return of the courier
from England, was elapsed, they all pressed the Pope to
proceed to a sentence definitive, and to censures. Bellay
the bishop of Paris, represented the injustice of proceed-
ing with so much precipitation, since where there were
seas to cross, in such a season, many accidents might
occasion the delay of the express. The King of Eng-
land had followed this suit six years, and had patience
so long ; therefore he desired the delay of six days, and
if in that time no return came, they might proceed.
But the Imperialists represented, that those were only
delays to gain time ; and that the King of England
was still proceeding in his contempt of the apostolic
see, and of the cardinals, and publishing books and
libels against them. This so wrought on the angry
Pope, that without consulting his ordinary prudencej
he brought the business into the consistory, where the
plurality of voices carried it to proceed to a sentence*
And though the process had been carried on all that
winter in their usual forms, yet it was not so ripe, but
THE REFORMATION. 215
by the rules of the consistory, there ought to have been book
three sessions before sentence was given. But they
concluded all in one day ; and so, on the 23d of March, 15S3
the marriage between the King and Queen Katharine
was declared good, and the King required to take her
as his wife ; otherwise censures were to be denounced
against him.
Two days after that, the courier arrived from Eng- TheKmg
I land, with the King's submission under his hand in due aboHshdw
• form, and earnest letters from the French Kins: to have PoPe'*
11 ii- ' i i ° " power in
it accepted, that so the business might be composed. England.
When this was known at Rome, all the indifferent and
wise cardinals (among whom was Farnese, that was
I afterwards Pope Paul the Third,) came to the Pope, and
: desired that it might be again considered before it went
further. So it was brought again into the consistory.
! But the secret reason of the Imperialists opposing it, was
'now more pressing, since there was such an appearance
\ of a settlement, if the former sentence were once re-
! called. Therefore they so managed the matter, that it
I was confirmed anew by the Pope and the consistory,
and they ordered the Emperor to execute the sentence.
The King was now in so good hope of his business,
i that he sent Sir Edward Karne to Rome to prosecute
this suit; who, on his way thither, met the Bishop of
Paris, coming back with this melancholy account of his
unprosperous negotiation. When the King heard it,
and understood that he was used with so much scorn
and contempt at Rome, being also the more vexed, be-
'cause he had come to such a submission, he resolved
nthen to break totally from Rome. And in this he was
beforehand with that court : for, judging it the best
iway to procure a peace, to manage the war vigorously,
he had held a session of parliament from the 15 th of
January till the 30th of March, in which he had procured
a great change of the whole constitution of the govern-
ment of the church. But before I give an account of
that, I shall first open all the arguments and reasons,
upon which I find they proceeded in this matter. whid. lisd
The Pope's power had been then for four years to- been much
gether much examined and disputed in England ; in there/
21G
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1533.
Pelerine
Inglese.
Hall.
The argu-
ments upon
which it
which they went by these steps, one leading to another.
They first controverted his power of dispensing with
the law of God. From that they went to examine what
jurisdiction he had in England, upon which followed
the convicting the clergy of a praemunire with their sub-
mission to the King. And that led them to controvert
the Pope's right to annates, and other exactions, which
they also condemned. The condemning all appeals to
Rome followed that naturally. And now so many branch-
es of that power were cut off, the root was next struck
at, and the foundations of the papal authority were ex-
amined. For near a year together there had been many
public debates about it ; and both in the parliament and
convocation the thing was long disputed, and all that
could be alleged on both sides was considered. The
reader will be best able to judge of their reasons (and
thereby of the ripeness of their judgments, when they
enacted the laws that passed in this parliament), when
he sees a full account of them ; which I shall next set
down, not drawn from the writings and apologies that
have been published since, but from these that came
out about that time. For then were written The Insti-
tution for the necessary Erudition of a Christian Man,
concluded in the convocation, and published by autho-
rity ; and another book, De Differentia Regis et Eccle-
siastics Potestatis. The former of these was called the
Bishops', and the latter the King's book. Gardiner also
wrote a book, De vera Otedientia, to which Bonner pre-
fixed a preface upon the same subject. Stokesly, bishop
of London, and Tonstal, bishop of Duresme, wrote a
long letter in defence of the King's proceedings in this
matter to Cardinal Pole : from these writings, and the
sermons preached by some bishops at this time, with
other authentic pieces, I have extracted the substance
of the arguments upon which they grounded their laws,
which I shall divide in two heads. The one, of the rea-
sons for rejecting the Pope's pretended power : the
other, for setting up the King's supremacy with the ex-
planations and limitations of it.
"First, of the Pope's power, they declared that they
found no ground for it in the Scripture. All the apostles
THE REFORMATION. 217
were made equal by Christ, when he committed the book
church to their care in common. And he did often
declare, there was no superiority of one above another. j,^.
St. Paul claimed an equality with the chief apostles, was reject-
both Peter, James, and John ; and when he thought St.
Peter blameworthy, he withstood him to his face. But
whatsoever pre-eminence St. Peter might have, that was
only personal, and there was no reason to affix it to his
chair at Rome, more than at Antioch. But if any see
be to be preferred before another, it should be Jerusa-
lem, where Christ died, and out of which the faith was
propagated over all nations, Christ commanding his dis-
ciples to begin their preaching in it; so that it was truly
the mother church, and is so called by St. Paul ; where-
as in the Scripture, Rome is called Babylon, according
to Tertullian and St. Jerome.
" For the places brought from Scripture in favour of
the papacy, they judged that they did not prove any
thing for it. That thou art Peter, and ' upon this rock
I will build my church,' if it prove any thing in this
matter, would prove too much ; even that the church
was founded on St. Peter, as he was a private person,
and so on the Popes in their personal capacity. But
both St. Ambrose, St Jerome, and St. Austin think, that
by the rock, the confession he had made was only to be
meant. Others of the fathers thought, by the rock,
Christ himself was meant, who is the only true foun-
dation of the church ; though in another sense all the
apostles are also called foundations by St. Paul. That,
'Tell the church,' is thought by Gerson and ./Eneas Sil-
vius, (afterwards Pope Pius the Second) rather to make
against the Pope and for a general council. And the
fathers have generally followed St. Chrysostom and St.
Austin, who thought that, the giving of the keys of the
kingdom of heaven, and the charge, ' Feed my sheep,'
were addressed to St. Peter, in behalf of all the rest of
the apostles. And that, 1 1 have prayed for thee, that
thy faith fail not,' was only personal, and related to his
fall, which was then imminent. It is also clear by St.
Paul, that every apostle had his peculiar province, be-
yond which he was not to stretch himself; and St. Pe-
1533.
218 HISTORY OF
part ter's province was the circumcision, and his the uneir-
' cumcision, in which he plainly declares his equality with
him.
"This was also clear from the constant tradition of
the church. St. Cyprian was against appeals to Home,
and would not submit to Pope Stephen's definition in the
point of rebaptizing of heretics ; and expressly says,
' That all the apostles were equal in power, and that all
the bishops were also equal, since the whole office and
episcopate was one entire things of which eveiy bishop
had a complete and equal share.' And though some
places are brought out of him concerning the unity of
the Roman church, and of other churches with it ; yet
those places have no relation to any authority that the
Roman church had over other churches, but were oc-
casioned by a schism that Novatian had made there at
Rome, being elected in opposition to the bishop that
was rightly chosen : and of that unity only St. Cyprian
writes in those places. But from all his epistles to the bi-
shops of Rome, it is visible he looked on himself as their
equal, since he calls them brother, colleague, and fellow-
bishop. And whatsoever is said by any ancient writer
of St. Peter's chair, is to be understood of the pure gos-
pel, which he delivered, as St. Austin observes, that by
'Moses' chair' is to be understood, 'the delivering of Mo-
ses' law.' But though St. Peter sate there, the succeed-
ing popes have no more right to pretend to such autho-
rity, than the kings of Spain to claim the Roman em-
pire, because he that is now their King, is Emperor.
When Constantine turned Christian, the dignity of the
chief city of the empire made Rome to be accounted
the first see ; but by the general council of Nice, it was
declared, that the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch
had the same authority over the countries round about
them, that he of Rome had over those that lay about
that city. It is true, at that time the Arian heresy,
having spread generally over the eastern churches, from
which the western were free, the oppressed catholic
bishops of the east made appeals to Rome, and extolled
that see by a natural maxim in all men, who magnify
that from which they have protection. But the second
THE REFORMATION. 219
general council took care, that that should not grow a book
precedent, for they decreed that evrery province should _
be governed by its own synod, and that bishops, when 1533.
they were accused, must first be judged by the bishops
of their own province, and from them they might ap-
peal to the bishops of the diocese, but no higher appeal
was allowed ; and by that council it appears, what was
the foundation of the greatness of the Bishop of Rome;
for when Constantinople was made the seat of the em-
pire and new Rome, it had the same privileges that
old Rome had, and was set next to it in order and dig;-
nity. In a council at Milevi, in which St. Austin sate,
they appointed that every clerk, that should appeal to
any bishop beyond the sea, should be excommunicated.
And when Faustianus was sent by the Pope to the Afri-
can churches to claim the right of receiving appeals,
and pretended a canon of the council of Nice for it,
the pretension was rejected by the African fathers, who
acknowledged no such right, and had never heard of that
canon. Upon which they sent to the eastern churches,
and search was every where made for the copies of
the canons of that council ; but it was found that it was
a forgery. From whence two things were observable :
the one, -that the church in that age had no tradition
of any Divine institution for the authority of that see,
since as the popes, who claimed it, never pretended to
any such thing ; so the African bishops, by their reject-
ing that power, shew that they knew nothing of any
Divine warrant, all the contest being only about a canon
of the church. It also appeared how early the church
of Rome aspired to power, and did not stick at making
use of forged writings to support it. But Pope Agatho,
more modestly writing to the Emperor in his own name,
and in the name of all the synods that were subject to
his see, calls them ca few bishops in the northern and
western parts.' When afterwards the patriarch of Con-
stantinople was declared by the Emperor Mauritius, ' the
universal bishop,' Gregory the Great did exclaim against
the ambition of that title, as being equal to the pride of
Lucifer ; and declared, that he who assumed it was the
forerunner of Antichrist ; saying, that none of his pre-
220 HISTORY OF
tart decessors had ever claimed such a power. And this
t was the more observable, since the English were con-
1533. verted by those whom he sent over ; so that this was the
doctrine of that see, when this church received the
. faith from it."
" But it did not continue long within those limits;
for Boniface the Third assumed that title, upon the
grant of Phocas. And as that Boniface got the spirit-
ual sword put n his hand, so the eighth of that name
pretended also to the temporal sword ; but they owe
these powers to the industry of those popes, and not
to any donation of Christ's. The p^pes, when they are
consecrated, promise to obey the canons of the eight
first general councils ; which, if they observe, they will
receive no appeals, nor pretend to any higher jurisdic-
tion than these give to them, and the other patriarchs
equally.
" As for the decrees of later councils, they are of
less authority. For those councils consisted of monks
and friars in great part, whose exemptions obtained from
Rome, obliged them to support the authority of that
court ; and those who sate in them knew little of the
Scriptures, fathers, or the tradition of the church, being
only conversant in the disputes and learning of the
schools. And for the Florentine council, the eastern
churches, who sent the Greek bishops that sat there,
never received their determination, neither then, nor at
any time since.
" Many places were also brought out of the fathers
to shew, that they did not look on the bishops of Rome
as superior to other bishops ; and that they understood
not those places of Scripture, which were afterwards
brought for the Pope's supremacy in that sense ; so that
if tradition be the best expounder of Scripture, those
latter glosses must give place to the more ancient. But
that passage of St. Jerome, in which he equals the bi-
shops of Eugubium and Constantinople to the Bishop
of Rome, was much made use of, since he was a pres-
byter of Rome, and so likely to understand the dignity
of his own church best. There were many things
brought from the contests that other sees had with
THE REFORMATION. 291
Rome, to shew, that all the privileges of that and other book
sees, were only founded on the practice and canons of J
the church, but not upon any Divine warrant. Con- iS>3s.
stantinople pretended to equal privileges. Ravenna,
Milan, and Aquileia, pretended to a patriarchal dignity
and exemption. Some archbishops of Canterbury con-
tended, that popes could do nothing against the laws of
the church ; so Laurence and Dunstan, Robert Gros-
test, bishop of Lincoln, asserted the same, and many
popes confessed it. And to this day no constitution of
the popes' is binding in any church, except it be re-
ceived by it; and in the daily practice of the canon law,
the customs of churches are pleaded against papal con-
stitutions ; which shews their authority cannot be from
God, otherwise all must submit to their lawsi And
from the latter contest up and down Europe, about giv-
ing investitures, receiving appeals, admitting of legates,
and papal constitutions, it was apparent that the papal
authority was a tyranny, which had been managed by
cruel and fraudulent arts, but was never otherwise re-
ceived in the church, than as a conquest to which they
were constrained to yield. And this was more fully
made out in England, from what passed in William the
Conqueror's and Henry the Second's time, and by the
statutes of provisors in many kings' reigns, which were
still renewed, till within an hundred years of the pre-
sent time."
Upon these grounds they concluded, that the Pope's
power in England had no foundation, neither in the
law of God, nor in the laws of the church, or of the land.
" As for the King's power over spiritual persons, and The argn-
in spiritual causes, they proved it from the Scriptures. ^Kin^'s
In the Old Testament they found the kings of Israel supremacy
intermeddled in all matters ecclesiastical. Samuel, though From tbe
he had been judge, yet acknowledged Saul's authority:
so also did Abimelech the high priest, and appeared be-
fore him when cited to answer upon an accusation. And
Samuel (l Sam. xv. 18,) says, " He was made the head
of all the tribes." Aaron in that was an example to
all the following high priests who submitted to Moses.
David made many laws about sacred things, such as the
Old Testa-
meut.
222 HISTORY OF
part order of the courses of the priests and their worship ;
' and when he was dying, he declared to Solomon how
1533. far his authority extended. He told him, (l Chron.
xxviii. 21.) 'That the courses of the priests, and all
the people were to be wholly at his commandment :'
pursuant to which, Solomon, (2 Chron. viii. 14, 15,)
did appoint them ' their charges in the service of God,
and both the priests and Levites departed not from his
commandment in any matter:' and though he had turn-
ed out Abiathar from the high-priesthood, yet they
made no opposition. Jehosaphat, Hezekiah, and Josi-
as made likewise laws about ecclesiastical matters.
And ihe tt jn t}ie New Testament Christ himself was obedient;
he paid taxes, he declared that he pretended to no
earthly kingdom, he charged the people to ' render to
Cassar the things that were Caesar's,' and his disciples
not to affect temporal dominion, as the lords of the na-
tions did. And though the magistrates were then hea-
thens, yet the apostles wrote to the churches to obey
magistrates, to submit to them, to pay taxes; they call
the king supreme, and say he is God's' minister, to en-
courage them that do well, and to punish the evil-doers,
which is said of all persons without exception, and every
soul is charged to be subject to the higher power.
" Many passages were cited out of the writings of the
fathers to shew, that they thought churchmen were in-
cluded in these places as well as other persons; so that
the tradition of the church was for the king's, su-
premacy : and by one place of Scripture the king is
called * supreme,' by another he is called ' head,' and by
a third 'every soul must be subject to him ;' which laid
together, make up this conclusion — that the king is
the supreme head over all persons. In the primitive
church, the bishops in their councils made rules for or-
dering their dioceses, which they only called canons or
rules, nor had they any compulsive authority, but what
was derived from the civil sanctions.
And the " After the emperors were christians they made many
practices of « . j j
the primi- laws about sacred things, as may be seen in the Codes ;
t,.ve . and when Justinian digested the Roman law, he added
many novel constitutions about ecclesiastical persons
THE REFORMATION. 223
and causes. The emperors called general councils, pre- book
sided in them, and confirmed them. And many letters
were cited of popes to emperors to call councils, and of 153i>
; the councils to them to confirm their decrees. The elec-
tion of the popes themselves was sometimes made by
the emperors, and sometimes confirmed by them. Pope
Hadrian in a synod decreed, that the emperor should
choose the pope : and it was a late and unheard-of thing,
j before the days of Gregory VII. for popes to pretend to
S depose princes, and give away their dominions. This
j they compared to the pride of Antichrist and Lucifer.
" They ako argued from reason, that there must be Ami from
I but one supreme ; and that the king being supreme reason"
; over all his subjects, clergymen must be included, for
? they are still subjects. Nor can their being in orders
change that former relation, founded upon the law of '
nature and nations, no more than wives or servants, by
i becoming Christians, were not, according to the doctrine
of the apostles, discharged from the duties of their
i former relations.
" For the great objection from those offices that are
peculiar to their functions it was answered, — that these
notwithstanding the king might well be supreme head;
for in the natural body, there were many vital motions,
that proceeded not from the head, but from the heart
i and the other inward parts and vessels ; and yet the head
i was still the chief seat and root of life : so though there
be peculiar functions appropriated to churchmen, yet
the king is still head, having authority over them, and a
power to direct and coerce them in these.
" From that they proceeded to shew, that in Eng- And from
; land the kings have always assumed a supremacy in ec- England.0 f
! clesiastical matters. They began with the most ancient
writing that relates to the Christian religion in England
then extant, Pope Eleutherius's letter to King Lucius,
i in which he is twice called by him c God's vicar in his
kingdom ;' and he writ in it, i that it belonged to his
. office, to bring his subjects to the holy church,' and to
maintain, protect, and govern them in it. ' Many laws
were cited, which Canutus, Ethelred, Edgar, Ecimond,
Athelstan, and Ina had enacted concerning churchmen ;
224
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
The quali-
fication of
that su-
premacy.
Necessary
erudition
upon the
sacrament
of orders.
many more laws since the conquest were also made,
both against appeals to Rome, and bishops going out of
the kingdom without the king's leave.
" The whole business of the articles of Clarendon,
and the contests that followed between King Henry II.
and Thomas Becket, were also opened. And though a
bishop's pastoral care be of Divine institution, yet as the
kings of England had divided bishopricks as they
pleased, so they also converted benefices from the insti-
tutions of the founders, and gave them to cloisters and
monasteries as King Edgar did : all which was done by
the consent of their clergy and nobility, without de-
pendance on Rome ; they had also granted these houses
exemption from episcopal jurisdiction, so Ina exempted
Glastenbury, and OrTa St. Alban's, from their bishop's
visitation : and this continued even till the days of
William the Conqueror ; for he, to perpetuate the me-
mory of the victory he obtained over Harald, and to
endear himself to the clergy, founded an abbey in the
field where the battle was fought, and called it Battle
Abbey ; and in the charter he granted them these words
are to be found : — ' It shall be also free and quiet for
ever from all subjection to bishops, or the dominion of
any other persons, as Christ's Church in Canterbury is.'
Many other things were brought out of King Alfred's
laws ; and a speech of King Edgar's, with several letters
written to the popes from the kings, the parliaments,
and the clergy of England, to shew that their kings did
always make laws about sacred matters, and that their
power reached to that, and to the persons of churchmen
as well as to their other subjects."
But at the same time that they pleaded so much for
the king's supremacy and power of making laws for re-
straining and coercing his subjects, it appeared that they
were far from vesting him with such an absolute power
as the popes had pretended to ; for they thus defined the
extent of the king's power : — ' To them specially and
principally it pertaineth to defend the faith of Christ
and his religion, to conserve and maintain the true doc-
trine of Christ, and all such as be true preachers and
setters-forth thereof; and to abolish abuses, heresies,
THE REFORMATION. 225
and idolatries, and to punish with corporal pains such as book
11.
of malice be the occasion of the same. And finally, to
oversee and cause that the said bishops and priests do 1534.
execute their pastoral office truly and faithfully, and spe-
cially in these points, which by Christ and his apostles
was given and committed to them ; and in case they
shall be negligent in any part thereof, or would not dili-
gently execute the same, to cause them to redouble and
supply their lack : and if they obstinately withstand
their prince's kind monition, and will not amend their
faults, then and in such case to put others in their
rooms and places. And God hath also commanded the
said bishops and priests to obey with all humbleness and
reverence, both kings, and princes, and governors, and
all their laws, not being contrary to the laws of God,
whatsoever they be : and that not only propter iram but
also propter conscientiam ; that is to say, not only for fear
of punishment, but also for discharge of conscience/
Thus it appears, that they both limited obedience to
the King's laws, with a due caution of their not being
contrary to the law of God, and acknowledged the ec-
clesiastical jurisdiction in the discharge of the pastoral
office, committed to the pastors of the church by Christ
and his apostles ; and that the supremacy then pretended
to was no such extravagant power as some imagine.
" Upon the whole matter it was concluded, That the The neces-
Pope's power in England had no good foundation, and ^L^n!*"
had been managed with as much tyranny as it had be- the Pope's
gun with usurpation ; the exactions of their courts were po"ei*
every where heavy, but in no place so intolerable as in
England : and though many complaints were made of
them in these last three hundred years, yet they got no
ease, and all the laws about provisors were still defeated
and made ineffectual ; therefore they saw it was impos-
sible to moderate their proceedings ; so that there was
no other remedy, but to extirpate their pretended au-
thority, and thenceforth to acknowledge the Pope only
bishop of Rome, with the jurisdiction about it defined
by the ancient canons : and for the King to re-assume
his own authority, and the prerogatives of his crown ;
from which the kings of England had never formally
vol. i. p. I. Q
HISTORY OF
part departed, though they had for this last hundred years
connived at an invasion and usurpation upon them,
j534i which was no longer to be endured."
Painstaken These were the grounds of casting off the Pope's
Fisher y power, that had been for two or three years studied and
•bout it. enquired into by all the learned men in England ; and
had been debated both in convocation and parliament ;
and, except Fisher, bishop of Rochester, I do not find
that any bishop appeared for the Pope's power : and for
the abbots and priors, as they were generally very igno-
rant, so what the Cardinal had done in suppressing some
monasteries, and what they now heard, that the court
had an eye on their lands, made them to be as compliant
as could be : but Fisher was a man of great reputation,
and very ancient, so that much pains was taken to satisfy
him. A week before the parliament sate down the
Archbishop of Canterbury proposed to him, that he,
and any five doctors, such as he should choose, and the
Bishop of London, and five doctors with him, might con-
fer about it, and examine the authorities of both sides ;
that so there might be an agreement among them by
which the scandal might be removed, which otherwise
would be taken from their janglings and contests among
themselves. Fisher accepted of this, and Stokesley
The origi- wrote to him on the 8th of January, — that he was ready,
Cott8 Libr.e wnenever the other pleased, and desired him to name
otho.c.io. time and place; and if they could not agree the matter
among themselves, he moved to refer it to two learned
men, whom they should choose, in whose determination
they would both acquiesce. How far this overture went
I cannot discover, and perhaps Fisher's sickness hin-
dered the progress of it. But now on the 15th of Ja-
nuary, the parliament sate down : by the Journals I find
no other bishops present but the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Lincoln,
Bath and Wells, Landaffe, and Carlisle. There were
also twelve abbots present, but upon what pretences the
rest excused their attendance I do not know; perhaps
some made a difference between submitting to what was
done, and being active and concurring to make the
change. During the session a bishop preached every
THE REFORMATION. 227
Sunday at Paul's Cross and declared to the people, that book
the Pope had no authority at all in England. In the two '
former sessions the bishops had preached, that the ge- 1534.
neral council was above the Pope, but now they struck
a note higher. This was done to let the people see what -
justice and reason was in the acts that were then passing,
to which I now turn ; and shall next give an account of
this great session of parliament, which I shall put rather
in the natural method according to the matter of the
acts, than in the order of time as they passed.
On the 9th of March, a bill came up from the Com- Journal
mons for discharging the subjects of all dependance on rocer'
the court of Rome ; it was read the first time in the
House of Lords the 13th of March, and on the 14th
was read the second time and committed. The com-
mittee reported it on the lQth, by which it appears there
was no stiffnor long opposition; and he that was likeliest
to make it was both obnoxious and absent, as will after-
wards appear. On the 1 9th it was read the third time,
and on the 20th the fourth time, and then passed with-
out any protestation. Some provisos were added to it
by the Lords, to which the Commons agreed, and so it
was made ready for the royal assent.
" In the preamble the intolerable exactions for Peter- The act for
pence, provisions, pensions, and bulls of all sorts are *^"gthe
complained of; which were contrary to all laws, and Pope's
grounded only on the Pope's power of dispensing, which power>
was usurped. But the King and the Lords and Commons
within his own realm had only power to consider how
any of the laws were to be dispensed with or abrogated ;
and since the King was acknowledged the supreme head
of the Church of England, by the prelates and clergy in
their convocations, therefore it was enacted, that all ^'j llJJaci
payments made to the apostolic chamber, and all pro- statute
visions, bulls, or dispensations should from thenceforth S^^JJ1
cease. But that all dispensations or licences for things and 8 in the
that were not contrary to the law of God, but only to JournaL
the law of the land, should be granted within the king-
dom by, and under the seals of, the two Archbishops in
their several provinces ; who should not presume to
grant any contrary to the laws of Almighty God, and
q 2
228
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
The judg-
ments pass-
ed on that
act.
should only grant such licences as had been formerly in
use to be granted ; but give no licence for any new
thing till it were first examined by the King and his
council whether such things might be dispensed with ;
and that all dispensations which were formerly taxed at
or above Al. should be also confirmed under the great
seal. Then many clauses follow about the rates of
licences and the ways of procuring them. It was also
declared, that they did not hereby intend to vary from
Christ's Church about the articles of the catholic
faith of Christendom, or in any other things declared
by the Scriptures, and the word of God, necessary for
their salvation ; confirming withal the • exemptions of
monasteries formerly grante'd by the Bishop of Rome,
exempting them still from the Archbishop's visitations ;
declaring that such abbeys^ whose elections were formerly
confirmed by the Pope, shall be now confirmed by the
King ; who likewise shall give commission under his
great seal for visiting them : providing also, that licences
and other writs obtained from Rome before the 12th of
March in that year should be valid and in force, except
they were contrary to the laws of the realm ; giving
also to the King and his council power to order and re-
form all indulgences and privileges (or the abuses of
them) which had been granted by the see of Rome.
The offenders against this act were to be punished ac-
cording to the statutes of provisors and pr<?mnnire."
This act as it gave great ease to the subject, so it cut
off that base trade of indulgences about Divine laws,
which had been so gainful to the church of Rome, but
was of late fatal to it. All in the religious houses saw
their privileges now struck at, since they were to be re-
formed as the King saw cause, which put them in no
small confusion. Those that favoured the Reformation
rejoiced at this act, not only because the Pope's power
was rooted out, but because the faith that was to be ad-
hered to was to be taken from those things which the
Scriptures declared necessary to salvation : so that all
their fears were now much qualified, since the Scripture
was to be the standard of the catholic faith. On the
same day that this bill was passed in the House of Lords,
nal.
THE REFORMATION. 229
another bill was read for confirming, the succession to book
the crovvn in the issue of the King's present marriage _ '
with Queen Anne. It was read the second time on the 1534.
21st of March and committed. It was reported on the
23d, and read the third time and passed, and sent down
to the Commons, who sent it back again to them on the
26th ; so speedily did this bill go through both houses
without any opposition.
The preamble of it was : "The distractions that had Act about
been in England about the succession to the crown, sion to the
which had occasioned the effusion of much blood, with jroIn'g^_
many other mischiefs, all which flowed from the want tute Book,
of a clear decision of the true title, from which the f^."^^
popes usurped a power of investing such as pleased them in the Jour-
in other princes' kingdoms ; and princes had often
maintained such donations for their other ends ; there-
fore, to avoid the like inconveniences, the King's former
marriage with the Princess Katharine is judged contrary
to the laws of God, and void, and of no effect ; and the
sentence passed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, annull-
ing it is, confirmed, and the Lady Katharine is thenceforth
to be reputed only Princess Dowager, and not Queen, and
the marriage with Queen Anne is established and con-
firmed : and marriages within the degrees prohibited by
Moses (which are enumerated in the statute) are de-
clared to be unlawful, according to the judgment of the
convocations of this realm, and of the most famous
universities and learned men abroad ; any dispensations
to the contrary notwithstanding, which are also declared
null, since contrary to the laws of God ; and all that
were married within these degrees are appointed to be
divorced, and the children begotten in such marriages
were declared illegitimate : and all the issue that should
be between the King and the present Queen is declared
lawful, and the crown was to descend on his issue male
by her, or any other wife ; or in default of issue male,
to the issue female by the Queen ; and in default of any
such to the right heirs of the King's Highness for ever:
and any that after the 1st of May should maliciously
divulge any thing to the slander of the King's marriage,
or of the issue begotten in it, were to be adjudged for
230
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1554,
The oath
about the
succession.
misprision of treason, and to suffer imprisonment at the
King's will, and forfeit all their goods and chattels to
him : and if the Queen outlived the King, she is de-
clared regent till the issue by her were of age, if a son
eighteen, and if a daughter sixteen years of age ; and
all the King's subjects were to swear that they would
maintain the contents of this act, and whoever being
required did refuse it, was to be judged guilty of mis-
prision of treason, and punished accordingly." The
oath it seems was likewise agreed on in the House of
Lords, for the form of it is set down in their Journal as
follows :
" Ye shall swear to bear faith, truth, and obedience
alonely to the King's Majesty, and to his heirs of his
body of his most dear and entirely beloved lawful wife
Queen Anne, begotten and to be begotten. And fur-
ther, to the heirs of our Sovereign Lord, according to
the limitation in the statute made for surety of his suc-
cession in the crown of this realm mentioned and con-
tained, and not to any other within this realm, nor fo-
reign authority or potentate. And in case any oath be
made, or hath been made, by you to any person or per-
sons, that then ye to repute the same as vain and annihi-
late. And that to your cunning, wit, and uttermost of
your power, without guile, fraud, or other undue means,
ye shall observe, keep, maintain, and defend the said
act of succession, and all the whole effects and contents
thereof; and all other acts and statutes made in con-
firmation or for execution of the same, or of any thing
therein contained. And this ye shall do against all man-
ner of persons of what estate, dignity, degree, or condi-
tion soever they be ; and in no wise to do or attempt,
nor to your power suffer to be done or attempted, di-
rectly or indirectly, any thing or things, privily or ap-
partly, to the let, hindrance, damage, or derogation
thereof, or of any part of the same, by any manner of
means, or for any manner of pretence. So help you
God, and all saints, and the holy evangelists."
And thus was the King's marriage confirmed. But
when the Commons returned this bill to the Lords, they
sent them another with it concerning the proceedings
THE REFORMATION. 231
against heretics. There had been complaints made for- book
merly, as was told before, of the severe and intolerable _____
proceedings in the ecclesiastical courts against heretics : 1534.
and, on the 4th of February, the Commons sent up a
complaint made by one Thomas Philips against the Bi-
shop of London, for using him cruelly in prison upon
the suspicion of heresy ; but the Lords doing nothing
in it, on the 1st of March the House of Commons sent
l some of their number to the Bishop, requiring him to
make answer to the complaints exhibited against him,
who acquainted the House of Lords with it the next
day : but as they had formerly laid aside the complaint Journal
as not worthy of their time, so they all with one con-
sent answered, That it was not fit for any of the
peers to appear or answer at the bar of the House of
Commons. Upon this the House of Commons find-
ing they could do nothing in that particular case, re-
solved to provide an effectual remedy for such abuses
for the future : and therefore sent up a bill about the
punishment of heretics, which was read that day for the
first time, and the second and third time on the 27 th
and 28th, in which it passed.
" The act was a repeal of the statute of the 2d of Act.ab°ut
tt T17 1 1 • 1 1 • 1 • • r 1 punishing
Henry IV. by which bishops upon suspicion or heresy heretics, 14
might commit any toprison , as was before told ; but in j"^1 ^JJ"
that act there was no declaration made, what was he- 33 in the '
resy, except in the general words of what was contrary S^jonr1-
to Scriptures, or canonical sanctions. This was liable nai.
to great ambiguity, by which men were in much dan-
ger, and not sufficiently instructed what was heresy.
They also complained of their proceedings without pre-
sentment or accusation, contrary to what was practised
in all other case?, even of treason itself; and many ca-
nonical sanctions had been established only by popes
without any Divine precept, therefore they repealed the
act of Henry IV. but left the statutes of Richard II.
and Henry V. still in force, with the following regula-
tion : That heretics should be proceeded against upon
presentments, by two witnesses at least, and then be
committed, but brought to answer to their indictments
in open court; and if they were found guilty, and
232 HISTORY OF
fart would not abjure, or were relapse, to be adjudged to
death ; the King's writ de hceretico comburendo being
!534. first obtained. It was also declared, that none should
be troubled upon any of the Pope's canons or laws, or
for speaking or doing against them. It was likewise
provided that men committed for heresy might be
bailed."
It may easily be imagined how acceptable this act
was to the whole nation, since it was such an effectual
limitation of the ecclesiastical power, in one of the un-
easiest parts of it ; and this regulation of the arbitrary
proceedings of the spiritual courts, was a particular
blessing to all that favoured reformation. But as the
parliament was going on with these good laws, there
came a submission from the clergy then sitting in con-
vocation, to be passed in parliament. With what op-
position it went through the two houses of Convoca-
tion, and the House of Commons, is not known ; for
as the registers of the Convocation are burnt, so it does
not appear that there were any journals kept in the House
of Commons at that time. On the 27th of March it was \
sent up to the Lords, and since the spiritual lords had
already consented to it, there was no reason to appre-
hend any opposition from the temporal lords. The ses-
sion was now near an end, so they made haste and read
it twice that day, and the third time the next day, and
passed it. The contents of it were : " The clergy
The sub- acknowledged that all convocations had been and ought
mission ^^ ^^
made by to be assembled by the King's writ ; and promised, in
the clergy veri0 sacerdotii, that thev would never make nor exe-
to the King; ' J
19 in the cute any new canons or constitutions, without the royal
BooifW assent to them ; and since many canons had been re-
in the^ ceived that were found prejudicial to the King's prero-
gative, contrary to the laws of the land, and heavy to
the subjects, that therefore there should be a com-
mittee of thirty-two persons, sixteen of the two houses
of parliament, and as many of the clergy to be named
by the King, who should have full power to abrogate or
confirm canons as they found it expedient ; the King's
assent being obtained. This was confirmed by acl 01
parliament, and by the same act all appeals to Koine
Record.
THE REFORMATION. 233
were again condemned. If any party found themselves book
aggrieved in the archbishops' courts, an appeal might
be made to the King in the court of Chancery ; and 1534,.
the Lord Chancellor was to grant a commission under
the great seal for some delegates, in whose determina-
tion all must acquiesce. All exempted abbots were also
to appeal to the King ; and it concluded with a proviso,
that till such correction of the canons was made, all
those which were then received should still remain in
force, except such as were contrary to the laws and cus-
toms of the realms, or were to the damage or hurt of
the King's prerogative."
This proviso seemed to have a fair colour, that there
might still be some canons in force to govern the
church by ; but since there was no day prefixed to the
determination of the commission, this proviso made
that the act never took effect ; for now it lay in the
prerogative, and in the judge's breast, to declare what
canons were contrary to the laws, or the rights of the
crown : and it was judged more for the King's great-
ness to keep the matter undetermined, than to make
such a collection of ecclesiastical laws as should be fixed
and immoveable. The last of the public acts of this
session that related to the church, was about the elec-
tion and consecration of bishops. On the 4th of Fe
bruary the Commons sent up a bill to the Lords about Journal
the consecration of bishops ; it lay on the table till the Proccr*
27th of February, and was then cast out, and a new
one drawn. On what reason it was cast out, is not
mentioned, and the Journal does not so much as say
that it was once read. The new bill had its second
reading the 3d of March, and on the 5th it was or-
dered to be engrossed ; and on the 9th it was read the
third time, and agreed to, and sent down to the Com-
mons, who returned it to the Lords on the 16th of
March. " The first part of it is a confirmation of their Act about
former act against annates, to which they added, that bishop"; 20
bishops should not be any more presented to the Bishop «» statute
of Rome, or sue out any bulls there, but that all bi- in°uie
shops should be presented to the Archbishop, and arch- Rec°rd-
bishops to any archbishop in the King's dominions, or
234
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
Collect.
Numb. 48.
The act
about the
Maid of
Kent, and
her com-
plices.
12 in Sta-
tute Book,
31 in the
Record, 7
in the Jour-
nal.
to any four bishops whom the King should name ; and
that when any see was vacant, the King was to grant a
licence for a new election, with a letter missive, bear-
ing the name of the person that was to be chosen : and
twelve days after these were delivered, an election was
to be returned by the dean and chapter, or prior and
convent, under their seals. Then the person elected
was to swear fealty to the King, upon which a commis-
sion was to be issued out, for consecrating and invest-
ing him with the usual ceremonies ; after which he was
to do homage to the King, and be restored both to the
spiritualities and temporalities of his see, for which the
King granted commissions during the vacancy ; and
whosoever refused to obey the contents of the act, or
acted contrary to it, were declared within the statute of
prcemunire." There passed a private act for depriving
the Bishops of Salisbury and Worcester, who were Car-
dinal Campegio and Jerome de Ghinuccii ; the former
deserved greater severities at the King's hand, but the
latter seems to have served him faithfully, and was re-
commended both by the King and the French King,
about a year before to a cardinal's hat. " The preamble
of the act bears, that persons promoted to ecclesiastical
benefices ought to reside within the kingdom for
preaching the laws of Almighty God, and for keeping
hospitality ; and since these prelates did not that, but
lived at the court of Rome, and neglected their dio-
ceses, and made the revenues of them be carried out
of the kingdoms, contrary to the intentions of the
founders, and to the prejudice of the realm, 3,000/.
being at least carried yearly out of the kingdom ; there-
fore their dioceses were declared vacant."
But now I come to the act of the attainder of Eliza-
beth Barton and her complices, which I shall open
fully, since it was the first step that was made to rebel-
lion, and the first occasion of putting any to death upon
this quarrel ; and from it one will clearly see the genius
of that part of the clergy that adhered to the interests
of the court of Rome. On the 21st of February the
bill was sent up to the Lords, and read the first time ;
on the 26th it was read the second time and committed;
THE REFORMATION. 235
;hen the witnesses and other evidences were brought book
Defore them, but chiefly she, with all her complices,
who confessed the crimes charged on her. It was re- 1534.
orted and read the 6th of March the third time ; and
hen the Lords addressed to the King to know his plea-
ure, whether Sir Thomas More, and others mentioned
n the act as complices, or at least concealers, might
ot be heard to speak for themselves in the Star-chamber :
s for the Bishop of Rochester he was sick, but he had
ritten to the House all he had to say for his own ex-
use. What presumptions lay against Sir Thomas More
il have not been able to find out, only that he wrote a See his
letter to the Nun, at which the King took great excep- ^35*"' p'
jtions ; yet it appears he had a mean opinion of her, for
lin discourse with his beloved daughter, Mrs. Roper, he
(called her commonly "the silly nun." But for justifying
J him self, he wrote a full account of all the intercourse he
jhad with the Nun and her complices to Cromwell ;
jbut though, by his other printed letters, both to Crom-
Jwell and the King, it seems some ill impressions re-
jmained in the King's mind about it, he still continued
I to justify not only his intentions but his actions in that
t particular. One thing is not unworthy of observation,
[that Rastal, who published his works in Queen Mary's
[time, printed the second letter he wrote to Cromwell,
iyet did not publish that account which he sent first to
him concerning it, to which More refers himself in all
his following letters ; though it is more like a copy of
1 that would have been preserved than of those other let-
ters that refer to it. But perhaps it was kept up on de-
sign; for in Queen Mary's time, they had a mind to
I magnify that story of the Nun's, since she was thought
1 to have suffered on her mother's account : and among
the other things she talked, one was, that the Lady
Mary should one day reign in England ; for which
Sanders has since thought fit to make a prophetess of
her. And it is certain that More had a low opinion of
her, which appears in many places of his printed letters ;
but that would have been much plainer if that full ac-
count he wrote of that affair had been published ; and
therefore, that one of their martyrs might not lessen the
236 HISTORY OF
part esteem of another, it was fit to suppress it. Whether
my conjectures in this be well grounded or not is left to
1534 the reader's judgment. In conclusion, More's justifica-
tions, seconded with the good offices that the Lord
Chancellor Audley and Cromwell did him (who as ap-
pears by his letters stood his friends in that matter), did
so work on the King that his name was put out of the
bill ; and so the act was agreed on by both Houses, and)
the royal assent followed. The matter was this: " Eliza-
beth Barton, of Kent, in the parish of Aldington, being
sick and distempered in her brain, fell in some trances
(it seems by the symptoms they were hysterical fits), and I
spoke many words that made great impressions on some
about her, who thought her inspired of God ; and
Richard Master, parson of the parish, hoping to draw
great advantages from this, went to Warham, archbisho
of Canterbury, and gave him a large account of her
speeches ; who ordered him to attend her carefully, and 1
bring him a further report of any new trances shell
might afterwards fall in. But she had forgot all she had 1
said in her fits, yet the crafty priest would not let it go I
so; but persuaded her, that what she had said was by j
the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and that she ought i
to own that it was so. Upon which he taught her to <
counterfeit such trances, and to utter such speeches as
she had done before ; so that after a while's practice she j
became very ready at it. The thing was much noised I
abroad, and many came to see her ; but the priest had I
a mind to raise the reputation of an image of the blessed I
Virgin, that was in a chapel within his parish ; that &
pilgrimage being made to it, he might draw these ad
vantages from it that others made from their fame
images ; but chose for his associate one Dr. Bocking, a
canon of Christ's Church in Canterbury : upon which
they instructed her to say in her counterfeited trances,
that the blessed Virgin had appeared to her, and told
her, she could never recover till she went and visited her
image in that chapel. They had also taught her in her
fits to make strange motions with her body, by which
she was much disfigured, and to speak many godly words
against sin and the new doctrines, wliieh were called lie-
THE REFORMATION. 237
tesies ; as also against the King's suit of divorce. It book
vas also noised abroad on what day she intended to go '__
Itnd visit the image of the Virgin ; so that about two 1534.
housand people were gathered together ; and she being
)rought to the chapel, fell into her fits, and made many
trange grimaces and alterations of her body, and spake
Tiany words of great piety, saying, That by the inspira-
ion of God she was called to be a religious woman, and
hat Bocking was to be her ghostly father. And within
little while she seemed, by the intercession of our Lady,
o be perfectly recovered of her former distempers, and
he afterwards professed a religious life. There were
lso violent suspicions of her incontinency, and that
Socking was a carnal as well as a spiritual father. She fell
in many raptures and pretended she saw strange visions,
leard heavenly melody, and had the revelation of many
hings that were to come, so that great credit was given
0 what she said ; and people generally looked on her as
1 prophetess, and among those the late Archbishop of
anterbury was led away with the rest. A book was
vrit of her revelations and prophecies by one Deering,
mother monk, who was taken into the conspiracy, with
nany others. It was also given out that Mary Magda-
en gave her a letter that was writ in heaven, which was
hewed to many, being all writ in golden letters. She
Pretended when the King was last in Calais, that he De-
ng at mass, an angel brought away the sacrament and
ave it to her, being then invisibly present, and that she
Vas presently brought over the sea to her monastery
•gain. But the design of all these trances was to alienate
'he people from their duty to the King ; for the Maid
ave it out, That God revealed to her, that if the King
pent on in the divorce, and married another wife, he
hould not be king a month longer, and in the reputa-
ion of Almighty God not one hour longer, but should
lie a villain's death. This she said was revealed to her
n answer to the prayers she had put up to God, to know
vhether he approved of the King's proceedings or not ?
vhich coming to the knowledge of the Bishop of Ro-
:hester, and some others who adhered to the Queen's
nterests, they had frequent meetings with the Maid,
238 HISTORY OF
part and concealed what she spake concerning the King ; and
some of them gave such credit to what she said, that
1534 they practised on many others to draw them from their
allegiance ; and prevailed with several of the fathers and
nuns of Sion, of the Charter-house in London anr|
Shene, and of the Observants of Richmond, Greenwich,
and Canterbury, with a great many other persons."
The inso- This appeared signally at Greenwich, where the King
some of the nved most in summer, for one Peto being to preach in
friars. the King's chapel, denounced heavy judgments upon
stow. njm j-q his face? and told him, — that many lying pro-
phets had deceived him ; but he, as a true Michaiah,
warned him that the dogs should lick his blood, as they
had done Ahab's, (for that prophecy about Ahab was his
text) with many other bitter words, and concluded, — that
it was the greatest misery of princes to be daily so
abused by flatterers as tney were. The King bore it
patiently, and expressed no signs of any commotion; but,
to undeceive the people, he took care that Dr. Corren or
Curwin should preach next Sunday, who justified the
King's proceedings, and condemned Peto as a rebel, a
slanderer, a dog, and a traitor. Peto was gone to Can-
terbury, but another observant friar of the same house,
Elston, interrupted him and said, He was one of the
lying prophets, that sought by adultery to establish the
succession to the crown, and that he would justify all
that Peto had said, and spake many other things with
great vehemency ; nor could they silence him, till the
King himself commanded him to hold his peace. And
yet all that was done to him or Peto was, that being
called before the privy council, they were rebuked for
their insolence ; by which it appears, that King Henry
was not very easily inflamed against them, when a crime
of so high a nature was so slightly passed over.*
" Nor was this all, but the fathers that were in the
conspiracy had confederated to publish these revelations
in their sermons up and down the kingdom. They had
also given notice of them to the Pope's ambassadors,
and had brought the Maid to declare her revelations to
* It was not passed over silently; for Stow says, p. 561, "Those friars,
and all the rest of the order, were shortly aft* r banished."
THE REFORMATION.
them ; they had also sent an account to Queen Katha- book
n.
rine for encouraging her to stand out and not submit to
ithe laws ; of which confederacy Thomas Abel was like- 1534
wise one." The thing that was in so many hands could Stow
not be a secret, therefore the King, who had despised
it long, ordered that in November the former year the
Maid, and her complices, Richard Master, Dr. Bock-
ling, Richard Deering, Henry Gold, a parson in London,
Hugh Rich, an Observant friar, Richard Risby, Thomas
Gold, and Edward Twaites, gentlemen ; and Thomas
[Laurence, should be brought into the Star-chamber,
where there was a great appearance of many lords : they
were examined upon the premises, and did all, without any
irack or torture, confess the whole conspiracy, and were
I adjudged to stand in Paul's all the sermon time ; and,
(after sermon, the King's officers were to give every one
of them his bill of confession, to be openly read before
I the people ; which was done next Sunday, the Bishop
i of Bangor preaching, they being all set in a scaffold be-
jfore him. This public manner was thought, upon good
grounds, to be the best way to satisfy the people of the
: imposture of the whole matter ; and it did very much
convince them that the cause must needs be bad, where
such methods were used to support it. From thence
they were carried to the Tower, where they lay till the
session of parliament ; but when they lay there, some
of their complices sent messages to the Nun to en-
1 courage her to deny all that she had said ; and it is very
i probable that the reports that went abroad of her being
J forced or cheated into a confession, made the King think
1 it necessary to proceed more severely against her. The
I thing being considered in parliament, it was judged a
I conspiracy against the King's life and crown. So the
Nun, and Master, Bocking, Deering, Rich, Risby, and
Henry Gold, were attainted of high treason. And the
Bishop of Rochester, Thomas Gold, Thomas Laurence,
! Edward Twaites, John Adeson, and Thomas Abel, were
judged guilty of misprision of treason; and to forfeit
their goods and chattels to the King, and to be impri-
i soned during his pleasure ; and all the books that were
written of her revelations were ordered to be sent in
240
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
The Nun's
speecli at
her death.
Hall.,
to some of the chief officers of state, under the pains of
fine and imprisonment. It had been also found, that the
letter which she pretended to have got from Mary Mag-
dalen, was written by one Hankherst of Canterbury ;
and that the door of the dormitory, which was given out
to be made open by miracle, that she might go into the
chapel for converse with God, was opened by some of
her complices for beastly and carnal ends. But in the
conclusion of the act, all others who had been corrupted
in their allegiance by these impostures, except the per-
sons before named, were, at the earnest intercession of
Queen Anne, pardoned.
The two Houses of parliament (having ended their
business) were prorogued, on the 29th of March, to the
3d of November ; and, before they broke up, all the
members of both Houses, that they might give a good
example, to the King's other subjects, swore the oath of
succession ; as appears from the act made about it in the
next session of parliament. The execution of these per-
sons was delayed for some time; it is like, till the King
had a return from Rome of the messenger he had sent
thither with his submission.
Soon after that, on the 20th of April, the Nun, and
Bocking, Master, Deering, Risby, and Gold (Rich is not
named, being perhaps either dead or pardoned) were
brought to Tyburn. The Nun spake these words : —
" Hither I am come to die, and I have not been only
the cause of mine own death, which most justly I have
deserved, but also am the cause of the death of all those
persons which at this time here suffer. And yet to say
the truth, I am not so much to be blamed, considering
that it was well known to these learned men that I was a
poor wench without learning, and therefore they might
easily have perceived that the things that were done by
me could not proceed in no such sort ; but their capaci-
ties and learning could right well judge, from whence
they proceeded, and that they were altogether feigned ;
but because the thing which I feigned was profitable to
them, therefore they much praised me, and bore me in
hand, that it was the Holy Ghost and not I, that did
them ; and then I, being puffed up with their praises,
THE REFORMATION. 241
fell into a certain pride and foolish fantasy with myself, book
and thought I might feign what I would, which thing
hath brought me to this case : and for the which now, l^i"
I cry God and the King's Highness most heartily mercy,
and desire you, all good people, to pray to God to
have 'mercy on me, and on all them that here suffer
with me."
On all this I have dwelt the longer, both because
.these are all called martyrs by Sanders, and that this
i did first provoke the King against the regular clergy,
and drew after it all the severities that were done in the
rest of his reign. The foulness and the wicked designs
iof this imposture, did much alienate people from the
interest of Rome, and made the other acts both pass
more easily and be better received by the people. It
was also generally believed, that what was now disco-
vered was -no new practice, but that many of the visions
land miracles, by which religious orders had raised their
credit so high, were of the same nature : and it made
way for the destroying of all the monasteries in Eng-
land, though all the severity which at this time followed
on it, was that the Observant friars of Richmond, Green- stow.
vvich, Canterbury, Newark, and Newcastle, were re-
moved out of their houses, and put with the other Gray
friars, and Augustin friars were put in their houses.
But because of the great name of Fisher, bishop of
Rochester, and since this was the first step to his ruin,
it is necessary to give a fuller account of his carriage in
this matter. When the cheat was first discovered, Fisher
Cromwell, then secretary of state, sent the Bishop's bro- SaiVwith.
ther to him, with a sharp reproof for his carriage in
that business ; but withal advised him to write to the
King, and acknowledge his offence, and desire his par-
don, which he knew the King, considering his age and
sickness, would grant. But he wrote back, excusing Butisob-
himself, that all he did, was only to try, whether her [nu-actaSe.
revelations were true ? He confessed, he conceived a
great opinion of her holiness, both from common fame
and her entering into religion ; from the report of her
ghostly father, whom he esteemed learned and reli-
gious, and of many other learned and virtuous priests ;
vol. i. p. i. R
§42
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
Collect.
Numb. 49.
Cott. Lib.
Clcopat.
E.4.
from the good opinion the late Archbishop of Can-
terbury had of her, and from what is in the Prophet
Amos, " That God will do nothing without revealing
it to his servants." That, upon these grounds, he was
induced to have a good opinion of her ; and that to try
the truth about her, he had sometimes spoken with
her, and sent his chaplains to her, but never discovered
any falsehood in her. And for his concealing what she
had told him about the King, which was laid to his I
charge, he thought it needless for him to speak of it to ]
the King, since she had said to him that she had told it to i
the King herself: she had named no person who should
kill the King, which by being known might have been !
prevented. And, as in spiritual things every churchman j
was not bound to denounce judgments against those \
that could not bear it ; so in temporal things the case
might be the same ; and the King had on other occa- j
sions spoken so sharply to him, that he had reason to
think, the King would have been offended with him for i
speaking of it, and would have suspected that he had a J
hand in it ; therefore he desired for the Dassion of1]
Christ to be no more troubled about that matter, other- .1
wise he would speak his conscience freely. To all which |
Cromwell wrote a long letter, which the reader will find
in the Collection, copied from the rude draught of it
written with his own hand : in which he charges the
matter upon him heavily, and shews him, that he had not
proceeded as a grave prelate ought to have done ; for:
he had taken all that he had heard of her upon trust,
and had examined nothing ; that if every person that
pretends to revelations were believed on their own words,
all government would be thereby destroyed. He had
no reason to conclude from the prophecy of Amos, that
every thing that is to fall out must be revealed to some
prophet, since many notable things had fallen out, of
which there was no revelation made beforehand. But
he told him, the true reason that made him give credit
to her was, the matter of her prophecies ; to which he
was so addicted, as he was to every other thing in which
he once entered, that nothing could come amiss that
served to that end. And he appealed to his conscience,
TH# REFORMATION. 243
whether, if she had prophecied for the King he would book
have given such easy credit to her, and not have ex- _ '
amined the matter further. Then he shews how guilty 1534>
he was in not revealing what concerned the King's life,
and how frivolous all his excuses were. And, after all,
tells him, that though his excusing the matter had
provoked the King, and that if it came to a trial he
would certainly be found guilty ; yet again he advises
him to beg the King's pardon for his negligence and of-
fence in that matter ; and undertakes that the King
would receive him into his favour, and that all matters
of displeasure passed before that time should be forgiven
and forgotten. This shews, that though Fisher had,
in the progress of the King's cause, given him great
offence, yet he was ready to pass it all over, and not to
take the advantage which he now had against him. But
Fisher was still obstinate and made no submission, and
so was included within the act for misprision of treason ;
and yet I do not find that the King proceeded against
him upon this act, till by new provocations he drew a
heavier storm of indignation upon himself.
When the session of parliament was at an end, com- The oath
missioners were sent every where to offer the oath of succession
succession to the crown to all, according to the act of generally
parliament; which wTas universally taken by all sorts of
persons. Gardiner wrote from Winchester the 6th of Sbfoiiw!'
May to Cromwell, that, in the presence of the Lord c, 10.
Chamberlain, the Lord Audley, and many other gentle-
men, all abbots, priors, wardens, with the curates of all
parishes and chapels within the shire had appeared and
taken the oath very obediently ; and had given in a list
of all the religious persons in their houses of fourteen
years of age and above, for taking whose oaths some
commissioners were appointed. The forms in which
they took the oath are not known ; and it is no wonder,
for though they were enrolled, yet in Queen Mary's
time there was a commission given to Bonner and others
to examine the records, and raze out of them all things
that were done either in contempt of the see of Rome or
to the defamation of religious houses; pursuant to which,
there are many things taken out of the Rolls, which I
r 1
244
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
Collect
Numb. 50.
Rot. Claus.
Those last
clauses are
not in the
other writ-
ing.
More and
Fisher re-
fuse the
oath.
See his
Works, p.
3428.
shall sometimes have occasion afterwards to take notice
of, yet some writings have escaped their diligence ; so
there remains but two of the subscriptions of religious
orders, both bearing date the 4th of May, 1534. One
is by the Prior and Convent of Langley Regis, that were
Dominicans, the Franciscans of Ailesbury, the Domini-
cans of Dunstable, the Franciscans of Bedford, the Car-
melites of Hecking, and the Franciscans de Mare. The
other is by the Prioress and Convent of the Dominican
nuns at Deptford.
" In these, besides the renewing their allegiance to
the King, they swear the lawfulness of his marriage with
Queen Anne, and that they shall be true to the issue
begotten in it ; that they shall always acknowledge the
King head of the church of England : and that the
Bishop of Rome has no more power than any other bi-
shop has in his own diocese, and that they should sub-
mit to all the King's laws, notwithstanding the Pope's
censures to the contrary. That in their sermons they
should not pervert the Scriptures, but preach Christ and
his gospel sincerely, according to the Scriptures, and
the tradition of orthodox and catholic doctors ; and in]
their prayers, that they should pray first for the King, ;
as supreme head of the church of England, then fori
the Queen and her issue, and then for the Archbishop i
of Canterbury and the other ranks of the clergy." To
this these six priors set their hands with the seals on
their convents, and in their subscriptions declared, i
that they did it freely and uncompelled, and in the
name of all the brethren in the convent.
But Sir Thomas More and the Bishop of Rochester1
refused to take the oath as it was conceived : whose fall
being so remarkable, I shall shew the steps of it. There
was a meeting of the privy council at Lambeth, to
which many were cited to appeal, and take the oath.
Sir Thomas More was first called, and the oath was
tendered to him under the great seal ; then he called for
the act of succession, to which it related, which was
also shewed him : having considered of them, he said,
he would neither blame these that made the act, nor
those thai swore the oath ; but, for his part, though he
THE REFORMATION. 245
was willing to swear to the succession, if he might be book
suffered to draw an oath concerning it, yet for the oath
that was offered him, his conscience so moved him, that 1534.
1 he could not without hazarding his soul take it. Upon
this, the Lord Chancellor told him, that he was the first
who had refused to swear it, and the King would be
highly offended with him for denying it, and so he was
desired to withdraw and consider better of it. Several
■others were called upon, and did all take the oath, ex-
cept the Bishop of Rochester, who answered upon the
matter as More had done. When the lords had dis-
patched all the rest, More was again brought before
them ; they shewed him how many had taken it, he an-
swered, he judged no man for doing it, only he could
not do it himself. Then they asked the reasons why
he refused it? He answered, he feared it might provoke
the King more against him, if he should offer reasons
which would be called a disputing against law : but when
he was further pressed to give his reasons, he said, if
the King would command him to do it, he would put
them in writing.
The Archbishop of Canterbury urged him with this
argument, that since he said he blamed no other per-
son for taking it, it seemed he was not persuaded it
iwas a sin, but was doubtful in the matter ; but he did
certainly know, he ought to obey the King, and the law,
so there was a certainty on the one hand, and only a
doubt on the other ; therefore he was obliged to do that
about which he was certain, notwithstanding these his
doublings. This did shake him a little, especially (as
himself writes) " coming out of so noble a prelate's
mouth ;" but he answered, that though he had examined
the matter very carefully, yet his conscience leaned po-
sitively to the other side ; and he offered to purge him-
self by his oath, that it was purely out of a principle of
conscience, and out of no light fantasy or obstinacy that
he thus refused it. The Abbot of Westminster pressed
him, that however the matter appeared to him, he might
see his conscience was erroneous, since the great coun-
cil of the realm was of another mind, and therefore he
ought to change his conscience. (A reasoning very fit
240
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
15S4.
Weaver's
Monu-
ment, p.
504, and
506.
And are
proceeded
against.
3
for so rich an abbot, which discovers of what temper
his conscience was.) But to this More answered, that
if he were alone against the whole parliament, he had
reason to suspect his own understanding ; but he thought
he had the whole council of Christendom on his side
as well as the great council of England was against him.
Secretary Cromwell, who (as More writes) " tenderly
favoured him," seeing his ruin was now inevitable, was
much affected at it ; and protested with an oath, he had
rather his own only son had lost his head, than that he
should have refused the oath. Thus both he and the
Bishop of Rochester refused it, but offered to swear
another oath for the succession of the crown to the is-
sue of the King's present marriage, because that was
in the power of the parliament to determine it. Cran-
mer, who was a moderate and wise man, and foresaw
well the ill effects that would follow on contending so
much with persons so highly esteemed over the world,
and of such a temper, that severity would bend them to
nothing, did by an earnest letter to Cromwell, dated the
27th of April, move, that what they offered might be
accepted ; for if they once swore to the succession, it
would quiet the kingdom ; for they acknowledging it,
all other persons would acquiesce and submit to their
judgments. But this sage advice was hot accepted.
The King was much irritated against them, and re*!
solved to proceed with them according to law7, and there-
fore they were both indicted upon the statute, and com-
mitted prisoners to the Tower. And it being appre-
hended, that if they had books and papers given them,
they would write against the King's marriage or his su-
premacy ; these were denied them. The old Bishop was
hardly used, his bishoprick was seized on, and all his
goods taken from him, only some old rags were left to
cover him ; and he was neither supplied well in diet,
nor other necessaries, of which he made sad complaint?
to Cromwell. But the remainder of this tragical bust
ness, which left one of the greatest blots on this King's
proceedings, falling within the limits of the next Book, I
haste on to the conclusion of this.
The separation from Rome was made in the formei
THE REFORMATION. 247
session of parliament, but the King's supremacy was not book
yet fully settled. This was reserved for the next session
that sate in November, from the 3d of that month, to 1534.
the 18th of December, about which we can have no Anther
light from the Journals, they being lost. The first act parliament
confirmed what had been already acknowledged by the
clergy, "that the King was the supreme head in earth, of The K,ns'3
the church of England, which was to be annexed to declared
his other titles ; it was also enacted, that the King and
his heirs and successors, should have power to visit and
reform all heresies, errors, and other abuses, which in
the spiritual jurisdiction ought to be reformed."
By the second act they confirmed the oath about the The oath
succession, concerning which some doubts had been succession
made, because there was no oath specified in the former confirmed.
act, though both Houses had taken it : it was now enact-
ed, that all the subjects were obliged to take it when
offered to them, under the pains contained in the act,
passed in the former session. By the third act, the first ^tsfi"fl
fruits and tenths of all ecclesiastical benefices were gi- benefices
ven to the King as the supreme head of the church. jj*c££„t
The clergy were easily prevailed on to consent to the
putting down of the annates, paid to the court of Rome;
for all men readily concur to take off any imposition :
but at that time it had perhaps abated much of their
heartiness, if they had imagined that these duties should
have been still paid ; therefore that was kept up till they
had done all that was to be done against Rome. And
now, as the Commons and the secular lords would no
doubt easily agree to lay a tax on the clergy, so the
others, having no foreign support, were not in a condi-
tion to wrestle against it.
In the thirteenth act, among other things that were Sundry
made treason, one was, the denying the King the dig- Jjjjjy
nity, title, or name, of his estate royal ; or the calling treason,
the King heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of
the crown. This was done to restrain the insolence of
some friars, and all such offenders were to be denied the
privileges of sanctuaries. By the fourteenth act, pro- ^hlgzn
vision was made for suffragan bishops, which, as is said, bi»h«p»-
248
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
Collect.
Numb. 51.
Act 26.
Rot. Pari.
A subsidy
granted.
" had been accustomed to be had within this realm, for
the more speedy administration of the sacraments, and
other good wholesome and devout things, and laudable
ceremonies, to the increase of God's honour, and for
the commodity of good and devout people :" therefore
they appointed for suffragans' sees, the towns of Thet-
ford, Ipswich, Colchester, Dover, Gilford, Southamp-
ton, Taunton, Shaftsbury, Molton, Marlborough, Bed-
ford, Leicester, Gloucester, Shrewsbury, Bristol, Pen-
reth, Bridgwater, Nottingham, Grantham, Hull, Hun-
tington, Cambridge, and the towns of Pereth and Ber-
wick, St. Germans in Cornwall, and the Isle of Wight.
For these sees, the bishop of the diocese was to present
two to the King, who might choose either of them,
and present the person so named to the archbi-
shop of the province, to be consecrated ; after w hich
they might exercise such jurisdiction as the bishop of
the diocese should give to them, or as suffragans had
been formerly used to do; but their authority was to
last no longer than the bishop continued his commis-
sion to them. But that the reader may more clearly
see how this act was executed, he shall find in the Col-
lection, a writ for making a suffragan bishop. These
were believed to be the same with the Chorepiscopi in
the primitive church, which as they were begun before
the first council of Nice, so they continued in the wes-
tern church till the ninth century, and then a decretal of
Damascus being forged, that condemned them, they were
put down every where by degrees, and now revived in
England. * Then followed the grant of a subsidy to
the King ; it was now twelve years since there was any
subsidy granted.
A fifteenth and a tenth were given to
*The bishops suffragans were before common in England, some abbots
onich clergy men, procuring under foreign, or perhaps feigned titles, thai
dignity, and so performing some parts of the episcopal function in large
or neglected dioceses; so the Abbot or Prior of Tame was one. Such
was Robert King, abbot of Oscney, afterwards bishop of Oxford; and
Thomas Cornish, a residentiary of Wells, who by the name of Thomas
EpiSCOpns Tinensis, did confer orders, ami perforin Other episcopal lime-
lions for Pox, while he was bishop of Exeter, from 1487 to 1492, and af-
terwards, when he was bishop of Wells, as appears by those registers. He
«h«d in 1513
THE REFORMATION. 24!)
be paid in three years, the final payment being to be at book
Allhallontide, in the year 1537. The bill began with a ' ,
most glorious preamble " of the King's high wisdom 1534.
and policy in the government of the kingdom these
twenty-four years in great wealth and quietness, and
the great charges he had been at in the last war with
Scotland, in fortifying Calais, and in the war of Ireland,
and that he intended to bring the wilful, wild, and un-
reasonable, and savage people of Ireland, to order and
obedience, and intended to build forts on the marches
of Scotland for the security of the nation, to amend
the haven of Calais, and make a new one at>Dover. By
all which they did perceive the entire love and zeal
which the King bore to his people, and that he sought
not their wealth and quietness only for his own time,
being a mortal man, bat did provide for it in all time
coming, therefore they thought that of very equity, rea-
son, and good conscience, they were bound to shew like
correspondence of zeal, gratitude and kindness." Upon
this the King sent a general pardon with some excep-
tions, ordinary in such cases. But Fisher and More, More and
were not only excluded from this pardon by general tainted* ~
clauses, but by two particular acts they were attainted Ac^3 aad
of misprision of treason. By the third act, according pari.
to the record, John Bishop of Rochester, Christopher
Plummer, Nicholas Wilson, Edward Powel, Richard
Fetherstone and Miles Wyllir, clerks, were attainted for
refusing the oath of succession, and the Bishop of Ro-
chester, with the benefices of the other clerks, were de-
clared void from the 2d of January next ; yet it seems
few were fond of succeeding him in that see ; for John
Hilsey, the next bishop of Rochester, was not conse-
crated before the year 1537. By the fourth act, Sir Tho-
mas More is by an invidious preamble charged with in-
gratitude, for the great favours he had received from the
King, and for studying to sow and make sedition
among the King's subjects, and refusing to take the oath
of succession ; therefore they declared the King's grants
to him to be void, and attaint him of misprision of
treason.
This severity, though it was blamed by many, yet
250 HISTORY OF
part others thought it was necessary in so great a change ;
' since the authority of these two men was such, that if
1534. some signal notice had not been taken of them, many
The/T might, by their endeavours, especially encouraged by
agaiusf that impunity, have been corrupted in their affections
them van- to tne Kmcr. Others thought the prosecuting; them in
ouslv cen- o o. r # o
mred. such a manner, did rather raise their reputation higher,
and give them more credit with the people, who are natu-
rally inclined to pity those that suffer, and to think well
of those opinions, for which they see men resolved to
endure all extremities. But others observed the jus-
tice of God, in retaliating thus upon them their own
severities to others; for as Fisher did grievously prose-
cute the preachers of Luther's doctrine, so More's
hand had been very heavy on them as long as he had
power, and he had shewed them no mercy, but the ex-
tremity of the law, which himself now felt to be very
heavy. Thus ended this session of parliament, with
which this Book is also to conclude ; for now I come to
a third period of the King's reign, in which he did go-
vern his subjects without any competitor ; but I am to
stop a little, and give an account of the progress of the
Reformation in these years that I have passed through.
The pro- The Cardinal was no great persecutor of heretics,
Reforma- ° which was generally thought to flow from his hatred of
ton. the clergy, and that he was not ill-pleased to have them
depressed. During the agitation of the King's process,
there was no prosecution of the preachers of Luther's
doctrine. Whether this flowed from any intimation of
the King's pleasure to the bishops or not, I cannot tell,
but it is very probable it must have been so, for these
opinions were received by many, and the popish clergy
were so inclined to severity, that as they wanted not oc-
casions, so they had a good mind to use those preachers
cruelly; so that it is likely the King restrained them,
and that was always mixed with the other threatenings
to work upon the Pope, that heresy would prevail in
England, if the King got not justice done him; so that,
till the Cardinal fell they were put to no further trouble.
But as soon as More came into favour, he pressed
the King much to put the laws against heretics in exe-
THE REFORMATION. 251
Cution, and suggested, that the court of Rome would book
be more wrought upon, by the King's supporting the
church, and defending the faith vigorously, than by 1534.
threatenings : and therefore a long proclamation was
issued out against the heretics, many of their books Fox.
were prohibited, and all the laws against them were ap-
pointed to be put in execution, and great care was taken
to seize them as they came into England ; but many
escaped their diligence.
There were some at Antwerp, Tindal, Joye, Con- Tindai and
stantine, with a few more, that were every year writ- Antwerp.
ing and printing new books chiefly against the corrup-
tions of the clergy, the superstition of pilgrimages, of
worshipping images, saints, and relics, and against re-
lying on these things, which were then called, in the
common style, good works, in opposition to which they
wrote much about faith in Christ with a true evangeli-
cal obedience, as the only mean by which men could be
saved. The book that had the greatest authority and
influence, was Tindal's translation of the New Testa-
ment, of which the bishops made great complaints, and
said, it was full of errors. But Tonstal, then bishop Hall,
of London, being a man of invincible moderation,
would do nobody hurt, yet endeavoured as he could
to get their books into his hands : so being at An-
twerp in the year 152C), as he returned from his em-
bassy at the treaty of Cambray, he sent for one Pack-
ington, an English merchant there, and desired him to
see howr many New Testaments of Tindal's translation
he might have for money. Packington, who was a se-
cret favourer of Tindal, told him what the Bishop pro-
posed. Tindal was very glad of it ; for, being convinced
of some faults in his work, he was designing a new
and more correct edition ; but he was poor, and the
former impression not being sold off, he could not go
about it : so he gave Packington all the copies that lay
in his hands, for which the Bishop paid the price, and
brought them over, and burnt them publicly in Cheap- The New
side. This had such an hateful appearance in it, being bunfe ..
generally called a burning of the word of God, that peo-
ple from thence concluded there must be a visible con-
trariety, between that book and the doctrines of those
252 HISTORY OF
part who so handled it; by which both their prejudice
1.
against the clergy, and their desire of reading the New
1534. Testament was increased. So that next year, when the
second edition was finished, many more were brought
over, and Con stan tine being taken in England, the Lord
Chancellor, in a private examination, promised him that
no hurt should be done him if he would reveal who
encouraged and supported them at Antwerp ; which
he accepted of, and told, that the greatest encou-
ragement they had, was from the Bishop of Lon-
don, who had bought up half the impression. This
made all that heard of it laugh heartily, though more
judicious persons discerned the great temper of that
learned Bishop in it. When the clergy condemned
Tindal's translation of the New Testament, they de-
clared they intended to set out a true translation of it ;
which many thought was never truly designed by them,
but only pretended, that they might restrain the curio-
sity of seeing Tindal's work, with the hopes of one that
should be authorized : and as they made no progress in
it, so at length, on the 24th of May, anno 1530, there
was a paper drawn and agreed to by Archbishop War-
ham, Chancellor More, Bishop Tonstal, and many ca-
nonists and divines, which every incumbent was com-
manded to read to his parish, as a warning to prevent
The last the contagion of heresy. The contents of which were,
Hemy1U * " that the King having called together many of the pre-
Speiman'* Iates, with other learned men out of both Universities,
to examine some books lately set out in the English
tongue, they had agreed to condemn- them, as containing
several points of heresy in them ; and it being proposed
to them, whether it was necessary to set forth the Scrip-
tures in the vulgar tongue, they were of opinion, that
though it had been sometimes done, yet it was not ne-
cessary, and that the King did well, not to set it out at
that time in the English tongue." So by this all the
hopes of a translation of the Scriptures vanished.
Supplies- There came out another book which took mightily,
beggaL'.0 ^ was entitled, The Supplication of the Beggars,
written by one Simon Fish, of Gray's-inn. In it the
beggars complained to the King, that they were re-
duced to great misery, the alms of the people being in-
THE REFORMATION. 253
tercepted by companies of strong and idle friars ; for book
supposing that each of the five mendicant orders had _ "
but a penny a quarter from every household, it did rise ±534.
to a vast sum, of which the indigent and truly neces-
sitous beggars were defrauded. Their being unprofita-
ble to the commonwealth, with several other things,
were also complained of. He also taxed the Pope for
cruelty and covetousness, that did not deliver all per-
sons out of purgatory, and that none but the rich, who
paid well for it, could be discharged out of that prison.
This was written in a witty and taking style, and the
King' had it put in his hands by Anne Boleyn, and liked
it well, and would not suffer any thing to be done to
the author.
Chancellor More was the most zealous champion the Morean*
clergy had ; for I do not find that any of them wrote
much, only the Bishop of Rochester wrote for purga-
tory ; but the rest left it wholly to him, either because
few of them could write well, or that he being much
esteemed, and a disinterested person, things would be
better received from him, than from them who were
looked on as parties. So he answered this supplication
by another, in the name of the souls that wrere in pur-
gatory ; representing the miseries they were in, and the
great relief they found by the masses the friars said for
them, and brought in every man's ancestors calling ear-
nestly upon him to befriend those poor friars now, when
they had so many enemies. He confidently asserted, it
had been the doctrine of the church for many ages, and
brought many places out of the Scriptures to prove it,
besides several reasons that seemed to confirm it. This,
being writ of a subject that would allow of a great deal
of popular and moving eloquence, in which he was very
eminent, took with many.
But it discovered to others what was the foundation Frith re-
of those religious orders, and that if the belief of pur- v>lles*
gatory were once rooted out, all that was built on that
foundation must needs fall with it. So John Frith
wrote an answer to More's supplication, to shew, that
there was no ground for purgatory in Scripture ; and
that it was not believed in the primitive church. He
2o4 HISTORY OF
part also answered the Bishop of Rochester's book, and
some dialogues that were written on the same subject,
1534. Dy Rastal, a printer, and kinsman of More's : he disco-
vered the fallacy of their reasonings, which were built
on the weakness or defects of our repentance in this
life ; and that therefore there must be another state in
which we must be further purified. To this he an-
swered, " That our sins were not pardoned for our re-
pentance, or the perfection of it, but only for the merits
and sufferings of Christ ; and that, if our repentance is
sincere, God accepts of it ; and sin, being once par-
doned, it could not be further punished. He shewed
the difference between the punishments we may suffer
in this life, and those in purgatory ; the one are either
medicinal corrections for reforming /us more and more,
or for giving warning to others : the other are terrible
punishments, without any of these ends in them : there-
fore the one might well consist with the free pardon of
sin, the other could not. So he anmed from all these
places of Scripture, in which we are said to be freely
pardoned our sins by the blood of Christ, that no pu-
nishment in another state could consist with it : he also
argued from all those places in which it is said, that we
shall at the day of judgment receive according to what
we have done in the body, that there was no state of
purgatory beyond this life. For the places brought out
of the Old Testament, he shewed they could not be
meant of purgatory, since according to the doctrine of
the school- men there was no going to purgatory before
Christ. For the places in the New Testament he ap-
pealed to More's great friend, Erasmus, whose exposi-
tion of these places differed much from his glosses.
That place in the Epistle to the Corinthians about the
fire, that was to try every man's work, he said, was
plainly allegorical : and since the foundation, the build-
ing of gold, silver, and precious stones ; of wood, hay,
and stubble, were figuratively taken, there was no rea-
son to take the fire in a literal sense : therefore by fire
was to be understood the persecution then near at hand ;
called in other places, the fiery trial.
For the ancient doctors, he shewed, that in the
THE REFORMATION.
255
fourth century, St. Ambrose, Jerome, and St. Austin,
the three great doctors of that age, did not believe it,
and cited several passages out of their writings. It is
true, St. Austin went further than the rest ; for though
in some passages he delivered his opinion against it, yet
in other places he spake of it more doubtfully as a thing
that might be inquired into, but that it could not be
certainly known ; and indeed before Gregory the Great's
time, it was not received in the church, and then the
Benedictine monks were beginning to spread and grow
numerous, and they, to draw advantages from it, told
many stories of visions and dreams, to possess the world
with the belief of it ; then the trade grew so profitable,
that ever since it was kept up, and improved : and what
succeeded so well with one society and order, to enrich
themselves much by it, was an encouragement to others
to follow their track in the same way of traffic. This
book was generally well received, and the clergy were
so offended at the author, that they resolved to make
him feel a real fire whenever he was catched, for endea-
vouring to put out their imaginary one.
That from which More and others took greatest ad-
vantage, was, that the new preachers prevailed only on
simple tradesmen, and women, and other illiterate per-
sons : but to this the others answered, that the pha-
risees made the same objection to the followers of
Christ, who were fishermen, women, and rude mecha-
nics ; but Christ told them, that to the poor the gos-
pel was preached ; and when the philosophers and Jews
objected that to the apostles, they said, God's glory
did the more appear, since not many rich, wise, or no-
ble, were called, but the poor and despised were chosen :
that men who had much to lose, had not that simplicity
of mind, nor that disengagement from worldly things,
that was a necessary disposition to fit them for a doc-
trine, which was like to bring much trouble and perse-
cution on them.
Thus I have opened some of these things, which
were at that time disputed by the pen, in which oppo-
sition new things were still started and examined. But
this was too feeble a weapon for the defence of the
BOOK
ii.
1534.
The cruel
proceed-
ings against
the re-
formers.
25G
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
IS34.
More.
Tindal.
Bilney'a
trial.
Latimer's
^ermoIls.
clergy, therefore they sought out sharper tools. So
there were many brought into the bishops' courts, some
for teaching their children the Lord's Prayer, in Eng-
lish, some for reading the forbidden books, some for
harbouring the preachers, some for speaking against
pilgrimages, or the worshipping and adorning of images,
some for not observing the church fasts, some for not
coming to confession and the sacrament, and some for
speaking against the vices of the clergy. Most of these
were simple and illiterate men, and the terror of the
bishops' courts, and prisons, and of a faggot in the end,
wrought so much on their fears and weakness, that
they generally abjured, and were dismissed. But in the
end of the year, 1530, one Thomas Hitton, who had
been curate of Maidstone, and had left that place,
going oft to Antwerp ; he bringing over some of the
books that were printed there, was taken at Gravesend,
and brought before Warham and Fisher, who, after he
had suffered much by a long and cruel imprisonment,
condemned him to be burnt.
The most eminent person that suffered about this
time was Thomas Bilney, of whose abjuration an ac-
count was given in the First Book : he after that went
to Cambridge, and was much troubled in his conscience
for what he had done ; so that the rest of that society
at Cambridge were in great apprehensions of some vio-
lent effect which that desperation might produce, and
sometimes watched him whole nights. This continued
about a year, but at length his mind was more quieted,
and he resolved to expiate his abjuration by as public
and solemn a confession of the truth : and to prepare
himself the better both to defend and suffer for the
doctrines which he had formerly through fear denied,
he followed his studies for two years. And when he
found himself well fortified in this resolution, he took
leave of his friends at Cambridge and went to his
own country of Norfolk, to whom he thought he owed
his first endeavours.
He preached up and down the country, confessing
objected 10 ^jg forrner sjn of denying the faith, and taught the pec*
IMU. JO ' -1 •
or trusting to pilgrimages, to
The things
pie to beware of idolatr}
THE REFORMATION. 257
the cowl of St. Francis, to the prayers of saints, or to book
images ; but exhorted them to stay at home, to give '
much alms, to believe in Jesus Christ, and to offer up 1534.
their hearts, wills, and minds to him in the sacrament. Fox-
This being noised about, he was seized on by the Bi-
shop's officers, and put in prison at Norwich ; and the
writ was sent for to burn him as a relapse, he being first
condemned and degraded from his priesthood : while
he was in prison, the friars came oft about him to per-
suade him to recant again, and it was given out that he
did read a bill of abjuration.
More, not being satisfied to have sent the writ for his & is given
burning, studied also to defame him, publishing this to abjured1. e
the world ; yet in that he was certainly abused, for if he
had signed any such paper, it had been put in the Bi-
shop's register, as all things of that nature were ; but
no such writing was ever shewn, only some said they
heard him read it ; and others, who denied there was
any such thing, being questioned for it, submitted and
confessed their fault. But, at such a time it was no
strange thing if a lie of that nature was vented with so
much authority, that men were afraid to contradict it ;
and when a man is a close prisoner, those who only have
access to him may spread what report of him they please ;
and when once such a thing is said, they never want
officious vouchers to lie and swear for it. But since no-
thing was ever shewed under his hand, it was clear there
was no truth in these reports, which were spread about
to take away the honour of martyrdom from the -new
doctrines. It is true, he had never inquired into all the
other tenets of the church of Rome, and so did not
differ from them about the presence of Christ in the
sacrament and some other thing's. But when men durst The false-
speak freely, there were several persons that witnessed whjch°af-
the constancy and sincerity of Bilney in these his last terwards
conflicts; and, among the rest, Matthew Parker, after- j-oxT"5 '
wards archbishop of Canterbury, was an eye-witness of
his sufferings, which from his relation were published
afterwards : he took his death patiently and constantly,
and in the little time that was allowed him to live after
his sentence, he was observed to be cheerful ; and the
vol. i. p. 1. s
258
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
The man-
ner of hi*
suffering.
poor victuals that were brought him, bread and ale, he
eat up heartily ; of which when one took notice, he
said, he must keep up that ruinous cottage till it fell ;
and often repeated that passage in Isaiah, " When
thou walkest through the fire thou shalt not be burnt ;"
and, putting his finger in the flame of the candle, he
told those about him, that he well knew what a pain
burning was, but that it should only consume the
stubble of his body, and that his soul should be purged
by it.
When the day of execution came, being the 10th of
November, as he was led out, he said to one that ex-
horted him to be patient and constant, that as the
mariners endured the tossing of the waves, hoping to
arrive at their desired port,- so, though he was now en-
tering into a storm, yet he hoped he should soon arrive
at the haven ; and desired their prayers. When he
came to the stake he repeated the creed, to shew the
people that he died in the faith of the apostles ; then
he' put up his prayers to God with great shews of in-
ward devotion ; which ended, he repeated the 143d
Psalm, and paused on these words of it, " Enter not
into judgment with thy servant, for in thy sight shall
no man living be justified," with deep recollection :
and when Dr. Warner, that accompanied him to the
stake, took leave of him with many tears, Bilney, with
a cheerful countenance, exhorted him to feed his flock,
that at his Lord's coming he might find him so doing.
Many of the begging friars desired him to declare to
the people, that they had not procured his death ; for
that was got among them, and they feared the people
would give them no more alms : so he desired the spec-
tators not to be the worse to these men for his sake, for
they had not procured his death. Then the fire was set
to, and his body consumed to ashes.
Thus it appears, both what opinion the people had of
him, and in what charity he died even towards his ene-
mies, doing them good for evil ; but this, though it
perhaps struck terror in weaker minds, yet it no less
encouraged others to endure patiently all the severities
that were used to draw them from this doctrine. Soon
THE REFORMATION. 259
after one Richard Byfield suffered : he was a monk of book
St. Edmundsbury, and had been instructed by Dr. '
Barnes, who gave him some books ; which being dis- 1534.
covered, he was put in prison, but through fear abjured ; ByfieJd'*
yet afterward he left the monastery and came to Lon- su ermgs"
don ; he went oft over to Antwerp and brought in for-
bidden books, which being smelled out, he was seized
on and examined about these books ; he justified them,
and said, he thought they were good and profitable,
and did openly exclaim against the dissolute lives of the
clergy : so being judged heretic, he was burnt in Smith-
field the 1 1 th of November.
In December, one John Tewksbury, a shopkeeper And
in London, who had formerly abjured, was also taken £*$£"
and tried in Sir Thomas More's house at Chelsea,
where sentence was given against him by Stokesley,
bishop of London (for Tonstel was translated the former
year to Duresme), and was burnt in Smithfield. There
were also three burnt at York this year, two men and
one woman.
These proceedings were complained of in the follow-
ing session of parliament, as was formerly told, and the
ecclesiastical courts being found both arbitrary and cruel,
the House of Commons desired a redress of that from
the King ; but nothing was done about it till three years
after that the new act against heretics was made, as was
already told. The clergy were not much moved at the
address which the House of Commons made, and there-
fore went on in their extreme courses; and to strike
a terror in the gentry, they resolved to make an exam-
ple of one James Bainham, a gentleman of the Temple : Bainham'i
he was carried to the Lord Chancellor's house, where su enng8'
much pains was taken to persuade him to discover such
as he knew in the Temple who favoured the new opi- Fox.
nions ; but fair means not prevailing, More made him
be whipped in his own presence, and after that sent him
to the Tower, where he looked on and saw him put to
the rack. Yet it seems nothing could be drawn from him
that might be made use of to any other person's hurt ;
yet he himself afterwards, overcome with fear, abjured
and did penance ; but had no quiet in his conscience,
s 2
260 HISTORY OF
part till he went publicly to church, with a New Testament
i.
in his hand, and confessed with many tears that he had
15S4. denied God ; and prayed the people not to do as he had
done, and said that he felt an hell in his own con-
science for what he had done. So he was soon after
carried to the Tower (for now the bishops, to avoid the
imputation of using men cruelly in their prisons, did put
heretics in the King's prisons) : he was charged for hav-
ing said — " That Thomas-a-Becket was a murderer,
and damned in hell if he did not repent ; and for speak-
ing contemptuously of praying to saints, and saying that
the sacrament of the altar was only Christ's mystical
body, and that his body was not chewed with the teeth,
but received by faith. So he was judged an obstinate
and relapsed heretic, and was burnt in Smithfield about
the encl of April, 1532." There were also some others
burnt a little before this time, of whom a particular ac-
count could not be recovered by Fox with all his in-
dustry. But with Bainham More's persecution ended ;
TUgist. for soon after he laid down the srreat seal, which set the
poor preachers at ease.
Crome and Latimer were brought before the Con-
vocation, and accused of heresy. They both subscribed
Articles the articles offered to them : — " That there was a pur-
wSStid** gatory : that the souls in it were profited by masses said
for them : thatthe saints are now in heaven, and as
mediators pray for us : that men ought to pray to them
and honour them : that pilgrimages were pious and
meritorious : that men who vowed chastity might not
marry without the Pope's dispensation : that the keys
of binding and loosing were given to St. Peter, and to
his successors, though their lives were bad, and not at
all to the laity : that men merited by prayers, fasting,
and other good works : that priests prohibited by the
bishop should not preach till they were purged and re-
stored : that the seven sacraments conferred grace :
that consecrations and benedictions used by the church
were good : that it was good and profitable to set up
the images of Christ and the saints in the churches, and
to adorn them and burn candles before them ; and that
kings were not obliged to give their people the Scrip-
THE REFORMATION. 261
tures in a vulgar tongue." By these articles it may be book
easily collected what were the doctrines then preached
by the reformers. There was yet no dispute about the t534,
presence of Christ in the sacrament, which was first
called in question by Frith ; for the books of Zuinglius
and CEcolampadius came later into England ; and hi-
therto they had only seen Luther's works, with those
written by his followers.
But in the year 1532, there was another memorable Tracy'*
instance of the clergy's cruelty against the dead bodies estament
of those whom they suspected of heresy. The common
style of all wills and testaments at that time was, First,
" I bequeath my soul to Almighty God, and to our Lady RegUt.
Saint Mary, and to all the saints in heaven : but one Fiu'JaniC5-
William Tracy of Worcestershire dying, left a will of a
far different strain ; for he bequeathed his soul only to
God through Jesus Christ, to whose intercession alone
he trusted, without the help of any other saint ; there-
fore he left no part of his goods to have any pray for his
soul." This being brought into the Convocation by the Regi«t.
Prolocutor, he was condemned as an heretic, and an or- ^j^
der was sent to Parker, chancellor of Winchester, to
raise his body. The officious Chancellor went beyond
his order, and burnt the body ; but the record bears, that
though he might, by the warrant he had, raise the body
according to the law of the church, vet he had no au-
thority to burn it. So two years after Tracy's heirs sued
him for it, and he was turned out of his office of chan-
cellor, and fined in 400/.
There is another instance of the cruelty of the clergy Harding'*
this year. One Thomas Harding of Buckinghamshire, snSeiin&-
an ancient man, who had abjured in the year 1506, was
now observed to go often into woods, and was seen
sometimes reading. Upon which his house was
searched, and some parcels of the New Testament in
English were found in it. So he was carried before
Longland, bishop of Lincoln, who, as he was a cruel
persecutor, so being the King's confessor, acted with the
more authority. This aged man was judged a relapse,
and sent to Chesham, were he. lived to be burnt, which
was executed on Corpus Christi eve. At this time
262
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
Fox.
1533.
Friths suf-
ferings.
Hi$ argu-
ments
against the
corporal
presence.
there was an indulgence of forty days' pardon proclaimed
to all that carried a faggot to the burning of an heretic :
so dexterously did the clergy endeavour to infect the
laity with their own cruel spirit ; and that wrought upon
this occasion a signal effect — for as the fire was kindled,
one flung a fagot at the old man's head, which dashed
out his brains.
In the year 1533 it was thought fit by some signal
evidence to convince the world, that the King did not
design to change the established religion, though he had
then proceeded far in his breach with Rome; and
the crafty Bishop of Winchester, Gardiner, as he com-
plied with the King in his second marriage and separa-
tion from Rome, so, being an inveterate enemy to the
Reformation, and in his heart addicted to the court of
Rome, did by this argument often prevail with the
King to punish the heretics ; that it would most effectu-
ally justify his other proceedings, and convince the
world that he was still a good catholic King ; which at
several times drew the King to what he desired. And
at this time, the steps the King had made in his separa-
tion from the Pope had given such heart to the new
preachers, that they grew bolder and more public in
their assemblies.
John Frith, as he was an excellent scholar, which
was so taken notice of some years before, that he was
put in the list of those whom the Cardinal intended to
bring from Cambridge and put in his college at Ox-
ford ; so he had offended them by several writings, and
by a discourse which he wrote against the corporal pre-
sence of Christ, in the sacrament, had provoked the
King, who continued to his death to believe that firmly:
" The substance of his argument was, that Christ in the
sacrament gave eternal life, but the receiving the bare
sacrament did not give eternal life, since many took it
to their damnation ; therefore Christ's presence there,
was only felt by faith. This he further proved by the
fathers before Christ, who did eat the same spiritual
food, and drink of the rock, which was Christ, accord-
ing to St. Paul : since then, they and we communicate
in the same thing, and it was certain that they did not
THE REFORMATION. 2(33
eat Christ's flesh corporally, but fed by faith on a Mes- book
sias to come, as Christians do on a Messias already
come : therefore we now do only communicate by faith. 1334.
He also insisted much on the signification of the word
sacrament, from whence he concluded, that the ele-
i ments must be the mystical signs of Christ's body and
blood ; for if they were truly the flesh and blood of
Christ, they should not be sacraments : he concluded,
• that the ends of the sacrament were these three, by a
visible action to knit the society of Christians together
in one body, to be a means of conveying grace upon
our due participating of them, and to be remembrances
to stir up men to bless God for that unspeakable love,
which in the death of Christ appeared to mankind. To
all these ends the corporal presence of Christ availed no-
thing, they being sufficiently answered by a mystical
presence : yet he drew no other conclusion, from these
premises, but that the belief of the corporal presence
in the sacrament, was no necessary article of our faith.
This either flowed from his not having yet arrived at a
sure persuasion in the matter, or that he chose in that
modest style, to encounter an opinion, of which the
world was so fond, that to have opposed it in downright
words, would have given prejudices against all that he
could say.
Frith, upon a long conversation with one upon this
subject, was desired to set down the heads of it in
writing, which he did. The paper went about, and was
by a false brother conveyed to Sir Thomas More's
hands, who set himself to answer it in his ordinary
style, treating Frith with great contempt, calling him
always the young man. Frith was in prison before he
saw More's book, yet he wrote a reply to it, which I do
not find was then published ; but a copy of it was
brought afterwards to Cranmer, who acknowledged
when he wrote his Apology against Gardiner, that he
had received great light in that matter from Frith's
books, and drew most of his arguments out of it. It
was afterwards printed with his works, anno 1573 ; and
by it may appear, how much truth is stronger than
error. For though More wrote with as much wit and
3(54 HISTORY OF
part eloquence as any man in that age did, and Frith wrote
* plainly without any art ; yet there is so great a differ-
1554. ence between their books, that whoever compares them,
will clearly perceive the one to be the ingenious de-
fender of an ill cause, and the other a simple asserter
of truth. Frith wrote with all the disadvantage that
was possible, being then in the jail, where he could
have no books, but some notes he might have collected
formerly : he was also so loaded with irons, that he
could scarce sit with any ease. He began with con-
firming what he had delivered about the fathers before
Christ, their feeding on his body in the same manner
that Christians do since his death ; this he proved from
Scripture, and several places of St. Austin's works : he
proved also from Scripture, that after the consecration,
the elements were still bread and wine, and were so
called both by our Saviour and his apostles ; that our
senses shew they are not changed in their natures, and
that they are still subject to corruption, which can no
Way be said of the body of Christ. He proved that the
eating of Christ's flesh in the 6th of St. John, cannot
be applied to the sacrament ; since the wicked re-
ceive it, who yet do not eat the flesh of Christ, other-
wise they should have eternal life. He shewed also,
that the sacrament coming in the room of the Jewish
paschal lamb, we must understand Christ's words, " This
is my body," in the same sense in which it was said,
that the lamb was the Lord's passover. He confirmed
this by many passages, cited out of Tertullian, Athana-
sius, Chrysostome, Ambrose, Jerome, Austin, Fulgen-
tius, Eusebius, and some later writers, as Beda, Ber-
tram and Druthmar, who did all assert that the ele-
ments retained their former natures, and were only the
mysteries, signs, and figures of the body and blood of
Christ. But Gelasius's words seemed so remarkable,
that they could not but determine the controversy,
especially considering he was bishop of Rome: he there-
fore writing against the Eutychians, who thought the
human nature of Christ was changed into the Divine,
says, "That as the elements of bread and wine being
consecrated to be the sacraments of the body and blood
THE REFORMATION. 265
of Christ, did not cease to be bread and wine in sub- book
stance, but continued in their own proper natures ;" so _
the human nature of Christ continued still, though it 1534.
was united to the Divine nature : this was a manifest in-
dication of the belief of the church in that age, and
ought to weigh more than a hundred high rhetorical
expressions. He brought likewise several testimonies
out of the fathers, to shew that they knew nothing of
the consequences that follow transubstantiation ; of a
body being in more places at once, or being in a place
after the manner of a spirit, or of the worship to be
given to the sacrament. Upon this he digresses, and
says, that the German divines believed a corporal pre-
sence ; yet since that was only an opinion that rested
in their minds, and did not carry along with it any cor-
ruption of the worship, or idolatrous practice, it was to
be born with, and the peace of the church was not to
be broken for it : but the case of the church of Rome
was very different, which had set up gross idolatry,
building it upon this doctrine.
Thus I have given a short abstract of Frith's book,
which I thought fit the rather to do, because it was
the first book that was written on this subject in Eng-
land by any of the reformers. And from hence it may
appear, upon what solid and weighty reasons they then
began to shake the received opinion of transubstantia-
tion : and with how much learning this controversy was
managed by him, who first undertook it.
One thing was singular in Frith's opinion, that he
thought there should be no contest made about the
manner of Christ's presence in the sacrament ; for what-
ever opinion men held in speculation, if it went not to
a practical error (which was the adoration of it, for that
was idolatry in his opinion) there were no disputes to
be made about it, therefore he was much against all
heats between the Lutherans and Zuinglians ; for he
thought in such a matter, that was wholly speculative,
every man might hold his own opinion without making
a breach of the unity of the church about it.
He was apprehended in May, 1533, and kept in prison
till the 20th of June, and then he was brought before
2m HISTORY OF
pari the Bishop of London, Gardiner and Longland sitting
with him. They objected to him his opinions about
1534 the sacrament and purgatory ; he answered, that for the
Regist. first he did not find trans instantiation in the Scriptures,
Foi. 7i. nor in any approved authors ; and therefore he would
and a letter not admit any thing as an article of faith, without clear
Fox. and certain grounds : for he did not think the autho-
rity of the church reached so far. They argued with
him upon some passages out of St. Austin and St. Chry-
sostome, to which he answered, by opposing other places
of the same fathers, and shewed how they were to be
reconciled to themselves : when it came to a conclu-
sion, these words are set down in the register as his
confession.
o?th0J"sa-0n " Frith thinketh and judgeth that the natural body
cramcnt. of Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar, but in
one place only at once. Item, he saith, that neither
part is a necessary article of our faith, whether the na-
tural body be there in the sacrament or not.
As for purgatory, he said a man consisted of two
parts, his body and soul ; his body was purged by sick-
ness and other pains, and at last by death, and was not
by their own doctrine sent to purgatory. And for the
soul, it was purged through the word of God received
by faith. So his confession was written down in these
And of words. Item, (t Frith thinketh and judgeth that there
purga ory. jg ^ purgatory for the soul after that it is departed from
the body, and as he thinketh herein, so hath he said,
written, and defended ; hovvbeit he thinketh neither part
to be an article of faith, necessarily to be believed under
pain of damnation."
The bishops, with the doctors that stood about them,
took much pains to make him change ; but he told
them, that he could not be induced to believe, that
these were articles of faith. And when they threatened
to proceed to a final sentence, he seemed not moved
with it, but said, " Let judgment be done in righteous-
ness." The bishops, though none of them were guilty
of great tenderness, yet seemed to pity him much ; and
the Bishop of London professed, he gave sentence with
great grief of heart. In the end he was judged an ob-
THE REFORMATION. 267
stinate heretic, and was delivered to the secular power : book
there is one clause in this sentence, which is not in '
many others, therefore I shall set it down. 1534
" Most earnestly requiring, in the bowels of our Lord He is con-
Jesus Christ, that this execution and punishment, wor- emne '
: thily to be done upon thee, may be so moderate, that
the rigour thereof be not too extreme, nor yet the gen-
tleness too much mitigated, but that it may be to the
'salvation of thy soul, to the extirpation, terror, and con-
version of heretics, and to the unity of the catholic
faith." This was thought a scorning of God and men,
when those, who knew that he was to be burnt, and in-
tended it should be so, yet used such an obtestation by
, the bowels of Jesus Christ, that the rigour might not be
extreme. This being certified, the writ was issued out,
and as the register bears, he was burnt in Smithfield
the 4th of July, and one Andrew Hewet with him, who
also denied the presence of Christ in the sacrament of
the altar. This Hewet was an apprentice, and went to
the meetings of these preachers, and was twice betrayed
by some spies whom the bishops' officers had among
them, who discovered many. When he was examined,
he would not acknowledge the corporal presence, but
was illiterate, and resolved to do as Frith did ; so he
was also condemned and burnt with him.
When they were brought to the stake, Frith ex- His con-
pressed great joy, at his approaching martyrdom, and huTuffer-
in a transport of it, hugged the faggots in his arms, as ings.
the instruments that were to send him to his eternal
rest. One Dr. Cook, a parson of London, called to
the people, that they should not pray for them any
more than they would do for a dog. At which Frith
smiled, and prayed God to forgive him ; so the fire was
set to, and they were consumed to ashes.
This was the last act of the clergy's cruelty against
men's lives, and was much condemned : it was thought
an unheard-of barbarity, thus to burn a moderate and
learned young man, only because he would not acknow-
ledge some of their doctrines to be articles of faith ; and
though his private judgment was against their tenet,
yet he was not positive in it, any further, than that he
208
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1534.
Philips's
sufferings.
could not believe the contrary to be necessary to salva-
tion. But the clergy were now so bathed in blood, that
they seemed to have stripped themselves of those im-
pressions of pity and compassion, which are natural to
mankind ; they therefore held on in their severe courses,
till the act of parliament did effectually restrain them.
In the account that was given of that act, mention
was made of one Thomas Philips, who put in his com-
plaint to the House of Commons against the Bishop
of London. The proceedings against him, had been
both extreme and illegal : he was first apprehended, and
put in the Tower upon suspicion of heresy, and when
they searched him, a copy of Tracy's Testament was
found about him, and butter and cheese were found in
his chamber, it being in the time of Lent. There was
also another letter found about him, exhorting him to
be ready to suffer constantly for the truth. Upon these
presumptions the Bishop of London proceeded against
him, and required him to abjure. But he said, he
would willingly swear to be obedient as a Christian man
ought, and that he would never hold any heresy during
his life, nor favour heretics ; but the Bishop would not
accept of that, since there might be ambiguities in it :
therefore he required him to make the abjuration in
common form, which he refused to do, and appealed to
the King as the supreme head of the church. Yet the
Bishop pronounced him contumax, and did excommuni-
cate him ; but whether he was released on his appeal,
or not, I do not find ; yet perhaps this was the man of
whom the Pope complained to the English ambassa-
dors, 1532, that an heretic having appealed to the King
as the supreme head of the church, was taken out of
the Bishop's hands, and judged and acquitted in the
King's courts. It is probable this was the man, only
the Pope was informed, that it was from the Archbi-
shop of Canterbury that he appealed, in which there
might be a mistake for the Bishop of London. But
whatever ground there may be for that conjecture, Phi-
lips got his liberty, and put in a complaint to the House
of Commons, which produced the act about heretics.
And now that act being passed, together with the
THE REFORMATION. 2G9
extirpation of the Pope's authority, and the power book
being lodged in the King to correct and reform heresies,
idolatries and abuses, the standard of the catholic faith 1534.
being also declared to be the Scriptures, the persecuted puft00ptheS«
preachers had ease and encouragement every where, cruel pro-
They also saw that the necessity of the King's affairs c ings'
would constrain him to be gentle to them ; for the sen-
tence which the Pope gave against the King was com-
,mitted to the Emperor to be executed by him, who was
then aspiring to an universal monarchy ; and therefore
as soon as his other wars gave him leisure to look over
to England and Ireland, he had now a good colour to
justify an invasion both from the Pope's sentence, and
'■ the interests and honour of his family in protecting his
aunt and her daughter: therefore the King was to give
him work elsewhere, in order to which his interest
obliged him to join himself to the princes of Germany,
■ who had at Smalcald entered into a league offensive and
defensive, for the liberty of religion and the rights of
the empire. This was a thorn in the Emperor's side,
which the King's interest would-obligehim by all means
[to maintain. Upon which the reformers in England
concluded, that either the King, to recommend himself
to these princes, would relax the severities of the law
against them, or otherwise, that their friends in Germa-
ny would see to it ; for in these first fervours of reforma-
' tions, the princes made that always a condition in their
treaties, that those who favoured their doctrine might
be no more persecuted.
But their chief encouragement was from the Queen, J1"5 Q"een
who reigned in the King's heart, as absolutely as he did the reform-
over his subjects ; and was a known favourer of them. ers-
She took Shaxton and Latimer to be her chaplains, and
soon after promoted them to the bishopricks of Salisbu-
ry and Worcester, then vacant by the deprivation of Cam-
pegio and Ghinuccii ; and in all other things cherished
and protected them, and used her most effectual endea-
vours with the King to promote the Reformation. Next
to her, Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, was a pro- Cranmer
: fessed favourer of it, who besides the authority of his SJJHJ*
character and see, was well fitted for carrying it on, formation.
270 HISTORY OF
part being a very learned and industrious man. He was at
' great pains to collect the sense of ancient writers, upon
1534. all the heads of religion, by which he might be well di-
rected in such an important matter. I have seen two
volumes in folio written with his own hand, containing
upon all the heads of religion a vast heap, both of places
of Scripture and quotations out of ancient fathers, and
later doctors, and schoolmen, by which he governed
himself in that work. There is also an original letter
of the Lord Burghly's extant, which I have seen, in
which he writes, that he had six or seven volumes of his
writings ; all which, except two other that I have seen,
are lost, for aught I can understand. From which it
will appear in the sequel of this work, that he neither
copied from foreign writers, nor proceeded rashly in the
Reformation. He was a man of great temper ; and, as I
have seen in some of his letters to Osiander, and some
of Osiander's answers to him, he very much disliked the
violence of the German divines. He was gentle in his
whole behaviour ; and though he was a man of too great
candour and simplicity to be refined in the arts of policy,
yet he managed his affairs with great prudence ; which
did so much recommend him to the King, that no ill
offices were ever able to hurt him. It is true, he had
some singular opinions about ecclesiastical functions and
offices, which he seemed to make wholly dependant on
the magistrate, as much as the civil were ; but as he ne-
ver studied to get his opinion in that, made a part of
the doctrine of the church, reserving only to himself
the freedom of his own thoughts, which I have reason
to think he did afterwards either change, or at least
was content to be overruled in it : so it is clear that he
held not that opinion to get the King's favour by it, for
in many other things, as in the business of the six arti-
cles, he boldly and freely argued, both in the Convoca-
tion and the House of Peers, against that which he
knew was the King's mind, and took his life in his hands,
which had certainly been offered at a stake, if the King's
esteem of him had not been proof against all attempts.
Assisted by Next him, or rather above him, was Cromwell, who
Cromwell. was macie the King's vicegerent in ecclesiastical mad
//'///f/j < '/r/////ir
THE REFORMATION. 271
ters. A man of mean birth, but noble qualities, as ap- book
peared in two signal instances ; the one being his plead- ~
ing in parliament so zealously and successfully for the i535.
fallen and disgraced Cardinal, whose secretary he was,
when Gardiner, though more obliged by him, had basely
forsaken him. This was thought so just and generous
in him, that it did not at all hinder his preferment, but
raised his credit higher ; such a demonstration of grati-
tude and friendship in misfortune being so rare a thing
,in a court. The other was his remembering the mer-
chant of Lucca, that had pitied and relieved him when
Ihe was a poor stranger there, and expressing most extra-
ordinary acknowledgments and gratitude when he was
[afterwards in the top of his greatness : and the other did
inot so much as know him, much less pretend to any re-
turns for past favours, which shewed that he had a no-
ble and generous temper ; only he made too much haste
|to be great and rich. He joined himself in a firm friend-
i ship to Cranmer, and did promote the Reformation very
vigorously.
But there was another party in the court, that wrest- The Duke-
led much against it ; the head of it was the Duke of of ,N,?rf °,k
© and (jrardi-
Norfolk, who, though he was the Queen s uncle, yet ner oPpo-
!was her mortal enemy. He was a dexterous courtier, and sed u'
{complied with the King, both in his divorce and separa-
tion from Rome, yet did upon all occasions persuade the
King to innovate nothing in religion: his great friend,
ithat joined all along with him in those councils, was
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, who was a crafty and
; politic man, and understood the King well, and com-
plied with his temper in every thing ; he dispised Cran-
mer, and hated all reformation. Longland, that had been
ithe King's confessor, was also managed by them, and
;they had a great party in the court, and almost all the
churchmen were on their side.
That which prevailed most with the King was, that Reasons
himself had writ a book in defence of the faith, and K1,^6
j they said, would he now retract that, which all learned tion.
ijmen admired so much : or would he encourage Luther
'iand his party, who had treated him with so little res-
tjpect ? If he went to change the doctrines that were for-
272
HISTORY OF
PART
1.
1535.
Reasons
for it.
merly received, all the world would say he did it in spite
to the Pope, which would cast a great dishonour on him,
as if his passion governed his religion. Foreign princes,
who in their hearts did not much blame him for what
he had hitherto done, but rather wished for a good op-
portunity to do the like, would now condemn him if he
meddled with the religion : and his own subjects, who
complied with that which he had done, and were glad
to be delivered from foreign jurisdiction, and the exac-
tions of the court of Rome, would not bear a change
of the faith, but might be thereby easily set on, by the
emissaries of the Pope or Emperor, to break out in re-
bellion. These things being managed skilfully, and
agreeing with his own private opinion, wrought much
on him ; and particularly what was said about his own
book, which had been so much commended to him, that
he was almost made believe, it was written by a special
inspiration of the Holy Ghost.
But, on the other side, Cranmer represented to him,
that since he had put down the Pope's authority, it was
not fit to let those doctrines be still taught, which had
no other foundation but the decrees of popes : and he
offered, upon the greatest hazard to prove, that many
things then received as articles of faith, were no better
grounded ; therefore he pressed the King to give order
to hear and examine things freely, that when the Pope's
power was rejected, the people might not be obliged to
believe doctrines, which had no better warrant. And,
for political councils, he was to do the duty of a good
Christian prince, and leave the event to God; and thing-?
might be carried on with that due care, that the justice
and reasonableness of the King's proceedings should ap-
pear to all the world. And whereas it was objected, that
the doctrines of the catholic church ought not to be ex-
amined by any particular church : it was answered, that
when all Christendom were under one Emperor, it was
easy for him to call general councils, and in such circum-
stances it was fit to stay for one ; and yet even then, par-
ticular churches did in their national synods condemn
heresies, and reform abuses. But the state of Christen-
dom was now altered, it was under many princes, who
THE REFORMATION. 278
had different interests, and therefore they thought it a book
vain expectation to look for any such council. The pro-
testants of Germany had now for above ten years de- 1534
sired the Emperor to procure one, but to no effect ; for
sometimes the Pope would not grant it, and at other
times the French King protested against it. The form-
er year the Pope had sent to the King to offer a gene- Hal1-
ral council to be held at Mantua this year, but the King
found that was but an illusion ; for the Marquis of Man-
tua protested, he would not admit such a number of
strangers as a council would draw together into his town ;
yet the King promised to send his ambassadors thither,
when the council met. But now the King, consulting
his prelates, whether the Emperor might by his authori-
ty summon a general council, as the Roman emperors
had done ; some of them gave the following answer,
copied from the original that is yet extant, which might Aresoiu-
have been written any time between the year 1534, in s0me°bi-
which Thomas Goodrick was made bishop of Ely, and shops a-
theyear 1540, in which John Clark, bishop of Bath and calling of*
Wells died ; but I incline to think from other circum- general
stances, that it was written about the end of the year
1534.
For the General Council.
" Though that in the old time, when the empire of Ex mss.
Rome had his ample dominion over the most part of the lmgfleet.
world, the first four general councils (the which at all
times have been of most estimation in the church of
Christ) were called and gathered by the Emperor's com-
mandment, and for a godly intent ; that heresies might
be extinct, schisms put away, good order and manners
in the ministers of the church and the people of the
same established. Like as many councils more were called:
till now of late by the negligence, as well of the Emperor
and other princes, the Bishop of Rome hath been suf-
fered to usurp this power ; yet now, for so much that the
empire of Rome, and the monarchy of the same hath
no such general dominion ; but many princes have abso-
lute power in their own realms, and a whole and entire
monarchy, no one prince may by his authority call any
vol. i. p. i. t
274 HISTORY OF
part general council, but if that any one or more of these
princes, for the establishing of the faith, for the extirpa-
1534. ^xon °f schism, &c. lovingly, charitably, with a good
sincere intent, to a sure place, require any other prince,
or the rest of the great princes, to be content to agree,
that for the wealth, quietness, and tranquillity of all
christian people, by his or their free consent, a general
council might be assembled: that prince, or those princes,
so required, are bound by the order of charity, for the
good fruit that may come of it, to condescend and agree
thereunto, having no lawful impediment, nor just cause
moving to the contrary. The chief causes of the gene-
ral councils are before expressed.
"In all the ancient councils of the church, in matters
of the faith and interpretation of the Scripture, no man
made definitive subscription, but bishops and priests, for-
somuch as the declaration of the word of God pertain-
eth unto them.
T. Cantuarien.
Cuthbertus Dunelmen.
Jo. Bath. Wellen.
Tho. Elien."
But besides this resolution, I have seen a long speech
of Cranmer's, written by one of his secretaries. It was
spoken soon after the parliament had passed the acts
formerly mentioned, for it relates to them as lately done ;
it was delivered either in the House of Lords, the up-
per House of Convocation, or at the Council Board ; but
I rather think, it was in the House of Lords, for it be-
a speech gins, My Lords. The matter of it does so much con-
mer'/T- cern the business of reformation, that I know the reader
bout age- w\\\ expect I should set down the heads of it. It appear!
cii. he had been ordered to inform the House about these
things. The preamble of his speech runs upon this
Ex mss. conceit. " That as rich men, flying from their enemies,
lingfleet." carry away all they can with them, and what they can-
not take away, they either hide or destroy it ; so the
court of Rome had destroyed so many ancient writingflj
and hid the rest, having carefully preserved every thina
that was of advantage to them, that it was not easy to
THE REFORMATION. 275
discover what they had so artificially concealed : there- book
fore in the canon law, some honest truths were yet to
be found, but so mislaid, that they are not placed where 153L
one might expect them, but are to be met with in some
other chapters, where one would least look for them.
And many more things said by the ancients, of the see
of Rome, and against their authority, were lost, as ap-
pears by the fragments yet remaining. He shewed that
many of the ancients called every thing which they
thought well done, cf Divine institution, by a large ex-
tent of the phrase, in which sense the passages of many
fathers, that magnified the see of Rome, were to be un-
derstood.
" Then he shewed for what end general councils
were called, to declare the faith and reform errors ; not
that ever any council was truly general, for even at Nice
there were no bishops almost, but out of Egypt, Asia,
and Greece ; but they were called general because the
Emperor summoned them, and all Christendom did
agree to their definitions; which. he proved by several
authorities : therefore, though there were many more
bishops in the council of Arimini, than at Nice or Con-
stantinople, yet the one was not received as a general
council, and the others were; so that it was not the
number nor authority of the bishops, but the matter of
their decisions, which made them be received with so
general a submission.
tf As for the head of the council: St. Peter and St.
James had the chief direction of the council of the
apostles, but there were no contests then about head-
ship. Christ named no head, which could be no more
called a defect in him than it was one in God, that had
named no head to govern the world. Yet the church
found it convenient to have one over them, so arch-
bishops were set over provinces. And though St. Peter
had been head of the apostles, yet as it is not certain
that he was ever in Rome, so it does not appear that he
had his headship for Rome's sake, or that he left it there ;
but he was made head for his faith, and not for the dig-
nity of any see : therefore the bishops of Rome could
pretend to nothing from him but as they followed his
T 2
276 HISTORY OF
part faith ; and Liberius, and some other bishops there, had
been condemned for heresy ; and if, according to St.
1534. James, faith be to be tried by works, the lives of the
popes for several ages gave shrewd presumptions, that
their faith was not good. And though it were granted
that such a power was given to the see of Rome, yet
by many instances he shewed that positive precepts in a
matter of that nature were not for ever obligatory. And
therefore Gerson wrote a book, l De Auferibilitate
Papae.' So that if a pope with the cardinals be cor-
rupted, they ought to be tried by a general council, and
submit to it. St. Peter gave an account of his baptiz-
ing Cornelius, when he was questioned about it. So
Damasus, Sixtus, and Leo purged themselves of some
scandals.
" Then he shewed how corrupt the present Pope was,
both in his* person and government, for which he was
abhorred even by some of his cardinals, as himself had
heard and seen at Rome. It was true there was no law
to proceed against a vicious pope, for it was a thing not
foreseen, and thought scarcely possible ; but new dis-
eases required new remedies, and if a pope that is an
heretic may be judged in a council, the same reason
would hold against a simoniacal, covetous, and impi-
ous pope, who was salt that had lost its savour. And
by several authorities he proved, that every man who
lives so, is thereby out of the communion of the church;
and that as the pre-eminence of the see of Rome flowed
only from the laws of men, so there was now good cause
to repeal these ; for the Pope, as was said in the council
of Basil, was only vicar of the church, and not of Christ,
so he was accountable to the church. The council of
Constance and the divines of Paris had, according to
the doctrine of the ancient church, declared the Pope to .
be subject to a general council, which many popes in
former ages had confessed. And all that the Pope can
claim, even by the canon law, is only to call and preside
in a general council, but not to overrule it, or have a
negative vote in it.
" The power of councils did not extend to princes,
dominions, or secular matters, but only to points of
THE REFORMATION. 277
faith which they were to declare, and to condemn here- book
tics : nor were their decrees laws till they were enacted
by princes. Upon this he enlarged much, to shew that 1534,
though a council did proceed against a king (with which
they then threatened the King), that their sentence was
of no force, as being without their sphere. The deter-
mination of councils ought to be well considered and
examined by the Scriptures, and in matters indifferent
men ought to be left to their freedom ; he taxed the
severity of Victor's proceedings against the churches of
the East about the day of Easter : and concluded, that
as a member of the body is not cut off except a gangrene
comes in it, so no part of the church ought to be cut
off, but upon a great and inevitable cause. And he very
largely shewed with what moderation and charity the
church should proceed even against those that held er-
rors. And the standard of the council's definitions
should only be taken from the Scriptures, and not from
men's traditions.
" He said, some general councils had been rejected
by others, and it was a tender point how much ought '
to be deferred to a council ; some decrees of councils
were not at all obeyed. The divines of Paris held, that
a council could not make a new article of faith that was
not in the Scriptures. And as all God's promises to the
people of Israel, had this condition implied within them,
* If they kept his commandments ;' so he thought the
promises to the christian church had this condition in
them, ' If they kept the faith.' Therefore he had much
doubting in himself as to general councils, and he
thought that only the word of God was the rule of faith,
which ought to take place in all controversies of religion.
The Scriptures were called canonical, as being the only
rules of the faith of Christians ; and these, by appoint-
ment of the ancient councils, were only to be read in
the churches. The fathers, SS. Ambrose, Jerome, and
Austin, did in many things differ from one another, but
always appealed to the Scriptures as the common and
certain standard. And he cited some remarkable pas-
sage out of St. Austin, to shew what difference he put
between the Scriptures and all the other writings even of
278 HISTORY OF
part the best and holiest fathers. But when all the fathers
' agreed in the exposition of any place of Scripture, he
1534- acknowledged he looked on that as flowing from the Spi-
rit of God, and it was a most dangerous thing to be wise
in our own conceit : therefore he thought councils ought
to found their decisions on the word of God, and those
expositions of it that had been agreed on by the doc-
tors of the church.
" Then he discoursed very largely what a person a
judge ought to be ; he must not be partial, nor a judge
in his own cause, nor so much as sit on the bench when
it is tried, lest his presence should overawe others.
Things also done upon a common error cannot bind,
when the error upon which they were done comes to be
discovered ; and all human laws ought to be changed,
when a public visible inconvenience follows them. From
which he concluded, that the Pope, being a party, and
having already passed his sentence in things which
ought to be examined by a general council, could not
be a judge, nor sit in it. Princes, also, who upon a com-
mon mistake, thinking the Pope head of the church,
had sworn to him, finding that this was done upon a
false ground, may pull their neck out of his yoke, as
every man may make his escape out of the hands of a
robber. And the court of Rome was so corrupt that a
pope, though he meant well as Hadrian did, yet could
never bring any good design to an issue ; the cardinals
and the rest of that court being so engaged to maintain
their corruptions." These were the heads of that dis-
course, which it seems he gave them in writing after
he had delivered it ; but he promised to entertain
them with another discourse of the power the bishops
of the christian church have in their sees, and of the
power of a christian prince to make them do their duty;
but that I could never see, and I am afraid it is lost.
All this I thought necessary to open, to shew the
state of the court, and the principles that the several
parties in it went upon, when the reformation ivas first
brought under consideration, m the third period of this
King'* reign, to which I am now advanced.
THE REFORMATION. 2/9
BOOK III.
Of the other Transactions about Religion and Reforma-
tion during the rest of the Reign of King Henry VII L
The King having passed through the traverses and book
tossings of his suit of divorce, and having, with the
concurrence both of his clergy and parliament, brought 1535
about what he had projected, seemed now at ease in his The rest of
own dominions. But though matters were carried in reTgn grows
public assemblies smoothly and successfully, yet there ti-oubie-
were many secret discontents, which, being fomented
both by the Pope and the Emperor's agents, wrought
him great trouble ; so that the rest of his life was full of
vexation and disquiet.
All that were zealously addicted to that which they
called the old religion, did conclude, that whatever firm-
ness the King expressed to it now was either pretended
out of policy, for avoiding the inconveniences which the
fears of a change might produce : or, though he really
intended to perform what he professed, yet the interests
in which he must embark with the Princess of Germany
against the Pope and the Emperor, together with the
power that the Queen had over hirn, and the credit Cran-
mer and Cromwell had with him, would prevail on him
to change some things in religion. And they looked on
these things as so complicated together, that the change
of any one must needs make way for change in more ;
since that struck at the authority of the church, and left
people at liberty to dispute the articles of faith. This
they thought was a gate opened to heresy. And there-
fore they were every where meeting together, and con-
sulting what should be done for suppressing heresy, and
preserving the catholic faith.
That zeal was much inflamed by the monks and By the
friars, who clearly saw the acts of parliament were so jbemonks
levelled at their exemptions and immunities, that they and friars,
were now like to be at the King's mercy. They were
no more to plead their bulls, nor claim any privileges,
280
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1535.
Which pro-
voked the
King to
great seve-
rities.
further than it pleased the King to allow them. No
new saints from Rome could draw more riches or ho-
nour to their orders. Privileges and indulgences were
out of doors ; so that the arts of drawing in the people,
to enrich their churches and houses, were at an end.
And they had also secret intimations, that the King and
the courtiers, had an eye on their lands, and they gave
themselves for lost, if they could not so embroil the
King's affairs, that he should not adventure on so in-
vidious a thing : therefore, both in confessions and con-
ferences, they infused into the people a dislike of the
King's proceedings ; which, though for some time it did
not break out into an open rebellion, yet the humour
still fermented, and people only waited for an opportu-
nity : so that, if the Emperor had not been otherwise
distracted, he might have made war upon the King,
with great advantages : for many of his discontented
subjects would have joined with the enemy. But the
King did so dexterously manage his leagues with the
French King, and the princes of the empire, that the
Emperor could never make any impressions on his do-
minions.
But those factious spirits, seeing nothing was to be
expected from any foreign power, could not contain
themselves, but broke out into open rebellion. And
this provoked the King to great severities ; his spirit
was so fretted, by the tricks the court of Rome had put
on him, and by the ingratitude and seditious practices
of Reginald Pool, that he thereby lost much of his
former temper and patience, and was too ready upon
slight grounds to bring his subjects to the bar. Where,
though the matter was always so ordered that, according
to law, they were indicted and judged ; yet the severity
of the law bordering sometimes on rigour and cruelty,
he came to be called a cruel tyrant. Nor did his seve-
rity lie only on one side, but being addicted to some te-
nets of the old religion, and impatient of contradiction ;
or perhaps blown up, either with the vanity of his new
title, of Head of the Church, or with the praises which
flatterers bestowed on him ; he thought all persons were
bound to regulate their belief by his dictates, which
THE REFORMATION. 281
made him prosecute protestants as well as papists. Yet book
it does not appear that cruelty was natural to him. For
in twenty-five years' reign, none had suffered for any 1535#
crime against the state, but Pool, earl of Suffolk, and
Stafford, duke of Buckingham. The former he prose-
cuted in obedience to his father's last commands at his
death. His severity to the other was imputed to the Car-
dinal's malice. The proceedings were also legal. And
the Duke of Buckingham had, by the knavery of a priest,
to whom he gave great credit, been made believe he had
a right to the crown ; and practices of that nature touch
princes so nearly, that no wonder the law was executed
in such a case. This shews, that the King was not very
jealous, nor desirous of the blood of his subjects. But
though he always proceeded upon law, yet in the last
ten years of his life many instances of severity occurred,
for which he is rather to be pitied, than either imitated
or sharply censured.
The former Book was full of intrigues and foreign
transactions ; the greatest part of it being an account of
a tedious negociation with the subtlest and most refined
court of Christendom, in all the art of human policy.
But now my work is confined to this nation ; and, ex-
cept in short touches by the way, I shall meddle no
further with the mysteries of state ; but shall give as
clear an account of those things that relate to religion
and reformation as I could possibly recover. The sup-
pression of monasteries, the advance and declension of
reformation, and the proceedings against those who
adhered to the interests of the court of Rome, must be
the chief subjects of this Book. The two former shall
be opened, in the series of time as they were transacted :
but the last shall be left to the end of the Book, that it
may be presented in one full view.
After the parliament had ended their business, the The bishop*
bishops did all renew their allegiance to the King, and king's «u-
swore also to maintain his supremacy in ecclesiastical premacy.
matters ; acknowledging that he was the supreme head
of the church of England, though there was yet no law
for the requiring of any such oath. The first act of the
282 HISTORY OF
part King's supremacy was, his naming Cromwell vicar-
' general, and general visitor of all the monasteries and
1535. other privileged places. This is commonly confounded
with his following dignity of lord vicegerent in eccle- j
siastical matters ; but they were two different places,
and held by different commissions. By the one, he had
no authority over the bishops, nor had he any prece- .;
dence ; but the other, as it gave him the precedence ;
next the royal family, so it clothed him with a complete
delegation of the King's whole power in ecclesiastical
affairs. For two years he was only vicar-general : but
the tenor of his commissions, and the nature of the
power devolved on him by them, cannot be fully known.
For neither the one nor the other are in the Rolls,
though there can be no doubt made but commissions
of such importance were enrolled ; therefore the loss of
them can only be charged on that search and rasure of
records made by Bonner, upon the commission granted
to him by Queen Mary ; of which I have spoken in
the preface of this work. In the Prerogative Office
there is a subaltern commission granted to Dr. (after-
wards Secretary) Petre, on January 13, in the twenty-
seventh year of the King's reign ; by which it appears,
that Cromwell's commission was at first conceived in
very general words ; for he is called the King's vice-
gerent in ecclesiastical cause?, his vicar-general, and
official-principal. But because he could not himself
attend upon all these affairs, therefore Dr. Petre is de-
puted under him, for receiving the probates of wills :
from thence likewise it appears, that all wills, where
the estate was 200 lib. or above, were no more to be
tried or proved in the bishops' courts, but in. the vicar-
general's court. Yet though he was called vicegerent
in that commission, he was spoken of, and writ to, by
the name of vicar-general ; but after the second com-
mission, seen and mentioned by the Lord Herbert in
July, 153(), he was always designed lord vicegerent.
The next thing that was every where laboured with
great industry was, to engage all the rest of the rlcrgv,
chiefly the regulars, to own the King's supremacy ; to
THE REFORMATION. 283
which they generally submitted. In Oxford, the ques- book
tion being put, Whether the Pope had any other juris-
diction in England than any other foreign bishop ? it 1535.
was referred to thirty doctors and bachelors, who were Antiq\.,
empowered to set the University-seal to their conclu- i.pv258.
sion. They all agreed in the negative, and the whole The °rigi-
j. .m o o ]la| letter is
University, being examined about it man by man, as- inCott.
sen ted to their determination. All the difficulty that I yib^^p'
find made was at Richmond, by the Franciscan friars, is.
where the Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield (Rowland ^JjJJj
Lee) and Thomas Bedyl, tendered some conclusions to refuse it.
them ; among which this was one : — " That the Pope
of Rome has no greater jurisdiction in this kingdom of
England, by the law of God, than any other foreign bi-
shop." This they told them was already subscribed by
the two Archbishops, the Bishops of London, Win-
chester, Duresme, Bath, and all the other prelates, and
heads of houses, and all the famous clerks of the realm.
And therefore they desired that the friars would refer
the matter to the four seniors of the house, and acquiesce
in what they should do. But the friars said, it con-
cerned their consciences, and therefore they would not
submit it to a small part of their house : they added,
that they had sworn to follow the rule of St. Francis,
and in that they would live and die ; and cited a chap-
ter of their rule — "That their order should have a car-
dinal for their protector, by whose directions they might
be governed in their obedience to the holy see." But
to this the Bishop answered, that St. Francis lived
in Italy, where the monks and other regulars, that
had exemptions, were subject to the Pope, as they were
in England to the Archbishop of Canterbury. And for
the chapter which they cited, it was shewed them, that
it was not written by St. Francis, but made since his
time ; and though, it were truly a part of his rule, it was
told them, that no particular rule ought to be preferred
to the laws of the land ; to which all subjects were
bound to give obedience, and could not be excused from
it by any voluntary obligation under which they brought
themselves. Yet all this could not prevail on them ;
but they said lo the Bishop, they had professed St.
284 HISTORY OF
part Francis's rule, and would still continue in the observance
_2 of it.
1535. -But though I do not find such resistance made else-
a general where, yet it appears that some secret practices of many
HKwaste* °f those orders against the state were discovered ; there-
nes is de- fore it was resolved, that some effectual means must be
signed
taken for lessening their credit and authority with the
people; and so a general visitation of all monasteries
Orig. Cott. and other religious houses was resolved on. This was
Lib. e. 4. chiefly advised by Dr. Leighton, who had been in the
Cardinal's service with Cromwell, and was then taken
notice of by him, as a dexterous and diligent man, and
therefore was now made use of on this occasion. He,
by a letter to Cromwell, advertised him, that upon a
long conference with the Dean of the Arches, he found
the Dean was of opinion, that it was not fit to make
any visitation in the King's name yet, for two or three
years, till his supremacy were better received ; and that
he apprehended a severe visitation so early would make
the clergy more averse to the King's power. But Leigh-
ton, on the other hand, thought nothing would so much
recommend the supremacy, as to see such good effects
of it as might follow upon a strict and exact visitation.
And the abuses of religious persons were now so great
and visible, even to the laity, that the correcting and
reforming these would be a very popular thing. He
writ further, that there had been no visitation in the
northern parts since the Cardinal ordered it : therefore
he advised one, and desired to be employed in York-
shire. And, by another letter, dated the 4th of June,
he wrote to Cromwell, desiring that Dr. Lee and he
might be employed in visiting all the monasteries from
the diocese of Lincoln northwards ; which they could
manage better than any body else, having great kindred
and a large acquaintance in those parts : so that they
would be able to discover all the disorders or seditious
practices in these houses. He complained, that former
visitations had been slight and insignificant, and pro-
mised great faithfulness and diligence, both from him-
self and Dr. Lee.
inakcThis -Tne Archbishop of Canterbury wm now making his
THE REFORMATION. 285
metropolitical visitation, having obtained the King's book
licence for it; which says, that he having desired,
that according to the custom and the prerogative of his 1535.
metropolitical see, he might make his visitation, the metropoii-
King granted him licence to do it, and required all to t,on. V
assist and obey him : dated the 28th of April. Things Rot Pat.
were not yet ripe for doing great matters ; so that which paJfi. 6"
he now looked to, was to see that all should submit to
the King's supremacy, and renounce any dependance
on the Pope, whose name was to be struck out of all
the public offices of the church. This was begun in
May, 1535. Stokesley, bishop of London, submitted j^s*8*-
not to this visitation, till he had entered three protesta- 44.
tions for keeping up of privileges.
In October began the great visitation of monasteries, The King's
which was committed to several commissioners. Leigh- wlm!°U
ton, Lee, and London were most employed: but many
others were also empowered to visit. For I find letters
from Robert Southwell, Ellice Price, John Ap-price, Ri-
chard Southwell, John Gage, Richard Bellasjs, Walter
Hendle, and several others, to Cromwell ; giving him
an account of the progress they made in their several
provinces. Their commissions, if they were passed un-
der the great seal, and enrolled, have been taken out of
the Rolls ; for there are none of them to be found there.
Yet I incline to think, they were not under the great
seal. For I have seen an original commission for the in mss.
visitation that was next year, which was only under the po;iu-
King's hand and signet. From which it may be in-
ferred, that the commissions this year were of the same
nature : yet whether such commissions could authorize
them to grant dispensations, and discharge men out of
the houses they were in, I am not skilled enough in
law to determine. And by their letters to Cromwell,
I find they did assume authority for these things. So
what their power was, I am not able to discover. But
besides their powers and commissions, they got instruc-
tions to direct them in their visitations and injunctions
to be left in every house, of which, though I could not
recover the originals, yet copies of very good authority ck^E.
I have seen, which the reader will find in the Collection 4.
286 HISTORY OF
part at the end of this Book. The instructions contain
eighty-six articles. The substance of them was, to try,
1535. " Whether Divine service was kept up, day and
instruc- night, in the right hours ? And how many were com-
visitation. monly present, and who were frequently absent ?
See Coi- "Whether the full number, according to the foun-
i. dation, was in every house ? Who were the founders ?
What additions have been made since the foundation ?
And what were their revenues ? Whether it was ever
changed from one order to another ? By whom ? And
for what cause ?
li What mortmains they had ? And whether their
founders were sufficiently authorized to make such do-
nations ?
" Upon what suggestions, and for what causes, they
were exempted from their diocesans ?
" Their local statutes were also to be seen and ex-
amined.
" The election of their head was to be inquired into.
The rule of every house was to be considered. How
many professed ? And how many novices were in it ?
And at what time the novices professed ?
" Whether they knew their rule and observed it ?
Chiefly the three vows of poverty, chastity, and obe-
dience ? Whether any of them kept any money with-
out the master's knowledge ? Whether they kept com-
pany with women, within or without the monastery ?
Or if there were any back doors, by which women came
within the precinct ? Whether they had any boys lying
by them ?
fi Whether they observed the rules of silence, fast-
ing, abstinence, and hair shirts ? Or by what warrant
they were dispensed with, in any of these ?
" Whether they did eat, sleep, wear their habit, and
stay within the monastery, according to their rules ?
" Whether the master was too cruel, or too remiss ?
And whether he used the brethren without partiality or
malice ?
" Whether any of the brethren were incorrigible ?
" Whether the master made his accompts faithfully
once a year ? Whether all the other officers made their
THE REFORMATION. 287
accompts truly ? And whether the whole revenues of book
the house were employed according to the intention of IIL
the founders ? 1535
" Whether the fabric was kept up, and the plate and
furniture were carefully preserved?
" Whether the covent-seal, and the writings of the
house, were well kept ? And whether leases were made
by the master to his kindred and friends, to the damage
of the house ? Whether hospitality was kept, and whe-
ther, at the receiving of novices, any money or reward
was demanded or promised ? What care was taken to
instruct the novices ?
" Whether any had entered into the house, in hope
to be once the master of it ?
" Whether, in giving presentations to livings, the
[master had reserved a pension out of them ? Or what
sort of bargains he made concerning them ?
" An account was to be taken, of all the parsonages
land vicarages belonging to every house, and how these
benefices were disposed of, and how the cure was
served."
All these things were to be inquired after in the
houses of monks or friars. And in the visitation of
nunneries, they were to search,
" Whether the house had a good inclosure, and if the
idoors and windows were kept shut, so that no man could
lenter at inconvenient hours ?
" Whether any men conversed with the sisters alone,
without the abbess's leave ?
<; Whether any sister was forced to profess, either by
her kindred, or by the abbess ?
" Whether they went out of their precinct without
leave ? And whether they wore their habit then ?
" What employment they had out of the times of
Divine service ? What familiarity they had with reli-
gious men ? Whether they wrote love-letters ? Or sent
and received tokens or presents ?
" Whether the confessor was a discreet and learned
man, and of good reputation ? And how oft a year
the sisters did confess and communicate ?"
They were also to visit all collegiate churches, hos-
288
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1535.
Injunctions
for all reli-
gious
houses.
See
Collect.
Numb. 2.
pitals and cathedrals, and the order of the Knights of
Jerusalem. But if this copy be complete, they were
only to view their writings and papers, to see what could
be gathered out of them, about the reformation of mo-
nastical orders. And as they were to visit, according
to these instructions, so they were to give some injunc-
tions in the King's name.
"That they should endeavour, all that in them lay, 3
that the act of the King's succession should be ob-
served," (where it is said, i that they had under their
hands and seals confirmed it.' This shews, that all the
religious houses of England had acknowledged it :)
{e and they should teach the people, that the King's
power was supreme on earth, under God, and that the
Bishop of Rome's power was usurped by craft and po-
licy, and by bis ill canons and decretals, which had been
long tolerated by the Prince, but was now justly taken
away.
" The abbot and brethren were declared to be ab-
solved from any oath they had sworn to the Pope, or
to any foreign potentate ; and the statutes of any order,
that did bind them to a foreign subjection, were abro-
gated, and ordered to be razed out of their books.
" That no monk should go out of the precinct, nor
any woman enter within it, without leave from the
King or the visitor, and that there should be no entry
to it, but one.
" Some rules were given about their meals, and
chapter of the Old or New Testament was ordered to
be read at every one. The abbot's table was to be
served with common meats, and not with delicate and
strange dishes ; and either he, or one of the seniors,
were to be always there to entertain strangers.
" Some other rules follow about the distribution of
their alms, their accommodation in health and sickness.
One or two of every house was to be kept at the Uni-
versity, that, when they were wrell instructed, they
might come and teach others : and every day, there
was to be a lecture of divinity for a whole hour : the
brethren must all be well employed.
" The abbot or head was every day to explain some
THE REFORMATION. 280
part of the rule, and apply it according to Christ's law ; book
and to shew them, that their ceremonies were but ele- '
ments, introductory to true Christianity ; and that reli- 1535.
gion consisted not in habits, or in such-like rites, but
I in cleanness of heart, pureness of living, unfeigned
; faith, brotherly charity, and true honouring of God in
spirit and truth : that therefore they must not rest in
; their ceremonies, but ascend by them to true religion.
" Other rules are added about the revenues of the
I house, and against wastes, and that none be entered
1 into their house, nor admitted under twenty-four years
I of age.
" Every priest in the house was to say mass daily,
• and in it to pray for the King and Queen.
" If any brake any of these injunctions, he was to be
! denounced to the King, or his Visitor-general. The
I Visitor had also authority to punish any, whom he
should find guilty of any crime, and to bring the Visi-
tor-general such of their books and writings as he
thought fit."
But before I give an account of this visitation, I pre- An account
sume it will not be ingrateful to the reader, to offer gress^f the
him some short view of the rise and progress of monastic mistical
orders in England, and of the state they were in at this England,
time. What the ancient British monks were, or by
what rule they were governed ; whether it was from the
eastern churches, that this constitution was brought
I into Britain, and was either suited to the rule of St.
[Anthony, St. Pachom, or St. Basil ; or whether they
1 had it from France, where Sulpitius tells us, St. Mar-
tin set up monasteries, must be left to conjecture. But
from the little that remains of them, we find they were
!very numerous, and were obedient to the Bishop of
1 Caerleon, as all the monks of the primitive times were
1 to their bishops, according to the canons of the council
of Chalcedon.
But, upon the confusions which the Gothic wars
brought into Italy, Benedict and others set up religious
houses ; and more artificial rules and methods were
found out for their government. Not long after that,
Austin the monk came into England ; and having bap-
vol. 1. p. 1. u
290
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1535.
The ex-
emptions of
monaste-
ries.
See Mo-
nasticon.
.-_
?»!onaste-
es gener-
ally wasted
and de-
rted.
Aqtiquit.
Britan.
tized Ethelbert, he persuaded him to found a monas
tery at Canterbury, which the King, by his charter, ex-
empted from the jurisdiction of the Archbishop and his
successors. This was not only done by Austin's con-
sent, but he by another writing confirms this founda
tion, and exempted both the monastery and all the
churches belonging to it from his or his successors' juris-
dictions ; and most earnestly conjures his successors,
never to give any trouble to the monks, who were only
to be subject to their own abbot. And this was granted,
that they might have no disturbance in the service of
God. (But whether this, with many other ancient
foundations, were not latter forgeries, which I vehe-
mently suspect, I leave to critics to discuss.) The next
exemption, that I find, was granted in the year 680,
to the abbey of Peterborough, by Pope Agatho, and
was signed by Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury,
called the Pope's legate. (This I doubt was forged after-
wards.) In the year 725, King Ina's charter to the
abbey of Glassenbury relates to their ancient charters,
and exempts them from the bishop's jurisdiction. King
OfFa founded and exempted the monastery of St. Al-
ban's, in the year 793, which Pope Honorius III. con-
firmed, anno 1218. Kenulph, king of Mercia, founded
and exempted Abington, in the year 821. Knut
founded and exempted St. Edmundsbury, in the year
1020.
About the end of the eighth century, the Danes be-
gan to make their descents into England, and made
every where great depredations ; and finding the monksf
had possessed themselves of the greatest part of the
riches of the nation, they made their most frequent in
roads upon these places where they knew the richest
spoil was to be found. And they did so waste and ruin(
these houses, that thev were generally abandoned by
the monks, who as they loved the ease and wealth they
had enjoyed formerly in their houses, so had no mind
to expose themselves to the persecutions of those hea
thenish invaders. But when they had deserted their
seats, the secular clergy came and possessed them ;
that in King Edgar's time there was scarce a monk in
THE REFORMATION. 2i)l
all England. He was a most dissolute and lewd prince ; book
but, being persuaded by Dunstan, and other monks, that
what he did towards the restoring of that decayed state i5-35
would be a matter of great merit, became the great pro- But. are
moter of the monastical state in England; for he con- uf^yKipg
verted most of the chapters into monasteries ; and by Edsar-
his foundation of the priory of Worcester, it appears,
he had then founded no fewer than forty-seven, which
he intended to increase to fifty, the number of pardon.
Yet in his foundations, he only exempted the monaste-
ries from all exactions or dues, which the bishops
claimed. There are exemptions of several rates and
sizes : some houses were only exempted from all exac-
tions ; others from all jurisdiction or visitations ; others
had only an exemption for their precinct ; others for all
the churches that belonged to them. Edward the Con-
fessor exempted many of these houses, which Edgar
had founded, as Ramsey, &c. He also founded and ex-
empted Westminster ; which exemption was confirmed
by Pope-Nicolas, in a bull to King Edward. William the
Conqueror founded and exempted the abbey of Battel
from all episcopal jurisdiction.
But after that time I do not find that our kings ex-
empted abbeys from any thing but episcopal exactions ;
for though formerly kings had made laws, and given
orders about ecclesiastical matters, yet now the claim
to an immunity from the civil jurisdiction, and also the
papal authority, were grown to that height, that princes
were to meddle no more with sacred things. And
henceforth all exemptions were granted by the popes,
who claimed a jurisdiction over the whole church ; and
assumed that power to themselves, with many other
usurpations.
. All the ancient foundations were subscribed by the Arts used
King, the Queen, and Prince, with many bishops and nxmksfor
abbots, and dukes and earls consenting. The abbeys enr?ching
being exempted from all jurisdiction, both civil and spi- houses,
ritual, and from all impositions ; and having generally
the privilege of sanctuary for all that fled to them, were
at ease, and accountable to none; so they might do
what they pleased. They found also means to enrich
u 2
292 HISTORY OF
part themselves, first, by the belief of purgatory. For they
' persuaded all people, that the souls departed went ge-
1535. nerally thither : few were so holy, as to go straight to
heaven ; and few so bad, as to be cast to hell. Then
people were made believe, that the saying of masses for
their souls gave them great relief in torments, and did
at length deliver them out of them. This being ge-
nerally received, it was thought by all a piece of piety
to their parents, and of necessary care for themselves
and their families, to give some part of their estates to- j
wards the enriching of these houses, for having a mass j
said every day for the souls of their ancestors, and for ;
their own, after their death. And this did so spread, j
that if some laws had not restrained their profuseness, |
the greater part of all the estates in England had been
given to those houses. But the statutes of mortmain I
were not very effectual restraints ; for what king soever
had refused to grant a mortmain, was sure to have an
uneasy reign ever after.
Yet this did not satisfy the monks, but they fell upon
other contrivances, to get the best of all men's jewels,
plate, and furniture. For they persuaded them, that!
the protection and intercession of saints were of mighty
use to them ; so that whatsoever respect they put on
the shrines and images, but chiefly on the relics of
saints, they would find their account in it, and the
saints would take it kindly at their hands, and intercede
the more earnestly for them. And people, who saw i
courtiers much wrought on by presents, imagined the
saints were of the same temper; only with this differ-
ence, that courtiers love to have presents put in their
own hands, but the saints were satisfied if they were i
given to others. And as in the courts of princes, the
new favourite commonly had greatest credit, so every I
new saint was believed to have a greater force in his
addresses; and therefore every body was to run to their
shrines, and make great presents to them. This being
infused into the credulous multitude, they brought the
richest things they had to the places where the bodies
or relics of those saints were laid. Some images were
also believed to have a peculiar excellency in them;
THE REFORMATION. 293
and pilgrimages and presents to these were much mag- book
nified. But, to quicken all this, the monks found the
means, either by dreams and visions, or strange mira- 1535.
culous stories, to feed the devotion of the people. Re-
lics without number were every- where discovered ; and
most wonderful relations of the martyrdom, and other
miracles of the saints, were made and read in all places
to the people; and new improvements were daily made in
a trade, that, through the craft of the monks, and the sim-
plicity of the people, brought in great advantages. And
though there was enough got to enrich them all, yet
there was strange rivalling, not only among the several
orders, but the houses of the same order. The monks,
especially of Glassenbury, St. Alban's, and St. Ed-
mundsbury, vied one with another who could tell the
most extravagant stories for the honour of their house,
and of the relics in it.
The monks in these houses abounding in wealth, and ^y be"
!• . 1 • • ii !■ 1 1 i came ge-
living at ease and in idleness, did so degenerate, that, neraiiy cor-
from the twelfth century downward, their reputation ruPted-
abated much ; and the privileges of sanctuaries were a
general grievance, and oft complained of in parliaments :
for they received all that fled to them, which put a great
stop to justice, and did encourage the most criminal
offenders. They became lewd and dissolute, and so
impudent in it, that some of their farms were let for
bringing in a yearly tribute to their lusts : nor did they
keep hospitality and relieve the poor ; but rather en-
couraged vagabonds and beggars against whom laws
were made, both in Edward III. King Henry VII. and
this King's reign.
But from the twelfth century, the orders of begging Upon
friars were set up, and they, by the appearance of severity begging e
and mortification, gained great esteem. At first they friars grew
would have nothing, no real estates, but the ground on c'redit."
which their house stood. But afterwards distinctions
were found for satisfying their consciences in larger pos-
sessions. They were not so idle and lazy as the monks,
but went about and preached, and heard confessions,
and carried about indulgences, with many other pretty
little things, Agnus Dei's, rosaries, and pebbles ; which
they made the world believe had great virtue in them.
«94 HISTORY OF
part And they had the esteem of the people wholly engrossed
' to themselves. They were also more formidable to
1535. princes than the monks, because they were poorer, and,
by consequence, more hardy and bold. There was also
a firmer union of their whole order, they having a ge-
neral at Rome, and divided into many provinces, subject
to their provincials. They had likewise the school-learn-
ing wholly in their hands, and were great preachers, so
that many things concurred to raise their esteem with
the people very high ; yet great complaints lay against
them, for they went more abroad than the monks did,
and were believed guilty of corrupting families. The
scandals that went on them, upon their relaxing the
primitive strictness of their orders, were a little rectified
by some reformations of these orders. But that lasted
not long ; for they became liable to much censure, and
many visitations had been made, but to little purpose.
This concurring with their secret practices against the
King, both in the matter of his divorce and supremacy,
made him more willing to examine the truth of these
reports ; that if they were found guilty of such scandals,
they might lose their credit with the people, and occa-
sions be ministered to the King, to justify the suppres-
sion of them.
The King's There were also two other motives that inclined the
tives foT King to this council. The one was, that he apprehend-
dissoiving ed a war from the Emperor, who was then the only
houses. prince in the world that had any considerable force at sea ;
having both great fleets in the Indies, and being Prince
of the Netherlands, where the greatest trade of these
parts was driven. Therefore the King judged it neces-
sary to fortify his ports, and seeing the great advantages
of trade, which began then to rise much, was resolved
to encourage it : for which end he intended to build
many havens and harbours. This was a matter of great
charge, and as his own revenue could not defray it, so
he had no mind to lay heavy taxes on his subjects : there-
fore the suppression of monasteries was thought the
easiest way of raising money.
He also intended to erect many more bishopricks, to
which Cranmer advised him much, that the vastrn.
some dioceses, being reduced to a narrower compass,
THE REFORMATION
295
bishops might better discharge their duties, and oversee
their flocks, according to the Scriptures and the primitive
rules.
But Cranmer did on another reason press the sup-
pression of monasteries. He found that their founda-
tions, and whole state, was inconsistent with a full and
true reformation. For among the things to be reformed
were these abuses, which were essential to their consti-
tution; (such as, the belief of purgatory, of redeeming
souls by masses, the worship of saints and images, and
pilgrimages, and the like.) And therefore those socie-
ties, whose interest it was to oppose the Reformation,
were once to be suppressed : and then he hoped, upon
new endowments and foundations, new houses should
have been erected at every cathedral, to be nurseries for
that whole diocese ; which he thought would be more
suitable to the primitive use of monasteries, and more
profitable to the church. This was his scheme, as will
afterwards appear ; which was in some measure effected,
though not so fully as he projected, for reasons to be
told in their proper place.
There had been a bull sent from Rome for dissolving
some monasteries, and erecting bishopricks out of them,
as was related in the former Book, in the year 1532.
And it seems it was upon that authority, that in the year
"1533, the priory of Christ's Church, near Aigate in
London, was dissolved, and given to the Lord Chancel-
lor, Sir Thomas Audley ; (not to make him speak shril-
ler for his master in the House of Commons, as Fuller
mistakes it; for he had been lord chancellor a year
before this was given him.) The Pope's authority not
being at that time put down, nor the King's supremacy
set up, I conjecture it was done pursuant to the bull
for the dissolution of some religious houses ; but I ne-
ver saw the dissolution, and so can only guess on what
ground it was made. But in the parliament held the
former year, in which the King's grant of that house
to the Lord Chancellor was confirmed, it is said, in the
preamble, " that the prior and convent had resigned that
house to the King, the 24th of February, 23d Regni,
and had left their house ;" but no mention is made
upon what reason they did it,
BOOK
in.
1535.
Crannier's
design in
it.
First mo-
nastery
that was
dissolved.
Act. 10.
Rot. Pari.
Regn. $5.
296 HISTORY OF
part But now I come to consider how the visitors carried
' on their visitations. Many severe things are said of
1535. their proceedings ; nor is it any wonder, that men who
The pro- had traded so long in lies, as the monks had done,
the visitors, should load those, whom they esteemed the instruments
Cott. Lib. of their ruin, with many calumnies. By their letters to
^ eop. . GromWell3 it appears, that in most houses they found
monstrous disorders. That many fell down on their
knees, and prayed they might be discharged, since they
had been forced to make vows against their wills ; with
these the visitors dispensed, and set them at liberty.
They found great factions in the houses, and barbarous
cruelties exercised by one faction against another, as ei-
ther of them prevailed. In many places, when they
gave them the King's injunctions, many cried out, that
the severity of them was intolerable, and they desired
rather to be suppressed, than so reformed. They were
all extremely addicted to idolatry and superstition. In
some they found the instruments, and other tools, for
multiplying and coining.
But for the lewdness of the confessors of nunneries,
and the great corruption of that state, whole houses
being found almost all with child; for the dissoluteness
of abbots and the other monks and friars, not only with
whores, but married women ; and for their unnatural
lusts and other brutal practices, these are not fit to be
spoken of, much less enlarged on in a work of this
nature. The full report of this visitation is lost, yet I
Ibid. have seen an extract of a part of it, concerning one
hundred and forty-four houses, that contains abomi-
nations in it equal to any that were in Sodom.
One passage, that is more remarkable, I shall only set
down ; because upon it followed the first resignation of
Some any religious house that I could ever find. Doctor
signed up Leighton beset the Abbot of Langden's house, and
to the King, broke open his door of a sudden, and found his whore
with him ; and in the Abbot's coffer there was an habit
for her, for she went for a young brother. Whether
the shame of this discovery, or any other consideration
prevailed with him, I know not ; but, on the 13th of
November, he and ten monks signed a resignation,
which hath an odd kind of preamble, to be found in the
THE REFORMATION. 89
Collection. u It 5ays. that the revenue of the house bc
was so much endamaged and engaged in so much debt.
that thev considering this, and what remedies might be
found for it. saw. that except the King, of whose foun-
dation the house was, did speedily relieve therm it must sect.*.
be verv quicklv ruined, both as to its spiritual and tem-
poral concerns : therefore they surrender up their house
to the King." Thev were of the order of Premonstre,
, and their house was dedicated to the honour of the
blessed virgin and St. Thomas Becket. This precedent J;--//:P'_
followed bv the like surrender, with the same pre- ^Hd^a-"
■■ amble, on the 1 5 th of November, by the Prior of Folke- S*^.™
iton, a Benedictine ; and, on the 10th, by the Prior of m^-acon
Dover, with eight monks. These were all of them in ^Skd™1
the countv of Kent. But neither among the original -
Surrenders, nor in the Clause Rolls, are there ar.
deeds in this year of our Lord. There are indeed in the
j same v ear of the King, (which runs till April, 1530.) four
other surrender! . with the same preamble-. Or" Merton,
in Yorkshire, a convent of Augustinians. signed bv the
1 Prior and rive monks, the Qth of February ; of Bilsmg-
I toun, in Kent, signed by the Prior and two monks. I
21s: of February; of Tilty, in Essex, a convent of Cis-
Bercians, signed by the Prior and rive monks; and of
Hornby, in Yorkshire, a convent of the Premonstre,
: . ed bv the Prior and two monks, the 23d of March.
Tnes- ..ere all the surrenders that I can discover to
been made before the act of parliament, for sup-
' pressing the lesser monasteries, passed in the next ses-
ision that v.-/.- I in February.
But before that the afflicted and unfortunate Queen isas.
| Katharine died at Kimbolton : she had been much dis- ^ <wn
quieted, because she would not lav down
Queen. Manv of her servants pal from her on
that account ; but she would accept of no service, from
any that did not use her as a queen, and call her so.
The King sent oft to her, to per-.... fc her to more com-
pliance. But she stood her ground, and said, since the
Pope had judged her marriage good, she would lose her orvi^s.
life before she did any thing in prejudice of it. She °d»- c
became more cheerful than she had wont to be : and i*.
298 HISTORY OF
PART
I.
the country people came much to her, whom she re-
ceived, and used very obligingly. The King had a mind
1536. she should go to Fotheringay Castle. But when it
was proposed to her, she plainly said, she would never
go thither, unless she was carried as a prisoner, bound
with ropes. She desired leave to come nearer London ;
but that was not granted. She had the jointure that
was assigned her, as Princess Dowager, and was treated
with the respect due to that dignity ; but all the women
about her still called her Queen. I do not find she had
any thoughts of going out of England ; though her life
in it was but melancholy. Yet her care to support her
daughter's title made her bear all the disgraces she lay
under. The officious and practising clergy, that were
for the court of Rome, looked on her as the head of
their party, and asserted her interests much. Yet she
was so watched, that she could not hold any great cor-
respondence with them ; though in the matter of the
Maid of Kent she had some meddling.
When she sickened, she made her will ; and appointed
her body to be buried in a convent of Observant friars,
(who had done and suffered most for her,) and ordered
five hundred masses to be said for her soul ; and that
one should go a pilgrimage to our Lady of Walsingham,
and give twenty nobles by the way to the poor. Some
other small legacies she left to her servants. When
the King heard she was sick, he sent a kind message to
her ; and the Emperor's ambassador went to see her,
and to cheer her up ; but when she found her sickness
like to prove mortal, she made one about her write a
letter in her name to the King. In the title she called
him, " Her good Lord, King and Husband. She ad-
vised him to look to the health of his soul. She forgave
him all the troubles he had cast her into. She recom-
mended their daughter Mary to him, and desired he
would be a loving father to her. She also desired, that
lie would provide matches for her maids, who were but
three ; and that he would give her servants one year's
wages more than was due to them. And concluded,
lastly, 'I make this vow, that mine eyes desire you above
all things.'" By another letter, she ivconunrndcd ln-r
THE REFORMATION.
299
daughter to the Emperor's care. On the 8th of Janu- boor
ary she died, in the fiftieth year of her age, thirty-three
years after she came to England. She was a devout and 1536w
pious princess, and led a severe and mortified life. In
her greatness she wrought much with her own hands,
and kept her women well employed about her ; as ap-
j peared when the two legates came once to speak to her.
She came out to them with a skein of silk about her
neck, and told them, she had been at work with her wo-
men. She was most passionately devoted to the inter-
i ests of the court of Rome, they being so interwoven
with her own. And, in a word, she is represented as a
most wonderful good woman. Only I find, on many
occasions, that the King complained much of her un-
, easiness and peevishness. But whether the fault was
i in her humour, or in the provocations she met with, the
: reader may conjecture- The King received the news of
I her death with some regret. But he would not give
i leave to bury her as she had ordered ; but made her
body be laid in the abbey church of Peterborough,
which he afterwards converted to an episcopal cathedral.
1 But Queen Anne did not carry her death so decently ;
I for she expressed too much joy at it, both in her carriage
: and dress.
On the 4th of February, the parliament sate, upon a ^ "ew s^s
1 prorogation of fourteen months, (for in the Record foment,
there is no mention of any intermedial prorogation,)
where a great many laws, relating to civil concerns, were
passed. By the 1 5th act, the power that had been given
by a former act to the King, for naming thirty-two per-
sons, to make a collection of ecclesiastical laws, was •
again confirmed ; for nothing had been done upon the
former act. But there was no limitation of time in this
act, and so there was nothing done in pursuance of it.
The great business of this session of parliament was
the suppressing the lesser monasteries. How this went
through the two houses we cannot know from the Jour-
nals, for they are lost. But all the historians of that
time, tell us, that the report which the visitors made to
the King was read in parliament : which represented the
manners of these houses so odiously, that the act was
The lesser
monasteries
are sup-
pressed.
300
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1536.
Reasons for
doing if.
easily carried. The preamble bears, " That small reli-
gious houses, under the number of twelve persons, had
been long and notoriously guilty of vicious and abomi-
nable living ; and did much consume and waste their
churches, lands, and other things belonging to them ;
and that for above two hundred years, there had been
many visitations for reforming these abuses, but with no
success ; their vicious living increasing daily : so that
except small houses were dissolved, and the religious
put into greater monasteries, there could no reformation
be expected in that matter. Whereupon the King hav-
ing received a full information of these abuses, both by
his visitors and other credible ways, and considering
that there were divers great monasteries, in which reli-
gion was well kept and observed, which had not the full
number in them, that they might and ought to receive,
had made a full declaration of the premises in parlia-
ment. Whereupon it was enacted, that all houses which
might spend yearly two hundred pounds, or within it,
should be suppressed, and their revenues converted to
better uses, and they compelled to reform their lives."
The Lord Herbert thinks it strange, that the statute in
the printed book has no preamble, but begins bluntly.
Fuller tells us, that he wonders that Lord did not see
the record; and he sets down the preamble, and says,
"The rest follow as in the printed statute, chap. 27 th ;"
by a mistake for the 28th. This shews, that neither the
one nor the other ever looked on the record. For'
there is a particular statute of dissolution, distinct from j
the 28th chapter ; and the preamble, which Fuller setsj
down, belongs not to the 28th chapter, as he says, but to
the 18th chapter, which was never printed; and the 28th ;
relates in the preamble to that other statute, which had
given these monasteries to the King.
The reasons that were pretended for dissolving these
houses, were: that whereas there was but a small num-
ber of persons in them, they entered into confederacies
together, and their poverty set them on to use many ill
arts to grow rich. They were also much abroad, and
kept no manner of discipline in their houses. But
those houses were generally much richer than they
THE REFORMATION. 301
seemed to be : for the abbots, raising great fines out of book
them, held the leases still low ; and by that means, they
were not obliged to entertain a greater number in their 1536>
house, and so enriched themselves and their brethren by
the fines that were raised ; for many houses, then rated
at two hundred pounds, were worth many thousands, as
will appear to any that compares, what they were then
valued at, (which is collected by Speed,) with what their
: estates are truly worth. When this was passing in par-
1 liament, Stokesly, bishop of London, said, " These lesser
I houses were as thorns, soon plucked up, but the great
I abbots were like putrefied old oaks ; yet they must needs
I follow, and so would others do in Christendom, before
; many years were passed."
By another act, all these houses, their churches, lands,
I and all their goods, were given to the King, and his heirs
■ and successors, together with all other houses, which
, within a year before the making of the act had been
; dissolved or suppressed ; and for the gathering the re-
I venues that belonged to them, a new court was erected,
; called the court of the Augmentations of the King's
t Revenue ; which was to consist of a chancellor, a trea-
I surer, an attorney and solicitor, and ten auditors, seven-
I teen receivers, a clerk, an usher, and a messenger. This
: court was to bring in the revenues of such houses as
;{ were now dissolved, excepting only such as the King
•' by his letters- patents continued in their former state,
i appointing a seal for the court, with full power and au-
' thority to dispose of these lands so as might be most
1 for the King's service.
Thus fell the lesser abbeys, to the number of three
I hundred and seventy-six ; and, soon after, this parlia-
ment, which had done the King such eminent service,
and had now sate six years, was dissolved on the 14th of
i April.
In the convocation, a motion was made of great con- The trans-
i sequence, that there should be a translation of the Bi- 65?* f**8
i_i • T-i i« i i • ii i i i r t-i iiibJe m
ble in English, to be set up in all the churches of hug- English de-
land. The clergy, when they procured Tindal's trans- SIsned-
lation to be condemned, and suppressed it, gave out that
they intended to make a translation into the vulgar
302
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1536.
The rea-
sons for it.
tongue : yet it was afterwards, upon along consultation,
resolved, that it was free for the church to give the
Bible in a vulgar tongue, or not, as they pleased ; and
that the King was not obliged to it, and that at that
time it was not at all expedient to do it. Upon which
those that promoted the Reformation made great com-
plaints, ^nd said it was visible the clergy knew there was
an opposition between the Scriptures and their doctrine.
That they had first condemned Wickliff's translation,
and then Tindal's ; and though they ought to teach
men the word of God, yet they did all they could tol
suppress it.
In the times of the Old Testament, the Scriptures were
writ in the vulgar tongue, and all were charged to read
and remember the law. The apostles wrote in Greek,
which was then the most common language in the
world. Christ did also appeal to the Scriptures, and
sent the people to them. And by what St. Paul says
of Timothy, it appears, that children were then early
trained up in that study. In the primitive church, as
nations were converted to the faith, the Bible was trans-
lated into their tongue. The Latin translation was very
ancient; the Bible was afterwards put into the Scythian,
Dalmatian, and Gothic tongues. It continued thus for
several ages, till the state of monkery rose; and then,
when they engrossed the riches, and the popes assumed
the dominion, of the world, it was not consistent with
these designs, nor with the arts used to promote them
to let the Scriptures be much known : therefore legends
and strange stories of visions, with other devices, were
thought more proper for keeping up their credit, and
carrying on their ends.
It was now generally desired, that if there were just
exceptions against what Tindal had done, these might
be amended in a new translation. This was a plausible
thing, and wrought much on all that heard it ; who
plainly concluded, that those who denied the people th
use of the Scriptures in their vulgar tongues, must
needs know their own doctrine and practices to be in-
consistent with it. Upon these grounds, Cranmer, whc
was projecting the most effectual means for promoting
THE REFORMATION. 803
a reformation of doctrine, moved in convocation, that B°°K
they should petition the King for leave to make a trans- '
lation of the Bible. But Gardiner and all his party op- 1536.
posed it, both in convocation and in secretwith the King.
'It was said, that all the heresies and extravagant opinions,
which were then in Germany, and from thence coming
over to England, sprang from the free use of the Scrip- T.h.e °pp°;
o * i. o i. sition made
tures. And whereas in May the last year, nineteen to it.
Hollanders were accused of some heretical opinions ;
" denying Christ to be both God and man, or that he
took flesh and blood of the virgin Mary, or that the
sacraments had any effect on those that received them ;"
' in which opinions fourteen of them remained obstinate,
| and were burnt by pairs in several places : it was com-
; plained, that all those drew their damnable errors from
f the indiscreet use of the Scriptures. And to offer the
I Bible in the English tongue to the whole nation, during
I these distractions, would prove, as they pretended, the
J greatest snare that could be. Therefore they proposed,
t there should be a short exposition of the most use-
I ful and necessary doctrines of the Christian faith given
{ to the people in the English tongue, for the instruction
j of the nation, which would keep them in a certain sub-
jection to the King and the church in matters of faith.
The other party, though they liked well the publish-
ing such a treatise in the vulgar tongue, yet by no means
thought that sufficient ; but said, the people must be
fallowed to search the Scripture, by which they might be
•; convinced that such treatises were according to it. These
^arguments prevailed with the two houses of convocation:
I so they petitioned the King, that he would give order to
t'Some to set about it. To this great opposition was
i made at court. Some, on the one hand, told the King,
ilthat a diversity of opinions would arise out of it; and that
If he could no more govern his subjects if he gave way
I to that. But, on the other hand, it was represented,
: that nothing would make his supremacy so acceptable
to the nation, and make the Pope more hateful, than to
i let them see, that whereas the popes had governed them
i by a blind obedience, and kept them in darkness, the
! King brought them into the light, and gave them the
304
HISTORY OF
PART
1.
1556.
The fall of
Queen
Anne.
The whole
popish par-
ty drove it
on.
free use of the word of God. And nothing would
more effectually extirpate the Pope's authority, and dis-
cover the impostures of the monks, than the Bible in
English ; in which all people would clearly discern,
there was no foundation for those things. These ar-
guments, joined with the power that the Queen had in
his affections, were so much considered by the King,
that he gave order for setting about it immediately. To
whom that work was committed, or how they proceeded
in it, I know not. For the account of these things has
not been preserved, nor conveyed to us, with that care
that the importance of the thing required. Yet it ap-
pears that the work was carried on at a good rate : for
three years after this it was printed at Paris, which
shews they made all convenient haste in a thing that
required so much deliberation.
But this was the last public good act of this unfortu-
nate Queen ; who, the nearer she drew to her end,
grew more full of good works. She had distributed, in
the last nine months of her life, between fourteen and
fifteen thousand pounds to the poor, and was designing
great and public good things. And, by all appearance,
if she had lived, the money that was raised by the sup- '
pression of religious houses had been better employed
than it was. In January she brought forth a dead son.
This was thought to have made ill impressions on the
King; and that, as he concluded from the death of his.
sons by the former Queen that the marriage was dis- j
pleasing to God, so he might, upon this misfortune, i
begin to make the like judgment of this marriage. Sure
enough the popish party were earnestly set against the
Queen, looking on her as the great supporter of he- .
resy. And at that time, Fox, then bishop of Hereford,
was in Germany, at Smalcald, treating a league with
the protestant princes, who insisted much on the Augs--
burg Confession. There were many conferences be-1
tween Fox and Dr. Barnes, and some others, with the
Lutheran divines, for accommodating the differences
between them, and the thing was in a good forwardness.
All which was imputed to the Queen. Gardiner was
then ambassador in France, and wrote earnestly to the
THE REFORMATION. 305
King, to dissuade him from entering into any religious book
league with these princes : for that would- alienate all _
the world from him, and dispose his own subjects to J536.
rebel. The King thought the German princes and di-
vines should have submitted all things to his judgment,
and had such an opinion of his own learning, and was
so puffed up with the flattering praises that he daily
heard, that he grew impatient of any opposition, and
thought that his dictates should pass for oracles. And
I because the Germans would not receive them so, his
mind was alienated from them.
But the Duke of Norfolk, at court, and Gardiner
beyond sea, thought there might easily be found a mean
to accommodate the King, both with the Emperor and
the Pope, if the Queen were once out of the way ; for
then he might freely marry any one whom he pleased,
and that marriage, with the male issue of it, could not
be disputed : whereas, as long as the Queen lived, her
• marriage, as being judged null from the beginning,
could never be allowed by the court of Rome, or any of
that party. With these reasons of state, others of affec-
tion concurred. The Queen had been his wife three
-years ; but at this time he entertained a secret love for
Jane Seymour, who had all the charms both of beauty
and youth in her person ; and her humour was tem-
pered, between the severe gravity of Queen Katherine,
land the gay pleasantness of Queen Anne. The Queen,
fperceiving this alienation of the King's heart, used all
^possible arts to recover that affection, of whose decay
she was sadly sensible. But the success was quite con-
trary to what she designed : for the King saw her no
more with those eyes, which she had formerly capti-
vated ; but grew jealous, and ascribed these caresses to
(some other criminal affections, of which he began to
suspect her. This being one of the most memorable
passages of this reign, I was at more than ordinary pains
jto learn all I could concerning it, and have not only
jseen a great many letters that were writ, by those that
i were set about the Queen, and catched every thing that
fell from her, and sent it to court, but have also seen
jan account it, which the learned Spelman, who was a
VOL. I. P. I. X
SO(i HISTORY OF
part judge at that time, writ with his own hand in his com-
•' mon-place book ; and another account of it writ by one
1536. Anthony Anthony, a surveyor of the ordnance of the
Tower. From all which I shall give a just and faithful
relation of it, without concealing the least circumstance
that may either seem favourable or unfavourable to her.
The King's She was of a very cheerful temper, which was not
j<m ousy o ajwayS lifted within the-bounds of exact decency and
discretion. She had rallied some of the King's ser-
vants more than became her. Her brother, the Lord
Rochford, was her friend as well as brother ; but his
spiteful wife was jealous of him : and being a woman
of no sort of virtue", (as will appear afterwards by her
serving Queen Katharine Howard in her beastly prac-
tices, for which she was attainted and executed,) she
carried many stories to the King, or some about him,
/ to persuade, that there was a familiarity between the
Queen and her brother, beyond what so near a relation
could justify. All that could be said for it was only
this ; that he was once seen leaning upon her bed,
which bred great suspicion. Henry Norris, that was
groom of the stole, Weston and Brereton, that were
. of the King's privy-chamber, and one Mark Smeton, a
musician, were all observed to have much of her favour.
And their zeal in serving her, was thought too warm
and diligent to flow from a less active principle than
love. Many circumstances were brought to the King,
which, working upon his aversion to the Queen, toge-
ther with his affection to Mistress Seymour, made him
conclude her guilty. Yet somewhat which himself ob-
served, or fancied, at a tilting at Greenwich, is believed
to have given the crisis to her ruin. It is said, that he
spied her let her handkerchief fall to one of her gallana
to wipe his face, being hot after a course. Whether
she dropped it carelessly, or of design ; or whether there
be any truth in that story, the letters concerning her
fall making no mention of it, I cannot determine; for
Spelman makes no mention of it, and gives a very dif-
ferent account of the discovery in these words : "As for
the evidence of this matter, it was discovered by the
Lady Wingfield, who had been a servant to the Queen,
THE REFORMATION. 307
and, becoming on a sudden infirm some time before her book
death, did swear this matter to one of her " and
here unluckily the rest of the page is torn off. By this 1536>
it seems, there was no legal evidence against the Queen,
and that it was but a witness at second hand, who de-
posed what they heard the Lady Wingfield swear. Who
this person was we know not, nor in what temper of
mind the Lady Wingfield might be when she swore it.
The safest sort of forgery, to one whose conscience can
swallow it, is, to lay a thing on a dead person's name,
where there is no fear of discovery before the great day :
and when it was understood that the Queen had lost
the King's heart, many, either out of their zeal to po-
pery, or design to make their fortune, might be easily
induced to carry a story of this nature. And this it
seems was that which was brought to the King at
Greenwich, who did thereupon immediately return to
Whitehall, it being the 1st of May. The Queen was
i immediately restrained to her chamber ; the other five
were also seized on : but none of them would confess
'any thing but Mark Smeton, "as to any actual thing,"
so Cromwell writ. Upon this they were carried to the The letters
Tower. The poor Queen was in a sad condition ; she S^Sf*
i r 11 l l tr- * *; J ii Cott. L|b"
must not only fall under the King s displeasure, but be otho. c.
both defamed and destroyed at once. At first she smiled 10'
and carried it cheerfully; and said, she believed the
King did this only to prove her. But when she saw it
was in earnest, she desired to have the sacrament in
i' her closet, and expressed great devotion, and seemed to
be prepared for death.
The surprise and confusion she was in raised fits of
the mother, which those about her did not seem to un-
derstand : but three or four letters, which were writ by
, Sir William Kingston to Secretary Cromwell, concern-
ing her, to court, say, that she was at some times very
devout, and cried much; and of a sudden would burst
out in laughter, which are evident signs of vapours.
When she heard that those who were accused with her
;were sent to the Tower, she then concluded herself
lost ; and said, she should be sent thither next ; and
talked idly, saying, "that if her bishops were about
x 2
308 HISTORY OF
part the King, they would all speak for her." She also said,
" that she would be a saint in heaven, for she had done
1.536. many good deeds ; and that there should be no rain,
but heavy judgments on the land, for what they were
now doing to her." Her enemies had now gone too
far not to destroy her. Next day she was carried to
the Tower, and some lords, that met her on the river,
declared to her what her offences were. Upon which
she made deep protestations of her innocence, and
begged leave to see the King; but that was not to be ex-
she is pat pected. When she was carried into the Tower, " she
'iwr, and *e^ down on ner knees, and prayed God to help her, as
pleads her she was not guilty of the thing for which she was accused."
iHHocency. rpjj^ same day the King wrote to Cranmer, to come to
Lambeth ; but ordered him not to come into his pre-
sence : which was procured by the Queen's enemies,
who took care, that one who had such credit with the
King, should not come at him, till they had fully per-
suaded him that she was guilty. Her uncle's lady, the
Lady Boleyn, was appointed to lie in the chamber with
her, which she took very ill ; for, upon what reason
I know not, she had been in very ill terms with her.
She engaged her into much discourse, and studied to
draw confessions from her. Whatsoever she said was.
presently sent to the court. And a woman full of va-
pours was like enough to tell every thing that was true,
with a great deal more ; for persons in that condition,
not only have no command of themselves, but are apt
to say any thing that comes in their fancy.
The Duke of Norfolk, and some of the King's council,
were with her; but could draw nothing from her, though
they made her believe, that Norris and Mark had ac-
cused her. But when they were gone, she fell down
on her knees and wept, and prayed often, " Jesu, have
mercy on me ;" and then fell a laughing : when that fit
was over, she desired to have the sacrament still by her,
that she might cry for mercy. And she said to the
Lieutenant of the Tower, she was as clear of the com-
pany of all men, as to sin, as she was clear from him ;
and that she was the King's true wedded wife. And
she cried out, " O Norris, hast thou accused me? thou
THE REFORMATION. 309
art in the Tower with me, and thou and I shall die to- book
gether; and Mark, so shalt thou too." She appre- ___ i__
hended they were to put her in a dungeon ; and sadly 153c
bemoaned her own, and her mother's misery ; and asked
them, whether she must die without justice. But they
told her, the poorest subjects had justice, much more
would she have it. The same letter says, that Norris
had not accused her ; and that he said to her almoner,
that he could swear for her, she was a good woman.
But she being made believe that he had accused her, ^utcon"
and not being then so free in her thoughts, as to con- indiscreet
sider that ordinary artifice for drawing out confessions, words-
told all she knew, both of him and Mark. Which,
though it was not enough to destroy her, yet certainly
wrought much on the jealous and alienated King. She
told them, " that she once asked Norris, why he did
not go on with his marriage? who answered her, That
he would yet tarry some time. To which she replied,
You look for dead men's shoes ; for if aught come to
the King but good, you would look to have me. He
answered, If he had any such thought, he would his
head were cut off. Upon which she said, She could
undo him if she pleased, and thereupon she fell out
with him." As for Mark, who was then laid in irons,
she said he was never in her chamber but when the
King was last at Winchester ; and then he came in to
play on the virginals : she said, " that she never spoke
to him after that, but on Saturday before May-day,
when she saw him standing in the window, and then
she asked him, Why he was so sad ? he said, It was no
matter: she answered, You may not look to have me
speak to you, as if you were a nobleman, since you are
an inferior person. No, no, madam, said he ; a look
sufficeth me." She seemed more apprehensive of Wes-
ton, than of any body. For on Whitsun-Monday last
he said to her, "That Norris came more to her chamber
upon her account, than for any body else that was there.
She had observed, that he loved a kinswoman of her's, and
challenged him for it, and for not loving his wife. But
he answered her, That there were women in the house
whom he loved better than them both : she asked, Who
310 HISTORY OF
part is that ? Yourself, said he ; upon which> she said, she de-
fiedhim."
1536. This misery of the Queen's drew after it the com-
mon effects that follow persons under such a disgrace ;
for now all the court was against her, and every one was
courting the rising Queen. But Cranmer had not
learned these arts, and had a better soul in him than to
be capable of such baseness and ingratitude. He had
been much obliged by her, and had conceived a high
opinion of her, and so could not easily receive ill im-
pressions of her ; yet he knew the King's temper, and
that a downright justification of her would provoke him :
therefore he wrote the following letter, on the 3d of
May, with all the softness that so tender a point re-
quired ; in which he justified her, as far as was con-
sistent with prudence and charity. The letter shews of
what a constitution he was that wrote it ; and contains
so many things that tend highly to her honour, that I
shall insert it here, as I copied it from the original.
Cranmer's " Pleaseth it your most noble Grace to be advertised,
KilJgabJut tnat at your Grace's commandment by Mr. Secretary's
her. letters, written in your Grace's name, I came to Lam-
otho. c. beth yesterday, and do there remain to know your
w- Grace's further pleasure. And forsomuch as, without
your Grace's commandment, I dare not, contrary to the
contents of the said letters, presume to come unto your
Grace's presence ; nevertheless, of my most bounden
duty, I can do no less than most humbly to desire your
Grace, by your great wisdom, and by the assistance of
God's help, somewhat to suppress the deep sorrows of
your Grace's heart, and to take all adversities of God's
hands both patiently and thankfully. I cannot deny but
your Grace hath great causes many ways of lamentable
heaviness: and also that, in the wrongful estimation of
the world, your Grace's honour of every part is so highly
touched (whether the things that commonly be spoken
of be true or not), that I remember not that ever Al-
mighty God sent unto your Grace any like occasion to
try your Grace's constancy throughout, whether your
Highness can be content to take of God's hand, as well
THE REFORMATION. 311
things displeasant as pleasant. And if he find in your B[!?K
most noble heart such an obedience unto his will, that ._.
your Grace, without murmuration and overmuch heavi- 1536.
ness, do accept all adversities, not less thanking him
than when all things succeed after your Grace's will and
pleasure, nor less procuring his glory and honour ; then
I suppose your Grace did never thing more acceptable
unto him, since your first governance of this your realm.
t And moreover, your Grace shall give unto him occasion
to multiply and increase his graces and benefits unto
your Highness, as he did unto his most faithful servant
Job ; unto whom, after his great calamities and heavi-
ness, for his obedient heart, and willing acceptation of
God's scourge and rod, addidit ei Dominus cuncta du-
plicia. And if it be true, that is openly reported of the
Queen's Grace, if men had a right estimation of things,
they should not esteem any part of your Grace's honour
1 to be touched thereby, but her honour only to be clearly
disparaged. And I am in such a perplexity, that my
mind is clean amazed : for I never had better opinion
in woman, than I had in her ; which maketh me to
think, that she should not be culpable. And again, I
think your Highness would not have gone so far, except
she had surely been culpable. Now I think that your
: Grace best knoweth, that, next unto your Grace, I was
I most bound unto her of all creatures living. Wherefore,
I I most humbly beseech your Grace, to surfer me in that,
which both God's law, nature, and also her kindness
bindeth me unto ; that is, that I may, with your Grace's
favour, wish and pray for her, that she may declare her-
self inculpable and innocent. And if she be found cul-
i pable, considering your Grace's goodness towards her,
and from what condition your Grace of your only mere
goodness took her, and set the crown upon her head ;
i I repute him not your Grace's faithful servant and sub-
ject, nor true unto the realm, that would not desire the
I offence without mercy to be punished, to the example of
all other. And as I loved her not a little, for the love
which I judged her to bear towards God and his gospel ;
: so, if she be proved culpable, there is not one that lcveth
God and his gospel that ever will favour her, but must
hate her above all other ; and the more they favour the
312 HISTORY OF
part gospel, the more they will hate her : for then there was
' never creature in our time that so much slandered the
1536. gospel. And God hath sent her this punishment, for
that she feignedly hath professed his gospel in her
mouth, and not in heart and deed. And though she
have offended so, that she hath deserved never to be
reconciled unto your Grace's favour ; yet Almighty
God hath manifoldly declared his goodness towards
your Grace, and never offended you. But your Grace,
I am sure, acknowledgeth that you have offended him.
Wherefore, I trust that your Grace will bear no less
entire favour unto the truth of the gospel than you
did before : forsomuch as your Grace's favour to the
gospel was not led by affection unto her, but by zeal
unto the truth. And thus I beseech Almighty God,
whose gospel he hath ordained your Grace to be de-
fender of, ever to preserve your Grace from all evil, and
give you at the end the promise of his gospel. From
Lambeth, the 3d day of May.
u After I had written this letter unto your Grace, my
Lord Chancellor, my Lord of Oxford, my Lord of Sus-
sex, and my Lord Chamberlain of your Grace's house,
sent for me to come unto the Star-Chamber ; and there
declared unto me such things as your Grace's pleasure
was they should make me privy unto. For the which I
am most bounden unto your Grace. And what com-
munication we had together, I doubt not but they will
make the true report thereof unto your Grace. I am
exceedingly sorry that such faults can be proved by the
Queen, as I heard of their relation. But I am, and ever
shall be, your faithful subject.
<( Your Grace's
" Humble subject and chaplain,
" T. Cantuariensis."
But jealousy and the King's new affection had quite
defaced all the remainders of esteem for his late beloved
Queen. Yet the ministers continued practising, to get
further evidence for the trial ; which was not brought
on till the 12th of May; and then Norris, Weston,
THE REFORMATION. 313
Brereton, and Smeton were tried, by a commission of book
Oyer and Terminer, in Westminster Hall. They were
brought to
a trial.
twice indicted, and the indictments were fonnd by two 1536.
grand juries, in the counties of Kent and Middlesex:
,the crimes with which they were charged being said
to be done in both these counties. Mark Smeton con-
fessed he had known the Queen carnally three times :
the other three pleaded Not guilty ; but the jury, upon
^the evidence formerly mentioned, found them all guilty ;
and judgment was given, that they should be drawn to
the place of execution, and some of them to be hanged,
others to be beheaded, and all to be quartered, as guilty
of high treason. On the 15th of May, the Queen and She is
her brother, the Lord Rochford (who was a peer, hav-
ing been made- a viscount when his father was created
Earl of Wiltshire), were brought to be tried by their
peers : the Duke of Norfolk being lord high steward
for that occasion. With him sate the Duke of Suffolk,
the Marquis of Exeter, the Earls of Arundel, Oxford,
Northumberland, Westmoreland, Derby, Worcester,
Rutland, Sussex, and Huntington ; and the Lords Aud-
ley, Delaware, Montague, Morley, Dacres, Cobham,
Maltravers, Powis, Mounteagle, Clinton, Sands, Wind-
sor, Wentworth, Burgh, and Mordaunt ; in all twenty-
isix. Here the Queen of England, by an unheard-of
precedent, was brought to the bar and indicted of high
treason. The crimes charged on her were, "That she
had procured her brother and the other four to lie with
her, which they had done often ; that she had said to
every one of them by themselves, that she loved them
better than any person whatsoever : which was to the
slander of the issue that was begotten between the King
and her." And this was treason, according to the sta-
tute made in the twenty-sixth year of this reign (so that
the law that was made for her, and the issue of her mar-
riage, is now made use of to destroy her). It was also
added in the indictment, that she and her accomplices
had conspired the King's death ; but this it seems was
only put in to swell the charge ; for if there had been
any evidence for it, there was no need of stretching the
other statute ; or if they could have proved the violat-
314 HISTORY OF
part ing of the Queen, the known statute of the twenty-
* fifth year of the reign of Edward III. had been suffi-
1536. cient. When the indictment was read, she held up her
hand and pleaded Not guilty, and so did her brother ;
and did answer the evidence was brought against
her discreetly. One thing is remarkable, that Mark
Smeton, who was the only person that confessed any
thing, was never confronted with the Queen, nor was
kept to be an evidence against her ; for he had received
his sentence three days before, and so could be no wit-
ness in law : but perhaps, though he was wrought on to
confess, yet they did not think that he had confidence
enough to aver it to the Queen's face ; therefore the
evidence they brought, as Spelman says, was the oath
of a woman that was dead ; yet this, or rather the ter-
ror of offending the King, so wrought on the Lords,
that they found her and her brother guilty : and judg-
ment was given — that she should be burnt or be-
headed, at the King's pleasure. Upon which Spelman
observes, that whereas burning is the death which
the law appoints for a woman that is attainted of trea-
son, yet, since she had been Queen of England, they
left it to the King to determine, whether she should
die so infamous a death, or be beheaded ; but the
judges complained of this way of proceeding, and said,
such a disjunctive in a judgment of treason had never
been seen. The Lord Rochford was also condemned
to be beheaded and quartered. Yet all this did not sa-
tisfy the enraged King; but the marriage between hiin
and her must be annulled, and the issue illegitimated.
The King remembered an intrigue that had been be-
tween her and the Earl of Northumberland, which was
mentioned in the former Book ; and that lie, then Lord
Percy, had said to the Cardinal, " That he had gone so
far before witnesses, that it lay upon his conscience, so
that he could not go back :" this, it is like, might be some
promise he made to marry her, per verba da futuro,
which, though it was no pre-contract in itself, yet it
seems the poor Queen was either so ignorant, or so ill-
advised, as to be persuaded afterwards it was one ;
though it is certain that nothing but a contract, pet m >bu
THE REFORMATION. 315
de prcpsenti, could be of any force to annul the subse- book
quent marriage. The King and his council, reflecting
upon what it seems the Cardinal had told him, resolved i536.
to try what could be made of it, and pressed the Earl '
of Northumberland to confess a contract between him
and her. But he took his oath before the two Arch-
bishops, that there was no contract nor promise of mar-
riage ever between them ; and received the sacrament
upon it, before the Duke of Norfolk and others of tbe
King's learned council in the law spiritual, wishing it
might be to his damnation if there was any such thing
(concerning which I have seen the original declaration
under his own hand). Nor could they draw any con-
fession from the Queen before the sentence, for certainly
if they could have done that, the divorce had gone be-
fore the trial ; and then she must have been tried only as
Marchioness of Pembroke. But now, she lying, under
so terrible a sentence, it is most probable that either
some hopes of life were given her, or at least she was
wrought on by the assurances of mitigating that cruel
part of her judgment of being burnt, into the milder
part of the sentence, of having her head cut orF; so
that she confessed a pre-contract, and, on the 17 th of
May, was brought to Lambeth ; and in court, the af-
flicted Archbishop sitting judge, some persons of qua-
lity being present, she confessed some just and lawful Upon an
impediments ; by which it was evident, that her mar- confusion
riage with the King was not valid. Upon which con- is divorced,
fession, the marriage between the King and her was
judged to have been null and void. The record of the
sentence is burnt ; but these particulars are repeated in
the act that passed in the next parliament, touching the
succession to the crown. It seems this was secretly
done, for Spelman writes of it thus : It was said, there
was a divorce made between the King and her, upon
her confessing a pre-contract with another before her
marriage with the King : so that it was then only talked
of, but not generally known.
The two sentences that were passed upon the Queen,
the one of attainder for adultery, the other of divorce
because of a pre-contract., did so contradict one another,
31G HISTORY OF
part that it was apparent one, if not both of them, must be
unjust ; for if the marriage between the King and her
ib36. was nuU from the beginning, then, since she was not
the King's wedded wife, there could be no adultery :
and her marriage to the King was either a true marriage
or not : if it was true, then the annulling of it was
unjust ; and if it was no true marriage, then the attain-
der was unjust ; for there could be no breach of that
faith which was never given : so that it is plain, the
King was resolved to be rid of her, and to illegitimate
her daughter, and in that transport of his fury, did not
consider that the very method he took discovered the
injustice of his proceedings against her. Two days after
this, she was ordered to be executed in the green on
Tower-hill. How she received these tidings, and how
steadfast she continued in the protestations of her inno-
cence, will best appear by the following circumstances :—
Her prepa- Xhe day before she suffered, upon a strict search of her
death. ° past life, she called to mind, that she had played the
step-mother too severely to Lady Mary, and had clone
her many injuries. Upon which, she made the Lieu-
tenant of the Tower's lady sit down in the chair of
state : which the other, after some ceremony, doing, she
fell down on her knees, and with many tears, charged
the lady, as she would answer it to God, to go in her
name, and do as she had done, to the Lady Mary, and
ask her forgiveness for the wrongs she had done her.
And she said, she had no quiet in her conscience till
she had done that. But though she did in this what
became a Christian, the Lady Mary could not so easily
pardon these injuries ; but retained the resentments of
them her whole life.
This ingenuity and tenderness of conscience about
lesser matters, is a great presumption, that if she had
been guilty of more eminent faults, she had not conti-
nued to the last denying them, and making protestations
of her innoeency. For that same night she sent her last
message to the King, and acknowledged herself much
obliged to him, that had continued still to advance her.
She said, he had, from a private gentlewoman, first
made her a marchioness, and then a queen ; and now,
THE REFORMATION. 317
since he could raise her no higher, was sending her to book
be a saint in heaven : she protested her innocence, and
recommended her daughter to his care. And her car- 153(i.
riage that day she died, will appear from the following
letter, writ by the Lieutenant of the Tower, copied from
the original, which I insert, because the copier employed
by the Lord Herbert has not writ it out faithfully ; for
I cannot think that any part of it was left out on
design.
" Sir, These shall be to advertise you, I have received TheLiea-
your letter, wherein you would have strangers conveyed theTower'«
out of the Tower ; and so they be by the means of letter-
Richard Gressum, and William Loke, and Wythspoll.
But the number of strangers passed not thirty, and not
many hothe ; and the Ambassador of the Emperor had
a servant there, and honestly put out. Sir, if we have
not an hour certain, as it may be known in London, I
think here will be but few, and I think a reasonable
number were best ; for I suppose she will declare herself
to be a good woman, for all men but for the King, at
the hour of her death. For this morning she sent for
| me, that I might be with her at such time as she re-
I ceived the good Lord, to the intent I should hear her
I speak as touching her innocency alway to be clear. And
in the writing of this, she sent for me, and at my com-
ing she said : Mr. Kingston, I hear say I shall not die
j aforenoon, and I am very sorry therefore, for I thought
I to be dead by this time, and past my pain. I told her,
it should be no pain, it was so sottle. And then she
said, I heard say the executioner was very good, and
I have a little neck ; and put her hands about it, laugh-
ing heartily. I have seen many men, and also women,
executed ; and that they have been in great sorrow, and
to my knowledge this lady has much joy and pleasure
in death. Sir, her almoner is continually with her, and
had been since two a clock after midnight. This is the
effect of any thing that is here at this time, and thus
fare you well.
" Your's,
" William Kingston."
318
HISTORY OF
part A little before noon, being the IQth of May, she was
brought to the scaffold, where she made a short speech
1556- to a great company that came to look on the last scene
Her execu- of this fatal tragedy ; the chief of whom were the Dukes
of Suffolk and Richmond, the Lord Chancellor, and
Secretary Cromwell, with the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs,
and Aldermen of London. She said, " she was come to
die, as she was judged by the law; she would accuse
none, nor say any thing of the ground upon which she
was judged. She prayed heartily for the King, and
called him a most merciful and gentle prince, and that
he had been always to her a good, gentle, sovereign
lord : and if any would meddle with her cause, she re-
quired them to judge the best. And so she took her
leave of them, and of the world ; and heartily desired
they would pray for her." After she had been some
time in her devotions, her last words being, " To Christ
I commend my soul," her head was cut off by the
hangman of Calais, who was brought over as more ex-
pert at beheading than any in England : her eyes and
lips were observed to move after her head was cut off,
as Spelman writes ; but her body was thrown into a
common chest of elm-tree that was made to put arrows
in, and was buried in the chapel within the Tower be-
fore twelve o'clock. Her brother, with the other four,
did also suffer ; none of them were quartered, but they
were all beheaded except Smeton, who was hanged. It
was generally said, that he was corrupted into that con-
fession, and had his life promised him ; but it was not
fit to let him live to tell tales. Norris had been much
in the King's favour, and an offer was made him of his
life if he would confess his p-uilt, and accuse the Queert.
But he generously rejected that unhandsome proposi-
tion, and said, " That in his conscience he thought her
innocent of these things laid to her charge ; but whether
she was or not, he would not accuse her of any tiring,
and he would die a thousand times, rather than ruin an
innocent person."
ThetevcraJ These proceedings occasioned as great variety of cen-
t!,Tt »! rr 8ures, as there were diversity of interests. The popish
thenpasaed party said, tlicjustice of God was visible, that she who
THE REFORMATION. SW
had supplanted Queen {Catherine met with the like, and book
harder measure, by the same means. Some took notice
of her faint justifying herself on the scaffold, as if her 1536#
conscience had then prevailed so far, that she could no on those
longer deny a thing for which she was so soon to answer h[gSc.ce
at another tribunal. But others thought her care of her
daughter made her speak so tenderly ; for she had ob-
served, that Queen Katherine's obstinacy had drawn the
King's indignation on her daughter ; and therefore, that
she alone might bear her misfortunes, and derive no
share of them on her daughter, she spake in a style that
could give the King no just ofFence : and as she said
enough to justify herself, so she said as much for the
King's honour as could be expected. Yet, in a letter
that she wrote to the King from the Tower, (which will Collect.
be found in the Collection,) she pleaded her innocence, ■Numb-4-
in a strain of so much wit and moving passionate elo-
quence, as perhaps can scarce be paralleled : certainly
her spirits were much exalted when she wrote it, for it
is a pitch above her ordinary style. Yet the copy I take
it from, lying among Cromwell's other papers, makes
me believe it was truly written by her.
Her carriage seemed too free, and all people thought
that some freedoms and levities in her had encouraged
those unfortunate persons to speak such bold things to
her ; since few attempt upon the chastity, or make de-
clarations of love, to persons of so exalted a quality, ex-
cept they see some invitations, at least in their carriage.
Others thought that a free and jovial temper might, with
great innocence, though with no discretion, lead one to
all those things that were proved against her ; and there-
fore they concluded her chaste, though indiscreet.
Others blamed the King, and taxed his cruelty in pro-
ceeding so severely against a person whose chastity he
had reason to be assured of, since she had resisted his
addresses near five years, till he legitimated them by
marriage.* But others excused him. It is certain her
* Audi e Thevet, a French Franciscan, who wrote some years after this
an Universal Cosmography, says, lib. 16. c. 5, that he was assured, by
divers English gentlemen, that King Henry at his death, among his oilier
sins, repented in particular of the wrong he had done the Queen, in de-
320 HISTORY OF
part carriage had given just cause of some jealousy, and that
being the rage of a man, it was no wonder if a king of
1536. his temper, conceiving it against one whom he had so
signally obliged, was transported into unjustifiable ex-
cesses.
Others condemned Cranmer, as a man that obsequi-
ously followed all the King's appetites ; and that he had
now divorced the King a second time, which shewed
that his conscience was governed by the King's pleasure
as his supreme law. But what he did was unavoidable :
for, whatever motives drew from her the confession of
that pre-contract, he was obliged to give sentence upon
it : and that which she confessed, being such as made
her incapable to contract marriage with the King, he
could not decline the giving of sentence upon so formal
a confession. Some loaded all that favoured the Re-
formation : and said — it now appeared what a woman
their great patroness and supporter had been. But to
those it was answered — that her faults, if true, being
secret, could cast no reflection on those, who, being ig-
norant of them, made use of her protection. And the
church of Rome thought not their cause suffered by the
enraged cruelty and ambition of the cursed Irene, who
had convened the second council of Nice, and set up the
worship of images again in the East ; whom the popes
continued to court and magnify, after her barbarous
murder of her son, with other acts of unsatiated spite
and ambition. Therefore they had no reason to think,
the worse of persons for claiming the protection of a
Queen, whose faults (if she was at all criminal) were un-
known to them when they made use of her.
Some have, since that time, concluded it a great evi-
dence of her guilt, that, during her daughter's long and
gtroying her by a false'aeeusation. And thongh Thuaoos makes him an
author >>t no credit, yel there is no reason to suspect him in this particu-
lar, tor writers seldom lie agaiusl their interest ; ami the Franciscan order
had Buffered so much for their adhering to Queen (Catherine's interests, in
opposition to Anne Boleyn, that it is not likely our of that order would
have strained a point in tell an honourable story of her. This was made
unc 01 in v^uceii Elieabelh'n time, to vindicate her memory- See Saravia
Tract, coi.t. Besom, c. 2. \c.sns fiuem, .
THE REFORMATION.
321
glorious reign, there was no full nor complete vindica- book
tion of her published. For the writers of that time _ '__
thought it enough to speak honourably of her ; and, in 1536.
general, to call her innocent : but none of them ever
attempted a clear discussion of the particulars laid to her
charge. This had been much to her daughter's ho-
nour; and, therefore, since it was not done, others con-
cluded it could not be done ; and that their knowledge
of her guilt restrained their pens. But others do not at
all allow of that inference, and think rather, that it was
the great wisdom of that time not to suffer such things
to be called in question ; since no wise government will
admit; of a debate about the clearness of the prince's
title. For the very attempting to prove it, weakens it
more than any of the proofs that are brought can con-
firm it ; therefore it was prudently done of that Queen,
and her great ministers, never to suffer any vindication,
or apology, to be written. Some indiscretions could not
be denied, and these would all have been catched hold
of, and improved by the busy emissaries of Rome and
Spain.
But nothing did more evidently discover the secret
cause of this Queen's ruin, than the King's marrying
Jane Seymour the day after her execution. She, of all
King Henry's wives, gained most on his esteem and
affection : but she was happy in one thing — that she did
not outlive his love ; otherwise she might have fallen
as signally as her predecessor had done. Upon this
turn of affairs a great change of counsels followed.
There was nothing now that kept the Emperor and The Lady
the King at a distance, but the illegitimation of the J^JJ,**
Lady Mary ; and if that matter had been adjusted, the
King was in no more hazard of trouble from him: there-
fore it was proposed, that she might be again restored
to the King's favour. She found this was the best op-
portunity she could ever look for, and therefore laid
hold on it, and wrote an humble submission to the
King, and desired again to be admitted to his presence.
But her submissions had some reserves in them ; there-
fore she was pressed to be more express in her acknow-
ledgments. At this she stuck long, and had almost
vol. i. p. i. y
9 a
reconcilia-
tion with
her father.
322 HISTORY OF
part embroiled herself again with her father. She freely of-
fered to submit to the laws of the land about the suc-
1536. cession, and confessed the fault of her former obsti-
nacy. But the King would have her acknowledge, that
his marriage to her mother was incestuous and unlaw-
ful ; and to renounce the Pope's authority, and to accept
him as supreme head of the church of England. These
things were of hard digestion with her, and she could
not easily swallow them ; so she wrote to Cromwell, to
befriend her at the King's hands. Upon which many
letters passed between them. He wrote to her, that it
was impossible to recover her father's favour, without a
full and clear submission in all points. So in the end
she yielded ; and sent the following paper, all written
with her own hand, which is set down as it was copied
from the original, yet extant.
Her jub- « The confession of me, the Lady Mary, made upon:
mission un- . . . . . . .' • a 1 • 1 i
derherown certain points and articles under-written ; in the which,
^and,T.L as I do now plainly, and with all mine heart, confess
Cott. Lib. iii -i i v - i • i
otho..c. and declare my inward sentence, belief, and judgment,'
10, with a due conformity of obedience to the laws of the
realm ; so, minding for ever to persist and continue in j
this determination, without change, alteration, or vari-
ance, I do most humbly beseech the King's Highness.;*
my father, whom I have obstinately and inobedientl)
offended in the denial of the same heretofore, to fergivei
mine offences therein, and to take me to his most gra-n
cious mercy.
" First, I confess and knowledge the King's Majesty!
to be my sovereign Lord and King, in the imperial
crown of this realm of England ; and do submit nv 1
to his Highness, and to all and singular laws and sta-l
tutes of this realm, as becometh a true and faithful sub-l
ject to do ; which I shall also obey, keep, observe, ad |
vance, and maintain, according to my bounden duty li
with all the power, force, and qualities, that God hatl j
endued me with, during my life.
" Item, I do recognize, accept, take, repute, an<|
knowledge, the King's Highness to be supreme heat j
in earth under Christ of the church of England ; and d< j
THE REFORMATION. 323
utterly refuse the Bishop of Rome's pretended autho- book
rity, power, and jurisdiction within this realm hereto- m
fore usurped, according to the laws and statutes made 1535.
in that behalf, and of all the King's true subjects hum-
bly received, admitted, obeyed, kept, and observed; and
also do utterly renounce and forsake all manner of re
medy, interest, and advantage, which I may by any
"means claim by the Bishop of Rome's laws, process, ju-
risdiction, or sentence, at this present time, or iu any
fiwise hereafter, by any manner of title, colour, mean, or
case, that is, shall, or can be devised for that purpose.
" Mary.
" Item, I do freely, frankly, and for the discharge of
my duty towards God, the King's Highness, and his
laws, without other respect, recognize and know-
ledge, that the marriage heretofore had between his
,Majesty, and my mother, the late Princess Dowager,
was by God's law, and man's law, incestuous and un-
lawful.
"Mary/'
Upon this she was again received into favour. One She is re-
circumstance I shall add, that shews the frugality of 2°"^,.
that time. In the establishment that was made for her
family, there was only 40/. a quarter assigned for her
privy-purse. I have seen a letter of her's to Cromwell, at
theChristmas-quarter, desiring him to let theKingknow,
that she must be at some extraordinary expense that
season, that so he might increase her allowance, since
ithe 40/. would not defray the charge of that quarter.
For the Lady Elizabeth, though the King divested The Lady
her of the title of Princess of Wales, yet he continued WeHused
still to breed her up in the court, with all the care and by the
tenderness of a father. And the new Queen, what Quneen.n
from the sweetness of her disposition, and what out of
•compliance with the King, who loved her much, was as
kind to her as if she had been her mother". Of which
I shall add one pretty evidence, though the childishness
of it may be thought below the gravity of a history ;
y 2
324
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
*53(3.
Her letter
to the
Queen
■when not
four jears
of age.
yet by it the reader will see both the kindness that the
King and Queen had for her, and that they allowed her
to subscribe, daughter. There are two original letters
of her's yet remaining, writ to the Queen when she was
with child of King Edward : the one in Italian, the
other in English ; both writ in a fair hand, the same
that she wrote all the rest of her life. But the con-
ceits in that writ in English are so pretty, that it will
not be unacceptable to the reader to see this first blos-
som of so great a Princess, when she was not full four
years of age ; she being born in September 1533, and
this writ in July 1537,
"Although your Highness' letters be most joyful to
me in absence, yet, considering what pain it is to you
to write, your Grace being so great with child, and so
sickly, your commendation were enough in my Lord's
letter. I much rejoice at your health, with the well
liking of the country ; with my humble thanks that
your Grace wished me with you till I were weary of that
country. Your Highness were like to be cumbered, if
I should not depart till I were weary being with you ;
although it were in the worst soil in the world, your
presence would make it pleasant. I cannot reprove my
Lord for not doing your commendations in his letter,
for he did it ; and although he had not, yet I will not
complain of him, for that he shall be diligent to give
me knowledge from time to time, how his busy child
doth ; and if I were at his birth, no doubt I would see
him beaten, for the trouble he has put you to. Mr.
Denny and my Lady, with humble thanks prayeth most
entirely for your Grace, praying the Almighty God to
send you a most lucky deliverance. And my mistress
wisheth no less, giving your Highness most humble
thanks for her commendations. Writ with very little
leisure, this last day of July.
" Your humble daughter,
" Elizabeth."
THE REFORMATION. 325
But to proceed to more serious matters. A parlia- book
ment was summoned to meet the 8th of June. If full [_
forty days be necessary for a summons, then the writs 1536.
must have been issued forth the day before the late A new p^
Queen's disgrace ; so that it was designed before the called!
justs at Greenwich, and did not flow from any thing
that then appeared. When the parliament met, the J°urnal
Lord Chancellor Audley, in his speech, told them,
" That when the former parliament was dissolved, the
King had no thoughts of summoning a new one so soon.
But for two reasons, he had now called them. The one
was, that he, finding himself subject to so many infirmi-
ties, and considering that he was mortal, (a rare thought
in a prince,) he desired to settle an apparent heir to the
crown, in case he should die without children lawfully
begotten. The other was, to repeal an act of the for-
mer parliament, concerning the succession of the crown
to the issue of the King by Queen Anne Boleyn. He
desired them to reflect on the great troubles and vexa-
tion the King was involved in by his first unlawful
marriage, and the dangers he was in by his second ;
which might well have frighted any body from a third
marriage. But Anne, and her conspirators, being put
to death, as they well deserved ; the King, at the hum-
ble request of the nobility, and not out of any carnal
concupiscence, was pleased to marry again a Queen, by
whom there were very probable hopes of his having
children : therefore he recommended to them, to pro-
vide an heir to the crown by the King's direction, who,
if the King died without children lawfully begotten,
might rule over them. He desired they would pray
God earnestly, that he would grant the King issue of
his own body ; and return thanks to Almighty God,
that preserved such a King to them out of so many im-
minent dangers, who employed all his care and endea-
vours, that he might keep his whole people in quiet,
peace, and perfect charity, and leave them so to those
that should succeed him."
But though this was the chief cause of calling the
parliament, it seems the ministers met with great diffi-
culties, and therefore spent much time in preparing
Hie act of
succession.
326 HISTORY OF
pakt men's minds. For the bill about the succession to the
' crown was not brought into the House of Lords before
1536. the 30th day of June, that the Lord Chancellor offered
it to the House. It went through both Houses without
any opposition. It contained first, "A repeal of the
former act of succession, and a confirmation of the two
sentences of divorce, the issue of both the King's form-
er marriages being declared illegitimate, and for ever
excluded from claiming the inheritance of the crown,
as the King's lawful heirs by lineal descent. The at-
tainder of Queen Anne and her complices is confirmed.
Queen Anne is said to have been inflamed with pride,
and carnal desires of her body ; and, having confederated
herself with her complices, to have committed divers
treasons, to the danger of the King's royal person ; with
other aggravating words, for which she had justly suf-
fered death, and is now attainted by act of parliament.
And all things that had been said or done against her,
or her daughter, being contrary to an act of parliament
then in force, are pardoned; and the inheritance of the
crown is established on the issue of Queen Jane, whe-
ther male or female, or the King's issue by any other
wife whom he might marry afterwards.
"But since it was not fit to declare to whom the suc-
cession of the crown belonged after the King's death,
lest the person, so designed, might be thereby enabled
to raise trouble and commotions ; therefore they, consi-
dering the King's wise and excellent government, and
confiding in the love and affection which he bore to his
subjects, did give him full power to declare the succes-
sion to the crown, either by his letters patents under
the great seal, or by his last will, signed with his hand;
and promised all faithful obedience to the persons named
by him. And if any, so designed to succeed in default
of others, should endeavour to usurp upon those before
them, or to exclude them, they are declared traitors,
and were to forfeit all the right they might thereafter
claim to the crown. And if any should maintain the
lawfulness of the former marriages, or that the issue by
them was legitimate, or refused to swear to the King's
issue by Queen Jane, they were also declared traitors.''
THE REFORMATION. 327
By this act it may appear how absolutely this King book
reigned in England. Many questioned much the va-
lidity of it, and (as shall afterwards appear) the Scots lb36,
said, that the succession to the crown was not within
the parliament's power to determine about it, but must
go by inheritance to their King, in default of issue by
this King. Yet by this the King was enabled to settle
the crown on his children, whom he had now declared
illegitimate, by which he brought them more absolutely
Ho depend upon himself. He neither made them des-
perate, nor gave them any further right than what they
were to derive purely from his own good pleasure.
This did also much pacify the Emperor, since nis kins-
woman was, though not restored in blood, yet put in a
capacity to succeed to the crown.
At this time there came a new proposition from Rome, The P°Pe
to try if the King would accommodate matters with the ecj arecoo»
Pope. Pope Clement the Seventh died two years before c')'ation
'this, in the year 1534, and Cardinal Farnese succeeded King,
i him, called Pope Paul the Third. He had before this
jmade one unsuccessful attempt upon the King ; but,
upon the beheading of the Bishop (and declared Cardi-
nal) of Rochester, he had thundered a most terrible
sentence of deposition against the King, and designed
I to commit the execution of it to the Emperor : yet now,
• when Queen Katherine and Queen Anne, who were
: the occasions of the rupture, were both out of the way,
< he thought it was a proper conjuncture to try if a re-
conciliaton could be effected. This he proposed to Sir
. Gregory Cassali, who was no more the King's ambas-
■ sador at Rome, but was still his correspondent there.
The Pope desired he would move the King in it, and
: let him know that he had ever favoured his cause in the
former Pope's time, and though he was forced to give
i out a sentence against him, yet he had never any inten-
tion to proceed upon it to further extremities.
But the King was now so entirely alienated from the Butmvain.
court of Rome, that, to cut off all hopes of reconcilia-
tion, he procured two acts to be passed in this parlia-
ment. The one was for the utter extinguishing the
authority of the Bishop of Rome. It was brought
326 HISTORY OF
part into the House of Lords on the 4th of July ; and was
' read the first time the 5th, and the second time on the
1536t 6th of July, and lay at the committee till the 12th.
And on the 14th, it was sent down to the Commons,
who, if there be no mistake in the Journal, sent it up
that same day : they certainly made great haste, for the
parliament was dissolved within four days.
" The preamble of this first act contains severe reflec-
tions on the Bishop of Rome, (whom some called the
Pope,) who had long darkened God's word, that it
might serve his pomp, glory, avarice, ambition, and ty-
ranny ; both upon the souls, bodies, and goods of all
Christians ; excluding Christ out of the rule of man's
soul, and princes out of their dominions ; and had ex-
acted in England great sums, by dreams, and vanities,
and other superstitious ways. Upon these reasons, his
usurpations had been by law put down in this nation ;
yet many of his emissaries were still practising up and
down the kingdom, and persuading people to acknow-
ledge his pretended authority. Therefore every person
so offending after the last of July next to come, was to
incur the pains of a premunire ; and all officers, both
civil and ecclesiastical, were commanded to make in-
quiry about such offences, under several penalties."
On the 12th of July, a bill was brought in, concern-
ing privileges obtained from the see of Rome, and was
read the first time. And on the 17th it was agreed to,
and sent down to the Commons, who sent it up again
the next day. It bears, that the popes had, during their
usurpation, " granted many immunities to several bo-
dies and societies in England, which upon that grant
had been now long in use : therefore all these bulls,
breves, and every thing depending on, or flowing from
them, were declared void and of no force. Yet all mar-
riages celebrated by virtue of them, that were not other-
wise contrary to the law of God, were declared good
in law; and all consecrations of bishops, by virtue of
lliem, were confirmed. And for the future, all who
enjoyed any privileges bv bulls, were to bring them into
the Chancery, or to such persons as the King should
appoint for that end. And the Archbishop of Canter-
THE REFORMATION. 320
bury was lawfully to grant anew the effects contained in book
them, which grant was to pass under the great seal, and
to be of full force in law." 1526.
This struck at the abbots' rights. But they were
glad to bear a diminution of their greatness, so they
might save the whole, which now lay at stake. By the
thirteenth act, they corrected an abuse which had come
in to evade the force of a statute made in the twenty-
first year of this king, about the residence of all ecclesi-
astical persons in their livings. One qualification that
did excuse from residence, was their staying at the uni-
versity for the completing of their studies. Now it
was found, that many dissolute clergymen went and
lived at the universities, not for their studies, but to be
excused from serving their cures. So it was enacted,
that none above the age of forty, that were not either
heads of houses, or public readers, should have any ex-
emption from their residence, by virtue of that clause
in the former act. And those under that age should
not have the benefit of it, except they were present at
the lectures, and performed their exercises in the schools.
By another act, there was provision made against the
prejudice the King's heirs might receive, before they
were of age, by parliaments held in their non-age ; that
whatsoever acts were made before they were twenty-four
years of age, they might, at any time of their lives after
that, repeal and annul, by their letters patents, which
should have equal force with a repeal by act of parlia-
ment. From these acts it appears, that the King was
absolute master, both of the affections and fears of his
subjects ; when, in a new parliament called on a sudden,
and in a session of six weeks, from the 8th of June to the
18th of July, acts of this importance were passed with-
out any protest or public opposition.
But, having now opened the business of the parlia- 'Ihepr°-.
. i | T r ceedings in
ment, as it relates to the state, I must next give an ac- theoon*o-
count of the convocation, which sate at this time, and catlon"
was very busy, as appears by the Journals of the House
of Lords ; in which this is given for a reason of many
adjournments, because the spiritual lords were busy in
the convocation. It sate down on the 9th of June, ac-
1536.
330 HISTORY OF
part cording to Fuller's extract ; it being the custom of alt
this reign, for that court to meet two or three days
after the parliament. Hither Cromwell came as the
King's vicar-general ; but he was not yet vicegerent.
For he sate next the Archbishop ; but when he had
that dignity he sate above him. Nor do I find him
styled in any writing vicegerent for some time after this ;
though the Lord Herbert says, he was made vicege-
rent the 18th of July this year, the same day in which
the parliament was dissolved.
Latimer, bishop of Worcester, preached the Latin
sermon, on these words : " The children of this world
are wiser in their generation than the children of light."
He was the most celebrated preacher of that time. The
simplicity and plainness of his matter, with a serious
• and fervent action that accompanied it, being preferred
to more learned and elaborate composures. On the
21st of June, Cromwell moved, that they would con-
firm the sentence of the invalidity of the King's mar-
riage with Queen Anne, which was accordingly done
by both houses of Convocation. But certainly Fuller
was asleep when he wrote, " That, ten days before that,
the Archbishop had passed the sentence of divorce, on
the day before the Queen was beheaded." Whereas, if
he had considered this more fully, he must have seen
that the Queen was put to death a month before this,
and was divorced two days before she died. Yet, with
this animadversion, I must give him my thanks for his
pains in copying out of the Journals of Convocation
many remarkable things, which had been otherwise ir-
recoverably lost.
On the 23d of June, the lower house of Convoca-
tion sent to the upper house a collection of many opi-
nions, that were then in the realm ; which, as they
thought, were abuses, and errors, worthy of special re-
formation. But they began this representation with a
Fuller. protestation : "That they intended not to do. or speak,
any thing which might be unpleasant to the King;
whom they acknowledged their supreme head, and were
resolved to obey his commands, renouncing the P<
usurped authority, with all his laws and inventions
THE REFORMATION. 331
now extinguished and abolished ; and did addict them- book
selves to Almighty God, and his laws, and unto the
King, and the laws made within this kingdom." 1536.
There are sixty-seven opinions set down, and are
either the tenets of the old Lollards, or the new re-
formers, together with the anabaptists' opinions. Be-
sides all which, they complained of many unsavoury and
indiscreet expressions, which were either feigned on de-
sign to disgrace the new preachers, or were perhaps the
extravagant reflections of some illiterate and injudicious
persons ; who are apt, upon all occasions, by their heat
and folly, rather to prejudice than advance their party ;
and affect some petulant jeers, which they think witty,
and are perhaps well entertained by some others, who,
though they are more judicious themselves, yet, imagin-
ing that such jests on the contrary opinions will take
with the people, do give them too much encouragement.
Many of these jests, about confession, praying to saints,
holy-water, and the other ceremonies of the church,
were complained of. And the last articles contained
sharp reflections on some of the bishops, as if they had
been wanting in their duty to suppress such things.
This was clearly levelled at Cranmer, Latimer, and
Shaxton, who were noted as the great promoters of
these opinions. The first did it prudently and solidly :
the second zealously and simply : and the third with
much indiscreet pride and vanity. But now that the
Queen was gone, who had either raised or supported
them, their enemies hoped to have advantages against
them, and to lay the growth of these opinions to their
charge. But this whole project failed, and Cranmer
had as much of the King's favour as ever ; for, instead
of that which they had projected, Cromwell, by the
King's order, coming to the convocation, declared to
them, that it was the King's pleasure, that the rites and
ceremonies of the church should be reformed by the
rules of Scripture; and that nothing was to be main-
tained which did not rest on that authority ; for it was
absurd, since that was acknowledged to contain the
laws of religion, that recourse should rather be had to
glosses, or the decrees of popes, than to these. There
332 HISTORY OF
part was at that time one Alexander Alesse, a Scotchm;
i • ■
' much esteemed for his learning and piety, whom Crar
1536> mer entertained at Lambeth. Him Cromwell brougl
Antiq. . with him to the convocation,* and desired him to del
vita'cvan- ver n*s opinion about the sacraments. He enlarge
mer« himself much to convince them, that only baptism and
the Lord's supper were instituted by Christ.
Stokesley, bishop of London, answered him in a long
discourse, in which he shewed he was better acquainted1
with the learning of the schools, and the canon law,'
than with the gospel ; he was seconded by the Archbi-
shop of York, and others of that party.
But Cranmer, in a long and learned speech, shewed
how useless these niceties of the schools were, and of
how little authority they ought to be ; and discoursed^
largely of the authority of the Scriptures, of the use of
the sacraments, of the uncertainty of tradition, and of
the corruption which the monks and friars had brought
into the Christian doctrine. He was vigorously se- ,
conded by the Bishop of Hereford, who told them, the
world would be no longer deceived with such sophisti-
cated stuff as the clergy had formerly vented : the laity i
were now in all nations studying the Scriptures, and
that, not only in the vulgar translations, but in the ori- J
ginal tongues ; and therefore it was a vain imagination
to think they would be any longer governed by those ,
arts which, in the former ages of ignorance, had been so i
effectual. Not many days after this, there were several
articles brought in to the upper house of Convocation, ,
devised by the King himself, about which there were
great debates among them ; the two Archbishops, head-
ing two parties : Cranmer was for a reformation, and
with him joined Thomas Goodrich, bishop of Ely ;
Shaxton, of Sarum; Latimer, of Worcester; Fox, of
* An account of this conference was published by Alesse in Latin, and
translated into English by Edm. Alon. He was sent for into England hy '
the Lord Cromwell, sent to Cambridge, driven thence, withdrew to Lon-
don, where he studied and practised physic for several years, met by
chance with Ibe Lord Cromwell, who took him with him to Westminster",
where he found all the bishops gathered together; unto whom they all j
rose up and did obedience, as to their \icar-general, and lie sate him down
in the highest place: then follows an account of the debate, and lun\ the
bishops were divided. IJe place." this meeting in the year l.">37.
THE REFORMATION. 333
Hereford ; Hilsey, of Rochester ; and Barlow, of St. B0^K
David's. '
But Lee, archbishop of York, was a known favourer %^6,
of the Pope's interests ; which, as it first appeared in
his scrupling so much, with the whole convocation of
York, the acknowledging the King to be supreme head
of the church of England ; so he had since discovered
it on all occasions, in which he durst do it without the
fear of losing the King's favour : so he, and Stokesley,
''bishop of London ; Tonstall, of Duresme ; Gardiner, of
Winchester ; Longland, of Lincoln ; Sherburn, of Chi-
chester ; Nix, of Norwich ; and Kite, of Carlisle ; had
been still against all changes. But the King discovered,
that those did in their hearts love the papal authority,
though Gardiner dissembled it most artificially. Sher-
burn, bishop of Chichester, upon what inducement I
cannot understand, resigned his bishoprick, which was
given to Richard Sampson, dean of the chapel ; a pen-
sion of 400/. being reserved to Sherburn for his life,
which was confirmed by an act of this parliament. Nix,
of Norwich, had also offended the King signally, by
some correspondence with Rome, and was kept long in
the Marshalsea, and was convicted and found in a.prce-
munire : the King, considering his great age, had upon
his humble submission discharged him out of prison,
and pardoned him. But he died the former year ; though
Fuller, in his slight way, makes him sit in this convoca-
tion : for by the seventeenth act of the last parliament,
it appears that the bishoprick of Norwich being vacant, Act17.iT
the King had recommended William Abbot of St. Ben- Resui-
net's to it ; but took into his own hands all the lands
and manors of the bishoprick, and gave the Bishop se-
veral of the priories in Norfolk in exchange, which was
confirmed in parliament. *
I shall next give a short abstract of the articles about
religion, which were, after much consultation and long
debating, agreed to.
" First, All bishops and preachers must instruct the Articles
people to believe the whole Bible and the three creeds ; Efren-
that made by the apostles, the Nicene, and the Atha- g"Ion'
nasian ; and interpret all things according to them, and Fuller. 7
1536.
334 • HISTORY OF
part in the very same words, and condemn all heresies con-
trary to them, particularly those condemned by the first
four general councils.
" Secondly, Of baptism : the people must be in-
structed, that it is a sacrament instituted by Christ, for
the remission of sins, without which none could attain
everlasting life : and that, not only those of full age,
but infants, may and must be baptized, for the pardon
of original sin, and obtaining the gift of the Holy
Ghost, by which they became the sons of God. That
none baptized ought to be baptized again. That the
opinions of the anabaptists and Pelagians were detest-
able, heresies : and that those of ripe age, who desired
baptism, must with it join repentance and contrition
for their sins, with a firm belief of the articles of the
faith.
" Thirdly, Concerning penance: they were to instruct i
the people, that it was instituted by Christ, and was ab- I
solutely necessary to salvation. That it consisted of
contrition, . confession, and amendment of life ; with *
exterior works of charity, which were the worthy fruits i
of penance. For contrition, it was an inward shame «
and sorrow for sin, because it is an offence of God,
which provokes his displeasure. To this must be
joined, a faith of the mercy and goodness of God, >
whereby the penitent must hope, that God will forgivfiB
him, and repute him justified, and of the number of
his elect children, not for the worthiness of any merit «
or work done by him, but for the only merits of the
blood and passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ. That
this faith is got and confirmed by the application of, J
the promises of the gospel, and the use of the sacra- ?
ments : and for that end, confession to a priest is ne- (
cessary, if it may be had, whose absolution was insti-
tuted by Christ, to apply the promises of God's grace
to the penitent: therefore the people were to be taught,
that the absolution is spoken by an authority given by
Christ in the gospel to the priest, and must be believed, l
as if it were spoken by God himself, according to our
Saviour's words ; and therefore none were to condemn
auricular confession, but use it for the comfort of their
THE REFORMATION. 335
consciences. The people were also to be instructed, book
that though God pardoned sin, only for the satisfaction __
of Christ, yet they must bring forth the fruits of pe- 1536.
nance, prayer, fasting, almsdeeds, with restitution and
satisfaction for wrongs done to others, with other works
of mercy and charity, and obedience to God's com-
mandments, else they could not be saved ; and that by
doing these, they should both obtain everlasting life,
and mitigation of their afflictions in this present life,
according to the Scriptures.
" Fourthly, As touching the sacrament of the altar,
people were to be instructed, that under the forms of
bread and wine, there was truly and substantially given
the very same body of Christ that was born of the Vir-
gin Mary ; and therefore it was to be received with all
reverence, every one duly examining himself, according
to the words of St. Paul.
" Fifthly, The people were to be instructed, that
justification signifleth remission of sins, and acceptation
into the favour of God; that- is to say, a perfect reno-
vation in Christ. To the attaining which, they were
to have contrition, faith, charity, which were both to
concur in it, and follow it ; and that the good works
necessary 'to salvation, were not only outward civil
works, but the inward motions and graces of God's
Holy Spirit, to dread, fear, and love him, to have firm
.confidence in God, to call upon him, and to have pa-
tience in all adversities, to hate sin, and have purposes
and wills not to sin again ; with such other motions
and virtues, consenting and agreeable to the law of
God.
" The other articles were about the ceremonies of
the church. First, of images. The people were to be
instructed, that the use of them was warranted by the
Scriptures, and that they served to represent to them
good examples, and to stir up devotion ; and therefore
it was meet that they should stand in the churches.
But, that the people might not fall into such supersti-
tion as it was thought they had done in time past, they
were to be taught to reform such abuses, lest idolatry
might ensue; and that incensing, kneeling, offering, or
33G HISTORY OF
part worshipping them, the people were to be instructe
' not to do it to the image, but to God and his h(
i336. nour.
" Secondly, For the honouring of saints: they were
not to think to attain these things at their hands, which;
were only obtained of God ; but that they were to ho-
nour them as persons now in glory, to praise God for
them, and imitate their virtues, and not fear to die for
the truth, as many of them had done.
" Thirdly, For praying to saints : the people were to
be taught, that it was good to pray to them, to pray
for and with us. And to correct all superstitious abuses
in this matter, they were to keep the days appointed]
by the church for their memories, unless the Kingh
should lessen the number of them, which if he did, itj
was to be obeyed.
" Fourthly, Of ceremonies. The people were to her
taught, that they were not to be condemned and casttf
away, but to be kept as good and laudable, having mys-
tical significations in them, and being useful to lift up
our minds to God. Such were the vestments in the
worship of God : the sprinkling holy water, to put us im
mind of our baptism and the blood of Christ; giving
holy bread, in sign of our union in Christ, and to re-1
member us of the sacrament ; bearing candles on Can-r
dlemas-day, in remembrance that Christ was the spirit-;
ual light ; giving ashes on Ash- Wednesday, to put usi
in mind of penance, and of our mortality; bearing),
palms on Palm-Sunday, to shew our desire to receive* i
Christ in our hearts, as he entered into Jerusalem m
creeping to the cross on Good-Friday, and kissing It, i
in memory of his death, with the setting up the sepul-i i
chre on that day ; the hallowing the font, and other
exorcisms and benedictions.
"And lastly, As to purgatory, they were to declare I
• it good and charitable to pray for the souls departed,
which was said to have continued in the church from
the beginning : and therefore the people were to be in-
structed, that it consisted well with the due order of
charity, to pray for them, and to make others pray for
them, in masses and exequies, and to give alms to them
THE REFORMATION. 337
for that end. But since the place they were in, and book
the pains they suffered, were uncertain by the Scrip- _ _
ture we ought to remit them wholly to God's mercy : 1536.
therefore all these abuses were to be put away, which,
under the pretence of purgatory, had been advanced, as
if the Pope's pardons did deliver souls out of it, or
masses said in certain places, or before certain images,
had such efficiency : with other such-like abuses."
These articles being thus conceived, and in several
places corrected, and tempered by the King's own hand,
were signed by Cromwell, and the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, and seventeen other bishops, forty abbots and
priors, and fifty archdeacons and proctors of the lower
house of Convocation. Among whom, Polydore Virgil
and Peter Vannes signed with the rest, as appears by the
original, yet extant. They being tendered to the King, Published
he confirmed them, and ordered them to be published, ^ ' ., att.
with a preface, in his name. " It is said in the preface, thority.
that he, accounting it the chief part of his charge, that
the word and commandments of God should be believed
and observed, and to maintain unity and concord in opi-
nion ; and understanding, to his great regret, that there
was great diversity of opinion arisen among his subjects,
both about articles of faith and ceremonies, had, in his own
person, taken great pains and study about these things,
and had ordered also the bishops, and other learned men
of the clergy, to examine them ; who, after long delibe-
ration, had concluded on the most special points, which
the King thought proceeded from a good, right, and
true judgment, according to the laws of God; these
would also be profitable, for establishing unity in the
church of England : therefore he had ordered them to
be published, requiring all to accept of them, praying
God so to illuminate their hearts, that they might have no
less zeal and love to unity and concord, in reading them,
than he had in making them to be devised, set forth,
and published ; which good acceptance should encou-
rage him to take further pains for the future, as should
be most for the honour of God, and the profit and the
quietness of his subjects."
This being published, occasioned great variety of cen-
vol. 1. p. 1. z
338 HISTORY OF
•fart sures. Those that desired reformation, were glad to see
so great a step once made ; and did not doubt, but this
1536. would make way for further changes. They rejoiced to
And vari- see the Scriptures and the ancient creeds made the
sured.Cen" standards of the faith, without mentioning tradition or
the decrees of the church. Then the foundation of
Christian faith was truly stated, and the terms of the
covenant between God and man in Christ were rightly
opened, without the niceties of the schools of either
side. Immediate worship of images and saints was also
removed, and purgatory was declared uncertain by the
Scripture. These were great advantages to them ; but
the establishing the necessity of auricular confession, the
corporal presence in the sacrament, the keeping up and
doing reverence to images, and the praying to saints,
did allay their joy ; yet they still counted it a victory, to
have things brought under debate, and to have some
grosser abuses taken away.
The other party were unspeakably troubled. Four
sacraments were passed over, which would encourage
ill-affected people to neglect them. The gainful trade
by the belief of purgatory was put down ; for, though
it was said to be good to give alms for praying for the
dead, yet, since both the dreadful stories of the miseries
of purgatory, and the certainty of redeeming souls out
of them by masses, were made doubtful, the people's
charity and bounty that way would soon abate. And,
in a word, the bringing matters under dispute was a
great mortification to them ; for all concluded, that this
was but a preamble to what they might expect after-
wards.
When these things were seen beyond sea, the papal
party made every where great use of it, to shew the ne-
cessity of adhering to the Pope ; since the King of Eng-
land, though, when he broke off from his obedience to
the apostolic see, he pretended he would maintain the
catholic faith entire, yet was now making great changes
in it. But others, that were more moderate, acknow-
ledged that there was great temper and prudence in con-
triving these articles. And it seems the Emperor, and
the more learned divines about Him, both approved of
THE REFORMATION. 339
the precedent, and liked the particulars so well, that not book
many years after, the Emperor published a work not
unlike this, called The Interim ; because it was to be 1536#
irt force in that interim, till all things were more fully
debated and determined by a general council, which, in
many particulars, agreed with these articles. Yet some
stricter persons censured this work much, as being a
political daubing ; in which, they said, there was more
pains taken to gratify persons, and serve particular ends,
than to assert truth in a free and unbiassed way, such
as became divines. This was again excused ; and it was
said, that all things could not be attained on a sudden :
that some of the bishops and divines, who afterwards
arrived at a clearer understanding of some matters, were
not then so fully convinced about them ; and so it was
their ignorance, and not their cowardice or policy, that
made them compliant in some things. Besides, it was
said, that as our Saviour did not reveal all things to his
disciples, till they were able to bear them ; and as the
apostles did not of a sudden abolish all the rites of Ju-
daism, but for some time, to gain the Jews, complied
with them, and went to the Temple, and Offered sacri-
fices; so the people were not to be overdriven in this
change. The clergy must be brought out of their igno-
rance by degrees, and then the people were to be better
instructed ; but to drive furiously, and do all at once,
might have spoiled the whole design, and totally alienated
those who were to be drawn on by degrees ; it might
have also much endangered the peace of the nation, the
people being much disposed by the practices of the friars
to rise in arms : therefore, these slow steps were thought
the surer and better method.
On the last day of the convocation, there was another The convo-
writing brought in by Fox, bishop of Hereford, occa- JJJjJJ de"
sioned by the summons for a general council to sit at against the
Mantua, to which the Pope had cited the King to ap- called by
pear. The King had made his appeal from the Pope to the Pope.
a general council, but there was no reason to expect any
justice in an assembly so constituted as this was like
to be. Therefore it was thought fit to publish some-
what of the reasons why the King could not submit
z 2
340
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
Collect.
\uuib 5.
The King
publishes
his re:i>ons
u^aiii--t it.
his matter to the decision of such a council, as was tlien
intended. And it was moved, that the convocation
should give their sense of it. '
The substance of their answer (which the reader will
find in the Collection) was, " That as nothing was better
instituted by the ancient fathers, for the establishment
of the faith, the extirpation of heresies, the healing of
schisms, and the unity of the Christian church, than
general councils, gathered in the Holy Ghost3 duly
called to an indifferent place, with other necessary re-
quisites ; so, on the other hand, nothing could produce
more pestiferous effects than a general council called
upon private malice, or ambition, or other carnal
respects ; which Gregory Nazianzen so well observed
in his time, that he thought ' all assemblies of
bishops were to be eschewed, for he never saw good
come of any of them, and they had increased rather
than healed the distempers of the church. For the
appetite of vain-glory, and a contentious humour,
bore down reason :' therefore they thought Christ-
ian princes ought to employ all their endeavours to
prevent so great a mischief. And it was to be consi-
dered, first, Who had authority to call one. Secondly, If
the reasons for calling one were more weighty. Thirdly,
Who should be the judges. Fourthly, What should be
the manner of proceeding. Fifthly, What things should
be treated of in it. And, as to the first of these, they
thought neither the Pope, nor any one prince, of what
dignity soever, had authority to call one, without
the consent of all other Christian princes : especially
such as had entire and supreme government over all
their subjects." This was signed on the 20th of July,
by Cromwell, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, witli
fourteen bishops, and forty abbots, priors, and clerks, of
the convocation of Canterbury. Whether this and the
former articles were also signed by the convocation of
the province of York, does not appear by any record ;
but that I think is not to be doubted. This being ob-
tained, the King published a long and sharp protestation
against the council now summoned to Mantua. In
winch he shews, that the Pope had no power to call one :
THE REFORMATION. 341
" For, as it was done by the emperors of old ; so it per- book
tained to Christian princes now. That the Pope had J_
no jurisdiction in England, and so could summon none isse.
of this nation to come to any such meeting. That the Fox-
place was neither safe nor proper. That nothing could
be done in a council to any purpose, if the Pope sate
judge in chief in it ; since one of the true ends, why a
council was to be desired, was to reduce his power with-
in its old limits. A free general council was that which
he much desired ; but he was sure this could not be
such : and the present distractions of Christendom, and
the wars between the Emperor and the French King,
shewed this was no proper time for one. The Pope, who
had long refused or delayed to call one, did now choose
this conjuncture of affairs, knowing that few would
come to it, and so they might carry things as they
pleased. But the world was now awake ; the Scriptures
were again in men's hands, and people would not be so
tamely cozened as they had been. Then he shews, how
unsafe it was for any Englishman to go to Mantua, how
little regard was to be had to the Pope's safe-conduct,
they having so oft broken their oaths and promises.
He also shews, how little reason he had to trust himself
to the Pope, how kind he had been to that see formerly,
and how basely they had requited it : and that now,
these three years past, they had been stirring up all
Christian princes against him, and using all possible
means to create him trouble : therefore he declared, he
would not go to any council called by the Bishop of
Rome ; but when there was a general peace among
Christian princes, he would most gladly hearken to the
motion of a true general council : and, in the mean
while, he would preserve all the articles of the faith in
his kingdom, and sooner lose his life and his crown,
than suffer any of them to be put down. And so he
protested against any council to be held at Mantua, or
any where else, by the Bishop of Rome's authority :
that he would not acknowledge it, nor receive any of
their decrees."
At this time, Reginald Pole, who was of the royal
blood, being by his mother descended from the Duke of
342 HISTORY OF
part Clarence, brother to King Edward IV. and in the same
degree of kindred with the King by his father's side,
lose, was in great esteem for his learning, and other excellent
Cardinal virtues. It seems, the King had determined to breed
poses the him up to the greatest dignity in the church ; and to
King's pro- make hjm as eminent in learning;, and other acquired
ceedjngs. , r .. i ■ i j
parts, as he was for quality, and a natural sweetness and
nobleness of temper. Therefore, the King had given
him the deanery of Exeter, with several other digni-
ties, towards his maintenance beyond sea ; and sent him
to Paris, where he stayed several years : there he first
incurred the King's displeasure. For, being desired by
him to concur with his agents in procuring the sub-
scriptions and seals of the French universities, he ex-
cused himself; yet it was in such terms, that he did not
openly declare himself against the King : after that, he
came over to England, and, as he writes himself, was
present when the clergy made their submission, and ac-
knowledged the King supreme head. In which, since
he was then dean of Exeter, and kept his deanery seve-
ral years after that, it is not to be doubted, but that, as
he was by his place obliged to sit in the convocation, so
he concurred with the rest in making that submission.
From thence he went to Padua, where he lived long,
and was received into the friendship and society of some
celebrated persons, who gave themselves much to the
study of eloquence, and of the Roman authors. These
were Centareno, Bembo, Caraffa, Sadoletti, with a great
many more, that became afterwards well known over
the world : but all those gave Pole the pre-eminence,
and that justly too, for he was accounted one of the
most eloquent men of his time.
The King called him oft home to assist him in his
affairs, but he still declined it ; at length, finding de-
lays could prevail no longer, he wrote the King word —
that he did not approve of what he had done, neither in
the matter of divorce, nor his separation from the apo-
stolic see. To this the King answered, — desiring his
reasons' why he disagreed from him, and sent him over
a book which Dr. Sampson had writ in defence of the
proceedings in England. Upon which, he wrote his book
THE REFORMATION. 343
De Unitate Ecclesiastica, and sent it over to the King ; book
and soon after printed it this year. In which book he '
condemned the King's actions, and pressed him to re- 1W6.
turn to the obedience he owed the see of Rome, with ^n<J "7iles
many sharp reflections ; but the book was more con- against
sidered for the author, and the wit and eloquence of it, him-
than for any great learning or deep reasoning in it. He
did also very much depress the royal, and exalt the papal
authority : he compared the King to Nebuchadonosor,
and addressed himself in the conclusion to the Emperor;
whom he conjured to turn his arms rather against the
King than the Turk. And, indeed, the indecencies of
his expressions against the King, not to mention the
scurrilous language he bestows on Sampson, whose book
he undertakes to answer, are such, that it appears how
much the Italian air had changed him ; and that his
converse at Padua had, for some time, defaced that ge-
nerous temper of mind, which was otherwise so natural
to him.
Upon this, the King desired him at first to come over,
and explain some passages in his book : but when he
could not thus draw him into his toils, he proceeded se-
verely against him, and divested him of all his dignities ;
but these were plentifully made up to him by the Pope's
bounty, and the Emperor's. He was afterwards rewarded
with a cardinal's hat, but he did not rise above the de-
gree of a deacon. Some believe that the spring of this
opposition he made to the King was a secret affection he
had for the Lady Mary. The publishing of this book
made the King set the bishops on work to write vindi-
cations of his actions : which Stokesley and Tonstal did, Many
in a long and learned letter that they wrote to Pole, written for
And Gardiner published his book of True Obedience : ,he Kibs-
to which Bonner, who was hot on the scent of prefer-
ment, added a preface. But the King designed sharper
tools for Pole's punishment : yet an attainder in absence
was all he could do against himself. But his family and
kindred felt the weight of the King's displeasure very
sensibly.
But now I must give an account of the dissolution of
the monasteries, pursuant to the act of parliament,
344 HISTORY OF
Part though I cannot fix the exact time in which it was done.
I have seen the original instructions, with the commis-
1.536. si°n given to those who were to visit the monasteries
in and about Bristol. All the rest were of the same
kind : they bear date the 28th of April, after the session
of parliament was over ; and the report was to be made
in the octaves of St. Michael the archangel. But I am
inclined to think that the great concussion and disorder
things were in by the Queen's death, made the commis-
sioners unwilling to proceed in so invidious a matter,
till they saw the issue of the new parliament. There-
fore I have delayed giving any account of the proceed-
ings in that matter till this place. The instructions will
be found in the Collection. The substance of them was
as follows : —
Collect. " The auditors of the court of Augmentations were
instruc- the persons that were employed. Four, or any three of
tions about them, were commissioned to execute the instructions in
tion of mo- every particular visitation. One auditor, or receiver, and
nastcries. one 0f the clerks of the former visitation, were to call
for three discreet persons in the county, who were also
named by the King. They were to signify to every
house the statute of dissolution, and shew them their
commission. Then they were to put the governor, or
any other officer of the house, to declare upon oath the
true state of it : and to require him speedily to appear
before the court of Augmentations : and, in the mean
time, not to meddle with any thing belonging to the
house. Then to examine how many religious persons
were in the house, and what lives they led ; how many
of them were priests, how many of them would go to
other religious houses, and how many of them would
take capacities and go into the world. They were to es-
timate the state and fabric of the house, and the number
of the servants they kept: and to call for the covent-scal,
and writings, and put them in some sure place, and take
an inventory of all their plate, and their moveable goods,
and to know the value of all that, before the 1st of March
last, belonged to the house, and what debts they owed.
They were to put the covent-seal, with the jewels and
plate, in safe keeping, and to leave the rest (an inventory
THE REFORMATION. 345
being first taken) in the governors* hands, to be kept by book
them till further order. And the governors were to med- ° '
die with none of the rents of the house, except for ne- 1556-
cessary sustenance, till they were another way disposed
of. They were to try what leases and deeds had been
made for a whole year before the 4th of February last.
Such as would still live in monasteries were to be re-
commended to some of the great monasteries that lay
next : and such as would live in the world, must come
to the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Lord Chancel-
lor, to receive capacities." (From which it appears, that
Cromwell was not at this time lord vicegerent, for he
granted these capacities when he was in that power.)
" And the commissioners were to give them a reasonable
allowance for their journey, according to the distance
they lived at. The governor was to be sent to the court
of Augmentations, who were to assign him a yearly
pension for his life."
What report those commissioners made, or how they
obeyed their instructions, we know not; for the ac-
count of it is razed out of the Records. The writers
that lived near that time represent the matter very odi-
ously, and say — about ten thousand persons were set
to seek for their livings ; only forty shillings in money,
and a gown, being given to every religious man. The
rents of them all rose to about thirty-two thousand
pounds : and the goods, plate, jewels, and other
moveables, were valued at a hundred thousand pounds:
and it is generally said, and not improbably, that the
commissioners were as careful to enrich themselves, as
to increase the King's revenue. The churches and
cloisters were for the most part pulled down ; and the
lead, bells, and other materials were sold; and this must
needs have raised great discontents every where.
The religious persons that were undone, went about Great dis-
complaining of the sacrilege and injustice of this sup- an'ong'aii
pression ; that what the piety of their ancestors had sorts of
dedicated to God and his saints, was now invaded and peope*
converted to secular ends. They said, the King's se-
verity fell first upon some particular persons of their or-
ders, who were found delinquents ; but now, upon the
346 HISTORY OF
part pretended miscarriages of some individual persons, to
proceed against their houses, and suppress them, was
1536. an unheard-of practice. The nobility and gentry,
whose ancestors had founded or enriched these houses,
and' who provided for their younger children, or im-
poverished friends, by putting them into these sanctu-
aries, complained much of the prejudice they sustained
by it. The people, that had been well entertained at
the abbots' tables, were sensible of their loss : for ge-
nerally, as they travelled over the country, the abbeys
were their stages, and were houses of reception to travel-
lers and strangers. The devouter sort of people of their
persuasion thought their friends must now lie in pur-
gatory without relief, except they were at the charge to
keep a priest, who should daily say mass for their souls.
The poor that fed on their daily alms were deprived of
that supply.
Endea- But to compose these discontents, first, many books,
uierf "to"5 were published, to shew what crimes, cheats, and un-
quiet these, postures, those religious persons were guilty of. Yet
that wrought not much on the people ; for they said,
why were not these abuses severely punished and re-
formed ? But must whole houses, and the succeeding
generations, be punished for the faults of a few ? Most
of these reports were also denied, and even those who
before envied the ease and plenty in which the abbots
and monks lived, began now to pity them, and con-
demned the proceedings against them. But to allay
this general discontent, Cromwell advised the King to
sell their lands at very easy rates to the gentry in the
several counties, obliging them, since they had them
upon such terms, to keep up the wonted hospitality.
This drew in the gentry apace both to be satisfied witli
what was done, and to assist the crown for ever in the
defence of these laws ; their own interest being so in-
terwoven with the rights of the crown. The commoner
sort, who, like those of old that followed Christ for the
loaves, were most concerned for the loss of a good din-
ner on a holy-day, or when they went over the country
about their business, were now also in ;i great incisure
satisfied, when they heard that all to whom these lands
THE REFORMATION. 347
were given, were obliged under heavy forfeitures to keep book
up the hospitality ; and when they saw that put in prac-
tice, their discontent, which lay chiefly in their stomach, 1536:
was appeased.
And to quiet other people, who could not be satisfied
with such things, the King made use of a clause in the
■■ act that gave him the lesser monasteries, which em-
powered him to continue such as he should think fit.
Therefore on the 17th of August, he by his letters pa-
' tents, did of new give back in perpetuam eleemosynam
for perpetual alms, five abbeys. The first of these was Collect,
the abbey of St. Mary of Betlesden of the Cistercian se"" \T
order in Buckinghamshire. Ten more were afterwards
confirmed. Sixteen nunneries were also confirmed :
\ in all thirty-one houses. The patents (in most of
which some manors are excepted, that had been
otherwise disposed of,) are all enrolled, and yet none of
our writers have taken any notice of this. It seems
\ these houses had been more regular than the rest : so
that in a general calamity they were rather reprieved
than excepted : for two years after this, in the sup-
pression of the rest of the monasteries, they fell under
the common fate of other houses. By these new en-
dowments, they were obliged to pay tenths and first-
fruits, and to obey all the statutes and rules that should
be sent to them from the King, as supreme head of the
church. But it is not unlike, that some presents, to
the commissioners, or to Cromwell, made these houses
outlive this ruin : for I find great trading in bribes at
this time, which is not to be wondered at, when there
was so much to be shared.
But great disorders followed upon the dissolution of the Yet people
other houses. People were still generally discontented. ge"eially
The suppression of religious houses occasioned much rebel,
outcrying, and the articles then lately published about
religion increased the distaste they had conceived at
the government. The old clergy were also very watch-
ful to improve all opportunities, and to blow upon every
spark. And the Pope's power of deposing kings had
been for almost five hundred years received as an ar-
ticle of faith. The same council that established tran-
348 HISTORY OF
PART substantiation, had asserted it : and there were many
'__ _ precedents, not only in Germany, France, Spain, and
1536. Italy, but also in England, of kings that were deposed
by popes, whose dominions were given to other princes.
This had begun in the eighth century, in two famous
deprivations. The one in France, of Childeric the Third,
who was deprived, and the crown given to Pepin : and,
about the same time,thosedominions in Italy, which were
under the eastern emperors, renounced their allegiance
to them. In both these the popes had a great hand ;
yet they rather confirmed and approved of those trea-
sonable mutations, than gave the first rise to them.
But after Pope Gregory the Seventh's time, it was
clearly assumed as a right and prerogative of the papal
crown to depose princes, and absolve subjects from the
oaths of allegiance, and set up others in their stead.
And all those emperors or kings, that contested any
thing with popes, sat very uneasy and unsafe in their
thrones ever after that. But if they were tractable to
the demands of the court of Rome, then they might
oppress their subjects, and govern as unjustly as they
pleased ; for they had a mighty support from that
court. This made princes more easily bear the popes*
usurpations, because they were assisted by them in all
their other proceedings. And the friars, having the
consciences of people generally in their hands, as they
had the word given by their general at Rome, so they
disposed people either to be obedient or seditious, as
they pleased.
Now, not only their own interests, mixed with their
zeal for the ancient religion, but the Pope's authority,
gave them as good a warrant to incline the people to
rebel, as any had in former times, of whom some were
canonized for the like practices. For in August the
former year, the Pope had summoned the King to ap-
pear within ninety days, and to answer for putting away
his Queen, and taking another wife ; and for the laws
he had made against the church, and putting the
Bishop of Rochester and others to death for not obey-
ing these laws : and if he did not reform these fault?,
or did not appear to answer for them, the Pope excom-
THE REFORMATION. 349
municated lilm, and all that favoured him; deprived the book
King, put the kingdom under an interdict, forbade all '
his subjects to obey, and other states to hold commerce 1536,
with him ; dissolved all his leagues with foreign princes,
commanded all the clergy to depart out of England,
and his nobility to rise in arms against him. But now,
the force of those thunders, which had formerly pro-
duced great earthquakes and commotions, was much
abated ; yet some storms were raised by this, though
not so violent as had been in former times.
The people were quiet till they had reaped their har- Jhe K'."g'»
vest. And though some injunctions were published a Hboutie^*
little before, to help it the better forward, most of the li&oa-
holy-days in harvest being abolished by the King's au-
thority, yet that rather inflamed them the more. Other
injunctions were, published in the King's name by
Cromwell, his vicegerent, which was the first act of
pure supremacy done by the King. For in all that
went before, he had the concurrence of the two convo-
cations. But these, it is like, were penned by Cran-
mer. The reader is referred to the Collection of Papers Collect,
for them, as I transcribed them out of the Register.
" The substance of them was, that, first, all eccle-
siastical incumbents were for a quarter of a year after
that, once every Sunday, and ever after that, twice
every quarter, to publish to the people, that the Bishop
of Rome's usurped power, had no ground in the law of
God ; and therefore was on good reasons abolished in
this kingdom : and that the King's power was by the
law of God supreme over all persons in his dominions.
And they were to do their uttermost endeavour, to
extirpate the Pope's authority, and to establish the
King's.
" Secondly, They were to declare the articles lately
published, and agreed to, by the convocation : and to
make the people know which of them were articles of
faith, and which of them rules for the decent and politic
order of the church.
" Thirdly, They were to declare the articles lately set
forth, for the abrogation of some superfluous holy-days,
particularly in harvest time.
350 HISTORY OF
part f\ Fourthly, They were no more to extol images.or
' relics for superstition or gain ; nor to exhort people to
i536. make pilgrimages, as if blessings and good things were
to be obtained of this or that saint or image. But in-
stead of that, the people were to be instructed to ap-
ply themselves to the keeping of God's commandments,
and doing works of charity; and to believe that God was
better served by them, when they stayed at home and
provided for their families, than when they went pilgrim-
ages ; and that the monies laid out on these were bet-
ter given to the poor.
" Fifthly, They were to exhort the people to teach
their children the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten
Commandments, in English: and every incumbent was
to explain these, one article a day, till the people were
instructed in them. And to take great care, that all
children were bred up to some trade or way of living.
" Sixthly, They must take care that the sacraments
and sacramentals be reverently administered in their
parishes ; from which when at any time they were ab-
sent, they were to commit the cure to a learned and
expert curate, who might instruct the people in whole-
some doctrine : that they might all see that their pas-
tors did not pursue their own profits or interests so
much as the glory of God, and the good of the souls
under their cure.
" * Seventhly, They should not, except on urgent oc-
casion, go to taverns or ale-houses : nor sit too long at
any sort of games after their meals: but give themselves
.to the study of the Scripture, or some other honest ex-
ercise ; and remember that they must excel others in
purity of life, and be examples to all others to live well
and Christianly.
" Eighthly, Because the goods of the church were
the goods of the poor, every beneficed person that had
twenty pounds or above, and did not reside, was yearly
to distribute the fortieth part of his benefice to the poor
of the parish.
* The seventh article is wholly omitted, for providing a Bible in Latin
and English*, and laying it in the quire. — Sec Collection of Records,
No. 7. Vol. 1. Part II. Book III.
THE REFORMATION. 351
. " Ninthly, Every incumbent that had a hundred book
pounds a year, must give an exhibition for one scholar
at some grammar-school, or university ; who, after he J5-j6.
had completed his studies, was to be partner of the cure
and charge, both in preaching and other duties : and so
many hundred pounds as any had, so many students he
was to breed up.
" Ten thly, Where parsonage or vicarage-houses were
in great decay, the incumbent was every year to give a
fifth part of his profits to the repairing of them, till they
were finished ; and then to maintain them in the state
they were in.
" Eleventhly, All these injunctions were to be ob-
served, under pain of suspension and sequestration of
the mean profits till they were observed."
These were equally ungrateful to the corrupt clergy, which
and to the laity that adhered to the old doctrine. The were ,m,d*
•i . . "i ■ • i censurett.
very same opinions, about pilgrimages, images, and
saints departed, and instructing the people in the prin-
ciples of Christian religion in the vulgar tongue, for
which the Lollards were, not long ago, either burnt or
forced to abjure them, were now set up by the King's
authority. From whence they concluded, that what-
soever the King said of his maintaining the old doc-
trine, yet he was now changing it. The clergy also
were much troubled at this precedent, of the King's
giving such injunctions to them, without the consent
of the convocation : from which they concluded, they
were now to be slaves to the Lord Vicegerent. The
matter of these injunctions was also very uneasy to
them. The great profits they made by their images
and relics, and the pilgrimages to them, were now
taken away : and yet severe impositions and heavy
taxes were laid on them ; a fifth part for repairs, a
tenth at least for an exhibitioner, and a fortieth for
charity, which were cried out on as intolerable bur-
thens. Their labour was also increased, and they were
bound up to many severities of life : all these things
touched the secular clergy to the quick, and made them
concur with the regular clergy in disposing the people
to rebel.
352 HISTORY OF
part This was secretly fomented by the great abbots.
For though they were not yet struck at, yet the way
1536. was prepared to it ; and their houses were oppressed
with crowds of those who were sent to them from the
suppressed houses. There were some pains taken to re-
move their fears. For a letter was sent to them all in
the King's name, to silence the reports that were spread
abroad, as if all monasteries were to be quite sup-
pressed. This they were required not to believe, but to
serve God according to their order, to obey the King's
injunctions, to keep hospitality, and to make no wastes
nor dilapidations. Yet this gave them small comfort ;
and, as all such things do, rather increased than quieted
their jealousies and fears. So many secret causes con-
curring, no wonder the people fell into mutinous and
seditious practices.
A rebellion The first rising was in Lincolnshire in the beginning:
in Lincoln- ^ »
shire. of October ; where a churchman, disguised into a cob-
ler, and directed by a monk, drew a great body of men
after him. About twenty thousand were gathered to-
gether. They swore to be true to God, the King, and
the commonwealth, and digested their grievances into
a few articles, which they sent to the King, desiring a
redress of them.
" They complained of some things that related to se-
cular concerns, and some acts of parliament that were
uneasy to them : they also complained of the sup-
pression of so many religious houses : that the King
had mean persons in high places about him, who were
ill counsellors : they also complained of some bishops
who had subverted the faith : and they apprehended the
jewels and plate of their churches should be taken
away. Therefore they desired the King would call to
him the nobility of the realm, and by their advice re-
dress their grievances : concluding with an acknow-
ledgment of the King's being their supreme head, and
that the tenths and first-fruits of all livings belonged
to him of right."
The King's When the King heard of this insurrection, he pre-
sently sent the Duke of Suffolk with a commission to
raise forces for dispersing them : but with him he scut
Their de-
mands.
juiswer.
I THE REFORMATION. 353
an answer to their petition. He began with that book
about his counsellors, and said, " It was never before L_
heard of that the rabble presumed to dictate to their 1336.
Prince what counsellors he should choose. That was
I the Prince's work, and not their's. The suppression of
religious houses was done pursuant to an act of parlia-
ment, and was not set forth by any of his counsellors.
The heads of these religious houses had under their
own hands confessed those horrid scandals which made
(t them a reproach to the nation ; and in many houses
there were not above four or five religious persons. So
I it seemed they were better pleased that such dissolute
persons should consume their rents in riotous and idle
living, than that their Prince should have them for the
common good of the whole kingdom. He also answered
I their other demands in the same high and command-
ing strain ; and required them to submit themselves to
his mercy, and to deliver their captains and lieutenants
I into the hands of his lieutenants ; and to disperse, and
carry themselves as became good and obedient subjects,
and to put a hundred of their number into the hands
of his lieutenants, to be ordered as they had deserved."
When this answer was brought to them, it raised their
spirits higher. The practising clergymen continued to in-
flame them ; they persuaded them that the Christian reli-
gion would be very soon effaced, and taken away quite,
if they did not vigorously defend it ; that it would come
to that, that no man should marry a wife, receive any
of the sacraments, nor eat a piece of roast meat, but he
should pay for it ; that it were better to live under the
Turk than under such oppression. Therefore, there
was no cause in which they could with more honour1
and a better conscience hazard their lives, than for the
holy faith. This encouraged and kept them together a
little longer : they had forced many of the gentry of
the country to go along with them. These sent a se-
cret message to the Duke of Suffolk, letting him know
what ill effects the King's rough answer had produced:
that they had joined with the people only to moderate
them a little, and they knew nothing that would be so
effectual as the offer of a general pardon. So the Duke
VOL. I. p. i. 2 A
354
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1536.
It is quiet-
ed by the
Duke of
Suffolk.
A new re-
bellion in
the north.
of Suffolk, as he moved towards them with the forces
which he had drawn together, sent to the King to
know his pleasure, and earnestly advised a gentle com-
posing of the matter without blood. At that same
time the King was advertised from the north, that there
was a general and formidable rising there ; of which he
had the greater apprehensions, because of their neigh-
bourhood to Scotland ; whose King, being the King's
nephew, was the heir presumptive of the crown, since
the King had illegitimated both his daughters : and
though the King's firm alliance with France made him
less apprehensive of trouble from Scotland, and their
King was at this time in France, to marry the daughter
of Francis ; yet he did not know how far a general rising
might invite that King, to send orders to head and as-
sist the rebels in the north. Therefore, he resolved
first to quiet Lincolnshire ; and as he had raised a great
force about London, with which he was marching in
person against them, so he sent a new proclamation,
requiring them to return to their obedience, with secret
assurances of mercy. By these means they were melt-
ed away. Those who had been carried in the stream
submitted to the King's mercy, and promised all obe-
dience for the future ; others, that were obstinate, and
knew themselves unpardonable, flea northward, and
joined themselves to the rebels there : some of their
other leaders were apprehended, in particular the coblcr,
and were executed.
But for the northern rebellion, as the parties con-
cerned, being at a greater distance from the court, had
larger opportunities to gather themselves into a huge
body; so the whole contrivance of it was better laid.
One Ask commanded in chief; he was a gentleman of
an ordinary condition, but understood well how to draw
on and govern a multitude. Their march was called
the pilgrimage of grace ; and, to inveigle the people,
some priests marched before them with crosses in their
hands. In their banners they had a crucifix, with the
five wounds, and a chalice ; and every one wore on his
sleeve, as the badge of the part v. an emblem of the
five wounds of Christ, with the name Jesus wrought
THE REFORMATION. 355
in the midst. All that joined to them took an oath, book
" that they entered into this pilgrimage of grace for n '
the love of God, the preservation of the King's per- 1336
son and issue, the purifying the nobility, and driving
away all base-born and ill counsellors ; and for no par-
ticular profit of their own, nor to do displeasure to any,
nor to kill any for envy ; but to take before them the
cross of Christ, his faith, the restitution of the church,
and the suppression of heretics and their opinions."
fe These were specious pretences, and very apt to work
; upon a giddy and discontented multitude. So people wiiich
flocked about their crosses and standards in great nam- E^Sfe.
bers, and they grew to be forty thousand strong. They
. went over the country without any opposition. The
; Archbishop of York and the Lord Darcy were in Pom-
fret Castle ; which they yielded to them, and were
made to swear their covenant. They were both sus-
pected of being secret promoters of the rebellion ; the
1 latter suffered for it ; but how the former excused him-
self, I cannot give any account. They also took York
I and Hull ; but though they summoned the castle of
Skipton, yet the Earl of Cumberland, who would not
degenerate from his noble ancestors, held it out against
all their force ; and though many of the gentlemen,
whom he had entertained at his own cost, deserted him,
S yet he made a brave resistance. Scarborough Castle
was also long besieged ; but there Sir Ralph Evers, that
commanded it, gave an unexampled instance of his fi-
delity and courage ; for though his provisions fell short,
f: so that for twenty days he and his men had nothing
|'i but bread and water, yet they stood out till they were
relieved.
This rising in Yorkshire encouraged those of Lan-
cashire, the bishoprick of Duresme and Westmoreland,
to arm. Against these, the Earl of Shrewsbury, that
he might not fall short of the gallantry and loyalty of
his renowned ancestors, made head, though he had no
commission from the King. But he knew his zeal and
fidelity would easily procure him a pardon, which he
modestly asked for the service he had done. The King
sent him not onlv that, but a commission to command
2L A 2
356 HISTORY OF
part in chief all his forces in the north. To his assistance
he ordered the Earl of Derby to march ; and sent
1536. Courtney, Marquis of Exeter, and the Earls of Hunt-
ingdon and Rutland to join him. He also ordered the
Duke of Suffolk, with the force that he had led into
Lincolnshire, to lie still there, lest they, being but newly
quieted, should break out again, and fall upon his ar-
mies behind, when the Yorkshire men met them before.
<rfei£foik ^n "tne 20tn °f OctoDer ne sent tne Duke of Nor-
and others folk with more forces to join the Earl of Shrewsbury ;
sent against Duf- |-ne rebels were very numerous and desperate.
When the Duke of Norfolk understood their strength,
he saw great reason to proceed with much caution ; for
if they had got the least advantage of the King's
troops, all the discontents in England would upon the
report of that have broken out. He saw their num-
bers were now such, that the gaining some time was
their ruin ; for such a great body could not subsist long
together without much provisions, and that must be
very hard for them to bring in. So he set forward a;
treaty : it was both honourable for the King to offer
mercy to his distracted subjects, and of great advantage
to his affairs ; for as their numbers did every day lessen,
so the King's forces were still increasing. He wrote to
the King, that, considering the season of the year, he
thought the offering some fair conditions might per-
suade them to lay down their arms, and disperse them-
selves ; yet when the Earl of Shrewsbury sent a herald,
with a proclamation, ordering them to lay down their,
arms and submit to the King's mercy, Ask received him
sitting in state, with the Archbishop on the one hand, and;
the Lord Darcy on the other ; but would not suffer any.
proclamation to be made till he knew the contents of it.
And when the herald told what they were, he sent him
away without suffering him to publish it ; and then the
priests used all their endeavours to engage the people to
a firm resolution of not dispersing themselves, till all
matters about religion were fully settled.
As they went forward, they every where reposse
the ejected monks of their houses ; and this encouraged
the rest, who had a great mind to be in their old nests
THE REFORMATION. 357
again. They published also many stories among them book
of the growing burdens of the King's government, and IIL
made them believe that impositions would be laid on 1536
every thing that was either bought or sold. But the
King, hearing how strong they were, sent out a general
summons to all the nobility to meet him at Northamp-
ton the 7th of November. And the forces sent against
the rebels advanced to Doncaster, to hinder them from They ad-
coming farther southward ; and took the bridge, which Doncaster.
they fortified, and laid their forces along the river to
maintain that pass.
The writers of that time say, that the day of battle
was agreed upon ; but that, the night before, excessive
rains falling, the river swelled so, that it was unpassable
next day, and they could not force the bridge. Yet it
is not likely the Earl of Shrewsbury, having in all
but five thousand men about him, would agree to a
pitched battle with those who were six times his num-
ber, being then thirty thousand. Therefore it is more
likely that the rebels only intended to pass the river
the next day, which the rain that fell hindered : but
the Duke of Norfolk continued to press a treaty, which
was hearkened to by the other side, who were reduced to
great straits ; for their captain would not suffer them to
spoil the country, and they were no longer able to sub-
sist without doing that. The Duke of Norfolk direct-
ed some that were secretly gained, or had been sent
over to them as deserters, to spread reports among
them, that their leaders were making terms for them-
selves, and would leave the rest to be undone. This,
joined to their necessities, made many fall ofF every
day. The Duke of Norfolk, finding his arts had so good The Dllke
J ' o _ B of Norfolk
an operation, offered to go to court with any whom breaks
they would send with their demands, and to intercede *.hfjm hy
for them. This he knew would take up some time, and
most of them would be dispersed before he could return.
So they sent two gentlemen, whom they had forced to go
with them, to the King, to Windsor. Upon this, the
King discharged the rendezvous at Northampton, and
delayed the sending an answer as much as could be ;
but at last, hearing that, though most of them were dis-
358 HISTORY OF
part persed, yet they had engaged to return upon warning,
and that they took it ill that no answer came ; he sent
1536. the Duke of Norfolk to them with a general pardon,
six only excepted by name, and four others that were
not named. But in this the King's counsels were gene-
rally censured, for every one was now in fear, and so
the rebels rejected the proposition. The King also sent
them word by their own messenger, " that he took it
very ill at their hands, that they had chosen rather to
rise in arms against him, than to petition him about
these things which were uneasy to them." And to ap-
pease-them a little, the King, by new injunctions, com-
manded the clergy to continue the use of all the cere-
monies of the church. This, it is like, was intendr
ed for keeping up the four sacraments, which had not
been mentioned in the former articles. The clergy
that were with the rebels met at Pomfret, to draw up
articles to be offered at the treaty that was to be at
Doncaster ; where three hundred were ordered to come
from the rebels to treat with the King's commissioners.
So great a number was called, in hopes that they would
disagree about their- demands, and so fall out among
themselves. On the 6th of December they met to
treat, and it seems had so laid their matter before, that
they agreed upon these following demands.
Their de- " A general pardon to be granted : a parliament to
mauds i .
be held at York ; and courts of justice to be there, that
none on the north of Trent might be brought to Lon-
don upon any law-suit. They desired a repeal of some
acts of parliament ; those for the last subsidy, for uses,
for making words misprision of treason, and for the
clergy paying their tenths and first-fruits to the King.
They desired the Princess Mary might be restored to
her right of succession ; the Pope to his wonted juris-
diction, and the monks to their houses again : that the
Lutherans might be punished ; that Audley, the lord
chancellor, and Cromwell, the lord privy-seal, might be
excluded from the next parliament ; and Lee and Leigh-
ton, that had visited the monasteries, might be impri-
soned for bribery and extortion."
But the lords, who knew that the King would by no
THE REFORMATION. 359
means agree to these propositions, rejected them. Upon B°°K
which the rebels took heart again, and were growing '
more enraged and desperate ; so that the Duke of Nor- 1536.
folk wrote to the King, that if some content were not
given them, it might end very ill, for they were much
stronger than his forces were : and both he and the other
commanders of the King's forces, in their hearts wished,
that most of their demands were granted ; being per-
sons, who, though they complied "with the King, and
were against that rebellion, yet were great enemies to
Lutheranism, and wished a reconciliation with Rome ; of
which the Duke of Norfolk was afterwards accused by x
the Lord Darcy, as if he had secretly encouraged them
to insist on these demands. The King, seeing the hu-
mour was so obstinate, resolved to use gentler remedies ;
and so sent to the Duke of Norfolk a general pardon,
with a promise of a parliament, ordering him not to
make use of these except in extremity. This was no
easy thing to that Duke ; since he might be afterwards
made to answer for it, whether the extremity was really
such as to justify his granting these things. But the
rebels were become again as numerous as ever, and had
resolved to cross the river, and to force the King's camp,
which was still much inferior to their's in number. But
rains falling the second time, made the fords again tin-
passable. This was spoken of by the King's party as
little less than a miracle; that God's providence had
twice so opportunely interposed for the stopping of the
progress of the rebels ; and it is very probable, that, on
the other side, it made great impression on the supersti-
tious multitude, and both discouraged them and dis-
posed them to accept of the offer of pardon/and a par-
liament to be soon called, for considering their other
demands. The King signed the pardon at Richmond,
the Qth of December ; by which all their treasons and
rebellion to that day were pardoned, provided fthey
made their submission to the Duke of Norfolk and the
Earl of Shrewsbury, and lived in due obedience for the
future. The King sent likewise a long answer to their The King's
demands. " As to what they complained about the sub- ™e3^ert0
version of the faith : he protested his zeal for the true
360 HISTORY OF
part Christian faith, and that he would live and die in the
.defence and preservation of it. But the ignorant mul-
1536. titude were not to instruct him what the true faith was,
nor to presume to correct what he and the whole convo-
cation had agreed on. That as he had preserved the
church of England in her true liberties, so he would do
still ; and that he had done nothing that was so oppres-
sive, as many of his progenitors had done upon lesser
grounds. But that he took it very ill of them, who had
rather one churl or two should enjoy the profits of their
monasteries, to support them in their dissolute and
abominable course of living, than that their King should
have them for defraying the great charge he was at for
their defence against foreign enemies. For the laws, it
was high presumption in a rude multitude to take on
them to judge what laws were good, and what not.
They had more reason to think, that he, after twenty-
eight years1 reign, should know it better than they could.
And for his government, he had so long preserved his
subjects in peace and justice, had so defended them
from their enemies, had so secured his frontier, had
granted so many general pardons, had been so unwilling
to punish his subjects, and so ready to receive them
into mercy ; that they could shew no parallel to his
government among all their former kings. And where-
as it was said, that he had many of the nobility of his
council in the beginning of his reign, and few now; he
shewed them, in that one instance, how they were
abused by the lying slanders of some disaffected persons ;
for when he came to the crown, there were none that
were born noble of his council, bat only the Earl of
Surrey and the Earl of Shrewsbury ; whereas now, the
Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Marquis of Exeter,
the Lord Steward, the Earls of Oxford and Sussex, and
the Lord Sands, were of the privy-council ; and for the
spirituality, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops
of Winchester, Hereford, and Chichester, were also of
it: and he and his whole council judging it necessary
to have some at the board who understood the law of
England, and the treaties with foreign princes; he had
by their unanimous advice brought in his Chancellor
THE REFORMATION. 3G1
and the Lord Privy- Seal. He thought it strange, that book
they, who were but brutes, should think they could bet- '
ter judge who should be his counsellors than himself 1536.
and his whole council : therefore he would bear no such
thing at their hands ; it being inconsistent with the
duty of good subjects to meddle in such matters. But
if they, or any of his other subjects, could bring any
just complaint against any about him, he was ready to
hear it ; and if it were proved, he would punish it ac-
cording to law. As for the complaints against some of
the prelates, for preaching against the faith, they could
know none of these things but by the report of others;
smce they lived at such a distance, that they themselves
had not heard any of them preach. Therefore he re-
quired them not to give credit to lies, nor be misled by
those who spread such calumnies and ill reports : and
he concluded all with a severe expostulation ; adding, that
such was his love to his subjects, that imputing this in-
surrection, rather to their folly and lightness, than to
any malice or rancour, he was willing to pass it over more
gently, as they would perceive by his proclamation."
Now the people were come to themselves again, and Th153!" j
glad to get off so easily ; and they all cheerfully accept- lion is
ed the King's offers, and went home again to their se- ciuieted-
veral dwellings. Yet the clergy were no way satisfied,
but continued still to practise amongst them, and kept
the rebellion still on foot ; so that it broke out soon
after. The Duke, of Norfolk and the Earl of Shrews-
bury, were ordered to lie still in the country with their
forces, till all things were more fully composed. They
made them all come to a full submission : and, first, To
revoke all oaths and promises made during the rebel-
lion, for which they asked the King's pardon on their
knees. Secondly, To swear to be true to the King and his
heirs and successors. Thirdly, To obey and maintain all
the acts of parliament made during the King's reign.
Fourthly, Not to take arms again but by the King's au-
thority. Fifthly, To apprehend all seditious persons.
Sixthly, To remove all the monks, nuns, and friars, whom
they had placed again in the dissolved monasteries.
There were also orders given to send Ask, their cap-
3(>2 HISTORY OF
part tain, and the Lord Darcy, to court. Ask was kindly
received, and well used hy the King. He had shewed
1337. great conduct in commanding the rebels ; and it seems
the King liad a mind, either to gain him to his service,
or, which I suspect was the true cause, to draw from him
a discovery of all those, who, in the other parts of the
kingdom, had favoured or relieved them. For he sus-
pected, not without cause, that some of the great abbots
had given secret supplies of money to the rebels ; for
which many of them were afterwards tried and attainted.
The Lord Darcy was under great apprehensions, and
studied to purge himself, that he was forced to a com-
pliance with them ; but pleaded, that the long and im-
portant services he had done the crown for fifty years,
he being then fourscore, together with his great age and
infirmity, might mitigate the King's displeasure. But
he was made prisoner. Whether this gave those who
had been in arms new jealousies, that the King's pardon
would not be inviolably observed ; or whether the cler-
gy had of new prevailed on them to rise in arms, I can-
not determine ; but it broke out again, though not so
Newris- dangerously as before. Two gentlemen of the north,
soon d!L- Musgrave and Tilby, raised a body of eight thousand
persed, men, and thought to have surprised Carlisle ; but were
repulsed by those within. And, in their return, the
Duke of Norfolk fell upon them, and routed them.
He took many prisoners, and by martial law hanged up
all their captains, and seventy other prisoners on the
walls of Carlisle. Others at that same time thought
to have surprised Hull : but it was prevented, and the
leaders of that party were also taken and executed.
Many other risings were in several places of the
country, which were all soon repressed : the ground of
them all was, that the parliament which was promised,
was not called : but the King said, they had not kept
conditions with him, nor would he call a parliament till
all things were quieted. But the Duke of Norfolk's
vigilance every where prevented their gathering toge-
ther in any great body. And after several unsuccessful
attempts, at length the country was absolutely quieted
in January following. And then the Duke ox Norfolk
THE REFORMATION.
363
proceeded according to the martial law against many book
whom he had taken. Ask had also left the court with- _-
out leave, and had gone amongst them, but was quickly 153r.
taken. So he and many others were sent to several
places, to be made public examples. He suffered at
York, others at Hull, and in other towns in Yorkshire.
But the Lord Darcy and the Lord Hussy were arraigned
at Westminster, and attainted of treason ; the former
for the northern, and the other for the Lincolnshire
insurrection. The Lord Darcy was beheaded at The cll!ef
Tower-hill; and was much lamented. Every body beisew-
thought, that, considering his merits, his age, and form- cuted-
er services, he had hard measure. The Lord Hussy
was beheaded at Lincoln. The Lord Darcy, in his trial,
accused the Duke of Norfolk, that, in the treaty at
Doncaster, he had encouraged the rebels to continue
in their demands. This the Duke denied, and desired
a trial by combat, and gave some presumptions to shew
that the Lord Darcy bore him ill-will, and said this out
of malice. The King either did not believe this, or would
not seem to believe it ; and the Duke's great diligence
in the suppression of these commotions set him beyond
all jealousies. But after those executions, the King
wrote to the Duke in July next, to proclaim an absolute
amnesty over all the north ; which was received with
great joy, every body being in fear of himself: and
so this threatening storm was dissipated without the
effusion of much blood, save what the sword of justice
drew. At the same time the King of Scotland return-
ing from France with his Queen, and touching on the
coast of England, many of the people fell down at his
feet, praying him to assist them, and he should have all.
But he was, it seems, bound up by the French King:
and so went home without giving them any encourage-
ment. And thus ended this rebellion, which was chiefly
carried on by the clergy under pretence of religion.
And now the King was delivered of all his apprehen-
sions, that he had been in for some years, in fear of stirs
at home. But, they being now happily composed, as he
knew it would so overawe the rest of his discontented
subjects, that he needed fear nothing from them for a
A new visi-
tation of
monasteries
364 HISTORY OF
tart great while ; so it encouraged him to go on in his other
designs of suppressing the rest of the monasteries, and
1537. reformingsome otherpoints of religion. Therefore there
was a new visitation appointed for all the monasteries of
England. And the visitors were ordered to examine all
things that related either to their conversation, to their
affection to the King, and the supremacy, or to their
superstition in their several houses : to discover what
cheats and impostures there were, either in their images,
relics, or other miraculous things, hy which they had
drawn people to their houses on pilgrimages, and gotten
from them any great presents. Also to try how they
were affected during the late commotions, and to disco-
ver every thing that was amiss in them, and report it to
the Lord Vicegerent. In the Records of the whole
twenty-eighth year of the King's reign, I find but one
original surrender of any religious house : the Abbot
of Furnese in Lincolnshire, valued at 960 lib. with thir-
ty monks, resigning up that house to the King on the
9th of April, which was very near the end of the year
of the King's reign ; for it commenced on the 22d of
April. Two other surrenders are enrolled that year.
The one was of Bermondsey in Surrey, the 1st of June,
in the twenty-eighth of the King's reign. The pream-
ble was, that they surrendered in hopes of greater bene-
volence from the King. But this was the effect of
some secret practice, and not of the act of parliament.
For it was valued at 548 lib. and so fell not within the
act. The other was of Bushlisham, or Bishtam, in Berk-
shire, made by Barlow, bishop of St. David's, that was
commendator of it, and a great promoter of the Refor-
mation. It was valued at 327 Mf- But in the following:
year they made a quicker progress, and found strange
enormities in the greater houses. It seems all the
houses under 200 lib. of rent were not yet suppressed.
For I find many within that value afterwards resigning
their houses. So that I am inclined to believe, that the
first visitation being made towards the suppression of
the lesser monasteries, and that (as appears by their
instructions) being not to be finished till they had made
a report of what th'v had done to the court of Aug-
houses.
THE REFORMATION. 8G5-
mentations, who were after the report made to deter- book
mine what pensions were to be reserved to the abbot and _ '
other officers ; (which report was to be made in the oc- 1337.
taves of St. Michael; and, after that, a new commission
was to be given for their suppression ;) when that was
done, they wTent no further at that time. So that I can-
not think there were many houses suppressed when
these stirs began : and, after their first rising, it is not
likely that great progress would be made in a business
that was like to inflame the people more, and increase
the number of the rebels. Neither do I find any houses
suppressed by virtue of the former act of parliament
till the twenty-ninth year of the King's reign.
And yet they made no great haste this year. For some of the
there are but twenty-one surrenders all this year, either j^^"^.
in the Rolls, or Augmentation Office. And now, not der their
only small abbeys, but greater ones, were surrendered to
the King. The abbots were brought to do it upon se-
veral motives. Some had been faulty during the late
rebellion, and were liable to the King's displeasure : and
these, to redeem themselves, compounded the matter
by a resignation of their house. Others began to like
the Reformation, and that made them the more willing
to surrender their houses ; such as Barlow, bishop of
St. David's, who not only surrendered up his own house
of Bushlisham, but prevailed on many others to do the
like. Others were convicted of great disorders in their
conversation ; and these, not daring to stand a trial, were
glad to accept of a pension for life, and deliver up
their house. Others were guilty of making great
wastes and dilapidations. For they all saw the dissolu-
tion of their houses approaching, and so every one was
induced to take all the care he could to provide for him-
self and his kindred : so that the visitors found in some
of the richest abbeys of England, as St. Alban's and
Battel, such depredations made, that at St. Alban's an
abbot could not subsist any longer, the rents were so
low ; and in Battel, as all their furniture was old and
torn, not worth 100 lib. so both in house and chapel
they had not 400 marks' worth of plate. In other
houses they found not above twelve or fifteen ounces of
366 HISTORY OF
part plate, and no furniture at all, but only such things as they
could not embezzle ; as the walls, and windows, bells,
1537. and lead. In other houses, the abbot and monks were
glad to accept of a pension for themselves during life :
and so being only concerned for their own particular in-
terest, resigned their house to the King. Generally,
the monks had eight marks a year pension, till they
were provided for. The abbots' pensions were propor-
tioned to the value of their house, and to their inno-
cence. The Abbots of St. Alban's and Tewksbury, had
400 marks a year a-piece. The Abbot of St. Edmunds-
bury was more innocent ; for the visitors wrote from
thence, that they could find no scandals in that house :
so he (it seems) was not easily brought to resign his
house, and had 500 marks' pension reserved to him.
And for their inferior officers, some had 30, some 10
or 8, and the lowest 6 lib. pension.
In other places, upon a vacancy, either by death or
deprivation, they did put in an abbot only to resign up
the house. For after the King's supremacy was esta-
blished, all those abbots, that had been formerly con-
firmed by the Pope, were placed in this manner. The
King granted a conge d'elire to the prior and convent,
with a missive letter, declaring the name of the person
whom they should choose : then they returned an elec-
tion to the King, who upon that gave his assent to it
by a warrant under the great seal, which was certified to
the Lord Vicegerent ; who thereupon confirmed the
election, and returned him back to the King, to take
the oaths : upon which, the temporalities were restored.
Thus all the abbots were now placed by the King, and
were generally picked out to serve this turn. Others,
in hope of advancement to bishopricks, or to be suffra-
gan bishops, as the inferior sort of them were made ge-
nerally, were glad to recommend themselves to the
King's favour, by a quick and cheerful surrender of their
monastery. Upon some of these inducements it was,
that the greatest number of the religious houses were
resigned to the King, before there was any act of par-
liament made for their suppression. In several houses,
the visitors, who were generally either masters of chan-
THE REFORMATION. 367
eery or auditors of the court of Augmentations, studied book
not only to bring them to resign their houses, but to
sign confessions of their past lewd and dissolute lives. 1338.
Of these, there is only one now extant, which (it is like)
escaped the general razure and destruction of all papers
of that kind in Queen Mary's time. But from the let-
ters that I have seen, I perceive there were such con-
fessions made by many other houses. That confession Confessions
of the Prior and Benedictines of St. Andrews in Nor- crimes
thampton is to be seen in the Records of the court of niadeia
a • i • i • i i • several
Augmentations : in which, with the most aggravating houses,
expressions that could be devised, they acknowledged
their past ill life, " for which the pit of hell was ready to
swallow them up. They confessed that they had neg-
lected the worship of God, lived in idleness, gluttony,
and sensuality ;" with many other woful expressions to
that purpose.
Other houses, as the monastery of Betlesden, resigned Collect.
with this preamble ; " That they did profoundly consi- sect!**3'
der, that the manner and trade of living, which they,
and others of their pretended religion, had for a long
time followed, consisted in some dumb ceremonies, and
other constitutions of the bishops of Rome, and other
foreign potentates, as the Abbot of Cisteaux; by which
they were blindly led, having no true knowledge of
God's laws ; procuring exemptions from their ordinary
and diocesan, by the power of the Bishop of Rome,
and submitting themselves wholly to a foreign power,
who never came hither to reform their abuses, which
were now found among them. But that now, knowing
the most perfect way of living is sufficiently declared by
Christ and his apostles ; and that it was most fit for
them to be governed by the King, who was their su-
preme head on earth; they submitted themselves to his
mercy, and surrendered up their monastery to him on
the 25 th of September, in the thirtieth year of his reign."
This writing was signed by the Abbot, the Sub-prior,
and nine monks. There are five other surrenders to
the same purpose ; by the Gray and White friars of Stam-
ford, the Gray friars of Coventry, Bedford, and Ayles-
bury, yet to be seen. Some are resigned upon this pream-
HISTORY OF
part ble, "That they hoped the King would of new found their
house ; which was otherwise like to be ruined, both in
15S8. spirituals and temporals." So did the Abbot of Chertsey
in Surrey, with fourteen monks, on the 14th of July, in
the twenty-ninth year of this reign ; whose house was
valued at 744 lib. I have reason to think that this Ab-
bot was for the Reformation, and intended to have had
his house new founded, to be a house of true and well
regulated devotion : and so I find the Prior of Great
Malverine in Worcestershire offered such a resignation.
He was recommended by Bishop Latimer to Cromwell,
with an earnest desire that his house might stand, u not
in monkery, but so as to be converted to preaching,
study, and prayer." And the good Prior was willing to
compound for his house by a present of 500 marks to
the King, and of 200 to Cromwell. He is commended
for being an old worthy man, a good housekeeper, and
one that daily fed many poor people. To this Latimer
adds : " Alas, my good Lord ! shall we not see two or
three in every shire changed to such remedy ?"
But the resolution was taken once to extirpate all.
And therefore, though the visitors interceded earnestly
for one nunnery in Oxfordshire, Godstow, where there
was great strictness of life ; and to which most of the
young gentlewomen of the county were sent to be
bred ; so that the gentry of the country desired the
King would spare the house ; yet all was ineffectual.
The form of The general form, in which most of these resignations
renders." begins, is, "That the abbot and brethren, upon full
Collect. deliberation, certain knowledge of their own proper mo-
Sect l. tion, for certain just and reasonable causes, specially mov-
ing them in their souls and consciences, did freely, and
of their own accord, give and grant their houses to the
King." Others, it seems, did not so well like this pre-
amble ; and therefore did, without any reason or pream-
ble, give away their houses to the visitors, as feoffees in
trust for the King's use. And thus they went on, pro-
curing daily more surrenders. So that in the thirtieth
year of the King's reign there were one hundred and
fifty-nine resignations enrolled, of which the originals of
one hundred and fifty-five do yet remain. And for the
THE REFORMATION. .169
reader's further satisfaction, he shall find, in the Collec- book
tion at the end of this Book, the names of all those houses '
so surrendered, with other particulars relating to them, 1538>
which would too much weary him, if inserted in the Collect,
thread of this work. But there was no law to force any sect! 3.
to make such resignations. So that many of the great
abbots would not comply with the King in this matter,
and stood it out till after the following parliament, that
was in the thirty-first year of his reign.
It was questioned by many, whether these surrenders Divers opi-
could be good in law, since the abbots were but trustees these.* °U
and tenants for life. It was thought they could not ab-
solutely alienate and give away their house for ever. But
the parliament afterwards declared the resignations were
good in law : for, by their foundations, all was trusted to
the abbot and the senior brethren of the house ; who
putting the coven t- seal to any deed, it was of force in
law. It was also said, that they, thus surrendering, had
forfeited their charters and foundations ; and so the King
might seize and possess them with a good title, if not
upon the resignation, yet upon forfeiture. But others
thought, that, whatsoever the nicety of law might give
the King, yet there was no sort of equity in it, that a
few trustees, who were either bribed, or frightened,
should pass away that which was none of theirs, but only
given them in trust and for life. Other abbots were more
roughly handled. The Prior of Wooburn was suspect- Someab-
i ed of favouring the rebels, of being against the King's ^ofuea-"
supremacy and for the Pope's, and of being for the ge- son.
neral council then summoned to Mantua. And he was
dealt with to make a submission and acknowledgment.
In an account of a long conference which he had with a
privy-counsellor, under his own hand, I rind that the great
thing which he took offence at, was, that Latimer and
some other bishops preached against the veneration of
the blessed Virgin, and the other saints : and that the
English Bible, then set out, differed in many things from
the Latin: with several lesser matters. So that they
looked on their religion as changed, and wondered that
the judgments of God upon Queen Anne had not terri-
fied others from going on to subvert the faith : yet he
vol. 1. p. 1. 2 b
370 HISTORY OF
part Was prevailed with, and did again submit to the King,
arid acknowledge his supremacy ; but he afterwards joined
1538. himself to the rebels, and was taken with them, together
with the Abbot of Whaley, and two monks of his house;
and the Abbot of Gervaux, with a monk of his house ;
and the Abbot of Sawley, in Lancashire, with the Prior
of that house ; and the Prior of Burlington ; who were
all attainted of high treason, and executed. The Abbots
of Glastenbury and Reading were men of great power
and wealth : the one was rated at 3508 lib. and the
other at 2 1 1 6 lib. They, seeing the storm like to break
out on themselves, sent a great deal of the plate and
money that they had in their house to the rebels in the
. north ; which being afterwards discovered, they were
attainted of high treason a year after this ; but I mention
it here for the affinity of the matter. Further particulars
about the Abbot of Reading I have not yet discovered.
But there is an account given to Cromwell of the pro-
ceedings against the Abbot of Glastenbury in two let-
ters which I have seen : the one was writ by the Sheriff
of the county ; the other by Sir John Russell, who was
present at his trial, and was reputed a man of as great
integrity and virtue as any in that time; which he seems
to have left as an inheritance to that noble family that
has descended from him. These inform, that he was
indicted of burglary, as well as treason, for having broken
the house in his monastery where the plate was kept,
and taken it out; which, as Sir William Thomas says,
was sent to the rebels. The evidence being brought to
the jury, who (as Sir John Russell writes)^ were as good
and worthy men as had ever been on any jury in that
county, they found him guilty. He was carried to the
place of execution, near his own monastery; where (as
the Sheriff writes) he acknowledged his guilt, and
begged God and the King pardon for it. The Abbot of
Colchester was also attainted of high treason. What
the particulars were I cannot tell ; for the record of
their attainders is lost. But some of our own writers de-
serve a severe censure, who write, it was for denying
the King's supremacy; whereas, if they had not under-
taken to write the history without any information at all, .
THE REFORMATION. 371
they must have seen that the whole clergy, but most book
particularly the abbots, had over and over again acknow-
ledged the King's supremacy. 1538
For clearing which and discovering the impudence of
Sanders's relation of this matter, I shall lay before the
reader the evidences that I find of the submission of
these and all the other abbots to the King's supre-
macy. First, in the convocation, in the twenty-second
i year of this reign, they all acknowledged the King
Isupreme head of the church of England. They did
also swear to maintain the act of the succession of the
crown, made in the twenty- fifth year of his reign, in
which the Pope's power was plainly condemned. For,
in the proceedings against More and Fisher, it wras fre-
quently repeated to them, that all the clergy had sworn
it. It is also entered in the Journal of the House of
Lords, that all the members of both Houses swore it at
their breaking up ; and the same Journals inform us,
that the Abbots of Colchester and Reading sate in that
parliament ; and as there was no protestation made
against any of the acts passed in that session, so it is
often entered, that the acts were agreed to by the una-
nimous consent of the Lords. It appears also by seve-
ral original letters, that the heads of all the religious
[houses in England had signed that position, " That the
I Pope had no more jurisdiction in this kingdom than any
I foreign bishop whatsoever:" and it was rejected by none
libut some Carthusians, and Franciscans of the Observ-
p ance, who were proceeded against for refusing to ac-
I knowledge it : when they were so pressed in it, none
I can imagine that a parliamentary Abbot would have been
; dispensed with. And in the last parliament, in which
). the second oath about the succession to the crown was
: enacted, it was added, that they should also swear
the King to be supreme head of the church. The Ab-
bots of Glastenbury and Reading were then present, as
; appears by the Journals, and consented to it : so little
reason there is for imagining that they refused that, or
[ any other compliance that might secure them in their
abbeys.
In particular, the Abbot of Reading had so got into
2b2
Numb.
372 HISTORY OF
part Cromwell's good opinion, that in some differences be-
tween him and Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury, that was:
a538" Cromwell's creature, he had the better of the Bishop.
Upon which Shaxton, who was a proud ill-natured
man, wrote a high expostulating letter to Cromwell,
" complaining of an injunction he had granted against
him at the Abbot's desire. He also shewed him that in
some contests between him and his residentiaries, and
between him and the Mayor of Salisbury, Cromwell
was always against him : he likewise challenged him for
not answering his letters. He tells him, God will judge
him for abusing his power as he did ; he prays God to
have pity on him, and to turn his heart ;" with a great
deal more provoking language. He also adds many
insolent praises of himself; and his whole letter is as
extravagant a piece of vanity and insolence as ever I.
saw. To this Cromwell wrote an answer, that shews
him to have been indeed a great man : the reader will.
Collect. find it in the Collection, and see from it how modestly
and discreetly he carried his greatness.
But how justly soever these abbots were attainted,
the seizing on their abbey lands, pursuant to those at-
tainders, was thought a great stretch of law ; since the
offence of an ecclesiastical incumbent is a personal
thing, and cannot prejudice the church, no more than
a secular man, who is in office, does, by being attainted,
bring any diminution of the rights of his office on his
successors. It is true there were some words cast into
the thirteenth act of the parliament, in the twenty-sixth
year of this reign, by which clivers offences were made
treason, that seemed to have been designed for such a
purpose. The words are, that whatsoever lands any
traitor had " of any estate of inheritance in use or pos-
session, by any right, title, or means," should be forfeited
to the King. By which, as it is certain, estates in tail
were comprehended, so the lands that any traitor had in
possession or use seem to be included ; and that the
rather, because by some following words their heirs and
successors are for ever excluded. This either was not
thought on when the Bishop of Rochester was attaint-
ed, or perhaps was not claimed, sinee the King intend A
THE REFORMATION. 873
not to lessen the number of bishopricks, but rather to book
increase them. Besides, the words of the statute seem
only to belong to an " estate of inheritance ;" within 1538
which, church-benefices could not be included, without
a great force put upon them. It is true, the word c( suc-
cessor" favoured these seizures ; except that be thought
an expletory word put in out of form, but still to be li-
mited to an estate of inheritance : that word does also
import that such criminals might have successors. But
if the wrhole abbey was forfeited, these abbots could
have no successors. Yet it seems the seizures of these
abbeys were founded on that statute, and this stretch of
the law occasioned that explanation which was added of
the words " estate of inheritance," in the statute made in
Edward the Sixth's reign about treasons, where it is ex-
pressed, that traitors should forfeit to the crown what
lands they had of any " estate of inheritance ;" to which
is added, " in their own right;" it seems, on design to
cut off all pretence for such proceedings for the future,
as had been in this reign. But if there were any illega-
lity in these seizures, the following parliament did at
least tacitly justify them : for they excepted out of the
provisos made concerning the abbeys that were sup-
pressed, such as had been " forfeited and seized on by
any attainders of treason."
Another surrender is not unlike these, but rather less
justifiable. Many of the Carthusian monks of London
were executed for their ppen denying of the King's
supremacy, and for receiving books from foreign parts
against his marriage, and other proceedings -, divers also
of the same house, that favoured them, but so secretly,
that clear proof could not be found to convict them,
were kept prisoners in their cells till they died. But
the Prior was a worthy man, of whom Thomas Bedyl,
one of the visitors, writes, that " he was a man of such
charity tliat he had not seen the like, and that the eyes
of the people were much on that house ; and therefore
he advised, that the house might be converted to some
good use." But the Prior was made to resign, with this
preamble, " That many of that house had offended the
King, so that their goods might be justly confiscated.
1538.
374 HISTORY OF
part and themselves adjudged to a severe death : which they
desired to avoid, by a humble submission and surren-
der of their house to the King." But there were great
complaints made of the visitors, as if they had practised
with the abbots and priors to make these surrenders ;
and that they had conspired with them to cheat the
King, and had privately embezzled most of the plate
and furniture. The Abbess of Cheapstow complained
in particular of Dr. London, one of the visitors, that he
had been corrupting her nuns ; and generally it was(
cried out on, that underhand and ill practices were
used. Therefore, to quiet these reports, and to give
some colour to justify what they were about, all the
foul stories that could be found out were published to
defame these houses. Battel Abbey was represented to
be a little Sodom ; so was Christ Church in Canterbury,
with, several other houses. But for whoredom and adul-
tery they found instances without number ; and of
many other unnatural practices and secret lusts, with
arts to hinder conceptions and make abortions. But no
story became so public as a discovery made of the Prior
of the Crossed friars in London ; who, on a Friday, at
eleven o'clock in the day, was found in bed with a
whore : he fell down on his knees, and prayed those
who surprised him not to publish his shame ; but they
had a mind to make some advantage by it, and asked
him money. He gave them 30 lib. which he pro-
tested was all he had, but he promised them 30 lib.
more ; yet, failing in the payment, a suit followed on it;
and in a bill which I have seen, given to Cromwell,
then master of the rolls, the case is related.
The super- But all stories of this kind served only to disgrace
cheats of' those abbots or monks that were so faulty. And the
these people generally said these were personal crimes which
ered. ought to be punished ; but they were no way satisfied
with the justice of the King's proceedings against whole
houses for the faults of a i'exv. Therefore another way
was thought on, which indeed proved more effectual,
both for recovering the people out of the superstitious
fondness they had for their images and relics, and for
discovering the secret impostures that had been long
cov
THE REFORMATION. 375
practised in these houses. And this was, to order the book
visitors to examine well all the relics, and feigned
images, to which pilgrimages were wont to be made. 1538.
In this, Dr. London did great service. From Read-
ing he writes, " That the chief relics of idolatry in the
nation were there : an angel with one wing, that brought
over the spear's head that pierced our Saviour's side.
To which he adds a long inventory of their other relics,
and says, there were as many more as would fill four
sheets of paper. He also writes from other places
that he had every where taken down their images and
trinkets." At St. Edmundsbury, as John ap Rice in-
formed, they found some of the coals that roasted St.
Lawrence, the parings of St. Edmund's toes, St. Tho-
mas Becket's penknife and boots, with as many pieces
of the cross of our Saviour, as would make a large whole
cross. They had also relics against rain, and for, hin-
dering weeds to spring. But to pursue this further
were endless, the relics were so innumerable. And the
value which the people had of them may be gathered
from this ; that a piece of St. Andrew's finger, set in an
ounce of silver, was laid to pledge by the house of
Wastacre for 40 lib. but the visitors, when they sup-
pressed that house, did not think fit to redeem it at so
high a rate.
For their images, some of them were brought to image*
London, and were there, at St. Paul's Cross, in the sight broken?
of all the people^ broken ; that they might be fully
convinced of the juggling impostures of the monks.
And in particular, the crucifix of Boxley in Kent, com-
monly called the " rood of grace;" to which many pil-
grimages had been made, because it was observed some-
times to bow, and to lift itself up, to shake and to stir
head, hands, and feet, to roll the eyes, move the lips,
and bend the brows ; all which were looked on by the
abused multitude as the effects of a Divine power.
These were now publicly discovered to have been cheats ;
for the springs were shewed by which all these motions
were made. Upon which John Hilsey, then bishop of
Rochester, made a sermon, and broke the rood in
pieces. There was also another famous imposture.
Inglese.
376 HISTORY OF
part discovered at Hales in Gloucestershire ; where the blood
of Christ was shewed in a vial of crystal, which the
1538. people sometimes saw, but sometimes they could not
see it : so they were made believe, that they were not
Pelerine capable of so signal a favour, as long as they were in
mortal sin ; and so they continued to make presents till
they bribed Heaven to give them the sight of so blessed
a relic. This was now discovered to have been the
blood of a duck, which they renewed every week : and
the one side of the vial was so thick that there was no
seeing through it, but the other was clear and transpa-
rent ; and it was so placed near the altar, that one in a
secret place behind could turn either side of it outward.
So when they had drained the pilgrims that came
thither of all they had brought with them, then they
afforded them the favour of turning the clear side out-
ward ; who upon that went home very well satisfied
with their journey and the expense they had been at.
There was brought out of Wales a huge image of
wood, called Darvel Gatheren, of which one Ellis
Price, visitor of the diocess of St. Asaph, gave this ac-
count, on the Oth of April, 1537 : " That the people of
the country had a great superstition for it, and many pil-
grimages were made to it ; so that, the day before he
wrote, there were reckoned to be above five or six hun-
dred pilgrims there : some brought oxen and cattle, and
some brought money; and it was generally believed,
that if any offered to that image, heihad power to de-
liver his soul from hell." So it was ordered to be
brought to London, where it served for fuel to burn
Friar Forest. There was a huge image of our Lady at
Worcester, that was had in great reverence; which,
when it was stripped of some veils that covered it, was
found to be the statue of a bishop.
Barlow, bishop of St. David's, did also give many
advertisements of the superstition of his country, and of
the clergy and monks of that diocess, who were guilty
of heathenish idolatry, gross impiety and ignorance,
and of abusing the people with many evident forgeries ;
about which, he said, he had good evidence when it
should be called for. But that which drew most pil-
THE REFORMATION. 377
grims and presents in those parts, was an image of our book
Lady with a taper in her hand ; which was believed to
have burnt nine years, till one forswearing himself upon 1538.
it, it went out : and was then much reverenced and ,
worshipped. He found all about the cathedral so full
of superstitious conceits, that there was no hope of
working on them ; therefore he proposed the trans-
lating the episcopal seat from St. David's to Caermar-
then ; which he pressed by many ai»guments, and in se-
veral letters, but with no success. Then many rich
shrines of our Lady of Walsingham, of Ipswich, and .
Islington, with a great many more, were brought up to
London, and burnt by Cromwell's orders.
But the richest shrine of England was that of Thomas
Thomas Becket, called St. Thomas of Canterbury, the s,J,er|Iiee s
Martyr : who, being raised up by King Henry II. to broken.
the archbishoprick of Canterbury, did afterwards give
that King much trouble, by opposing his authority, and
exalting the Pope's. And though he once consented
to the articles agreed on at Clarendon, for bearing
down the papal, and securing the regal power ; yet he
soon after repented of that only piece of loyalty of
which he was guilty all the while he was archbishop.
He fled to the Pope, who received him as a confessor
for the dearest article of the Roman belief: the King
and kingdoms were excommunicated, and put under an
interdict upon his account. But afterwards, upon the
intercession of the French King, King Henry and he
were reconciled, and the interdict was taken off. Yet
his unquiet spirit could take no rest ; for he was no
sooner at Canterbury than he began to embroil the
kingdom again: and was proceeding by censures against
the Archbishop of York, and some other bishops, for
crowning the King's son in his absence. Upon the
news of that, the King, being then in Normandy, said,
" if he had faithful servants he would not be so troubled
with such a priest ;" whereupon some zealous or offi-
cious courtiers came over and killed him : for which, as
the King was made to undergo a severe penance, so
the monks were not wanting in their ordinary arts to
give out many miraculous stories concerning his blood.
378
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1538.
Somner's
Antiquities
of Canter-
bury.
This soon drew a canonization from Rome ; and he, being
a martyr for the papacy, was more extolled than all the
apostles or primitive saints had ever been. So that, for
three hundred
years,
he was accounted one of the
ac-
greatest saints in heaven, as may appear from the
counts in the ledger-books of the offerings made to
the three greatest altars in Christ's church in Can-
terbury. The one was to Christ, the other to the
Virgin, and the third to St.Thomas. In one year there
was offered at Christ's altar, 3/. Is. 6d. ; to the Vir-
gin's altar, 63/. 5s. 6d. ; but to St. Thomas's altar,
832/. 12s. 3d. But the next year the odds grew
greater ; for there was not a penny offered at Christ's
altar, and at the Virgin's only Al. Is. 8d. ; but at St.
Thomas's, 954/. 6s. 3d. By such offerings it came, that
his shrine was of inestimable value. There was one stone
offered there by Lewis VII. of France, who came over
to visit it in a pilgrimage, that was believed the richest
in Europe. Nor did they think it enough to give him
one day in the calendar, the 29th of December ; but
unusual honours were devised for this martyr of the
liberties of the church, greater than any that had been
given to the martyrs for Christianity. The day of
raising his body, or, as they called it, of his transla-
tion, being the 7th of July, was not only a holy-day,
but every fiftieth year there was a jubilee for fifteen
days together, and indulgence was granted to all that
came to visit his shrine : as appears from the record
of the sixth jubilee after his translation, anno 1420;
which bears, that there were then about a hundred
thousand strangers come to visit his tomb. The jubi-
lee began at twelve o'clock on the vigil of the feast, and
lasted fifteen days. By such arts they drew an incredible
deal of wealth to his shrine. The riches of that, to-
gether with his disloyal practices, made the King re-
solve both to unshrine and unsaint him at once. And
then his skull, which had been much worshipped, was
found an imposture. For the true skull was lying with
the rest of his bones in his grave. The shrine was
broken down, and carried away ; the gold that was
about it filling two chests, which were so heavy that
THE REFORMATION.
379
they were a load to eight strong men to carry them out
of the church. And his bones were, as some say, burnt;
so it was understood at Rome : but others say, they were
so mixed with other dead bones, that it would have
been a miracle indeed to have distinguished them after-
wards. The King also ordered his name to be struck
out of the calendar, and the office for his festivity to
be dashed out of all breviaries. And thus was the
superstition of England to images and relics extir-
pated.
Yet the King took care to qualify the distaste which
the articles published the former year had given. And
though there was no parliament in the year 1537, yet
there was a commission ; upon the conclusion of which,
there was printed an explanation of the chief points of
religion, signed by both the archbishops, seventeen
bishops, eight archdeacons, and seventeen doctors of
divinity and law. In which there was an exposition of
the Creed, the seven Sacraments, the Ten Command-
ments, the Lord's Prayer, and the salutation of the Vir-
gin, with an account of justification and purgatory. But
this work was put in a better form afterwards, where
the reader will find a more particular account of it.
When all these proceedings of the King's were known
at Rome, all the satirical pens there were employed to
paint him out as the most infamous sacrilegious tyrant
that ever was. They represented him as one that made
war with heaven and the saints that were there : that
committed outrages on the bodies of the saints, which
the heathenish Romans would have punished severely
upon any that committed the like on those that were
dead, how mean or bad soever they had been. All his
proceedings against the priests or monks that were at-
tainted and executed for high treason, were represented
as the effects of savage and barbarous cruelty. His sup-
pressing the monasteries, and devouring what the de-
votion of former a^es had consecrated to God and his
samts, was called ravenous and impious sacrilege ; nor
was there any thing omitted that could make him ap-
pear to posterity the blackest tyrant that ever wore a
crown. They compared him to Pharaoh, Nebuchado-
BOOK
III.
1538.
New arti-
cles about
religion
published.
Invectives
against the
King print-
ed at Rome.
380
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1558.
Collect.
Numb. 9.
The Pope's
bulls
against
the King.
nosor, Belshazzar, Nero, Domitian, and Dioclesian ; but
chiefly to Julian the apostate. This last parallel liked
them best ; and his learning, his apostacy, and pretence
of reforming, were all thought copied from Julian ;
only they said his manners were worse. These things
were every day printed at Rome, and the informations
that were brought out of England were generally ad-
dressed to Cardinal Pole, whose style was also known
in some of them : all which possessed the King with
the deepest and most implacable hatred to him that
ever he bore to any person ; and did provoke him to
all those severities that followed on his kindred and
family.
But the malice of the court of Rome did not stop
there. For now the Pope published all those thunders
which he had threatened three years before. The bull of
deposition is printed in Cherubin's Bulla rerum Roma-
narum; which, since many have the confidence to deny
matters of fact, though most publicly acted, shall be found
in the Collection Papers. The substance of it is as fol-
lows : " The Pope, being God's vicar on earth, and,
according to Jeremy's prophecy, set over nations and
kingdoms, ' to root out and destroy ;' and having ' the
supreme power over all the kings in the whole world ;'
was bound to proceed to due correction, when milder
courses were ineffectual : therefore, since King Henry,
who had been formerly a defender of the faith, had
fallen from it ; had, contrary to an inhibition made, put
away his Queen, and married one Anne Boleyn, and
had made impious and hurtful laws, denying the Pope
to be the supreme head of the church, but assuming
that title to himself; and had required all his subjects
under pain of death to swear it ; and had put the Car-
dinal of Rochester to death, because he would not
consent to these heresies ; and by all these things had
rendered himself unworthy of his regal dignity ; and
had hardened his heart (as Pharaoh did) against all the
admonitions of Pope Clement VII. : therefore, since
these his crimes were so notorious, he, in imitation of
what the apostle did to Elvmas the magician, proceeds
to such censures as he had deserved ; and, with the ad-
THE REFORMATION. 381
vice of his cardinals, does first exhort him and all his book
complices to return from their errors, to annul the
acts lately made, and to proceed no farther upon isss.
them : which he requires him and them to do, under
the pains of excommunication and rebellion, and of the
King's losing his kingdom ; whom he required within
ninety days to appear at Rome, by himself or proxy,
and his complices within sixty days, to give an account
of their actions ; otherwise he would then proceed to a
(further sentence against them. And declares, that if
the King and his complices do not appear, he has fallen
from the right to his crown, and they frcm the right
to their estates ; and when they die, they were to be
denied Christian burial. He puts the whole kingdom.
under an interdict ; and declares all the King's children
by the said Anne, and the children of all his complices,
to be under the same pains, though they be now under
age, and incapacitates them for all honours or employ-
ments ; and declares all the subjects or vassals of the
King's or his complices, absolved from all oaths or ob-
ligations to them, and requires them to acknowledge
them no more. And declares him and them infamous,
so that they might neither be witnesses nor make wills.
He requires all other persons to have no dealings with
him or them, neither by trading, nor any other way,
under the pain of excommunication ; the annulling
their contracts, and the exposing goods so traded in, to
all that should catch them. And that all clergymen
should, within five days after the expiration of the time
prefixed, go out of the kingdom, (leaving only so
many priests as would be necessary for baptizing in-- .
fants, and giving the sacrament to such as died in
penitence,) under the pains of excommunication and de-
privation. And charges all noblemen and others in his<
dominions, under the same pains, to rise up in arms
against him, and to drive him out of his kingdom ; and
that none should take arms for him, or any way assist
him : and declares all other princes absolved from any
confederacies made, or to be made, with him ; and
earnestly obtests the Emperor and all kings, and re-
quires other princes, under the former pains, to trade
HISTORY OF
part no more with him ; and in case of their disobedience,
he puts their kingdoms under an interdict. And re-
1538> quires all princes and military persons, in the virtue of
holy obedience, to make war upon him, and to force
him to return to the obedience of the apostolic see ;
and to seize on all goods or merchandizes belonging
to the King or his complices, wherever they could
find them ; and that such of his subjects that were
seized on, should be made slaves. And requires all
bishops, three days after the time that was set down
was elapsed, to intimate this sentence in all their
churches, with putting out of candles, and other cere-
monies that ought to be used, in the most solemn and
public manner that might be. And all who hindered
the publication of this sentence, are put under the same
pains. He ordained this sentence to be' affixed at
Rome, Tournay, and Dunkirk, which should stand
for a sufficient publication ; and concludes, that if any
should endeavour to oppose, or enervate any of the pre-
mises, he should incur the indignation of Almighty
God, and the holy apostles, St. Peter and Paul. Dated
at Rome the 30th of August, ](J35." But the Pope
found the princes of Christendom liked the precedent,
of using a king in that manner so ill, that he sus-
pended the execution of this bull till this time, that the
suppression of abbeys, and the burning of Thomas
Becket's bones, did so inflame the Pope, that he could
forbear no longer; and therefore, by a new sentence, he
did all he could to shake him in his throne.
The preamble of it was, " That as our Saviour had
pity on St. Peter after his fall, so it became St. Peter's
successors to imitate our Saviour in his clemency ; and
that therefore, though he, having heard of King Henry's
crimes, had proceeded to a sentence against him, (here
the former bull was recited,) yet some other princes
who hoped he might be reclaimed by gentler methods,
had interposed for a suspension of the sentence : <and he,
being easy to believe what he so earnestly desired, had
upon their intercession suspended it. But now he found
they had been deceived in their hopes, and that he grew
worse and worse ; and had done such dishonour to the
THE REFORMATION. 383
saints, as to raise St. Thomas of Canterbury's body, to book
arraign him of high treason, and to burn his body, and
sacrilegiously to rob the riches that had been offered to' 1338,
his shrine : as also to suppress St. Austin's Abbey in
\ Canterbury ; and that, having thrust out the monks, he
had put in wild beasts into their grounds, having trans-
formed himself into a beast. Therefore he takes off
| the suspension, and publishes the bull, commanding it
; to be executed : declaring that the affixing it at Dieppe
\ or Bulloign in France, at St. Andrews or Callistren
(that is, Callstream, a town near the border of England)
in Scotland, or Tuam or Artifert in Ireland, or any two
of these, should be a sufficient publication. Dated the
17th of December, anno Dom. 1538."
No man can read these bulls, but he must conclude, •
that if the Pope be the infallible and universal pastor of
the church, whom ail are bound to obey, he has a full
I authority over all kings, to proceed to the highest cen-
> sures possible : and since the matters of fact, enu-
merated in the sentence as the grounds of it, were cer-
tainly true, then the Pope is either clothed with the
powers of deposing princes ; or, if otherwise, he lied
; to the world when he pretended to it thus, and taught
false doctrine, which cannot stand with infallibility :
and the pretended grounds of the sentence, as to matter
of fact, being evidently true, this must be a just sen-
tence ; and therefore all that acknowledged the infalli-
bility of that see were bound to obey it ; and all the re-
bellions that followed, during the reign of the King or
his children, were founded on this sentence, and must
be justified by it; otherwise the Pope's infallibility must
fall to the ground. But this was to be said for the Pope
— that though he had raised the several branches of this
sentence higher than any of his predecessors had ever
done ; yet, as to the main, he had very good and authen-
tic precedents for what he did, from the depositions of
emperors or kings, that were made by former popes, for
about five hundred years together. This I thought
needful to be more fully opened, because of the present
circumstances we are now in ; since hereby every one
that will consider things, must needs see, that the belief
384 HISTORY OF
part of the Pope's infallibility does necessarily infer the ac-
knowledgment of their power of deposing heretical
1538. kings. For it is plain, the Pope did this eoc cathedra,
and as a pastor feeding and correcting his flock.
But, not content with this, he also wrote to other
princes, inflaming them against the King ; particularly to
the kings of France and Scotland. To the last of these
he sent a breve ; declaring King Henry a heretic, a
Lesley, schismatic, a manifest adulterer, a public murderer, a
rebel, and convict of high treason against him, the Pope
his lord ; for which crimes he had deposed him, and of-
fered his dominions to him, if he would go and invade
them. And thus the breach between him and the
Pope was past reconciling ; and at Rome it was declared
equally meritorious to fight agahist him, as against the
Turk. But Cardinal Pole made it more meritorious in
his book. Yet the thunders of the Vatican had now
lost their force ; so that these had no other effect but to
enrage the King more against all such as were suspected
to favour their interests, or to hold any correspondence
with Cardinal Pole. Therefore he first procured a declara-
tion against the Pope's pretensions, to be signed by all
the bishops of England : in which, after they declared
The clergy against the Pope's ecclesiastical jurisdiction, upon the
in England grounds formerly touched, they concluded, " That the
against people ought to be instructed, that Christ did expressly
these. forbid his apostles, or their successors, to take to them-
selves the power of the sword, or the authority of kings.
And that, if the Bishop of Rome, or any other bishop,
assumed any such power, he was a tyrant and usurper
of other men's rights, and a subverter of the kingdom
of Christ." This was subscribed by nineteen bishops,
(all that were then in England,) and twenty- five doctors
of divinity and law. It was at some time before May,
1538: for Edward Fox, bishop of Hereford, who was
one that signed it, died the 8th of May that year.
There was no convocation called by writ for doing this :
for as there is no mention of any such writ in the re-
gisters, so, if it had been done by convocation, Cromwell
had signed it first ; but his hand not being at it, it is
more probable that a meeting of the clergy was called
THE REFORMATION. 385
by the King's missive letters ; or that, as was once done book
before, the paper was drawn at London, and sent over the t
kingdom, to the episcopal sees, for the bishops' hands to it. 1538<
There is another original paper extant, signed at this Collect.
• • /• t Numb 10
time by eight bishops : from which I conjecture, those
were all that were then about London. It was to shew,
" That, by the commission which Christ gave to church-
men, they were only ministers of his gospel, to instruct
the people in the purity of the faith : but that, by other
places of Scripture, the authority of Christian princes
over all their subjects, as well bishops and priests as
others, was also clear. And that the bishops and priests
have charge of souls within their cures, power to admi-
nister sacraments, and to teach the word of God : to
the which word of God, Christian princes acknowledge
themselves subject ; and that, in case the bishops be neg-
ligent, it is the Christian princes' office to see them do
their duty." This being signed by John Hilsey, bishop
of Rochester, must be after the year 1537, in which he
was consecrated ; and Latimer and Shaxton also sign-
ing, it must be before the year 153Q, in which they re-
signed. But I believe it was signed at the same time
that the other was : and the design of it was to refute
those calumnies spread at Rome, as if the King had
wholly suppressed all ecclesiastical offices, and denied
them any Divine authority, making them wholly de-
pendent on the civil power, and acting by commission
only from him. And therefore they explained the li-
mits of both these powers, in so clear and moderate a
way, that it must have stopped the mouths of all op-
posers. But whether there was any public use made of
this paper, I can by no means discover.
The King did also set forward the printing of the T}!e Blb.,e
English Bible, which was finished this year, at Lon- English.
don, by Grafton the printer, who printed one thousand
five hundred of them at his own charge. This Bible
Cromwell presented to the King, and procured his war-
rant, allowing all his subjects in all his dominions to
read it, without control or hazard. For which the Arch-
bishop wrote Cromwell a letter of most hearty thanks,
dated the 1 3th of August : " Who did now rejoice that
vol. i. p. i. 2 c
38fi
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1538.
New in-
junctions
set out by
the King.
Collect.
Numb. 11
Cromwell's favour, who
Gardiner. He procured
to print it at Paris, in
he saw this day of reformation, which he concluded was
now risen in England, since the light of God's word did
shine over it without any cloud." The translation had
been sent over to France to be printed at Paris, the work-
men in England not being judged able to do it as it
ought to be. Therefore, in the year 1537? it was re-
commended to Bonner's care, who was then ambassador
at Paris, and was much in
was setting him up against
the King of France's leave
a large volume ; but, upon a complaint made by
the French clergy, the press was stopped, and most of
the copies were seized on and publicly burnt : but some
copies were conveyed out of the way, and the workmen
and forms were brought over to England ; where it was
now finished and published. And injunctions were given
out in the King's name, by Cromwell, to all incumbents,
1 \ to provide one of these Bibles, and set it up publicly in
the church, and not to hinder or discourage the reading
of it, but to encourage all persons to peruse it, as being
the true lively word of God, which every Christian
ought to believe, embrace, and follow, if he expected
to be saved. And all were exhorted, not to make con-
tests about the exposition or sense of any difficult place,
but to refer that to men of higher judgment in the
Scriptures. Then some other rules were added, about
the instructing the people in the principles of religion,
by teaching the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and Ten
Commandments in English : and that in every church
there should be a sermon, made every quarter of a
year, at least, to declare to the people the true gospel of
Christ, and to exhort them to the works of charity,
mercy, and faith ; and not to trust in other men's
works, or pilgrimages to images, or relics, or saying
over beads, which they did not understand ; since these
things tended to idolatry and superstition, which of all
offences did most provoke God's indignation. They
were to take down all images, which were abused by
pilgrimages, or offerings made to them, and to suffer
no candles to be set before any image ; only there might
be candles before the cross, and before the sacrament,
1538.
THE REFORMATION. iJS7
and about the sepulchre : and they were to instruct the book
people, that images served only as the books of the un-
learned, to be remembrances of the conversations of
them whom they represented ; but if they made any
other use of images, it was idolatry : for remedying
whereof, as the King had already done in part, so he
intended to do more for the abolishing such images,
which might be a great offence to God, and a danger to
the souls of his subjects. And if any of them had for-
merly magnified such images, or pilgrimages, to such
purposes, they were ordered openly to recant, and ac-
knowledge, that in saying such things they had been
led -by no ground in Scripture; but were deceived by
a vulgar error, which had crept into the church through
the avarice of those who had profit by it. They were
also to discover all such as were letters of the reading
of God's word in English, or hindered the execution of
these injunctions. Then followed orders for keeping
of registers in their parishes : for reading all the King's
injunctions once every quarter at least : that none were
to alter any of the holy-days without directions from the
King : and all the eves of the holy-days formerly abro-
gated, were declared to be no fasting-days : the com-
memoration of Thomas Becket was' to be clean omitted :
the kneeling for the Ave's after sermon were also for-
bidden, which were said in hope to obtain the Pope's
pardon. And whereas in their processions they used
to say so many suffrages, with an ora pro nobis to the
saints, by which they had not time to say the suffrages
to God himself, they were to teach the people, that it
were better to omit the ora pro nobis, and to sing the
other suffrages, which were most necessary and most
effectual."
These injunctions struck at three main points of po-
pery : containing encouragements to the vulgar to read
the Scriptures in a known tongue, and putting down all
worship of images, and leaving it free for any curate to
leave out the suffrages to the saints. So that they were
looked on as a deadly blow to that religion. But now
those of that party did so artificially comply with the King,
that no advantages could be found against any of them
2c 2
388 HISTORY OF
part for their disobedience. The King was master at home,
and no more to be disobeyed. He had not onlv broken
1538. the rebellion of his own subjects, and secured himself
by alliance from the dangers threatened him by the
Pope ; but all their expectations from the Lady Mary
were now clouded : for, on the 12th of October, 1537,
Prince Ed- Queen Jane had borne him a son, who was christened
Edward ; the Archbishop of Canterbury being one of
his godfathers. This very much encouraged all that
were for reformation, and disheartened those who were
against it. But the joy for this young Prince was qua-
lified by the Queen's death, two days after ; which af-
flicted the King very much : for of all his wives, she
was the dearest to him. And his grief for that loss is
given as the reason, why he continued two years a wi-
dower. But others thought he had not so much ten-
derness in his nature, as to be much or long troubled
for any thing. Therefore the slowness of his marrying
was ascribed to some reasons of state. But the birth
of the Prince was a great disappointment to all those
whose hopes rested on the Lady Mary's succeeding her
father : therefore they submitted themselves with more
than ordinary compliance to the King.
Great com- Gardiner was as busy as any in declaiming against the
piiances by religious houses ; and took occasion in many of his ser-
pLty. mons to commend the King for suppressing them. The
Archbishop of York had recovered himself at court : and
I do not find that he interposed in the suppression of any
of the religious houses, except Hexham, about which he
wrote to Cromwell, that it was a great sanctuary when
the Scots made inroads : and so he thought that the con-
tinuing of it might be of great use to the King. He
added in that letter, " That he did carefully silence all
the preachers of novelties. But some of htese boasted,
that they would shortly have licenses from the King, as
he heard they had already from the Archbishop of Can-
terbury ; but he desired Cromwell to prevent that mis-
chief." This is all that I find of him.
There is a pardon granted to Stokesley, bishop of Lon-
don, on the 3d of July, in the thirtieth year of his reign,
being this year, for having actetl by commission from
THE REFORMATION. 389
Rome, and sued out. bulls from thence. If these crimes B°?K
were done before the separation from Rome, they were '
remitted by the general pardon. If he took a particular 1538.
pardon, it seems strange that it was not enrolled till now.
But I am apt to believe it was rather the omission of a
clerk, than his being guilty of such a transgression about
this time ; for I see no cause to think the King would
have pardoned such a crime in a bishop in those days.
All that party had now, by their compliance and submis-
sion, gained so much on the King, that he began to turn
more to their counsels than he had done of late years.
Gardiner was returned from France, where he had been
ambassador for some years : he had been also in the Em-
peror's court, and there were violent presumptions that
he had secretly reconciled himself to the Pope, and en-
tered into a correspondence with him. For one of the
legate's servants discoursed of it at Ratisbone, to one of
Sir Henry Knevet's retinue (who was joined in the em-
bassy with Gardiner), whom he took to be Gardiner's
servant, and with whom he had an old acquaintance. The
matter was traced, and Knevet spoke with the Italian that
had first let it fall, and was persuaded of the truth of the
thing : but Gardiner smelling it out, said, that Italian,
upon whose testimony the whole matter depended, was
corrupted to ruin him ; and complained of it to the Em-
peror's Chancellor, Granvel : upon which Ludovico (that
was the Italian's name) was put in prison. And it seems
the King either looked on it as a contrivance of Gardi- *
ner's enemies, or at least seemed to do so, for he con-
tinued still to employ him. Yet, on many occasions, he
expressed great contempt of him, and used him not as a
counsellor, but as a slave. But he was a man of great
cunning, arid had observed the King's temper exactly,
and knew well to take a fit occasion for moving the
King in any thing, and could improve it dexterously.
He therefore represented to the King, that nothing would Gardiner
so secure him, both at home and abroad, against all the KbgT-
mischief the Pope was contriving, as to shew great zeal sain,t tllose
against heretics, chiefly the sacramentaries (by that name CramenL-
they branded all that denied the corporal presence of ries;
Christ in the eucharist). And the King, being all his
390 HISTORY OF
tart life zealous for the belief of the corporal presence, was
the more easily persuaded to be severe on that head :
1538- and the rather, because the princes of Germany, whose
friendship was necessary to him, being all Lutherans, his
proceedings against the sacramentaries would give them
no offence.
An occasion at that time presented itself as oppor-
tunely as they could have wished ; one John Nicholson,
alias Lambert, was then questioned by the Archbishop of
Canterbury for that opinion. He had been minister of
the English company at Antwerp ; where, being ac-
quainted with Tindal and Frith, he improved that know-
ledge of religion, which was first infused in him by Bil-
ney : but Chancellor More ordered the merchants to
dismiss him ; so he came over to England, and was
taken by some of Archbishop Warham's officers, and
many articles were objected to him. But Warham died
soon after, and the change of counsels that followed oc-
casioned his liberty. So he kept a school at London ;
and hearing Dr. Taylor, afterwards bishop of Lincoln,
preach of the presence of Christ in the sacrament, he
came to him upon it, and offered his reasons, why he
could not believe the doctrine he had preached : which
he put in writing, digesting them into ten arguments.
Taylor shewed this to Dr. Barnes, who, as he was bred
among the Lutherans, so had not only brought over their
opinions, but their temper with him : he thought, that
a nothing would more obstruct the progress of the Refor-
mation than the venting; that doctrine in England.
Therefore Taylor and he carried the paper to Cranmer,
who was, at that time, also of Luther's * opinion, which
he had drunk in from his friend Osiander. Latimer was
of the same belief. So Lambert was brought before
them, and they studied to make him retract his paper :
Who had \^u^ ajj was jn vajn £QJ. Lambert, by a fatal resolution,
appealed to . > J »
the King ; appealed to the King.
This Gardiner laid hold on, and persuaded the King
* Cranmer, at liis trial, being asked what doctrine lie taught concerning
this sacrament, when he condemned Lambert the sacramentarj, expressly
.savs, " I maintained then the papists' doctrine." Fox, vol. hi. p. 656. Nor
could he well otherwise have argued against Lambert as he then did.
THE REFORMATION. 391
to proceed solemnly and severely in it. The King was book
soon prevailed with, and both interest and vanity con-
curred to make him improve this opportunity for shew- 15a8>
ing his zeal and learning. So letters were written to
many of the nobility and bishops, to come and see this
trial ; in which the King intended to sit in person, and
to manage some part of the argument. In November,
on the day that was prefixed, there was a great appear-
ance in Westminster Hall of the bishops and clergy,
the nobility, judges, and the King's council ; with an
incredible number of spectators. The King's guards
were all in white, and so was the cloth of state.
When the prisoner was brought to the bar, the trial And was
was opened by a speech of Dr. Dayes, which was to this trfedai
effect : — " That this assembly was not at all convened Westmin-
to dispute about any point of faith ; but that the
King, being supreme head, intended openly to condemn
and confute that man's heresy in all their presence."
Then the King commanded him to declare his opinion
about the sacrament. To which Lambert began his an-
swer, with a preface, acknowledging the King's great
goodness, that he would thus hear the causes of his sub-
jects, and commending his great judgment and learning.
In this the King interrupted him, telling him, in Latin,
that he came not there to hear his own praises set forth;
and therefore commanded him to speak to the matter.
This he uttered with a stern countenance ; at which
Lambert being a little disordered, the King asked him
again, Whether was Christ's body in the sacrament or Argument*
not ? He answered in the words of St. Austin, c" It was ^?jff
his body in a certain manner." But the King bade him him.
answer plainly, Whether it was Christ's body or not ? So
he answered, " That it was not his body." Upon which
the King urged him with the words of Scripture, " This
is my body ;" and then he commanded the Archbishop
to confute his opinion, who spoke only to that part of
it which was grounded on the impossibility of a body's
being in two places at once. And that he confuted from
Christ's appearing to St. Paul ; shewing, that though he
is always in heaven, yet he was seen by St. Paul in the
air. But Lambert affirmed, that he was then only in
392 HISTORY OF
part heaven ; and that St. Paul heard a voice, and saw a
L vision, but not the very body of Christ. Upon this they
^38 disputed for some time : in which, it seems, the Bishop
of Winchester thought Cranmer argued but faintly, for
he interposed in the argument.
Tonstal's arguments run all upon God's omnipotency,
that it was not to be limited by any appearances of diffi-
culties, which flowed from our want of a right under-
standing of things ; and our faculties being weak, our
notions of impossibilities were proportioned to these.
But Stokesley thought he had found out a demonstra-
tion that might put an end to the whole controversy ;
for he shewed, that in nature we see one substance
changed into another, and yet the accidents remain. So,
when water is boiled till it evaporates into air, one sub-
stance is changed into another ; and moisture that was
the accident remains, it being still moist. This (as one
of the eye-witnesses relates) was received with great ap-
plause ; and much joy appeared in the Bishop's looks
upon it. But whether the spectators could distinguish
well between laughter for joy, and a scornful smile, I
cannot tell : for certainly this crotchet must have pro-
voked the latter rather, since it was a sophism not to
be forgiven any above a junior sophister ; thus from an
accidental conversion, where the substance was still the
same, only altered in its form and qualities (according
to the language of that philosophy which was then most
in vogue), to infer a substantial mutation, where one
substance was annihilated, and a new one produced in
its place. Buf these arguments it seems disordered Lam-
bert somewhat; and either the King's stern looks, the
variety of the disputants, ten, one after another, engag-
ing with him, or the greatness of the -presence, with the
length of the action, which continued five hours, put
him in some confusion : it is not improbable but they
might, in the end, bring him to be quite silent. This,
one that was present, said, flowed from bis being spent
and wearied ; and that he saw what he said was little con-
sidered : but others ascribed it to his being confounded
with the arguments that were brought against him. So
the general applause of the hall gave the victory on the
THE REFORMATION. 393
King's side. When he was thus silent, the King asked book
him, If he was convinced by these arguments, and whe- '
ther he would live or die ? He answered, " That he com- 1538.
mitted his soul to God, and submitted his body to the
King s clemency." But the King told him, if he did not
recant he must die, for he would not be a patron of he-
retics ; and since he would not do that, the King ordered
Cromwell to read the sentence (which he, as the King's
vicegerent, did), declaring him an incorrigible heretic,
and condemning him to be burnt. Which was soon He is con-
after executed in Smithfield, in a barbarous manner ; for, demned»
when his legs and thighs were burnt to the stumps, there
not being fire enough to consume the rest of him sud-
denly, two of the officers raised up his body on their hal-
berds, he being yet alive, and crying out, " None but
Christ, none but Christ !" and then they let him fall down
into the fire, where he was quickly consumed to ashes. And burnt.
He was a learned and good man. His answers to the
articles objected to him by Warham, and a book, which
in his imprisonment he wrote for justifying his opinion,
which he directed to the King, do shew both great
learning for those times, and a very good judgment.
This being done, the party that opposed the Reforma-
tion persuaded the King, that he had got so much repu-
tation to himself by it, that it would effectually refute
all aspersions which had been cast on him, as if he in-
tended to change the faith : neither did they forget to
set on him in his weak side, and magnify all that he had
said, as if the oracle had uttered it : by which, they said,
it appeared he was indeed a defender of the faith, and
the supreme head of the church. And he had so good a
conceit of what was then done, that he intended to pur-
sue these severities further ; and therefore, soon after, he
resolved on summoning a parliament, partly for confirm-
ing what he had done, and completing what remained
to be done further, in the suppression of the monas-
teries ; and likewise for making a new law for punishing
some opinions, which were then spreading, about the sa-
crament, and some other articles, as will soon appear.
Now the Archbishop of Canterbury's interest at court The popish
suffered a great diminution. His chief friend among g^unlaT
394
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1538.
The King's
correspond-
ence with
the German
princes.
the bishops was Fox, bishop of Hereford, who was much
esteemed and employed by the King. He was a privy-
counsellor, and had been employed in a negociation with
the princes of Germany, to whom he was a very accept-
able minister. They proposed that the King would re-
ceive the Augsburg Confession, except in such things as
should be altered in it by common consent, and defend
it in a free council, if any such were called ; and that
neither of them should acknowledge any council called
by the Pope : that the King should be called the patron
of their league, and they should mutually assist one an-
other, the King giving one hundred thousand crowns a
year towards the defence of the league.
The Bishop of Winchester, being then in France, did
much dissuade the King from making a religious league
with them ; against which he gave some plausible politic
reasons, for his conscience never struggled with a maxim
of state. But the King liked most of the propositions ;
only he would not accept the title of defender of their
league, till some differences in the doctrine were agreed.
So they were to have sent over Sturmius as their agent;
and Melancthon, Bucer, and George Draco, to confer
with the King's divines. But, upon Queen Anne's fall,
this vanished ; and though the King entered into a civil
league with them, and had frequently a mind to bring
over Melancthon, for whom he had a great value, yet it
never took effect. There were three things in which the
Germans were more positive than in any other point of
reformation : these were, the communion in both kinds,
the worship in a known tongue, and an allowance for the
marriage of the clergy. All the people had got these
things in their heads ; so that it was generally believed,
that if the Pope had in time consented to them, the pro-
gress of the Reformation had been much stopped. The
express words of the institution, and the novelty of the
contrary practice, had engaged that nation very early for
communion in both kinds. Common sense made them
all desire to understand what they did and said in the
worship of God ; and the lewd and dissolute practices
of the unmarried clergy were so public, that they thought
the honour of their families, of which that nation is ex-
THE REFORMATION. 305
tremely sensible, could not be secured, unless the clergy book
might have wives of their own. But at these the King
stuck more than at other things that were more disput- 153a.
able : for, in all other points that were material, he had
set up the doctrine of the Augsburg Confession; and
there was good ground to hope that the evidence of at
least two of these would have brought over the King to
a fuller agreement, and firmer union, with them. But
the Bishop of Hereford's death gave a great blow to Bonner's
1 that design. For though that party thought they had ^muIa"
his room well filled, when they had got Bonner to be his
successor ; yet they found afterwards what a fatal mis-
take they committed, in raising him now to Hereford,
. and translating him, within a few months, to London,
vacant by Stokesley's death. But during the vacancy Collect.
of the see of Hereford, Cranmer held a visitation in it, • 12"
where he left some injunctions (to be found in the Col-
: lection), which chiefly related to the encouraging of
1 reading the Scriptures, and giving all due obedience to
the King's injunctions. For the other bishops that ad-
1 hered to Cranmer, they were rather clogs than helps to
! him. Latimer's simplicity and weakness made him be
i! despised : Shaxton's proud and litigious humour drew
1 hatred on him : Barlow was not very discreet ; and
, many of -the preachers whom they cherished, whether
[out of an unbridled forwardness of temper, or a true
I zeal, that would not be managed and governed by po-
llitic and prudent measures^ were flying at many things
I that were not yet abolished. Many complaints were
I' brought of these to the King. Upon which, letters were
:i sent to all the bishops, in the King's name, to take care,
! that as the people should be instructed in the truth, so
I they should not be unwarily charged with too many no-
velties ; since the publishing these, if it was not tem-
pered with great discretion, would raise much contention,
and other inconveniences, that might be of dangerous
consequence. But it seems this caveat did not produce
what was designed by it ; or, at least, the opposite party
were still bringing in new complaints : for I have seen
an original letter of Cromwell's to the Bishop of Lan-
dafF, bearing date the 6th of January, in which he Numb. 13.
396
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1638.
A new par-
liament.
makes mention of the King's letters, sent to that pur-
pose, and requires him to look to the execution of them,
both against the violence of the new preachers, and
against those that secretly carried on the pretended au-
thority of the Bishop of Rome ; otherwise he threatens
to proceed against him in another manner. All these
things concurred to lessen Cranmer's interest in the
court ; nor had he any firm friend there but Cromwell,
who was also careful to preserve himself: there was not
a queen now in the King's bosom to favour their mo-
tions. Queen Jane had been their friend, though she
came in Anne Boleyn's room, that had supported them
most. The King was observed to be much guided by
his wives, as long as they kept their interest with him.
Therefore Cromwell thought the only way to retrieve a
design that wTas almost lost, was to engage the King in
an alliance with some of the princes of Germany ; from
whence he had heard much of the beauty of the Lady
Anne of Cleves, the Duke of Cleves' sister, whose eldest
sister was married to the Duke of Saxony.
But while he was setting this on foot, a parliament"
was summoned to meet the 28th of April : to which
all the parliamentary abbots had their writs. The
Abbots of Westminster, St. Alban's, St. Mary, York,
Glastenbury, Glocester, Ramsey, Evesham, Peterbo-
rough, Reading, Malmesbury, Croyland, Selby, Thorny,
Winch elcomb, Waltham, Cirencester, Tewkesbury, and
Colchester sate in it. On the 5th of May, the Lord
Chancellor acquainted them, that the King, being most
desirous to have all his subjects of one mind in religion,
and to quiet all controversies about it, had commanded
him to move to them, that a committee might be ap-
pointed for examining these different opinions, and
drawing up articles for an agreement, which might be
reported and considered by the House. To this the
Lords agreed; and named for a committee, Cromwell,
the vicegerent, the two Archbishops, the Bishops of
Duresme, Bath and Wells, Ely, Bangor, Carlisle, and
Worcester : who were ordered to go about it with all
haste, and were dispensed with for their attendance in
the House, till they had ended their business. But they
THE REFORMATION. S97
could come to no agreement ; for the Archbishop of book
Canterbury, having the Bishops of Ely and Worcester
to second him, and being favoured by Cromwell, the 1539.
other five could carry nothing against them : nor would
either party yield to the other ; so that eleven days passed
in these debates.
On the lOth of May the Duke of Norfolk told the Tbe«VAr«
Lords, that the committee that was named had made no proposed.
progress, for they were not of one mind ; which some
of the Lords had objected, when they were first named.
Therefore he offered some articles to the Lords' consi-
deration, that they might be examined by the whole
House, and that there might be a perpetual law made
for the observation of them, after the Lords had freely
delivered their minds about them. The articles were :
" First, Whether in the eucharist Christ's real body
was present without any transubstantiation ?" (so it is in
the Journal, absque transubstantiatione.) It seems, so the
corporal presence had been established, they would have
left the manner of it indefinite.
" Secondly, Whether that sacrament was to be given
to the laity in both kinds ?
" Thirdly, Whether the vows of chastitv, made
either by men or women, ought to be observed by the
law of God ?
" Fourthly, Whether, by the law of God, private
masses ought to be celebrated ?
" Fifthly, Whether priests3 by the law of God, might
marry ?
" Sixthly, Whether auricular confession were neces-
; sary, by the law of God ?"
Against these the Archbishop of Canterbury argued Reasons
long. For the first, he was then in his opinion a Lu-
theran, so he was not like to say much against it. But
certainly he opposed the second much ; since there was
not any thing for which those with whom he held cor-
respondence were more earnest, and seemed to have
greater advantages, both from Christ's own words in
the institution, and the constant practice of the church
for twelve ages.
For the third, it seemed very hard to suppress so many
against
them.
39S HISTORY OF
part monasteries, and set the religious persons at liberty, and
' yet bind them up to chastity. That same parliament,
1539. by another act, absolved them from their vow of poverty,
giving them power to purchase lands : new it was not
reasonable to bind them up to some parts of their vow^
when they absolved them from the rest. And it was no
ways prudent to bind them up from marriage, since, as
long as they continued in that state, they were still capa-
ble to re-enter into their monasteries, when a fair occa-
sion should offer ; whereas they, upon their marrying,
did effectually lay down all possible pretensions to their
former houses.
For the fourth, the asserting the necessity of private
masses was a plain condemnation of the King's proceed-
ings, in the suppression of so many religious houses,
which were societies chiefly dedicated to that purpose.
For if these masses did profit the souls departed, the
destroying so many foundations could not be justified.
And for the living, these private masses were clearly con-
trary to the first institution, by which that which was
blessed and consecrated was to be distributed : and it
was to be a communion, and so held by the primitive
church, which admitted none, so much as to see the
celebration of that sacrament, but those who received it;
- laying censures upon such as were present at the rest of
that office, and did not stay and communicate.
For the fifth, it touched Cranmer to the quick, for
he was then married. The Scripture did in no place
enjoin the celibate of the clergy. On the contrary,
Scripture speaks of their wives, and gives the rules of
their living with them. And St. Paul, in express words,
condemns all men's leaving their wives, without excep-
tion ; saying, " That the man hath not power over his
own body, but the wife." In the primitive church,
though those that were in orders did not marry, yet
such as were married before orders kept their wives ; of
which there are many instances : and when some moved,
in the council of Nice, that all that had been married,
when they entered into orders, should put away their
wives, it was rejected ; and ever since the Greek churches
have allowed their priests to keep their wives : nor was
THE REFORMATION. 399
it ever commanded in the western church, till the popes B<j*9K
began their usurpation. Therefore, the prohibition of mmm
it being only grounded on the papal constitutions, it was 1539.
not reasonable to keep it up, since that authority on
which it was built was now overthrown.
What was said concerning auricular confession, I can-
not so easily recover. For though Cranmer argued
three days against these articles, I can only gather the
substance of his arguments from what himself wrote on
1 some of these heads afterwards : for nothing remains
of what passed there, but what is conveyed to us in the
Journal, which is short and defective.
On the 24th of May the parliament was prorogued
1 to the 30th ; upon what reason it does not appear. It
I was not to set any of the bills backward ; for it was
agreed, that the bills should continue in the state in
which they were then, till their next meeting. . When
they met again, on the 30th of May, being Friday, the
.• Lord Chancellor intimated to them, that not only the
spiritual lords, but the King himself, had taken much
;i pains to bring things to an agreement, which was
1 effected. Therefore he moved, in the King's name, that
a bill might be brought in for punishing such as offended
; against these articles. So the Lords appointed the Arch-
\ bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Ely and St. Da-
i vid's, and Dr. Petre, a master of Chancery (afterwards
I secretary of state), to draw one bill ; and the Archbishop
' of York, the Bishop of Duresme, and Winchester, and
[ Dr. Tregonnel, another master of Chancery, to draw
I another bill about it ; and to have them both ready, and
[) to offer them to the King by Sunday next. But the bill
[ that was drawn by the Archbishop of York, and those
with him, was best liked : yet it seems the matter was
long contested, for it was not brought to the House be-
fore the 7th of June; and then the Lord Chancellor
offered it, and it was read the first time. On the 9th of
June it had the second reading, and on the 10th it was en-
grossed, and read the third time. But when it passed, the
King desired the Archbishop of Canterbury to go out of
the House, since he could not give his consent to it ; but
be humbly excused himself, for he thought he was bound
400 HISTORY OF
part in conscience to stay and vote against it. It was sent
down to the House of Commons, where it met with
15S9. no great opposition ; for on the 14th it was agreed to,
and sent up again : and on the 28th it had the force of
a law by the royal assent.
An act »pne tjj-]e 0f jf- was " j\n acj- for abolishing diversity
D&SS60 for .
tiiem; of opinions in certain articles concerning Christian re-.
ligion." It is said in the preamble, " That the King,
considering the blessed effects of union, and the mis-
chiefs of discord, since there were many different opi-
nions, both among the clergy and laity, about some
points of religion, had called this parliament, and a synod
at the same time, for removing these differences, where
six articles were proposed, and long debated by the
clergy : and the King himself had come in person to the
parliament and council, and opened many things of
high learning and great knowledge about them : and
that he, with the assent of both houses of parliament,
had agreed on the following articles : — First, That in the
sacrament of the altar, after the consecration, there
remained no substance of bread and wine, but under
these forms the natural bodv and blood of Christ were
J
present. Secondly, That communion in both kinds was
not necessary to salvation to all persons by the law of
God ; but that both the flesh and blood of Christ were
together in each of the kinds. Thirdly, That priests,
after the order of priesthood, might not marry by the
law of God. Fourthly, That vows of chastity ought
to be observed by the law of God. Fifthly, That the
use of private masses ought to be continued ; which, as
it was agreeable to God's law, so men received great
benefit by them. Sixthly, That auricular confession
was expedient and necessary, and ought to be retained
in the church. The parliament thanked the King for
the pains he had taken in these articles : and enacted,
That if any, after the )2th of July, did speak, preach, or
write against the first article, they were to be judged
heretics, and to be burnt without any abjuration, and to
forfeit their real and personal estates to the King. And
those who preached, or obstinately disputed against, the
other articles, were to be judged felons ; and to suffer
THE REFORMATION.. 401
death as felons, without benefit of clergy. And those book
who, either in word or writing, spake against them, were
to be prisoners during the King's pleasure, and forfeit 1539,
their goods and chattels to the King, for the first time :
and if they offended so the second time, they were to
suffer as felons. x\ll the marriages of priests are declared
void ; and if any priest did still keep any such woman,
whom he had so married, and lived familiarly with her, as
with his wife, he was to be judged a felon : and if a
priest lived carnally with any other woman, he was,
upon the first conviction, to forfeit his benefices, goods,
and chattels, and to be imprisoned during the King's
pleasure ; and upon the second conviction, was to suf-
fer as a felon. The women so offending, were also to
be punished in tlie same manner as the priests ; and
those who contemned, or abstained from confession, or
the sacrament, at the accustomed times, for the first
offence were to forfeit their goods and chattels, and be
imprisoned; and for the second, were to be adjudged of
felony. And for the execution of this act, commissions
were to be issued out to all archbishops and bishops, and
their chancellors and commissaries, and such others in
the several shires, as the King should name, to hold
their sessions quarterly, or oftener ; and they were to
proceed upon presentments, and by a jury. Those com-
missioners were to swe^r, that they should execute their
commission indiffereotly, without favour, affection,
corruption, or malice. All ecclesiastical incumbents were
to read this act in their churches once a quarter. And
in the end, a proviso was added, concerning vows of
chastity : that they should not oblige any, except such
as had taken them at or above the age of twenty-one
years ; or had not been compelled to take them."
This act was received, by all that secretly favoured Wfl!ch ,!s
popery, writh great jov ; for now they hoped to be re- censured,
venged on all those who had hitherto set forward a re-
formation. It very much quieted the bigots ; who were
now persuaded that the King would not set up heresy,
since he passed so severe an act against it ? and it made
the total suppression of monasteries go the more easily
through. The popish clergy liked all the act very well,
vol. i. p. i. <2 D
402
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1539.
An act
about the
suppression
of the
greater
monaste-
ries.
except that severe branch of it against their unchaste
practices. This was put in by Cromwell, to make it cut
with both edges. (Some of our inconsiderate writers,
who never perused the statutes, tell us it was done by a
different act of parliament ; but greater faults must be
forgiven them who write upon hearsay.) There was but
one comfort that the poor reformers could pick out of
the whole act — that they were not left to the mercy of
the clergy, and their ecclesiastical courts, but were to be
tried by a jury ; where they might expect more candid
and gentle dealing. Yet the denying them the benefit
of abjuration, was a severity beyond what had ever been
put in practice before : so now they began to prepare
for new storms and a heavy persecution.^
The other chief business of this parliament was the
suppression of monasteries. It is said in the preamble
of that act, " That divers abbots, priors, and other
heads of religious houses, had, since the 4th of Fe-
bruary, in the twenty-seventh year of the King's reign,*
without constraint, of their own accord, and according
to the due course of the common law, by sufficient writ-
ings of record, under their covent-seals, given up their
houses, and all that belonged to them, to the King.
Therefore, all houses that were, since that time, sup-
pressed, dissolved, relinquished, forfeited, or given up,
are confirmed to the King and his successors for ever :
and all monasteries that should thereafter be suppressed,,
forfeited, or given up, are also confirmed to the King
and his successors. And all these houses, with the rents
belonging to them, were to be disposed of by the court
of Augmentations, for the King's profit ; excepting only
such as were come into the King's hands by attainders
of treason, which belonged to the Exchequer : reserv-
ing to all persons, except the patrons, founders, and
donors of such houses, the same right to any parts of
them, or jurisdiction in them, which they could have
claimed if that act had never been made. Then followed
many clauses for annulling all deeds and leases, madfl
within one year before the suppression of any religious
house, to the prejudice of it, or different from what had
t>een granted formerly. And all churches or chapels,
THE REFORMATION. 403
which belonged to these monasteries, and were formerly book.
exempted from the visitation or jurisdiction of their or-
dinary, are declared to be within the jurisdiction of the 1539.
bishop of the diocess, or of any other that should be
appointed by the King."
This act passed in the House of Peers, without any pro-
testation made by any of the abbots, though it appears
by the Journal, that, at the first reading of it, there were
eighteen abbots present ; at the second reading twenty,
! and seventeen at the third reading ; and the Abbots of
1 Glastenbury, Colchester, and Reading, were among
1 those who were present : so little reason there is to think
they were attainted for any open withstanding the King's
; proceedings, when they did not protest against this act,
1 which was so plainly levelled at them. It was soon dis-
; patched by the Commons, and offered to the royal
i assent. By it, no religious houses were suppressed, as
is generally taken for granted ; but only the surrenders,
1 'that either had been, or were to be, made were con-
firmed. The last proviso, for annulling all exemptions
of churches and chapels, had been a great happiness to
; the church, if it had not been for that clause, " That
'i the King might appoint others to visit them ;" which, in
i a great degree, did enervate it. For many of those who
1 afterwards purchased these lands, with the impropriated
I tithes, got this likewise in their grants, that they should
I be the visitors of the churches and chapels formerly ex-.
z empted ; from whence, great disorders have since fol-
i lowed in these churches, which, not falling within the
: bishop's jurisdiction, are thought not liable to his een-
I sures ; so that the incumbents in them, being under no
1 restraints, have often been scandalous to the church,
I and given occasion to those who were disaffected to the
hierarchy, to censure the prelates for these offences,
which they could not punish ; since the offenders were
1 thus excepted out of their jurisdiction. This abuse,
which first sprang from the ancient exemptions that
• were confirmed or granted by the see of Rome, has not
I yet met with an effectual remedy.
Upon the whole matter, this suppression of abbeys
1 was universally censured ; and, besides the common ex-
1 D 2
404 HISTORY OF
part ceptions which those that favoured the old superstition
made, it was questioned, whether the lands that formerly
1539. belonged to religious houses, ought to have returned to
the founders and donors, by way of revertir, or to have
fallen to the lords of whom the lands were holden, by
the way of escheat, or to have come to the crown ? It is
true, by the Roman law, or at least by a judgment of the
senate in Theodosius's time, the endowments of the hea-
thenish temples were, upon a full debate, whether they
should return to the right heirs or be confiscated ? in the
end adjudged to the fisc, or the Emperor's exchequer;
upon this reason, that, by the will of the donors, they were
totally alienated from them and their heirs. But in
England it went otherwise. And when the order of the
knights templars was dissolved, it was then judged in
favour of the lord by escheat.* For, though the foun-
ders and donors had totally alienated these lands from
themselves and their heirs, yet there was no reason, from
thence, to conclude any thing that might wrong the su-
perior lord of his right in the case of an escheat. And
this must have held good, if those alienations and endow-
ments had been absolute without any condition. But the
endowments being generally rather of the nature of cove-
nants and contracts, and made in consideration of so
many masses to be said for their souls, then it was most
just, that, upon a non-performance of the condition,
and when that public error and cheat, which the monks
had put upon the world, was discovered, the lands should
have returned to the founders and patrons, and their
heirs and successors. Nor was there any grounds for
the lords to pretend to them by escheat, especially where
their ancestors had consented to, and confirmed those
endowments. Therefore, there was no need of exclud-
ing them by any special proviso. But, for the founders
and donors, certainly, if there had not been a particular
proviso made against them, they might have recovered
the lands which their ancestors had supcrstitiously given
* By the statute de Tenia Tanplar'wrum, neither the Kiiȣ nor llic
lords were to have by escheat the lands that were the templars'; but those
lands were to remain to the prior and brethren of the order of the hospital
of St. John of Jerusalem.
THE REFORMATION. 405
away ; and the surrenders which religious persons made to book
the crown, could not have cut off their title. But this act IIL
did that effectually. It is true, many of the greatest of ^9
them were of royal foundation, and these would have re-
turned to the crown without dispute.
On the 23d of May, in this session of parliament, a Another
bill was brought in by Cromwell, for giving the King erectinhe
power to erect new bishopricks, by his letters patents, new bi-
It was read that day for the first, second, and third time ; shoPncks-
and sent down to the Commons. The preamble of it
was, " That it was known what slothful and ungodly
life had been led by those who were called religious.
But that these houses might be converted to better uses ;
that God's word might be better set forth, children
brought up in learning, clerks nourished in the univer-
sities, and that old decayed servants might have liv-
ings ; poor people might have alms-houses to maintain
them ; readers of Greek, Hebrew, and Latin, might have
good stipends ; daily alms might be ministered, and allow-
ance might be made for mending of the highways, and
exhibitions for ministers of the church ; for these ends,
if the King thought fit to have more bishopricks or ca-
thedral churches erected out of the rents of these houses,
full power was given to him to erect, and found them ;
and to make rules and statutes for them, and such transla-
tions of sees, or divisions of them, as he thought fit."
But on this act I must add a singular remark. The
preamble and material parts of it, were drawn by
the King himself, and the first draught of it, under his
hand, is yet extant; which shews his extraordinary
application and understanding of business. But in the
same paper there is a list of the sees which he intended
to found ; of which, what was done afterwards came so
far short, that I know nothing to which it can be so rea-
sonably imputed, as the declining of Cranmer's interest
at court ; who had proposed the erecting of new cathe-
drals and sees, with other things mentioned in the . t
preamble of the statute, as a great mean for reforming
the church. The sees which the King then designed, The King's
with the abbeys out of which they were to be erected, aKJhese.
follow, as it is in the paper under the King's own hand :
400
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1539.
Essex,
Hartford,
Bedfordshire and
Buckinghamshire,
Oxford and Berk-
shire,
Northampton and
Huntington,
Middlesex,
Leicester and Rut-
land,
Gloucestershire,
Lancashire,
Suffolk,
Stafford and Salop,
Nottingham and
Derby,
Cornwall,
Waltham.
St. Alban's.
7 Dunstable, Newenham^
\ Clowstown.
> Osnay and Tame.
Peterborough.
Westminster.
Leicester.
St. Peter's.
Fountains and the archdea-
conry of Richmond.
Edmundsbury.
Shrewsbury.
Welbeck, Werksop, Thur-
garton.
Lanceston, Bedmynne,
Wardreth.
Over these is written, " The bishopricks to be made."
In another corner of the page he writes as follows : — i
" Places to be altered according to our device, which
have sees in them. Christ's church in Canterbury,
St. Swithin's, Ely, Duresme, Rochester, with a part of
Leeds, Worcester, and all othershaving the same." Then
a little below : — " Places to be altered into colleges and
schools : Burton super Trent." More is not written
in that paper. But I wonder much, that in this list
Chester was forgotten. Yet it was erected before any
of them. For I have seen a commission under the pri-
vy-seal, to the Bishcp of Chester, to take the surrender
of the monastery of Hammond in Shropshire, bearing
date the 24th of August, this year. So it seems, the
see of Chester was erected and endowed before the act
passed, though there is among the rolls a charter for en-
dowing and founding of it afterwards. Bristol is not
mentioned in this paper, though a see was afterwards
erected there. It was not before the end of the next
year that these sees were founded ; and there was in that
THE REFORMATION. 407
interval so great a change made, both of the counsels book
and ministers, that no wonder the things now designed
were never accomplished. 1539.
Another act passed in this parliament, concerning An act
the obedience due to the King's proclamations. There the King'
had been great exceptions made to the legality of the P't,da,llil
King's proceedings, in the articles about religion, and
other injunctions published by his authority, which were
complained of as contrary to law; since by these the
King had, without consent of parliament, altered some
laws, and had laid taxes on his spiritual subjects. Upon
which an act passed, which sets forth in the preamble,
" the contempt and disobedience of the King's procla-
mations, by some who did not consider what a king
by his royal power might do ; which, if it continued,
would tend to the disobedience of the laws of God, and
the dishonour of the King's Majesty, (who may full ill
bear it.) Considering also, that many occasions might
require speedy remedies, and that delaying these till a
parliament met might occasion great prejudices to the
realm ; and that the King, by his royal power given of
God, might do many things in such cases ; therefore it
is enacted, that the King for the time being, with ad-
vice of his council, might set forth proclamations with
pains and penalties in them, which were to be obeyed as
if they were made by an act of parliament. But this
was not to be so extended, that any of the King's sub-
jects should suffer in their estates, liberties, or persons
by virtue of it: nor that, by any of the King's proclama-
tions, laws or customs were to be broken and subverted."
Then follow some clauses about the publishing of pro-
clamations, and the way of prosecuting those who con-
temned and disobeyed them. It is also added, " that if
any offended against them, and in further contempt went
out of the realm, he was to be adjudged a traitor. This
also gave power to the counsellors of the King's suc-
cessor, if he were under age, to set forth proclamations in
his name, which were to be obeyed in the same manner
with those set forth by the King himself." This act gave
great power to the judges, since there were such restric-
tions in some branches of it, which seemed to lessen the
408
HISTORY OF
PART
L
1539.
An act
about pre-
cedence.
Some acts
of attain-
ders.
great extent of the other parts of it ; so that the ex-
positors of the law had much referred to them. Upon
this act were the great changes of religion in the non-
age of Edward the Sixth grounded.
There is another act, which but collaterally belongs
to ecclesiastical affairs ; and therefore shall be but slightly
touched. It is the act of the precedency of the officers
of state, by which the Lord Vicegerent has the prece-
dence of all persons in the kingdom next the royal fa-
mily ; and on this I must make one remark, which may
seem very improper for one of my profession, espe-
cially when it is an animadversion on one of the greatest
men that any age has produced — the most learned Mr.
Selden. He, in his Titles of Honour, says, " That this
statute was never printed in the Statute-Book, and
but incorrectly by another ; and that therefore he inserts
it literally, as it is in the Record." In which there are two
mistakes. For it is printed in the Statute-Book, that
was set out in that King's reign, though left out in some
later Statute-Books ; and that which he prints, is not
exactly according to the Record. For, as he prints it,
the Bishop of London is not named in the precedency ;
which is not according to the Parliament-Roll, in which
the Bishop of London has the precedence next the Arch-
bishop of York ; and though this is corrected in a post
humous edition, yet in that set out by himself, it is
wanting : nor is that omission among the errors of the
press, for though there are many of these gathered to
be amended, this is none of them. This I do not take
notice of out of any vanity, or humour of censuring a
man so great in all sorts of learning ; but my design is
only to let ingenious persons see, that they ought not to
take tilings on trust easily, no, not from their greatest
authors.
These are all the public acts that relate to religion,
which were passed in this parliament. With these there
passed an act of attainder of the Marquis of Exeter, and
the Lord Montacute, with many others, that were either
found to have had a great hand in the late rebellion, or
were discovered to hold correspondence with Cardinal
Pole, who was then trafficking with foreign princes, and
THE REFORMATION. 409
projecting a league among them against the King. But book
of this I shall give a more full account at the end of ______
this book ; being there to open the grounds of all the 1539.
attainders that were passed in these last years of the
King's reign. There is one remarkable thing that be-
longs to this act.
Some were to be attainted in absence ; others they
had no mind to bring to make their answer, but yet de-
signed to attaint them. Such were the Marchioness of
Exeter, and the Countess of Sarum, mother to Cardinal
Pole, whom, by a gross mistake, Speed fancies to have
been condemned without arraignment or trial, as Crom-
well had been by parliament : for she was now con-
demned a year before him. About the justice of doing
this, there was some debate ; and to clear it, Cromwell
sent for the judges, and asked their opinions, whether
a man might be attainted in parliament without being
brought to make his answer ? They said, it was a dan-
gerous question. That the parliament ought to be an
example to all inferior courts ; and that when any per-
son was charged with a crime, he, by the common rule
of justice and equity, should be heard to plead for him-
self. But the parliament being the supreme court of
the nation, what way soever they proceeded, it must be
good in law ; and it could never be questioned, whe-
ther the party was brought to answer or not. And thus
a very ill precedent was made, by which the most inno-
cent person in the world might be ruined. And this,
as has often been observed in the like cases, fell very
soon heavily on the author of the counsel; as shall
appear.
When the parliament was prorogued on the 28th of Jah^ ^fing's
June, the King, apprehending that the Archbishop of Cranmer.
Canterbury might be much cast down with the act for ^n^JaBrlt'
the six Articles, sent for him and told him, that he had Cran.
heard how much, and with what learning he had argued
against it, and therefore he desired he would put all his
arguments in writing, and bring them to him. Next
day he sent the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and the
Lord Cromwell, to dine with him : ordering them to
assure him of the King's constant and unshaken kind-
410 HISTORY Of
part ness t0 him, and to encourage him all they could:,
' When they were at table with him at Lambeth, they
1.539. ran out much on his commendation, and acknowledged
he had opposed the act with so much learning, gravity,
and eloquence, that even those that differed from him
were much taken with what he said ; and that he needed
fear nothing from the King. Cromwell saying, that
this difference the King put between him and all his other
counsellors ; that when complaints were brought of
others, the King received them, and tried the truth of
them ; but he would not so much as hearken to any
complaint of the Archbishop. From that he went on
to make a parallel between him and Cardinal Wolsey :
that the one lost his friends by his haughtiness and
pride, but the other gained on his enemies by his gen-
tleness and mildness. Upon which the Duke of Nor-
folk said, he might best speak of the Cardinal, for he
knew him well, having been his man. This nettled Crom-
well, who answered, that though he had served him, yet
he never liked his manners: and that, though the Car-
dinal had designed, (if his attempt for the popedom had
been successful,) to have made him his admiral ; yet he
had resolved not to accept of it, nor to leave his country.
To which the Duke of Norfolk replied, with a deep oath,
" that he lied ;" with other reproachful language. This
troubled Cranmer extremely, who did all he could to
quiet and reconcile them. But now the enmity between
those two great ministers broke out to that height, that
they were never afterwards hearty friends.
Cranmer But Cranmer went about that which the King had
wntes his commanded; and made a book of the reasons that led
reasons ' ■ a • i • i • 1 1
against him to oppose the six Articles : in which the places out
ate*" " °f the Scriptures, the authorities of the ancient doctors,
with the arguments drawn from these, were all digested
in a good method. This he commanded his Secret arj
to write out in a fair hand, that it might be given the
King. The Secretary, returning with it from Croydon,
where the Archbishop was then, to Lambeth, found the
key of his chamber was carried away by the Archbishop's
Almoner: so that he, being obliged to go over to Lon-
don, and not daring to trust the book to any other's
THE REFORMATION. 411
keeping, carried it with himself; where both he and the book
book met with an unlooked-for encounter. Some others,
that were with him in the wherry, would needs go to 1539.
the Southwark side, to look on a bear-baiting that was
near the river, where the King was in person. The bear
broke loose into the river, and the dogs after her. They
that were in the boat leaped out, and left the poor Se-
cretary alone there. But the bear got into the boat,
with the dogs about her, and sunk it. The Secretary,
! apprehending his life was in danger, did not mind his
book, which he lost in the water : but being quickly
rescued, and brought to land, he began to look for his •
book, and saw it floating in the river. So he desired
I the bearward to bring it to him ; who took it up : but,
I before he would restore it, put it into the hands of a
i priest that stood there, to see what it might contain.
The priest, reading a little in it, found it a confutation of
f the six Articles ; and told the bearward, that whosoever
: claimed it, would be hanged for his pains. But the
Archbishop's Secretary, thinking to mend the matter,
said it was his Lord's book. This made the bearward
more intractable, for he was a spiteful papist, and hated
I the Archbishop : so that no offers nor entreaties could
I prevail with him to give it back. Whereupon Morice
(that was the Secretary's name) went and opened the •
I matter to Cromwell the next day : Cromwell was then
going to court, and he expected to find the bearward
f there, looking to deliver the book to some of Cranmer's
enemies ; he therefore ordered Morice to go along with
II him. Where as they had expected, they found the fel-
low with the book about him ; upon whom Cromwell
called, and took the book out of his hands, threatening
S him severely for his presumption in meddling with a
[ privy-counsellor's book.
But though Cranmer escaped this hazard, yet in Lon- Proceed-
: don the storm of the late act was falling heavily on them "lift act!"
1, that were obnoxious. Shaxton and Latimer, the bi-
shops of Salisbury and Worcester, within a week after the
I session of parliament, as it appears, resigned their bi-
, shopricks. For on the 7 th of July, the chapters of these
churches petitioned the King for his leave to fill those
412
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1539.
Collect.
Numb. 14.
sees, they being then vacant by the free resignation of
the former bishops. Upon which, the conge d'tlire
for both was granted. Nor was this all: but they, being
presented as having spoken against the six Articles, were
put in prison, where the one lay till the King died, and
the other till a little before his death, as shall be shewn
in its proper place. There were also commissions issued
out for proceeding upon that statute : and those who
were commissioned for London, were all secret favour-
ers of popery ; so they proceeded most severely, and
examined many witnesses against all who were presented :
whom they interrogated not only upon the express words
of the statute, but upon all such collateral or presump-
tive circumstances as might entangle them, or conclude
them guilty. So that in a very little while, five hun-
dred persons were put in prison, and involved in the
breach of the statute. Upon this, not only Cranmer
and Cromwell, but the Duke of Suffolk, and Audley,
the chancellor, represented to the King how hard it
would be, and of what ill consequence to execute the
law upon so many persons. So the King was prevailed
with to pardon them all ; and I find no further proceed-
ing upon this statute till Cromwell fell.
But the opposite party used all the arts possible to
insinuate themselves into the King. And therefore, to
shew how far their compliance would go, Bonner took
a strange commission from the King, on the 12th of
November this year. It has been certainly enrolled ;
but it is not there now : so that I judge it was razed in
that suppression of records, which was in Queen Mary's
time. But, as men are commonly more careless at
home, Bonner has left it on record in his own Register.
Whether the other bishops took such commissions from
this King, I know not : but I am certain there is none
such in Cranmer's Register : and it is not likely, if any
such had been taken out by him, that ever it would have
been razed. The commission itself will be found in the
Collection of Papers at the end. The substance of it is,
" That since all jurisdictions, both ecclesiastical and civil,
flowed from the King as supreme head, and he was the
foundation of all power ; it became those who exercised
THE REFORMATION. 413
it only (prcecario) at the King's courtesy, gratefully to book
acknowledge, that they had it only of his bounty ; and '
to declare that they would deliver it up again, when it 1539.
should please him to call for it. And since the King
had constituted the Lord Cromwell his vicegerent in ec-
clesiastical affairs ; yet, because he could not look into
all those matters, therefore the King, upon Bonner's pe-
tition, did empower him, in his own stead, to ordain
such as he found worthy, to present and give institution,
with all the other parts of episcopal authority, for which
he is duly commissionated ; and this to last during the
King's pleasure only. And all the parts of the epis-
copal function being reckoned up, it concluded with a
strict charge to the Bishop, to ordain none but such of
whose integrity, good life, and learning he had very good
assurance. For as the corruptions of the Christian doc-
trine, and of men's manners, had chiefly proceeded from
ill pastors ; so it was not to be doubted, but good pastors
well chosen would again reform the Christian doctrine,
and the lives of Christians." After he had taken this
commission, Bonner might have been well called one
of the King's bishops. The true reason of this pro-
found compliance was, that the popish party appre-
hended that Cranmer's great interest with the King
was chiefly grounded on some opinions he had, of the
ecclesiastical officers being as much subject to the
King's power as all other civil officers were. And this
having endeared him so much to the King, therefore
they resolved to outdo him in that point. But there
was this difference — that Cranmer was once of that opi-
nion, and, if he followed it at all, it was out of con-
science : but Bonner, against his conscience (if he had
any) complied with it.
Now followed the final dissolution of the abbeys ; Dissolution
there are fifty-seven surrenders upon record this year. abbSfT**
The originals of about thirty of these are yet to be seen.
Thirty-seven of them were abbeys, or priories, and twenty
nunneries. The good house of Godstow now fell with
; the rest, though among the last of them. Now the
great parliament abbots surrendered apace ; as those of
Westminster, St. Alban's, St. Edmundsbury, Canter-
414 HISTORY OF
part bury, St. Mary in York, Selby, St. Peter's in Glou-
_J cester, Cirencester, Waltham, Winchcombe, Malmes-
1.539. bury, and Battel. Three others were attainted ; Clas-
tenbury, Reading, and Colchester. The deeds of the
rest are lost. Here it will not be unacceptable to the rea-
der, to know who were the parliamentary abbots. There
were in all twenty-eight, as they were commonly given :
Fuller has given a catalogue of them in three places of
his History of Abbeys ; but as every one of these differs
from the others, so none of them are according to the
Journals of parliament : the Lord Herbert is also mis-
taken in his account. I shall not rise higher in my in-
quiry than this reign, for anciently many more abbots
and priors sate in parliament, beside other clergy, that
had likewise their writs ; and of whose right to sit in
the House of Commons there was a question moved in
Edward the Sixth's reign, as shall be opened in its proper
place. Much less will I presume to determine so great
a point in law, Whether they sate in the House of Lords,
as being a part of the ecclesiastical state, or as holding
their lands of the King by baronage ? I am only to ob-
serve the matter of fact, which is, that, in the Journals'
of parliament in this reign, these twenty-eight abbots
had their writs; Abington, St. Albans, St. Austin's Can-
terbury, Battel, St. Bennet's in the Holm, Berdeney,
Cirencester, Colchester, Coventry, Croyland, St. Ed-
mundsbury, Evesham, Glastenbury, Gloucester, Hide,
Malmesbury, St. Mary's in York, Peterborough, Ram-
sey, Reading, Selby, Shrewsbury, Tavenstock, Tewks-
bury, Thorney, Waltham, Westminster, and Winchel-
combe ; to whom also the Prior of St. John's may be
added. But besides all these, I find that in the twenty-
eighth year of this King, the Abbot of Burton upon
Trent sate in parliament. Generally Coventry and
Burton were held by the same man, as one bishop held
both Coventry and Litchfield ; but in that year they
were held by two different persons, and both had their
writs to that parliament. The method used in the sup-
pression of these houses will appear by one complete iv-
Coiicct.^ p0rt made of the suppression of thr abbey of Tewks-
Sect. 5. bury, which, out of many I copied, is in the Collec-
THE REFORMATION. 415
tion. From it the reader will see, what provision was book
made for the abbot, the prior, the other officers, and
the monks, and other servants of the house ; and what 1539.
buildings they ordered to be defaced and what to re-
main ; and how they did estimate the jewels, plate, and
other ornaments. But monasteries were not sufficient
to stop the appetite of some that were about the King ;
for hospitals were next looked after. One of these was s?me hos-
this year surrendered by Thomas Thirleby, with two rendered,
other priests ; he was master of St. Thomas's Hospital
in Southwark, and was designed bishop of Westminster,
to which he made his way by that resignation. He was
a learned and modest man ; but of so fickle or cowardly
a temper, that he turned always with the stream in every
change that was made, till Queen Elizabeth came to the
crown : but then, being ashamed of so many turns, he
resolved to shew he could once be firm to somewhat.
Now were all the monasteries of England suppressed, The abbeys
and the King; had then in his hand the greatest oppor- s?ld or
^j ^J A L P1VCH
tunity of making royal and noble foundations that ever away,
king of England had. But, whether out of policy, to
give a general content to the gentry by selling to them
at low rates, or out of easiness to his courtiers, or out
of an unmeasured Iavishness in his expense, it came far
short of what he had given out he would do, and what
himself seemed once to have designed. The clear yearly
value of all the suppressed houses is cast up, in an ac-
I count then stated to be, viz. 13 1,607/. 6s. Ad. as the
rents were then rated ; but was at least ten times so much
, in true value. Of which he designed to convert 18,000/.
! into a revenue for eighteen bishopricks and cathedrals.
But of these he only erected six, as shall be after-
i wards shewn. Great sums were indeed laid out on
\ building and fortifying many ports in the Channel, and
Other parts of England, which were raised by the sale
■ of abbey lands.
At this time many were offering: proiects for noble ^ project
r t ■ i'ii ir- 1 ofaserm-
1 foundations, on which the King seemed very earnest : nary for
but it is very likely, that before he was aware of it, he
had so outrun himself in his bounty, that it was not pos-
sible for him to bring these to any effect. Yet I shall
ministers of
state.-
41(5 HISTORY OF
part set down one of the projects, which shews the greatness
of his mind that designed it ; that is, of Sir Nicholas
l539> Bacon, who was afterwards one of the wisest ministers
that ever this nation bred. The King designed to found
a house for the study of the civil law, and the purity of
the Latin and French tongues : so he ordered Sir Ni-
cholas Bacon, and two others, Thomas Denton, and
Robert Cary, to make a full project of the nature and
orders of such a house ; who brought it to him in writ-
in BiWi- ing : the original whereof is yet extant. The design
SV^guH °^ ** was> ^at tnere should be frequent pleadings, and
Pierpoint. other exercises in the Latin and French tongues : and
when the King's students were brought to some ripe-
ness, they should be sent with his ambassadors to fo-
reign parts, and trained up in the knowledge of foreign
affairs ; and so the house should be the nursery for am-
bassadors. Some were also to be appointed to write
the history of all embassies, treaties, and other foreign
transactions : as also of all arraignments, and public
trials at home. But, before any of them might write on
these subjects, the Lord Chancellor was to give them
an oath, that they should do it truly, without respect of
persons, or any other corrupt affection. This noble de-
sign miscarried. But, if it had been well laid and regu-
lated, it is easy to gather what great and public advan-
tages might have flowed from it. Among which, it is
not inconsiderable, that we should have been delivered
from a rabble of ill writers of history, who have, without
due care or inquiry, delivered to us the transactions of
that time so imperfectly, that there is still need of in-
quiring into registers and papers for these matters:
which, in such a house, had been more certainly and
clearly conveyed to posterity than can be now expected,
at such a distance of time, and after such a razure of
records, and other confusions, in which many of these
papers have been lost. And this help was the more ne-
cessary, after the suppression of religious houses : in
most of which a chronicle of the times was kept, and
still filled up as new transactions came to their know-
ledge. It is true, most of these were written by men
of weak judgments, who were more punctual in deliver-
THE REFORMATION. 417
ing fables and trifles than in opening observable trans- book
actions. Yet some of them were men of better under-
standings ; and it is like were directed by their abbots, 1539#
who, being lords of parliament, understood affairs well:
only an invincible humour of lying, when it might raise
the credit of their religion, or order, or house, runs
through all their manuscripts.
One thing was very remarkable, which was this year a procia-
granted at Cranmer's intercession. There was nothing n!atl0I\
could so much recover reformation, that was declining free use of
So fast, as the free use of the Scriptures ; and though Jjreefcrip*
these had been set up in the churches a year ago, yet
he pressed, and now procured leave, for private persons
to buy Bibles, and keep them in their houses. So this
was granted by letters patents directed to Cromwell, Collect,
bearing date the 13th of November ; the substance of Numb- l5-
which was, " That the King was desirous to have his
subjects attain the knowledge of God's word ; which
could not be effected by any means so well, as by grant-
ing them the free and liberal use of the Bible in the
English tongue ; which, to avoid dissension, he in-
tended should pass among them only by one transla-
tion. Therefore Cromwell was charged to take care,
that for the space of five years there should be no im-
pression of the Bible, or any part of it, but only by such
as should be assigned by him." But Gardiner opposed
this all he could : and one day, in a conference before
the King, he provoked Cranmer to shew any difference
between the authority of the Scriptures, and of the
apostolical canons, which he pretended were equal to
the other writings of the apostles. Upon which they
disputed for some time : but the King perceived solid
learning tempered with great modesty in what Cranmer
said ; and nothing but vanity and affectation in Gardi-
ner's reasonings. So he took him up sharply, and told
him, that Cranmer was an old and experienced captain,
and was not to be troubled by fresh men and novices.
The great matter of the King's marriage came on at The King
this time. Many reports were brought the King of the designs to
beauty of Anne of Cleves, so that he inclined to ally Ann/of
himself with that family. Both the Emperor and the Ckves-
vol. i. p. i. 2 £
418 HISTORY OF
part King of France had courted him to matches which they
had projected. The Emperor proposed the Dutchess
1539. °f Milan, his kinswoman, and daughter to the King of
Denmark. He was then designing to break the league
of Smalcald, and to make himself master of Germany :
and therefore he took much pains with the King, to di-
vide him from the princes there ; which was in great
part effected by the statute for the six Articles : upon
which the ambassadors of the princes had complained,
and said, That whereas the King had been in so fair a
way of union with them, he had now broke it off, and
made so severe a law about communion in one kind,
private masses, and the celibate of the clergy, which
differed so much from their doctrine, that they could
entertain no further correspondence with him, if that
law was not mitigated. But Gardiner wrought much
on the King's vanity and passions ; and told him, that
it was below his dignity, and high learning, to have a
company of dull Germans and small princes dictate to
him in matters of religion. There was also another
thing which he oft made use of, (though it argues some-
where a great ignorance of the constitution of the em-
pire,) that the King could not expect these princes
would ever be for his supremacy ; since, if they acknow-
ledged that in him, they must likewise yield it to the
Emperor. This was a great mistake ; for as the princes
of Germany never acknowledged the Emperor to have
a sovereignty in their dominions ; so they did acknow-
ledge the diet, in which the sovereignty of the empire
lies, to have a power of making or changing what laws
they pleased about religion. And in things that were
not determined by the diet, every prince pretended to
it as highly in his own dominions as the King could do
in England. But, as untrue as this allegation was, it
served Gardiner's turn : for the King was sufficiently
irritated with it against the princes ; so that there was
now a great coldness in their correspondence. Yet the
project of a match with the Dutchess of Milan failing,
and those proposed by France not being acceptable,
Cromwell moved the King about an alliance with the
Duke of Cleves; who, as he was the Emperor's neigh-
THE REFORMATION. 419
bour in Flanders, had also a pretension to the dntchy book
of Gueldre, and his eldest daughter was married to the
Duke of Saxony. So that the King, having then some ld39t
apprehensions of a war with the Emperor, this seemed
a very proper alliance to give him a diversion.
There had been a treaty between her father and the
Duke of Lorrain, in order to a match between the Duke
of Lorrain's son and her; but they both being under
age, it went no further than a contract between their
fathers. Hans Holbin, having taken her picture, sent
it over to the King. But in that he bestowed the com-
mon compliment of his art somewhat too liberally on
a lady that was in a way to be Queen. The King liked
the picture better than the original, when he had the
occasion afterwards to compare them. The Duke of
Saxony, who was very zealous for the Augsburg Confes-
sion, 'finding the King had declined so much from it,
dissuaded the match. But Cromwell set it on mightily,
expecting a great support from a Queen of his own
making, whose friends being all Lutherans, it tended
also to bring down the popish party at court, and again
to recover the ground they had now lost. Those that
had seen the lady did much commend her beauty and
person. But she could speak no language but Dutch,
to which the King was a stranger : nor was she bred
to music, with which the King was much taken. So
that, except her person had charmed him, there was no-
thing left for her to gain upon him by. After some
months' treaty, one of the Counts Palatine of the Rhine,
with other ambassadors from the Duke of Saxony, and
her brother the Duke of Cleves, (for her father was
lately dead,) came over, and concluded the match.
In the end of December she was brought over to Who comes
c? over to
England: and the King, being impatient to see her, England.
went down incognito to Rochester. But when he had
a sight of her, finding none of those charms which he
was made believe were in her, he was so extremely sur-
prised, that he not only did not like her, but took an
aversion to her, which he could never after overcome.
He swore they had brought over a Flanders mare to
him ; and was sorry he had gone so far, but glad it had
e 2
420 HISTORY OF
fart proceeded no further. And presently he resolved, if it
were possible, to break off the matter, and never to yoke
1539, himself with her. But his affairs were not then in such
But is a condition, that he could safely put that affront on the
liked by9 Dukes of Saxony and Cleves, which the sending back
the Kiug. 0f this lacty would have done. For the Germans, being
of all nations most sensible of every thing in which the
honour of their family is touched, he knew they would
resent such an injury: and it was not safe for him
to adventure that at such a time. For the Emperor
was then in Paris, whither he had gone to an interview
with Francis : and his reception was not only as mag-
nificent as could be, but there was all the evidence pos-
sible of hearty friendship and kindness. The King also
understood, that between them there was somewhat
projected against himself. And now Francis, that had
been as much obliged by him as possibly one prince
could be by another, was not only forgetful of it, but
intended to take advantage from the distractions and
discontents of the English, to drive them out of France,
if it were possible. And it is not to be doubted, but the
Emperor would gladly have embroiled these two Kings,
that he might have a better opportunity both to make
himself master of Germany, and to force the King of
England into an alliance, by which the Lady Mary
should be legitimated, and the princes of Germany be
left destitute of a support, which made them insolent
and intractable. The King apprehended the conjunc-
tion of those two great Princes against himself, which
was much set forward by the Pope ; and that they
would set up the King of Scotland against him, who,
with that foreign assistance, and the discontents at
home, would have made war upon great advantages ;
especially those in the north of England being ill af-
fected to him : and therefore he judged it necessary for
his affairs not to lose the princes of Germany. Only
he resolved, first, to try if any nullities or pre-contracts
could excuse him fairly at their hands. He returned to
Greenwich very melancholy. He much blamed the
Earl of Southampton, who, being sent over to receive
her nt Calais, had written a high commendation of her
THE REFORMATION. 421
beauty. But he excused himself, that he thought the BJJ?K
thing was so far gone, that it was decent to write as he _
had done. The King lamented his condition in that 1539.
marriage ; and expressed great trouble, both to the
Lord Russel, Sir Anthony Brown, Sir Anthony Denny,
and others about him. The last of those told him,
"This was one advantage that mean persons had over
princes : that great princes must take such wives as are
brought them, whereas meaner persons go and choose
' wives for themselves." But when the King saw Crom-
well, he gave his grief a freer vent to him. He, find-
ing the King so much troubled, would have cast the
chief blame on the Earl of Southampton, for whom he
had no great kindness : and said, when he found her so
far short of what reports and pictures had made her, he
should have stayed her at Calais, till he had given the
King notice of it. But the Earl's commission being
only to bring her over, he said, it had been too great
a presumption in him to have interposed in such a
manner. And the King was convinced he was in the
right. So now, all they had to insist on was, the clear-
ing of that contract that had passed between her and
the Marquis of Lorrain: which the ambassadors, who
had been with the King, had undertaken should be fully
done, and brought over with her in due form of law.
So, after the lady was brought in great state to Green-
wich, the council met, and sent for the ambassadors of
the Duke of Cleves that conducted her over ; and de-
sired to see what they had brought for clearing the
breach of that contract with the Marquis of Lorrain.
But they had brought nothing, and made no account
of it ; saying, that the contract was in their minority,
when they could give no consent ; and that nothing had
followed on it after they came to be of age. But this
did not satisfy the King's council, who said, these were
but their words, and they must see better proofs. The
King's marriage was annulled with Anne Boleyn upon
a pre-contract; therefore he must not again run the
Jike hazard. So Olisleger and Hogesden, the ambas-
sadors from Cleves, did by a formal instrument protest
before Cromwell, that in a peace made between their
1539.
422 HISTORY OF
paut late master, John, duke of Cleves, and Anthony, duke
of Lorrain, one of the conditions was, that this lady,
being then under age, should be given in marriage to
Francis, son to the Duke of Lorrain, who was likewise
under age ; which treaty they affirmed they saw and
read. But that afterwards Henry de Groffe, ambassa-
dor of Charles, duke of Gueldres, upon whose media-
tion that peace had been concluded, declared in their
hearing, that the espousals were annulled and of no ef-
fect ; and that this was registered in the chancery of
Cleves, of which they promised to bring an authentical
extract, within three months, to England. Some of the
counsellors, who knew the King's secret dislike of her
person, w7ould have insisted more on this. But the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Duresme,
said, if there was no more than that, it could be no just
hinderance to the solemnization of the marriage. So the
1540. King, seeing there was no remedy, and being much
pressed both by the ministers of Cleves, and by the
But yet Lord Cromwell, married her on the 6th of January:
her. but expressed so much aversion and dislike of her, that
every body about him took notice of it. Next day the'
Lord Cromwell asked him, how he liked her then ? He
told him, "He was not every man ;" therefore he would
And could be free with him : he liked her worse than he did. He
never love suspected she was no maid; and had such ill smells
about her, that he loathed her more than ever, and did
not believe he should ever consummate the marriage.
This was sad news to Cromwell, who knew well how
delicate the King was in these matters; and that so
great a misfortune must needs turn very heavy on him,
that was the chief promoter of it. He knew his ene-
mies would draw great advantages from this ; and un-
derstood the King's temper too well, to think his great-
ness would last long, if he could not induce the King
to like the Queen better. Bat that was not to bo clone;
for though the King lived five months with her in that
state, and very oft lay in the bed with her, yet his aver-
sion rather increased than abated. She seemed not
much concerned at it : and as their conversation was
not great, so she was of a heavy composition, and was
THE REFORMATION. 423
not much displeased to be delivered from a marriage in book
which she had so little satisfaction. Yet one thing n '
shews that she wanted not capacity, for she learned 1540
the English language very soon : and before her mar-
riage was annulled, she spoke English freely ; as appears
by some of the depositions.
There was an instrument brought over from Cleves,
taken out of the chancery there, by which it appeared,
that Henry de Groffe, ambassador from the Duke of
Gueldres, had, on the 3 5 th of February in the year
1535, declared the nullity of the former contract, in
express words, which are set down in High Dutch, but
thus put in Latin : Sponsalia ilia progression suum non
habitura, (I will not answer for the Latin,) ex quo
dictus Dux Carolus admodum doleret, et propterea quon-
dam fecisset, et amplius facturus esset : and Pallandus,
that was ambassador from the Duke of Cleves in the
Duke of Gueldre's court, wrote to his master, Illustris-
simum Ducem Gueldrice certo scire prima ilia sponsalia
inter Domicellam Annam fore inania et progressum suum
non habitura. When this was shewed the King, his
council found great exceptions to it, upon the ambiguity
of the word sponsalia ; it not being expressed, whether
they were espousals by the words of the present, or of
the future tense ; and intended to make use of that
when there should be a fit opportunity for it.
On the 1 2th of April a session of parliament was a pariia-
held. The Journal shews that neither the Abbot of ™i"ed.
Westminster, nor any other abbot, was present. After v
the Lord Chancellor had opened the reasons for the
King's meeting them at that time, as they related to the
civil government, Cromwell as lord vicegerent spake
next in the King's name ; and said, " There was no- Where
thing which the King so much desired, as a firm union speaks as
among all his subjects, in which he placed his chief lord vice"
security. He knew there were many incendiaries, and
much cockle grew up with the wheat. The rashness
and licentiousness of some, and the inveterate super-
stition and stiffness of others, in the ancient corruptions,
had raised great dissensions, to the sad regret of all
good Christians. Some were called papists, others
424 HISTORY OF
part heretics ; which bitterness of spirit seemed the more
strange, since now the Holy Scriptures, by the King's
1540. great care of his people, were in all their hands, in a
language which they understood. But these were
grossly perverted by both sides ; who studied rather to
justify their passions out of them, than to direct their
belief by them. The King leaned neither to the right
nor to the left hand, neither to the one nor the other
party ; but set the pure and sincere doctrine of the
Christian faith only before his eyes : and therefore was
now resolved to have this set forth to his subjects, with-
out any corrupt mixtures ; and to have such decent
ceremonies continued, and the true use of them taught,
by which all abuses might be cut off, and disputes
about the exposition of the Scriptures cease, that so all
his subjects might be well instructed in their faith, and
directed in the reverent worship of God ; and resolved
to punish severely all transgressors, of what sort or side
soever they were. The King was resolved, that Christ,
that the gospel of Christ, and the truth, should have the
victory ; and therefore had appointed some bishops and
divines to draw up an exposition of those things that
were necessary for the institution of a Christian man ;
who were, the two Archbishops, the Bishops of London,
Duresme, Winchester, Rochester, Hereford, and St.
David's ; and Doctors Thirleby, Robertson, Cox, Day,
Oglethorp, Redmayn, Edgeworth, Crayford, Symonds,
Robins, and Tresham . He had also appointed others
to examine what ceremonies should be retained, and
what was the true use of them ; who were the Bishops
of Bath and Wells, Ely, Sarum, Chichester, Worcester,
and Landaff. The King had also commanded the
judges, and other justices of the peace, and persons
commissioned for the execution of the act formerly
passed, to proceed against all transgressors, and punish
them according to law. And he concluded with a
high commendation of the King, whose due praises,
he said, a man of far greater eloquence than himself
was could not fully set forth." The Lords approved
of this nomination, and ordered, that these committed
-xhoiild sit constantly, on Mondays, Wednesdays, antj
THE REFORMATION. 425
Fridays ; and on other days they were to sit in the after- book
noon. But their proceedings will require so full a re-
lation, that I shall first open the other affairs that passed 154o.
in this session, and leave these to the last.
On the 14th of April the King created Cromwell He j» made
Earl of Essex ; the male line of the Bourchiers, that Essex.
had carried that title, being extinguished. This shews
that the true causes of Cromwell's fall must be found in
some other thing than his making up the King's mar-
riage ; who had never thus raised his title, if he had in-
tended so soon to pull him down.
On the 22d of April, a bill was brought in for sup- The sup-
pressing the knights of St. John of Jerusalem. Their fhTknights
first foundation was to be a guard to the pilgrims that of St. John
went to the Holy Land. For some ages that was ex- ie!n.
tolled as the highest expression of devotion and reve-
rence to our Saviour, to go and view the places of his
abode ; and chiefly the places where he was crucified,
buried, and ascended to heaven. Upon which, many
entered into a religious knighthood, who were to de-
fend the Holy Land, and conduct the pilgrims. Those
were of two sorts; the knights templars and hospitallers.
The former were the greater and richer, but the other
were also very considerable. The popes and their
clergy did every where animate all princes, and great
persons, to undertake expeditions into these parts;
which were very costly and dangerous, and proved fatal
to almost all the princes that made them. Yet the be-
lief of the pains of purgatory, from which all were de-
livered by the Pope's power, who went on this expe-
dition, such as died in it being also reckoned martyrs,
wrought wonderfully on a blind and superstitious age.
But such as could not go, were persuaded, that if on their
death-beds they vowed to go upon their recovery, and
left some lands to maintain a knight that should go
thither and fight against the infidels, it would do as
well. Upon this, great and vast endowments were
made. But there were many complaints made of the
templars, for betraying and robbing the pilgrims, and
other horrid abuses, which may reasonably be believed
to have been true; though other writers of that age
426
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1540.
Cromwell's
fall.
lay the blame rather on the covetousness of the King
of France, and the Pope's malice to them : yet, in a
general council, the whole order was condemned and
suppressed, and such of them as could be taken were
cruelly put to death. The order of the hospitallers
stood, yet did not grow much after that. They were
beaten out of the Holy Land by the sultans, and lately
out of the Isle of Rhodes, and were at this time in
Malta. Their great master depended on the Pope and
the Emperor : so it was not thought fit to let a house
that was subject to a foreign power stand longer. And
it seems they would not willingly surrender up their
house, as others had done : therefore it was neeessary
to force them out of it by an act of parliament, which
on the 22d of April was read the first time, and on the
26th the second time, and on the 29th the third time,
by which both their house in England, and another they
had in Kilmainam in Ireland, were suppressed; great
pensions being reserved by the act to the priors, a 1000/.
to him of St. John's, near London, and 500 marks
to the other, with very considerable allowances for the
knights, which in all amounted to near 3000/. yearly.
But on the 14th of May the parliament was prorogued
to the 25 th, and a vote passed that their bills should re-
main in the state they were in.
Upon their next meeting, as they were going on in
their business, a great change of court broke out. For,
on the 13th of June, at the council table, the Duke of
Norfolk, in the King's name, challenged the Lord Crom-
well of high treason, and, arresting him, sent him pri-
soner to the Tower. He had many enemies among all
sorts of persons. The nobility despised him, and
thought it lessened the greatness of their titles, to see
the son of a blacksmith raised so many degrees above
them. His aspiring to the order of the garter was
thought, inexcusable vanity ; and his having so many
places heaped on him, as lord privy-seal, lord chamber-
lain of England, and lord vicegerent, with the master-
ship of the rolls, with which he had but lately parted,
drew much envy on him. All the popish party hated
him out of measure. The suppression of the abbeys
THE REFORMATION. 427
was laid wholly at his door : the attainders and all other book
severe proceedings were imputed to his councils. He m-
was also thought to be the person that had kept the 154o.
King and the Emperor at such distance : and therefore
the Duke of Norfolk and Gardiner, beside private ani-
mosities, hated him on that account. And they did not
think it impossible, if he were out of the way, to bring
on a treaty with the Emperor ; which they hoped would
open the way for one with the Pope. But other more
secret reasons wrought his ruin with the King. The
fear he was in of a conjunction between the Emperor
and France did now abate ; for he understood that it went
■no further than compliments : and though he clearly
discovered, having sent over the Duke of Norfolk to
Francis, that he was not to depend much on his friend-
ship ; yet, at the same time, he knew that the Emperor
would not yield up the Dutchy of Milan to him, upon
which his heart was much set. So he saw they could come
to no agreement ; therefore he made no great account of
the loss of France, since he knew the Emperor would
willingly make an alliance with him : the hopes of which
made him more indifferent, whether the German princes
were pleased with what he did or not : since he had now
attained the end he had proposed to himself in alibis
negociations with them, which was to secure himself
from any trouble the Emperor might give him. There-
fore Cromwell's counsels were now disliked, for he had
always inclined the King to favour those princes against
the Emperor. Another secret cause was, that, as the
King had an unconquerable aversion to his Queen, so
he was taken with the beauty and behaviour of Mistress TheKingin
Katherine Howard, daughter to the Lord Edmund How- Mistress
ard, a brother of the Duke of Norfolk's. And as this Catherine
designed match raised the credit of her uncle, so the
ill consequences of the former drew him down who had
been the chief counsellor in it. The King also found
his government was grown uneasy, and therefore judged
it was no ill policy to cast over all that had been done
amiss upon a minister who had great power with him ;
and, being now in disgrace, all the blame of these things
•would be taken off from the King, and laid on him, and
428
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1540.
Cranmer's
friendship
to Crom-
well.
his ruin would much appease discontents, and make them
more moderate in censuring the King or his proceedings.
It is said that other particulars were charged on him,
which lost him the King's favour. If this be true, it is
like they related to the encouragement he was said to
have given to some reformers, in the opposition they
made to the six Articles: upon the execution of which
the King was now much set. His fall was so secretly
carried, that though he had often before looked for it,
knowing the King's uneasy and jealous temper, yet at
that time he had no apprehensions of it till the storm
broke upon him. In his fall he had the common fate
of all disgraced ministers, to be forsaken by his friends
and insulted over by his enemies. Only Cranmer re-
tained still so much of his former simplicity, that he
could never learn these court arts. Therefore he wrote
to the King about him next day ; "He much magnified
his diligence in the King's service and preservation, and
discovering all plots as soon as they were made : that he
had always loved the King above all things, and served
him with great fidelity and success : that he thought no
king of England had ever such a servant : upon that
account he had loved him, as one that loved the King
above all others. But if he was a traitor, he was glad
it was discovered. But he prayed God earnestly to send
the King such a counsellor in his stead, who could and
would serve him as he had done." This shews both the
firmness of Cranmer's friendship to him, and that he
had a great soul, not turned by the changes of men's
fortunes, to like or dislike them as they stood or de-
clined from their greatness. And had not the King's
kindness for Cranmer been deeply rooted, this letter had
ruined him : for he was the most impatient of contra-
diction in such cases that could be. Cromwell s ruin
was now decreed; and he, who had so servilely complied
with the King's pleasure in procuring some to be attaint-
ed the year before, without being brought to make their
answer, fell now under the same severity. For, whether
it was that his enemies knew, that if he were brought
to the bar he would so justify himself, that they would
find great difficulties in the process ; or whether it was
THE REFORMATION. 429
that they blindly resolved to follow that unjustifiable book
precedent of passing over so necessary a rule to all
courts, of giving the party accused a hearing ; the ib-4€f>
bill of attainder was brought into the House of Lords,
Cranmer being absent that day, as appears by the Jour-
nal, on the 17th of June, and read the first time ; and
on the 19th was read the second and third time, and
sent down to the Commons. By which it appears, how
few friends he had in that House, when a bill of that
nature went on so hastily. But it seems he found in
the House of Commons somewhat of the same mea-
sure, which ten years before he had dealt to the Cardi-
nal, though not with the same success : for his matter
stuck ten clays there. At length a new bill of attainder
was brought up, conceived in the House of Commons,
with a proviso annexed to it. They also sent back the
bill which the Lords sent to them. But it is not clear
from the Journals what they meant by these two bills.
It seems they rejected the Lords' bill, and yet sent it up
with their own, either in respect to the Lords, or that
they left it to their choice, which of the two bills they
would offer to the royal assent. But though this be an
unparliamentary way of proceeding, I know no other
sense which the words of the Journal can bear.* And
that very day the King assented to it, as appears by
the letter written the next day by Cromwell to the
King.
The act said, " that the King, having raised Thomas cromweii'i
Cromwell from a base degree to great dignities and high attainder.
Collect.
trusts, yet he had now, by a great number of witnesses, Nun^
persons of honour, found him to be the most corrupt
traitor, and deceiver of the King and the crown, that
had ever been known in his whole reign. He had taken
upon him to set at liberty divers persons put in prison
for misprision of treason, and others that were suspected
* Journal Procer. parag. 58. Item billa atlincturcB Thomce Cromwell
Comitis Essex de crimine hceresis et lasce majestatis, per Communes de
novo coiwepta, et assensa, et simul cum provisione eidem annexa. Qua qui-
dem billa 1°, 2d0, et 3"°, leeta est; et proviso ejusdem concernens Decana-
tum Wellensem perlecta est, et communi omnium Procerum consensu
nemine discrepant* expedite; et simul cum ea referebatur billa altincturte
qua prim missa erat in Domum Communium.
16.
430 HISTORY OF
part of it. He had also received several bribes, and for them
granted licenses to carry money, corn, horses, and other
1540 things out of the kingdom, contrary to the King's pro-
clamations. He had also given out many commissions
without the King's knowledge ; and, being but of a base
birth, had said, c That he was sure of the King.' He
had granted many passports, both to the King's subjects
and foreigners, for passing the seas, without search.
He, being also a heretic, had dispersed many erroneous
books among the King's subjects, particularly some that
were contrary to the belief of the sacrament. And
when some had informed him of this, and had shewed
him these heresies in books printed in England, he
said, i they were good, and that he found no fault in
them ;' and said, e it was as lawful for every Christian
man to be the minister of that sacrament as a priest.'
And whereas the King had constituted him vicegerent
for the spiritual affairs of the church ; he had, under the
seal of that office, licensed many that were suspected of
heresy to preach over the kingdom ; and he had, both
by word and in writing, suggested to several sheriffs,
that it was the King's pleasure they should discharge
many prisoners, of whom some were indicted, others
apprehended for heresy. And when many particular
complaints were brought to him of detestable heresies,
with the names of the offenders, he not only defended
the heretics, but severely checked the informers ; and
vexed some of them by imprisonment, and other ways.
The particulars of all which were too tedious to be re-
cited. And he, having entertained many of the King's
subjects about himself, whom he had infected by heresy,
and imagining he was by force able to defend his trea-
sons and heresies ; on the last' of March, in the thirtieth
year of the King's reign, in the parish of St. Peter's the
Poor in London, when some of them complained to him
of the new preachers, such as Barnes and others, he
said, c their preaching was good ;' and said also, among
other things, * that if the King would turn from it, yet
he would not turn : and if the King did turn, and all
his people with him, he would fight in the field in his"
own person, with his sword in his hand against him,
THE REFORMATION. 431
and all others :' and then he pulled out his dagger, and book
held it up, and said, ' or else this dagger thrust me to
the heart, if I would not die in that quarrel against 1540i
them all ; and I trust, if I live one year or two, it shall
hot be in the King's power to resist, or let it, if he
would :' and, swearing a great oath, said, ( I would do
so indeed.' He had also, by oppression and bribery,
made a great estate to himself, and extorted much
money from the King's subjects ; and being greatly en-
riched, had treated the nobility with much contempt.
And on the last of January, in the thirty-first year of the
King's reign, in the parish of St. Martin's in the Fields,
when some had put him in mind to what the King had
raised him, he said, ' If the Lords would handle him so,
he would give them such a breakfast as was never made
in England ; and that the proudest of them should know
it.' For all which treasons and heresies, he was at-
tainted to suffer the pains of death for heresy and
treason, as should please the King, and to forfeit all his
estate and goods to the King's use, that he had on the
last of March, in the thirty-first year of the King's reign,
or since that time. There was added to this bill, a pro-
viso, * that this should not be hurtful to the Bishop of
Bath and Wells, and to the Dean and Chapter of Wells ;
with whom, it seems, he had made some exchanges of
land."
From these particulars the reader will clearly see, Censures
why he was not brought to make his answer, most of j^sjted up"
them relating to orders and directions he had given,
for which it is very probable he had the King's warrant.
And for the matter of heresy, it has appeared how far
the King had proceeded towards a Reformation, so that
what he did that way was most likely done by the King's
order : but the King now falling from these things, it
was thought they intended to stifle him by such an at-
tainder, that he might not discover the secret orders or
directions given him for his own justification. For the
particulars of bribery and extortion, they being men-
* Cromwell was then dean of Wells, and that was the reason of the
proviso.
432
HISTORY OF
PART
1.
1510.
The King
designs a
divorce
from his
Queen.
tioned in general expressions, seem only cast into the
heap to defame him. But for those treasonable words,
it was generally thought that they were a contrivance of
his enemies ; since it seemed a thing very extravagant, for
a favourite, in the height of his greatness, to talk so
rudely : and if he had been guilty of it, Bedlam was thought
a fitter place for his restraint than the Tower. Nor was
it judged likely that, he having such great and watchful
enemies at court, any such discourses could have lain so
long a secret ; or if they had come to the King's know-
ledge, he was not a Prince of such a temper as to have
forgiven, much less employed and advanced a man after
such discourses. And to think, that, during these fifteen
months, after the words were said to have been spoken,
none would have had the zeal for the King, or the ma-
lice to Cromwell, as to repeat them, were things that
could not be believed. The formality of drawing his
dagger made it the more suspected; for this was to
affix an overt act to these words, which in the opinion
of many lawyers, was necessary to make words treason-
able. But, as if these words had not been ill enough,
some writers since have made them worse ; as if he had
said, he would " thrust his dagger in the King's heart :"
about which Fuller hath made another story to excuse
these words, as if they had not been meant of the
King, but of another. But all that is founded on a
mistake, which, if he had looked in the record, he had
corrected.
Cromwell's fall was the first step towards the King's
divorce ; for, on the 25 th of June, he sent his Queen to
Richmond, pretending the country air would agree
better with her : but on the 6th of July a motion was
made and assented to in the House of Lords, that they
should make an address to the King, desiring him to
suffer his marriage with the Queen to be tried. Upon
which the Lord Chancellor, the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earl of
Southampton, and the Bishop of Duresme, were sent
down to the Commons to represent the matter to them,
and to desire their concurrence in the address ; to
which they agreed, and ordered twenty of their number
red to the
convoca-
THE REFORMATION. 433
to go along with the Peers. So the whole House of book
Lords, with these Commoners, went to the King, and
told him they had a matter of great consequence to 1540.
propose to him, but it was of that importance that they
first begged his leave to move it. That being obtained,
they desired the King would order a trial to be made of
the validity of his marriage. To which the King con-
sented ; and made a deep protestation, as in the pre-
sence of God, that he should conceal nothing that re-
lated to it, and all its circumstances ; and that there was
nothing he held dearer than the glory of God, the good
of the commonwealth, and the declaration of truth.
So a commission was issued out to the convocation to
try it.
On the 7 th of July it was brought before the convo- itisrefer-
cation, of which the reader will see a fuller account in
the Collection at the end than is needful to be brought tion
in here. The case was opened by the Bishop of Win-
chester, and a committee was appointed to consider it ;
and they deputed the Bishop of Duresme, and Win-
chester, and Thirleby, and Richard Leighton, dean of
York, to examine the witnesses that day. And the
next day they received the King's deposition, with a
long declaration of the whole matter, under Cromwell's collect.
hand, in a letter to the King ; and the depositions of Numb. 17.
most of the privy-counsellors, of the Earl of South- Numb.is.
ampton, the Lord Russel, then admiral, of Sir Anthony
Brown, Sir Anthony Denny, Doctor Chambers, and
Doctor Butts, the King's physicians, and of some la-
dies that had talked with the Queen. All which Reasons
amounted to this; that the King expected that the S^itT S
pre-contract with the Marquis of Lorrain should have
been more fully cleared ; that the King always disliked
her, and married her full sore against his heart, and
since that time he had never consummated the mar-
riage. So the substance of the whole evidence being
considered, it amounted to these three particulars :
First, That there had been a contract between the Mar-
quis of Lorrain and the Queen, which was not suffi-
ciently cleared ; for it did not yet appear, whether these
espousals were made by the parties themselves, or in the
vol. 1. p. 1. 2 F
434
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1540.
Convoca-
tion agree
to it.
Collect.
Numb. 19.
It is cen-
sured.
words of the present tense. Then it was said, that the
King, having married her against his will, he had not
given a pure, inward, and complete consent ; and since
a man's act is only what is inward, extorted or forced
promises do not bind. And, thirdly, That he had never
consummated the marriage. To which was added, the
great interest the whole nation had in the King's having
more issue, which they saw he could never have by the
Queen. This was furiously driven on by the popish
party ; and Cranmer, whether overcome with these ar-
guments, or rather with fear, for he knew it was con-
trived to send him quickly after Cromwell, consented
with the rest. So that the whole convocation, without
one disagreeing vote, judged the marrige null and of no
force, and that both the King and the lady were free
from the bond of it.
This was the greatest piece of compliance that ever
the King had from the clergy: for as they all knew
there was nothing of weight in that pre-contract, so
they laid down a most pernicious precedent for invali-
dating all public treaties and agreements ; since, if one
of the parties being unwilling to it, so that his consent
were not inward, he was not bound by it, there was no
safety among men more. For no man can know whe-
ther another consents inwardly ; and when a man does
any thing with great aversion, to infer from thence,
that he does not inwardly consent, may furnish every
one with an excuse to break loose from all engage-
ments ; for he may pretend he did it unwillingly, and
get his friends to declare that he privately signified that
to them. And for that argument which was taken from
the want of consummation, they had forgotten what
was pleaded on the King's behalf ten years before, that
consent, without consummation, made a marriage com-
plete; by which they concluded, that though Prince
Arthur had not consummated his marriage with Queen
Katherine, yet his consent did so complete it, that the
King could not afterwards lawfully marry her. But as
the King was resolved on any terms to be rid of this
Queen, so the clergy were resolved not to incur his dis-
pleasure ; in which they rather sought for reasons to
THE REFORMATION. 435
give some colour to their sentence, than pass their judg- B?T?i<:
ment upon the strength of them. This only can be '
said for their excuse, that these were as just and weighty 1540.
reasons, as used to be admitted by the court of Rome
for a divorce ; and most of them being canonists, and
knowing how many precedents there were to be found
for such divorces, they thought they might do it as well
as the popes had formerly done.
On the 9th of July sentence was given, which was
signed by both houses of convocation, and had the two
Archbishops' seals put to it ; of which whole trial the
record does yet remain, having escaped the fate of the
other books of convocation. The original depositions
are also yet extant.
Only I shall add here a reflection upon Cromwell's
misfortune, which may justly abate the loftiness of
haughty men. The day after he was attainted, being
required to send to the King a full account under his
hand of the business of his marriage ; which account
he sent, as will be found in the Collection ; he concludes Number
it with these abject words : " I, a most woful prisoner,
ready to take the death, when it shall please God and
your Majesty; and yet the frail flesh inciteth me conti-
nually to call to your Grace for mercy, and grace for mine
offences. And thus Christ save, preserve, and keep you.
Written at the Tower, this Wednesday, the last of June,
with the heavy heart, and trembling hand, of your High-
ness' most heavy, and most miserable prisoner, and
poor slave, Thomas Cromwell." And a little below
that, " Most gracious Prince, I cry for mercy, mercy,
mercy !"
On the loth of July the Archbishop of Canterbury Report
reported to the House of Lords, that the convocation payment?
had judged the marriage null, both by the law of God,
and the law of the land. The Bishop of Winchester
delivered the judgment in writing; which being read, he
i enlarged on all the reasons of it. This satisfied the Lords,
and they sent down Cranmer and him to the Commons,
to give them the same account. Next day the King
sent the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk, the
Earl of Southampton, and the Bishop of Winchester,
1 f 2
436
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1540.
The Queen
consents to
Collect.
Numb. 20.
An act
about the
inconti-
nence of
priests.
Another
about reli
gion.
to let the Queen know what was done ; who was not at
all troubled at it, and seemed not ill-pleased. They told
her, that the King would by letters patents declare her
his adopted sister, and give her precedence before all the
ladies of England, next. his Queen and daughters, and
assign her an estate of 3000/. a year; and that she
had her choice, either to live in England, or to return
home again. She accepted the offer, and under her hand
declared her consent and approbation of the sentence ;
and chose to live still in England, where she was in great
honour, rather than return under that disgrace to her
own country. She was also desired to write to her bro-
ther, and let him know that she approved of what was
done in her matter, and that the King used her as a
father, or a brother ; and therefore to desire him and her
other friends not to take this matter ill, or lessen their
friendship to the King. She had no mind to do that,
but said, it would be time enough when her brother
wrote to her to send him such an answer. But it was
answered, that much depended on the first impressions
that are received of any matter. She, in conclusion,
said, she would obey the King in every thing he desired
her to do. So she wrote the letter as they desired it ;
and the day following, being the 12th of July, the bill
was brought into the House for annulling the marriage,
which went easily through both Houses.
On the l6th of July, a bill was brought in for mo-
derating the statute of the six Articles in the clauses that
related to the marriage of the priests, or their incon-
tinency with other women. On the 17th it was agreed
to by the whole House without a contradictory vote, and
sent down to the Commons ; who on the 2 1 st, sent it
up again. By it the pains of death were turned to for-
feitures of their goods and chattels, and the rents of
their ecclesiastical promotions, to the King.
On the 20th of July, a bill was brought in concern-
ing a declaration of the Christian religion, and was
then read the first, second, and third time, and passed
without any opposition, and sent down to the Commons ;
who, agreeing to it, sent it up again the next day. It con-
tained, "That the King, as supreme head of the church,
THE REFORMATION. 437
was taking much pains for an union among all his sub- book
jects in matters of religion : and, for preventing the fur- m
ther progress of heresy, had appointed many of the 15J0.
bishops and the most learned divines, to declare the
principal articles of the Christian belief, with the cere-
monies, and way of God's service to be observed. That
therefore a thing of that weight might not be rashly
done, or hasted through in this session of parliament ;
but be done with that care which was requisite ; there-
fore it was enacted, that whatsoever was determined by
the archbishops, bishops, and the other divines, now com-
missionated for that effect, or by any others appointed
by the King, or by the whole clergy of England, and
published by the King's authority, concerning the Christ-
ian faith, or the ceremonies of the church, should be
believed and obeyed by all the King's subjects; as well
as if the particulars so set forth had been enumerated in
this act, any custom or law to the contrary notwithstand-
ing." To this, a strange proviso was added, which des-
troyed the former clause ; " that nothing should be done
or determined by the authority of this act, which was
contrary to the laws and statutes of the kingdom." But
whether this proviso was added by the House of Com-
mons, or originally put into the bill, does not appear. It
was more likely it was put in at the first by the King's
council ; for these contradictory clauses raised the pre-
rogative higher, and left it in the judge's power to deter-
mine which of the two should be followed; by which
all ecclesiastical matters were to be brought under trials
at common law : for it was one of the great designs,
both of the ministers and lawyers, at this time, to bring
all ecclesiastical matters to the cognizance of the secu-
lar judge.
But another bill passed, which seems a little odd,
concerning the circumstances of that time. "That
whereas many marriages had been annulled in the time
of popery, upon the pretence of pre-contracts, or other
degrees of kindred, than those that were prohibited by
the law of Cod : therefore, after a marriage was con-
summated, no pretence of any pre-contract, or any de-
grees of kindred or alliance, but those mentioned in the
438 HISTORY OF
part law of God, should be brought or made use of to an-
nul it ; since these things had been oft pretended only
-J540 to dissolve a marriage, when the parties grew weary of
each other, which was contrary to God's law. There-
fore it was enacted, that no pretence of pre-contract, not
consummated, should be made use of to annul a mar-
riage duly solemnized, and consummated ; and that no
degrees of kindred, not mentioned by the law of God,
should be pleaded to annul a marriage." This act gave
great occasion of censuring the King's former proceed-
ings against Queen Anne Boleyn, since that which was
now condemned had been the pretence for dissolving
his marriage with her. Others thought the King did
it on design to remove that impediment out of the way
of the Lady Elizabeth's succeeding to the crown ; since
that judgment, upon which she was illegitimated, was
now indirectly censured : and that other branch of the
act, for taking away all prohibitions of marriages, within
any degrees but those forbidden in Scripture, was to
make way for the King's marriage with Katherine
Howard, who was cousin-german to Queen Anne Bo-
leyn ; for that was one of the prohibited degrees by the
canon law.
Subsidies The province of Canterbury offered a subsidy of four
granted by shillings in the pound of all ecclesiastical preferments,
e c CIgy ' to be paid in two years ; and that in acknowledgment of
the great liberty they enjoyed by being delivered from
the usurpations of the bishops of Rome, and in re-
compence of the great charges the King had been at,
and was still to be at, in building havens, bulwarks,
and other forts, for the defence of his coasts, and the
security of his subjects. This was confirmed in parlia-
ment. But that did not satisfy the King ; who had
husbanded the money that came in by the sale of abbey
lands so ill, that now he wanted money, and was forced
to ask a subsidy for his marriage of the parliament. This
was obtained with great difficulty. For it was said, that
And laity, if the King was already in want, after so vast an income,
especially being engaged in no war, there would be no
end of his necessities ; nor could it be possible for them
to supply them. But it was answered, that the King
THE REFORMATION. 439
had laid out a great treasure in fortifying the coast : and book
though he was then in no visible war, yet the charge
he was at in keeping up the war beyond sea, was equal 1510-
to the expense of a war ; and much more to the advan-
tage of his people, who were kept in peace and plenty.
This obtained a tenth and four fifteenths. After the
passing of all these bills, and many others that con-
cerned the public, with several other bills of attainder
of some that favoured the Pope's interests, or corres •
ponded with Cardinal Pole, which shall be mentioned
in another place, the King sent in a general pardon,
with the ordinary exceptions ; and, in particular, ex-
cepted Cromwell, the Countess of Sarum, with many
others, then in prison : some of them were put in for
opposing the King's supremacy, and others for trans-
gressing the statute of the six Articles. On the 24th of
July the parliament was dissolved.
And now Cromwell, who had been six weeks a pri- Cromwcir*
soner, was brought to his execution. He had used all dcath'
the endeavours he could for his own preservation. Once
he wrote to the King in such melting terms, that he
made the letter to be thrice read, and seemed touched
with it. But the charms of Katherine Howard, and
the endeavours of the Duke of Norfolk and the Bishop
of Winchester, at length prevailed : so a warrant was
sent to cut off his head, on the 28th of July, at Tower-
hill. When he was brought to the scaffold, his kind-
ness to his son made him very cautious in what he said :
he declined the purging of himself, but said, " he was by
law condemned to die, and thanked God for bringing
him to that death for his offences. He acknowledged
his sins against God, and his offences against his Prince,
who had raised him from a base degree. He declared
that he died in the catholic faith, not doubting of any
article of faith, or of any sacrament of the church ; and
denied that he had been a supporter of those who be-
lieved ill opinions : he confessed he had been seduced,
but now died in the catholic faith, and desired them to
pray for the King, and for the Prince, and for himself:"
and then prayed very fervently for the remission of his
past sins, and admittance into eternal glory : and hav-
440
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1540.
His charac-
ter.
ing given the sign, the executioner cut off his head very
barbarously.
Thus fell that great minister, that was raised merely
upon the strength of his natural parts. For as his ex-
traction was mean, so his education was low : all the
learning he had was, that he had got the New Testa-
ment in Latin by heart. His great wisdom, and dexte-
rity in business, raised him up through several steps,
till he was become as great as a subject could be. He
carried his greatness with wonderful temper and mo-
deration ; and fell under the weight of popular odium
rather than guilt. The disorders in the suppression of
abbeys were generally charged on him : yet, when he
fell, no bribery, nor cheating of the King, could be fas-
tened on him ; though such things come out in swarms
on a disgraced favourite, when there is any ground for
them. By what he spoke at his death, he left it much
doubted of what religion he died : but it is certain he
was a Lutheran. The term catholic faith, used by him
in his last speech, seemed to make it doubtful; but that
was then used in England in its true sense, in opposi-
tion to the novelties of the see of Rome, as will after-
wards appear on another occasion. So that his pro-
fession of the catholic faith was strangely perverted,
when some from thence concluded, that he died in the
communion of the church of Rome. But his praying
in English, and that only to God through Christ, with-
out any of those tricks that were used when those of
that church died, shewed he was none of their's. With
him the office of the King's vicegerent in ecclesiastical
affairs died, as it rose first in his person : and as all the
clergy opposed the setting up a new officer, whose in-
terest should oblige him to oppose a reconciliation with
Rome, so it seems none were fond to succeed in an of-
fice that proved so fatal to him that had first carried it.
The King was said to have lamented his death, after it
was too late ; but the fall of the new Queen, that fol-
lowed not long after, and the miseries which fell also
on the Duke of Norfolk and his family, some years
nfter, were looked on as the scounres of Heaven, for
their cruel prosecution of this unfortunate minister.
THE REFORMATION. 441
With his fall, the progress of the Reformation, which book
had been by his endeavours so far advanced, was quite
stopped. For all that Cranmer could do after this, was 1540.
to keep the ground they had gained : but he could
never advance much further. And indeed every one
expected to see him go next : for, as one Gostwick, Des.'gns
knight for Bedfordshire, had named him in the House cranmer.
of Commons as the supporter and promoter of all the
heresy that was in England ; so the popish party
reckoned they had but half done their work by de-
stroying Cromwell ; and that it was not finished till
Cranmer followed him. Therefore all possible endea-
vours were used to make discoveries of the encourage-
ment, which, as was believed, he gave to the preachers
of the condemned doctrines. And it is very probable,
that had not the incontinence of Katherine Howard
(whom the King declared Queen on the 8th of Au-
gust) broken out not long after, he had been sacrificed
the next session of parliament.
But now I return to my proper business, to give
an account of church matters for this year ; with
which these great changes in court had so great a re-
lation, that the reader will excuse the digression about
them.
Upon Cromwell's fall, Gardiner, and those that fol-
lowed him, made no doubt but they should quickly re-
cover what they had lost of late years. So their greatest
attempt was upon the translation of the Scriptures.
The convocation books (as I have been forced often to
lament) are lost; so that here I cannot stir, but as
Fuller leads me ; who assures the world, that he copied
out of the Records with his own pen what he published.
And yet I doubt he has mistaken himself in the year ;
and that which he calls the convocation of this year,
was the convocation of the year 1542: for he tells
us, that their seventh session was the 10th of March.
Now in this year the convocation did not sit down till
the 13th of April; but that year it sate all March. So
likewise he tells us of the Bishops of Westminster,
Gloucester, and Peterborough, bearing a share in this
convocation : whereas these were not consecrated be-
442
HISTORY OF
1540.
A commis
sion sits
about reli-
gion.
An cxpla^
nation of
faith.
part fore winter, and could not sit as bishops in this synod.
And, besides, Thirl eby sate at this time in the lower
house ; as was formerly shewn in the process about
Anne of Cleves, marriage. So that their attempt against
the New Testament belongs to the year 1542.
But they were now much better employed, though
not in the way of convocation : for a select number
of them sate by virtue of a commission from the King,
confirmed in parliament. Their first work was to draw
up a declaration of the Christian doctrine, "for the ne-
cessary erudition of a Christian man." They thought,
that to speak of faith in general ought naturally to go
before an exposition of the Christian belief; and there-
fore with that they began.
The church of Rome, that designed to keep her chil-
dren in ignorance, had made no great account of faith :.
which, they generally taught, consisted chiefly in an im-
plicit believing whatever the church proposed, with-
out any explicit knowledge of particulars. So that a
Christian faith, as they had explained it, was a submis-
sion to the church. The reformers, finding that this
was the spring of all their other errors, and that which
gave them colour and authority; did, on the other hand,
set up the strength of their whole cause on an explicit
believing the truth of the Scriptures, because of the
authority of God, who had revealed them : and said,
that as the great subject of the apostles' preaching was
faith, so that which they every where taught, was to read
and believe the Scriptures. Upon which followed nice
disputing, what was that saving faith by which the
Scriptures say we are justified. They could not say it
was barely crediting the Divine revelation, since in that
sense the devils believed : therefore they generally
placed it, at first, in their being assured that they should
be saved by Christ's dying for them. In which, their
design was, to make holiness and all other graces neces-
sary requisites in the composition of faith ; though they
would not make them formally parts of it. For since
Christ's death has its full virtue and effect upon none
but those who are regenerate, and live according to his
gospel ; none could be assured that he should be saved
THE REFORMATION. 443
by Christ's death, till he first found in himself these book
necessary qualifications which are delivered in the gos-
pel. Having once settled on this phrase, their followers 1540.
would needs defend it, but really made it worse by
their explanations. The church of Rome thought they
had them at great advantages in it, and called them So-
lifidians, and said they were against good works: though
whatever unwary expressions some of them threw out,
they always declared good works indispensably neces-
sary to salvation. But they differed from the church
of Rome in two things that were material : there was
also a third, but there the difference was more in the
manner of expression. The one was, What were good
works ? The church of Rome had generally delivered,
that works which did an immediate honour to God or
his saints, were more valuable than works done to
other men : and that the honour they did to saints, in
their images and relics, and to God in his priests,
that were dedicated to him, were the highest pieces
of holiness, as having the best objects. This was
the foundation of all that trade, which brought in
both riches and glory to their church. On the other
hand, the reformers taught, that justice and mercy, with
other good works done in obedience to God's com-
mandments, were only necessary. And for these things,
so much magnified at Rome, they acknowledged there
ought to be a decent splendour in the worship of God,
and good provision to be made for the encouragement
of those who dedicated themselves to his service in the
church ; and that what was beyond these, was the effect
of ignorance and superstition. The other main differ-
ence was about the merit of good works : which the
friars had raised so high, that people were come to think
they bought and sold with Almighty God, for heaven
and all other his blessings. This the reformers judged
was the height of arrogance : and therefore taught, that
good works were indeed absolutely necessary to salva-
tion : but that the purchase of heaven was only by the
death and intercession of Jesus Christ. With these
material differences they joined another, that consisted
more in words : Whether obedience was an essential
444 HISTORY OF
part part of faith ? The reformers said it certainly accom-
panied and followed faith : but thought not fit to make
1540. it an ingredient in the nature of faith. These things
had been now much canvassed in disputes : and it was
thought by many, that men of ill lives made no good
use of some of the expressions of the reformers, that
separated faith from good works, and came to persuade
themselves, that if they could but attain to a firm assu-
rance that they should be saved by Christ, all would
be well with them. Therefore now, when they went
about to state the true notion of faith, Cranmer com-
manded Dr. Redmayn, who was esteemed the most
learned and judicious divine of that time, to write a
short treatise on these heads : which he did with that
solidity and clearness, that it will sufficiently justify any
advantageous character that can be given of the author;
and, according to the conclusions of that treatise, they
laid down the nature of faith thus : " That it stands in
two several senses in Scripture. The one is a persua-
sion of the truths, both of natural and revealed religion,
wrought in the mind by God's Holy Spirit : and the
other is, such a belief as begets a submission to the will
of God, and hath hope, love, and obedience to God's
commandments joined to it : which was Abraham's
faith, and that which, according to St. Paul, wrought by
charity, and was so much commended in the Epistle to
the Hebrews. That this was the faith which in bap-
tism is professed, from which Christians are called the
faithful. And in those Scriptures where it is said, that
we are justified by faith, they declared, we may not think
that we be justified by faith, as it is a separate virtue from
hope and charity, fear of God, and repentance ; but by
it is meant faith, neither only, nor alone, but with the
foresaid virtues coupled together ; containing (as is
aforesaid) the obedience to the whole doctrine and reli-
gion of Christ. But for the definition of faith, which
some proposed, as if it were a certainty that one was pre-
destinated, they found nothing of it, either in the Scrip-
tures, or the doctors ; and thought that could not be
known : for though God never failed in his promises to
men, yet, such was the frailty of men, that they often
THE REFORMATION. 445
failed in their promises to God, and so did forfeit their book
right to the promises, which are all made upon condi-
tions that depend on us." 1540
Upon this occasion I shall digress a little, to shew Onmnirt
with what care Cranmer considered so weighty a point. Eta.
Among his other papers, I find a collection of a great
many places out of the Scripture, concerning justifica-
tion by faith, together with a vast number of quotations,
out of Origen, Basil, Jerome, Theodoret, Ambrose,
Austin, Prosper, Chrysostom, Gennadius, Beda, He-
sychius, Theophylact, and CEcumenius ; together witn
many later writers, such as Anselm, Bernard, Peter
Lombard, Hugo Cardinalis, Lyranus, and Bruno ; in
which the sense of those authors in this point did ap-
pear; all drawn out with his own hand. To this is
added another collection of many places of the fathers,
in which they speak of the merit of good works : and
at the end of the whole collection he writes these
words, "This proposition, that we be justified by Christ-
only, and not by our good works, is a very true and
necessary doctrine of St. Paul's, and the other apostles,
taught by them, to set forth thereby the glory of Christ,
and the mercy of God through Christ." And after
some further discourse to the same purpose, he con-
cludes, " Although all that be justified must of neces-
sity have charity as well as faith ; yet neither faith nor
charity be the worthiness nor merits of our justification:
but that is to be ascribed only to our Saviour Christ,
who was offered upon the cross for our sins, and rose
again for our justification." This I set down, to let the
world see that vCranmer was not at all concerned in
those niceties, which have been so much inquired into
since that time, about the instrumentality of faith in
justification ; all that he then considered being, that tjie
glory of it might be ascribed only to the death and in-
tercession of Jesus Christ.
After this was thus laid down, there followed an ex- They ex-
planation of the Apostles' Creed, full of excellent mat- JjSrfS
ters ; being a large paraphrase on every article of the Creed.
Creed, with such serious and practical inferences, that I
must acknowledge, after all the practical books we have
446 HISTORY OF
part had, I find great edification in reading that over and
over again. The style is strong, nervous, and well
1540. fitted for the weakest capacities. There is nothing in
this that is controverted between the papists and the
reformers, except the definition of the holy catholic
church, which they give thus : " That it comprehends all
assemblies of men over the whole world that receive
the faith of Christ ; who ought to hold an unity of
love and brotherly agreement together, by which they
become members of the catholic church." Upon which
a long excursion is made, to shew the injustice and un-
reasonableness of the plea of the church of Rome, who
place the unity of the catholic church in a submission
to the bishop of their city, without any ground from
Scripture, or the ancient writers.
The seven From that they proceeded to examine the seven sa-
sacraments. craments ; and here fell in stiff debates, which remain
in some authentic writings, that give a great light to
their proceedings. The method which they followed
was this : — First, the whole business they were to con-
sider was divided into so many heads, which were pro-
posed as queries, and these were given out to so many
bishops and divines ; and, at a prefixed time, every one
brought his opinion in writing upon all the queries. So,
With great concerning the seven sacraments, the queries were
maturity. gjven on^ to ^\ie f-wo Archbishops, the Bishops of London,
Rochester, and Carlisle (though the last was not in the
commission), and to the Bishops of Duresme, Hereford,
and St. David's : for though the Bishop of Winchester
was in this commission, yet he did nothing in this par-
ticular ; but I imagine that he was gone out of town,
and that the Bishop of Carlisle was appointed to supply
his absence. The queries were also given to Doctor
Thirleby, then bishop elect of Westminster, to Doctors
Robertson, Day, Redmayn, Cox, Leighton (though not
in the commission), Symmonds, Tresham, Coren
(though not in the commission), Edgeworth, Ogle-
thorp, Crayford, Wilson, and Robins. When their
answers were given in, two were appointed to com-
pare them, and draw an extract of the particulars in
which they agreed or disagreed: which the one did in
THE REFORMATION. 447
Latin, and the other in English ; only those who com- book
pared them, it seems, doing it for the Archbishop of
Canterbury, took no notice of his opinions in the ex- 1540>
tract they made. And of these, the original answers of
the two Archbishops, the Bishops of London, Rochester,
and .Carlisle ; and these Doctors, Day, Robertson, Red-
mayn, Cox, Leighton, Symmonds, Tresham, Coren,
Edgeworth, and Oglethorp, are yet extant: but the
papers given in by the Bishops of Duresme, Hereford,
and St. David's, and the Elect of Westminster, and
Doctors Crayford, Wilson, and Robins, though they
are mentioned in the extracts made out of them, yet are
lost. This the reader will find in the Collection : Collect.
which, though it be somewhat large, yet I thought such um
pieces were of too great importance not to be commu-
nicated to the world ; since it is, perhaps, as great an
evidence of the ripeness of their proceedings as can be
shewed in any church, or any age of it. And though
other papers of this sort do not occur in this King's
reign, yet I have reason to conclude from this instance,
that they proceeded with the same maturity in the rest
of their deliberations. In which I am the more con-
firmed, because I find another instance like this, in
the reformation that was further carried on in the suc-
ceeding reign of Edward VI., of many bishops and
divines giving in their opinions, under their hands, upon
some heads then examined and changed. In Cranmer's
paper, some singular opinions of his about the nature
of ecclesiastical offices will be found ; but as they are
delivered by him with all possible modesty, so they were
not established as the doctrine of the church, but laid
aside as particular conceits of his own. And it seems,
that afterwards he changed his opinion ; for he sub-
scribed the book that was soon after set out, which is
directly contrary to those opinions set down in these
papers. Cranmer was for reducing the sacraments to
two ; but the popish party was then prevalent, so the
old number of seven was agreed to.
Baptism was explained in the same manner that had
been done three years before, in the articles then set
out, only the matter of original sin was more enlarged on.
448 HISTORY OF
part Secondly, Penance was formally placed in the abso-
lution of the priest, which, by the former articles, was
1540. only declared a thing desirable, and not to be contemned
if it might be had ; yet all merit of good works was re-
jected, though they were declared necessary ; and sin-
ners were taught to depend wholly on the sufferings of
Christ, with other good directions about repentance.
Thirdly, In the explanation of the eucharist, transub-
stantiation was fully asserted ; as also the concomitancy
of the blood with the flesh ; so that communion in both
kinds was not necessary. The use of hearing mass,
though one did not communicate, was also asserted.
To which were added, very good rules about the dispo-
sition of mind that ought to accompany this sacrament.
Fourthly, Matrimony was said to be instituted of
God, and sanctified by Christ. The degrees in the
Mosaical law were declared obligatory, and none else ;
and the bond of marriage was declared not separable on
any account.
Fifthly, Orders were to be administered in the
church, according to the New Testament ; but the par-
ticular forms of nominating, electing, presenting, or ap-
pointing ecclesiastical ministers, was left to the laws of
every country, to be made by the assent of the prince.
The office of churchmen was to preach, administer the
sacraments, to bind and loose, and to pray for the
whole flock : but they must execute these with such
limitation as was allowed by the laws of every kingdom.
The Scripture, they said, made express mention only of
the two orders of priests and deacons. To these the
primitive church had added some inferior degrees, which
were also not to be contemned. But no bishop had
any authority over other bishops by the law of God.
Upon which followed a long digression, confuting the
pretensions of the bishops of Rome ; with an explana-
tion of the King's authority in ecclesiastical matters,
which was beforehand set down in another place, to
shew what they understood by the King's being supreme
head of the church.
Sixthly, Confirmation was said to have been used in
the primitive church, in imitation of the apostles ; who,
THE REFORMATION. 449
by laying on their hands, conferred the Holy Ghost, in book
an extraordinary manner ; and therefore was of great
advantage, but not necessary to salvation. 1540(
Seventhly, Extreme unction was said to have been
derived from the practice of the apostles, mentioned by
St. James, for the health both of body and soul ; and
though the sick person was not always recovered of his
bodily sickness by it, yet remission of sins was obtained
by it, and that which God knew to be best for our bodily
condition, to whose will we ought always to submit.
But this sacrament was only fruitful to those who by
penance were restored to the state of grace.
Then followed an explanation of the Ten Command- The Ten
ments, which contains many good rules of morality, ments!an
drawn from every one of them. The second com-
mandment Gardiner had a mind to have shortened, and
to cast it into the first. Cranmer was for setting it down
as it was in the law of Moses. But a temper was
found : it was placed as a distinct commandment, but
not at full length ; the words, " For I the Lord thy
God," &c. being left out, and only those that go before
being set down. In the explanation of this command-
ment, images were said to be profitable for putting us in
mind of the great blessings we have received by our
Saviour, and of the virtues and holiness of the saints,
by which we were to be stirred up to imitate them : so
that they were not to be despised, though we be for-
bidden to do any godly honour to them ; and therefore
the superstition of preferring one image to another, as
if they had any special virtue in them, or the adorning
them richly, and making vows and pilgrimages to them,
is condemned ; yet the censing of images, and kneeling
before them, are not condemned : but the people must
be taught that these things were not to be done to the
image itself, but to God and his honour. To the third
commandment, they reduced the invocation of God's
name for his gifts ; and they condemned the invocation
of saints, when such things were prayed for from them,
which were only given by God. This was the giving
his glory to creatures : yet to pray to saints as inter-
cessors is declared lawful, and according to the doctrine
vol. i. p. i. 2 G
450 HISTORY OF
pAiiT of the catholic church. Upon the fourth command-
ment, a rest from labour every seventh day is said to
i54o. be ceremonial, and such as only obliged Jews ; but the
spiritual signification of rest among Christians was to
abstain from sin and other carnal pleasures. But, be-
sides that, we were also bound by this precept some-
times to cease from labour, that we may serve and wor-
ship God both in public and private : and that, on the
days appointed for this purpose, people ought to exa-
mine their lives, the past week, and set to amendment,
and give themselves to prayer, reading, and meditation :
yet in cases of necessity, such as saving their corn or
cattle, men ought not superstitiously to think that it is
a sin to work on that day, but to do their work without
scruple. Then follow very profitable expositions of the
other commandments, with many grave and weighty
admonitions concerning the duties by them enjoined,
and against those sins which are too common in all ages.
The Lord's After that, an explanation of the Lord's Prayer waS
Prayer# added. In the preface to which, it is said, that it is
meet arid requisite that the unlearned people should,
make their prayers in their mother tongue; whereby
they may be the more stirred to devotion, and to mind
the things they prayed for. Then followed an exposi-
tion of the angel's salutation of the blessed Virgin :
in which, the whole history of the incarnation of Christ
The Ave was opened, and the Ave Maria explained ; which hymil
was chiefly to be used in commemoration of Christ's
incarnation, and likewise to set forth the praises of the
Free-will, blessed Virgin. The next article is about free-will,
which they say must be in man ; otherwise all precept*
and exhortations are to no purpose. They defined it d
power of the will, joined with reason, whereby a reason-
able creature, without constraint, in things of reason,
discerneth and willeth good and evil ; but chooscth
good by the assistance of God's grace, and evil of itself.
This was perfect in the state of innorency ; but is much
impaired by Adam's fall, and now by an especial grace
(offered to all men, but enjoyed only by those who by
their free-will do accept the same), it was restored, that
with great watchfulness we may serve God acccptablv.
THE REFORMATION. 451
And as many places of Scripture shew, that free-will is book
still in man, so there be many others which shew that
the grace of God is necessary, that doth both prevent imo.
ns and assist us, both to begin and perform every good
work ; therefore all men ought most gratefully to -re-
ceive and follow the motions of the Holy Ghost, and
to beg God's grace with earnest devotion, and a stead-
fast faith ; which he will grant to all that so ask it, both
because he is naturally good, and he has promised to
grant our desires : for he is not the author of sin, nor
the cause of man's damnation : but this men draw on
themselves, who, by vice, have corrupted these natures
which God made good. Therefore all preachers were
warned so to moderate themselves in this high point,
that they neither should so preach the grace of God as
to take away free-will, nor so extol free-will as injury
might be done to the grace of God.
After this they handled justification. Having stated Justifica-
the miseries of man by nature, and the guilt of sin, with tlon'
the unspeakable goodness of God in sending Christ to
redeem us by his death, who was the mediator between
God and man, they next shew how men are made par-
takers of the blessings which he hath procured. Jus-
tification is the making of us righteous before God,
whereby we are reconciled to him, and made heirs of
eternal life ; that by his grace we may walk in his ways,
and be reputed just and righteous in the day of judg-
ment, and so attain everlasting happiness. God is the
chief cause of our justification : yet man, prevented by
grace, is by his free consent and obedience a worker to-
ward the attaining his own justification. For though
it is only procured through the merits of Christ's death,
yet every one must do many things to attain a right
and claim to tbat which, though it was offered to all,
yet was applied but to a few. We must have a steadfast
-faith, true repentance, real purposes of amendment;
committing sin no more, but serving God all our lives ;
which, if we fall from, we must recover it by penance,
fasting, alms, prayer, with other good works, and a
firm faith, going forward in mortification and obedience
to the laws of God : it being certain, that men might
2 G 2
452 HISTORY OF
part fall away from their justification. All curious reason-
ings about predestination were to be set apart ; there
1540.
being no certainty to be had of our election, but by
feeling the motions of God's spirit in us, by a good and
virtuous life, and persevering in it to the end. There-
fore it was to be taught, that as, on the one hand, we
are justified freely by the free grace of God ; so, on the
other hand, when it is said we are justified by faith, it
must be understood of such a faith, in which the fear of
God, repentance, hope, and charity, be included ; all
which must be joined together in our justification ; and
though these be imperfect, yet God accepteth of them
freely through Christ.
Good Next, good works were explained, which were said
to be absolutely necessary to salvation : but these were
not only outward corporal works, but inward spiritual
works, as the love and fear of God, patience, humility,
and the like : nor were they superstitions and men's in-
ventions, such as those in which monks and friars exer-
cised themselves ; nor only moral works done by the
power of natural reason ; but the works of charity,
flowing from a pure heart, a good conscience, and faith
unfeigned, which were meritorious towards the attaining
of everlasting life. Other works were of an inferior
sort ; such as fasting, alms-deeds, and other fruits of pe-
nance : and the merit of good works is reconciled with
the freedom of God's mercies to us, since all our works
are done by his grace ; so that we have no cause of
boasting, but must ascribe all to the grace and goodness
of God. The last chapter is about prayers for souls
departed, which is the same that was formerly set out
in the articles three years before.
All this set All this was finished and set forth this year, with a
book;,na preface, written by those of the clergy who had been
employed in it : declaring with what care they had ex-
amined the Scriptures, and the ancient doctors, out of
whom they had faithfully gathered this exposition of the
Christian faith. To this the King added another pre-
And pub- face some years after ; declaring, that although he had
th h^ci b^ cas*" ou* ^ie darkness, by setting forth the Scriptures to
authority, his people, which had produced very good effects ; yet,
THE REFORMATION. 453
as hypocrisy and superstition were purged away, so a book
spirit of presumption, dissension, and carnal liberty was
breaking in. For repressing which he had, by the ad- 1540,
vice of his clergy, set forth a declaration of the true
knowledge of God, for directing all men's belief and
practice, which both houses of parliament had seen,
and liked very well. So that he verily trusted it con-
tained a true and sufficient doctrine, for the attaining
everlasting life. Therefore, he required all his people
to read and print in their hearts, the doctrine of this
book. He also willed them to remember, that as there
were some teachers whose office it was to instruct the
people, so the rest ought to be taught, and to those it
was not necessary to read the Scriptures ; and that
therefore he had restrained it from a great many,
esteeming it sufficient for such to hear the doctrine of
the Scriptures taught by their preachers, which they
should lay up in their hearts, and practise in their lives.
Lastly, he desired all his subjects to pray to God to
grant them the spirit of humility, that they might read
and carry in their hearts the doctrine set forth in this
book. But though I have joined the account of this
preface to the extract here made of the Bishops' Book,
yet it was not prefixed to it till above two years after
the other was set out.
When this was published, both parties found cause it is van-
in it both to be glad and sorrowful. The reformers re- JUS.*6*"
joiced to see the doctrine of the gospel thus opened
more and more; for they concluded that ignorance and
prejudices, being the chief supports of the errors they
complained of, the instructing people in Divine matters,
even though some particulars displeased them, yet
would awaken and work upon an inquisitive humour
that was then a stirring ; and they did not doubt but
their doctrines were so clear, that inquiries into religion
would do their business. They were also glad to see
the morals of Christianity so well cleared, which they
hoped would dispose people to a better taste of Divine
matters; since they had observed that purity of soul
does mightily prepare people for sound opinions. Most
i of the superstitious conceits and practices, which had
I.
1540.
454 HISTORY OF
part for some ages embased the Christian faith, were now
removed ; and the great fundamental of Christianity,
the covenant between God and man in Christ, with the
conditions of it, was plainly and sincerely declared.
There was also another principle laid down, that was
big with a further reformation ; for every national
church was declared a complete body within itself, with
power to reform heresies, correct abuses, and do every
thing else that was necessary for keeping itself pure, or
governing its members. By which there was a fair way
opened for a full discussion of things afterwards, when
a' fitter opportunity should be offered. But, on the
other hand, the popish party thought they had gained
much. The seven sacraments were again asserted, so
that here much ground was recovered, and they hoped
more would follow. There were many things laid
down, to which they knew the reformers would never
consent. So that they, who were resolved to comply
with every thing that the King had a mind to, were
pretty safe. But the others, who followed their per-
suasions and consciences, were brought into many
snares; and the popish party was confident that their
absolute compliance, which was joined with all possible
submission and flattery, would gain the King at length :
and the stiffness of others, who would not give that de-
ference to the King's judgment and pleasure, would so
alienate him from them, that he would in the end
abandon them; for with the King's years his uneasiness
and peevishness grew mightily on him.
The dissolution of the King's marriage with Anne
of Cleves had so offended the princes of Germany, that
though upon the lady's account they made no public
noise of it, yet there was little more intercourse between
the King and them, especially Cromwell falling, that
had always carried on the correspondence with them.
And as this intercourse went off, so a secret treaty was
set on foot between the King and the Emperor ; yet it
came not to a conclusion till two years after.
Corrections The other bishops, that were appointed to examine
bOTtTnd8 <U(> r'£nts a,1(l ceremonies of the church, drew up a
otheroffices rubric and rationale of them, which I do not find was
THE REFORMATION. 455
printed; but a very authentjcal MS. of a great part Jjoojc
of it is extant. The alterations they made were in- _
considerable, and so slight that there was no need of j540>
reprinting either the missals, breviaries, or other offices; Ex pp.
for a few razures of those collects, in which the Pope tiM£Jl "
was prayed for, of Thomas Becket's office, and the of-
; fices of other saints, whose days were by the King's in-
junctions no more to be observed, with some other
deletions, made that the old books did still serve. For
whether it was that the change of the mass-books and
other public offices would have been too great a charge
to the nation ; or whether they thought it would have
possessed the people with an opinion that the religion
was altered, since the books of the ancient worship
were changed, which remaining the same, they might
be the more easily persuaded that the religion was still
the same ; there was no new impression of the bre-
viaries, missals, and other rituals, during this King's
reign. Yet in Queen Mary's time they took care that
posterity should not know how much was dashed out
or changed. For as all parishes were required to fur-
nish themselves with new complete books of the offices,
so the dashed books were every where brought in, and
destroyed. But it is likely that most of those scanda-
lous hymns and prayers which are addressed to saints jn
jthe same style in which good Christians worship God,
were all struck out, because they were now condemned,
as appears from the extract of the other book set out
by the bishops.
But as they went on in these things, the popish party, 4 PerS6Cu-
whose counsels were laid very close, and managed with testants.
great dexterity, chiefly by the Duke of Norfolk and
Gardiner, pursued the ruin of those whom they called
heretics, knowing well that if the King was once set
against them, and they provoked against the govern-
ment, he would be not only alienated from them, but
forced, for securing himself against them, to gain the
hearts of his other subjects by a conjunction with the
Emperor, and by his means with the Pope. The first
on whom this design took effect were Doctor Barnes,
Mr. Gerrard, and Mr. Jerome ; all priests who had
456
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1540.
Of Barnes
and others.
been among the earliest converts to Luther's doctrine.
Barnes had, in a sermon at Cambridge, during the Car-
dinal's greatness, reflected on the pomp and state in
which he lived so plainly, that every body understood of
whom he meant. So he was carried up to London;
but, by the interposition of Gardiner and Fox, who
were his friends, he was saved at that time, having ab-
jured some opinions that were objected to him. But
other accusations being afterwards brought against him,
he was again imprisoned, and it was believed that he
would have been burnt. But he made his escape and
went to Germany, where he gave himself to the study
of the Scriptures and divinity ; in which he became so
considerable, that not only the German divines, but
their princes, took great notice of him; and the King
of Denmark sending over ambassadors to the King, he
was sent with them; though perhaps Fox was ill in-
formed when he says he was one of them. Fox, bishop
of Hereford, being at Smalcald, in the year 1536, sent
him over to England, where he was received and kindly
entertained by Cromwell, and well used by the King.
And by his means the correspondence with the Ger-
mans was chiefly kept up, for he was often sent over
to the courts of the several princes. But, in particular,
he had the misfortune to be first employed in the pro-
ject of the King's marriage with the Lady Anne of
Cleves; for that giving the King so little satisfaction,
all who were the main promoters of it fell in disgrace
upon it.
But other things concurred to destroy Barnes. In
Lent, this year, Bonner had appointed him, and Gerrard,
and Jerome, turns in the course of sermons at St. Paul's
Cross, they being in favour with Cromwell, on whom
Bonner depended wholly. But Gardiner sent Bonner
word that he intended himself to preach on Sunday at
St. Paul's Cross; and in his sermon he treated of justi-
fication, and other points, with many reflections on the
Lutherans. Barnes, when it came to his turn, made
use of the same text, but preached contrary doctrine,
not without some unhandsome reflections on Gardiner**
person; and he played on his name, alluding to a gar-
THE REFORMATION. 457
dener setting ill plants in a garden. The other two book
preached the same doctrine, but made no reflections on
any person. Gardiner seemed to bear it with a great l340.
appearance of neglect and indifferency : but his friends
complained to the King of the unsufferable insolences
of these preachers, who did not spare so great a prelate,
especially he being a privy-counsellor. So Barnes was
questioned for it, and commanded to go and give the
Bishop of Winchester satisfaction. And the Bishop
carried the matter with a great show of moderation, and
acted outwardly in it as became his function : though
it was believed the matter stuck deeper in his heart,
which the effects that followed seemed to demonstrate.
The King concerned himself in the matter, and did
argue with Barnes about the points in difference. But
whether he was truly convinced, or overcome rather
with the fear of the King than with the force of his
reasonings, he and his two friends, William Jerome and
Thomas Gerrard, signed a paper (which will be found
in the Collection) in which he acknowledged, " That, Collect
having been brought before the King, for things
preached by him, his Highness, being assisted by some
of the clergy, had so disputed with him, that he was
convinced of his rashness and oversight ; and promised
to abstain from such indiscretions for the future, and to
submit to any orders the King should give for what
was past."
The articles were, " First, That, though we are re-
deemed only by the death of Christ, in which we parti-
cipate by faith and baptism, yet, by not following the
commandments of Christ, we lose the benefits of it,
which we cannot recover but by penance.
" Secondly, That God is not the author of sin, or
evil, which he only permits.
" Thirdly, That we ought to reconcile ourselves to
our neighbours, and forgive, before we can be forgiven.
" Fourthly, That good works done sincerely accord-
ing to the Scriptures, are profitable and helpful to sal-
vation.
" Fifthly, That laws made by Christian rulers ought
to be obeyed by their subjects for conscience sake; and
458 HISTORY OF
part that whosoever breaks them breaks God's command-
ments."
1540.
It is not likely that Barnes could say any thing di-
rectly contrary to these articles ; though, having brought
much of Luther's heat over with him, he might have
said some things that sounded ill upon these heads.
There were other points in difference between Gardi-
ner and him, about justification; but it seems the
King thought these were of so subtle a nature, that no
article of faith was controverted in them ; and therefore
left the Bishop and him to agree these among them-
selves, which they in a great measure did. So the
King commanded Barnes and his friends to preach at
the Spittle in the Easter-week, and openly to recant
what they had formerly said. And Barnes was in par-
ticular to ask the Bishop of Winchester's pardon, which
he did; and Gardiner being twice desired by him to
give some sign that he forgave him, did lift up his
linger. But in their sermons, it was said, they justified
in one part what they recanted in another. Of which
complaints being brought to the King, he, without
hearing them, sent them all to the Tower ; and Crom-
well's interest at court was then declining so fast, that
' either he could not protect them, or else would not pre- '
judice himself by interposing in a matter which gave the
wrho were King so great offence. They lay in the Tower till the
iT.liiTa-^ parl'arnent met, and then they were attainted of heresy,
meat. without ever being brought to make their answer.
And it seems for the extraordinariness of the thing,
they resolved to mix attainders for things that were
very different from one another. For four others were
by the same act attainted of treason, who were Gregory
Buttolph, Adam Damplip, Edmund Brindholme, and
Clement Philpot, for assisting Reginald Pole, adhering
to the Bishop of Rome, denying the King to be the
supreme head on earth of the church of England, and
designing to surprise the town of Calais. One Derby
Gunnings was also attainted of treason for assisting one
Fitzgerald, a traitor, in Ireland. And niter all these,
Barnes, Gerrard, and Jerome, are attainted of heresy,
being, as the act says, "Detestable heieUes, who had
THE REFORMATION. 459
conspired together to set forth many heresies, and, book
taking themselves to be men of learning, had ex-
pounded the Scriptures, perverting them to their he- 1540>
resies, the number of which was too long to be repeated;
that having formerly abjured, they were now incorrigible
heretics, and so were condemned to be burnt, or suffer
any other death, as should please the King." And two
days after Cromwell's death, being the 30th of July,
they were brought to Smithfield, where, in their exe-
cution, there was as odd a mixture as had been in their
attainders : for Abel, Fetherstom, and Powel, that were
attainted by another act of the same parliament for
owning the Pope's supremacy, and denying the King's,
were carried to the place of execution, and coupled with
the other three. So that one of each was put into a
hurdle, and carried together, which every body con-
demned as an extravagant affectation of the show of
impartial justice.
When they were brought to the stake, Barnes spake Their
thus to the people : " Since he was to be burnt as an theTtake.
heretic, he would declare what opinions he held. So
he enlarged on all the articles of the Creed, to shew he
believed them all. He expressed a particular abhorrence
of an opinion which some anabaptists held, that the
blessed Virgin was as a saffron bag ; (by which inde-
cent simile they meant that our Saviour took no sub-
stance of her.) He explained his opinion of good works ; »
that they must of necessity be done, since without them
none should ever enter into the kingdom of God. They
were commanded of God, to shew forth our profession
by them : but he believed, as they were not pure nor
perfect, so they did not avail to our justification, nor
merit any thing at the hands of God ; for that was to be
ascribed to the merits of the death and passion of Christ.
He professed great reverence to the blessed Virgin and
saint: but said, he saw no warrant in Scriptures for
praying to them : nor was it certain whether they prayed
for us or not ; but if the saints did pray for those on
earth, he trusted within half an hour to be praying for
them all." Then he asked the Sheriff if he had any arti-
cles against them, for which they were condemned:
460 HISTORY OF
part who answered he had none. He next asked the people,
if they knew wherefore he died, or if they had been led
1540. into any errors by his preaching ; but none made answer.
Then he said, he heard he was condemned to die by an
act of parliament ; and it seemed it was for heresy, since
they were to be burnt. He prayed God to forgive those
who had been the occasions of it : and in particular,
for the Bishop of Winchester ; if he had sought or pro-
cured his death, he prayed God heartily to forgive him,
as Christ forgave his murderers. He prayed earnestly
for the King and the Prince ; and exhorted the people
to pray for them. He said, some had reported that he
had been a preacher of sedition and disobedience : but
he declared to the people, that they were bound, by the
law of God, to obey their King's laws with all humility,
not only for fear, but for conscience ; adding, that if
the King commanded any thing against God's law,
though it were in their power to resist him, yet they
might not do it. Then he desired the Sheriff to carry
five requests from him to the King.
" First, That since he had taken the abbey lands
into his hands, for which he did not blame him, (as the
Sheriff fancied he was about to do, and thereupon stopped
him,) but was glad that superstition was taken away,
and that the King was then a complete King, obeyed
by all his subjects ; which had been done through the
preaching of them, and such wretches as they were ; yet
he wished the King would bestow these goods, or some
of them, to the comfort of his poor subjects who had
great need of them.
" Secondly, That marriage might be had in greater
esteem, and that men might not upon light pretences
cast off their wives ; and that those who were unmarried
might not be suffered to live in whoredom.
" Thirdly, That abominable swearers might be pu-
nished.
" Fourthly, That since the King had begun to set
forth Christian religion, he would go forward in it, and
make an end : for though he had done a great deal, yet
many tilings remained to be done, and he wished that
the King might not be deceived with false teachers."
THE REFORMATION. 461
The fifth desire, he said, he had forgot. book
Then he begged that they all would forgive him, if
at any time he had said or done evil unadvisedly : and 1540.
so. turned about, and prepared himself for his death.
Jerome spake next, and declared his faith upon every
article of the Creed ; and said, that he believed all that
was in the Holy Scriptures. He also prayed for the
King, and the Prince : and concluded with a very pa-
thetical exhortation to mutual love and charity ; that
they would propose to themselves the pattern of Christ's
wonderful love, through whom only he hoped to be
saved ; and desired all their prayers for himself and his
brethren. Then Gerrard declared his faith, and said,
that if, through ignorance or negligence, he had taught
any error, he was sorry for it ; and asked God pardon,
and them, whom he had thereby offended. But he pro-
tested, that, according to his learning and knowledge,
he had always set forth the honour of God, and the obe-
dience of the King's laws. Then they all prayed for
the pardon of their sins, and constancy and patience in
their sufferings : and so they embraced and kissed one
another; and then the executioners tied them to the
stake, and set fire to them.
Their death did rather encourage than dishearten
their followers ; who, seeing such an extraordinary mea-
sure of patience in them, were the more confirmed in
their resolutions of suffering for a good conscience, and
for His name, who did not forsake his servants in these
cruel agonies. One difference between their sufferings,
and the other three, who were hanged for asserting the
Pope's supremacy, was remarkable ; that, though the
others demeaned themselves toward them with the most
uncharitable and spiteful malice that was possible, (so
that their own historian says, that their being carried
with them to their execution was bitterer to them than
death itself ;) yet they declared their hearty forgiving of
their enemies, and of Gardiner in particular, who was
-generally looked on as the person that procured their
death : which imputation stuck first to him, though by
a printed apology lie studied to clear himself of any other
462 HISTORY OF
part concernment in $ty than by giving his vote for the act
of feheir attainder.
1340. Now Bonner began to shew his nature. Hitherto he
Bonner's had acted another part : for, being most extremely de-
true ty* siroas of preferment, he had so complied with Cromv/ell
and Cranmer, that they had great confidence in him ;
and he being a blustering and forward man, they thought
he might do the Reformation good service, and there-
fore he was advanced so high by their means. But as
soon as ever Cromwell fell, the very next day he shewed
his ingratitude, and how nimbly he turned with the
wind. For Grafton the printer, (whom Cromwell fa-
voured much for his printing the Bible, and who was by
that means very familiar with Bonner,) meeting him,
said, he was very sorry for the news he heard of Crom-
well's being sent to the Tower. Bonner answered, it had
been good he had been dispatched long ago. So the other
shrunk away, perceiving the change that was in him.
And some days after that, Grafton being brought before
the council, for some verses which he was believed to
have printed in commendation of Cromwell, Bonner in-
formed the council of what Grafton had said to him
upon Cromwell's being arrested, to make the other charge
seem the more probable. Yet Audley the chancellor
was Grafton's friend, and brought him off. But Bonner
gave the city of London quickly cause to apprehend the
utmost severities from him: for many were indicted by
his procurement. Yet the King was loath to give too
many instances of cruelty, in this declination of his age ;
and therefore, by an order from the Star Chamber, they
were discharged. But, upon what motives I .cannot
fancy, he picked out an instance, which, if the deeper
stains of his following life had not dashed all particular
spots, had been sufficient to have blemished him for
ever. There was one Richard Mekins, a boy not above
fifteen years of age, and both illiterate and very igno-
rant, who had said somewhat against the corporal pre-
sence of Christ's body in the sacrament, and in commen-
dation of Doctor Barnes. Upon this he was indicted.
The words were proved by two witnesses, and a day was
appointed for the juries to bring in their verdict. The
THE REFORMATION. 463
day being come, the grand jury was called for : then the BOOK
foreman said, they had found nothing. This put Bon- _ ]
ner in a fury, and he charged them with perjury: but i^o.
they said they could find nothing, for the witnesses did
not agree. The one deposed, that he had said the sacra-
ment was nothing but a ceremony ; and the other, that
it was nothing but a signification. But Bonner still
persisted and told them, that he had said that Barnes
died holy. But they could not find these words to be
against the statute. Upon which Bonner cursed, and
Was in a great rage, and caused them to go aside again :
so they, being overawed, returned and found the indict-
ment. Then sate the jury upon life and death, who
found him guilty : and he was adjudged to be burnt.
But when he was brought to the stake, he was taught
to speak much good of Bonner, and to condemn all
heretics, and Barnes in particular, saying he had learned
heresy of him. Thus the boy was made to die with a
lie in his mouth. For Barnes held not that opinion of
the sacrament's being only a ceremony or signification,
but was a zealous Lutheran : which appeared very sig-
nally on many occasions, chiefly in Lambert's case.
Three others were also burnt at Salisbury upon the
Same statute, one of whom was a priest. Two also
were burnt at Lincoln in one day : besides, a great
number of persons were brought in trouble, and kept
long in prison upon the statute of the six Articles. But
more blood I find not spilt at this time.
In the end of this year were the new bishopricks Newbi-
founded. For in December was the abbey of West- shoP'5cJ«
i • 1 • i •> ii founded.
' minster converted into a bishop s see, and a deanery and
twelve prebends, with the officers for a cathedral and a
: choir. And in the year following, on the 4th of Au-
gust, the King erected out of the monastery of St.
' Werburg at Chester, a bishoprick, a deanery, and six
prebends. In September, out of the monastery at St.
Peters, at Gloucester, the King endowed a bishoprick, a
deanery, and six prebendaries. And in the same month,
the abbey of Peterborough was converted to a bishop's
seat, a deanery, and six prebendaries. And, to lay this
whole matter together, two years after this, the abbey
404
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1540.
Collect.
Numb. 23.
Cranmer's
design mis-
carries.
of Osney in Oxford, was converted into a bishoprick, a
deanery, and six prebends. And the monastery of St.
Austin's in Bristol was changed into the same use.
There are many other grants also in the rolls, both to
the bishops, and deans, and chapters, of these sees.
But these foundations will be better understood by their
charters : of which, since the bishoprick of Westmin-
ster is least known, because long ago suppressed, I have
chosen to set down the charter of that see, which the
reader will find in the Collection : and they running all
in the same style, one may serve for the rest. The sub-
stance of the preamble is, " That the King, being moved
by the grace of God, and intending nothing more than
that true religion, and the sincere worship of God,
should not be abolished, but rather restored to the pri-
mitive sincerity, and reformed from those abuses with
which the profession and the lives of the monks had so
long and so lamentably corrupted religion ; had, as far
as human infirmity could foresee, designed that the
word of God might be sincerely preached, the sacra-
ments purely administered, good order kept up, the
youth well instructed, and old people relieved, with
other public alms-deeds : and therefore the King erect-
ed and endowed these sees." The day after these seve-
ral grants, there followed a writ to the Archbishop, con-
taining, that the King had appointed -such a person to
be bishop of that see, requiring him to consecrate and
ordain him in due form. Then the priories at most
cathedrals, such as Canterbury, Winchester, Duresme,
Worcester, Carlisle, Rochester, and Ely, were also con-'
verted into deaneries, and colleges of prebends, with
many other officers, and an allowance of charity to be
yearly distributed to the poor.
But as all this came far short of what the King had
once intended, so Cranmer's design was quite disap-
pointed. For he had projected, that in every cathedral
there should be provision made for readers of divinity,
and of Greek, and Hebrew; and a great number of
students to be both exercised in the daily worship of
God, and trained up in study and devotion, whom the
bishop might transplant out of this nursery, into all the
THE REFORMATION. 465
parts of his diocess. And thus every bishop should book
have had a college of clergymen under his eye, to be __ '
preferred according to their merit. He saw great dis- i54o.
orders among some prebendaries, and, in a long letter,
the original of which I have seen, he expressed his re-
gret that these endowments went in such a channel.
Yet now his power was not great at court, and the
other party run down all his motions. But those who
observed things narrowly, judged, that a good mixture
of prebendaries, and of young clerks, bred up about ca-
thedrals, under the bishop's eye, and the conduct and
direction of the dean and prebendaries, had been one of
the greatest blessings that could have befallen the
church : which not being sufficiently provided of
houses for the forming* of the minds and manners of
those who are to be received into orders, has since felt
the ill effects of it very sensibly. Against this, Cran-
mer had projected a noble remedy, had not the popish
party then at court, who very well apprehended the ad-
vantages such nurseries would have given to the Refor-
mation, borne down this proposition, and turned all the
King's bounty and foundations another way.
These new foundations gave some credit to the King's These foun-
proceedings, and made the suppression of chantries and censured,
chapels go on more smoothly. But those of the Roman
party beyond sea censured this, as they had done all
the rest of the King's actings. They said, it was but a
slight restitution of a small part of the goods, of which
he had robbed the church. And they complained of
the King's encroaching on the spiritual jurisdiction of
•the church, by dismembering dioceses, and removing
churches from one jurisdiction to another. To this it
was answered, that the necessities which their practices
put on the King, both to fortify his coast and dominions,
to send money beyond sea for keeping the war at a dis-
tance from himself, and to secure his quiet at home, by
ieasy grants of these lands, made him that he could not
do all that he intended. And for the division of dio-
ceses, many things were brought from the Roman law
to shew, that the division of the ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion, whether of patriarchs, primates, metropolitans, or
vol. i. p. i. 2 H
1540.
4GG HISTORY OF
part bishops, was regulated by the emperors ; of which the
ancient councils always approved. And in England,
when the bishopriek of Lincoln being judged of too
great an extent, the bishopriek of Ely was taken out of
it, it was done only by the King, with the consent of
his clergy and nobles. Pope Nicolas indeed officiously
intruded himself into that matter, by sending afterwards
a confirmation of that which was done. But that was
one of the great arts of the papacy, to ofFer confirma-
tions of things that were done without the popes. For
these being easily received by them, that thought of
nothing more than to give the better countenance to
their own acts, the popes afterwards founded a right on
these confirmations. The very receiving of them was
pretended to be an acknowledgment of a title in the
pope. And the matter was so artificially managed, that
princes were noosed into some approbation of such a
pretence before they were aware of it. And then the
authority of the canon law prevailing, maxims were laid
down in it, by which the most tacit and inconsiderate
acts of princes were construed to such senses, as still
advanced the greatness of the papal pretensions.
This business of the new foundations being thus set-
tled, the matters of the church were now put in a me-
thod: and the Bishops' Book was the standard of religion.
So that whatsoever was not agreeable to that was
judged heretical, whether it leaned to the one side, or
the other. But it seems that the King by some secret
order had chained up the party, which was going on in
the execution of the statute of the six Articles, that they
should not proceed capitally.
Thestateof Thus matters went this year; and with this the series
this time, of the history of the Reformation made by this King
ends : for it was now digested and formed into a body.
What followed was not in a thread, but now and then
some remarkable things were done ; sometimes in fa-
vour of the one, and sometimes of the other party. For
after Cromwell fell, the King did not go on so steadily
in any thing as he had done formerly. Cromwell had
an ascendant over him, which after Cardinal \\ olsey's
fall none besides himself ever had. They knew how to
1540.
THE REFORMATION. 467
manage the King's uneasy and imperious humour : but book
now none had such a power over him. The Duke of
Norfolk was rich and brave, and made his court well,
but had not so great a genius ; so that the King did
rather trust and fear than esteem him. Gardiner was
only a tool, and being of an abject spirit, was employed,
but not at all reverenced by the King. Cranmer re-
tained always his candour and simplicity, and was a great
prelate : but neither a good courtier, nor a statesman.
And the King esteemed him more for his virtues, than
for his dexterity and cunning in business : so that now
the King was left wholly to himself; and being extreme
humorous and impatient, there were more errors com-
mitted in the last years of his government, than had
been for his whole reign before. France forsook him ;
Scotland made war upon him, which might have been
fatal to him, if their King had not died in the beginning
of it, leaving an infant Princess, but a few days old, be-
hind him. And though the Emperor made peace with
him, yet it was but a hollow agreement. Of all which
I shall give but slender hints in the rest of this book ;
and rather open some few particulars, than pursue a
continued narration, since the matter of my work fails
me.
In May, the thirty-third year of the King's reign, a The Bible
new impression of the Bible was finished, and the Kina; inEnslishn
I r m O get Up 111 cUl
by proclamation, " required all curates and parishioners churches.
of every town and parish, to provide themselves a copy ^umb^
of it before All-hallowtide, under the penalty of forfeit-
ing forty shillings a month, after that, till they had one.
He declared that he set it forth, to the end that his peo-
ple might, by reading it, perceive the power, wisdom,
and goodness of God : observe his commandments,
obey the laws, and their prince, and live in godly cha-
rity among themselves. But that the King did not
thereby intend that his subjects should presume to ex-
pound, or take arguments from Scripture, nor disturb
Divine service, by reading it when mass was celebrating ;
but should read it meekly, humbly, and reverently, for
their instruction, edification, and amendment." There
was also care taken so to regulate the prices of the Bibles,
2 h 2
HISTORY OF
PART
.1.
1540.
that there should be no exacting on the subjects in the
sale of them. And Bonner, seeing the King's mind was
set on this, ordered six of these great Bibles to be set up
in several places of St. Paul's ; that all persons who could
read, might at all times have free access to them. And
upon the pillars to which these Bibles were chained, an
exhortation was set up, " admonishing all that came
thither to read ; that they should lay aside vain-glory,
hypocrisy, and all other corrupt affections, and bring
with them discretion, good intentions, charity, rever-
ence, and a quiet behaviour, for the edification of their
own souls ; but not to draw multitudes about them,
nor to make expositions of what they read, nor to read
aloud, nor make noise in time of Divine service, nor
enter into disputes concerning it." But people came
generally to hear the Scriptures read, and such as could
read, and had clear voices, came often thither with great
Crowds about them. And many set their children to
school, that they might carry them with them to St.
Paul's, and hear them read the Scriptures. Nor could
the people be hindered from entering into disputes
about some places : for who could hear the words of
the institution of the sacrament, " Drink ye all of it,"
or St. Paul's discourse against worship in an unknown
tongue, and not from thence be led to consider that the
people were deprived of the cup, which by Christ's ex-
press command was to be drunk by all ; and that they
were kept in a worship, to which the unlearned could
not say Amen, since they understood not what was said,
either in the collects or hymns? So the King had many
complaints brought him, of the abuses that were said to
have arisen from the liberty given the people to read the
Scriptures. Upon which, Bonner, (no doubt having
obtained the King's leave,) set up a new advertisement,
in which he complained of these abuses, in the reading
the Bible ; for which he threatened the people, that he
would remove these Bibles out of the church, if they
continued as they did to abuse so high a favour. Yet
these complaints produced no further severity at this
time. But by them the popish party afterwards ob-
tained what they desired. This summer the King turned
THE REFORMATION. 409
the monastery of Burton-upon-Trent into a collegiate BOOK
church for a dean and four prebends ; and the monas-
tery of Thornton in Lincolnshire into another for a 1541.
dean and four prebends. In this year Cranmer took it Antiq.Brit
into consideration, to what excess the tables of the Polo,
bishops had risen, whereby those revenues, that ought ^b™'te
to have been applied to better purposes, were wasted on church-
great entertainment ; which, though they passed under ™oe^
the decent name of hospitality, yet were in themselves keeping,
both too high and expensive, and proved great hinder-
ances to churchmen's charity in more necessary and pro-
fitable instances. He therefore set out an order for
regulating that expense ; by which an archbishop's ta-
ble was not to exceed six dishes of meat, and four of
banquet; * a bishop's, five dishes of meat, and three of *Beiiana.
banquet ; a dean's or archdeacon's table was not to ex-
ceed four dishes, and two of banquet ; and other clergy-
men might be served only with two dishes. But he that
gives us the account of this, laments that this regula-
tion took no effect ; and complains, that the people, ex-
pecting generally such splendid housekeeping from the
dignified clergy, and not considering how short their
revenues are of what they were anciently ; they, out of
a weak compliance with the multitude, have disabled
themselves from keeping hospitality, as our Saviour or-
dered it, not for the rich, but the poor ; not to men-
tion the other ill effects that follow too sumptuous, a
table.
In the end of this year, the tragical fall of the Queen The King
put a stop to all other proceedings. The King had in- f£*
vited his nephew, the King of Scotland, to meet him at
York, who was resolved to come thither. The King
intended to gain upon him all he could, and to engage
him to follow the copy he had set him, in extirpating
the Pope's supremacy, and suppressing abbeys, and to
establish a firm agreement in all other things. The
clergy of Scotland feared the ill effects of that interview,
especially their King being a prince of most extraordi-
nary parts, who, had he not blemished his government
with being so extremely addicted to his pleasures, was
the greatest prince that nation had for several ages. He
s to
York.
470
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1541.
An account
of the state
of Scot-
land.
The begin-
nings of
learning
there.
And of the
Reforma-
tion.
was a great patron of learning, and executor of justice :
he used in person and incognito to go over his king-
dom, and see how justice was every where done. He
had no very good opinion of the religious orders, and
had encouraged Buchanan to write a severe and witty
libel against the Franciscan friars. So that they were
very apprehensive that he might have been wrought on
by his uncle : therefore, they used all their endeavours
to divert his journey. But the French King, that had
him fast engaged to his interests, falling then off from
the King, wrought more on him. So, instead of meet-
ing the King at York, where magnificent preparations
were made for his reception, he sent his excuse ; which
provoked his uncle, and gave occasion to a breach that
followed not long after.
But here I shall crave the reader's leave to give a full
representation of the state of religion at this time in
Scotland, and of the footing the Reformation had got
there. Its neighbourhood to England, and the union
of these kingdoms, first in the same religion, and since
under the same princes, together with the intercourse
that was both in this and the next reign between these
nations, seem not only to justify this digression, but
rather to challenge it as a part of the history, without
which it should be defective. And it may be the rather
expected from one, who had his birth and education in
that kingdom.
The correspondence between that crown and France
was the cause that what learning they had came from
Paris, where our kings generally kept some scholars,
and from that great nursery they were brought over,
and set in the universities of Scotland to propagate
learning there. From the year 1412, in which Ward-
law, archbishop of St. Andrew's, first founded that uni-
versity, learning had made such a progress, that more
colleges were soon after founded in that city. Univer-
sities were also founded both at Glasgow and Aberdeen,
which have since furnished that nation with many emi-
nent scholars in all professions. But at the time that
learning came into Scotland, the knowledge of true re-
ligion also followed it : and, in that same Archbishop's
THE REFORMATION. 471
time, one John Resby, an Englishman, a follower of book
WicklifFs opinions, was charged with heresy. Forty
articles were objected to him, of which two are only ]541
mentioned. The one was, that " the Pope is not Archbishop
Christ's vicar:" the other was, that " he was not to pot;
be esteemed a pope, if he was a man of wicked life."
For maintaining these, he was burnt anno J 407.
Twenty-four years after that, one Paul Craw came out
of Germany, and, being a Bohemian and an Hussite, Lesley,
was infusing his doctrine into some at St. Andrew's;
which being discovered, he was judged an obstinate
heretic, and burnt there, anno 1432. And, to encou-
rage people to prosecute such persons, Fogo, who had
discovered him, was rewarded with the abbey of Mel-
ross soon after.
It does not appear that those doctrines, which were
called Lollardies in England, had gained many followers
in Scotland, till near the end of that century. But
then it was found that they were much spread over the
western parts ; which being in the neighbourhood of
England, those who were persecuted there might per-
haps fly into Scotland, and spread their doctrine in that
kingdom. Several persons of quality were then charged Spotswood.
with these articles, and brought to the Archbishop of
Glasgow's courts. But they answered him with such
confidence, that he thought fit to discharge them, with
an admonition to take heed of new doctrines, and to
content themselves with the faith of the church.
At this time the clergy in Scotland were both very The clergy
ignorant and dissolute in their manners. The secular rerebotU
i -ii i • i • • '• i ... . ignorant
clergy minded nothing but their tithes, and did either and cruel,
hire "some friars to preach, or some poor priests to sing
masses to them at their churches. The abbots had
possessed themselves of the best seats, and the greatest
wealth of the nation ; and, by a profuse superstition,
almost the one half of the kingdom fell into the hands
of the churchmen. The bishops looked more after
the affairs of the state, than the concerns of the church ;
and were resolved to maintain by their cruelty, what their
predecessors had acquired by fraud and impostures.
And, as Lesley himself confesses, there was no pains
472 HISTORY OF
part taken to instruct the people in the principles of religion ;
nor were the children at all catechised, but left in igno-
1541. ranee ; and the ill lives of the clergy, who were both
covetous and lewd, disposed the people to favour those
that preached for a reformation. The first that suffered
Patrick Ha- m j-j-jis age was Patrick Hamilton, a person of very noble
ferings. blood : his father was brother to the Earl of Arran, and
his mother sister to the Duke of Albany ; so nearly was
he on both sides related to the King. He was provided
of the abbey of Fern in his youth ; and being designed
for greater preferments, he was sent to travel : but, as
he went through Germany, he contracted a friendship
with Luther, Melancthon, and others of their persuasion,
by whose means he was instructed in the points about
which they differed from the church of Rome. He re-
turned to Scotland, that he might communicate that
knowledge to others, with which himself was so happily
enlightened. And, little considering either the hin-
derance of his further preferment, or the other dangers
that might lie in his way, he spared not to lay open the
corruptions of the Roman church, and to shew the
errors that had crept into the Christian religion. He
was a man both of great learning, and of a sweet and
charming conversation, and came to be followed and
esteemed by all sorts of people. -
The clergy being enraged at this, invited him to St.
Andrew's, that there might be conferences held witli
him about those points which he condemned. And one
Friar Campbel, prior of the Dominicans, who had the
reputation of a learned man, was appointed to treat with
him. They had many conferences together, and the
Prior seemed to be convinced in most points ; and ac-
knowledged there were many things in the church that
required reformation. But all this while he was betray-
ing him ; so that, when the Abbot looked for no such
thing, he was in the night-time made prisoner, and
carried to the Archbishop's castle. There several ar-
ticles were objected to him, about original sin, free-
will, justification, good works, priestly absolution, auri-
cular confession, purgatory, and the Pope's being anti-
christ. Some of these he positively adhered to, the
THE REFORMATION. 4/3
others he thought were disputable points ; yet, he said, book
he would not condemn them, except he saw better *'
reasons than any he had yet heard. The matter was 1541#
referred to twelve divines of the university, of whom
Friar Campbel was one: and, within a day or two they
censured all his tenets as heretical, and contrary to the
faith of the church. On the 1st of March judgment
was given upon him by Beaton, archbishop of St. An-
drew's, with whom sate the Archbishop of Glasgow, the
Bishop of Dunkeld, Brichen, andDunblain, five abbots,
and many of the inferior clergy. They also made the
whole university, old and young, sign it. He was de-
clared an obstinate heretic, and delivered to the secular
power.
The King had at that time gone a pilgrimage to
Ross ; and the clergy, fearing lest nearness of blood,
with the intercessions which might be made for him,
should snatch this prey out of their hands, proceeded
that same day to his execution : so in the afternoon he
was brought to the stake before St. Sahator's college.
He stripped himself of his garments, and gave them to
his man ; and said, " he had no more to leave him, but
the example of his death : that he prayed him to keep
in mind. For though it was bitter and painful in man's
judgment, yet it was the entrance to everlasting life,
which none could inherit that denied Christ before such
a congregation." Then was he tied to a stake, and a
great deal of fuel was heaped about him, which he
seemed not to fear ; but continued lifting up his eyes
to heaven, and recommending his soul to God. When
the train of powder was kindled, it did not take hold of
the fuel, but only scorched his hand and the side of his
face. This occasioned some delay, till more powder
was brought from the castle ; during which time the
friars were very troublesome, and called to him to turn,
and pray to our Lady, and say, Salve Regina. None was
more officious than Friar Campbel. The Abbot wished
him often to let him alone, and give him no more
trouble ; but the Friar continuing to importune him,
he said to him, if Wicked man, thou knowest that I
am not a heretic, and that it is the truth of God for
474 HISTORY OF
part which I now suffer. So much thou didst confess to me
in private ; and thereupon I appeal thee to answer before
1541> the judgment-seat of* Christ." By this time more
powder was brought, and the fire was kindled. He
cried out with a loud voice, " How long, O Lord, shall
darkness oppress this realm ? how long wilt thou suffer
this tyranny of men ?" and died repeating these words,
" Lord Jesus receive my spirit." The patience and
constancy he expressed in his sufferings made the spec-
tators generally conclude that he was a true martyr of
Christ ; in which they were the more confirmed, by
Friar Campbel's falling into great despair soon after,
who from that turned frantic, and died within a year.
On this I have insisted the more fully, because it was
indeed the beginning of the Reformation in Scotland ;
and raised there a humour of inquiring into points of
religion, which did always prove fatal to the church of
Rome. In the university itself many were wrought on,
The King's and particularly one Seaton, a Dominican friar, who was
fa°ours°ti)c ^e King's confessor. He being appointed to preach
Reforma- the next Lent at St. Andrew's, insisted much on these
points : " That the law of God was the only rule of
righteousness ; that sin was only committed when
God's law was violated ; that no man could satisfy for
sin ; and that pardon was to be obtained by unfeigned
repentance and true faith." But he never mentioned
purgatory, pilgrimages, merits, nor prayers to saints,
which used to be the subjects on which the friars in-
sisted most on these occasions. Being gone from St.
Andrew's, he heard that another friar of his own order
had refuted these doctrines : so he returned, and con-
firmed them in another sermon ; in which he also made
some reflections on bishops that were not teachers, call-
ing them dumb clogs. For this he was carried before
the Archbishop ; but he defended himself, saving, that
he had only, in St. Paul's words, said " a bishop should
teach ;" and, in Esaias's words, that such as did not teach
were dumb dogs ; but having said this in the general,
he did not apply it to any bishop in particular. The
Archbishop was nettled at this answer, yet resolved to
let him alone till he should be brought into disgrace
THE REFORMATION. 475
with the King. And that was soon done ; for the King book
being a licentious prince, and Friar Seaton having often
reproved him boldly for it, he grew weary of him. 15il-
The clergy perceiving this, were resolved to fall upon
him. So he withdrew to Berwick. ; but wrote to the
King, that if he would hear him make his defence, he
would return and justify all that he had taught. He
taxed the cruelty of the clergy, and desired the King
would restrain their tyranny, and consider that he was
obliged to protect his subjects from their severity and
malice ; but receiving no satisfactory answer, he lived
in England, where he was entertained by the Duke of
Suffolk, as his chaplain. Not long after this, one For- Forrest's
rest, a simple Benedictine monk, was accused for having s Lrmgs*
said that Patrick Hamilton had died a martyr : yet since
there was no sufficient proof to convict him, a friar,
one Walter Lainge, was sent to confess him ; to whom,
in confession, he acknowledged he thoughtHamilton was
a good man, and that the articles for which he was con-
demned might be defended. This being revealed by
the friar, was taken for good evidence : so the poor
man was condemned to be burnt as a heretic. As he
was led out to his execution, he said, ■* Fie on falsehood;
fie on friars, revealers of confession ; let never man trust
them after me ; they are despisers of Goda and de-
ceivers of men." When they were considering in what
place to burn him, a simple man that attended the
Archbishop advised to burn him in some low cellar ;
for, said he, " the smoke of Mr. Patrick Hamilton has
infected all those on whom it blew."
Soon after this, Abbot Hamilton's brother and sister A further
were brought into the bishops' courts ; but the King, fnScodS.
who favoured this brother, persuaded him to absent
himself. His sister, and six others, being brought be-
fore the Bishop of Ross, who was deputed by the Arch-
bishop to proceed against them, the King himself dealt
with the woman to abjure, which she and the other six
did. Two others were more resolute : the one was
Normand Gowrlay, who was charged with denying the
Pope's authority in Scotland, and saying there was no
purgatory; the other was David Straiton. He was
1541.
476 HISTORY OF
part charged with the same opinions. They also alleged,
1# that he had denied that tithes were due to churchmen ;
and that when the vicar came to take the tithe out of
some fish-boats that belonged to him, he alleged the
tithe was to be taken where the stock grew : and there-
fore ordered the tenth fish to be cast into the sea, and
bade the vicar to seek them there. They were both
judged obstinate heretics, and burnt at one stake, the
27th of August, 1534. Upon this persecution, some
others, who were cited to appear, fled into England.
Those were, Alexander Alesse, John Fife, John Mack-
bee, and one Mackdowgall. The first of these was re-
ceived by Cromwell into his family, and grew into great
favour with King Henry, and was commonly called his
scholar ; of whom see what was said, page 332. But,
after Cromwell's death, he took Fife with him, and they
went into Saxony, and were both professors in Leipsic.
Mackbee was at first entertained by Shaxton, bishop of
Salisbury ; but he went afterwards into Denmark,
where he was known by the name of Doctor Macca-
beus, and was chaplain to King Christian II.
The pro- But all these violent proceedings were no.t effectual
Keforma-ie enough to quench that light which was then shining
tion. there. Many, by searching the Scriptures, came to the
knowledge of the truth ; and the noise of what was
then doing in England awakened others to make further
inquiries into matters of religion. Pope Clement VII.
apprehending that King Henry might prevail on his
Lesley. nephew to follow his example, wrote letters full of ear-
nest exhortations to him to continue in the catholic
faith. Upon which King James called a parliament ;
and there, in the presence of the Pope's nuncio, de-
clared his zeal for that faith and the apostolic see. The
parliament also concurred with him in it ; and made
acts against heretics, and for maintaining the Pope's
authority. That same Pope did afterwards send to de-
sire him to assist him in making war against the King
of England ; for he was resolved to divide that kingdom
among those who would assist him in driving out King
Henry. But the firm peace at that time between the
King of England and the French King kept him quiet
THE. REFORMATION. 477
from any trouble, which otherwise the King of Scot^ book
land might have given him. Yet King Henry sent the
Bishop of St. David's, with the Duke of Norfolk's 1541>
brother, Lord William Howard, to him so unexpectedly,
that they came to him at Stirling before he had heard
of their being sent. The Bishop brought with him Buchanan,
some of the books that had been wrote for the justify-
ing King Henry's proceeding ; and desired that King
would impartially examine them. But he put them
into the hands of some about him that were addicted
to the interests of Rome, who, without ever reading
them, told him they were full of pestilent doctrine and
heresy.
The secret business they came for was, to persuade
that King to concur with his uncle, and to agree to an
interview between them ; and they offered him, in
their master's name, the Lady Mary in marriage, and
that he should be made Duke of York, and lord lieu- Regn; An-
nant of all England : but the clergy diverted him from £lici Vica"
it, and persuaded him rather to go on in his design of
a match with France. And their counsels did so pre-
vail, that he resolved to go in person, and fetch a
Queen from thence. On the 1st of January, ' 1537,
he was married to Magdalen, daughter to Francis I. ;
but she being then gone far in a consumption, died
soon after he had brought her home, on the 28th of
May. She was much lamented by all persons, the
clergy only excepted ; for she had been bred in the Queen
of Navarre's court, and so they apprehended she might
incline the King to a reformation. But he had seen
another lady in France, Mary of Guise, whom he then
liked so well, that after his Queen's death, he sent
Cardinal Beaton into France to treat for a match with
her. This gave the clergy as much joy as the former
marriage had raised fear ; for no family in Christendom
was more devoted to the interests of the papacy than
that was. And now the King, though he had freer
thoughts himself, yet was so engaged to the pretended
old religion, that he became a violent persecutor of all
who differed from it.
The King grew very expensive ; he indulged himself
478 HISTORY OF
part much in his pleasures ; he built four noble palaces,
which, considering that kingdom and that age, were
1541 very extraordinary buildings ; he had also many natural
The King children, all which things concurred to make him very
guided by desirous of money. There were two different parties
the clergy. m the court. The nobility, on the one hand, repre-
sented to him the great wealth that the abbots had
gathered ; and that if he would do as his uncle had
done, he would thereby raise his revenue to the triple
of what it was, and provide plentifully for his children.
The clergy, on the other hand, assured him, that if he
would set up a strict inquisition of heretics, he would
discover so many men of estates that were guilty, that
by their forfeitures he might raise above a hundred
thousand crowns a year : and for his children, the
easiest way of providing for them was to give them good
abbeys and priories. This, they thought, would engage
both the King and his sons to maintain their rights
more steadilv, if their own interests were interwoven
with them. They also persuaded the King, that, if he
maintained the established religion, it would give him
a good interest in England, and make him be set up by
foreign princes as the he id of the league, which the
Pope and the Emperor were then projecting against
King Henry. These counsels being seconded by his
Queen, who was a wise and good lady, but wonderfully
zealous for the papacy, did so prevail with him, that, as
he made four of his children abbots or priors, so he gave
way to the persecuting humour of his priests ; and gave
7 Sir James Hamilton (a natural brother of the Earl of
Arrans), in whom the clergy put much confidence, a
commission to proceed against all that were suspected
of heresy. In the year 1539, many were cited to ap-
pear before a meeting of the bishops at Edinburgh. Of
those, nine abjured, many were banished, and five were
burnt. Forrester, a gentleman ; Simpson, a secular
priest ; Killore and Beverage, two friars ; and Forrest,
a canon regular ; were burnt on the Castle-hill of Edin-
burgh. The last of these was a zealous constant
preacher, which was a rare tiling in those days. His
diocesan, the Bishop of Dunkeld, sent for him, and re-
1541.
THE REFORMATION. 479
bilked him for it ; and bid him, " when he found a book
good epistle, or good gospel, that made for the liberties
of the holy church, to preach on that, and let the rest
alone." The good man answered, " he had read both
the Old Testament and the New, and never found an
ill epistle or ill gospel in any of them." The Bishop
replied, that " he thanked God he had lived well these
many years, and never knew either the Old or New :
he contented himself with his portuise and his ponti-
fical ; and if the other would trouble himself with these
fantasies, he would repent it when he could not help it."
Forrest said, " he was resolved to do what he con-
ceived was his duty, whatever might be the danger of
it." By this it appears, how deliberately the clergy at
that time delivered themselves up to ignorance and
superstition.
In the same year, Russel, a Franciscan friar, and one Two other
Kennedy, a young man, of eighteen years of age, were mariJrs-
brought before the Archbishop of Glasgow. That
Bishop was a learned and moderate man, and was much
against these cruel proceedings ; he was also in great
credit with the King, having been his tutor : yet he was
forced, by the threatenings of his brethren, to go on
with the persecution. So those two, Russel and Ken-
nedy, being brought before him, Kennedy, that was
young and fearful, had resolved to submit and abjure ;
but being brought to the bar, and encouraged by
Russel's discourses, he felt so high a measure of courage
and joy in his heart, that he fell down on his knees,
and broke forth in these words : " Wonderful, O God,
is thy love, and mercy towards me, a miserable wretch !
for now, when I would have denied thee, and thy Son
my Saviour, thou hast by thine own hand pulled me
back from the bottom of hell, and given me most
heavenly comfort, which hath removed the ungodly
fear that before oppressed my mind. Now I defy death ;
do what you please ; I thank God I am ready." There
followed a long dispute between the friar and the di-
vines that sate with the Archbishop ; but when he per-
ceived they would hear nothing, and answered him only
with revilings and jeers, he gave it over, and concluded
I.
1541
480 HISTORY OF
Part Jn these wdrds : * This is your hour and power of dark-
ness : now you sit as judges, and we stand wrongfully
condemned ; but the day cometh which will shew our
innocence, and you shall see your own blindness to
your everlasting confusion: go on, and fulfil the mea-
sure of your iniquity." This put the Archbishop in
great confusion, so that he said to those about him, that
these rigorous executions did hurt the cause of the
church more than could be well thought of ; and he
declared that his opinion was, that their lives should
be spared, and some other course taken with them.
But those that sate with him said, if he took a course
different from what the other prelates had taken, he
was not the church's friend. This, with other threat-
ening expressions, prevailed so far on his fears, that he
gave judgment. So they were burnt ; but at their
death they expressed so much constancy and joy, that
the people were much wrought on by their behaviour.
Russel encouraged Kennedy, his partner in sufferings,
in these words : u Fear not, brother, for he is more
mighty that is in us, than he that is in the world ; the
pain which we shall suffer is short and light ; but our
joy and consolation shall never have an end. Death
cannot destroy us ; for it is destroyed already by him,
for whose sake we suffer ; therefore let us strive to
enter in by the same strait way, which our Saviour
hath taken before us." With the blood of such mar-
tyrs was the field of that church sown, which did
quickly rise up in a plentiful harvest.
Among those that Mere at this time in hazard,
George Buchanan was one. The clergy were resolved
to be revenged on him for the sharpness of the poems
he had written against them. And the King had so ab-
solutely left all men to their mercy, that he had died
with the rest, if he had not made his escape out of
prison: then he went beyond sea, and lived twenty
years in that exile, and was forced to teach a school
most part of the time; yet the greatness of his mind
was not oppressed with that mean employment. In
his writings there appears, not only all the beautv and
graces of the Latin tongue, but a vigour of mind and
THE REFORMATION. 481
quickness of thought far beyond Bembo, or the other boojv
Italians, who at that time affected to revive the purity '
of the Roman style. It was but a feeble imitation of lb.n
Tully in them ; but his style is so natural and nervous,
and his reflections on things are so solid, (besides his
immortal poems, in which he shews how well he could
imitate all the Roman poets in their several ways of
writing, that he who compares them will be often
tempted to prefer the copy to the original,) that he is
justly reckoned the greatest and best of our modern
authors. This was the state of affairs at this time in
Scotland. And so I shall leave this digression ; on
which, if I have stayed too long, my kindness to my
native country must be my excuse : and now I return
to the affairs of England.
The King went his progress with his fair and beloved
Queen ; and when he came to York he issued out a
proclamation, " that all who had been aggrieved for
want of justice, by any whom he had formerly employed,
should come to him and his council for redress." This
was -done to cast all past miscarriages on Cromwell, and
to put the people in hopes of better times. But, upon
his return to London, he met with a new affliction. He
was so much taken with his Queen, that on All-Saints'
day, when he received the sacrament, he openly gave
God thanks for the good life he led, and trusted still to
lead with her; and desired his ghostly father to join
with him in the same thanksgiving to God. But this
joy lasted not long; for the next day the Archbishop of
Canterbury came to him, and gave him a doleful account
of the Queen's ill life, as it had been brought him by
one John Lassels : who, when the King was in his pro-
gress, had told him, that his sister, who had been an old
servant of the Duke of Norfolk's, under whose care the
Queen was brought up, said to him, that the Queen
was lewd, and that one Francis Deirham had enjoyed
her often, as also one Mannock; with other foul cir-
cumstances not fit to be related. The Archbishop com-
municated it to the Lord Chancellor, and the other
privy-counsellors that were at London. They agreed
VOL. J, p. i. 2 I
482
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1541.
The
Queen's
ill life is
discovered.
Ami con-
fessed by
herself and
others.
that the Archbishop should open it to the King; but he,
not knowing how to do it in discourse, set it down in
writing, and put it in the King's hands. When the
King read it, he seemed much perplexed ; but loved
the Queen so tenderly, that he looked on it as a forgery.
And now the Archbishop was in extreme danger ; for if
full evidence had not been brought, it had been certainly
turned on him to his ruin. The King imparted it to
some other counsellors, and told them that he could
not believe it ; yet he would try it out, but with all pos-
sible secrecy. So the Lord Privy-Seal was sent to Lon-
don to examine Lassels, who stood to what he had in-
formed. Then he sent that same lord into Sussex,
where Lassel's sister lived, to try if she would justify
what her brother had reported in her name ; and she
owning it, he ordered Deirham and Mannock to be ar-
rested upon some other pretences; but they being ex-
amined, not only confessed what was informed, but re-
vealed some other circumstances, that shewed the Queen
had laid aside all sense of modesty, as well as the fear of
a discovery; three several women having been witnesses
to these her lewd practices. The report of that struck
the King into a most profound pensiveness, and he
burst out into tears, and lamented his misfortune. The
Archbishop of Canterbury and some other counsellors
were sent to examine the Queen. She at first denied
every thing; but when she perceived it was already
known, she confessed all, and set it under her hand.
There were also evident presumptions that she had in-
tended to continue that course of life : for as she had
got Deirham into her service, so she had brought one
of the women, who had been formerly privy to their
familiarities, to serve about her bedchamber. One
Culpepper was also charged upon vehement suspicion ;
for, when the King was at Lincoln, by the Lady Roch-
ford's means, he was brought into the Queen's chamber
at eleven o'clock in the night, and staved there till four
the next morning. The Queen also gave him a gold
chain and a rich cap. He, being examined, confessed
the crime; for which both Deirham and he suffered.
Others were also indicted of misprision of treason, and
THE REFORMATION. 483
condemned to perpetual imprisonment. But this oc- book
casioned a new parliament to be summoned. '
On the l6th of January the parliament met; to which 1542.
the Bishops of Westminster, Chester, Peterborough, A new par-
and Gloucester, had their writs. The Lord Cromwell called!
also had his writ, though I do not find by any record
that he was restored in blood.* On the 28th of Ja-
nuary the Lord Chancellor moved the House of Lords,
to consider the case the King was in by the Queen's
ill carriage; and, that there might be no ground of
suspicion or complaint, he proposed that some of their
number should be sent to examine the Queen ; where-
upon the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Suf-
folk, the Earl of Southampton, and the Bishop of West-
minster, were sent to her. How much she confessed
to them is not very clear, neither by the journal, nor
the act of parliament, which only says that she confessed,
without mentioning the particulars. Upon this, the
processes of those that had been formerly attainted
being also brought as an evidence, the act passed in
both houses. In it they petitioned the King,
" First, Not to be troubled at the matter, since that 1?ie ac*
might be a mean to shorten his life. Queen.
"Secondly, To pardon every thing that had been
spoken against the Queen.
" Thirdly, That the Queen and her complices might
be attainted of high-treason, for her taking Deirham
into her service ; and another woman into her chamber,
who had known their former ill life ; by which it ap-
peared what she intended to do: and then admitting Cul-
pepper to be so long with her in a vile place, so many
hours in the night. Therefore, it is desired, that she
and they, with the bawd, the Lady Rochford, may be
attainted of treason ; and that the Queen and the Lady
Rochford should suffer the pains of death.
* He had his writ, not by virtue of any restoration in blood, but of his
creation by patent: neither, the day his father was created earl, as Mr.
Fulman hath it, following Dr. Fuller; but five months after his father's
death, viz. the 18th of December, in the 32d of Henry VIII. when he
was created baron of this realm, by the title only of Lord Cromwell, but
not distinguished by any place. Vide Sir W. Dugddle's History of the
Baronage.
2 I 2
484 HISTORY OF
part " Fourthly, That the King would not trouble hirrH
self to give, his assent to this aet in his own person, but
iM*. grant it by his letters- patents under his hand and great
seal.
" Fifthly, That the Dutchess Dowager of Norfolk,
Countess of Bridgewater, the Lord William Howard
and his Lady, and four other men, and five women, who
were already attainted by the course of common law, (ex-
cept the Dutchess of Norfolk, and the Countess of
Bridgewater,) that knew the Queen's vicious life, and
had concealed it, should be all attainted of misprision of
treason."
It was also enacted, "That whosoever knew any thing
of the incontinence of the Queen, (for the time being,)
should reveal it with all possible speed, under the pains
of treason. And that, if the King or his successors
should intend to marry any woman, whom they took to
be a pure and clean maid ; if she, not being so, did not
declare the same to the King, it should be high treason :
and all who knew it, and did not reveal it, were guilty of
misprision of treason. And if the Queen, or the Prince's
wife, should procure any, by messages or words, to know
her carnally ; or any other, by messages or words, should
solicit them ; they, their counsellors and abettors, are to
be adjudged high traitors."
This act being assented to by the King's letters-pa-
tents, the Queen and the Lady Rochford were beheaded
on Tower-Hill, the 12th of February. The Queen
confessed the miscarriages of her former life, before the
King married her : but stood absolutely to her denial,
as to any thing after that ; and protested to Dr. White,
afterwards Bishop of Winchester, that she took God
and his angels to be her witnesses, upon the salvation
of her soul, that she was guiltless of that act of dehl-
ing her Sovereign's bed, for which she was condemned.
Yet the lasciviousness of her former life, made peo-
ple incline to believe any ill thing that could be report-
ed of her. But for the Lady Rochford, every body ob-
served God's justice on her: who had the chief hand,
both in Queen Anne Bolcyn's, and her own husband's
death : and it now appearing so evidently what sort ol
THE REFOHMATION. 486
woman she was, it tended much to raise their reputa- book
tions again, in whose fall her spite and other artifices
had so great a hand. She had been a lady of the bed- 1M2-
chamber to the last four queens : but now it was found
how unworthy she was of that trust.
It was thought extreme cruelty to be so severe to the
Queen's kindred, for not discovering her former ill life :
since the making such a discovery had been inconsistent
with the rules of justice or decency. The old Dutchess
of Norfolk, being her grandmother, had bred her of a
child : and it was said, for her to have gone and told the
King that she was a whore when he intended to marry
her, as it was an unheard-of thing, so the not doing of
it could not have drawn so severe a punishment from
any but a prince of that King's temper. But the King
pardoned her, and most of the rest ; though some con-
tinued in prison after the rest were discharged..
But for the other part of this act, obliging a woman
to reveal her own former incontinence, if the King in-
tended to marry her, (which by a mistake the Lord Her-
bert says was passed in another act, taking it from Hall,
and not looking into the record,) it was thought a piece
of grievous tyranny; since if a King, especially one of
so imperious a temper as this was, should design such an
honour to any of his subjects, who had failed in their
former life, they must either defame themselves, by pub-
lishing so disgraceful a secret, or run the hazard of being
afterwards attainted of treason. Upon this, those that took
an indiscreet liberty to rally that sex injustly and severe-
ly, said, the King could induce none that was reputed a
maid to marry him : so that not so much choice, as ne-
cessity, put him on marrying a widow about two years
after this. But this part of the act was afterwards re-
pealed in the first parliament of King Edward the Sixth.
There passed another act in this parliament, that made ^ct a,bc!"t
r 1 i- i • ,-n i -l ii hospitals,
way for the dissolution of colleges, hospitals, and other &c.
foundations of that nature. The courtiers had been
practising with the presidents and governors of some
of these, to make resignations of them to the King ;
which were conceived in the same style that most of the
surrenders of monasteries did run in. Eight of these
486 HISTORY OF
part were all really procured, which are enrolled: but they
could not make any great progress, because it was pro-
1542. vided by the local statutes of most of them, that no
president, or any other fellows, could make any such
deed, without the consent of all the fellows in the house ;
and this could not be so easily obtained. Therefore all
such statutes were annulled, and none were any more to
be sworn to the observation of them.
The papists jn the convocation that sate at that time, which, as was
suppress formerly observed, Fuller mistakes for the convocation
jtojEagM* in the thirty-first year of this King ; the translation of
the Bible was brought under examination, and many of
the bishops were appointed to peruse it : for it seems
complaints were brought against it. It was certainly the
greatest eye-sore of the popish party ; and that which
they knew would most effectually beat down all their
projects. But there was no opposing it directly, for the
King was fully resolved to go through with it. There-
fore the way they took was, once to load the translation
then set out with as many faults as they could ; and so
to get it first condemned, and then to promise a new
one : in the making and publishing of which it would
be easy to breed many delays. But Gardiner had ano-
ther singular conceit : he fancied there were many words
in the New Testament of such majesty, that they were
not to be translated ; but must stand in the English Bi-
ble as they were in the Latin. A hundred of these he
r put into writing, which was read in convocation. His
design in this was visible ; that if a translation must be
made, it should be so daubed all through with Latin
words, that the people should not understand it much
the better for its being in English. A taste of this the
reader may have by the first twenty of them : ecclesia,
pocnitentia, pontifex, ancilla, contritus, olocausta,justitia,
justificatio, idiota, elementa, baptizare, martyr, adorare,
sandalium, simp/ex, tetrarcha, sacramentum, simulacrum ,
gloria. The design he had of keeping some of these, parti-
cularly the last save one, is plain enough ; that the people
might not discover that visible opposition, which was
between the Scriptures and the Roman church, in the
matters of images. This could not be better palliated,
THE REFORMATION, 487
than by disguising these places with words that the peo- book
pie understood not. How this was received, Fuller has
not told us. But it seems Cranmer found, that the 1542.
bishops were resolved either to condemn the translation
of the Bible, or to proceed so slowly in it, that it should
come to nothing : therefore he moved the King to re-
fer the perusing of it to the two universities. The bi-
shops took this very ill, when Cranmer intimated it to
them in the King's name ; and objected, that the learn-
ing of the universities was much decayed of late, and
that the two houses of convocation were the more pro-
per judges of that, where the learning of the land was
chiefly gathered together. But the Archbishop said he
would stick close to the King's pleasure, and that the
universities should examine it. Upon which, all the
bishops of his province, except Ely and St. David's, pro-
tested against it ; and soon after the convocation was
dissolved.
Not long after this, I find Bonner made some injunc- Bonner's
tions for his clergy ; which have a strain in them, so far ,nJunc,i(»ls-
different from the rest of his life, that it is more proba-
ble they were drawn by another pen, and imposed on Bon-
ner by an order from the King. They were set out in
the thirty-fourth year of the King's reign ; but the time
of the year is not expressed. The reader will find them
in the Collection at their full length. The substance Collect.
of them is ; Nu,ub- 26<
" First, That all should observe the King's injunc-
tions.
" Secondly, That every clergyman should read and
study a chapter of the Bible every day, with the exposi-
tion of the gloss, or some approved doctor ; which hav-
ing once studied, they should retain it in their memo-
ries, and be ready to give an account of it to him, or
any whom he should appoint.
" Thirdly, That they should study the book set
forth by the bishops, of the Institution of a Christian
Man.
"Fourthly, That such as did not reside in their bene-
fices should bring their curates to him, or his officers,
to be tried.
488 HISTORY OF
part " Fifthly, That they should often exhort their parish-
ioners to make no private contracts of marriage.
1542. " Sixthly, That they should marry none who were
married before, till they were sufficiently assured that
the former husband or wife were dead.
" Seventhly, That they should instruct the children
of their several parishes ; and teach them to read Eng-
lish, that they might know how to believe, and pray,
and live, according to the will of God.
" Eighthly, That they should reconcile all that were
in enmity, and in that be a good example to others
" Ninthly, That none should receive the communion
who did not confess to their own curates.
" Tenthly, That none should be suffered to go to
taverns, or alehouses, and use unlawful games on Sun-
days, or holy-days, in time of Divine service.
" Eleventhly, That twice every quarter they should
declare the seven deadly sins, and the Ten Command-
ments.
"Twelfthly, That no priest should go but in his habit.
" Thirteenthly, That no priest should be admitted to
say mass, without shewing his letters of orders to the
bishop or his officers.
" Fourteenthly, That they should instruct the peo-
ple to beware of blasphemy, or swearing by any part of
Christ's body ; and to abstain from scolding and slan-
dering, adultery, fornication, gluttony, or drunkenness;
and that they should present at the next visitation
those who were guilty of these sins.
" Fifteen thly, That no priest should use unlawful
games, or go to alehouses or taverns, but upon an ur-
gent necessity.
" Sixteenthly, No plays or interludes to be acted in
the churches.
" Sevcnteenthly, That there should be no sermons
preached, that had been made within these two hun-
dred or three hundred vears. But when they preached,
they should explain the whole gospel and epistle for the
day, according to the mind of some good doctor, al-
lowed by the church of England ; and chiefly to insist on
those places that might stir up the people to good works
THE REFORMATION. 48J)
and to prayer ; and to explain the nse of the ceremo- book
nies of the church. That there should be no railing in
sermons ; but the preacher should calmly and discreetly 1<via<
set forth the excellences of virtue, and the vileness of
sin ; and should also explain the prayers for that day,
that so the people might pray with one heart; and should
teach them the use of the sacraments, particularly of
the mass ; but should avoid the reciting of fables, or
stories, for which no good writer could be vouched ; and
that when the sermon was ended, the preacher should
in few words resume the substance of it.
" Eighteenthly, That none be suffered to preach un-
der the degree of a bishop, who had not obtained a li-
cence, either from the King, or him their ordinary."
These injunctions, especially when they are considered The man-
at their full length, will give great light into the temper "^chin
of men at that time; and particularly inform us of the atthattinle.
design and method of preaching, as it was then set for-
ward. Concerning which the reader will not be ill
pleased to receive some information. In the time of
popery there had been few sermons but in Lent : for
their discourses on the holy-days, were rather pane-
gyrics on the saints, or the vain magnifying of some
of their relics, which were laid up in such or such
places. In Lent there was a more solemn and serious
way of preaching ; and the friars, who chiefly main-
tained their credit by their performances at that time,
used all the force of their skill and industry to raise the
people into heats, by passionate and affecting discourses.
Yet these generally tended to raise the value of some of
the laws of the church, such as abstinence at that time,
confession, with other corporal severities; or some of
the little devices, that both inflamed a blind devotion,
and drew money ; such as indulgences, pilgrimages, or
the enriching the shrines and relics of the saints.
But there was not that pains taken to inform the people
of the hatefulness of vice, and the excellency of holi-
ness, or of the wonderful love of Christ, by which men
might be engaged to acknowledge and obey him. And
the design of their sermons was rather to raise a present
heat, which they knew afterwards how to manage, than
490 HISTORY OF
part to work a real reformation on their hearers. They had
also intermixed with all Divine truths so many fables,
1542. that they were become very extravagant ; and that
alloy had so embased the whole, that there was great
need of a good discerning, to deliver people from those
prejudices, which these mixtures brought upon the
whole Christian doctrine. Therefore the reformers
studied, with all possible care, to instruct the people in
the fundamentals of Christianity, with which they had
been so little acquainted. From hence it came, that
the people ran after those new preachers with wonderful
zeal. It is true, there seem to be very foul and indis-
creet reflections on the other party, in some of their
sermons : but if any have applied themselves much to
observe what sort of men the friars and the rest of the
popish clergy were at that time, they shall find great
excuses for those heats. And as our Saviour laid open
the hypocrisies and impostures of the scribes and pha-
risees, in a style which such corruptions extorted, so
there was great cause given to treat them very roughly :
though it is not to be denied, but those preachers had
some mixtures of their own resentments, for the cruel-
ties and ill usage which they received from them. But
now that the Reformation made a greater progress,
much pains was taken to send eminent preachers over
the nation ; not confining them to particular charges,
but sending them with the King's licence up and down
to many places. Many of these licences are enrolled,
and it is likely that many were granted that were not so
carefully preserved. But provision was also made for
people's daily instruction : and because, in that ignorant
time, there could not be found a sufficient number of
good preachers, and, in a time of so much juggling, they
would not trust the instruction of the people to every
one ; therefore none was to preach except he had gotten
a particular licence for it from the King, or his diocesan.
But to qualify this, a book of Homilies was printed ; in
which the gospels and epistles of all the Sundays and
holy-days of the year were set down, with a homily to
every one of these, which is a plain and practical para-
phrase on those parcels of Scripture. To these arc
THE REFORMATION. 4!)1
added many serious exhortations, and some short ex- cook
ILL
planations of the most obvious difficulties, that shew
the compiler of them was a man both of good judgment xm
and learning. To these were also added, sermons on
several occasions ; as, for weddings, christenings, and
funerals ; and these were to be read to the people by
such as were not licensed to preach. But those who
were licensed to preach, being often accused for their
sermons, and complaints being made to the King by-
hot men on both sides, they came generally to write
and read their sermons. From thence the reading of
sermons grew into a practice in this church : in which,
if there was not that heat and fire which the friars had
shewed in their declamations, so that the passions of
the hearers were not so much wrought on by it ; yet it
has produced the greatest treasure of weighty, grave, and
solid sermons, that ever the church of God had, which
does in a great measure compensate that seeming flat-
ness to vulgar ears that is in the delivery of them
The injunctions take notice of another thing, which piaysaud
interludes
then acted.
the sincerity of an historian obliges me to give an ac- "
count of, though it was indeed the greatest blemish of
that time : these were the stage-plays and interludes
that were then generally acted, and often in churches.
They were representations of the corruptions of the
monks, and some other feats of the popish clergy. The
poems were ill contrived, and worse expressed ; if there
lies not some hidden wit in these ballads, (for verses
they were not) which at this distance is lost : but from
the representing the immoralities and disorders of the
clergy, they proceeded to act the pageantry of their
worship. This took with the people much ; who, being
provoked by the miscarriages and cruelties of some of
the clergy, were not ill pleased to see them and their
religion exposed to public scorn. The clergy com-
plained much of this, and said it was an introduction to
atheism and all sort of irreligion : for if once they be-
gan to mock sacred things, no stop could be put to that
petulant humour. The grave and learned sort of re-
formers disliked and condemned these courses, as not
suitable to the genius of true religion ; but the political
492 HISTORY OF
part men of that party made great use of them, encouraging
them all they could ; for they said, contempt being the
1542# most operative and lasting affection of the mind, nothing
would more effectually drive out many of those abuses,
which yet remained, than to expose them to the con-
tempt and scorn of the people.
War be- In the end of this year a war broke out between
»ween Eng- England and Scotland, set on by the instigation of the
land and *3 ' f o
Scotland. French King, who was also beginning to be an uneasy
neighbour to those of the English pale about Calais.
The King set out a long declaration, in which he very
largely laid out the pretensions the crown of England
had to an homage from the Kings of Scotland. In
this I am no fit person to interpose ; the matter being
disputed by the learned men of both nations. The
Scots said it was only for some lands their kings had
in England that they did homage, as the kings of
England did for Normandy and Guienne to the kings
of France : but the English writers cited many records,
to shew that the homage was done for the crown of
Scotland. To this the Scots replied, that in the inva-
sion of Edward the First he had carried away all their
ancient records; so these being lost, they could only
appeal to the chronicles that lay up and down the
nation in their monasteries: that all these affirmed the
contrary, and that they were a free kingdom; till
Edward the First, taking advantage of their disputes
about the succession to their crown, upon the death of
Alexander the Third, got some of the competitors to
lay down their pretensions at his feet, and to promise
homage: that this was also performed by John Balliol,
whom he preferred to the crown of Scotland ; but by
these means he lost the hearts of the nation ; and it was
said, that his act of homage could not give away the
rights of a free crown and people. And they said, that
whatsoever submissions had been made since that time,
they were only extorted by force, as the effects of vic-
tory and conquest, but gave no good right nor just
title. To all this the English writers answered, that
these submissions bv their records, (which were the
solemn instruments of a nation that ought never to be
THE REFORMATION. 493
called in question), were sometimes freely made; and book
not by their kings only, but by the consent of their
states. In this uncertainty I must leave it with the jj^.
reader.
But, after the King had opened this pretension, " he
complained of the disorders committed by the Scots ;
of the unkind returns he had met with from their Kino-
for his care of him while he was an infant ; taking no
advantage of the confusions in which that kingdom
then was ; but, on the contrary, protecting the crown
and quieting the kingdom. But that of late many de-
predations and acts of hostility had been committed by
the Scots : and though some treaties had been begun,
they were managed with so much shuffling and incon-
stancy, that the King must now try it by a war." Yet
he concluded his declaration ambiguously, neither keep-
ing up nor laying down his pretensions to that crown ;
but expressing them in such a manner, that which way
soever the success of the war turned, he might be
bound up to nothing by what he now declared.
But whatsoever justice might be in the King's title Duke of
or quarrel, his sword was much the sharper. He in^aj iusto
ordered the Duke of Norfolk to march into Scotland, Scotland.
about the end of October, with an army of twenty
thousand men. Hall tells us, they burnt many towns,
and names them. But these were only single houses,
or little villages ; and the best town he names is Kelso,
which is a little open market-town. Soon after they
returned back into England ; whether, after they had
spoiled the neighbouring country, they felt the incon-
veniences of the season of the year, or whether, hearing
the Scots were gathering, they had no mind to go too
far, I cannot determine ; for the writers of both nations
disagree as to the reason of their speedy return. But
any that knows the country they spoiled, and where
they stopped, must conclude, that either they had secret
orders only to make an inroad and destroy some places
that lay along the river of Tweed, and upon the border,
which done, without driving the breach too far, to retire
back ; or they must have had apprehensions of the
Scottish armies coming to lie in these moors and hills
494 HISTORY OF
part of Sautrey, or Lammer-Moor, which they were to
pass if they had gone farther: and there were about
134.2. ten thousand men brought thither, but he that com-
manded them was much blamed for doing nothing ;
his excuse was that his number did not equal theirs.
About the end of November, the Lord Maxwell brought
an army of fifteen thousand men together, with a train
of artillery of twenty-four pieces of ordnance. And
since the Duke of Norfolk had retired towards Berwick,
they resolved to enter England, on the western side, by
Solway Frith. The King went thither himself, but
fatally left the army, and yet was not many miles from
them when they were defeated. The truth of it was,
that King, who had hitherto raised the greatest expecta-
tion, was about that time disturbed in his fancy, think-
ing that he saw apparitions, particularly of one, whom
it was said he had unjustly put to death; so that he
could not rest, nor be at quiet. But as his leaving the
army was ill advised, so his giving a commission to
Oliver Sinclair, that was his minion, to command in
chief, did extremely disgust the nobility. They loved
not to be commanded by any but their King ; and were
already weary of the insolence of that favourite, who,
being but of ordinary birth, was despised by them, so
The- Scot- that they were beginning to separate. And when they
!js.f a".7 were upon that occasion in great disorder, a small body
of English, not above five hundred horse, appeared : but
they, apprehending it was the Duke of Norfolk's army,
refused to fight, and fell in confusion. Many prisoners
were taken, the chief of whom were, the Earls of
Glencairn and Cassillis, the Lords Maxwell, Sommer-
vell, Oliphant, Gray, and Oliver Sinclair; and about
two hundred gentlemen and eight hundred soldiers ;
and all the ordnance and baggage was also taken. The
news of this being brought to the King of Scotland
increased his former disorders; and some few days after
he died, leaving an infant daughter, but newly born, to
succeed him.
Many pri- The lords that were taken prisoners were brought to
London, where, after they had been charged in council
how unkindly they had used the King, they were put
soiici
taki-n.
THE REFORMATION. 495
in the keeping of some of the greatest quality about boor
court. But the Earl of Cassillis had the best luck of
them all : for being sent to Lambeth, where he was a i54.2.
prisoner upon his parole, Cranmer studied to free him
from the darkness and fetters of popery ; in which he
was so successful, that the other was afterwards a great
promoter of the Reformation in Scotland. The Scots
had been hitherto possessed with most extraordinary
prejudices against the changes that had been made in
England ; which concurring with the ancient animosities
between the two nations, had raised a wonderful ill opi-
nion of the King's proceedings. And though the Bishop
of St. David's (Barlow), had been sent into Scotland
with the book of the " Institution of a Christian Man,"
to clear these ill impressions, yet his endeavours were
unsuccessful. The Pope, at the instance of the French
King, and to make that kingdom sure, made David
Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrew's, a cardinal, which
gave him great authority in the kingdom : so he with
the rest of the clergy diverted the King from any cor-
respondence with England, and assured him of victory
if he would make war on such an heretical prince.
The clergy also offered the King fifty thousand crowns
a-year towards a war with England ; and possessed all
the nation with very ill thoughts of the court and
clergy there. But the lords that were now prisoners
(chiefly the Earl of Cassillis, who was best instructed
by his religious host), conceived a better opinion of the
Reformation, and carried home with them those seeds
of knowledge which produced afterwards a very fruitful
harvest. On all these things I have dwelt the longer,
that it might appear whence the inclination of the
Scottish nobility to reform did take its first rise ; though
there was afterwards, in the methods by which it was
advanced, too great a mixture of the heat and forward-
ness that is natural to the genius of that country.
When the news of the King: of Scotland's death, and
of the young Queen's birth that succeeded him, came to
the court, the King thought this a very favourable con-
juncture to unite and settle the whole island. But that
unfortunate Princess was not born under such happy
1542.
t543
A new par-
4f)fi HISTORY OF
part stars, though she was mother to him in whom this
long-desired union took, effect. The lords that were
then prisoners hegan the motion; and that being told
the King, he called for them to Hampton-Court, in the
Christmas-time; and said, now an opportunity was put
in their hands to quiet all troubles that had been be-
tween these two crowns, by the marriage of the Prince
of Wales to their young Queen ; in which he desired
their assistance, and gave them their liberty, they leaving
hostages for the performance of what was then offered
by them. They all promised their concurrence, and
seemed much taken with the greatness of the English
court, which the King always kept up, not without
affectation : they also said, they thought God was
better served there than in their own country. So on
New-Year's-day they took their journey towards Scot-
land ; but the sequel of this will appear afterwards.
A parliament was summoned to meet the 2'2d of Ja-
Uawenu"" nuary, which sate till the I2th of May: so the session
began in the thirty- fourth, and ended in the thirty-fifth
year of the King's reign ; from whence it is called in the
Records, the parliament of the thirty-fourth and thirty-
fifth year. Here both the temporality and spirituality gave
great subsidies to the King, of six shillings in the pound,
to be paid in three years. They set forth in their pre-
ambles, " The expense the King had been at in his war
with Scotland, and for his other great and urgent oc-
casions ;" by which was meant a war with France, which
broke out the following summer. But with these
there passed other two acts of great importance to re-
ligion. The title of the first was, " An act for the
advancement of true religion, and abolishment of the
contrary." The King was now entering upon a war;
so it seemed reasonable to qualify the severity of the
late acts about religion, that all might be quiet at home.
Cranmer Cranmer moved it first, and was faintly seconded by
promotes aiT-».1 - - y-i-i
reformation the Bishops of Worcester, Hereford, Chichester, and
Rochester, who had promised to stick to him in it. At
this time a league was almost finished between the King
and the Emperor, which did again raise the spirit of the
popish faction. They had been much cast down ever
THE REFORMATION. 497
since the last Queen's fall. But now that the Emperor book
was like to have an interest in English councils, they
took heart again ; and Gardiner opposed the Archbishop's 1543.
motion with all possible earnestness: and that whole
faction fell so upon it, that the timorous bishops not
only forsook Cranmer, but Heath, of Rochester, and
Skip, of Hereford, were very earnest with him to stay
for a better opportunity ; but he generously preferred
his conscience to those arts of policy which he would
never practise, and said he would push it as far as it
would go. So he plied the King and the other lords
so earnestly, that at length the bill passed, though
clogged with many provisos, and very much short of
what he had designed.
The preamble set forth, " That, there being many An act
dissensions about religion, the Scriptures, which the
King had put into the hands of his people, were abused
by many seditious persons in their sermons, books,
plays, rhymes, and songs; from which great inconve-
niences were like to arise. For preventing these, it
was necessary to establish a form of sincere doctrine,
conformable to that which was taught by the apostles.
Therefore all the books of the Old and New Testament,
of Tindal's translation (which is called crafty, false, and
untrue), are forbidden to be kept or used in the King's
dominions ; with all other books contrary to the doc-
trine set forth in the year 1540 ; with punishments, and
fines, and imprisonment, upon such as sold or kept
such books. But Bibles that were not of Tindal's
translation were still to be kept, only the annotations
or preambles that were in any of them, were to be cut
out, or dashed; and the King's proclamations and in-
junctions, with the Primers and other books printed in
English, for the instruction of the people, before the
year 1540, were still to be in force; and among these,
Chaucer's books are by name mentioned. No books
were to be printed about religion, without the King's
allowance. In no plays nor interludes they might
make any expositions of Scripture ; but only reproach
vice, and set forth virtue in them. None might read
the Scripture in any open assembly, or expound it,
vol. i. p. 1. 2 k
498 HISTORY OF
part but he who was licensed by the King or his ordinary ;
i with a proviso, that the chancellors in parliament, judges,
1543. recorders, or any others, who were wont in public oc-
casions to make speeches, and commonly took a place
of Scripture for their text, might still do as they had
done formerly. Every nobleman or gentleman might
cause the Bible to be read to him, in or about his house,
quietly and without disturbance. Every merchant that
was a householder might also read it ; but no woman,
nor artificers, apprentices, journeymen, serving-men
under the degree of yeomen, nor no husbandmen, or
labourers, might read it : yet every noble woman, or
gentlewoman, might read it for herself; and so might
all other persons but those who were excepted. Every
person might read and teach in their houses the book set
out in the year 1540, with the Psalter, Primer, Pater-
noster, the Ave, and the Creed, in English. All spiritual
persons who preached or taught contrary to the doc-
trine set forth in that book, were to be admitted, for
the first conviction, to renounce their errors ; for the
second to abjure, and carry a faggot; which if they re-
fused to do, or fell into a third offence, they were to be
burnt. But the laity for the third offence were only
to forfeit their goods and chattels, and be liable to per-
petual imprisonment. But these offences were to be
objected to them within a year after they were com-
mitted. And whereas before, the party accused was not
allowed to bring witnesses for his own purgation ; this
was now granted him. But to this a severe proviso
was added, which seemed to overthrow all the former
favour; that the act of the six Articles was still in the
same force in which it "was before the making of this
act. Yet that was moderated by the next proviso ;
that the King might, at any time hereafter, at his plea-
sure, change this act, or any provision in it."
This last proviso was made stronger by another act,
made for the due execution of proclamations, in pur-
suance of a former act to the same effect, of which
mention was made in the thirty-first year of the King's
reign. By that former act there was so great a number
of officers of state, and of the Kind's household, of
THE REFORMATION. 491)
judges, and other persons, to sit on these trials, that book
those not being easily brought together, the act had
never taken any effect. Therefore it was now appointed, 1543-
that nine counsellors should be a sufficient number for
these trials. At the passing of that act the Lord Mont-
joy protested against it, which is the single instance of
a protestation against any public bill through this
King's whole reign.
The act about religion freed the subjects from the
fears under which they were before. For now the
laity were delivered from the hazard of burning ; and
the spirituality were not in danger, but upon the third
conviction : they might also bring their own witnesses,
which was a great favour to them. Yet that high
power which was given the King, of altering the act, or
any parts of it, made, that they were not absolutely se-
cured from their fears, of which some instances after-
wards appeared. But as this act was some mitigation
of former severities, so it brought the reformers to de-
pend wholly on the King's mercy for their lives; since
he could now chain up, or let loose, the act of the six
Articles upon them at his pleasure.
Soon after the end of this parliament, a league was A leaeue
sworn between the King and the Emperor on Trinity the King
Sunday, offensive and defensive for England, Calais, andEm-
and the places about it, and for all Flanders; with per<
many other particulars, to be found in the treaty set
down at large by the Lord Herbert. There is no men-
tion made of the legitimation of the Lady Mary ; but it
seems it was promised that she should be declared next
in the succession of the crown to Prince Edward, if the
King had no other children ; which was done in the
next parliament, without any reflections on her birth :
and the Emperor was content to accept of that, there
being no other terms to be obtained. The popish
party > who had set up their rest on bringing the King
and Emperor to a league, and putting the Lady Mary
into the succession, no doubt pressed the Emperor much
to accept of this; which we may reasonably believe was
vigorously driven on by Bonner, who was sent to Spain
an ambassador for concluding this peace, by which also
2 k 2
500 HISTORY OF
paet the Emperor gained much ; for having engaged the
crowns of England and France in a war, and drawn off
Scotland.
1543. the King of England from his league with the princes
of Germany, he was now at more leisure to prosecute
his designs in Germany.
A treaty for But the negotiation in Scotland succeeded not to
iiththe tne King's mind, though at first there were very good
Queen of appearances. The Cardinal, by forging a will for the
dead King, got himself and some of his party to be put
into the government. But the Earl of Arran (Hamil-
ton) being the nearest in blood to the young Queen,
and being generally beloved for his probity, was invited
to assume the government, which he managed with
great moderation, and an universal applause. He sum-
moned a parliament, which confirmed him in his power,
during the minority of the Queen. The King sent Sir
Ralph Sadler to him to agree to the marriage, and to
desire him to send the young Queen into England:
and if private ends wrought much on him, Sadler was
empowered to offer another marriage of the King's
second daughter, the Lady Elizabeth, to his son. The
Earl of Arran was himself inclinable to reformation, and
very much hated the Cardinal: so he was easily brought
to consent to a treaty for the match, which was con-
cluded in August, by which the young Queen was to be
bred in Scotland till she was ten years of age ; but the
King might send a nobleman and his wife, with other
persons, not exceeding twenty, to wait on her : and for
performance of this, six noblemen were to be sent from
Scotland for hostages. The Earl of Arran being tben
governor, kept the Cardinal under restraint till this
treaty was concluded ; but he, corrupting his keepers,
made his escape, and joining with the Queen-Mother,
they made a strong faction against the Governor: all
the clergy joined with the Cardinal to oppose the match
with England, since they looked for ruin if it succeeded.
The Queen, being a sister of Guise, and bred in the
French court, was wholly for their interests: and all
that had been obliged by that court, or depended on it,
were quickly drawn into the part v. It was also said to
every body, that it was much more the interest of Scot-
THE REFORMATION. 561
Sand to match with France than with England. If they book
were united to France, they might expect an easy go-
vernment : for the French being at such a distance from 1543>
them, and knowing how easily they miffht throw them- The differ-
. . cnt inter-
selves into the arms of England, would certainly rule «.sts *«&
them gently, and avoid giving them great provocations.
But if they were united to England, they had no re-
medy, but must look for a heavier yoke to be laid on
them. This, meeting with the rooted antipathy that, by
■a long continuance of war, was grown up among them
to a savage hatred of the English nation, and being in-
flamed by the considerations of religion, raised an uni-
versal dislike of the match with England, in the greatest
part of the whole nation ; only a few men of greater
probity, who were weary of the depredations and wars in
the borders, and had a liking to the Reformation of the
church, were still for it.
The French court, struck in vigorously with their The FMn<*
party in Scotland, and sent over the Earl of Lenox ; who, vails.
as he was next in blood to the crown after the Earl of
Arran, so was of the same family of the Stuarts, which
had endeared him to the late King. He was to lead
the Queen's party against the Hamiltons; yet they em-
ployed another tool, which was John Hamilton, base
brother to the Governor, who was afterwards archbishop
of St. Andrew's. He had great power over his brother ;
who, being then not above four-and-twenty years of age,
and having been the only lawful son of his father in his
old age, was never bred abroad ; and so understood not
the policies and arts of courts, and was easily abused by
his base brother. He assured him, that if he went
about to destroy religion, by matching the Queen to an
heretical Prince, they would depose him from his go-
vernment, and declare him illegitimate. There could
be indeed nothing clearer than his father's divorce from
his first wife : for it had been formerly proved, that
she had been married to the Lord Yester's son before he
married her, who claimed her as his wife ; upon which
her marriage with the Earl of Arran was declared null m
the year 1507 : and it was ten years after, that the Earl
of Arran did marry the Governor's mother : of which
502 HISTORY OF
part things the original instruments are yet extant. Yet it
was now said, that that precontract with the Lord Yes-
1543. ^ers son was but a forgery, to dissolve that marriage;
and if the Earl of Lenox (who was next to the crown,
in case the Earl of Arran was illegitimated) should, by
the assistance of France, procure a review of that pro-
cess from Rome, and obtain a revocation of that sen-
tence by which his father's first marriage was annulled,
then it was plain that the second marriage, with the
issue by it, would be of no force. All this wrought on
the Governor much, and at length drew him off from
the match with England, and brought him over to the
French interests : which being effected, there was no
further use of the Earl of Lenox ; so he, finding him-
self neglected by the Queen and the Cardinal, and aban-
doned by the crown of France, fled into England, where
he was very kindly received by the King, who gave him
in marriage his niece, Lady Margaret Dowglass, whom
the Queen of Scotland had borne to the Earl of Angus,
her second husband: from which marriage issued the
Lord Darnly, father to King James.
When the lords of the French faction had carried
things to their mind in Scotland, it was next considered,
what they should do to redeem the hostages whom the
lords, who were prisoners in England, had left behind
them. And for this, no other remedy could be found,
but to let them take their hazard, and leave them to the
King of England's mercy : to this they all agreed, only
the Earl of Cassillis had too much honour and virtue to
do so mean a thing. Therefore, after he had done all
he could for maintaining the treaty about the match, he
went into England, and offered himself again to be a
prisoner ; but as generous actions are a reward to them-
selves, so they often meet with that entertainment which
they deserve : and upon this occasion, the King was
not wanting to express a very great value for that lord.
He called him another Regulus, but used him better ;
for he both gave him his liberty, and made him noble
presents, and sent him and his hostages back, being re-
solved to have a severer reparation for the injury done
him. All which I have opened more fully, because this
THE REFORMATION. 503
will give a great light to the affairs of that kingdom ; book
which will be found in the reigns of the succeeding
princes, to have a great intermixture with the affairs of 1543>
this kingdom. Nor are they justly represented by any
who write of these times ; and, having seen some origi-
nal papers relating to Scotland at that time, I have done
it upon more certain information.
The King of England made war next upon France : A war with
the grounds of this war are recited by the Lord Her-
bert. One of these is proper for me to repeat : " That
the French King had not deserted the Bishop of Rome,
and consented to a reformation, as he had once pro-
mised. The rest related to other things: such as the
seizing our ships ; the detaining the yearly pension due
to the King ; the fortifying Ardres, to the prejudice of
the English pale ; the revealing the King's secrets to
the Emperor ; the having given, first his daughter, and
then the Duke of Guise's sister, in marriage to his
enemy, the King of Scotland ; and his confederating
himself with the Turk. And satisfaction not being
given in these particulars a war is declared."
In July the King married Katherine Parre, who had A ncy Per-
been formerly married to Nevil, lord Latimer. She was protestant*.
a secret favourer of the Reformation ; yet could not di-
vert a storm, which at this time fell on some in Wind-
sor : for that being a place to which the King did oft
retire, it was thought fit to make some examples there.
And now the league with the Emperor gave the popish
faction a greater interest in the King's councils. There
was at this time a society at Windsor, that favoured
the Reformation : Anthony Person, a priest, Robert
Testwood, and John Marbeck, singing-men, and Henry
Filmer, of the town of Windsor, were the chief of them;
but those were much favoured by Sir Philip Hobby and
his Lady, and several others of the King's family.
During Cromwell's power none questioned them ; but
after his fall they were looked on with an ill eye. Doc-
tor London, who had, by the most servile flatteries, in-
sinuated himself into Cromwell, and was much em-
ployed in the suppression of monasteries, and expressed
a particular zeal in removing all images and relics
504 HISTORY OF
part which had been abused to superstition, did now, upon
Cromwell's fall, apply himself to Gardiner, by whose
1543. means he was made a prebendary there. And, to shew
how dexterously he could make his court both ways, or
to make compensation for what he had formerly done,
he took care to gather a whole book of informations
against those in Windsor, who favoured the new learn-
ing, (which was the modest phrase by which they
termed the Reformation.) He carried this book to
Gardiner, who moved the King in council, that a com-
mission might be granted for searching suspected houses
at Windsor, in which it was informed there were many
books against the six Articles. The King granted the
warrant for the town, but not for the castle. So those
before named were seized on, and some of these books
were found in their houses. Dr. Hains, dean of Exe-
ter and prebendary of Windsor, being informed against,
was also put in prison ; so was likewise Sir Philip Hobby.
But there were likewise some papers of notes on the
Bible, and of a concordance in English, found in Mar-
beck's house, written with his own hand : and he being
an illiterate man, they did not doubt but these were
other men's works, which he was writing out : so they
began with him, and hoped to draw discoveries from
him. He was frequently examined, but would tell
nothing that might do hurt to any other person. But
being examined, who wrote these notes, he said they
were his own : for he read all the books he could light
on, and wrote out what every man had written on any
place of Scripture. And for his concordance, he told
them, that, being a poor man, he could not buy one of
the Bibles when they came first out in English, but, set
himself to write one out; by which another, perceiving
his industry, suggested to him, that he would do well
to write a concordance in English ; but he said, he
knew not what that was ; so the other person explain-
ing it to him, he got a Latin concordance, and an Eng-
lish Bible; and having learned a little Latin, when he
Mnrbock's Was young, he, bv comparing the English with the
great inge- r ^ i t , J l b i i • i i i J
moubnts?. .Latin, had drawn out a concordance, which lie had
brought to the letter L. This seemed so extravagant
THE REFORMATION. 505
a thing to Gardiner, and the other bishops that exa- B®9K
mined him, that they could by no means believe it :
but he desired they would draw out any words of the 1543.
letter M, and give him the Latin concordance, with the
English Bible, and after a little time they should see
whether he had not done the rest. So the trial was
made ; and in a day's time he had drawn out three sheets
of paper, upon those words that were given him. This
both satisfied and astonished the bishops, wondering at
the ingeniousness and diligence of so poor a man. It
was much talked of, and being told the King, he said,
" Marbeck employed his time better than those that
examined him." For the others, they were kept in
prison at London till the 24th of July, that the King
gave orders to try them at Windsor.
There was a court held there on the 27th of July, Tlirep burnt
where Capon, bishop of Sarum, and Franklin, dean of a
Windsor, and Fachel, parson of Reading, and three of
the judges, sate on those four men. They were indicted
for some words spoken against the mass; Marbeck
only for writing out an epistle of Calvin's against it,
which he said he copied before the act of the six Articles
was made. The jury was not called out of the town,
for they would not trust it to them, but out of the
farms of the chapel. They were all found guilty, and
so condemned to be burnt, which was executed on
three of them the next day ; only Marbeck was recom-
mended to the Bishop of Winchester's care, to procure
his pardon, which was obtained. The other three ex-
pressed great composure of mind in their sufferings, and
died with much Christian resolution and patience, for-
giving their persecutors, and committing themselves to
the mercies of God through Jesus Christ.
But in their trial, Doctor London, and Symonds, a Their per-
lawyer and an informer, had studied to fish out accusa- sct'utors,are
j m 7 perjured*
tions against many of the King's servants, as Sir Philip
Hobby, and Sir Thomas Cawarden, with their ladies,
and several others who had favoured those men. With
these informations, Oakam, that had been the clerk of
the court, was sent to Gardiner; but one of the Queen's
servants, who had discovered the design, was before him
506
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1543.
A conspira-
cy against
Cramner.
at court. Upon the advertisement which he had
brought, Oakam was seized on at his coming to court,
and all his papers were examined ; in which they disco-
vered a conspiracy against those gentlemen, with other
plots, that gave the King great offence; but the particu-
lars are not mentioned. So Doctor London and Sy-
monds were sent for, and examined upon this discovery ;
but they, not knowing that their letters were inter-
cepted, denied there was any such plot, and, being put
to their oaths, swore it. Then their own hand-writing
was produced against them ; upon which, they, being
thus perjured, were ordered to be carried on horseback,
with their faces to the horse's tails, and papers on their
foreheads, for their perjury, and then to be set in the
pillory, both in Windsor, Reading, and Newbury, where
the King was at that time. This was accordingly exe-
cuted on them ; but sunk so deep in Doctor London's
heart, that he died soon after. From all this it will
appear what sort of men the persecutors at that time
were.
But this was a small part of what Gardiner had pro-
jected ; for he looked on these as persons unworthy of
his displeasure. Cranmer was chiefly aimed at by him;
and therefore all that party were still infusing it into
the King's mind, that it was great injustice to prosecute
poor men with so much severity, and let the chief sup-
porter of heresy stand in so eminent a degree, and in
such favour about him. At length the King, to disco-
ver the bottom of their designs, seemed to give ear to
their accusations, and desired to hear what particulars
could be objected against him. This gave them great
encouragement ; for till that time, the King would let
nothing be said against Cranmer : so they concluded
he would be quickly ruined, since the King had opened
his ear to their informations. Therefore many parti-
culars were quickly laid together, and put into the
King's hands ; who, a little after that, going to divert
himself on the river, ordered his bargemen to row to-
wards Lambeth, which being perceived by some of the
Archbishop's servants, they acquainted him with it, who
hasted down to his stairs to do his duty to the King.
THE REFORMATION. 507
When the King saw him, he called him into the barge ; book
and they being alone, the King lamented the growth of
heresy, and the dissensions and confusions that were 1543.
like to follow upon it: and said, he intended to find out Antiq.Brft,
the chief encourager and favourer of these heresies, and
make him an example to the rest. And he asked the
Archbishop's opinion about it, who answered him, that
it was a good resolution, but entreated the King to con-
sider well what heresy was, and not to condemn those
as heretics, who stood for the word of God against
human inventions. But, after some discourse, the King
told him he was the man, who, as he was informed,
was the chief encourager of heresy; and then gave him
the articles that were brought against him and his chap-
lains, both by some prebendaries of Canterbury, and
the justices of peace in Kent. When he read them,
he kneeled down, and desired the King would put the
matter to a trial. He acknowledged he was still of the
same mind as he was of, when he opposed the six Ar-
ticles ; but that he had done nothing against them.
Then the King asked him about his wife : he frankly
confessed he had a wife; but said, that he had sent her
to Germany, upon the passing the act against priests
having wives. His candour and simplicity wrought so
on the King, that he discovered to him the whole plot
that was laid against him ; and said, that instead of
bringing him to any trial about it, he would have him
try it out, and proceed against those his accusers. But
he excused himself, and said it would not be decent for
him to sit judge in his own cause. But the King said
to him, he was resolved none other should judge it,
but those he should name. So he named his Chancel-
lor and his Register, to whom the King added another;
and a commission being given them, they went into
Kent, and sate three weeks, to find out the first con-
trivers of this accusation. And now every one dis-
owned it, since they saw he was still firmly rooted in
the King's esteem and favour. But it being observed
that the commissioners proceeded faintly, Cranmer's
friends moved that some man of courage and authority
might be sent thither to canvass this accusation more
50S
HISTORY OF
PART
1.
1543.
His Christ-
ian temper
of mind.
carefully. So Doctor Lee (or Leighton), dean of York,
was brought up about All-hallowtide, and sent into
Kent : and he, who had been well acquainted with the
arts of discovering secrets, when he was one of the vi-
sitors of the abbeys, managed it more vigorously. He
ordered a search to be made of all suspected persons,
among whose papers letters were found, both from the
Bishop of Winchester and Doctor London, and some
of those whom Cranmer had treated with the greatest
freedom and kindness, in which the whole plot against
him was discovered. But it was now near the session
of parliament, and the King was satisfied with the dis-
covery, but thought it not fit to make much noise of it:
and he received no addresses from the Archbishop to
prosecute it further, who was so noted for his clemency,
and following our Saviour's rule of " doing good for
evil," that it was commonly said, the way to get his fa-
vour was to do him an injury. These were the only
instances in which he expressed his resentments. Two
of the conspirators against him had been persons sig-
nally obliged by him : the one was the Bishop Suffragan
of Dover ; the other was a civilian, whom he had em-
ployed much in his business. But all the notice he
took of it was, to shew them their letters, and to ad-
monish them to be more faithful and honest for the
future: upon which he freely forgave them, and carried
it so to them afterwards, as if he had absolutely forgot-
ten what they had contrived against him. And a per-
son of quality coming to him about that time to obtain
his favour and assistance in a suit in which he was to
move the King, he went about it, and had almost procured
it ; but the King, calling to mind that he had been one
of his secret accusers, asked him, whether he took him
for his friend; he answered, that he did so. Then the
King said, the other was a knave, and was his mortal
enemy; and bid him, when he should see him next,
call him a knave to his face. Cranmer answered, that
such language did not become a bishop. But the King
sullenly commanded him to do it ; yet his modesty was
such, that he could not obey so harsh a command, and
so he passed the matter over. When these things came
THE REFORMATION. 50f)
to be known, all persons that were not unjustly preju- book
diced against him, acknowledged that his behaviour was
suitable to the example and doctrine of the meek and ^43.
lowly Saviour of the world : and very well became so
great a bishop, and such a reformer of the Christian
religion ; who, in those sublime and extraordinary in-
stances practised that which he taught others to do.
The year in which this fell out is not expressed by those
who have recorded it ; but, by the concurring circum-
stances, I judge it likeliest to have been done this year.
Soon aiter this the parliament met, that was sum- 1544
moned to meet the 14th of January, in the thirty-fifth year A new par-
of the King's reign ; in which the act of the succession Jament
of the crown passed. Which contains, "That the King, Act about
being now to pass the seas, to make war upon his ancient thcsucces-
enemy the French King, and being desirous to settle the
succession to the crown : it is enacted, that, in default of
heirs of Prince Edward's body, or of heirs by the King's
present marriage, the crown shall go to the Lady Mary,
the Kind's eldest daughter: and in default of heirs of
her body, or if she do not observe such limitations or
conditions as shall be declared by the King's letters-pa-
tents, under his great-seal, or by his last will under his
hand, it shall next fall to the Lady Elizabeth and her
heirs ; or if she have none, or shall not keep the con-
ditions declared by the King, it shall fall to any other
that shall be declared by the King's letters-patents, or
his last will, signed with his hand. There was also an
oath devised, instead of those formerly sworn, both
against the Pope's supremacy, and for maintaining the
succession in all points, according to this act : which
whosoever refused to take, was to be adjudged a traitor ;
and whosoever should either in words, or by writing,
say any thing contrary to this act, or to the peril and
slander of the King's heirs, limited in the act, was to
be adjudged a traitor." This was done, no doubt, upon
a secret article of the treaty with the Emperor; and did
put new life into the popish party, all whose hopes de-
pended on the Lady Mary. But how much this les-
sened the prerogative, and the right of succession, will be
easily discerned ; the King in this affecting an unusual
510 HISTORY OF
part extent of his own power, though with the diminution
, _ of the rights of his successors.
1544. There was another bill about the qualifying of the act
of the six Articles, that was sent divers times from the
one House to the other. It was brought to the Lords
the 1st of March, and read the first time; and stuck
till the 4th, when it was read the second time ; on the
5th it was read the third time, and passed, and was sent
down to the Commons, with "words to be put in, or put
out of it." On the 6th, the Commons sent it up with
some alterations : and on the 8th, the Lords sent it down
again to the Commons ; where it lay till the 17th, and
then it was sent up with their agreement. And the
King's assent was given by his letters- patents, on the 2Qth
Act against of March. The preamble was, " That whereas untrue
cie". accusations and presentiments might be maliciously
contrived against the King's subjects, and kept secret
till a time were espied to have them by malice convicted ;
therefore it was enacted, that none should be indicted
but upon a presentment by the oaths of twelve men, to
at least three of the commissioners appointed by the
King; and that none should be imprisoned but upon an
indictment, except by a special warrant from the King;
and that all presentments should be made within one
year after the offences were committed ; and if words
were uttered in a sermon contrary to the statute, they
must be complained of within forty days, unless a just
cause were given why it could not be so soon; admit-
ting also the parties indicted to all such challenges as
they might have in any other case of felony." This
act has clearly a relation to the conspiracies mentioned
the former year, both against the Archbishop and some
of the King's servants.
Another act passed, continuing some former acts for
revising the canon law, and for drawing up such a body
of ecclesiastical laws, as should have authority in Eng-
land. This Cranmer pressed often with great vehe-
mence ; and to shew the necessity of it, drew out a
short extract of some passages in the canon law, (which
Collect. the reader will find in the Collection,) to shew how in-
Numb. 2r. decent a thing it was, to let a volume, in which such
THE REFORMATION. 511
laws were, be studied or considered any longer in Eng- book
land. Therefore he was earnest to have such a collec- In>
tion of ecclesiastical laws made, as might regulate the 1544>
spiritual courts. But it was found more for the greatness
of the prerogative, and the authority of the civil courts,
to keep that undetermined ; so he could never obtain
his desire during this King's reign.
Another act passed in this parliament, for the remis-
sion of a loan of money, which the King had raised.
This is almost copied out of an act to the same effect,
that passed in the twenty-first year of the King's reign:
with this addition, that by this act, those who had got
payment, either in whole, or in part, of the sums so
lent the King, were to repay it back to the Exchequer.
All business being finished, and a general pardon passed,
with the ordinary exceptions of some crimes, among
which heresy is one, the parliament was prorogued on
the 29th of March to the 4th of November.
The King had now a war both with France and
Scotland upon him. And therefore to prepare for it,
he both enhanced the value of money, and embased it :
for which, he that writes his vindication gives this for
the reason — that the coin being generally embased all
over Europe, he was forced to do it, lest otherwise all
the money should have gone out of the kingdom. He
resolved to begin the war with Scotland ; and sent an The wars
army by sea thither, under the command of the Earl against
of Hartford, (afterwards Duke of Somerset,) who land- successful.
ing at Grantham, a little above Leith, burnt and
spoiled Leith and Edinburgh, in which they found
more riches than they thought could possibly have been
there ; and they went through the country, burning
and spoiling it every where, till they came to Berwick.
But they did too much if they intended to gain the hearts
of that people, and too little if they intended to subdue
them. For as they besieged not the castle of Edin-
burgh, which would have cost them more time and
trouble ; so they did not fortify Leith, nor leave a gar-
rison in it ; which was such an inexcusable omission,
that it seems their counsels were very weak and ill laid.
For Leith being fortified, and a fleet kept going be-
512
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1544.
Collect.
Nwub. '28.
tween it and Berwick, or Tinmouth, the trade of the
kingdom must have been quite stopped, Edinburgh
ruined, the intercourse between France and them cut
off, and the whole kingdom forced to submit to the
King. Bat the spoils this army made, had no other
effect but to enrage the kingdom, and unite them so
entirely to the French interests, that when the Earl of
Lenox was sent down by the King to the western parts of
Scotland, where his power lay, he could get none to fol-
low him. And the Governor of Dunbritton Castle,
though his own lieutenant, would not deliver that castle
to him, when he understood he was to put it in the King
of England's hands, but drove him out; others say, he
fled away of himself, else he had been taken prisoner.
The King was now to cross the seas : but before he
went, he studied to settle the matters of religion, so
that both parties might have some content. Audley,
the chancellor, dying, he made the Lord Wriothesley,
that had been secretary, and was of the popish party,
lord chancellor ; but made Sir William Petre, that
was Cranmer's great friend, secretary of state. He
also committed the government of the kingdom in his
absence to the Queen, to whom he joined the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the Earl
of Hartford, and Secretary Petre. And if there was
need of any force to be raised, he appointed the Earl of
Hartford his lieutenant ; under whose government the
reformers needed not fear any thing. But he did an-
other act, that did wonderfully please that whole party ;
which was, the translating of the prayers for the pro-
cessions and litanies into the English tongue. This
was sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury on the 11th
of June, with an order that it should be used over
all his province, as the reader will find in the Collection.
This was not only very acceptable to that party, be-
cause of the thing itself; but it gave them hope, that
the King was again opening his ears to motions for re-
formation, to which they had been shut now about six
years : and therefore they looked that more things of
that nature would quickly follow. And as these pray-
ers were now set out in English, so they doubted not,
THE REFORMATION. 513
but there being the same reason to put all the other of-" book
fices in the vulgar tongue, they would prevail for that too.
Things being thus settled at home, the King, having 1644>
sent his forces over before him, crossed the seas, with
much pomp, the sails of his ship being of cloth of gold.
He landed at Calais the 14th of July. The Emperor
pressed his marching straight to Paris ; but he thought
it of more importance to take Bulloign, and, after two
months' siege, it was surrendered to him ; into which
he made his entry with srreat triumph on the 18th of Bdioign
• tcik.cn
September. But the Emperor, having thus engaged
those two crowns in a war, and designing, while they
should fight it out, to make himself master of Ger-
many, concluded a treaty with the French King the very
next day, being the 1 Qth of September ; which is set
down at large by the Lord Herbert. On the 30th of
September, the King returned to England : in October
following, Bulloign was very near lost by a surprise ; but
the garrison put themselves in order, and beat back the
French. Several inroads were made into Scotland, but
not with the same success that the former expedition
had. For the Scots, animated with supplies sent from
France, and inflamed with a desire of revenge, resumed
their wonted courage, and beat back the English with
considerable loss.
Next year, the French King, resolving to recover 1545.
Bulloign, and to take Calais, that so he might drive the
English out of France, intended first to make himself
master of the sea. And he set out a great fleet of a
hundred and fifty greater ships, and sixty lesser ones,
besides many galleys brought from the Streights. The
King set out about a hundred ships. On both sides,
these were only merchant ships that were hired for this
war. But after the French fleet had looked on Eng-
land, and attempted to land with ill success, both in the
Isle of Wight and in Sussex, and had engaged in a sea-
fight for some hours, they returned back without any
considerable action ; nor did they any thing at land.
But the King's fleet went to Normandy, where they
made a descent, and burnt the country ; so that this
year was likewise glorious to the King. The Emperor
vol. 1. p. 1. 2 L
514
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1545.
The Ger-
man princes
mediate a
peace.
Church
preferments
given to
reformers.
had now done what he long designed : and therefore,
being courted by both crowns, he undertook a media-
tion, that, under the colour of mediating a peace, he
might the more effectually keep up the war.
The princes of Germany saw what mischief was de-
signed against them. The council of Trent was now
opened, and was condemning their doctrine. A league
was also concluded between the Pope and the Emperor,
for procuring obedience to their canons and decrees ;
and an army was raising. The Emperor was also set-
ting on foot old quarrels with some of the princes. A
firm peace was concluded with the Turk. So that if the
crowns of England and France were not brought to an
agreement, they were undone. They sent ambassadors
to both courts to mediate a peace. With them Cran-
mer joined his endeavours, but he had not a Cromwell
in the court to manage the King's temper ; who was so
provoked with the ill treatment he had received from
France, that he would not come to an agreement : nor
would he restore Bulloign, without which the French
would hear of no peace. Cranmer had, at this time,
almost prevailed with the King to make some further
steps in a reformation. But Gardiner, who was then
ambassador in the Emperor's court, being advertised of
it, wrote to the King ; that the Emperor would cer-
tainly join with France against him, if he made any
further innovation in religion. This diverted the King
from it ; and in August, this year, the only great friend
that Cranmer had in the court died, Charles, duke of
Suffolk, who had long continued in the height of fa-
vour ; which was always kept up, not Only by an agree-
ment of humours between the King and him, but by
the constant success which followed him in all his ex-
ploits. He was a favourer of the Reformation, as far as
could consist with his interest at court, which he never
endangered upon any account.
Now Cranmer was left alone, without friend or sup-
port : yet he had gained one great preferment in the
church, to a man of his own mind. The archbishop-
rick of York falling void by Lee's death, Robert Hol-
gatc, that was bishop of Landaif, was promoted to that
THE REFORMATION. 515
see in January ; Kitchin being made bishop of Landaff, book
who turned with every change that was made under the L
three succeeding princes. The Archbishop of York set 1545#
about the reforming of things in his province, which
had laid in great confusion all his predecessor's time : so
on the 3d of March, he took out a licence from the
King for making a metropolitical visitation. Bell, that
was bishop of Worcester, had resigned his bishoprick
the former year, (the reason of which is not set down.)
The Bishop of Rochester, Heath, was translated to that
see: and Henry Holbeach, that favoured the Reforma-
tion, was made bishop of Rochester. And, upon the
translation of Sampson from Chichester to Coventry
and Litchfield, Day, that was a moderate man, and in-
clinable to reformation, was made bishop of that see.
So that now Cranmer had a greater party among the
bishops than at any time before.
But though there were no great transactions about
religion in England this year, there were very remark-
able things done in Scotland, though of a different na-
ture; which were, the burning of Wishart, and, some
months after that, the killing of Cardinal Beaton ,- the
account of both which will not, I hope, be ingrateful
to the reader.
Mr. George Wishart was descended of a noble fa- Wishart's
mily ; he went to finish his studies in the University of [" scot-8*
Cambridge, where he was so well instructed in the Iand-
principles of true religion, that, returning to Scotland,
anno 1544, he preached over the country, against
the corruptions which did then so generally prevail.
He stayed most at Dundee, which was the chief town
in these parts. But the Cardinal, offended at this, sent
a threatening message to the magistrates ; upon which
one of them, as Wishart ended one of his sermons, was
so obsequious as to forbid him to preach any more
among them, or give them any further trouble: to
whom he answered, " That God knew he had no de- Spotwood.
sign to trouble them ; but for them to reject the mes-
sengers of God, was not the way to escape trouble ;
when he was gone, God would send messengers of ano-
ther sort among them. He had, to the hazard of his
2 l2
516 HISTORY OF
part life, preached the word of salvation to them, and they
_ * _ had now rejected him : but if it was long well with
1345. them;, he was not led by the Spirit of truth ; and if un-
looked-for trouble fell on them, he bade them remem-
ber this was the cause of it, and turn to God by re-
pentance." From thence he went to the western parts,,
where he was also much followed. But the Archbishop
of Glasgow giving orders that he should not be ad-
mitted to preach in churches, he preached often in the
fields : and when, in some places, his followers would
have forced the churches, he checked them, and said, It.
was the word of peace that he preached, and therefore
no blood should be shed about it. But after he had
stayed a month there, he heard that there was a great
plague in Dundee, which broke out the fourth day
after he had left it : upon which, he presently returned
thither, and preached oft to them, standing over one of
the gates, having taken care that the infected persons
should stand without, and those that were clean within-
the gate. He continued among them, and took care to
supply the poor and to visit the sick, and do all the
offices of a faithful pastor in that extremity. Once, as
he ended his sermon, a priest coming to have killed
him, was taken with the weapon in his hand ; but when
the people were rushing furiously on him, Wishart got
him in his arms and saved him from their rage ; for he
said he had done no harm, only they saw what they
might look for. He became a little after this more
than ordinary serious and apprehensive of his end : he
was seen sometimes to rise in the night, and spend the
greatest part of it in prayer ; and he often warned his
hearers that his sufferings were at hand, but that few
should suffer after him, and that the light of true reli-
gion should be spread over the whole land. He went
to a great many places, where his sermons were well
received; and came last to Lothian, where he found a
greater neglect of the gospel than in other parts, for
which he threatened them, "That strangers should chase
them from their dwellings and possess them." He was.
lodged in a gentleman of quality's house, Gockburn, QJ
Ormeston; when, in the night, the house was beset bj!
THE REFORMATION. 517
some horsemen, who were sent by the Cardinal's means book
to take him. The Earl of Bothwell, that had the chief
jurisdiction in the county, was with them, who promis- lbi5^
mv that no hurt should be done him, he caused the
gate to be opened, saying, "The blessed will of God
be done." When he presented himself to the Earl of
Bothwell, he desired to be proceeded with according to
law, for he said, he feared less to die openly, than to be
murdered in secret. The Earl promised, upon his ho-
nour, that no harm should be done him ; and, for some
time, seemed resolved to have made his words good :
but the Queen-Mother and Cardinal, in end, prevailed
with him to put Wishart in their hands ; and they sent
him to St. Andrew's, where it was agreed to make a sa-
crifice of him. Upon this the Cardinal called a meeting
of the bishops to St. Andrew's, against the 27th of Fe-
bruary, to destroy him with the more ceremony ; but the
Archbishop of Glasgow moved, that there should be a
warrant procured from the Lord Governor for their
proceedings. To this the Cardinal consented., think-
ing the Governor was then so linked to their interests
that he would deny them nothing : but the Governor,
bearing in his heart a secret love to religion, and being
plainly dealt with by a noble gentleman of his name,
Hamilton, of Preston, who laid before him the just and
terrible judgments of God he might look for, if he suf-
fered poor innocents to be so murdered at the appetite
of the clergy, sent the Cardinal word not to proceed'
till he himself came, and that he would not consent to
his death, till the cause was well examined ; and that if
the Cardinal proceeded against him, his blood should
be required at his hands. But the Cardinal resolved to
go on at his peril; for he apprehended, if he delayed it,
there might be either a legal or a violent rescue made : so
he ordered a mock citation of Wishart to appear ; who
being brought the next day to the abbey church, the pro-
cess was opened with a sermon, in which the preacher
delivered a great deal of good doctrine, concerning the
Scriptures being the only touchstone by which heresy
was to be tried. After sermon, the prisoner was
brought to the bar : he first fell down on his knees, and
518 HISTORY OF
part after a short prayer he stood up, and gave a long ac-
count of his sermons : that he had preached nothing
1545. but what was contained in the Ten Commandments,
the Apostles' Creed, and the Lord's Prayer ; but was
interrupted with reproachful words, and required to
answer plainly to the articles objected to him. Upon
which he appealed to an indifferent judge : he desired
to be tried by the word of God and before my Lord
Governor, whose prisoner he was : but the indictment
being read, he, confessing and offering to justify most
of the articles objected against him, was judged an ob-
stinate heretic, and condemned to be burnt. All the
next night he spent in prayer : in the morning, two
friars came to confess him, but he said he would have
nothing to do with them ; yet, if he could, he would
gladly speak with the learned man that preached the
day before. So he being sent to him, after much con-
ference, he asked him, if he would receive the sacra-
ment ? Wishart answered, he would most gladly do it,
if he might have it as Christ had instituted it, under
both kinds ; but the Cardinal would not suffer the sa-
crament to be given him. And so breakfast being
brought, he discoursed to those that were present of
the death of Christ, and the ends of the sacrament ;
and then having blessed and consecrated the elements,
he took the sacrament himself, and gave it to those that
were with him. That being done, he would taste no
other thing, but retired to his devotion. Two hours
after the executioners came, and put on him a coat of
black linen, full of bags of powder, and carried him
out to the place of execution, which was before the
Cardinal's castle. He spake a little to the people, de-
siring them not to be offended at the good word of
God, for the sufferings that followed it; it was the true
gospel of Christ that he had preached, and for which,
with a most glad heart and mind, he now offered up his
life. The Cardinal was set in state in a great window
of his castle, looking on this sad spectacle. When
Wishart was tied to the stake, he cried aloud, " O Sa-
viour of the world, have mercy upon me! Father of
heaven, I reeommend my spirit into thy holy hand*."
THE REFORMATION. 519
So the executioner kindled the fire ; but one perceiving, book
after some time, that he was yet alive, encouraged him
to call still on God ; to whom he answered, " The 1545"
flame hath scorched my body, yet hath it not daunted
my spirit; but he who, from yonder high place (looking
up to the Cardinal), beholdeth us with such pride, shall
within few days lie in the same, as ignominiously as now
he is seen proudly to rest himself." The executioner
drawing the cord that was about his neck straiter, stopped
his breath, so that he could speak no more, and his
body was soon consumed by the fire. Thus died this
eminent servant and witness of Christ; on whose suffer-
ings I have enlarged the more, because they proved so
fatal to the interests of the popish clergy ; for not any
one thing hastened to forward the Reformation more
than this did: and since he had both his education and
ordination in England, a full account of him seems no
impertinent digression.
The clergy rejoiced much at his death ; and thought
(according to the constant maxim of all persecutors),
that they should live more at ease, now when Wishart
was out of the way. They magnified the Cardinal for
proceeding so vigorously, without, or rather against, the
Governor's orders : but the people did universally look
on him as a martyr, and believed an extraordinary mea-
sure of God's Spirit had rested on him ; since, besides
great innocency and purity of life, his predictions came
so oft to pass, that he was believed a prophet as well as
a saint : and the Reformation was now so much opened
by his preaching, and that was so confirmed by his
death, that the nation was generally possessed with the
love of it. The nobility were mightily offended with
the Cardinal ; and said, Wishart's death was no less than
murder, since the clergy, without a warrant from the se-
cular power, could dispose of no man's life : so it came
universally to be said, that he now deserved to die by
the law; yet, since he was too great for a legal trial, the
kingdom being under the feeble government of a re-
gency, it was fit private persons should undertake it ;
at.d it was given out, that the killing an usurper was
always esteemed a commendable action, and so, in that
1545.
520 HISTORY OF
tart state of things, they thought secret practices might be
justified. This agreeing so much with the temper of
some in that nation, who had too much of the heat and
forwardness of their country, a few gentlemen of qua-
lity, who had been ill used by the Cardinal, conspired
his death. He was become generally hateful to the
whole nation ; and the marriage of his bastard daughter
to the Earl of Crawford's eldest son, enraged the nobi-
lity the more against him ; and his carriage towards
them all was insolent and provoking. These offended
gentlemen came to St. Andrew's the 2Qth of May ; and
the next morning, they and their attendants, being but
twelve in all, first attempted the gate of his castle,
which they found open, and made it sure ; and though
there were no fewer than a hundred reckoned to be
within the castle, yet they, knowing the passages of the
house, went with very little noise to the servants' cham-
bers, and turned them almost all out of doors ; and having
thus made the castle sure, they went to the Cardinal's
door. . He, who till then was fast asleep, suspecting no-
thing, perceived, at last, by their rudeness, that they were
not his friends, and made his door fast against them. So
they sent for fire to set to it ; upon which he treated
with them, and, upon assurance of life, he opened the
door : but they rushing in, did most cruelly and trea-
cherously murder him. A tumult was raised in the
town, and many of his friends came to rescue him ; but
the conspirators carried the dead body, and exposed it to
their view, in the same window out of which he had
not long before looked on when Wishart was burnt,
which had been universally censured as a most indecent
thing in a churchman, to delight in such a spectacle.
But those who condemned this action, yet acknow-
ledged God's justice in so exemplary a punishment; and
reflecting on Wishart's last words, were the more con-
firmed in the opinion they had of his sanctity. This
iact was differently censured ; some justified it, and said,
it was only the killing of a mighty robber ; others,
that were glad he- was out of the way, yet condemned
the manner of it as treacherous and inhuman. .And
though some of the preachers did afterwards fly to that
THE REFORMATION. 521
castle as a sanctuary, yet none of them were either ac- book
tors or consenters to it : it is true they did generally
extenuate it, yet I do not find that any of them justi- 1545.
fied it. The exemplary and signal ends of almost all
the conspirators, scarce any of them dying an ordinary
death, made all people the more inclined to condemn it.
The day after the Cardinal was killed, about a hundred
and forty came into the castle and prepared for a siege.
The house was well furnished in all things necessary ;
and it lying so near the sea, they expected help from
King Henry, to whom they sent a messenger for his
assistance, and declared for him. So a siege following,
they were so well supplied from England, that, after five
months, the Governor was glad to treat with them, ap-
prehending much the footing the English might have,
if those within, being driven to extremities, should re-
ceive a garrison from King Henry. They had the Go-
vernor also more at their mercy ; for as the Cardinal
had taken his eldest son into his house under the pre-
tence of educating him, but really as his father's hostage,
designing likewise to infuse in him a violent hatred of
the new preachers ; so the conspirators, finding him in
the castle, kept him still to help them to better terms.
A treaty being agreed on, they demanded their pardon
for what they had done, together with an absolution, to
be procured from Rome, for the killing of the Car-
dinal ; and that the castle, and the Governor's son,
should remain in their hands till the absolution was
brought over. Some of the preachers, apprehending the
clergy might revenge the Cardinal's death on them,
were forced to fly into the castle ; but one of them,
John Rough (who was afterwards burnt in England in
Queen Mary's time), being so offended at the licen-
tiousness of the soldiers that were in the castle, who
were a reproach to that which they pretended to favour,
left them, and went away in one of the ships that
brought provisions out of England. When the abso-
lution came from Rome, they excepted to it, for some
words in it that called the killing of the Cardinal cri-
men irremissibile, an unpardonable crime; by which they
said the. absolution gave them no security, since it was
522 HISTORY OF
part null, if the fact could not be pardoned. The truth was,
' they were encouraged from England ; so they refused to
1545. stand to the capitulation, and rejected the absolution.
But some ships and soldiers being sent from France,
the castle was besieged at land, and shut up also by
sea; and, which was worst of all, a plague broke out
within it, of which many died. Upon this, no help
coming suddenly from England, they were forced to de-
liver up the place, on no better terms than that their
lives should be spared; but they were to be banished
Scotland, and never to return to it. The castle was
demolished, according to the canon law, that appoints all
places, where any cardinal is killed, to be rased. This
was not completed this year, and not till two years
after ; only I thought it best to join the whole matter
together, and set it down all at once.
a pariia- jn November following a new parliament was held :
where, toward the expense of the King's wars, the con-
vocation of the province of Canterbury granted a con-
tinuation of the former subsidy of six shillings in the
pound, to be paid in two years : but, for the temporality,
a subsidy was demanded from them of another kind :
Sdchan- tnere were m the kingdom several colleges, chapels,
tries given chantries, hospitals, and fraternities, consisting of secu-
tot eking. jar prieS{-Sj wno enjoyed pensions for saying mass for the
souls of those who had endowed them. Now the belief
of purgatory being left indifferent by the doctrine set
out by the bishops, and the trade of redeeming souls
being condemned, it was thought needless to keep up
so many endowments to no purpose. Those priests
were also generally ill-affected to the King's proceed-
ings, since their trade was so much lessened by them.
Therefore many of them had been dealt with to make
resignations ; and four-and-twenty of them had surren-
dered to the King. It was found, also, that many of the
founders of these houses had taken them into their own
hands ; and that the master, wardens, and governors of
them had made agreements for them, and given leases
of them : therefore now, a subsidy being demanded, all
these were given to, the King by act of parliament ;
which also confirmed the deeds that any had made to
THE REFORMATION. 523
the King : empowering him, in any time of his life, to book
issue out commissions for seizing on these foundations,
and taking them into his own possession : which, being 1545.
so seized on, should belong to the King and his succes-
sors for ever. They also granted another subsidy for the
war. When all their business was done, the King came to
the House, and made a long speech, of which T cannot suf-
ficiently wonder that no entry is made in the Journals of
the House of Lords ; yet it is not to be doubted but he
made it, for it was published by Hall soon after.
When the Speaker of the House of Commons had
presented the bills, with a speech full of respect and
compliment, as is usual upon these occasions, the King
answered — " Thanking them for the subsidy, and the The King's
bill about the colleges and chantries ; and assured them, f,1^1' to
that he should take care both for supplying the minis-
ters for encouraging learning and relieving the poor ;
and they should quickly perceive, that, in these things,
their expectations should be answered, bevond what they
either wished or desired. And, after he had expressed
his affection to them, and the assurance he had of their
duty and fidelity to him, he advised them to amend one
thing ; which was, that, instead of charity and concord,
discord and division ruled every where. He cited St.
Paul's words ; ' That charity was gentle, and not envi-
ous, nor proud :' but when one called another heretic,
and the other called him papist, and pharisee, were these
the signs of charity ? The fault of this he charged chiefly
on the fathers and teachers of the spirituality, who
preached one against another, without charity or discre-
tion ; some being too stiff in their old mumpsimus,
others too busy and curious in their new sumpsimus ;
and few preached the word of God truly and sincerely.
And how could the poor people live in concord, when
they sowed debate among them ? Therefore he exhorted
them to set forth God's word by true preaching, and
giving a good example ; or else he, as God's vicar and
high minister, would see these enormities corrected,
which if he did not do he was an unprofitable ser-
vant and an untrue officer. He next reproved them of
the temporality, who railed at their bishops and priests :
524 HISTORY OF
part whereas, if they had any thing to lay to their charge,
they ought to declare it to the King or his council, and
1315> not take upon them to judge such high points : for,
though they had the Scriptures given them in their
mother-tongue, yet that was only to inform their own
consciences, and instruct their children and families ;
but not to dispute, nor from thence to rail against
priests and preachers, as some vain persons did. He was
sorry that such a jewel as the word of God was so ill
used ; that rhymes and songs were taken out of it :
but much more sorry that men followed it so little ; for
charity was never fainter, a godly life never less appeared,
and God was never less reverenced and worshipped.
Therefore he exhorted them to live as brethren in cha-
rity together, to love, dread, and serve God ; and then
the love and union between him and them should ne-
ver be dissolved. And so exhorting them to look to the
execution of the laws which themselves had desired, he
gave his royal assent to the bills, and dismissed the par-
liament."
The King gave at this time a commission to the Bi-
shops of Westminster, Worcester, and Chichester, and
the Chancellor of the court of Augmentation, Sir
Edward North, containing, 'c That whereas the King
had founded many cathedrals, in which he had given
large allowances, both to be distributed to the poor, and
to be laid out for the mending of highways ; to Canter-
bury, 100/. for the poor, and 40/. for the highways : to
Rochester, 20/. for the poor, and 20/. for the highways :
to Westminster, 100/. for the poor, and 40/. for the
highways : to Winchester, 100 marks for the poor, and
50 for the highways: to Bristol, Gloucester, Chester,
Bnrton-upon-Trent, Thornton, Peterborough, and Ely,
20/. a-piece for the poor, and as much for the high-
ways : to Worcester, 40/. for the poor, and 40/. for the
highways: to Duresme, 1 00 marks for the poor, and
40/. for the highways : and to Carlisle, 15/. for the poor,
and as much for the highways: in all, about 550/.
a-yeaf to the poor, and about .h)C.'. a-\ear for the high-
ways: they Were to inquire how this money was dis-
tributed ; and, if they saw cause, they might order it to
THE REFORMATION. 525
be applied to any other use which they should judge book
more charitable and convenient." But what followed
upon this, does not appear by the Records. 1M5
After the parliament was dissolved, the Universities The King
made their applications to the King, that they might JJ^Swts
not be included within the general words in the act of of theUnS-
dissolution of colleges and fraternities. And Dr. Cox,. ve'"sltieb<
tutor to the Prince, wrote to Secretary Paget, to " re-
present to the King the great want of schools, preachers,
and houses for orphans ; that beggary would drive the
clergy to flattery, superstition, and the old idolatry :
there were ravenous wolves about the King that would
devour universities, cathedrals, and chantries, and a
thousand times as much. Posterity would wonder at
such things : therefore he desired the Universities might
be secured from their spoils." But the King did quickly
free them from these fears.
Now I enter into the last year of this King's reign. lbifu
The war in France was managed with doubtful success :
yet the losses were greater on the English side. And the
forces being commanded by the Earl of Surrey, who was
brave, but unsuccessful ; he was not only blamed, but
recalled, and the Earl of Hertford sent to command in
his room : but he, being a man of a high spirit, and
disdaining the Earl of Hertford, who was now preferred
before him, let fall some words of high resentment and
bitter contempt, which not long after wrought Ins ruin.
The King was now alone in the war, which was very
chargeable to him ; and observing the progress that the
council of Trent was making, where Cardinal Pole being
one of the legates, he had reason to look for some se-
vere decree to be made against himself ; since none of
the heretics of Germany were so much hated by the
court of Rome as he was : therefore he listened to the
counsels of peace. And though he was not old, yet he
felt such decays in his strength, that, being extremely
corpulent, he had no, reason to think he could live
very long : therefore, that he might not leave his young
son involved in a war of such consequence, peace was reace wki»
concluded in June, which was much to the King's France«
honour ; though the taking and keeping of Bulloign,,
52G
HISTORY OF
PART
1-
1546.
A new de-
sign for re
formation.
Shaxton's
apo.stacy.
Collect.
Numb. 28.
(which by this peace the King was to keep for eight
years) cost him above 1,300,000/.
Upon the peace, the French admiral, Annebault, came
over to England. And now, again, a resolution of going
on with a reformation was set on foot : for it was agreed
between the King and the Admiral, that in both king-
doms the mass should be changed into a communion ;
and Cranmer was ordered to draw a form of it. They
also resolved to press the Emperor to do the like in his
dominions, otherwise to make war upon him : but how
this project failed does not appear. The animosities
which the former war had raised between the two Kings
were converted into a firm friendship : which grew so
strong on Francis's part, that he never was seen glad
at any thing, after he had the news of the King's death.
But now one of the King's angry fits took him at the
reformers, so that there was a new persecution of them.
Nicholas Shaxton, that was bishop of Salisbury, had
been long a prisoner ; but this year he had said, in his
imprisonment in the Compter in Bread Street, " That
Christ's natural body was not in the sacrament, but
that it was a sign and memorial of his body that was
crucified for us." Upon this he was indicted, and con-
demned to be burnt. But the King sent the Bishops of
London and Worcester to deal with him to recant ;
which, on the Qth of July, he did, acknowledging, " That
that year he had fallen, in his old age, in the heresy of
the sacramentaries : but that he was now convinced of
that error, by their endeavours whom the King had sent
to him ; and therefore he thanked the King for deliver-
ing him both from temporal and eternal fire :" and sub-
scribed a paper of articles, which will be found in the
Collection. Upon this, he had his pardon and discharge
sent him the 13th of July, and soon after preached
the sermon at the burning of Anne Askew; and wrote
a book in defence of the articles he had subscribed.
What became of him all Edward the Sixth's time I can-
not tell ; but I find he was a cruel persecutor and
burner of protestants in Queen Mary's days : vet it
seems those to whom he went over did not consider
him much, for they never raised him higher than to be
THE REFORMATION. 527
Suffragan to the Bishop of Ely. Others were also in- book
dieted upon the same statute, who got off by a recant-
ation, and were pardoned. But Anne Askew's trial had 1546.
a more bloody conclusion.
She was nobly descended, and educated beyond what Tl,e *rou-
was ordinary in that age to those of her sex : but she Aime
was unfortunately married to one Kyme, who, being a Askew.
violent papist, drove her out of his house, when he
found she favoured the Reformation : so she came to
London, where, information being given of some words
that she had spoken against the corporal presence in the
sacrament, she was put in prison : upon which, great
applications were made by many of her friends to have
her let out upon bail. The Bishop of London examined
her, and, after much pains, she was brought to set her
hand to a recantation, by which she acknowledged,
" That the natural body of Christ was present in the
sacrament after the consecration, whether the priest
were a good or an ill man ; and that, whether it was
presently consumed or reserved in the Jriv, it was the
true body of Christ." Yet she added to her subscription,
that she believed all things according to the catholic
faith, and not otherwise. With this the Bishop was not
satisfied ; but, after much ado and many importunate
addresses, she was bailed in the end of March this year.
But not long after that she was again apprehended, and
examined before the King's council, then at Greenwich,
where she seemed very indifferent what they did with
her. She answered them in general words, upon which
they could fix nothing, and made some sharp repartees
upon the Bishop of Winchester. Some liked the wit
and freedom of her discourse ; but others thought she
was too forward. From thence she was sent to New-
gate, where she wrote some devotions and letters, that
shew her to have been a woman of most extraordinary
parts. She wrote to the King, " That as to the Lord's
supper, she believed as much as Christ had said in it,
and as much as the catholic church from him did teach."
Upon Shaxton's recantation, they sent him to her to
prevail with her : but she, instead of yielding to him,
charged his inconstancy home upon him. She had been
1546.
523 HISTORY OF
part oft at court, and was much favoured by many great
ladies there ; and it was believed the Queen had shewed
kindness to her. So the Lord Chancellor examined her
of what favour or encouragement she had from any in
the court, particularly from the Dutchess of Suffolk, the
Countess of Hertford, and some other ladies : but he
could draw nothing from her, save that one in livery
had brought her some money, which he said came from
two ladies in the court : but they resolved to extort fur-
ther confessions from her ; and, therefore, carrying her
to the Tower, they caused her to be laid on the rack,
and gave her a taste of it. Yet she confessed nothing.
That she was racked is very certain ; for I find it in an
original Journal of the transactions in the Tower, writ-
ten by Anthony Anthony. But Fox adds a passage that
seems scarce credible ; the thing is so extraordinary,
and so unlike the character of the Lord Chancellor,
who, though he was fiercely zealous for the old super-
stition, yet was otherwise a great person : it is, that he
She en- commanded the Lieutenant of the Tower to stretch her
rack ; more, but he refused to do it ; and being further pressed,
told him . plainly he would not do it ; the other threat-
ened him, but to no purpose ; so the Lord Chancellor,
throwing off his gown, drew the rack so severely, that
he almost tore her body asunder, yet could draw nothing
from her ; for she endured it with unusual patience and
courage. When the King heard this, he blamed the
Lord Chancellor for his cruelty, and excused the Lieu-
tenant of the Tower. Fox does not vouch any warrant
for this ; so that though I have set it down, yet I give no
entire credit to it : if it was true, it shews the strange in-
fluence of that religion, and that it corrupts the noblest
natures ; yet the poor gentlewoman's being racked,
wrought no pity in the King towards her, for he left her
to be proceeded against according to her sentence : she
was carried to the stake in Smithfield a little alter that
in a chair, not being able to stand through the torments
And is of the rack. There were brought with her, at the same
some WUh time> one Nicholas Belenian, a priest, John Adams, a
others. tailor, and John Lassels, one of the King's servants ;- (it is
likely he was the same person that had discovered Queen
THE, REFORMATION. 529
Katherine Howard's incontinency ; for which all the book
popish party, to be sure, bore him no good will.) They
were all convicted upon the statute of the six Articles, 154tj.
for denying the corporal presence of Christ in the sacra-
ment. When they were brought thither, Shaxton, to
complete his apostacy, made a sermon of the sacrament,
and inveighed against their errors : that being ended,
they were tied to the stake ; and then the Lord Chan-
cellor sent and offered them their pardon, which was
ready passed under the seal, if they would recant : but
they loved not their lives so well as to redeem them by
the loss of a good conscience ; and therefore, encourag-
ing one another to suffer patiently for the testimony of
the truth, so they endured to the last, and were made
sacrifices by fire unto God. There were also two in
Suffolk, and one in Norfolk, burnt on the same account
a little before this.
But that party at court, having incensed the King a new de-
much against those heretics, resolved to drive it further ; cfanmer.nS
and to work the ruin both of the Archbishop of Canter-
bury and of the Queen: concluding, that, if these attempts
were successful, they should carry every thing else.
They therefore renewed their complaints of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury ; and told the King, that though
there were evident proofs ready to be brought against
him, yet, because of his greatness and the King's car-
riage upon the former complaints, none durst appear
against him : but if he were once put in the Tower,
that men might hope to be heard, they undertook to
bring full and clear evidences of his being a heretic. So
the King consented that he should be the next day
called before the council and sent to the Tower, if they
saw cause for it. And now they concluded him ruined ;
but, in the night, the King sent Sir Anthony Denny to
Lambeth to bring the Archbishop to speak with him :
and when he came, the King told him what informa-
tions had been brought against him, and how far he had
yielded to them, that he should be sent to the Tower next
day : and, therefore, desired to hear from himself what he
had to say upon it. Cranmer thanked him, that he had
not left him in the dark to be surprised in a matter that
vol. i. p. i. 2 m
1546.
530 HISTORY OF
part concerned him so nearly : he acknowledged the equity
of the King's proceedings ; and all that he desired was,
that he might be brought to make his answer ; and that,
since he was to be questioned for some of his opinions,
judges might be assigned who understood those mat-
ters. The King heard this with astonishment, won-
dering to see a man so little concerned in his own pre-
The King's servation ; but pleasantly told him, "he was a fool that
•Thta.**8 looked to his own safety so little : for did he think that
if he were once put in prison, abundance of false wit-
nesses would not be suborned to ruin him ? therefore,
since he did not take care of himself, he would look to
it." And so he ordered him to appear next day before
the council, upon their summons ; and, when things
were objected to him, to say, that since he was a privy-
counsellor, he desired they would use him, as they would
look to be used in the like case : and, therefore, to move
that his accusers might be brought face to face, and
things be a little better considered before he was sent to
the Tower. And if they refused to grant that, then he
was to appeal personally to the King (who intended
to be absent that day), and in token of it should shew
them the King's seal-ring which he wore on his finger,
and was well known to them all. So the King, giving
him his ring, sent him privately home again. Next
morning a messenger of the council came early, and
summoned him to appear that day before the council :
so he went over, but was long kept waiting in the lobby
before he was called in. At this unusual sight many
were astonished: but Dr. Buts, the King's physician,
that loved Cranmer, and presumed more on a diseased
King than others durst do, went and told the King
what a strange thing he had seen : " the Primate of all
England waiting at the council-door among the foot-
men and servants." So the King sent them word, that
he should be presently brought in ; which being done,
they said, that there were many informations against
him, that all the heresies that were in England came
from him and his chaplains. To which he answered
as the King had directed him. But they insisting on
what was before projected, he said he was sorry to be
THE REFORMATION. 531
thus used by those with whom he had sate so long at book
that board, so that he must appeal from them to the
King: and with that took out the King's ring and 1546t
shewed it. This put them in a wonderful confusion ;
but they all rose up and went to the King, who checked
them severely for using the Archbishop so unhand-
somely. He said, " he thought he had a wiser council
than now he found they were. He protested, by the
faith he owed to God, laying his hand on his breast,
that if a prince could be obliged by his subject he was
by the Archbishop ; and that he took him to be the
most faithful subject he had, and the person to whom
he was most beholding." The Duke of Norfolk made
a trifling excuse, and said, " they meant no harm to
the Archbishop, but only to vindicate his innocency by
such a tnal, which would have freed him from the
aspersions that were cast on him." But the King
answered, " he would not suffer men that were so dear
to him to be handled in that fashion. He knew the fac-
tions that were among them, and the malice that some
of them bore to others, which he would either extin-
guish or punish very speedily." So he commanded
them all to be reconciled to Cranmer ; which was done
with the outward ceremony of taking him by the hand,
and was most real on his part, though the other party
did not so easily lay down the hatred they bore him.
This I place at this time ; though Parker, who related Antiq.
it, names no year nor time in which it was done ; but cmm^el'**
he leads us very near it, by saying, it was after the
Duke of Suffolk's death ; and this being the only time
after that in which the King was in an ill humour
against the reformers, I conclude it fell out at this time.*
That party, finding it was in vain to push at Cranmer Another
any more, did never again endeavour it : vet one design desi.sn ,
r -i • i & . J ,-x o i against the
tailing, they set on another against the Queen, bhe Queen.
was a great favourer of the reformers, and had fre-
quently sermons in her privy-chamber by some of those
* This story concerning Cranmer must belong to the former year, for
Euts, that bore a share in it, died on the 17th of November, 1545 ; as
appears by the inscription on his tombstone in Fulham church: so this
passage, being after the Duke of Suffolk's death, which was in August that
year, should be placed between August and November, 1545.
2 M 2
532 HISTORY OF
part preachers ; which were not secretly carried, but became
' generally known. When it came to the King's ears, he
15i6 took no notice of it : and the Queen carried herself, in
all other things, not only with an exact conduct, but
with that wonderful care about the King's person, which
became a wife that was raised by him to so great an ho-
nour, that he was much taken with her ; so that none
durst venture on making any complaints against her.
Yet the King's distempers increasing, and his peevish-
ness growing with them, he became more uneasy ; and
whereas she had frequently used to talk to him of reli-
gion, and defend the opinions of the reformers, in which
he would sometimes pleasantly maintain the argument,
now, becoming more impatient, he took it ill at her
hands. And she had sometimes in the heat of discourse
gone very far. So one night, after she had left him,
the King being displeased vented it to the Bishop of
Winchester that stood by: and he craftily and mali-
ciously struck in with the King's anger, and said all that
he could devise against the Queen, to drive his resent-
ments higher ; and took in the Lord Chancellor into
the design to assist him. They filled the King's head
with many stories of the Queen, and some of her ladies :
and said they had favoured Anne Askew, and had hereti-
cal books amongst them ; and he persuaded the King
that they were traitors as well as heretics. The matter
went so far that articles were drawn against her, which
the King signed ; for without that it was not safe for
any to impeach the Queen. But the Lord Chancellor
putting up that paper carelessly, it dropped from him;
and being taken up by one of the Queen's party, was
carried to her. Whether the King had really designed
her ruin or not, is differently represented by the writers
who lived near that time : but she, seeing his hand to
such a paper had reason to conclude herself lost. Yet,
by advice of one of her friends, she went to see the
King, who, receiving her kindly, set on a discourse about
religion. But she answered, " that women, by their
first creation, were made subject to men ; and they,
being made after the image of God, as the women were
after their image, ought to instruct their wives, who
THE REFORMATION. S3;3
were to learn of them : and she much more was to be book
taught by his Majesty, who was a prince of such excel- '
lent learning and wisdom." " Not so, by St. Mary," i546.
said the King, " you are become a doctor able to in-
struct us, and not to be instructed by us." To which
she answered, " that it seemed he had much mistaken
the freedom she had taken to argue with him, since she
•did it partly to engage him in discourse, and so put
over the time, and make him forget his pain ; and partly
to receive instructions from him, by which she had pro-
fited much." "And is it even so ?" said the King, " then
we are friends again." So he embraced her with great
affection, and sent her away with very tender assur-
ances of his constant love to her. But the next day had
been appointed for carrying her and some of her ladies
to the Tower. The day being fair, the King went to
take a little air in the garden, and sent for her to bear
him company. As they were together, the Lord Chan-
cellor came in, having about forty of the guard with
him, to have arrested the Queen. But the King stepped
aside to him ; and after a little discourse he was heard
to call him knave, fool, and beast, and he bade him
get him out of his sight. The innocent Queen, who
understood not that her danger was so near, studied to
mitigate the King's displeasure, and interceded for the
Lord Chancellor. But the King told her, she had no
reason to plead for him.
So this design miscarried ; which, as it absolutely
disheartened the papists, so it did totally alienate the
King from them, and in particular from the Bishop of
Winchester, whose sight he could never after this en-
dure. But he made a humble submission to the King ;
which, though it preserved him from further punish-
ment, yet could not restore him to the King's favour.
But the Duke of Norfolk, and his son the Earl of Sur- The causes
rey, fell under a deeper misfortune. The Duke of Nor- j[ ^e f
folk had been long lord treasurer of England : he had Norfolk's
done great services to the crown on many signal occa-
sions, and success had always accompanied him. His
son, the Earl of Surrey, was also a brave and noble per-
son : witty and learned to a high degree, but did not
disgrace.
584 HISTORY OF
part command armies with such success. He was much
L provoked at the Earl of Hertford's being sent over to
1546. France in his room ; and upon that had said, <c That
within a little while they should smart for it ;" with
some other expressions that savoured of revenge, and
a dislike of the King, and a hatred of the counsellors.
The Duke of Norfolk had endeavoured to ally himself
to the Earl of Hertford, and to his brother Sir Tho-
mas Seymour, perceiving how much they were in the
King's favour, and how great an interest they were like
to have under the succeeding prince. And therefore
would have engaged his son, being then a widower, to
marry that Earl's daughter : and pressed his daughter
the Dutchess of Richmond, widow to the King's natural
son, to marry Sir Thomas Seymour. But though the
Earl of Surrey advised his sister to the marriage project-
ed for her, yet he would not consent to that designed
for himself, nor did the proposition about his sister take
effect. The Seymours could not but see the enmity
the Earl of Surrey bore them, and they might well be
jealous of the greatness of that family ; which was not
only too big for a subject of itself, but was raised so
high by the dependance of the whole popish party, both
at home and abroad, that they were like to be very dan-
gerous competitors for the chief government of affairs,
if the King were once out of the way, whose decease was
now growing so fast upon him, that he could not live
many weeks. Nor is it unlikely that they persuaded
the King, that, if the Earl of Surrey should marry the
Lady Mary, it might embroil his son's government, and
perhaps ruin him. And it was suggested, that he had
some such high project in his thoughts, both by his con-
tinuing unmarried and by his using the arms of Ed-
ward the Confessor, which of late he had given in his
coat without a diminution. But to complete the Duke
of Norfolk's ruin, his Dutchess, who had complained of
his using her ill, and had been separated from him about
four years, turned informer against him. His son and
daughter were also in ill terms together. So the sister
informed all that she could against her brother. And
one Mis Holland, for whom the Duke was believed to
THE REFORMATION. 535
have an unlawful affection, discovered all she knew: but B9?TK
all amounted to no more than some passionate expres-
sions of the son and some complaints of the father, who 1546,
thought he was not beloved by the King and his coun-
sellors, and that he was ill used in not being trusted
with the secret of affairs. And all persons being en-
couraged to bring informations against them, Sir Rich-
ard Southwell charged the Earl of Surrey in some points
that were of a higher nature ; which the Earl denied,
and desired to be admitted, according to the martial law,
to fight in his shirt with Southwell. But that not being
granted, he and his father were committed to the Tower.
That which was most insisted on was, their giving
the arms of Edward the Confessor, which were only to
be given by the kings of England. This the Earl of
Surrey justified, and said, they gave their arms accord-
ing to the opinion of the King's heralds. But all ex-
cuses availed nothing, for his father and he were de-
signed to be destroyed upon reasons of state ; for which
some colours were to be found out.
The Earl of Surrey, beina; but a commoner, was -J13^7*, .
i 1 1 • • i A> -i 11 n i • The Earl of
brought to his trial at Guildhall, and put upon an in- Surrey es«-
quest of commoners, consisting of nine knights and cuted'
three esquires, by whom he was found guilty of treason,
and had sentence of death passed upon him, which was
executed on the 19th of January at Tower- Hill. It
was generally condemned as an act of high injustice
and severity, which loaded the Seymours with a popular
odium, that they could never overcome. He was much
pitied, being a man of great parts and high courage, with
many other noble qualities.
But the King, who never hated nor ruined any body The Dukes
by halves, resolved to complete the misfortunes of that totSin^
family by the attainder of the father. And as all his
eminent services were now forgotten, so the submissions
he made could not allay a displeasure that was only to
be satisfied with his life and fortune. He wrote to the
King, protesting his innocency : " that he had never a
thought to his prejudice, and could not imagine what
could be laid to his charge : he had spent his whole life
in his service, and did not know that ever he had of-
536 HISTORY OF
part fended any person ; or that any were displeased with
him, except for prosecuting the breakers of the act
1547. about the sacrament of the altar. But in that, and in
every thing else, as he had been always obedient to the
King's laws, so he was resolved still to obey any laws he
should make. He desired he might be examined with
his accusers face to face, before the King, or at least be-
fore his council ; and if it did not appear that he was
wrongfully accused, let him be punished as he deserved.
In conclusion, he begged the King would have pity on
him and restore him to his favour ; taking all his lands,
or goods from him, or as much of them as he pleased."
Yet all this had no effect on the King. So he was de-
sired to make a more formal submission ; which he did
on the 12th of January under his hand, ten privy-
counsellors being witnesses. In it he confessed, " First,
his discovering the secrets of the King's council. Se-
condly, his concealing his son's treason, in using to
give the arms of St. Edward the Confessor, which did
only belong to the King, and to which his son had no
right. Thirdly, that he had, ever since his father's death,
borne in the first quarter of his arms the arms of Eng-
land, with a difference of the labels of silver, that are
the proper arms of the Prince ; which was done in pre-
judice of the King and the Prince : and gave occasion
for disturbing or interrupting the succession to the
crown of the realm. This he acknowledged was high
treason ; he confessed he deserved to be attainted of high
treason, and humbly begged the King's mercy and com-
passion." He yielded to all this, hoping by such a sub-
mission and compliance to have overcome the King's
displeasure ; but his expectations failed him.
The pariia- ^ parliament was called, the reason whereof was pre-
ment meets, r i
tended to be the coronation of the Prince of Wales:
but it was thought the true cause of calling it was to
attaint the Duke of Norfolk ; for which they had not
colour enough to do it in a trial by his peers. Therefore
an attainder by act of parliament was thought the better
way. So it was moved, that the King, intending to
crown his son Prince of Wales, desired they would go
on with all possible Ifaste in the attainder of the Duke
THE REFORMATION. 537
of Norfolk ; that so these places, which he held by pa- book
tent, might be disposed of by the King to such as he _J
thought fit, who should assist at the coronation. And 1547-
upon this slight pretence, since a better could not be
found, the bill of attainder was read the first time on
the 18th of January ; and on the 19th and 20th it was
read the second and third time : and so passed in the 1J1JIJjIjf
House of Lords ; and was sent down to the Commons : attainted.
who on the 24th sent it up also passed. On the 27th
the Lords were ordered to be in their robes, that the
royal assent might be given to it ; which the Lord Chan-
cellor, with some others joined in commission, did give
by virtue of the King's letters-patents. And it had been
executed the next morning, if the King's death had not
prevented it. Upon what grounds this attainder was
founded, I can only give this account from the thirty-
fourth act of the first parliament of Queen Mary ; in
which this act is declared null and void by the common
law of the land ; for I cannot find the act itself upon
record. In the act of repeal it is said, " that there
was no special matter in the act of attainder, but only
general words of treasons and conspiracies : and that,
out of their care of the preservation of the King and
the Prince, they passed it. But the act of repeal says,
also, that the only thing with which he was charged,
was, for bearing of arms, which he and his ancestors
had borne within and without the kingdom ; both in the
King's presence and in the sight of his progenitors ; which
they might lawfully bear and give, as by good and sub-
stantial matter of record it did appear. It is also added,
that the King died after the date of the commission ;
that the King only empowered them to give his assent,
but did not give it himself; and that it did not appear
by any record, that they gave it. That the King did
not sign the commission with his own hand, his stamp
being only set to it ; and that not to the upper but the
nether part of it, contrary to the King's custom." All
these particulars, though cleared afterwards, I mention
now, because they give light to this matter.
As soon as the act was passed, a warrant was sent to
the Lieutenant of the Tower to cut off his head the
538
HISTORY OF
PART
I.
1517.
His death
prevented
by the
King's.
Few
The Empe-
ror's do-
signs
against the
protectants.
next morning : but the King dying in the night, the
Lieutenant could do nothing on that warrant. And it
seems it was not thought advisable to begin the new
King's reign with such an odious execution. And thus the
Duke of Norfolk escaped very narrowly. Both parties
descanted on this differently. The conscientious papists
said, it was God's just judgment on him (who had in
all thingsfoll owed the King's pleasure, oftentimes against
his own conscience), that he should smart under that
power which himself had helped so considerably to
make it be raised so high. The protestants could not
but observe a hand of God, in measuring out such a
hard measure to him, that was so heavy on all those poor
people that were questioned for heresy. But Cranmer's
carriage in this matter was suitable to the other parts of
his life ; for he withdrew to Croydon, and would not so
much as be present in parliament, when so unjust an act
was passed ; and his absence at this time was the more
considerable, since the King was so dangerously ill, that
it must be concluded it could be no slight cause that
made him withdraw at such a time. But the Duke of Nor-
folk had been his constant enemy, therefore he would
not so much as be near the public councils when so strange
an act was passing. But, at the same time, the Bishop
of Winchester was officiously hanging on in the court :
and though he was forbid to come to council, yet always,
when the counsellors went into the King's bedchamber,
he went with them to the door, to make the world be-
lieve he was still one of the number, and staying at the
door till the rest came out he returned with them! but
he was absolutely lost in the King's opinion.
There is but one other step of foreign business in this
reign ; which was an embassy sent over by the Duke of
Saxony, to let the King know of the league between
the Pope and the Emperor, for the extirpation of heresy :
and that the Emperor was making war on him, and the
other princes : in pursuance of that league therefore
he desired the King's assistance. But, at the same time,
the Emperor did by his agents every where disown that
the war was made upon a religious account ; and said
it was only to maintain the rights of the empire, which
THE REFORMATION. 539
those princes had affronted. So the King answered, book
that, as soon as it did appear to him that religion was
the cause of the war, he would assist them. But that 1547.
which made this so involved was, that, though at Rome
the Pope declared it was a holy war, and ordered prayers
and processions to be made for success, yet the Empe-
ror in all his declarations took no notice of religion : he
had also divided the protestant party, so that some of
them joined with him, and others were neutrals. And
when, in Germany itself, this matter was so little under-
stood, it was easy to abuse strangers by giving them a
wrong account of it.
The Kins: was now overgrown with corpulency and The King's
o o i j sickness*
fatness, so that he became more and more unwieldy.
He could not go up or down stairs, but as he was raised
up or let down by an engine. And an old sore in his
leg became very uneasy to him ; so that all the humours
in his body sinking down into his leg, he was much
pained, and became exceeding froward and intractable,
to which his inexcusable severity to the Duke of Nor-
folk and his son may be in a great measure imputed.
His servants durst scarce speak to him, to put him in
mind of his approaching end. And an act of parlia-
ment, which was made for the security of the King's
life, had some words \n it against the foretelling of his
death, which made every one afraid to speak to him of
it ; lest he, in his angry and imperious humours, should
have ordered them to be indicted upon that statute.
But he felt nature declining apace, and so made the
will that he had left behind him, at his last going into
France, be written over again ; with this only difference,
that Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, whom he had ap-
pointed one of the executors of his will, and of the
counsellors to his son till he came of age, was now left
out: of which, when Sir Anthony Brown put the King
in mind, apprehending it was only an omission, he
answered, that he knew Gardiner's temper well enough,
and though he could govern him, yet none of them
would be able to do it, and that he would give them
much trouble. And when Brown at another time re-
peated the motion to the King, he told him, if he
540 HISTORY OF
part spake more of that he would strike him out of his wilt
too. The will was said to be signed the 30th of De-
1547i eember. It is printed at large by Fuller, and the most
material parts of it by Heylin : so I need say little of it,
only the most signal clause in it was, that he excluded
the line of Scotland out of the succession, and preferred
the two daughters of the French Queen by Charles
Brandon to them ; and this leads me to discover several
things concerning this will which have been hitherto
unknown. I draw them from a letter written to Sir
William Cecil, then secretary of state to Queen Eliza-
beth (afterwards Lord Burleigh), by William Maitland,
of Lethingtoun, secretary of state to the Queen of
Scotland. This Maitland was accounted a man of the
greatest parts of any in his nation at that time, though
his treachery in turning over to the party that was
against the Queen very much blemished his other quali-
ties : but he expiated his fault by a real repentance,
which appeared in his returning to his duty, and losing
all afterwards in her quarrel. His letter will be found
Collect. in the Collection. The substance and design of it
Numb. oo. ^ j.Q c]ear tne rjght h^ mistress had to the crown of
wiiiaafor- England, in case the Queen should die without heirs of
gery- her body. Therein, after he had answered other objec-
tions, he comes to this of the will. To it he savs :
" That, according to the act of parliament, the King's
will was to be signed with his own hand; but this will
was only signed by the stamp. Then the King never
ordered the stamp to be put to it: he had been often
desired to sign it, but had always put it off; but when
they saw his death approaching, one William Clark,
servant to Thomas Hennage, put the stamp to it, flhd
some gentlemen that were waiting without were called
in to sign it as witnesses. For this he appealed to the
deposition of the Lord Paget, and desired the Marquis
of Winchester and Northampton, the Earl of Pem-
broke, Sir William Petre, Sir Henry Nevil, Sir Maurice
Berkeley, Sir Anthony Denny, Doctor Buts, and some
others, might be examined; and that their depositions
might be entered in the Chancery. He also appealed
to the original will, by which it would appear that it
THE REFORMATION. 541
was not signed, but only stamped ; and that not being book
according to the act of parliament, which in such ex-
traordinary things must be strictly taken, the will was 1547>
of no force." Thus it appears what vulgar errors pass
upon the world : and though for seventy-five years the
Scottish race has enjoyed the crown of England, and
after so long a possession it is very superfluous to clear
a title which is universally acknowledged, yet the reader
will not be ill-pleased to see how ill-grounded that pre-
tence was, which some managed very seditiously daring
the reign of Queen Elizabeth, for excluding that line.
But if this will was not signed by the King, other
grants were certainly made by him on his death-bed :
one was to the city of London, of five hundred marks
a-year for endowing a hospital, which was called Christ's
Hospital ; and he ordered the church of the Francis-
cans, a little within Newgate, to be opened, which he
gave to the Hospital: this was done the 3d of January.
Another was of Trinity College, in Cambridge, one of
the noblest foundations in Christendom. He continued
in a decay till the 27th of the month ; and then many
signs of his approaching end appearing, few would
adventure on so unwelcome a thing as to put him in
mind of his change, then imminent : but Sir Anthony
Denny had the honesty and courage to do it, and de-
sired him to prepare for death, and remember his former
life, and to call on God for mercy through Jesus Christ.
Upon which the King expressed his grief for the sins
of his past life ; yet he said he trusted in the mercies of
Christ, which were greater than they were. Then
Denny asked him, if any churchman should be sent for ;
and he said, if any, it should be Archbishop Cranmer:
and after he had rested a little, finding his spirits decay
apace, he ordered him to be sent for to Croydon, where
he was then. But before he could come the King was
speechless : so Cranmer desired him to give some sign
of his dying in the faith of Christ, upon which he
squeezed his hand and soon after died, after he had
reigned thirty-seven years and nine months, in the six-
and-fiftieth year of his age. His death was kept up
three days ; for the journals of the House of Lords
542 HISTORY OF
part shew, that they continued reading bills and going on
' in business till the 31st; and no sooner did the Lord
^jt". Chancellor signify to them that the King was dead,
and that the parliament was thereby dissolved. It is
certain the parliament had no being after the King's
breath was out 3 so their sitting till the 3 1 st shews,
that the King's death was not generally known all those
three days. The reasons of concealing it so long,
might either be, that they were considering what to do
with the Duke of Norfolk, or that the Seymours were
laying their matters so as to be secure in the govern-
ment before they published the King's death. I shall not
adventure on adding any further character of him, to
that which is done with so much wit and judgment by
the Lord Herbert, but shall refer the reader wholly to
him ; only adding an account of the blackest part of it,
the attainders that passed the last thirteen years of his
life ; which are comprehended within this book, of
which I have cast over the relation to the conclusion
of it.
An account In the latter part of his reign there were many things
Kino^s that seem great severities, especially as they are repre-
soverities sented by the writers of the Roman party ; whose rela-
popi"h tions are not a little strengthened by the faint excuses
party. anci j-]ie mistaken accounts that most of the protestant
historians have made. The King was naturally im-
petuous, and could not bear provocation ; the times
were very ticklish ; his subjects were generally addicted
to the old superstition, especially in the northern parts ;
the monks and friars were both numerous and wealthy;
the Pope was his implacable enemy ; the Emperor was a
formidable Prince, and, being then master of all the
Netherlands, had many advantages for the war he de-
signed against England. Cardinal Pole, his kinsman,
was going over all the courts of Christendom to per-
suade a league against England ; as being a thing of
greater necessity and merit than a war against the Turk.
This being, without the least aggravation, the state of
affairs at that time, it must be confessed he was sore put
to it : a superstition that was so blind and headstrong,
and enemies that were both so powerful, so spiteful,
THE REFORMATION. 543
and so industrious, made rigour necessary : nor is any book
general of an army more concerned to deal severely
with spies and intelligencers, than he was to proceed 1547.
against all the Pope's adherents, or such as kept cor-
respondence with Pole. He had observed in history,
that, upon much less provocation than himself had given,
not only several emperors and foreign princes had been
dispossessed of their dominions; but two of his ancestors,
Henry the Second and King John, had been driven to
great extremities, and forced to unusual and most inde-
cent submissions, by the means of the popes and their
clergy.
The Pope's power over the clergy was so absolute,
and their dependance and obedience to him was so im-
plicit ; and the popish clergy had so great an interest in
the superstitious multitude, whose consciences they
governed; that nothing but a stronger passion could
either tame the clergy or quiet the people. If there
had been the least hope of impunity, the last part of his
reign would have been one continued rebellion ; there-
fore, to prevent a more profuse effusion of blood, it
seemed necessary to execute laws severely in some par-
ticular instances.
There is one calumny that runs in a thread through
all the historians of the popish side, which not a few of
our own have ignorantly taken up, that many were put
to death for not swearing the King's supremacy. It is
an impudent falsehood ; for not so much as one person
suffered on that account ; nor was there any law fin-
ally such oath before the parliament in the twenty-eighth
year of the King's reign, when the unsufferable bull of
Pope Paul the Third engaged him to look a little more
to his own safety. Then, indeed, in the oath for main-
taining the succession of the crown, the subjects were
required, under the pains of treason, to swear that the
King was supreme head of the church of England ; but
that was not mentioned in the former oath that was
made in the twenty-fifth, and enacted in the twenty-
sixth year of his reign. It cannot but be confessed,
that to enact, under pain of death, that none should deny
the King's titles, and to proceed upon that against of-
544 HISTORY OF
part fenders, is a very different thing from forcing them" to
swear the King to be the supreme head of the church. ■
1535 The first instance of these capital proceedings was in'
Some Car- Easter Term, in the beginning of the twenty-seventh
Executed year of his reign. Three priors and a monk, of the
for denying Carthusian order, were then indicted of treason, for
supremacy, saying that the King was not supreme head under
Christ of the church of England. These were John
Houghton, prior of the Charter-house, near London ;
Augustin Webster, prior of Axholme ; Robert Lau-
rence, prior of Bevoll ; and Richard Reynolds, a monk
of Sion : this last was esteemed a learned man for that
time and that order. They were tried in Westminster-
hall, by a commission of Oyer and Terminer : they
pleaded not guilty, but the jury found them guilty, and
judgment was given that they should suffer as traitors.
The record mentions no other particulars ; but the
writers of the popish side make a splendid recital of the
courage and constancy they expressed both in their
trial and at their death. It was no difficult thing for
men so used to the legend, and the making of fine
stories for the saints and martyrs of their orders, to
dress up such narratives with much pomp. But as
their pleading not guilty to the indictment shews no
extraordinary resolution, so the account that is given
by them of one Hall, a secular priest, that died with
them, is so false, that there is good reason to suspect
all. He is said to have suffered on the same account ;
but the record of his attainder gives a very different
relation of it.
And Hail, a He and Robert Feron were indicted, at the same
priest, for time, for having; said many spiteful and treasonable
conspiring . . y> J l .
against the things ; as, " that the King was a tyrant, a heretic, a
Kl»g- robber, and an adulterer ; that they hoped lie should
die such a death as King John and Richard III. died ;
that they looked when those in Ireland and Wales
should invade England ; and they were assured that
three parts of four in England would be against the
King: they also said, that they should never live mer-
rily till the King and the rulers were plucked by the
pates and brought to the pot; and that it would never
THE REFORMATION. 545
be well with the church till that was clone." Hall had book
not only said this, but had also written it to Feron, the
10th of March that year. When they were brought 1535>
to the bar, they at first pleaded not guilty ; but full
proof being brought, they themselves confessed the in-
dictment, before the jury went aside, and put them-
selves on the King's mercy : upon which, this being an
imagining and contriving both war against the King
and the King's death, judgment was given as in cases
of treason : but no mention being made of Feron's
death, it seems he had his pardon. Hall suffered with
the four Carthusians, who were hanged in their habits.
They proceeded no further in Easter Term ; but in Three other
Trinity Term there was another commission of Over monk* exe"
and Terminer, by which Humphrey Middlemore, Wil-
liam Exmew, and Sebastian Nudigate, three monks of
the Charter- house, near London, were indicted of trea-
son, for having said, on the 25 th of May, " that they
neither could nor would consent to be obedient to the
King's Highness, as true, lawful, and obedient subjects ;
to take him to be supreme head on earth of the church
of England." They all pleaded not guilty, but were
found guilty by the jury ; and judgment was given.
When they were condemned, they desired that they
might receive the body of Christ before their death ;
but (as Judge Spelman wrote) the court would not
grant it, since that was never done in such cases, but
by order from the King. Two days after that, they were
executed. Two other monks of that same order, John
Rochester and James Wolver, suffered on the same ac-
count at York, in May this year. Ten other Carthu-
sian monks were shut up within their cells, where
nine of them died ; the tenth was hanged in the begin-
ning of August. Concerning those persons, I find this
said in some original letters, that they had brought over
into England, and vented in it, some books that were
written beyond sea, against the King's marriage, and his
other proceedings, which, being found in their house,
they were pressed to peruse the books that were written
for the King, but obstinately refused to do it ; they had
also been involved in the business of the Maid of Kent ;
for which, though all the accomplices in it, except those
vol. i. p. i. 2 N
546 HISTORY OF
part who suffered for it, were pardoned by act of parliament,
*, yet such as had been concerned in it were still under
1535. jealousy : and it is no wonder that, upon new provoca-
tions, they met with the uttermost rigour of the law.
Fisher's These trials made way for two others that were more
death!ld signal : of the Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas
More. The first of these had been a prisoner above a
year, and was very severely used : he complained in his
letters to Cromwell, that he had neither clothes nor fire,
being then about fourscore. This was understood at
Rome ; and upon it, Pope Clement, by an officious
kindness to him, or rather in spite to King Henry, de-
clared him a cardinal, and sent him a red hat. When
the King knew this, he sent to examine him about it ;
but he protested he had used no endeavours to procure
it, and valued it so little, that, if the hat were lying at
his feet, he would not take it up. It never came nearer
him than Picardy : yet this did precipitate his ruin. But
if he had kept his opinion of the King's supremacy to
himself, they could not have proceeded further. He
would not do that, but did, upon several occasions, speak
against it ; so he was brought to his trial on the 17th
of June. The Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Suffolk,
and some other lords, together with the judges, sate
upon him by a commission of Oyer and Terminer. He
pleaded not guilty ; but being found guilty, judgment
was passed on him to die as a traitor; but he was, by a
warrant from the King, beheaded. Upon the 2,2d of
June, being the day of his execution, he dressed him-
self with more than ordinary care ; and when his man
took notice of it, he told him he was to be that day a
bridegroom. As he was led to the place of execution,
being stopped in the way by the crowd, he opened his
New Testament, and prayed to this purpose : that as
that book had been his companion and chief comfort in
his imprisonment, so then some place might turn up
to him that might comfort him in his last passage.
This being said, he opened the book at a venture, in
which these words of St. John's gospel turned up :
" This is life eternal to know thee the only true God,
and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent." So he shut
the book with much satisfaction, and all the way was
THE REFORMATION.
547
repeating and meditating on them. When he came to book
the scaffold, he pronounced the Te Deuvi ; and, after
some other devotions, his head was cut off.
1535.
Thus died John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, in the His cbarac-
eightieth year of his age. He was a learned and devout
man, but much addicted to the superstitions in which he
had been bred up : and that led him to great severities
against all that opposed them. He had been for many
years confessor to the King's grandmother, the Countess
of Richmond ; and it was believed that he persuaded her
to those noble designs for the advancement of learning,
of founding two colleges in Cambridge, St. John's and
Christ's College, and divinity professors in both univer-
sities : and, in acknowledgment of this, he was chosen
Chancellor of the University of Cambridge. Henry VII .
gave him the bishoprick of Rochester ; which he, foU
lowing the rule of the primitive church, would never
change for a better ; he used to say his church was his
wife, and he would never part with her because she
was poor. He continued in great favour with the King
till the business of the divorce was set on foot ; and
then he adhered so firmly to the Queen's cause, and the
Pope's supremacy, that he was carried by that headlong
into great errors, as appears by the business of the Maid
of Kent. Many thought the King ought to have pro-
ceeded against him rather upon that, which was a point
of state, than upon the supremacy, which was matter
of conscience. But the King was resolved to let all his
subjects see there was no mercy to be expected by any
that denied his being supreme head of the church ; and
therefore made him and More two examples for terri-
fying the rest. This being much censured beyond sea,
Gardiner, that was never wanting in the most servile
compliances, wrote a vindication of the King's proceed-
ings. The Lord Herbert had it in his hands, and tells
us it was written in elegant Latin ; but that he thought
it too long, and others judged it was too vehement, to
be inserted in his History.
On the 1st of July, Sir Thomas More was brought More's trial
to his trial. The special matter in his indictment is, and death-
that, on the 7 th of May preceding, before Cromwell,
Bedyl, and some others, that were pressing him con-
1 n 2
548 HISTORY OF
part cerning the King's supremacy, he said he would not
Jj . meddle with any such matter, and was fully resolved to
1535. serve God, and think upon his passion, and his own
passage out of this world. He had also sent divers
messages by one George Gold to Fisher, to encourage
him in his obstinacy ; and said, " the act of parliament
is like a sword with two edges ; for if a man answer
one way, it will confound his soul, and if he answer
another way, it will confound his body." He had said
the same thing on the 3d of June, in the hearing of the
Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk, and others ;
and that he would not be the occasion of the shorten-
ing his own life. And when Rich, the King's solicitor,
came to deal with him further about it, but protested
that he came not with any authority to examine him,
they discoursed the matter fully ; Rich pressed him,
" that, since the parliament had enacted that the King
was supreme head, the subjects ought to agree to it ;
and, said Rich, what if the parliament should declare
me King, would you not acknowledge me ? I would,
said More, quia (as it is in the indictment) rex per
parliamentumjieri potest, etper parliamentum deprivari :
but More turned the argument on Rich, and said,
what if the parliament made an act that God was not
God ? Rich acknowledged it could not bind ; but re-
plied to More, that since he would acknowledge him
King, if he were made so by act of parliament, why
would he not acknowledge the King supreme head,
since it was enacted by parliament ? To that More an-
swered, that the parliament had power to make a king,
and the people were bound to acknowledge him whom
they made ; but for the supremacy, though the parlia-
ment had enacted it, yet those in foreign parts had
never assented to it." This was carried by Rich to the
King ; and all these particulars were laid together, and
judged to amount to a denial of the supremacy. Judge
Spelman wrote, that More, being on his trial, pleaded
strongly against the statute that made it treason to deny
the supremacy, and argued that the King could not be
supreme head of the church. When he was brought to
the bar, he pleaded not guilty ; but being found guilty,
judgment was given against him as a traitor. He re-
THE REFORMATION. 549
ceived it with that equal temper of mind which he had book
shewed in both conditions of life, and then set himself -
ter..
wholly to prepare for death ; he expressed great con- 1535>
tempt of the world, and that he was weary of life, and
longed for death ; which was so little terrible to him,
that his ordinary facetiousness remained with him even
on the scaffold. It was censured by many as light and
indecent ; but others said, that way having been so na-
tural to him on all other occasions, it was not at all af-
fected ; but shewed that death did no way discompose
him, and could not so much as put him out of his or-
dinary humour: yet his rallying every thing on the
scaffold was thought to have more of the stoic than
the Christian in it. After some time spent in secret
devotions, he was beheaded on the 6th of July.
Thus did Sir Thomas More end his days, in the fifty- His charac-
third year of his age.* He was a man of rare virtues
and excellent parts. In his youth he had freer thoughts
of things, as appears by his Utopia and his Letters to
Erasmus ; but afterwards he became superstitiously de-
voted to the interests and passions of the popish clergy :
and as he served them when he was in authority, even
to assist them in all their cruelties, so he employed his
pen in the same cause, both in writing against all the
new opinions in general, and, in particular, against
Tindal, Frith, and Barnes ; as also an unknown writer,
who seemed of neither party, but reproved the corrup-
tions of the clergy, and condemned their cruel pro-
ceedings. More was no divine at all ; and it is plain
to any that reads his writings, that he knew nothing of
antiquity, beyond the quotations he found in the canon
law, and in the master of the sentences (only he had
read some of St. Austin s treatises) ; for, upon all points
of controversy, he quotes only what he found in these
collections : nor was he at all conversant in the critical
learning upon the Scriptures; but his peculiar excel-
lency in writing was, that he had a natural easy expres-
sion, and presented all the opinions of popery with their
fair side to the reader, disguising or concealing the
* The year of Sir Thomas More's birth is uncertain. According to
Eiasmus, it was iu the year 1479; some say 1480, and others 1484.
550 HISTORY OF
part black side of them with great art ; and was no less dex-
terous in exposing all the ill consequences that could
1535. follow on the doctrine of the reformers : and had, upon
all occasions, great store of pleasant tales, which he ap-
plied wittily to his purpose. And in this consists the
great strength of his writings, which were designed
rather for the rabble than for learned men. But for
justice, contempt of money, humility, and a true gene-
rosity of mind, he was an example to the age in which
he lived.
But there is one thing unjustly added to the praise
of these two great men, or rather feigned, on design
to lessen the King's honour ; that Fisher and he penned
the book which the King wrote against Luther. This
Sanders first published ; and Bellarmin, and others, since
have taken it up upon his authority. Strangers may be
pardoned such errors ; but they are inexcusable in an
Englishman : for in More's printed works there is a
letter written by him out of the Tower to Cromwell, in
which he gives an account of his behaviour concerning
the King's divorce and supremacy : among other par-
ticulars, one is, " that when the King shewed him his
book against Luther, in which he had asserted the
Pope's primacy to be of Divine right, More desired
him to leave it out : since, as there had been many con-
tests between popes and other princes, so there might
fall in some between the Pope and the King : therefore
he thought it was not fit for the King to publish any
thing which might be afterwards made use of against
himself, and advised him either to leave out that point,
or to touch it very tenderly." But the King would not
follow his counsel, being perhaps so fond of what he
had wrote, that he would rather run himself upon a
great inconvenience, than leave out any thing that he
fancied so well written. This shews that More knew
that book was written by the King's own pen ; and
either Sanders never read this, or maliciously concealed
it, lest it should discover his foul dealing.
These executions so terrified all people, that there
were no further provocations given : and all persons
either took the oaths, or did so dexterously conceal
their opinions, that, till the rebellions of Lincolnshire
THE REFORMATION. 551
and the north broke out, none suffered after this upon b6ok
a public account. But when these were quieted, then
the King resolved to make the chief authors and leaders 1535.
of those commotions public examples to the rest. The
Duke of Norfolk proceeded against many of them by
martial law ; there were also trials at common law of a
great many more that were taken prisoners, and sent
up to London. The Lords Darcy and Hussey were Attainder!
tried by their peers ; the Marquis of Exeter sitting jjjjjgjjj
steward. And a commission of Oyer and Terminer was quieted,
being issued out for the trial of the rest, Sir Robert
Constable, Sir John Bulmer and his Lady, Sir Francis
Pigot, Sir Stephen Hamilton, and Sir Thomas Piercy,
and Ask, that had been their captain ; with the Abbots
of Walley, Jerveux, Bridlington, Lenton, Woburn,
and Kingstead, and Mackrall the monk, that first
raised the Lincolnshire rebellion, with sixteen more,
were indicted of high treason for the late rebellions.
And after all the steps of the rebellion were reckoned up,
it is added, in the indictment, that they had met to-
gether on the 17th of January, and consulted how to issr.
renew it, and prosecute it further, being encouraged by
the new risings that were then in the north ; by which
they had forfeited all the favour to which they could
have pretended, by virtue of the indemnity that was
granted in the end of December, and of the pardons
which they had taken out. They were all found guilty,
and had judgment as in cases of treason ; divers of them
were carried down into Lincolnshire and Yorkshire,
and executed in the places where their treasons were
committed ; but most of them suffered at London,
and, among others, the Lady Bulmer (whom others call Hais.
Sir John Buhner's harlot) was burnt for it in Smithfield.
The only censure that passed on this was, that ad- Censures
vantages were taken on too slight grounds to break the jj*s^d up'
King's indemnity and pardon ; since it does not appear
that, after their pardon, they did any thing more than
meet and consult. But the kingdom was so shaken
with that rebellion, that if it had not been for the great
conduct of the Duke of Norfolk, the King had by all
appearance lost his crown : and it will not seem strange
that a King (especially so tempered as this was), had a
Forrest's
equivoca
652 HISTORY OF
part mind to strike terror into the rest of his subjects by
some signal examples, and to put out of the way the
1537. chief leaders of that design : nor was it to be wondered
at, that the abbots and other clergymen, who had been
so active in that commotion, were severely handled.
It was by their means that the discontents were chiefly
fomented ; they had taken all the oaths that were en-
joined them, and yet continued to be still practising
against the state ; which, as it was highly contrary to
the peaceable doctrines of the Christian religion, so it
was, in a special manner, contrary to the rules which
they professed ; that obliged them to forsake the world,
and to follow a religious and spiritual course of life.
1538. The next example of justice was, a year after this, of
one Forrest, an Observant friar ; he had been, as Sanders
tion and he- says, confessor to Queen Katherine, but it seems de-
res^' parted from her interests ; for he insinuated himself so
into the King, that he recovered his good opinion.
Being an ignorant and lewd man, he was accounted by
the better sort of that house, to which he belonged in
Greenwich, a reproach to their order (concerning this,
I have seen a large account in an original letter, written
by a brother of the same house). Having regained the
King's good opinion, he put all those who had favoured
the divorce under great fears, for he proceeded cruelly
against them : and one Rainscroft, being suspected to
have given secret intelligence of what was done among
them, was shut up, and so hardly used, that he died in
their hands, which was (as that letter relates) done by
Friar Forrest's means. This Friar was found to have
denied the King's supremacy : for though he himself
had sworn it, yet he had infused it into many in con-
fession, that the King was not the supreme head of the
church. Being questioned for these practices, which
were so contrary to the oath that he had taken, he
HaiL answered, " that he took that oath with his outward man,
but his inward man had never consented to it." Being
brought to his trial, and accused of several heretical
opinions that he held, he submitted himself to the
church. Upon this he had more freedom allowed him
in the prison ; but some coming to him diverted him
from the submission he had offered ; so that when the
THE REFORMATION. 553
paper of abjuration was brought him, he refused to set book
his hand to it : upon which he was judged an obstinate
heretic. The records of these proceedings are lost, 1533.
but the books of that time say that he denied the gos-
pel ; it is like it was upon that pretence, that, without
the determination of the church, it had no authority ;
upon which, several writers of the Roman communion
have said indecent and scandalous things of the Holy
Scriptures. He was brought to Smithfield, where were
present the lords of the council, to offer him his
pardon if he would abjure. Latimer made a sermon
against his errors, and studied to persuade him to re-
cant ; but he continued in his former opinions, so he
was put to death in a most severe manner. He was
hanged in a chain about his middle, and the great
image that was brought out of Wales was broken to
pieces, and served for fuel to burn him. He shewed
great unquietness of mind, and ended his life in an un-
godly manner, as Hall says ; who adds this character of
him, " that he had little knowledge of God and his
sincere truth, and less trust in him at his ending."
In winter that year a correspondence was discovered The pm-
with Cardinal Pole, who was barefaced in his treasonable agahScar-
designs against the King. His brother, Sir Geofrey Pole, &™i Poles
discovered the whole plot : for which the Marquis of
Exeter (that was theKing's cousin-german by his mother,
who was Edward the Fourth's daughter), the Lord
Montacute, the Cardinal's brother, Sir Geofrey Pole,
and Sir Edward Nevill, were sent to the Tower in the
beginning of November. They were accused for having
maintained a correspondence with the Cardinal, and for
expressing a hatred of the King, with a dislike of his
proceedings, and a readiness to rise upon any good op-
portunity that might offer itself.
The special matter brought against the Lord Monta-
cute and the Marquis of Exeter, who were tried by their
peers on the 2d and 3d of December, in the thirtieth
year of this reign, is, " that whereas Cardinal Pole and
others had cast off their allegiance to the King, and
gone and submitted themselves to the Pope, the King's
mortal enemy ; the Lord Montacute did, on the 24th of
July, in the twenty-eighth year of the King's reign, a few
554 HISTORY OF
part months before the rebellion broke out, say that he
liked well the proceedings of his brother the Cardinal,
1538. Dut; did not like the proceedings of the realm ; and said,
I trust to see a change of this world ; I trust to have a
fair day upon those knaves that rule about the King;
and I trust to see a merry world one day." Words to
the same purpose were also charged on the Marquis.
The Lord Montacute further said, " I would I were
over the sea with my brother, for this world will one
day come to stripes ; it must needs so come to pass, and
I fear we shall lack nothing so much as honest men.
He also said, he had dreamed that the King was dead,
and, though he was not yet dead, he would die suddenly ;
one day his leg will kill him, and then we shall have
jolly stirring ; saying, also, that he had never loved him
from his childhood, and that Cardinal Wolsey would
have been an honest man if he had had an honest master.
And the King having said to the lords, he would leave
them one day, having some apprehensions he might
shortly die, that Lord said, if he will serve us so, we
shall be happily rid; a time will come, I fear we shall
not tarry the time, we shall do well enough. He had
also said, he was sorry the Lord Abergavenny was dead,
for he could have made ten thousand men; and for his
part he would go and live in the west, where the Mar-
quis of Exeter was strong : and had also said, upon the
breaking of the northern rebellion, that the Lord
Darcy played the fool, for he went to pluck away the
council, but he should have begun with the head first ;
but I beshrew him for leaving off so soon." These
were the words charged on those lords, as clear disco-
veries of their treasonable designs; and that they knew
of the rebellion that brake out, and only intended to
have kept it off to a fitter opportunity. They were
also accused of correspondence with Cardinal Pole, that
was the King's declared enemy. Upon these points
the lords pleaded not guilty, but were found guilty by
their peers, and so judgment was given.
On the 4th of December were indicted, Sir Geofrey
Pole, for holding correspondence witli his brother the
Cardinal, and saying that he approved oi his proceed-
ings, but not of the King's; Sir LJwarcI Ne\ ill, brother ■
THE REFORMATION 555
to the Lord Abergavenny, for saying the King was a book
beast, and worse than a beast ; George Crofts, chan-
cellor of the cathedral of Chichester, for saying the 1538>
King was not, but the Pope was, the supreme head of
the church; and John Collins, for saying the King
would hang in hell one day for the plucking down of
abbeys. All those (Sir Edward Nevill only excepted,)
pleaded guilty, and so they were condemned: but Sir
Geofrey Pole was the only person of the number that
was not executed, for he had discovered the matter.
At the same time, also, Cardinal Pole, Michael Throg-
morton, gentleman, John Hilliard, and Thomas Gold-
well, clerks, and William Peyto,* a Franciscan of the
Observance, were attainted in absence, because they
had cast off their duty to the King, and had subjected
themselves to the Bishop of Rome, Pole being made
cardinal by him ; and for writing treasonable letters,
and sending them into England. On the 4th of Feb-
ruary following, Sir Nicholas Carew, that was both
master of the horse and knight of the garter, was
arraigned for being an adherent to the Marquis of Exe-
ter; and, having spoke of his attainder as unjust and
cruel, he was also attainted and executed upon the 3d
of March. When he was brought to the scaffold, he
openly acknowledged the errors and superstition in
which he had formerly lived, and blessed God for his
imprisonment; "for he then began to relish the life
and sweetness of God's holy word, which was brought
him by his keeper, one Phillips, who followed the Re-
formation, and had formerly suffered for it."
After these executions, followed the parliament in the 1539.
year 153Q, in which not only these attainders that were S(?me at"
already passed were confirmed, but new ones of a without
strange and unheard-of nature were enacted. It is a hearmgtto
DUl'tlt'S
blemish never to be washed off, and which cannot be
enough condemned, and was a breach of the most
sacred and unalterable rules of justice, which is capable
of no excuse. It was, the attainting of some persons
•Thuanus calls hitn William, and says he was Loci Ignobilis ; but his
true name, by which he was made cardinal, was Peter : whether he was
so christened, or assumed it only when he became a friar, is not certain.
He was descended from an ancient and eminent family in Warwickshire.
556 HISTORY OF
part whom they held in custody, without bringing them to
a trial. Concerning which, I shall add what the great
1539. Lord Chief Justice Cook writes : " Although I question
4 instit. not the power of the parliament, for without question
the attainder stands of force in law, yet this I say of
the manner of proceeding, auferat oblivio> si potest, si
non utcwmque silentium tegat. For the more high and
absolute the jurisdiction of the court is, the more just
and honourable it ought to be in the proceedings, and
to give example of justice to inferior courts." The
chief of these were the Marchioness of Exeter, and the
Countess of Sarum. The special matter charged on
the former is, her confederating herself to Sir Nicholas
Carew in his treasons; to which is added, "that she
had committed divers other abominable treasons." The
latter is said "to have confederated herself with her son
the Cardinal," with other aggravating words. It does
not appear by the Journal that any witnesses were exa-
mined ; only that day that the bills were read the third
time in the House of Lords, Cromwell shewed them a
coat of white silk, which the Lord Admiral had found
among the Countess of Sarum's clothes, in which the
arms of England were wrought on the one side, and
the standard that was carried before the rebels was on
the other side. This was brought as an evidence that
she approved of the rebellion. Three Irish priests were
also attainted for carrying letters out of Ireland to the
Pope and Cardinal Pole ; as also Sir Adrian Fortescue,
for endeavouring to raise rebellion ; Thomas Dingley,
a knight of St. John of Jerusalem, and Robert Gran-
ceter, merchant, for going to several foreign princes,
and persuading them to make war upon the King, and
assist the Lords Darcy and Hussey in the rebellion they
had raised. Two gentlemen, a Dominican friar and a
yeoman, were, by the same act, attainted for saying
that " that venomous serpent, the Bishop of Rome, was
supreme head of the church of England." Another
gentleman, two priests, and a yeoman, are attainted for
treason in general, no particular crime being specified.
Thus sixteen persons were in this manner attainted;
and if there was any examination of witnesses for con-
victing them, it was either in the star-chamber or be-
THE REFORMATION. 557
fore the privy-council ; for there is no mention of any book
evidence that was brought in the Journals. There was
also much haste made in the passing this bill ; it being ^s9_
brought in the 10th of May, was read that day for the
first and second time, and the 11th of May for the
third time. The Commons kept it five days before
they sent it back, and added some more to those that
were in the bill at first ; but how many were named in
the bill originally, and how many were afterwards
added, cannot be known. Fortescue and Dingley suf-
fered the 10th of July. As for the Countess of Sarum,
the Lord Herbert saw in a record, that bulls from the
Pope were found in her house ; " that she kept corres-
pondence with her son, and that she forbade her te-
nants to have the New Testament in English, or any
of the books that had been published by the King's au-
thority." She was then about seventy years of age, but
shewed, by the answers she made, that she had a vigo-
rous and masculine mind. She was kept two years
prisoner in the Tower, after the act had passed ; the
King, by that reprieve, designing to oblige her son to a
better behaviour; but, upon a fresh provocation, by a
new rebellion in the north, she was beheaded, and in
her the name and line of Plantagenet determined.
The Marchioness of Exeter died a natural death. In
November this year were the Abbots of Reading, Glas-
tenbury, and Colchester attainted of treason ; of which
mention was made formerly.
In the parliament that sate in the year 1540, they 154°-
went on to follow that strange precedent which they
had made the former year. By the fifty-sixth act, Giles
Heron was attainted of treason, no special matter being
mentioned.
By the fifty-seventh act, Richard Fetherstoun, Thomas
Abell, and Edward Pole, priests, and William Horn, a
yeoman, were attainted, for denying the King's supre-
macy, and adhering to the Bishop of Rome : by the
same act, the wife of one Tirrell, esquire, was attainted
for refusing her duty of allegiance, and denying Prince
Edward to be prince and heir of the crown : and one
Laurence Cook, ofDoncaster, was also attainted for con-
triving the King's death.
558 HISTORY OF
part By the fifty-eighth act, Gregory Buttolph, Adam
Damplip, and Edward Brindeholm, clerks, and Clement
1540. Philpot, gentleman, were attainted for adhering to the
Bishop of Rome, for corresponding with Cardinal Pole,
and endeavouring to surprise the town of Calais ; by
the same act, Barnes, Gerrard, and Jerome were attaint-
ed ; of whose sufferings an account has been already
given.
By the fifty-ninth act, William Bird, a priest, and
chaplain to the Lord Hungerford., was attainted for having
said to one that was going to assist the King against the
rebels in the north, "I am sorry thou goest ; seest thou
not how the King plucketh down images and abbeys
every day? And if the King go thither himself, he will
never come home again, nor any of them all which go
with him, and in truth it were pity he should ever come
home again. And at another time, upon one's saying,
'O good Lord, I ween all the world will be heretics in
a little time ;' Bird said, 'Dost thou marvel at that ? I
tell thee it is no marvel, for the great master of all is a
heretic, and such an one, as there is not his like in the
world."' .
By the same act, the Lord Hungerford was likewise
attainted. The crimes specified are, " that he, knowing
Bird to be a traitor, did entertain him in his house as his
chaplain ; that he ordered another of his chaplains, Sir
Hugh Wood, and one Doctor Maudlin, to use con-
juring, that they might know how long the King should
live, and whether he should be victorious over his ene-
mies or not : and that these three years last past he had
frequently committed the detestable sin of sodomy with
several of his servants :" all these were attainted by that
parliament. The Lord Hungerford was executed the
same day with Cromwell ; he died in such disorder,
that some thought he was frantic ; for he called often
to the executioner to dispatch him, and said he was.
weary of life and longed to be dead ; which seemed strange
in a man that had so little cause to hope in his death.
For Powcl, Fetherstoun, and Abell, they suffered the
same day with Barnes and his friends, as hath been
already shewn.
This year Sampson, bishop of Chichester, and one
THE REFORMATION. 559
Doctor Wilson, were put in the Tower, upon suspicion book
of correspondence with the Pope. But upon their sub-
mission, they had their pardon and liberty. In the 154L
year 1541, five priests and ten secular persons, some of
them being gentlemen of quality, were raising a new
rebellion in Yorkshire ; which was suppressed in time,
and the promoters of it, being apprehended, were at-
tainted and executed ; and this occasioned the death of
the Countess of Sarum, after the execution of the sen-
tence had been delayed almost two years.
The last instance of the King's severity was in the 1543*
year 1543, in which one Gardiner, that was the bishop
of Winchester's kinsman and secretary, and three other
priests, were tried for denying the King's supremacy,
and for which Gardiner was executed. But what spe-
cial matter was laid to the charge of the others cannot
be known, for the record of their attainder is lost.
These were the proceedings of this King against Theconeta-
those that adhered to the interests of Rome; in which,
though there is great ground for just censure, for as the
laws were rigorous, so the execution of them was raised
to the highest that the law could admit ; yet there is
nothing in them to justify all the clamours which that
party have raised against King Henry, and by which
they pursue his memory to this day ; and are far short,
both in number and degrees, of the cruelties of Queen
Mary's reign, which yet they endeavour all that is possi-
ble to extenuate or deny.
To conclude : we have have now gone through the
reign of King Henry the Eighth, who is rather to be
reckoned among the great, than the good princes. He
exercised so much severity on men of both persuasions,
that the writers of both sides have laid open his faults,
and taxed his cruelty. But as neither of them were
much obliged to him, so none have taken so much care
to set forth his good qualities, as his enemies have done
to enlarge on his vices : I do not deny that he is to be
numbered among the ill princes, yet I cannot rank him
with the worst.
END OF BOOK III.
ADDENDA.
After some of the sheets of this History were wrought off,
I met with manuscripts of great authority, out of which I
have collected several particulars, that give a clear light to the
proceedings in those times ; zehich, since they came too late to
my knowledge to be put in their proper places , I shall here add
them, with references to the places to which they belong.
Ad pag. 337. lin. 16.
The articles of religion, of which an abstract is there
set down, are indeed published by Fuller : but he saw
not the original with all the subscriptions to it, which
I have had in my hands ; and therefore I have put it in
Collect. the Collection, with three other papers, which were soon
Numb. i.' after offered to the King by Cranmer.
Collect. The one is in the form of fifteen queries, concerning
Numb! 2. some abuses by which the people had been deceived ; as,
namely, by these doctrines : that without contrition sin-
ners may be reconciled to God ; that it is in the power
of the priest to pardon or not to pardon sin at his plea-
sure ; and that God's pardon cannot be obtained with-
out priestly absolution. Also he complained that the
people trusted to outward ceremonies ; and their curates,
for their own gain, encouraged them in it. It was ob-
served, that the opinion of clergymen's being exempted
from the secular judge was ill-grounded ; that bishops
did ordain without due care and trial ; that the dignified
clergy misapplied their revenues, did not follow their
first institution, and did not reside upon their benefices.
And, in fine, he moves that the four sacraments, which
had been left undetermined by the former Articles, might
be examined : the outward signs and actions, the pro-
mises made upon them, and the efficacy that was in
them, being well considered.
The second paper consists of two resolutions made
Numb. 3.' concerning confirmation by the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, and Stokeslcy, bishop of London. There are
several other papers concerning confirmation, but these
are only subscribed ; and the rest do generally follow
these two prelates, who were then the heads of two
different parties. The Archbishop went on this ground,
that all things were to be tried by the Scripture ; but
Stokeslcy, and almost the whole clergy, were for receiv-
Collect.
Addenda,
ADDENDA. 5GI
ing the trauiuon of the church, as not much inferior to
the Scriptures ; which he asserts in his subscription.
The third paper was offered to the King by Cran- Collect
mer, to persuade him to proceed to a further reforma- ^umb. *,'
tion ; that things might be long and well considered
before they were determined ; that nothing might be
declared a part of God's faith, without good proofs
from Scripture ; the departing from which rule had been
the occasion of all the errors that had been in the church ;
that now men would not be led as they had been, but
would examine matters ; that many things were now
acknowledged to be truths, such as the unlawfulness
of the Pope's usurped power, for which many had for-
merly suffered death. Whereupon he desires that some
points might be examined by Scripture ; as, whether
there is a purgatory ; whether departed souls ought to
be invocated ; whether tradition ought to be believed ;
whether there be any satisfaction besides the satisfaction
of Christ ; whether free-will may dispose itself to grace ;
and whether images ought to be kissed, or used to any
other end, but as representations of a piece of his-
tory ? In all these he desired the King would suspend
his judgment ; and, in particular, that he would not de-
termine against the lawfulness of the marriage of the
clergy, but would for some time silence both parties.
He also proposed that this point might, by order from
the King, be examined in the Universities before indif-
ferent judges : that all the arguments against it might
be given to the defenders twelve days before the public
disputation ; and he offered, that if those who should de-
fend the lawfulness of priests' marriage, were, in the
opinion of indifferent judges, overcome, they should
willingly surfer death for it ; but if otherwise, all they
desired was, that, in that point, the King might leave
them in the liberty to which the word of God left them.
Adpag. 385. Urn. 32.
I have seen a much fuller paper concerning orders
and ecclesiastical functions (which the reader will find
in the Collection) signed by Cromwell, the two Arch- collect.
bishops, and eleven bishops, and twenty divines and ca- Addenda,
nonists, declaring, that the power of the keys, and other
church-functions, is formally distinct from the power of
vol. 1. p. r. 2o
502 ADDENDA.
the sword : that this power is not absolute, but to be
limited by the rules that are in the Scripture ; and is or-
dained only for the edification and good of the church :
that this power ought to be still preserved, since it was
given by Christ as the mean of reconciling sinners to
God. Orders were also declared a sacrament, since they
consisted of outward action instituted by Christ, and an
inward grace conferred with them : but that all inferior
orders, janitors, lectors, ike. were brought into thechurch
to beautify and adorn it, and were taken from the tem-
ple of the Jews : and that in the New Testament there
is no mention made but of deacons or ministers, and
priests or bishops: nor is there belonging to orders any
other ceremony mentioned in the Scripture but prayer
and imposition of hands. This was signed either in the
year 1537 or 1538 ; since it is subscribed both by John
Hilsey, bishop of Rochester, and Edward Fox, bishop
of Hereford; for the one was consecrated in J 537, and
the other died in May, 1538.
On this paper I will add two remarks : the one is, that
after this I do never find the inferior degrees under a
deacon mentioned in this church ; so it seems, at this
time, they were laid aside. They were first set up in
the church about the end of the second, or the beginning
of the third century, in the middle of which we find
both Cornelius, bishop of Rome, and St. Cyprian men-
tioning them as orders that were then established ; and
it seems they were designed as previous steps to the sa-
cred functions, that none might be ordained to these,
but such as had been long before separated from a se-
cular state of life, and had given good proofs of them-
selves in these lower degrees. But it turned in the
church of Rome to be only a matter of form ; and
many took the first tonsure, that they might be exempt-
ed from the secular power, and be qualified for com-
mendams, and some other worldly advantages, to which
these lower orders were sufficient by those rules which
the canonists had brought in.
Another thing is, that both in this writing, and in the
Necessary Erudition of a Christian Man, bishops and
priests are spoken of as one and the same office. In
the ancient church they knew none of those Subtilties
ADDENDA. 5G3
which were found out in the latter ages. It was then
thought enough that a bishop was to be dedicated to
his function by a new imposition of hands, and that se-
veral offices could not be performed without bishops,
such as ordination, confirmation, &c. but they did not
refine in these matters so much as to inquire, whether
bishops and priests differed in order and office, or only
in degree. But after the schoolmen fell to examine
matters of divinity with logical and unintelligible nice-
ties, and the canonists began to comment upon the rules
of the ancient church, they studied to make bishops and
priests seem very near one another, so that the differ-
ence was but small.* They did it with different designs :
the schoolmen, having set up the grand mystery of
transubstantiation, were to exalt the priestly office as
much as was possible: for the turning the host into
God was so great an action, that they reckoned there
could be no office higher than that which qualified a
man to so mighty a performance : therefore, as they
changed the form of ordination from what it was an-
ciently believed to consist in, to a delivering of the sa-
cred vessels, and held that a priest had his orders by that
rite, and not by the imposition ot hands ; so they raised
their order or office so high, as to make it equal with
the order of a bishop : but as they designed to extol the
order of priesthood, so the canonists had as great a mind
to depress the episcopal order. They generally wrote
for preferment, and the way to it was to exalt the pa-
pacy. Nothing could do that so effectually as to bring
down the power of bishops. This only could justify
the exemptions of the monks and friars, the popes set-
ting up legantine courts, and receiving at first appeals,
and then original causes before them ; together with
many other encroachments on their jurisdiction : all
which were unlawful, if the bishops had, by Divine right,
jurisdiction in their diocesses : therefore it was neces-
* Though most of the schoolmen asserted bishops and priests to he of
the same order, for the reason here specified, their being equally appointed
to the consecration of the eueharist, which they thought to he the highest,
and most perfect function ; yet they allowed the hishops a superiority of
jurisdiction, which some of them were content 1o call a superior order;
as the canonists did also generally, notwithstanding their endeavours to
depress the episcopal authority for the advancement of the papal.
2 o 2
6G4 ADDENDA.
sary to lay them as low as could be, and to make them
think that the power they held was rather as delegates
of the apostolic see, than by a commission from Christ
or his apostles : so that they looked on the declaring
episcopal authority to be of Divine right, as a blow that
would be fatal to the court of Rome ; and therefore
they did after this, at Trent, use all possible endeavours
to hinder any such decision. It having been then the
common style of that age to reckon bishops and priests
as the same office, it is no wonder if at this time the
clergy of this church, the greatest part of them being
still leavened with the old superstition, and the rest of
them not having enough of spare time to examine lesser
matters, retained still the former phrases in this particular.
On this I have insisted the more, that it may appear
how little they have considered things, who are so far
carried with their zeal against the established govern-
ment of this church, as to make much use of some pas-
sages of the schoolmen and canonists that deny them
to be distinct offices : for these are the very dregs of po-
pery ; the one raising the priests higher for the sake of
transubstantiation, the other pulling the bishops lower
for the sake of the Pope's supremacy, and by such
means bringing them almost to an equality. So partial
are some men to their particular conceits, that they
make use of the most mischievous topics when they can
serve their turn, not considering how much further
these arguments will run if they ever admit them.
Ad pag. 395. lin. 6.
The princes of Germany did always press the King
to enter into a religious league with them : the first
league that was made in the year 1536, was conceived
in general terms against the Pope, as the common
enemy, and for setting up true religion according to the
gospel : but they did afterwards send over ambassadors
to treat about particulars ; and they having presented a
memorial of these, there were conferences appointed
between them and some bishops and divines of this
church. I find no divines were sent over hither but
Frederick Miconius, minister of Gotha, by whom Me-
lancthon, who could not be spared out of Germany, sent
several letters to the King ; the fullest and longest of
ADDENDA. 565
them will be found in the Collection. It is all to this Collect,
purpose; to persuade the King to go on vigorously in NumTd!
the reforming of abuses according to the word ot God.
The King sent over the particulars which they pro-
posed, in order to a perfect agreement, to Gardiner,
who was then at Paris : upon which he sent back his
opinion, touching them all ; the original of which,
under his own hand, 1 have seen, but it relates so much
to the other paper that was sent him, which I never saw,
that without it his meaning can hardly be understood ;
and therefore I have not put it in the Collection. The
main thing in it, at which it chiefly drives, is to press
the King to finish first a civil league with them, and to
leave those particulars concerning religion to be after-
wards treated of. The King followed his advice so far
as to write to the German princes to that effect. But
when the King declared his resolution to have the six
Articles established, all that favoured the Reformation
were much alarmed at it, and pressed their friends in
Germany to interpose with the King for preventing it.
I have seen an original letter of Hains, dean of Exeter,
in which he laments the sad effects that would follow
on that act, which was then preparing ; that all the cor-
ruptions in the church rose from the establishing some
points without clear proofs from Scripture : he wished
the Germans would consider of it, for if the King and
parliament should make such a law, this was a precedent
for the Emperor to make the like in the diet of the
empire. Neither were the German ambassadors back-
ward in doing their friends in England all the service
they could : for, after they had held several conferences
with those that were appointed by the King to treat
with them, they, finding they could not prevail with
them, wrote a long and learned letter to the King,
against the taking away the chalice in the sacrament,
and against private masses and the celibate of the
clergy, with some other abuses, which the reader will
find in the Collection, as it is copied from the original, JJj'!ect-
which I have seen. To this I have added the answer Numb! il
which the King wrote to it : he employed Tonstall, bi- JddSii
shop of Duresme, to draw it ; for I have seen a rude kumb. s.'
draught of a great part of it written with his hand. By
5GG ADDENDA.
both these compared together, every indifferent reader
will clearly see the force and simplicity of the argu-
ments on the one hand, and the art and shuffling that
was used on the other side. As soon as the act was
passed, notwithstanding all their endeavours to the con-
trary, they, in an audience before the King, represented
the great concern their masters would have, when the
King, on whom they had relied so much as the defender
of the faith, should proceed with the severity expressed
in that act, against those that agreed with them in doc-
trine, and pressed the King earnestly to put a stop to
the execution of it. The King promised he would see
to it, and that though he judged the act necessary to
restrain the insolence of some of his subjects, yet it
should not be executed but upon great provocation : he
also proposed the renewing a civil league with them,
without mentioning matters of religion. To this the
princes made answer, that the league, as it was at first
projected, was chiefly upon a design of religion ; and
therefore, without a common consent of all that were in
their league, they could not alter it: they lamented this
passing of the late act, but wrote their thanks to the
King for stopping the" execution of it, and warned him
that some of his bishops, who set him on to these
courses, were in their hearts still for all the old abuses,
and for the Pope's supremacy, and were pressing on the
King to be severe againsthis best subjects, that they might
thereby bring on a design which they could not hope to
effect any other way : they advised the King to beware of
such counsels. They also proposed, that there might be a
conference agreed on between such divines as the King
would name, and such as they should depute, to meet
either in Gueldres, Hamburgh, Bremen, or any other
place that should be appointed by the King, to examine
the lawfulness of private masses, of denying the cha-
lice, and the prohibiting the marriage of the clergy.
On these things they continued treating till the divorce
of Anne of Cleves, and Cromwell's fall ; after which I
find little correspondence between the King and them.
Ad pag. 395. lilt. 40.
Collect. When \ mentioned the Kind's letters, directing the
Addenda, ... . <? • t i i
jN'umb. 9. bishops now to proceed in a reformation, 1 had not seen
ADDENDA. 507
them ; but I have since seen an original of them sub-
scribed by the Kings hand. In these he challenged the
clergy as guilty of great indiscretions : that the late re-
bellion had been occasioned by them ; therefore he re-
quired the bishops to take care that the Articles for-
merly published should be exactly obeyed ; and to go
over their diocesses in person, and preach obedience to
the laws, and the good ends of those ceremonies that
were then retained, that the people might neither de-
spise them, nor put too much trust in them : and to si-
lence all disputes and contentions concerning things in-
different ; and to signify to the King's council, if there
were any priests in their diocesses that were married,
and yet did discharge any part of the priestly office. All
which will be better understood by the letter itself, that
I have put into the Collection.
Ad pag. 399. lin. 7.
I do there acknowledge, that I knew not what argu-
ments were used against the necessity of auricular con-
fession : but I have made, since that time, a considera-
ble discovery in this particular, from an original letter
written all with the King's own hand to Tonstall ; by
which it appears, there had been conferences in the
House, and that the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of
Winchester, and Duresme, had pleaded much for it, as
necessary by a Divine institution ; and that both the
King and the Archbishop of Canterbury had main-
tained, that though it was good and profitable, yet it
was not necessary by any precept of the gospel : and
that though the bishops brought several texts out of
Scripture and ancient doctors, yet these were so clearly
answered by the King and the Archbishop, that the
whole House was satisfied with it : yet Tonstall drew up
in a writing all the reasons he had made use of in that
debate, and brought them to the King, which will be
found in the Collection, with the annotations and reflec- Collect.
tions which the King; wrote on the margin, with his »Tdde1nd*',
i • • i i • • ■• i 1 Numb. 10.
own hand, taken from the original ; together with the Collect.
King's letters written in answer to them : by this it will Numbdii
appear that the King did set himself much to study
points of divinity, and examined matters with a scru-
pulous exactness. The issue of the debate was, that
5(>8 ADDENDA.
though the popish party endeavoured to have got auri-
cular confession declared to be commanded by Christ,
as a part of the sacrament of penance, yet the King
overruled that ; so it was enacted, " that auricular con-
fession was necessary and expedient to be retained in
the church of God." These debates were in the House
of Lords, which appears not only by the King's letter,
that speaks of the House, but by the act of parliament ;
in the preamble of which it is said, that the King had
come himself to the parliament, and had opened several
points of high learning to them.
Ad pap. 405. lin. 29.
There I mention the King's diligence in drawing an
act of parliament with his own hand ; but since that
was printed, I have seen many other acts and papers, if
not originally penned by the King, yet so much altered
by his corrections, that in some sort they may be
esteemed his draughts. There are two draughts of the
act of the six Articles, both corrected in many places by
the King ; and in some of these the correction is three
lines long. There is another act concerning pre-con-
tracts of marriage, likewise corrected very much by his
pen. Many draughts of proclamations, particularly
those about the use of the Bible in English, are yet ex-
tant, interlined and altered with his pen. There is a
large paper written by Tonstall, of arguments for pur-
gatory, with copious animadversions on it, likewise
written by the King ; which shew that then he did not
believe there was a purgatory. I have also seen the
draught of that part of the Necessary Erudition for a
Christian Man, which explains the Creed, full of correc-
tions with the King's own pen ; as also the queries con-
cerning the sacraments, mentioned page 446, with large
annotations written with his hand on the margin; like-
wise an extract, all written with his own hand, of pas-
sages out of the fathers against the marriage of the
clergy : and, to conclude, there is a paper, with which
Collect. the Collection ends, containing the true notion of the
Addenda. catholic church, which has large emendations added
with the King's hand ; those I have set by themselves on
the margin of the paper.
J. F. Dim r. Printer, St. John's Square.
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