^f
FROM THE LIBRARY OF
REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON. D. D.
BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO
THE LIBRARY OF
PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
^:
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^*:^*^>^S?^_^^
In 1894, Dr. Good issued a History of the Reformed Church
of Germany, 1620-1890, which presented in a single volume
the record of the varying fortunes of the Reformed Church in
the Fatherland. It showed the awful persecutions which the
Reformed Church had to endure as well as its gradual spread
and increase in influence. It was a notable contribution which
gave a comprehensive survey of the Reformed Church in t
Germany. Some of his critics fornid fault with him for writ- \
ing this history from a partisan standpoint. Yet it should be ^
remembered that in this book Dr. Good defended a thesis *
which is now generally accepted as correct, namely, that the j^
Reformed Church of Germany was neither Melanchthonian in n.
doctrine nor ritualistic in worship, as was at that time gener-
ally believed in this country. The Church must be grateful
to the author for having contributed to a correct understand-
ing of Reformed history.
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HISTOR
OF THE
REFORMED CHURCH
OF
GERMANY.
1620—1890.
BY //
EEV. JAMES I. GOOD, D. B.,
Author of the ''Origin of the Reformed Church in Germany" and "Rambles
Round Reformed Lands.'"
READING, PA.:
DANIEL MILLER, PUBLISHER.
1894.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1894,
BY REV. JAMES I. GOOD, D. D.,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
TO THE MEMORY OF
MY UNCLE.
EEV. PROFESSOR JEREMIAH HAAK GOOD,
PROFESSOR OF DOGMATICS
IN HEIDELBERG THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY,
TIFFIN, 0.,
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED.
He gave me the first directions how to study Reformed Church
history, and my theological views were in perfect harmony with
his on the historic position of the Reformed Church. In recog-
nition of his kindly influence and useful labors, this book aims
to perpetuate his memory.
PREFACE.
The Reformed Church has a history which deserves
to be known, and it is the duty of her children to tell it
to the world. This book is a continuation of The Orif/hi
of the Reformed Church in Germany and brings the history
of that Church down to the present time. It will supply
a great want, for no hook has existed in English vvhich
covers this perioa or showed why the founders of the
Reformed Church in the United States emigrated to this
western world. Indeed, there is no single book in Ger-
man which covers this ground, as the Reformed histories
in Germany are local. This is the first attempt to com-
prehend and systematize all the Reformed Church history
of Germany. We trust that this contribution to Church
history will be a great aid to the Reformed everywhere
(especially in the United States), and of interest to all
students of Church history of other denominations. The
author wishes to say that he has had great difficulty with
some of the German proper names, as two forms of the
same name are often given by good authorities, as Kirch -
meyer (Kirchmeier), Strassburg (Strasburg), Wyttenbach
(AVittenbach), etc. Also in the dates of the days of the
Thirty Years' War he has found diffigrences existing
between good authorities, owing, perhaps, to the change
that took place at that time from old time to new.
6 PEEFACE.
The author wishes to express his obligations for aid to
Eev. F. Brandes, of Buckeburg, and Rev. Mr. Hapke, of
Berlin, for aid on the Union in Germany ; to Rev. Mr.
Cuno, of Eddighausen, for aid on the doctrinal position
of the Reformed Church ; also to Rev. Prof. Charles
Muller, of Erlangen ; Rev. Charles KrafPt and Rev.
Charles Krummacher, both of Elberfeld, and Rev. S.
Goebel, consistorialrath of Munster. He is also under
obligations to Rev, Prof B. Warfield, of Princeton, and
Mr. Wm. Hinke, for aid rendered, and to Rev. Mr. Dul-
les, of Princeton, and Rev. Mr. Gillett, of New York, for
books loaned from Princeton and Union Theological Semi-
nary Libraries.
May this book make the Reformed more familiar with
their own Church history, and thus love her more and
labor more earnestly for her perpetuity. We would echo
the wish of Court preacher Krummacher on page 463.
*^ O that the spirit of an Untereyck and a Tersteegen would
come again, to revive our Church by the outpouring of
the Holy Ghost, that she may do greater things for the
Lord in the future than she has done in the past."
CONTENTS
Book I.
THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.
CHAPTER I.— Introduction Page 9
CHAPTER II.— The Sufferings of the Palatinate 16
CHAPTER III.— The Quartering in Nassau 76
CHAPTER IV.— The Bravery of Hesse-Cassel 93
CHAPTER v.— The Vacillation of Brandenburg 115
CHAPTER VL— Summary and Results of the War 127
Book II.
THE FRENCH REFUGEES. V
CHAPTER I.— The Great Elector and Electress 1-t-i
CHAPTER II.— The Refugees in Brandenburg 173
CHAPTER III.— The Refugees in Other Parts of Germany 194
CHAPTER IV.— The Results of these Immigrations 210
Book III.
THE RAVAGE OF THE PALATINATE.
CHAPTER I.— Preparation for the Catastrophe 22&
CHAPTER II.— The Political Reign of Terror 240
CHAPTER III.— The Ecclesiastical Reign of Terror 276
Book IY.
PIETISM.
CHAPTER I.— Introduction 307
CHAPTER II.— The Rise of Pietism 323
CHAPTER III.— The Victory of Pietism 363
CHAPTER IV.— The Effects of the Rise of Pietism 396
o contexts.
Book Y.
ratioxalism.
CHAPTER L— Introduction 411
CHAPTER II,— Rationalism in the Reformed Church 413
CHAPTER III.— Official Answers to Rationalism by the Reformed 426
CHAPTER IV. — Individual Answers to Rationalism in the Northern
Rhine 445
CHAPTER V. — Individual Answers to Rationalism in Other Parts of
Germany 502
CHAPTER VI.— The Mediating Theology 53O
Book YI.
the union.
CHAPTER L— The Prussian Union 560
CHAPTER II.— The Effect of the Union on the Reformed 565
CHAPTER III.— The Revival of Reformed Consciousness 579
Book YII.
conclusion.
CHAPTER I.— Statistics of the Reformed Church of Germany 586
CHAPTER II.— The Doctrinal Position of the German Reformed Church 589
APPENDIX 625
Illustrations.
Map.
Heidelberg Just Before the Thirty Years' War Opposite page 16
The Siege of Heidelberg (1622) " " 38
Landgravine Amalie Elizabeth of Hesse-Cassel " " 108
Frederick William the'Great, Elector of Brandenburg " " 144
Electress Louisa Henrietta of Brandenburg " " 160
The Destruction of Heidelberg (1689) " " 248
Professor John Lewis Fabricius " " 258
St. Martin's Church, Bremen « " 328
Joachim Neander « « 344
Professor Frederick A. Lampe " " 376
Tersteegen's House at Muhlheim " « 455
BOOK I.
THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
The Thirty Years' War was a remarkable war.
Whether we consider the great length of the war, or its
awfnl devastation, or its intricate diplomacy, or the mag-
nitude of its issues, each, or all of them combined, make
it one of the greatest wars of history. To us it is, how-
ever, only interesting for the religious issues that were at
stake. And it is especially interesting to the Reformed,
because their very existence depended on its results.
Three great principles were involved in the war. The
first was Protestantism. The very existence of Protest-
antism was at stake. It was a combined attack of the
Romish princes on the Protestant nobles. Had they suc-
ceeded, they would have oppressed and circumscribed the
Protestants more and more, until they had crushed them
out of existence. This plan is clearly seen in the Edict
of Restitution, when the Romisli powers ordered the
Protestants to restore abbeys and endowments. Tliis was
9
10 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAXY.
only the begiuniug of the encl^ when they would have
compelled the Protestants to give up everything, yes even
their very existence. Gnstavus Adolphus saw this dan-
ger clearly. He felt that if the Romish powers had once
destroyed Protestantism in Germany, it would not be
long before they would cross the Baltic and destroy it in
Sweden, too. So he left his land to save Protestantism
in another land. But the result of the war was that it
guaranteed the safety of Protestantism. Since that time
there has been no combined attack of Romish powers on
Protestants. Protestantism was saved. A second princi-
ple at stake was religious liberty. This had been only par-
tially recognized before at the Peace of Augsburg, 1555,
which allowed Protestants the privilege of existence, but
placed too much religious power in the hands of the prin-
ces, making the prince the religious head of the people,
and " like prince, like people" became the motto. The
Protestants were fighting for more religious liberty. The
Peace of AVestphalia at the close of the war settled the
principle of religious liberty— that a man's faith did not
depend on his prince's faith, but on his own conscience.
The Reformed may well be proud of their record on this
question. For the first prince to declare for religious
liberty, even before the pilgrims lauded at Plymouth
Rock, was the Elector of Brandenburg, who (1614), though
Reformed, gave to his Lutheran subjects religious lib-
erty. At the close of the war the Reformed Count of
INTRODUCTION. ] 1
Wied (along the Rhine) threw open his territory to the
persecuted of all lands ; so that in the same year that Roger
Williams suifered banishment from Massachusetts, the
Moravians founded a church at Neuwied. Religious
liberty was one of the greatest boons of the war. A third
great issue of the war was the existence of the Reformed
Church."^ The defeat of Protestantism would have crushed
the Reformed Church. Its victory saved her. This war
may, in a certain sense, be said to hav^e been a " Reformed
war.'^ It is true that a Lutheran, Gustavus Adolphus,
saved Germany, and so Lutheranism became prominent
in the war. But it is just as true that the war was
especially directed against the Reformed, and so they
come out prominently, too. For it seemed as if the Em-
peror determined that if he could not destroy Protestant-
ism, he would destroy its most extreme form, Calvinism.
He dethroned one Reformed prince after another ; first
the Elector Frederick of the Palatinate was put under
the ban ; also Duke Christian of Anhalt ; then Duke
John Albert of Mecklenburg, besides lesser Reformed
princes. He forced Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Cassel
to abdicate, and afterward dethroned Landgrave William,
his son. He threatened the Elector of Brandenburg, so
that he trembled before Wallenstein for fear his throne,
too, would be taken away. And what lands did the Em-
* This is a point overlooked by secular historians, but of great importance
to us.
12 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
peror most devastate with his armies? The beautiful
Rhine Palatinate, the fertile counties of Nassau and the
rich lands of Cassel — all Reformed lands. This hatred
of the Reformed is farther shown at the Peace of Prague,
where Romanists and Lutherans united in a peace which
left the Reformed out entirely.
But though the war was directed against the Re-
formed, it resulted in their complete vindication. The
Peace of Westphalia recognized them. Before that peace
they had had no legal rights in Germany. They had not
been mentioned in the treaty of Augsburg, 1555, (for at
that time there were hardly any Reformed in Germany).
And as they were not protected by the Peace of Augs-
burg, they existed only by right of sufferance, but they
were not accredited by law. Their rights could be taken
away from them at any time, because they were not pro-
tected by law. But the Peace of Westphalia was the
first to recognize them as a Church. It was the first to
mention them by name. And more than that, it guaran-
teed to them their rights. After that they liad as much
right to exist in Germany as either the Lutherans or the
Romanists.
Into tlie labyrinth of the war we have not time to
enter. Its campaigns were intricate, and its diplomacy
was more intricate. We can only describe the war as it
touched the Reformed. In secular history it is usually
divided into three parts — the period before Gustavus
INTRODUCTION. 13
Adolphus, his campaigns, and the period after his death.
But for ecclesiastical history there is a better division :
I., to the Edict of Restitution (1629); II., to the Peace
of Prague (1635) ; III., to the Peace of Westphalia (1648).
I. To the Edict of Restitution (1618—1629). These
were years of continual victory for the Emperor ; until
flushed with his victories over the Protestants, he issued
an edict (March 6, 1629) which ordered that all monas-
teries and endowments which the Protestants had taken
from the Catholics since tlie treaty of Passau, 1552, should
be returned to them. " Thus by the stroke of a pen he
undid the work of a century." This edict took away
many churches and revenues from the Protestants.* And
it not only decreased their power, but increased that of
their enemies. For as these properties were restored to
Romish bishops, they regained their seats in the German
Diet, and the Romish party there was augmented. This
edict opened the eyes of the Protestants in Germany.
They saw that if the Emperor would take away a part of
their property, he would then take away all ultimately.
They became so alarmed that they began to combine to
oppose the Emperor. This opposition became so serious
that the Emperor was led to delay in carrying out the edict
for a year. That delay saved Protestantism. For by
* After the peace, says Hausser, large territories belonged to the adherents
of the Reformed faith : the Electoral Palatinate, Hesse-Cassel, Zweibrucken,
Cleve, Berg, and the electoral line of Hohenzollern. These territories were
deprived of their legal existence by the last article of this peace and sacrificed
to the unlimited power of the Catholic reaction.
14 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the end of the year Gustavus Adolphus had radically
changed the aspect of affairs by his victories. The Cath-
olics had lost their power and could not carry out the
edict. Still it was not repealed during the war, and at any
time when th(^ Protestants became helpless, the Romish
Emperor could again enforce it against them.
II. The second period was to the Peace of Prague
(^lg29 — 35). By the year 1635 all parties had become
thoroughly tired of the war. The Romish princes sup-
posed the Protestants were so wearied that they would be
willing to compromise so as to stop the war. They there-
fore threw out the bait to the Lutheran princes that they
should come to a peace that ignored the Reformed Church
entirely. The Peace of Prague differed from the Edict of
Restitution, in that it did not order all properties taken
from Catholics before 1552 to be returned, but changed
the normal year back to 1627, instead of 1552. It also
lengthened the time for restoring these to three quarters
of a century. The peace was to last for forty years, and
then measures were to be taken to settle matters amica-
bly. Almost all of the Protestant states, even the Re-
formed, were so weary of the war that they accepted the
peace. It came very nearly closing the war. But it did
not, because it failed on two points — first of all to guaran-
tee the Reformed their rights and their position ; and sec-
ond, it failed to reinstate the Reformed Elector of the
Palatinate to his dominions. For the Reformed were too
-INTRODUCTION. 1 5
large and influential a Church to be ignored. As a result
the Landgravine of Hesse-Cassel refused to sign the peace.
And finally the new Elector of Brandenburg joined her
in demanding rights for the Reformed.
HI. So there was a third period to the war (1638 —
1648) — mainly an era of diplomacy, rather than of war.
It became evident that the issues of the war were too intri-
cate to be settled merely by blood. And so diplomacv
came in to cut the Gordian knot. The Romish princes
by this time realized that they could not destroy Protest-
antism in Germany. And the unsatisfactory results of
the Peace of Prague revealed that the Reformed Church
could not be crowded out. So the Peace of Westphalia
(the negotiations lasted from 1644-48) closed the war.
The peace gave the Reformed recognition and guarantee.
They were mentioned by name in it, and from that time
had legal standing in the empire. The peace also declared
1624 as the normal year, that is, properties that were
Protestant in 1624 should be returned to them if taken
away. This undid the evil effects of the Emperor's Edict
of Restitution. The peace gave back the Palatinate to
Elector Frederick's heirs, and also separated Switzerland
from Germany, so that the Emperor had no control over
that republic. This brief summary shows how vitally
this war touched the Reformed.
CHAPTER II.
THE SUFFERINGS OF THE PALATINATE,
SECTIOX I.
THE WAR IN BOHEMIA.
The beautiful Rhine Palatinate was one of the most
powerful states in the German empire. But alas its
prince was not as great as his land. Elector Frederick Y.,
though possessed of many amiable qualities, was not the
man of wisdom and action needed for those troublous
times. Although head of the Protestant Union (a league
of Lutheran and Reformed states of Germany founded by
his father), he soon revealed his lack of leadership. He
was elected King of Bohemia August 26, 1619. Two
days later his rival to that throne, Archduke Ferdinand,
of Austria, was elected Emperor of Germany. This
placed Frederick in a very awkward position. For it
was a question whether, if he became King of Bohemia,
he was not a rebel against his Emperor as well as his rival
to the Bohemian throne. It was also very evident that if
Frederick accepted that throne, there would be war. For
Ferdinand was not the man to give up his claim to the
Bohemian throne without a struggle. And the Catholic
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Frederick's indecision. 17
•
League of Germany would support Ferdinand against
Frederick in a war, because Frederick's election would
give a majority in the electoral college to the Protestants.
There were seven Electors, and twice before, when the
Protestants had gained the fourth Elector, and thus had
the majority, force had been used to deprive the Prot-
estants of that electorate, and it would be done again. The
•Catholics were not willing to give up the majority of
Electors in Germany without a struggle. In view of these
•difficulties it is no wonder that Frederick was undecided
whether to accept the Bohemian throne or not. Older
;and wiser heads would have hesitated more than he did.
And yet there were also inducements why he should
.•accept. Just then it looked as if Austria were falling
away from Ferdinand and Romanism. In Bohemia and
Silesia hardly one-thirteenth of the population were Cath-
olics. Bethlen Gabor in Hungary had become Reformed.
At the Diet of Neusohl, May 1, 1820, Ferdinand's depo-
sition was talked of, and if so, Frederick would have
become King of Hungary. It looked as if Ferdinand's
dominions were falling to pieces beneath him. In view
of all these facts, no wonder that Frederick was undecided.
He said to the Duke of Wurtemberg : " Alas, if I accept
ihe crown, I will be accused of ambition. If I reject, I
^hall be branded with cowardice. However I may decide,
there is no place for me or my country." In his perplex-
ity he sought the advice of his friends. But here again
18 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
there*was a division of opinion. Landgrave Maurice of
Hesse-Cassel, the princes of Baden, Bairentli and Zwei-
briicken opposed his acceptance. But on the other hand,
his uncles, Count Maurice of Nassau and the Count of
Bouillon, together with the Duke of Wartemberg, urged
him to accept. In his own court of the Palatinate most
of his advisors urged him to decline, or at least to wait for
more information. Only two of them, Camerarius and
Meinhard of Schoenberg, urged him to accept. He sent
to his father-in-law, King James of England, for advice,
especially as he would probably have to call on him for
aid. But communication between Germany and England
was slow in those days. The people of England were
heartily in favor of his accepting it, but King James was
an uncertain quantity.
Two influences probably led Frederick to come to his
decision. One was a religious one. Camerarius declared
that his election was a call of God. And Scultetus, his
eloquent court preacher, urged him to accept for the sake
of spreading Protestantism. Scultetus even expounded a
chapter of Revelation, so as to sanction Frederick's enter-
prise, in order that the gospel and especially the Reformed
doctrines might be spread to the remote parts of the German
empire. The other influence was his wife, who, it is said,
urged him to accept, saying : '' I would rather eat bread
at thy kingly table than feast at thy electoral board.''
(This saying is however not proved by the best historians,
19
although Schiller quotes it.) But Elizabeth was uudoubt-
edly favorable to his acceptance.*
So finally, without waiting for the reply of his father-
in-law, he publicly announced in October, that he had
accepted the crown. A young man of only twenty-two
years of age, he took on himself issues at which wiser and
older heads would have trembled. As one writer says :
^^ He opened war against half the world.'' Still some
nations, as Denmark, Sweden, Holland, and even Venice,
recognized him as king. Frederick hoped that even if lie
were defeated in Bohemia, he would only loose Bohemia
and the expense of the war, but he expected that his
hereditary territory of the Palatinate would remain his.
How little did he know the crafty policy of his enemy,
the Emperor, who saw in all this an opportunity to
dethrone him in the Palatinate, and to destroy Protes-
tantism with him. His departure from Heidelberg for
Prague was ominous. His mother, the Electress Juliane,
who inherited the statesman's insight from the Prince of
Orange, opposed Frederick's acceptance. She uttered a
fateful prophecy as he left : " And now the Palatinate
••■ She wrote to hiin : '• Since you are pert-uadecl that the throne to which
you are invited, is a call from God, by whose Providence are all things
ordained and directed, then a.-:su redly you ought not to shrink from the duty
imposed ; nor if such be your persuai^ion, shall I repine, whatever conse-
quences may ensue. Not even though I should be forced to part from my last
jewel, and to suffer actual hardships, shall I ever repent of your election."
20 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
moves to Bohemia/' And then she went to a sick bed
because of her anxiety.*
The next day he started from Heidelberg with a retinue
of eighteen carriages. He traveled through the Upper
Palatinate, and arrived at the Bohemian border at Wald-
sassen. Here he was received with great honor by the
people. Scultetus preached a sermon on Christian Unity,
based on the beautiful 20th Psalm. The women and the
children gathered around to kiss the garments of, or pros-
trate themselves before, the beautiful Queen Elizabeth.f
Reception followed reception until by October 21 they
arrived at Prague, one of the largest and most picturesque
cities of that day. The whole population seemed to have
gathered at the beautiful park called the Star, at the foot
of the White Mountain. Magnificent was Frederick's
entry into Prague. Before him rode four hundred citizens
dressed in the uncouth style of Zisca, the great Hussite
general, with steel caps and armor, iron lances and broad
*■ The day before Frederick's departure was Sunday. The clouds poured in
torrents. Frederick went to the Reformed church of the Holy Ghost and bade
his people farewell amid sighs and tears. His wife's chaplain preached on the
ominous text, " Whereas ye know not what shall be on the morrow. Go to
now, ye that say to-day or to-morrow we will go to such a city and continue
there a year, and buy and sell and get gain." Strange to say Frederick
remained just a year in Bohemia.
I One of her admirers thus wrote about her beauty ;
So when my mistress shall be seen,
In form and beauty of her mind,
By virtue first, then choice, a Queen,
Tell me if she were not designed
Th' Eclipse and Glory of her kind.
THE CORONATION OF FREDERICK. 21
bucklers, and with pewter cups and platters for their
ensign, which they rattled as a salute to Frederick. The
horses were adorned with silver and gold. Elizabeth
rode under a canopy of gold and violet not more splendid
than her own complexion, while beside her on horseback
rode Frederick with uncovered head. The procession
lasted three hours. The next day Scultetus preached a
sermon on " the blessing of Christian unity."* The Coro-
nation took place November 4 in the the chapel of St.
Wenceslaus. There the administrator of the Hussites
(Avho had been identified with the Calvin ists) crowned
Frederick, praying that he might be " like Joshua, the
victorious hero ; like Moses, all truth and righteous-
ness ; like David, devoted to the glory of God ; like Sol-
omon, teach wisdom ; like Hezekiah, manifest piety.''
The ringing of bells and firing of guns announced the
coronation. On the 6th of November Elizabeth was
crowned with great pomp.
But Frederick soon found that the throne of Bohemia
was not a bed of roses. Four things tended to harass and
weaken his power. The first cause was a soc/rt/ difference
•••- He rose in eloquence until he burst forth in an impassioned exclamation :
" And is not this God's work that Frederick is now your elected king? It is a
decree of providence, and shall not God bring higher and greater things to
pass ? Is it not a miracle that in the very country where during fifteen years
discouragement was thrown on whatever savored of evangelical purity, is it
not a miracle of miracles that even here we should have an evangelical king."^
In conclusion he insinuated that Frederick would ultimately ascend the
throne of the German empire.
22 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
between Frederick's polished court aud the plain Bohemian
people. Many of their customs appeared old fashioned,
yes, ridiculous, to Frederick's followers. On the other
hand, while they had been accustomed to see dignity and
majesty in their king, Frederick's levity tended to lower
him in their eyes. Thus on one occasion he gave great
oifense by going out sleighing in a velvet coat with a
white hat, decorated with yellow feathers. The splendor
and extravas^ance of Frederick's court also caused dissatis-
faction, for the Bohemians were economical as well as
plain. The Bohemian ladies criticised, yes, were shocked
at the French style of dress of the court. This alienation
was increased by the laughter of some of Frederick's fol-
lowers at the boorish manners of the Bohemians. Thus
on St. Isabella's Day the wives of certain citizens prepared
for the queen a gift of Bohemian cakes, and comfits, and
loaves of bread. These, crammed into sacks like measures
■of meal, were brought to her. The queen received them
kindly, but her retainers laughed at the gift. One of her
pages snatched one of the loaves, twisted it into fantastic
shapes, which he put on his hat like a wreath. Others
followed his example, and the poor Bohemians went away
with their feelings wounded.
These social differences were increased by the religious
diiferences. Most of the Protestants were Hussites.
These, with the Lutherans, were careless about many
religious rites, upon which the Reformed looked with
Frederick's zeal for the reformed. 23
aversion. The ancient altars had been retained in the
cathedral at Prague. But Scultetus soon was unable to
contain himself, and preached against images as idols.
Inflamed by his sermons, the few Calvinists countenanced
by some nobles, as Baron Rupa, suddenly entered that
church in order to prepare it for the communion of Christ-
mas, tore down the crucifix which had been venerated
for centuries, and also put away the altars, pictures and
statues. One of the statues Scultetus addressed, saying,
^' Help thyself, if thou canst, thou poor, silly thing*; help
thyself." On Christmas Frederick celebrated the Lord's
Supper after the Reformed fashion. The Calvinists then
tried to remove the great sacred crucifix which for many
centuries had stood on the bridge over the Moldau River
at Prague. This caused a reaction against them, for this
crucifix was a sort of national ensign to the people, and
had never been removed, even by the Hussites. Popular
sentiment prevented its removal by the Reformed. After
this Frederick visited Silesia to receive the homage of the
Silesian nobility. Here again his zeal for the Reformed
showed itself. Most of the Silesian Protestants were
Lutherans, only two of its princes being Reformed, the
Duke of Brieg and the Count of Schonaich or Beuthen.
John Christian, Duke of Brieg, was however, a very
prominent noble. Although only twenty-six years of age,
he was the oldest of the Silesian nobles and the general of
the Silesian armv. His wife was a Brandenburg princess,
24 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the lovely '^ Dorel'^ (her name was Dorothea Sibylla), who
was famous for her kindness to the poor and her interest
in the public schools. For this he called her his " upper
schoolmaster." She founded as early as 1616a Bible Society
to provide the poor with the Bible. She spoke several
languages and was a fine musician. She was as good and
beautiful as he was brave. Scultetus greatly rejoiced in
going with Frederick to Breslau, because he longed to
bring the Reformed faith to the land of his birth and to
the hbme of Ursinus, one of the authors of the Heidelberg
Catechism. When Frederick arrived at Breslau, he held
in the great room of the castle a Reformed service. Scul-
tetus preached, and Buchwalder, the court preacher of the
Duke of Brieg, assisted. Frederick also issued a letter of
majesty, allowing the Reformed to have a church of their
own. All this caused great opposition among the Luth-
erans. Thus Frederick's zeal for the Reformed faith,
which had so few adherents in Bohemia and Silesia,
aifronted the zealous Lutherans and Hussites.
But the third reason was the most important difficulty.
It was Si financial one. Money was scarce and the Bohemians
were little accustomed to pay taxes, when levied on them.
Camerarius was greatly depressed in spirit when he found
out the lamentable condition of the finances. To add to
these difficulties, jealousies broke out between the Bohemian
and German nobles. Count Thurn murmured, because a
German, the Duke of Anhalt, was made commander of the
25
army. The troops were not paid and mutinies broke out,
often just at the most critical times. Two months before
the battle of White Mountain, the wages due the soldiers
rose to five and a half million gulden.
A fourth difficulty was a political one. Frederick, to
the great disappointment of the Bohemians, failed to bring
any allies to their cause. France refused. The Protestant
Union of Germany, of which Frederick was the head,
refused to aid them. King James of England was too
stingy to aid his son-in-law. The only ally he had was
Bethlen Gabor, who was unable to help Frederick in his
extremity. So Frederick in his desperation concluded an
alliance which gave great oifence. He came to an under-
standing with the Sultan of Turkey. This act was looked
upon by many of his subjects as an unholy alliance with an
infidel. The Lutherans took it up, saying that the Cal-
vinists were half Mohammedans, because both believed in
predestination. The feeling against the movement became
so great that on April 15 Scultetus preached a sermon jus-
tifying his master's course.
All these reasons tended to destroy Frederick's author-
ity and success. And while Protestantism was thus divid-
ing, Catholicism was uniting. Unlike the Protestant
Union, the Catholic League took up arms in this contest
and marched to help Ferdinand. The Austrian army of
the Emperor and the German army of the League united
against Prague. The Bohemian army retreated before
3
26 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
these two armies, until they met in decisive battle, Novem-
ber 8, 1620, at White Mountain, three miles from Prague.
The Bohemian troops lacked money and discipline, wliile
the Austrians had their religious fanaticism inflamed
before the battle by a Carmelite monk, who went up and
down the ranks with a crucifix, saying, " Fight and ye
shall prosper in the name of the Lord of hosts.'^ The
imperial (Austrian) forces attacked the Bohemian left.
But the young Duke of Anhalt made such a bold sally
that he almost defeated the enemy. Indeed the news came
to Prague that they were defeated. But he was finally
forced back. Tilly attacked the Bohemian right. Then
just at the critical moment the Hungarian cavalry in the
Bohemian army turned to flee. In doing this they dis-
organized the Bohemian infantry behind them, and finally
started Frederick's own Palatinate troops into flight.
Count Schlick's Moravian regiment stood like a rock, but
they were too few to stem the tide. The Bohemian army '
melted away into a panic. The battle was all over in an
hour. Four thousand Bohemians strewed the battle-field,
while one thousand more were drowned in trying to swim
the river Moldau. The imperial army lost only 250.*
Elizabeth was at service (for the battle occurred on
Sunday), and the minister had just read, " Render unto
Caesar the things that are Caesar's," etc., when the thunder
*- Frederick was not in the battle. For this he has been charged with cow-
ardice. But it seems he went to get money to stop a mutiny of his troops just
on the eve of battle.
Frederick's defeat. 27
of the battle shook the churchy and tlie minister left the
pulpit, and the congregation rushed to the gate to see the
battle. Frederick was at dinner with the English ambas-
sador, but hastened to the battle-field. When he arrived
at the city gate, it was, alas, to see his army in flight. The
beautiful Star Park, where a year before he had received
the homage of the Bohemian nobles, was now the scene of
his defeat. In his agony he almost threw himself from
the tower to the ground, but controlling himself, he ordered
the gate to be opened to receive the fugitives and save
them from the enemy.
It was soon found that the army was too demoralized
to undertake the defense of the city. So the next day at
9 A. M. Frederick left Prague in haste for Breslau. Young
Count Thurn offered to defend the citadel for a few days,
so as to give Elizabeth time to escape. But she, with noble
heart, said : '^ I forbid the sacrifice. Never shall the son
of our best friend hazard his life to spare my fears. Never
shall this devoted city be exposed to more outrageous treat-
ment for my sake. Rather let me perish on the spot than
be remembered as a curse." The enemy, on account of
the terrible condition of the roads,, could not follow Fred-
erick. If the snow through which Frederick and his
company passed, had fallen a few days before, it would
have saved Frederick from defeat. At Breslau Frederick
tried to regain his fortunes by organizing the Silesian
states. But, alas, everything seemed demoralized by his
28 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
defeat. The Elector of Saxony turned against him, as he
was influenced by his court preacher, Hoe von Hoenegg.*
Because the Elector of Saxony had warned the Silesian
states against him, Frederick felt he was unsafe in Bres-
lau. He sent his family ahead to his brother-in-law, the
Elector of Brandenburg. He himself soon after followed,
spending the last night in Silesia with Count John of
Beuthen. But on account of the increasing danger he soon
left Brandenburg and went to Hague with his family,
where in the suburb Rhenen his family found an asylum
during the terrible war. Here they lived in seclusion.
The common people sneered at them as the beggar king
and queen. With Frederick fell the Reformed Church of
Bohemia and Silesia. Scultetus fled with Frederick to
Breslau and then went to Heidelberg. But he soon had
to leave Heidelberg on account of the war, and went to
Emden, where he preached for many years till he died.
He was the most eloquent preacher among the Reformed,
being called " the oracle of Germany." But he seems to
have been lacking in judgment, although he was devotedly
attached to the Reformed faith. f
•=■ For the latter had been a minister at Prague some years before, and had
been compelled to leave because of his strict Lutheranism. He now had an
opportunity to revenge himself, and he poisoned the ear of his master against
the Bohemians with their Reformed king. But the short-sighted Elector, in
refusing to help Frederick, saw a year later the Lutherans driven out of
Prague and Bohemia. He thus received his just reward.
t The Count of Beuthen had founded a Reformed gymnasium in 1613 in his
home which seemed destined to be a Reformed centre for eastern Germany.
But after Frederick's defeat he was treated as a criminal, because of his friend-
THE SUFFERINGS OF THE BOHEMIANS. 29
Bohemia suffered worse than Silesia. As Protestantism
fell, Romanism rose. Ferdinand brought back the Jesuits
to reconvert that land to Romanism. The property of
the Protestants was confiscated, their pastors were banished,
their Bibles burned, their dead left unburied. They were
shut up in cages and cells. Mothers bound to posts had
their babes laid at their feet, so that the sufferings of their
offspring might appeal to them to go to Romanism. The
Protestants scattered to other lands. In seven years more
than 30,000 families emigrated, and a population of three
millions was reduced to 800,000. A night of a century
and' a half rested on that land until the Edict of Tolera-
tion by Emperor Francis Joseph 11. at the close of the
eighteenth century.
The closing scene of this tragedy took place on June
21, 1621, when 27 of the leading nobles of Bohemia, some
of them Reformed, were led out to be put to death. They
spent the night in prayer, and from Psalm 86 : 17, asked
a token or sign of God. At 4 a. m. they were taken in
covered carts to the city square. Suddenly at five, just
ship with Frederick. However he escaped personal injury, because he had a
hunting castie in his territory so near Poland, that in time of danger he would
escape over the line into Poland and be safe. But the war closed the gymna-
sium in 1629. Duke John Christian of Brieg, the other Reformed noble, was
at first put under the ban of the Emperor, but he returned soon after, when the
Elector of Saxony went to Silesia. His land, however, suffered severely during
the war. Brieg suffered a terrible siege from the Swedes in 1642. By 1675
the last Reformed prince of his line died, and after that the Reformed of Silesia
had to go to Lissa in Poland for worship, for the Reformed were not tolerated
in Silesia.
30 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
before their execution, a double rainbow like a crescent
appeared. At the sight of it some fell on their knees,
some clapped their hands, some thought of Noah's rain-
bow, others spoke of the rainbow at God's throne. Count .
Schlick was the first to be beheaded. Within two hours
the execution was all over. The heads and hands of
twelve of them were hung on the east tower of the bridge
over the Moldau river, as a warning to all traitors and
heretics. Professor Jessenius, who had predicted the
deposition of the Emperor through Frederick's war, liad
his tongue torn from his mouth before he was put to death.
On that tower for ten years those ghastly, Aveather-beaten
bones hung, until the Saxon army captured Prague and
reverently took them down.* So ended Frederick's
inglorious reign.
One result more of Frederick's defeat must be noticed.
Frederick had hoped that, if defeated, only Bohemia
would be taken away from him, but that his hereditary
province, the Palatinate, 'would remain to him, and he
could retire to it again. But the Emperor knew his
opportunity, and at Vienna capped the climax and com-
pleted the matter by putting Frederick under the ban of
the empire, January 29, 1621, and declaring him an out-
law for treason against the government. He also put
three of Frederick's most active helpers under the ban
•■■By a curious coincidence the sword of the executioner was discovered 257
years after (1878) in Edinburg, Scotland. On it were the names of the exe-
cutioner and the victims.
THE DEPOSITION OF FREDERICK. 31
with him — Count Christian of Anhalt,* the Count of
Hohenloe, and the Margrave of Jagerndorf. This arbi-
trary and unjust act of Ferdinand was finally approved by
the German Diet in 1623, and the electoral hat of the
Palatinate was transferred to Bavaria. The Emperor
authorized Bavaria, Spain and the Catholic League to
carry out the ban against Frederick and take possession
of the Palatinate. This suited Bavaria, for she wanted
Upper Palatinate as indemnity for her war expenses of
thirteen million florins. It suited Spain, for she wanted
to capture the Lower Palatinate. It suited the Catholic
League, for they wanted to destroy Protestantism in the
Palatinate. But the ban was very unjust. For Ferdi-
nand had taken oath, when made Emperor, not to pro-
nounce the ban without giving the defendant a hearing.
Yet he refused Frederick the right, which belonged to
the meanest of his subjects, namely, of trial by his peers.
Again, Ferdinand had taken oath that he would not
decide any matter of importance without the action of the
Electors. But here he deposed Frederick without asking
their advice. This act was unjust, because Ferdinand
was an interested party. He was plaintiff as well as
judge, for he was the enemy of Frederick in the Bohemian
quarrel. The ban was the more unjust, because Frederick
had never declared himself in rebellion against his sover-
*He fled to Flensburg, but was soon reconciled with the Emperor, and
entered his service in 1629 as Imperial Chamberlain.
32 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
eign, the Emperor. Besides he had not provoked the
war in Bohemia, but had come in after it had begun,
rather as an agent, not as a principal. And even if
Frederick were guilty of treason, Ferdinand had no right
to include his whole family in the punishment, by depriv-
ing them of their hereditary rights as heirs of the Palat-
inate.
Ferdinand's motive in all this was very evident.
*' Since God,'' he said, ^^ has given us an opportunity to
TOot out these heretics, the precious moment ought not to
be neglected." He aimed to uproot Protestantism, and
■especially the Reformed faith. Thus, too, the Catholics
regained their power in the Electoral College, by taking
away one Protestant Elector and giving it to a Catholic,
thus making the college stand five Romanists to two
Protestants. It began to look as if Rome were again in a
fair way to regain Germany.
So ended Frederick's inglorious reign. It had lasted
only a year. He has therefore been styled the " Winter-
Jiing" by the Jesuits, who prophesied that his reign would
not last till summer. Ten years later the Snow-king
came from the North to avenge him, as Gustavus Adol-
phus appeared to gain the victories that compensated for
Frederick's defeat.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION II.
THE WAR IN THE PALATINATE.
We have thus far followed the war in Bohemia. Let
us look at the effects of Frederick's deposition on the
Palatinate. For a little while the Protestant Union made
an attempt to defend the Palatinate, although it had not
aided Frederick in Bohemia. The Bavarians marched
into the district east of the Rhine, while Spinola, the
Spanish general, marched up the west side of the Rhine
from the Netherlands with 24,000 troops. By a quick
movement they cut the troops of the Union into two sec-
tions, separating Hesse-Cassel in the North from Wur-
temberg and Badai in the South. Meanwhile the poor
people of the Palatinate seemed to realize the great danger
that was impending over them. At Heidelberg in Janu-
ary, 1627, after the public service, many would remain in
the churches for prayer for their country. When the
prayer and fast days of the follov/ing May came, many of
the people spent most of the day in the churches — a most
extraordinary thing in the Reformed Church, but show-
ing their great anxiety. Owing to the scarcity of money,
many of the Reformed ministers were not paid. Such
was the condition of aifairs when the news came that
34 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Frederick was defeated at Prague. And when the Empe-
ror put the ban on Frederick, their anxiety became very
great. But in spite of it all, the people remained true to
Frederick, even after the ban was placed on him ; for the
ministers persisted in using the title of King when they
prayed for him, thus showing their loyalty to him, even
though the Emperor had deposed him.
But, alas, for the Palatinate, the Protestant Union,
which was the only power that could protect her, began
to fall to pieces. The dissensions between Lutherans and
Reformed paved the way for this. The defeat of Fred-
erick at White Mountain completed the dissolution. As
early as April 12, 1621, it was dissolved, although there
still remained some troops in the Palatinate. Sir Horace
Yere was there with 5000 English and Dutch troops, sent
by King James to protect the territory of his son-in-law.
Yere was aided by the Palatinate troops under Colonel
Obertraut, whom the Danes afterwards called " th*e Ger-
man MichaeP' for his bravery. Cordova, the successor of
Spinola, marched up the Bergstrasse, the great road from
Frank ford to Heidelberg. Electress Juliane, Frederick's
mother, fled at their approach to Brandenburg, where she
found an asylum at Koenigsburg during the war.
The Spaniards then attacked the brave city of Frank-
enthal. The Reformed of the Palatinate spent October
8 as a day of prayer for the salvation of Frankenthal. So
bravely was it defended, that the Spaniards met with a
THE RETURN OF FREDERICK. 35
rebuff. And, lo, the prayers of the people were answered.
For suddenly, as if from the clouds, Count Mansfield
appeared with his army from Bohemia, and the Spaniards
withdrew from Frankenthal. But a worse than Cordova
now took charge of the Austrian army. This was Tilly,
" the Austrian butcher," ^^ the Attila of modern times,"
" the Alva of the Thirty Years' War," in his cruelties.
No grass ever grew n his tracks. He had been educated
as a Jesuit, but had exchanged the Jesuit vestments for
the mailed coat of a soldier. He now came to add the
cruelties of religious persecutions to the other woes of the
war. Tilly approached Heidelberg, but first attacked
Dillsberg, ^^ the Gibraltar of the Neckar," perched like an
eagle's nest on the cliff. After furiously storming it, he
demanded its surrender. The commander asked for three
days to consider. In the meanwhile he sent his chaplain,
Forgeon, to Heidelberg, to find out ifthere was any chance
of his getting succor. He returned with the startling
news that King Frederick had suddenly appeared in the
Palatinate. His presence was worth a thousand men, and
inspired hope for his lost cause. For Frederick had
returned in disguise to his own land, although he did so
through great dangers. At Bitsch he even had to drink
to the success of the Austrians, in order to hide his iden-
tity. And two French gentlemen almost led to his dis-
covery, for one of them cried out Avhen he saw him, " The
King of Bohemia !" Nor did Frederick arrive in the Pala-
36 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
tinate a moment too soon to save his fortunes. For his
general, Count Mansfield, was already intriguing with the
Emperor about surrendering. The Reformed inhabitants
of the Palatinate rejoiced that they had their prince once
more among them. Frederick again visited Heidelberg.
The most touching scene was the return of Professor
Parens, the pupil and successor of Ursinus, to Heidelberg.
AYhen the Spaniards approached, he had fled to Neustadt,
because he had so severely written against the Pope. But
now that his prince was again in Heidelberg, in spite of
the dangers, he came back to Heidelberg, because he wanted
to die there. On June 9 (Whit-Sunday) he received the
communion with the Elector and the congregation. The
following week he passed, full of hope, from the Lord's
Supper of earth to the Lamb's Supper in heaven.
The advantage, however, gained by Frederick's pres-
ence was only temporary. His ally, the Margrave of
Baden-Durlach, who had assembled an army of 7000, was
badly defeated at Wimpfen, May 6, 1622, and Mansfield
retreated. Frederick now gave up all hope. His money
failed, defeat after defeat disheartened him. He finally
concluded that his territory and titles could not be
regained by war, so he* would try diplomacy. In an evil
hour he dismissed his army. And the Palatinate, being
without a protector, was left at the mercy of the Austri-
ans, and the terrible ravage of the Palatinate began.
Only three places remained which the Emperor had not
THE SIEGE OF HEIDELBERG. 37
taken — Heidelberg, Manheim and Frankenthal. Tilly
soon appeared before Heidelberg. From the Holy Moun-
tain, on the opposite side of the Neckar, he began shooting
at the city. But the garrison made a brave sally and drove
the enemy back. Then he crossed the river and sur-
rounded the city with forts and forces from AVieblingen to
Schwetzingen. Heidelberg consisted of two parts, the city
proper, in the valley along the Neckar river, and the castle
on the mountain above. Both were strongly defended
with extra fortifications. Thus on the Geisberg mountain
there were two additional forts, Trutz-Bayern and Trutz-
Kaiser, as a defiance to both Bavarians and the Emperor.
Besides these there were smaller additional forts, as Crow's
Nest and Horn-work. The garrison consisted of English,
Dutch and Palatinate troops under Colonel DeMervin.
The Bavarians took possession of the King's Seat on top of
the mountain, above the castle. Tilly then began to draw
his lines closer around the city. On August 26 he sum-
moned the city to surrender. As the commander refused,
he began bombarding the city. This continued for three
days. Little damage was done, except that a few balls
struck the church of the Holy Ghost, one of which broke
into the tomb of Elector Lewis.* Tilly captured the
Crow's Nest, September 12. On the fifteenth a trumpeter
sounded from the Geisberg the signal to storm the city.
■-'■ One writer facetiously says : " Nobody was hurt except a cat and two
roosters." But the fun of it soon passed away into a terrible reality.
38 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
But the garrison made a very brave defence and under
Colonel Landschad drove the enemy at the Spire gate far
out into the fields. Meanwhile the Bavarians had taken
the Trutz-Bavern and Trutz-Kaiser, and from these
opened a terrible fire on the city. Then the Croats came
marching into the city from the other side of the Neckar.
Colonel DeMervin was compelled to retire with his sol-
diers from the city to the castle, and leave the city to the
mercy of the enemy, Avhose mercy was no mercy at all ;
for they murdered some of the citizens and burned seventy
houses. For three days they ravaged the city. The great
Reformed professor, Henry Alting, started to flee through
the back door of his house, when an Austrian lieutenant
met him saying : " I have killed ten men to-day with this
club. If I knew Ayhere Professor Alting was, he would
be the eleventh." Dr. Alting evaded the man's questions
by saying that he Avas a teacher in the Sapienz College (for
in addition to his duties as professor he taught there).
Fortunately the officer was called away just then to pre-
pare the church of the Holy Ghost for a Jesuit service.
Alting hid in a loft, and was fed for awhile by an Aus-
trian lieutenant from Tilly's table. By and by he was
able to flee to Groningen, where he became professor.
Finally the brave commander, DeMervin, surrendered the
castle, September 16.
Tilly having captured Heidelberg, proceeded against
Manheim, which was defended by the brave Englishman,
THE SURRENDER OF FRAXKENTHAL. 39
Colonel Yere. He began the siege there September 29, by
a bombardment of Eichelstein. As Yere had not troops
enough to defend the whole city, he brought the troops and
supplies to the citadel, Friedrichsberg, after burning that
part of the city that lay nearest the citadel. Here their
suffering became very great. The soldiers were despondent,
food was scarce. Many became sick. Powder began to
give out. There had been no money for a long time, there
was no physician, and little wood to warm themselves
against a severe winter. So Yere finally surrendered
November 8.
There now remained in the Palatinate only one fort
that had not surrendered, the brave Frankenthal, the dower
of Electress Elizabeth. Tilly appeared before it in Novem-
ber, expecting an easy victory, but he reckoned without
his host. It was the bravest town in the Palatinate. Its
inhabitants were the descendants of brave ancestors, who
had left the Netherlands for the sake of their religion, and
they were ready again to lay down their lives for it. They
made such a bold and successful sally, that Tilly did not
deem it wise to begin the siege so late in that winter. So
the brave defenders with joy saw the enemy depart. But
most shameful to relate, four months later that brave city
was given up without a stroke. The bravest colony in the
Palatinate was conquered Avithout a chance to defend itself.
For as the town had been the dower of King James' daugh-
ter, James had placed a small army in it to protect her
40 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
interests. At this time, however, Spain was coquetting-
with him, trying to get his son to marry a Spanish princess..
The Catholic statesmen saw their opportunity. They per-
suaded James to agree to an armistice for 15 months, dur-
ing which time negotiations between England and Austria
could be completed. During that time Frankenthal was
to receive a Spanish garrison. He agreed to it and the
town was given up without a battle. \Vlien, however, he
demanded the restoration of the town, it appeared that
there had been no stipulation in the armistice for English
troops to pass through the territory of the Emiperor. Con-
sequently, even if it were given up to him, he could not
get to it. It seems hardly possible that James would allow
himself to be deceived by such trickery. At any rate the
Spaniards gained possession of it, and as possession is nine
points of the la\v, they held it not for fifteen months, but
for ten years.
If the Palatinate suffered from the enemy, much more
did the Reformed Church suffer. She was left without any
defenders, while the Jesuits came in to add religious perse-
cutions to the other woes of the inhabitants. At the sur-
render of Heidelberg, the Reformed received no guarantee
that they would be allowed to retain their worship. Even
before the three days' plundering of the town was over, the
Jesuits celebrat(Kl a Te Deum in the Church of the Holy
Ghost. Tilly gave that Church to the Jesuits, and the
other Reformed churches to other Romish orders.. The
PERSECUTIONS OF THE REFORMED. 41
papal nuncio boasted in his report to the Pope that " in the
city from which the Calvinistic Creed, the Heidelberg Cat-
echism, had been published, the holy mass was now cele-
brated and the true faith proclaimed." The Reformed
ministers were all ordered to leave by February, 1623.
This was very severe on them, as it drove them out home-
less in the cold winter. The citizens appealed for their
ministers that they be allowed to remain, but were refused.
The ministers in the country charges were allowed to per-
form their duties a little longer, provided they would an-
nounce Catholic feast days from their pulpits. Those who
would not do so, as Dallaus and Schefflen, w ere fined twenty
ricksthalers. The Elector made November, 1625, the
limit for all Reformed ministers either to leave or become
Catholics. Two hundred and thirty lost their places.
Many of them found places in Zweibriicken, others found
an asylum at Nuremberg. Meanwhile Tilly had virtually
given the city to the Jesuits. They lived in the castle like
princes. The famous Reformed University of Heidelberg
went down with the city. Its professors were dismissed
in 1622. In 1626 only one student was matriculated. It
was reopened June 16, 1629, with Jesuit professors. Thus
the Reformed lost their most famous university in Germany.
One of the a^reatest losses was the Palatinate library.
Since the destruction of the library at Alexandria, Egypt,
by the Mohammedans, few libraries had arisen as extensive
as this. For more than a centurv the Electors had been
42 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAXY.
collecting books, many of them being rare manuscripts.
This library was the pride of the Palatinate people. Even
before Heidelberg was taken by Tilly, the Pope had had his
eye on this library. He had loaned the Emperor 100,000
crowns, and the Emperor found that the easiest way to
return this was to present this library to the Pope. So,
soon after the capture of Heidelberg, Allatius, the learned
secretary of the Vatican, arrived at Heidelberg. He
brought relics and rosaries for the soldiers, and the bless-
ing of the Pope for Tilly. He examined the library and
selected the most valuable books — 432 Greek, 1,956 Latin,
289 Arabic, Hebrew and Syriac, 848 German, 3,542 in
all. The rest he gave to the Franciscans and Jesuits at
Heidelberg. He also went into other libraries, both private
and public, and took what he wanted as the property of
the Pope. But he had reason to feel the bitter hatred of
the people, who looked on this as nothing less than rob-
bery. When he wanted to get these books packed, nobody
would help him. No one would give him a place to lodge.
No carpenter would make boxes for him, no ropemaker
would supply him with rope. They would not give him
even a coarse packing needle. All (cloth, nails, string and
boards) had to be brought from a distance, as from Spire
and Worms. He thus writes to Eome about it : '^ Let me
get away from here, from these enemies of the Holy Father,
who, when they see me, look on me as a wild animal, a
bear, a lion." However, when Tilly returned, January 14,
PERSECUTIONS OF THE REFORMED. 43
he made requisition on the people for Allatius' needs.
And finally in February Allatius left Heidelberg with 50
wagons loaded with 196 chests of books, guarded by
60 soldiers. They were carried over the Alps to Rome,
where they filled thirty library cases in the Vatican. The
next Elector tried very hard in 1663 to have this library
returned, but in vain. When Napoleon took Rome in
1797, 26 Greek and 12 Latin books were taken to Paris.
These, together with 852 others, were returned to Heidel-
berg by the peace of 1815. When the university celebrated
its 500th anniversary a few years ago, the Pope kindly (?)
sent a catalogue of the library, but was careful not to
return any of the books.
The persecutions of the Reformed increased. Having
driven out the ministers, the government now proceeded to
compel the people to become Catholic. On May 13, 1627,
all the citizens of Heidelberg were summoned to the city
hall and commanded to return to Rome. They refused to
do so, whole trades declaring that they would give up their
property and everything, before they would give up their
Reformed faith. Thousands of them emigrated to other
lands, while Catholics came in to fill their places. The
Catholic Elector of Bavaria ordered them to become Catholic
or emigrate by September 26, 1628, and if they emigrated,
their property was confiscated. As a result of these perse-
cutions, when the Edict of Restitution appeared in 1629,
there was nothino; left in the Palatinate to restore to the
44 THE REFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Romanists, for they had taken everything already. The
Reformed had lost their ministers, university and churches.
The wonder is that the Church was not blotted out. Their
steadfastness to the Reformed faith under such trials should
be^an example to us and make it doubly dear to us, their
descendents.
But now matters took a different turn. Gustavus Adol-
phus, the " Northern Lion," the hero of the war, entered
Germany. He had at one time been a suitor for the hand
of the beautiful Electress Elizabeth of the Palatinate, Fred-
erick's wife. And it has been suggested that he entered on
his campaigns in Germany out of chivalrous attachment to
her. But far more likely is it that he saw with a states-
man's eye that the downfall of Protestantism in Germany
meant the destruction of Protestantism in Sweden, yes in
Europe. And therefore he entered on the war to save
Protestantism as well as himself. As early as 1620 he
wanted to support Frederick in Bohemia, and had sent
some cannon to him. He even thought of forming a Prot-
estant Confederation of all nations, but his Polish wars
prevented him. He landed at Usedom, June 24, 1630, and
began his triumphal march across Germany. But the
Palatinate did not see his presence until December, 1631.
On December 16 he crossed the Rhine at Oppenheim with
four hundred men in the face of a severe fire from the
enemy. When his army had crossed, they sang the hymn :
'' Aus Meines Herzens Grunde." This crossing of the
VICTORIES OF THE SWEDES. 45
Swedes was commemorated by a column, having on it the
crowned and sword equipped lion of Sweden, which was
still standing about fifty years ago. The arrival of the
Swedes led the Palatines to rise against their hated and
cruel oppressors. For Gustavus did not allow his troops
to plunder, as the Spaniards and Austrians had so shame-
fully done. He preserved strict discipline. He paid for
everything he took. It is true, he taxed the people, but
then he protected their property. Another reason why
they welcomed the Swedes, was because they were Protest-
ants. Many of the Palatines, as the Count of Beldenz,
entered the Swedish army and raised troops for it. While
everything was going towards the Swedes, everything
seemed to be falling away from the Spaniards. Duke
Bernard of Weimar suddenly appeared before Manheim, De-
cember 29, with three hundred soldiers. The garrison
mistook his forces for the Austrians, and admitted them
into the town, only to find out their mistake too late. The
Spaniards in the garrison were cut down, while the Ger-
mans went over to the Swedes. By the end of the winter
the whole of the Palatinate was in the hands of the Swedes .
except Heidelberg and Frankenthal. Under Swedish rule
the wounds of the past twelve years began to heal. The
Romish priests were driven out and the Protestant minis-
ters returned to their sheperdless flocks. Foreign churches,
especially the Scotch Reformed or Presbyterian, raised
large sums of money for these suffering Palatines. At
46 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Heidelberg tlie Church of the Holy Ghost was given back
to the Reformed. The Reformed consistory Avas reorgan-
ized, July 6, 1633. The Reformed university was
reopened with Henry Alting and Crollius as theological
professors, but before they arrived at Heidelberg, all bright
hopes were destroyed by the battle of Nordlingen.
When Elector Frederick heard that the Palatinate,
after nine years of oppression, was again free, he could not
stay away from it any longer. He hastened to Gustavus,
although he had to borrow money from the Dutch govern-
ment, while Hesse-Cassel loaned him his escort. To his
mind, Gustavus could do nothing more just or important,
than to restore the Palatinate to him, its rightful heir.
So with the dignity of a King he entered Frankford on
the Main, February 10.* Gustavus treated him as if he
were a real King, instead of an exiled prince. On the first
day he dined with Gustavus, the Landgrave of Hesse-
Darmstadt, " the Judas of the war," omitted giving Fred-
erick his title as King, but Gustavus sternly rebuked him.
Frederick followed Gustavus in his victorious march
southward to Munich. What must have been his feelings
there, when he stood in the palace of his enemy and rival.
Elector Maximilian of Bavaria, who had so unjustly sup-
planted him. Just ten years before, Maximilian had
entered his palace at Heidelberg, and most ruthlessly
-:- Hereafter we will speak of Frankford on the Main merely as Frankford.
When Frankford on the Oder is meant, we will speak of it as Frankford on
the Oder.
GUSTAVUS AND FREDERICK. 47
robbed it. Maximilian had literally taken half of the Pala-
tinate library to Munich. But Frederick shows his rare
self-control and his forgiving spirit by returning good for
evil. He might have robbed Maximilian's capital, as
Maximilian had robbed him, but he did not. This manly
forbearance created surprise. Still, while he did not revenge
himself on his enemy, he pressed his claims on Gustavus
for the Palatinate. Gustavus entered into negotiations
with him. But the claims of Gustavus seemed to be too
hard to Frederick. He demanded, first, that Frederick
should pay all the costs of the aid the Swedes had given
him, (this Frederick felt his impoverished land could not
do) ; second, that Swedish garrisons be placed in all the
main towns of the Palatinate and kept there at Frederick's
expense ; third, that Frederick should give the Lutherans
religious liberty ; fourth, that Frederick should recognize
Gustavus as his permanent protector. But this would vir-
tually make Frederick a vassal of the Swedish throne, and
Frederick felt that, as a German prince, he could not
pledge himself to a foreign ruler. Gustavus has been
charged with ambition — that he hoped to found a Swedish
empire in Germany. His treatment of Frederick would
seem to look in that direction. These negotiations were
in progress when Gustavus was killed at Lutzen, Novem-
ber 16, 1632. When Frederick heard this he felt as if his
last hope was destroyed. Gustavus' death hastened Fred-
erick's. He had already been suffering from a fever, and
48 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
he died November 29 (just 13 days after Gustavus), at
Mayence, heart-broken by his sufferings and disappoint-
ments. So perverse were his fortunes that the Spanish
commander had promised to surrender Frankenthal
on November 12, but he postponed it till the 26th,
and Frederick's last moments were not permitted to be
brightened by that surrender. He was a kind father and
devotedly attached to the Reformed faith. He suffered
many afflictions. First his land was taken away and
afterward his son in a very sad manner. For when he
was in Holland this darling son, his heir, a boy of 15, had
plead with him to take him to see the Dutch fleet, as it
returned from the capture of the silver fleet of the Span-
iards at Matanzas, 1628, with its twelve millions of silver.
Unfortunately their yacht collided with a larger vessel and
sank. Frederick clinging to a rope with great difficulty
reached a boat sent to his assistance, but his son sank
before his eyes crying : " Save me, father, save me.'' And
yet in spite of his many misfortunes, Frederick became
the ancestor of kings, the present royal families of Eng-
land, Germany and Austria being descended from him.
Thus after years of wandering, his body at last found rest
in the grave. As his oldest son, Charles Lewis, was not
yet of age, the Count of Simmern as guardian completed
the negotiations of the Palatinate with the Swedes in 1633,
by which the Palatinate and its income went to the Swedes
(but they were to return it to Charles Lewis) ; the Luth-
RENEWAL OF SUFFERINGS. 49
eran religion was to be allowed free exercise, and the Palat-
inate made a permanent alliance with the Swedes. As a
result of this treaty, the Swedes began to re-conquer the
Palatinate. Dilsberg was stormed and taken on January
27, 1633. On May 5 the Swedish colonel, Abel Moda,
entered the city of Heidelberg and took it without a
stroke. On the 19th of May he bombarded the castle from
Wolfesbrunnen above the castle. And on the 26th the
people saw with joy those who had oppressed them
so severely for ten years depart. Thus the Palatinate
had rest for about three years under Swedish rule.
But worse days were to come. The disastrous defeat
of the Swedes at Nordlingen, September 6, 1634, broke
their power. They became too weak to protect the Palat-
inate. And when they did protect, their protection was
often oppression. For although during Gustavus Adol-
phus' time the Swedes had kept up strict discipline, after
his death this was lost, and often the Swedish army degen-
erated into mere hordes of plundering soldiers. To add
to the suiferings of the Palatinate, the Bavarian army came
back with its terrible cruelties. And between the two
armies the previous sufferings of the Palatinate were
light. "Now," says Rusdorf, "the Palatinate received
extreme unction," for the cup of the Palatinate was not
yet full. In 1635 the fatal peace of Prague decoyed
many German princes from the Swedes, but at tlie same
time shut out Frederick's children from their rights as
50 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
rulers of the Palatinate. The Swedes Avere forced to retire
before the army of 20,000 under the Austrian General
Gallas. As they retired, it became a question what to do
with the body of King Frederick. His heart w^as in the
Church at Oppenheim, his body unburied in Frankenthal.
As he died an outlaw, the Swedes were afraid to leave it
behind, lest it would suffer indignities in the liands of the
Emperor's forces. Poor Frederick, an evil fate seemed to
follow him, living or dead. As if he had enough trouble
in his life, his body had to suffer after his death. His
friends had it taken away in a wagon. Owing to the
roughness of the roads, it was jolted about and sometimes
pitched out of the wagons. At last it found a resting
place at Metz, in the tomb of a rich citizen. From there
it was taken to Sedan, but in the excitement of the times
its burial place was lost.
The sad fate of its ruler was a faint type of the sadder
fate of his land during the latter part of the war. It
became the scene of marching armies. Where before one
army had devastated it, now two ravaged it. First the
Swedes came and drove out the Spaniards. Then the
Bavarians came and drove out the Swedes. In the vary-
ing fortunes of the war, Neustadt, Alzei and Oppenheim
changed hands three times in four months. Heidelberg
surrendered, July 27, 1635, to the Bavarians. The gar-
rison at Manheim left the city because they could get no
help. Brave Frankenthal finally surrendered, October
SUFFERINGS OF THE REFORMED. 51
6, 1635, after a siege of two months. The previous
occupation of the Palatinate by the Bavarians had
been bad enough, but this was ten-fold worse.* The
suffering of the land became worse and worse. The armies
followed each other, each taking what the other left.
Friends often turned out worse than foes, until the poor
people seemed to have no friends any more. They were
so constantly plundered that they lost hope and would not
plant any more seed. Then famine came. The soldiers
■•'• An eye witness thus somewhat facetiously describes the plundering of
a house : What they could not take with them, they destroyed. Some stuck
through the hay and straw with they swords, as if they had not had pigs
enough already to stick ; some shook the feathers out of the beds and filled
them with bacon meat or furniture, as if that would be comfortable to sleep on.
Others knocked in the doors and the windows, as if they had come to foretell
an eternal summer. Beds, dishes, chairs, benches they burned ; kettles they
broke up. They gave the boy a Swedish bath. For they bound and threw
the boy on the earth. One forced open his mouth with a piece of wood,
another brought impure water from a pool and poured it until he lay stretched
out stiff as if dead. In vain did he close his throat at first against this. He
had to breathe and so the water went down with his breath. At last the
breath failed, the bowels became distended, the eyes distorted, the ears swelled
and through the nose and moath some of the water bubbled. They then
sprang on him with their feet producing intolerable pain, till the water, mixed
with blood, camo forth from every ap rture of the body. Many died under
such treatment. Others survived it but a short time, felt an indescribable
weakness of the body, became yellow in face and trembled in all their limbs
until the hand of death at last brought rest to them. The soldiers screwed up
the farmers by their thumbs. They put a farmer into his oven and almost
roasted him, so as to force money from him. Each band of soldiers had its
own invention to torment the inhabitants, so as to extort money from them.
They took one of the boys, bound him hand and foot, rubbed his feet with rock
salt and brought a goat to lick it off. This so tickled him that he almost
burst asunder with laughter and finally almost lost his reason through it. Of
the terrible indignities to women this is not the place to speak. Often they
had to suffer loss of both virtue and life.
52 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ate up what fruit there was, and the poor people had noth-
ing. They were compelled to eat grass and leaves of trees,
yes, dead animals. The graveyards had to be watched,
lest the newly dead would be stolen for food.* And now
pestilence began to add its horrors to famine. Often in the
villages there were not enough living to bury the dead.
'^ The land,'' says Eusdorf, " was entirely ruined,'' as fam-
ine, murder and plague decimated the population. f The
commissioner of the Emperor inhumanly declared that all
had better starve than hinder the authority of the Emperor.
No wonder that thousands of the inhabitants emigrated to
more favored lands. The population greatly decreased.
The people in their poverty lived in huts, and often became
rough and wild. In 1636 there were only 200 farmers in
in all the rich Palatinate. There were more wolves than
men. A student traveling from Heidelberg to Spire, had
to go armed for fear of Avolves. Many villages were empty
and in ruins, and the fields were uncultivated and over-
grown with thorns and weeds. Of Manheim nothing
remained but the walls, the city hall and some cellars.
But it was the Reformed who suffered most of all.
The Elector of Bavaria issued a decree, Nov. 15, 1635, that
all Calvinistic ministers must leave the land. Thus the
* An eye witness says that in one place he saw crows, dogs and men feast-
ing together on the body of a dead horse. Worse stories were told of parents
being driven by starvation to eat their own children.
f See a German novel by Horn entitled, " Johannes Scherer oder Tonsor
der Wanderpfarrer in der Unterpfalz."
SUFFERINGS OF THE REFORMED. 5S
Reformed people were left shepherdless in the midst of their
sufferings. Their children were unbaptized, their dead
buried Avithout religious ceremonies, and the sick had none
to pray with them. The only beautiful scene in connection
with this dark picture is the liberality of the other
Reformed Churches to their oppressed sister Church of the
Palatinate. Switzerland became an asylum, but still many
of the refugees died from exposure and want. It is said a
thousand of them died at Basle in 1635. When the Bavar-
ian gen^eral, John of Werth, became leader of the Bavarian
army in 1634, he kept six Reformed ministers in prison,
because they could not raise the money sufficient to pay the
ransom he required. The protocol of the Reformed consis-
tory who had fled from Heidelberg to Frankenthal, reveals
the great danger of the Reformed ministers, Avho only
saved their lives by flight. On January 16, 1635, a depu-
tation went to Switzerland to ask for aid. In England
much money was collected, especially through a pastor of
Heidelberg, Rulitz, Avho had won the confidence of dis-
tinguished English families. They sent to the Palatinate
at the close of 1635 about 100,000 gulden. Indeed, after
all these sufferings, without pastors, churches or friends, it
is a wonder that any Reformed Church continued to exist.
Finally in 1648 the Peace of Westphalia closed this
awful war. The Palatinate was given back to its rightful
owner. Elector Charles Lewis, the son of Frederick V., and
a new electorate was created for him, the old electorate
54 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
remaining with Bavaria.* The Emperor agreed to pay to
Frederick's widow 20,000 thalers and to each of Charles
Lewis' brothers 400,000 thalers. The peace also gave
religious liberty to the Lutherans in the Palatinate. But
the peace did not make the normal year for the Palatinate
the same as for the rest of Germany. This indefiniteness
as to the year was afterwards taken advantage of by the
•Catholic Electors against the Reformed.
-•• The Electoral College now stood five Catholics to three Protestants.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION III.
THE RAVAGE OF ZWEIBRUECKEN.
Southwest of the Rhine Palatinate lay Zweibriicken
(Deuxponts — two bridges), also governed by a branch of
the Palatinate family. The Duke of Zweibriicken was a
cousin of the Elector of the Palatinate and one of the lesser
princes of that line. When Frederick left the Palatinate
to go to Bohemia, he left the Duke of Zweibriicken, John
IL, as his governor in the Palatinate in his absence. When
Frederick was defeated at White Mountain, the Duke
resigned that position, and hoped, by taking a neutral posi-
tion, to save his land from the ravages of war. But he soon
found that neutrality would not save him. For three
things made him hateful to the Emperor\s forces — he
belonged to the Palatinate family, he had been a member
of the Protestant Union, and had also been governor for
Elector Frederick Y. So General Spinola entered his land
with the Spanish armies, who ravaged parts of it, as Meis-
enheim, Bergzabern and Annweiler. The Reformed min-
isters at the command of their prince held many days of
prayer to God for mercy on their land. At Xunschweiler
the people fled to the woods, and their pastor, Exter, was
murdered. Still the land did not suffer in the early part
56 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of the war as did the neighboring Palatinate. Many
Reformed ministers driven out of the Palatinate found posi-
tions here. The Duke wanted to replace the Heidelberg
University after it was closed, by having Cellarius, a refu-
gee from Heidelberg, give theological lectures in the gym-
nasium at Hornbach. How^ever, the Edict of Restitution
in 1629 affected Zweibriicken, especially the abbey of Horn-
bach. This had been a Benedictine cloister, but was now
a prosperous Reformed gymnasium with many students.
The Duke protested against giving it up to the Catholics,
but the troops of the Emperor came in and drove out the
Reformed pastor, Wernigk, from the parsonage. He how-
ever remained in the town, hoping that the enemy would
soon leave. But the Catholic authorities would brook no
opposition. They Avent with soldiers to his house, took him
out of bed, and wdth his schoolmaster carried him off as a
rebel to the fort at Madenburg. Both were thrown into
prison, and were not released until they had promised they
Avould not return again to minister to the Reformed people
of Hornbach. The troops also drove away the Reformed
professors and students there, and the gymnasium on which
the Duke had bestowed so much care, was broken up. But
the students and professors Avent to Zweibriicken, where
the Duke opened the gymnasium, April 20, 1631.* As the
gymnasium had lost its income with the loss of Hornbach,
* It was located in the Mint building, which formerly was used as a Re-
formed school and stood next to the Church.
GUSTAVUS BRINGS RELII<:F. 57
the Duke appealed to Reformed Churches in other lands
and received liberal responses. He himself set an example
of liberality. He not only supported it privately for a
year, but went up and down his land raising money for it
among the churches.
The coming of Gustavus Adolphus stopped the further
progress of the Edict of Restitution. When Gustavus
Adolphus arrived in the Palatinate, December, 1631, the
Duke came out from his neutrality. Neutrality had not
saved his land from devastation, so he joined the Swedes.
For a few years the land had rest. The cloister of Horn-
bach was given back to the Reformed and the gymnasium
reopened there. But when the Swedes were so terribly
defeated at Nordlingen, terrible times returned, far worse
than anything the land had suffered before. Because the
Duke had joined the Swedes, and his son had gone so far
as to raise troops for the Swedish army, the land must now
suffer severely from the imperial forces.* The Swedes and
French were compelled to retire before the Austrians and
Bavarians. The Duke felt the extreme danger of his land,
and ordered a day of prayer to be observed in all the
Reformed churches. The cruel General Gallas came with
his imperial army who acted more like brutes than men.
* This association with the Swedes did not end with the war. Before a
century was over, a Duke of Zweibriicken sat on the Swedish throne, and the
King of Sweden was also ruler of Zweibriicken. The great Charles XII. of
Sweden was of the Zweibriicken family, and was also Luke of Zweibriicken as
well as King of Sweden.
5
58 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Duke John II. of Zweibriicken Avas compelled to flee with
his family to Metz in France, Adiere he died, weighed
down with sorrow for the sufferings of his land. The
year 1635 was the most awful they had yet experienced.
The whole country was overrun with wild hordes of
Austrians, and only two places remained fortified against
them — Kusel and Zweibriicken. The enemy first attacked
Kusel. This town had no garrison, but the brave inhab-
itants determined to defend it to the last. As powder was
scarce, they carried great stones up on the walls to throw
down on the enemy. From their walls they could see the
enemy tearing up the ripe harvests and burning the neigh-
boring villages. It was a time of terror. By day the air
was filled with alarms and by night with fear of fire. The
enemy finally began negotiations with the citizens who so
bravely defended the city. They assured the citizens that
they wanted to go away, and offered to leave some of their
men as hostages that the city would not be attacked again.
The brave citizens gladly accepted this. When the enemy
had gone, they left the walls and returned to their homes.
Sweet was their sleep that night, but terrible their waking.
The enemy were on the walls and had opened the gates
before they were discovered. And now began a scene that
beggars description, as the (*ruel Croats ravaged the town,
so that by morning there was nothing left but rubbish and
ashes. The fe^v who survived were robbed of their cloth-
THE SIEGE OF ZWEIBRUECKEN. ;>9
ing, and the wounded stole away in the darkness to Lich-
tenberg. Kaiserlautern wa§ also taken. Almost all of its
(1,500) inhabitants were put to death by the Croats, and
the city was so destroyed that the streets became grown
over with grass.
\Yhat happened to Kusel was the introduction to what
was to happen at Zweibriicken, the capital of the land.
Gallas appeared before that city, July 17, 1635. It had
as its commander the brave Swedish Colonel Rose, Duke
Bernard of Weimar's special friend. There was a small
Swedish garrison to whose help the citizens nobly ral-
lied. The Reformed pastors, brave Bachman and Wentz,
aided in encouraging the people. The soldiers went on the
walls, while the old men and women assembled in the
Reformed church for prayer. The city was well fortified.
But an unfortunate event occurred which almost led to its
fall. The palace and castle of the Duke were located just
outside of the city wall, but were protected by a strong
moat. In this the citadel of the city a new danger appeared.
Through the carelessness of a soldier fire broke out.
Gallas saw his opportunity and at once ordered an attack
on the city. The citizens had to fight both the foe and
fire at the same time. They made a magnificent defence,
and put out the fire and drove away the enemy. But
when it was all over they found themselves in a deplorable
plight through want of powder, and were almost compelled
to surrender. AVhen Gallas sent word to them demand-
60 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ing their surrender, they held a council and determined
that on the morrow at 8 A. M. they would give up the city.
With trembling and praying the night was spent and the
awful morning awaited. Early in the morning, however,
it was noticed that there was an unusual commotion among
the enemy outside. And lo, when day broke, the enemy
had departed, because they had heard that Duke Bernard
of Weimar was approaching to save his friend, the brave
Colonel Rose. The city was saved and the people streamed
into the Reformed church to thank God for their deliver-
ance. But their season of rest was brief, for in September
following Gallas again returned with his army. Unfortu-
nately the commander of the city Avas not the brave Rose,
but a Frenchman who became so frightened that he sur-
rendered without attempting any defence. Terrible were
the results on the Reformed inhabitants. Gallas left as
commander of the city the cruel Moriame, who allowed all
kinds of lawlessness. One hundred and thirty buildings
in that little city, among them the city hall, w^ere destroyed.
The castle was plundered, the armory blown up. At first
the churches Avere not touched, but soon the soldiers broke
into the beautiful Alexander Reformed church by forcing
an entrance in seven places. In a very short time they
had broken out the Avindows and broken up the benches.
In its crypt many citizens had stored their A^aluables,
thinking that the church AA^ould be spared. The soldiers
tore open the 250 chests hidden tliere, and great A\'as the
THE RAVAGE OF ZWEIBRUECKEN. 61
spoil. The library in the church was torn open and val-
uable historical documents scattered around. Then they
went to the sepulchres of the Dukes and tore off the cop-
per epitaphs, and robbed and scattered the dead bodies.
They found the heart of the Princess of Rohan (which she
had ordered to be placed there beside her sister, the wife
of Duke John I. of Zweibriicken) and then threw it
out from the cellar. The soldiers went to the roof and
tore off the lead, so as to make bullets with it. They ^\*ent
into the houses of the citizens, digging up the fire-places,
seeking for hidden gold. Fi eld and cellar were searched
for valuables. They even searched the women's hair
and the men's beards for money. Great terror seized the
people. No one went out on the street. No Reformed
church service was held.
While these things were happening at Zweibriicken,'
they were more than equalled at Hornbach. The com-
mander there was a special favorite of Moriame because of
his loose habits. He first demanded money of the inhabi-
tants. When he had obtained that, he destroyed many of
their houses. The cloister which had been the gymnasium,
was almost entirely in ruins. The Reformed church was
turned into a stable, the cloister library was scattered be-
neath the hoofs of his horses. The first pastor, a son of
Pantaleon Candidiis, who had brought the country over to
the Reformed faith, faithfully remained with his people,
although he did not dare pre«ch to them. The captain
62 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
put him under arrest. ]N'o complaints, no prayers, no
offers availed to get him free. Amid the ridicule of the
soldiers he was cast into the darkest prison in the city. In
a few days he fell a victim to the plague. When it was
evident he would not live, the commander allowed him to
be taken home on promise of a heavy ransom. He was
carried home, but the kindest care of his family failed to
save his life. He died on Christmas, 1635. Even after
his death the captain oppressed his family most cruelly, so
as to get the promised ransom. He heartlessly compelled
the son to dance before him, although the son's heart was
sad because of his bereavement. Finally the town became
so terribly devastated through the violence of the soldiers,
that it could not support the soldiers any more, and they
had to leave.*
Famine soon followed these terrible sufferings. The
widow of the Reformed pastor at Rieschweiler died of
hunger after seeing her five children starve before her.
* What happened in the towns was repeated with ten-fold horror in the
country. The inhabitants of Bergzabern fled to the Vosges mountains, where
they lived in holes in the ground or huts under the overhanging rocks. They
kept watch continually, for if discovered, they were murdered and robbed.
Their persecutions were various. Here the enemy plunged men into the deep
spring or brook, and there threw them oflf the houses or rocks. Here they
burned parts of their legs with indescribable agony or stuck a red hot iron
into their open mouth. There they drove iron nails into the shoulders or cut
the soles of the feet open and poured melted lead into the cuts. Sometimes
they tied the people two and two and hung them like a kettle over the fire,
and left them to burn or to die of starvation. Others they would fasten over
a hearth fire by a chain, and place a stick between their legs and arms. Then
they would seat themselves opposite each other and rock the unhappy one
over the flames until death freed the martyr from their barbarities.
THE SUFFERINGS OF THE PEOPLE. 63
They ate grass, roots, burdock, nettles, mistletoe and other
plants without fat or salt to add to their taste.* Plague
followed on the heels of famine. Religious services were
given up. Most of the pastors had either died or been
compelled to leave. The Duke ordered the few remain-
ing pastors to go through the districts to comfort and
strengthen the sufferers as far as possible. The schools
were closed and the children grew up ignorant, Avild and
rough. It is said that sixty Reformed pastors either died
because of their sufferings, or were murdered.
Finally in 1644 Duke Frederick returned to his land.
But what a land ! The country was filled with thorns
and thistles. In many places whole towns were deserted,
not a cow, ox, goose or rooster was to be found. At
Hornbach the number of citizens had become so small
that they had to stay within the walls for fear of the wolves
who infested the ruins, even by day, seeking food. The
boundaries of properties could no longer be found. Gen-
erally these bounderies were not needed, as the neighbors
had died. The palace at Zweibriicken was a ruin, so the
Duke had to live at Meisenheim. Soon, however, the land
began to recover under the blessed influences of peace.
* In winter their sufferings were the worst. All kinds of leather were
cooked and used for food. Mice came in great numbers in the barren fields.
These the famished inhabitants gladly devoured. Frogs and even toads were
eaten. Carrion was sold and bought. Near Zweibriicken two women got into
a quarrel over some carrion, and ended it by the one strangling the other. A
boy was caught roasting a part of his dead sister, and a woman was put to
death at Zweibriicken for cannibalism.
64 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Churches and schools were reopened. Other Reformed
lands raised money. Bachman, the intrepid pastor of
Zweibrlicken, traveled through Switzerland and other
lands, and was quite successful in raising funds. The
Reformed pastors who were living came back. Thus
closed the terrible war, and yet through it all the Re-
formed people were wonderfully sustained by the bles-
sings of their faith and the comfort of their Catechism.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION IV.
THE PERSECUTIONS OF PFALZ NEUBURG.
One of the other Reformed districts of the Palatinate
was Pfalz Neuburg. When the Duke of Pfalz Neuburg,
a Lutheran, received the district of Julich and Cleve, near
Cologne, they contained quite a large Reformed popula-
tion. He went over to Catholicism in 1614, and of course
the Reformed had to endure many oppressions. These
were intensified by the Thirty Years' War, when every
effort was made by the Duke to weaken or suppress them.
In Julich twenty Reformed congregations were destroyed,
and in Berg twelve, and many congregations were forced
to give up their churches. In twenty-one churches
the Romish service was introduced by force. The Protes-
tants were shut out from all public positions. This
seemed a great privation, but proved to be a great bless-
ing, for as the Reformed were not allowed to enter the
state service, they began the great merchant trade, which
since that time has filled the valley of the Wupperthal
with manufactures, and made Elberfeld and Barmen great
laboring centres in Germany. One of the Duke's edicts
required all Reformed ministers to be driven out within
a month. Often the ministers were pursued in the streets
66 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMA^^^r.
and roads as robbers. And when the elders went to meet-
ings of Classis or Synod, they would sometimes have their
credentials filled out in the fi^rm of a business letter of
credit so as to conceal their identity. In many places not
only was preaching forbidden, but even the singing of
Reformed Psalms.
In 1628 eighty Reformed churches were closed in
Julich and Berg. The condition of the Reformed had
become thus helpless, because the Spaniards had in
1615 taken Wesel, which was the citadel of that district,
and from it they dominated the neighboring district in the
interests of Catholicism. At Wesel, that centre of the
Reformed faith, they introduced the Romish rites. The
times changed, however, when in 1629 the Dutch captured
that town.* They did it through the aid of a Reformed
citizen, Avho made an opening in a part of the city wall
that was not watched. The Dutch infantry secretly came
in, but the cavalry could not get over the high wall
remaining. Then occurred a providence. The Spanish
garrison had by this time discovered the Dutch and began
shooting at them. One of the first cannon balls struck
the chain which held the bridge over the moat in the air,
and which no one before had been able to loosen. The
chain broke. The bridge fell of its own weight, and over
it the Dutch entered the city. After a hard fight for two
* A historical novel on the capture of Wesel is " Die Retter Nieder-
Wesels," by Horn.
THE PERSECUTIONS AT ELBERFELD. 67
hours, the Spaniards were defeated and the cry of jubilee
went up from the inhabitants, ^^ The city is Geus (Re-
formed)/' This capture of Wesel completely changed the
aspect of affairs in Julich and Berg. For the Dutch did
as much to protect the Reformed from Wesel, as the
Spaniards had done to oppress them. Indeed they virtu-
ally saved the Reformed Church there, which otherwise
would perhaps have been crushed, had the persecutions
continued. Still, although oppressed, many of the Re-
formed had kept up their services in caves and woods.
We have time to mention only a few instances of the most
remarkable instances of oppression.
Elberfeld has always been a Reformed centre in that
district. Here Kalman, the pastor, held services in 1600,
when the church was given to the Catholics, although
there were only six families belonging to that faith in the
town. The Reformed appealed to the Count of Lippe to
intervene, but in vain. They then made a last appeal to
the Duchess. The summons to vacate their church wa&
sent to them fourteen days before AVhitsunday. When
the day came for them to give up their church, the Jesuits
already stood outside waiting to take the church as soon as
the congregation left it. The minister, to make the ser-
vice as long as possible, ordered the congregation to sing
the 119th Psalm with its eighty-eight verses, after the
sermon. One can imagine with what anxiety they were
sung. And lo, before the congregation w^ through sing-
68 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ing the hymn, a messenger came from the Duke ordering
the Reformed to retain the church. The Jesuits, discom-
fitted, departed. The Reformed retained the use of the
church till 1626, when it was again ordered to be taken
away from them, although it had been Reformed for eighty
years. And when they protested, the Catholic Duke
declared that if any one did not want to go to a Romish
service, he could stay away, and go to none. In 1629
their oppression became greater. The Emperor had issued
his Edict of Restitution, and Tilly's army was not far
away. * The Duke then issued an order commanding all the
Reformed to become Catholics. Boos (who was called the
chaplain major of the army, and who used to go through
the streets of Cologne with a long coat, attended by a crowd
of young people praying and singing, with bells and flags,
scattering holy pictures among the children everywhere,
urging them to return to the Romish Church) was sent to
Elberfeld. He asked that a Catholic chaplain be placed
at Elberfeld for the sake of the soldiers quartered there.
He demanded the use of the Reformed church, and when
they refused to give him the key, the soldiers broke in the
glass windows and entered by force. They took away the
communion table, burned the books they found there,
drove away the school teacher and pastor, and forbade
those who did not come to mass to use the mills of the
town for making flour. The Reformed then appealed to
the Dutch to %elp them. Suddenly as a thunder clap out
THE PERSECUTIONS AT SOLINGEN. 69
of a clear sky, relief came, for Wesel suddenly fell into
the hands of the Dutch, in 1629, and the Catholic power
was broken in that district.
Solingen was also another Reformed centre, and it too
had to suifer. The Duke had placed a garrison there in
1614 and in 1624. Boos came and demanded the church,
so that he might hold services for the troops. But the
brave Lunenschloss, the pastor, together with the mayor
of the town, declared they would not give it up, unless it
were taken by force. In 1626 the Romanists broke into
the church and celebrated mass. But the Dutch came
near, and so the Reformed took it again and held there a
service of thanksgiving for its return on November 27,
1626. For this Lunenschloss was dismissed by the Duke,
and the mayor put in prison at the toll-gate for six wrecks,
where he suffered severely from the intense cold, and the
city had to pay 4000 ricksthalers. When they took the
church again, Lunenschloss and the congregation went and
held services at the city hall. But there Haltermund, the
Romanist, so that they might not hold services, cut up the
pulpit and benches, until the axe broke in his hand. They
then held their services in the churchyard, and Halter-
mund reported the names of those who attended. Lunen-
schloss was arrested and taken before the captain, and for-
bidden to preach. Still he contrived to gather his con-
gregation together in other places. In 1629 the Dutch
captured the town and relieved them. But soon their
70 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
trouble began anew. The priests came back with the
imperial soldiers. They did not at first take the churchy
but tried to annoy the worshipers. Thus they burned
rags and bundles of straw outside the church, which made
such a stench that the congregation had to leave. Then
they took the church away from the Reformed. The
Reformed in 1644, as they could not hold service in the
church, held it on the church steps. For half a year they
gathered before the closed church. Lunenschloss often
preached there in the severe cold, in snow and rain. On
June 11, 1645, the congregation broke into the side door
of the church and held a service. On the next Sunday
the councillors of the Duke came and took their positions
at the pulpit beneath. Lunenschloss w^anted to ascend
the pulpit, but they held him back by his coat, and begged
him to listen, while all the people cried out : " The pastor
shall preach.'^ Lunenschloss finally agreed, and the con-
gregation departed. But that night the soldiers came to
his house, broke into it, tore him from his weeping fam-
ily, while he strengthened them with the comfort, that
without the will of the Father not a hair could fall, took
him to the market-place of the town, and wanted to shoot
him there. Just then, however, orders came to them not to
ghoot him, but to transport him to Dusseldorf for trial.
When the soldiers in charge of him came to Hilden, a
carriage passed them, and as it passed, a noble lady looked
out of the window. She inquired what was going on.
THE DELIVERANCE OF LUNENSCHLOSS. 71
When she found that the prisoner was Lunenschloss, a
Reformed pastor, she ordered him to come into her car-
riage. For she herself was a Reformed princess, the wife
of the Romish Duke of Pfalz Neuburg. Her name was
Catharine Charlotte, and she belonged to the Zweibriicken
line of nobles. She was deeply attached to her faith, and
had as her private court preacher the learned Hundius,
who preached twenty years for her. He preached in her
private chapel three times a week, and daily read the
Scriptures with her. She was very glad to receive Lunen-
schloss into her carriage, so that she might converse with
him. Behold now the interposition of God's providence !
The minister, who a few hours before expected to be
killed in the market-place, arrived at Dusseldorf in the
carriage of his princess. When Lunenschloss was brought
before the Duke, the Duke asked him why he disobeyed
him by serving his congregation. He said : " Your
Highness, it is my duty to obey my God. He has made
me a watchman over my congregation, and I must give
an account to Him of every soul committed to my charge.
Therefore, woe to me, if I leave her through fear of man.
On the contrary, I am ready to sacrifice my life for the
sake of my congregation and my God.'' The Duke was
astonished at his steadfastness, and offered him gifts and
honors, if he would renounce the Reformed faith, but he
declared that nothing would make him give up his faith.
The Duke was impressed by the noble constancy of the
72 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
man, and allowed him to return to Solingen and continue
as pastor of his congregation until his death in 1651.
The Westphalian Peace brought relief to the congre-
gation from their persecutions. This Duchess of Pfalz
Xeuberg was a beautiful character. She was very kind
to the poor, and greatly aided the Eeformed. The
Romanists and her husband often annoyed her by trying
to proselyte her to the Romish faith. But against them
she drew up a Reformed confession of faith. She died in
1656. Her pastor, Hundius, read to her Psalm 38 :
'^ Lord, leave me not." The Lord did not leave her.
While her husband in his blindness prayed : " Lord,
remember not her unbelief," she prayed her last words :
" My Lord, give me more grace than I am worthy of."
The Reformed Church of Radevormwald had similar
persecutions. In 1626 a priest named Grotfeldt demanded
the Reformed church, and when the mayor would not
grant it, he beat him black and blue, and entered complaint
against him at Dusseldorf, so that the mayor and secretary
were taken prisoners to Dusseldorf, and kept there seven
weeks before they had a hearing and were released. Then
Grotfeldt asked that as chaplain of the regiment he might
have his services in the Reformed church from seven to
nine A. m., and after that the Reformed pastor could have
his service unhindered. But the priest did not keep his
agreement long, but barred out the Reformed entirely, and
took away their endowments. He also had one of the
PERSECUTIONS AT SOLINGEN. 73
Reformed pastors, Pollich, who was very sick, packed in
a cart and taken to Cologne as a prisoner, where he died
after an eighteen days' imprisonment. He also brought
it about that the other Reformed pastor was taken as a
prisoner to Kaiserswerth, and kept there for a year and a
half till he died. The remaining pastor, Sunderman, was
forbidden the pulpit. But if Grotfeldt hoped to gain a
quick victory over this aged pastor, he was mistaken, for
he bore all the persecutions of the Jesuits with great
patience. Though driven from the parsonage and robbed
of his income and of the pulpit, where he had preached for
forty years, he still bore the persecutions for two weary
years, and continued to break the bread of life, although
forbidden to do so. Complaints were therefore made
against him, as there had been against Pollich. On March
30, 1628, at seven p. m., soldiers broke into his house,
took him a prisoner, and although the weather was very
cold, took him to Kaiserswerth, where he was placed in a
very dirty prison. His arrest caused a great sensation.
Both the citizens of Solingen and the Reformed Synod of
Berg took up his case, and protested and appealed, but
in vain. He w^as kept a year and a half in this prison,
for no other crime than his Reformed faith. Then God
gave him rest in heaven, September 2, 1629.
The congregation was then without a pastor for tliree
years. Only a very few went to the Romish service, the
great body of the citizens, led by the mayor, remaining true
6
74 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to the Reformed faith". Then a new pastor, Schorm, began
holding services in a private house. The Catholics brought
complaint against him to the government, and gained their
point. But the punishment they desired for the Reformed
minister fell on their own heads. For the Dutch and
Swedes came in 1632, took the city and killed the priest in
the meadow outside of the town. In 1633 the Romanists
came back, as the Austrian army again approached. The
town passed from the hands of one army to another. But
the Catholics retained the church for service. It was not
till 1646 that a Reformed pastor (after the pulpit had been
closed for twenty years) again ascended the pulpit. And
it was not till 1651 that the church was entirely given back
to them.
Another illustration is told of the Reformed at Dussel-
dorf. As the Heidelberg Catechism was preached upon in
the Reformed churches every Sunday afternoon, the Capu-
chin monks knew when the ministers would preach on the
eightieth question. They would come that day and stand
at the door eavesdropping, and listen to hear what he would
have to say against the Romish doctrine. They would
then denounce the pastor before the court, and he
would have to pay a fine, which went into their pockets.
It is said that on one occasion the Reformed pastor at
Dusseldorf, as he ascended the pulpit to preach on this
80th question, saw two Capuchin monks standing in the
church. He was very careful what he said, lest they could
PERSECUTIOX AT DUSSELDORF. 75
bring charges against him. But at the end of the sermon,
he gave out the 39th Psalm, whose first verse is based on
the text : '^ I will take heed unto my ways that I sin not
with my tongue. I will keep my mouth with a bridle,
while the luicked are before me." The monks heard it and
never troubled him again.
These serve as illustrations of some of the persecutions
of the Reformed in Pfalz Neuburg. Nobly and bravely
they remained true to their Reformed faith, and thus laid
the foundations of what is now the Reformed centre of
Germany, the Lower Rhine.
CHAPTER III.
THE QUARTERING IN NiSSAU.
SECTION I.
NASSAU BEFORE THE COMING OF THE SWEDES.
East of the Rhine, near the city of Frankford, was a
district filled with counties ruled by lesser princes, called
the Wetterau district. Of these the Counts of Nassau,
Solms, Hanau, Isenberg, Sayn and AVied, were
Reformed. There Avere four Nassau princes who were
Reformed — the Counts of Dillenburg, Siegen, Hadamer
and Dietz. These Nassau princes, although their sympa-
thies were with Frederick of the Palatinate, yet out of fear
of the Emperor withdrew from the Protestant Union and
declared themselves neutral. Even Count John of Siegen,
who had been in the Palatinate service for thirty years,
left it and returned to his land. But neutrality did not
save them. Their lands were rich and they were weak.
So the Emperor used them as the places for quartering
his armies. As early as 1622 the imperial general An-
holt devastated a large part of Nassau. Then Tilly came
from the Palatinate and quartered his troops there. This
he did for five successive years. And then, as if one
PERSECUTIONS IN SIEGEN. 77
army had not destroyed enough, finally Wallenstein also
came with his army. And what one army had not plun-
dered, the other came to complete.
Several other events also greatly added to the suffer-
ings of the Reformed. Siegen received for its ruler a
Catholic in 1623. This prince, called Count John the
Younger, had been carefully educated by his father. Count
John the Middle, who sent him to Geneva, where he lived
for a time at the house of Beza, but later, while on a jour-
ney to Italy in 1613, the Jesuits converted him to Rome.
His father, when he died, ordered that the son sheuld not
attempt to change the religion of his Reformed subjects.
But in 1624 he began introducing Romanism by bringing
in the Jesuits, to whom he gave the cloister church of Sie-
gen. On May 11, 1626, he took all the churches from
the Reformed and ordered all their ministers to leave the
land. The only Reformed minister permitted to remain
was his mother's private chaplain, who was permit-
ted to hold services only in her room. He established a
Jesuit college at Siegen, and compelled two of the Re-
formed congregations to allow the Catholic worship in
their churches. In many other Avays he embittered the
lives of his Reformed subjects. He finally fined them a
gold gulden for not attending mass. And when they asked
that at least they might be permitted to have the Heidel-
berg Catechism, if they could not have their church
services, he refused them. They began, for the sake
78 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of their Reformed faith, to emigrate to Hesse-CasseL
This he also forbade. He did not allow them honorable
burial. Thus, in 1639, a woman named Heipels, was left
unburied for three days, and then only allowed to be bur-
ied in her own garden, not in the cemetery. In 1630
Hans Altgeld, his wife and daughter had to be buried in
a hole before their door in their garden. The Count would
not allow them to be buried in the cemetery, because they
were Reformed. A prominent citizen, a member of the
Reformed congregation, died at Siegen. With the great-
est difficulty his family gained permission to bury him in
his own yard, but the Romish authorities would allow no
funeral procession. So his son-in-law and brother-in-law
had to bury him quietly. Some of the persecutions of the
Jesuits, in order to make converts, Avere silly. Thus the
women of Siegen were accustomed to bleach their linen
before the gate of the city. The Jesuits would come and
take away the linen of those who were not Catholics.
They would also prevent the cattle of those who were not
Romanists from being driven out for three days, thus
greatly inconveniencing the OAvners.
Another terrible blow the Reformed of Nassau
received was the conversion of Count John Lewis of
Hadamer to Romanism. The Jesuits, ever on a watch to
make converts, trumped up a charge at Vienna against
the Nassau Counts, namely that they had placed ten sol-
diers in Frederick's army. Tlie Counts were summoned
THE COUNT OF HADAMER's DEFECTION. 79
to VieiiDa to answer for this treason to the Emperor.
They held a meeting in 1629, and decided to send the
Count of Hadamer, who was a brilliant orator and a fine
scholar, to plead their cause. On his way to Vienna, at
Mayence, he fell in with a Jesuit named Ziegler, the con-
fessor of the Archbishop of Mayence, who had formerly
been Reformed. The Count considered himself quite
skillful in debate. The wily Jesuit inveigled him into a
debate, and discovered that the Count was not fully sure
of his position. He sent word ahead to Vienna, and
when the Count arrived there, all unknown to himself the
Jesuits laid a plot to draw him into the Romish Church.
He was received with great honor by the court, and
invited to the laying of the corner-stone of the cloister on
the Kahlenburg, just north of Vienna. There the Empe-
ror had him dine with him, and placed opposite to him
Lenormain, his confessor. Of course the Count and the
confessor were soon in a heated debate, lasting seven
hours, in which the Count proved a rather poor match for
the shrewd Jesuit. He made damaging admissions which
were used against him. Finally, hounded on every side,
he was persuaded, instead of going to his lodgings, to go
to one of the Jesuit novitiate houses. He might have
known that this half step toward Rome would comprom-
ise him. Here they arranged that a Jesuit of the county
of Nassau should meet him. This man pointed out to
80 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
him the errors of the Protestant Bible.* The Count,
after remaining in this house for seven days, confessed
that he saw many errors in Protestantism. The next day
he permitted masses to be read for him, and at the end of
the second mass he cried out to the priest : " My father, I
am a Catholic, and so will I live, and so will I die."
After his conversion the charges against the Nassau
Counts were withdrawn. In return for his conversion the
Emperor ordered the Austrian arm'es to withdraw from
his territory, and he was honored with the appointment of
chamberlain to the Emperor.
The news of his conversion to Romanism caused a tre-
mendous sensation in Siegen. Niesener, the Reformed
pastor, was commissioned to break the news to the Count's
Reformed wife, w^hose motto had been " firm in the faith."
As he made know to her her husband's apostasy, she fainted
away. When she had revived, he encouraged her to
remain true to the Reformed faith. She nobly replied :
^^ I would rather be divorced from my husband and go out
of his land a beggar, than leave my faith. The Count
returned, December, 1629, bringing Jesuits with him, who
two months later began holding Romish services. The
* The Reformed Bible, translated by Piscator, was in common use in Nas-
sau, instead of Luther's translation. The Lutherans had been jealous of it,
for fear it might supplant Luther's. It's enemies called it the " Strafe mich
Gott" Bible, because in Mark 8:12 "There shall no sign be given to this con-
gregation. Amen," Piscator had exaggerated the Amen into the strong Ger-
man phrase, " Strafe mich Gott." Possibly this was one of the glosses, to
which the Jesuit called the attention of the Count.
COUNTESS URSULA. 81
Count then ordered the Reformed ministers to either leave
or become Romanists. By the end of 1630 not a Reformed
minister was left in all the land except his wife's private
chaplain, and Niesener who was put under house arrest.
The Romish priests took all the Reformed churches and
finally brought charges against Niesener, for which he was
arrested and taken to Cologne, where he was imprisoned in
a miserable prison for a year, before he was found inno-
cent. Countess Ursula remained true to her faith. She
was one of the '^ saints of the Reformed Church.'' Three
hours every day she spent in prayer. She was very kind
and liberal to the poor. When the plague broke out, she
went like an angel of mercy ministering from door to door.
The Jesuits tried in every way to convert her, but she was
ready to silence them with an answer from the Heidelberg
Catechism. The purity of her faith and life compelled
even the Catholics to admire her. The leading Jesuit con-
fessed that such a heretic as she outweighed many a dozen
of Catholics in God's sight. At her death in 1638 she
greatly longed for the ministrations of a Reformed minis-
ter, as the Jesuits tried to convert her on her deathbed.
But she remained steadfast and firm. One of the Jesuits
afterward wrote : '^ We mourn that this precious silver
vessel remained to the last tainted with heresy." After
her death the Romanists had entire control of Hadamer.
And so the Reformed lost control of two of the Nassau
lands, Siegen and Hadamer.
82 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The Catholics also gained control of another of the
counties of the AVetterau. For Count John Albert of
Solms, a man of great piety and devotion to the Keformed
Church, had been an officer in the army of King Fred-
erick of Bohemia. For this he was put under the ban by
the Emperor and deposed. The Spaniards took posses-
sion of his land, fearfully ravaging it and driving out the
Reformed ministers. Count John Albert greatly mourned
the sufferings of his land ; so much so that a friend said to
him : " Brother, you are a real martyr, although you have
not shed any blood." Nearly all the Reformed . ministers
were driven out of Solms, and their places taken by Romish
priests. These events, together with the oppressions of
the imperial forces greatly discouraged the Reformed.
The Edict of Restitution added to their sufferings, as it
took away most of the endowments which supported the
Reformed university of Herborn. This toAvn was repeat-
edly plundered. It was destroyed in 1626 and after-
wards in 1634 by fire. As a result the university was
well nigh destroyed, only four professors remaining in it.
Owing to the oppressions of the enemy, the years 1628 and
1629 were years of famine. Many made bread of acorns,
hemp seed and roots. Plague followed, during which
whole families died and whole villages were depopulated.
The severity of these sufferings seemed almost to have
turned the heads of the poor people, for a strange infatu-
ation for witchcraft broke out among them. Between the
BELIEF IX WITCHCRAFT. 83
years 1629 and 1632 thirty-five witches were executed at
Dillenberg, ninety at Herborn, and thirty at Drierdorf.
A girl at Amsdorf with many tears told her father on May
1, 1831, that she Avas a witch. He felt it his duty to tell
it to the authorities of Herborn, and for it she was executed.
Sometimes the witches would be put to such severe tor-
tures that on the following day they would be found dead
in prison. Many superstitious people believed that it was
not the torture that killed them, but Satan. Thus a widow
was found dead at Herborn, after having been tortured the
previous day. The superstitious ones then remembered
that when she was tortured, a bat as large as a cat came
into the place of torture. This they declared was the devil.
The superstitious people believed that if Avitch powder
were spilled on the trees, there would be no fruit ; if on
the fields, no grain ; if on the wind, bad weather. Almost
every town had its locality where witches were said to
dance. And yet, while we may be tempted to smile at
these things, we should rather pity the poor people. For
as one writer says : '^ The terrible sufferings of the times
gave them universal melancholy.'^ To the credit of the
Reformed ministers be it said that they tried to stem the
tide of popular opinion in favor of witchcraft by warning
the people against it. Thus wars, oppression, persecution,
famine, plague and witchcraft made tlie early years of the
war most deplorable to Nassau.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION 11.
FROM THE COMING OF THE SWEDES TO THE END OF
THE WAR.
A better clay dawned on these counties of the Wetterau
as Gustavus, the Gideon of his age, appeared. The Swedes
came to Nassau in November, 1631, led by a captain born
in Herborn. Their strict discipline and high morals con-
trasted favorably with the terrible immorality and cruelty
of the imperial army. Especially did the Laplanders in
the Swedish army excite curiosity, because they were so
small of stature, wore reindeer clothing, and carried bows
and arrows. Everywhere the Swedes were welcomed as
deliverers. The Nassau Princes had learned by sad experi-
ence that neutrality was more expensive than war, for the
imperial army had forced thousands of gulden out of their
lands by their quartering for so many years. So some of
them gave up neutrality and openly joined the Swedish
army. The leading Prince of the Nassau line was
Count Lewis Henry of Dillenburg. He entered the
Swedish army with his forces, taking with him his Reformed
chaplain Vigelius. Better days now came to the Reformed
ofthe counties of Siegen and Hadamar. The Jesuits either
left or were compelled to leave, because of the hatred of the
COUNT JOHN MAURICE. 85
people. The Reformed ministers began to come back from
other lands to their shepherdless flocks.
During the years of the Swedish rule, there came back
to Nassau a prominent prince, Count John Maurice of Nas-
sau Siegen. He was the younger brother of Count John
the Younger of Siegen, who had gone over to Romanism.
Their father, to prevent his Catholic son from gaining all
the territory, had divided it by his will among his three
sons. But Count John Maurice had never gotten his por-
tion, because his Catholic brother, with the aid of the
Emperor, had kept it from him. Now, however, when the
Swedes came, Count John Maurice came back to Siegen to
take his rights, from which the Emperor had so unjustly
deprived him. Many years before he had entered the
Dutch military service, and had become private secretary
to Prince Maurice of Orange. Then he rose in the Dutch
army to a high position. He now came back to Siegen to
restore his beloved Reformed faith to that land. He called
Professor Irlen of Herborn to re-introduce the Reformed
religion. He had a locksmith break down the altars which
the Romanists had erected in the Reformed churches (for the
Reformed churches have no altar, only a communion table).
He also revived the Reformed gymnasium at Siegen. The
death of Gustavus Adolphus, however, checked many of
these favorable movements.* The defeat of the Swedes at
■:;:- Although Gustavus was a Lutheran, many memorial sermons were
preached on his death in the Reformed churches, in which he was likened to
King Josiah of the Bible,
S6 THE REFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Nordlingen having broken their power, Count John
Maurice had to leave, and his Romish brother came back
to re-introduce Romanism into his land.
Count John Maurice was sent by the Dutch West India
Company to Brazil in 1636, for which he afterwards
received the name of " the Brazilian." He took with him
his Reformed chaplain Plante, and at once set to work to
introduce the Reformed faith into the new world. Cal-
vin's Reformed colony to Rio Janeiro in 1557 had turned
out a failure. Count John Maurice now tried to intro-
duce the Reformed faith again. He aimed to snatch South
America from the power of the Jesuits and its natives from
heathenism. As early as 1623 Prof. Walaus had started
a Foreign Mission School at Leyden, so that the Dutch
Church was early showing a missionary zeal which led to
large missionary operations in both the East and the West
Indies. Count John Maurice therefore soon sent back to
Holland for more ministers to evangelize among the
natives, and in 1637 eight Reformed ministers were sent
out. These preached in Dutch, French, Portuguese and
English. Soller and Polhemius preached in Olinda,
Peolius in Tamarica, Ratherlarius (an Englishman) at
Parahiba. In the province of St. Augustine, Stetinus pro-
claimed the gospel, as did Eduardi at Serinhsen. The gos-
pel was also preached in the province of Maragnana.
These ministers endeavored to preach in the villages near
their parishes to the natives. For they found that the
MISSIONARY EFFORTS. 87
Jesuits who had been there under the Portuguese, had
tried missionary work, but as usual in a superficial way.
They did not translate the Bible, but were satisfied if the
natives had learned the Creed and the Lord's Prayer.
The Dutch ministers labored, however, to bring them to an
experimental knowledge of spiritual things. In doing
this, the Count's court preacher, Plante, set the example,
but others were very zealous in doing missionary work, as
Casseber at Recissa. Doriflarius became quite eloquent in
preaching in the native language, and translated the
Heidelberg Catechism into the Tapuya dialect of Brazil.
Thus, wherever the Dutch flag waved, there arose the
standard of the cross, under which a Reformed congrega-
tion was formed. These zealous ministers also formed
themselves, according to the Presbyterial government com-
mon in Holland, into Classes and Synods. They labored
hard to plant a Reformed Church in South America. Long
before William Penn, Count John Maurice began the
policy of fair dealing with the Indians. He placed in
every native village in his colony a Dutchman, whose duty
it was to see that the natives were not cheated, but had
their rights and were paid for their goods. The natives,
therefore, very highly honored him. One of the Indian
chiefs gave him a costly dish, which he afterwards pre-
sented to the Reformed church at Siegen, in Germany.
But differences arose between the Count and the Dutch
West India Company. In 1645 he returned to Holland,
88 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
bringing twenty-five tons of gold with him, and was
received with high honors by the government. In 1654
the Portuguese defeated the Dutch in Brazil. The colony
fell and the Reformed churches were lost. Brazil, instead
of becoming Protestant and Reformed, became Portuguese,
and under the Jesuits one of the most Romanist of lands.
The Dutch afterwards exchanged their colony at New York
with the English for what is now Dutch Guiana, in South
America, (where there are now about 7,000 Reformed).
Thus the Dutch colony in South America failed, as had
the French colony in the century before, but none the less
should the Reformed have the credit of trying to plant two
colonies in South America to save the heathen, the first
efforts made by Protestants to evangelize in this western
continent. Count John Maurice, when he returned to
Europe, found that his Catholic brother at Siegen had
died. So he went to Siegen to gain the property left him
by his father. He re-garrisoned Siegen and re-introduced
the Reformed faith there by calling Professor Irlen from
Herborn to introduce it.* He showed his appreciation of
the Reformed by presenting the Reformed church at
Siegen with costly presents, and at his own expense he
remodeled the St. Nicolas church.
Count Lewis Henry of Nassau Dillenburg soon revealed
in the Swedish army that he was one of Gustavus' bravest
generals. Gustavus at once noticed his qualities as a sol-
* Siegen is now one of the most Reformed districts in Germany.
BRAVERY OF COUNT LEWIS HEXRY. 89
dier and took quite a fancy to him. For at the crossing
of the Rhine at Oppenheim the Count was one of the first
to bravely face the fire of the enemy. He had learned the
art of war under Count Maurice of Orange in the Nether-
lands, and now he completed his education under Gustavus
Adolphus. He was a giant in stature. He soon gained
fame by his successful attack on the toAvn of Braunfcls
(1635), which was the only victory gained by the Swedes
immediately after their terrible defeat at Nordlingen, and
which seemed to some extent to atone for that defeat. He
marched his troops over the snow by night and came to the
town of Braunfels at six o'clock in the morning. Before his
troops were discovered, his soldiers were on the wall of the
town. The garrison soon surrendered. When he returned
from this victory, the magistrates and professors of the
University of Herborn met him at the gate of Herborn,
Avhere Dr. Irlen made an address, in which he compared
him to Joshua and Agamemnon. His success, however,
not only gained him fame, but also called the attention of
the Emperor to him as a dangerous enemy. The Austrians
sent their armies against him, which besieged Dillenburg,
his capital. But his garrison made such a successful sortie
that the imperial forces agreed to give up the siege, pro-
vided he would pay them 10,000 ricksthalers bounty. When
the Peace of Prague was published, strange to say, he
signed it and exchanged the blue sash of the Swedes for the
red of the Emperor. He may have gone over to the
7
90 THE REFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Emperor because he suspected that the Romish Count of
Siegen was plotting with the Emperor to gain his territory.
The Emperor gladly received so brave a general into his
army. But Lewis' people were not satisfied with the change,
and many looked upon his action as nothing less than trea-
son to the Protestant cause. Some of his officers refused
to serve any longer under him, and many of his soldiers
deserted. His cavalry for a quarter of a year absolutely
refused to take tlie oath to the Emperor. The Emperor
employed him to capture small forts, an art in which he
was signally successful, as Montabour, Amoneburg and
others. His most successful capture, however, was
Hanau. This famous city consisted of two parts, an
old and a new city, the latter founded by the
Reformed refugees in 1597. Countess Catharine Bel-
gica, a descendant of AYilliam of Orange, ruled the land in
the early part of the Thirty Years' War with rare wisdom,
until her son, Count Philip Maurico, ascended the throne
in 1627. When Gustavus Adolphus came, the Count of
Hanau joined the Swedes, who placed a garrison at Hanau
under the command of the Scotch general Ramsay. After
the defeat of the Swedes at Nordlingen, this fort remained
the only Swedish fort in that part of Germany. It was
defended by the brave Ramsay with great ability. When
the Peace of Prague was published, the Count of Hanau
accepted it and joined the Emperor. He returned to
Hanau from Metz, whither he had fled. Bat when the
THE CAPTURE OF HANAU. 91
Count began issuing orders to the inhabitants of Hanau
forbidding the people to pray for the success of the Swedes
against the Emperor, Ramsay put him under arrest for
spreading treason against the Swedes. When Count Lewis
Henry of Dillenburg heard that his cousin, Count Philip
Maurice, was under arrest in his own castle in Hanau, he
determined to rescue him. He suddenly appeared before
Hanau, February 21, 1638, with 700 men. He seized the
fortifications at the mill by the red house, and captured the
castle and rescued the imprisoned Count of Hanau. Ram-
say meanwhile shut himself up in the new city, and pre-
pared to stand a siege. But he was severely wounded at
his residence at the White Lion Hotel. He therefore sur-
rendered, February 23, 1638. As soon as his wound per-
mitted, Ramsay was taken a prisoner to Dillenberg, where
he arrived March 24, 1538. But his proud spirit revolted
against the idea of being a prisoner. He hoped that he
might be exchanged for the Austrian cavalry general, John
of Werth. Some dispute, however, with the Austrian gov-
ernment about 50,000 ricksthalers prevented this. Finding
that he was not to be exchanged, he became morbid under
his imprisonment and somewhat unruly. Still he was
always glad for the visits of the Reformed ministers, for he
himself belonged to the Scotch Reformed or Presbyterian
faith. Corvinus, the rector of the Reformed University of
Herborn, frequently visited him, and conversed with him
in Swedish and English. Ramsay finally died, a disap-
92 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
pointed man, after nearly a year's imprisonment. As no
effort was made to have his body returned to his native land
of Scotland, he was buried in the Reformed church at
Dillenburg, where his tomb is shown to this day.
During the latter part of the war, Nassau and the other
"Wetterau districts, like the Palatinate, suffered severely.
Army after army passed over these lands. One writer
says : '' On the one side w^ere Swedes, French, Lapps,
Scotch-Irish, and on the other Spaniards and Bavarians,
and no one knew which were friends or foes." ^^ When they
had marched through," said a minister, " it looked as if
Lucifer or Beelzebub had passed by." When the war was
over, houses could be found which had been so long deserted
that a cherry tree had grown up from the hearth through
the chimney and spread its boughs over the roof. Famine
and pestilence raged. Many of the villages were reduced
to one 'family. No wonder then that the Peace of West-
phalia w^as welcomed with great joy. By it the Reformed
in the counties of Siegen and Hadamer were again allowed
their Reformed worship, although the Count of Hadamer
tried hard to prevent it as much as possible.*
■'• In 1742 the Nassau lands passed into the hands of the House of Orange,
and the Reformed had greater liberty and power after that.
CHAPTER IV.
THE BRAYERY OF HESSE-CASSEL.
Hesse-Cassel deserves special mention in the Reformed
history of this war. She should receive double credit,
both for her bravery and for her persistence for the
Reformed faith during the war. She was the only land
that continuously opposed the unjust oppressions of the
Emperor during the ivhole of the tear. For even the Peace
of Prague, Avhich tempted so many German princes to
make peace Avith the Emperor, failed to win Hesse-Cassel
to make peace until her wrongs were righted.
SECTION I.
THE ABDICATION OF LANDGRAVE MAURICE.
This distinguished Reformed prince was a scholar, as
well as a noble. He was as learned in all the sciences and
philosophies of his day, as he was in statesmanship. A
far better leader would he have been for the Protestant
Union than the young, inexperienced Frederick V. of the
Palatinate. He was one of the most broad-minded, far-
seeing of the Reformed statesmen of Germany. He was
one of the first to suggest a general Protestant Diet, which
should destroy Austria and the Papacy. But Frederick
94 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
was not willing for that, and began the movements which
led to his election to the throne of Bohemia. Landgrave
Maurice disapproved of Frederick's acceptance of that
throne, but he still remained true to the Protestant Union.
Spinola, the Spanish general, by a quick move toward
Mayence, cut INIaurice off from the other armies of the
Protestant Union in Southern Germany. His OAvn nobles,
as well as the approach of the Spanish army, compelled
him to retire from the Union as it fell to pieces. When
he heard how unjustly Frederick had been deposed by the
Emperor, he became very angry. Still he could do noth-
ing, for Spinola's a-rmy was on his borders. Tilly's Aus-
trian army came in 1623, fearfully ravaging Hersfeld and
Eschwege. Tilly took the old abbey of Hersfeld from the
Reformed, and gave it to the Jesuits. But like a thunder
clap out of a clear sky there came the Emperor's order
to him in 1623 to give up Upper Hesse (which he had
occupied for eighteen years) to the Landgrave of Hesse-
Darmstadt. The latter Avas a Lutheran, and had brought
charges against Maurice that he had violated the will of
the previous Elector of Upper Hesse. Landgrave George
of Upper Hesse had ordered in his will, that no religion
should be introduced into Upper Hesse except the Luth-
eran. The Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt charged Mau-
rice with breaking that clause in the will, Avhen he intro-
duced the Reformed faith into Upper Hesse. And yet
Maurice had introduced the Reformed faith into Upper
LANDGRAVE MAURICE's REVERSES. 95
Hesse eighteen years before, but nothing had been said of
it till the Thirty Years' War exposed Maurice's weakness.
Then his rival and his Emperor took up the matter against
him.* The Emperor seems to have gladly agreed, for he
saw in this another opportunity to get rid of a Reformed
prince. His decision was most unjust, for he had not even
given Maurice a hearing. And to completely cripple Mau-
rice, the Emperor not only decided against him that he
had forfeited the Upper Hesse, but to make it as severe
as possible, he ordered Maurice to pay seventeen million
gulden, which was supposed to represent the revenues
Maurice had secured during the eighteen years he had had
control of the land. The Emperor, to make Maurice's
position still more hopeless, commanded him to raise this
large sum of money and leave Marburg within the very
short time of six weeks. All this makes it very evident
that the Emperor intended to crush him. The Emperor
appointed the Electors of Cologne and Saxony to carry out
this decree ; and if they found it necessary, they could call
to their help the troops of the Catholic League. In vain
did Maurice and the states of the German empire protest
and appeal against this decision. Almost before Maurice
was notified, Tilly's army was in the southern part of his
-■• The truth of the matter was, that Landgrave Lewis of Hesse-Darmstadt
was considered by the Protestants as "the Judas of the war," as he was always
playing into the hands of the Emperor, especially if there would be any per-
sonal gain by it for himself. He, therefore, aimed to get Upper Hesse in this
way.
96 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
land, while the Elector of Cologne with the Landgrave of
Hesse-Darmstadt entered Upper Hesse. They took not
only Upper Hesse, but also Smalcald, Katzelnbogan and
other parts of Hesse, about which the Emperor's decree
said nothing. Wherever they went, the Reformed min-
isters had to flee, and Lutherans were introduced. Land-
grave Lewis of Hesse-Darmstadt took Marburg and sum-
moned its Reformed ministers before him. John Crocius,
the rector of the university, claimed that Landgrave Mau-
rice had not done anything contrary to the will of the
deceased Landgrave, or contrary to the Augsburg Confes-
sion, when he introduced the Reformed religion. But his
address had no effect. They took from him by force the
sceptre, keys and insignia of the university. The
Reformed ministers were ordered to leave Marburg within
two days, or their families Avould be put out of their houses
into the streets. The Lutheran religion was re-mtroduced.
Thus Marburg was the second Reformed university
io fall, as Heidelberg had done before it. All Lutherdom
rejoiced at the fall of another Reformed university.
Landgrave Maurice did the best he could for the
Reformed. He had started a Knights' School at Cassel
some years before, by which he hoped to refine the rough
manners of the German nobility, among many of whom
bull-baiting and other vices were prevalent. He founded
this school to divert their minds to higher things, as the
arts and sciences and polite manners. This school at
LANDGRAVE MAURICE's ABDICATION. 97
Cassel Maurice now turned into a university to take tlie
place of Marburg. However he did not live to carry
this out, but his son fulfilled his wishes, and opened it as
a university in 1633, with Crocius as rector. It remained
at Cassel till the close of the war.
After the loss of Upper Hesse, it looked as if Maurice
w^ould lose Lower Hesse too. For Landgrave Lewis had
taken possession of parts of it, as Smalcald and Katzeln-
bogan, as pledges for the payment of the seventeen mil-
lions gulden. The Knights of Hesse, one of the influen-
tial orders in the Hessian diets, became disaffected to
Maurice. The Lutherans in the provinces of Smalcald
joined hands with the Lutherans of Upper Hesse against
him. To make his position still more difficult, family
difficulties arose between the children of his first and of
his second marriage. Maurice made a desperate attempt
to stop this tide of disintegration by joining the Confer-
ence of the Saxon states, led by the King of Denmark.
But the defeat of the King of Denmark made him lose
all hope. His affairs were coming to a crisis. The
Emperor, seeing his increasing weakness, began to press
him the more. He demanded that Maurice allow Aus-
trian garrisons in his forts as Cassel, and finally demanded
that Maurice should abdicate. Maurice saw no way of
averting the impending storm, but to abdicate. This he
did publicly, March 17, 1627, in the golden saloon of his
castle at Cassel. It was an act of patriotism and self-
98 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
denial to save his country. He retired to Eschwege.
But, though he retired, he still watched the course of
affairs with great interest. He, however, spent most of
his time in the study of alchemy, poetry, as of Dante and
Petrarch, and also of the political works of Macchiaveli.
He was true to his name, the Learned. He died May 16,
1632, having lived long enough to see the coming of the
Swedes, at which he greatly rejoiced.
CHAPTER IV.— SECTION II.
LANDGRAVE WILLIAM V.
Rarely did a Prince enter npon the control of his land
under more adverse circumstances than Landgrave William
V. A large part of his territory was gone. The prestige
and influence of his line of princes was lost by the forced
abdication of his father. He was threatened by financial
bankruptcy and surrounded by enemies ready to pounce
upon him. Would he be able to lead Hesse-Cassel out of
the labyrinth of woes in which she was lost ? He decided
that the best way to begin to unravel the tangled knot of
political affairs, was to come to some understanding with the
Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, even if he had to make
some concessions to him. He therefore made a treaty with
him, giving him Upper Hesse forever, and giving Smalcald
and Katzelnbogan as pledges for the payment of the seven-
teen million gulden. Landgrave Maurice protested against
this agreement, but the Emperor ratified it, January 22,
1628. As a result, the Reformed ministers were driven
out of the districts of Smalcald and Katzelnbogan, and
their places were taken by Lutheran ministers. Land-
grave William then went to Prague to personally inter-
cede with the Emperor, that he would order his troops
100 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to cease quartering on his laud, for they had already cost
him seventy tons of gold. By a curious coincidence he
happened to arrive at Prague just at the time when the
Emperor dedicated a church in memory of his victory of
White Mountain in 1620. As William crossed the bridge
over the Moldau, he could see the bleached heads and
hands of Frederick's nobles hanging there as a warning to
all heretics and traitors. The Emperor tried to convert
him to Rome, as he already had done Count of Hadamar.
But William was of firmer stuff. He became disgusted
with the superstitions, and drinking, and gambling among
the nobles there, and after a six weeks' stay, he left Prague,
without having gained anything from the Emperor for
his land. When the Edict of Restitution was issued, the
Catholics took from the Reformed the fine abbey of Hers-
feld, which had been a great Reformed school. William
was now very much in the same condition as his father
had been. Much of his land was in the hands of his
enemies. He had made concessions to his enemies and
made an agreement with Darmstadt, hoping that then the
hostile armies would be taken out of his land. But they
remained there very much as before. Perplexed in every
way, he began to think of abdicating too, as his father
had done. His councillors, however, begged him not to do
so. Just at this critical time Gustavus Adolphus appeared
on the scene. William turned to the Swedes for aid.
He was the first German Prince to join the Swedes. Sev-
WILLIAM JOINS GUSTAVUS. 101
eral reasons prompted him to do this. He was a cousin
of Gustavus. Like his ancestor Landgrave Philip the
Magnanimous, who defended the liberties of Germany a
century before, he felt he must now defend them against
the Emperor's unjust acts. But his greatest reason was
the injustice of the Emperor to him. He saw no hope
from the Emperor. He saw hope through the Swedes.
The Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt warned him against
joining the Swedes, saying that he would lose his terri-
tory if he did. William probably felt there was not much
to lose just then, because all was then so nearly lost. He
brought an army of 10,000 soldiers into Gustavus' army,
which did good service for the Swedes. Indeed, Land-
grave William became one of Gustavus' prominent gen-
erals, ranking next to the distinguished Duke Bernard of
Weimar. He thus became the greatest of the Reformed
nobles who fought against the Emperor. When Tilly
saw that William had gone over to the Swedes, he started
to march on Cassel. But just then the sudden victories
of Gustavus called him away, and Cassel was not attacked.
The Reformed people of Hesse greatly rejoiced at Gus-
tavus' coming. After Gustavus' victory at Leipsic, Neu-
berger, the chaplain of the Landgrave, preached a sermon
of thanksgiving. William now became strong enough to
drive out of his land the imperial forces that had so long
oppressed the Werra district. He was thus able to re-in-
troduce the Reformed faith into Hersfeld. He also
102 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
marched against Upper Hesse and re-captnred Marburg.
Then he marched with Gustavus Adolphus in his victori-
ous campaigns to southern Germany, and was with him
when he fell at Lutzen. He won military honors at
Furth. At this time he also gained a very valuable
officer for his army, whose name was Peter Holzapple, or
Melander. He was destined to become the great general
of the Hessian armies, and the greatest Reformed general
of the war.
The defeat of the Swedes at IS'ordlingen turned tlie
tide of war against William again. The imperial forces
again advanced into his territory. Wherever they came,
the Reformed ministers had to flee. The next year came
the fatal peace of Prague, which, however, brought no
peace for him, for the cruel Croats fearfully ravaged a
part of his land. He was repeatedly urged by his friends
to accept this peace of Prague, as almost all the German
nobles had done. Had he done so, it is not probable that
religious liberty would have been accepted by Germany,
or that the Reformed Church would ever have been offici-
ally recognized in Germany. For had he accepted the
peace, that would probably have closed the war without
settling these questions which were afterwards settled by
the peace of Westphalia. These great principles, there-
fore, depended on what he would do. For there were
only two German princes who kept up the war after 1635.
They were William and Duke Bernard of Weimar. But
THE BLOCKADE OF HANAU. 103
William declared he would not accept the peace with the
Emperor until two things were done — (1) The territory
of Upper Hesse, Smalcald and Katzelnbogan, which had
been unjustly taken away, must be returned ; and (2) the
Reformed faith must be guaranteed in his dominions. The
peace of Prague proposed to close the war without bring-
ing about these two things. So William kept up the
war for the sake of Protestantism, and the Reformed
faith and religious liberty. He formed a league with
the Swedes and the French, the latter giving him
12,000 crowns and elevating him to the rank of a field
marshal in the army. He at once signalized himself by
his relief of Hanau, one of the few victories gained by the
Swedes in the years immediately after their defeat at
JSTordlingen. The town of Hanau had been a Reformed
stronghold. It had joined the Swedes, but its prince had
accepted the Peace of Prague. Still the Count of Hanau
could not deliver it to the Emperor, for it was held by a
Swedish garrison under General Ramsey. But the posi-
tion was a dangerous one, for it was the only Swedish
garrison in that part of Germany. The Emperor sent an
army to besiege it, and the famous " blockade of Hanau "
w^as begun. General Lamboi shut the town up November,
1635. He placed gallows in front of the fort to frighten
the inhabitants with the danger of such a death. On
December 14 the Reformed had a day of prayer, to ask
the Lord to deliver them in their time of need. They
104 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
also had another day of prayer, January 31, 1636. On
February 1 , the members of the Reformed church took
the communion. For they were in great need. Famine
was threatening the city. The enemy spread wild alarms
by shooting fire balls into the city, so as to set the build-
ings on fire. They shot 139 of them into the town. They
also shot Avhat was called ^^ beggar's sacks," which con-
tained silk, mixed with powder, iron and balls. These set
fire to whatever they struck. A ball struck the French
Reformed church, rebounded at a pillar and then wxnt
through four seats (the marks of it are still shown). The
plague now broke out in the city. But Lamboi's troops
were also suffering from hunger. They had so badly
devastated the country around the city that nothing was
left even for them to eat. In May, 1636, Lamboi more
closely invested the city than before, but Ramsey defended
it with great ability and bravery. It was at this critical
moment that Landgrave William came to its aid. He
suddenly appeared June 13, 1636, with 6,000 men and
attacked the Austrians. The Austrians, taken by surprise,
were hemmed in between William's army and the defenders
of the town. William's army advanced and soon forced
them away on one side and formed a union with the gar-
rison through the [N^uremberg gate. This lifted the
blockade of seven months. The Swedish General Leslie
made an entrance through that gate into the city. Great
was the joy of the Reformed inhabitants. They looked
OPPRESSIONS OF HESSE. 105
upon his coming as an answer to their prayers. As soon
as the battle was over, William went to the Reformed
church in the old city of Hanau to return thanks to the
Lord for the victory, and he scattered 1,000 ricksthalers
to the poor of the three congregations. He then drove the
enemy away from the right bank of the Main river. He
left on June 16, leaving General Eamsey with 2,000 men
as a garrison.*
The capture of Hanau made a deep impression on
Germany. The Protestants rejoiced and built high hopes
on it that it had turned the tide of war, which had been
going against the Swedes ever since the battle of Nord-
lingen. It, however, alarmed the imperial forces, and
they began massing against Hesse-Cassel to crush William.
They came again into Hesse-Cassel. The imperial general
Gotz fearfully ravaged the land. One hundred ministers
were either maltreated or had to pay a ransom for their
release. At Hersfeld, Piscator, the rector of the Reformed
gymnasium, had to save his life from the Croats by flight,
and the gymnasium was closed for eighteen years. At
Treysa the Reformed minister died, wounded with seven
wounds. In February, Gallas, the imperial general,
"-■• (See Book I., Chapter III., Section II,) For this relief of Hanau the
Reformed observ^ed June 22, 1636, as a day of prayer, and continued it yearly
afterwards. By 1645 they kept June 13, as that day of prayer and thanks-
giving. This day was observed by them for more than a century. The
Hanau people never forgot the kindness of the Hessians in coming to their
aid. An ample return was made to the Hessians, when in 1736 the province
of Hanau fell to Hesse-Cassel.
106 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ravaged the Werra and Fulda districts, burned two hun-
dred villages, and put one-third of the population to the
sword. William's position w^as in the meanwhile becom-
ing more and more desperate. The Emperor took advan-
tage of his extremity to do to him as he had done to
Frederick of the Palatinate. He, by an order, November
21, 1636, deposed William and put him under the ban of
the empire. He appointed William's rival, the Landgrave
of Hesse Darmstadt, the administrator of Hesse-Cassel.
The latter had now gotten what he had been seeking a
long time, namely, the privilege of taking possession of
William's land. Thus the Emperor tried to destroy
another Reformed land, and deposed the second Reformed
Prince of the empire. The Hessians, however, loved their
ruler. And the northern part, especially the forts, were
still in possession of William's forces. It became evident,
however, that William must seek some other land for an
asylum, until the Swedes and French could give him the
aid required to redeem his losses. Too much was depend-
ing on his solitary life to allow him to be in any danger of
being captured by the Emperor. So they decided that he
must seek an asylum in East Friesland. Here, if driven
out of Germany, he could go either to Holland or to
Sweden. The Count of Friesland had been neutral dur-
ing the war, and objected to William's coming, but when
William appeared with his army of 11,000, and when a
Dutch man-of-war appeared at the mouth of the Ems
THE DEATH OF WILLIAM. 107
river, he submitted. But although William persisted in
not surrendering to the Emperor, he was compelled to sur-
render to a greater than the Emperor. For death, the
king of terrors, laid hold of him at Leer in East Friesland,
September 17, 1637. Rumor has it that he was secretly
poisoned by the enemy, which is quite likely, as Duke
Bernard of Weimar was poisoned some years afterward.
For when the imperialists found they could not conquer
their enemies fairly, they sometimes resorted to poison to
get rid of them. (Even Gustavus himself is said to have
been killed by an assassin in his own army.) William's
death was very unfortunate. For with the returning tide
of victory which soon afterwards came to the Hessians, it is
altogether probable that with his military skill he would
have gone southward through Germany in a magnificent
campaign of victory, like a second Gustavus Adolphus.
But he gained a higher victory, for his faith shone out
before dying. He comforted himself with the 125th
Psalm, " The rod of the wicked shall not rest on the lot
of the righteous." They might try to take away his
country, but they could not take away his faith, and he
felt that as sure as there was a just God in heaven, his
land would be freed from the unjust rod of Austria.
CHAPTER ly.— SECTION III.
THE VICTORY OF LANDGRAVINE AMALIE ELIZABETH.
AVhen WiHiam died, it seemed as if Hesse-Cassel would
be lost, and with her the rights of the Protestants and of
the Reformed Church, of which she was ahnost the last
bulwark. After Landgrave William's death only one
German prince remained in rebellion against the Empe-
ror, Duke Bernard of Weimar. It looked as if the Pro-
testant cause were almost lost. But mcm\s extremity is
umnan's opportunity. There rose up a Reformed Joan
of Arc, Landgravine Amalie Elizabeth, William's wife,
to lead the German Protestants and the Reformed back
to victory. She did not do it, as did the French Joan of
Arc, by appearing on the battlefield, but by the shrewd-
ness of her diplomacy. She has been compared to the
ancient prophetess of Israel, and has been called the
Reformed Deborah. She was the daughter of Countess
Catharine Belgica of Hanau, and so was the great-grand-
daughter of William the Silent. From him she inherited
"his wisdom and his eagle eye." She was a great
descendant from great ancestors. But great were the
odds against her. She ascended the throne in the darkest
davs of that most terrible war. If the situation was
LANDGRAVINE AMALIE OF HESSE CASSEL.
AMALIE ASSUMES CONTROL. 109
critical when her husband ascended the throne, it was
more so when she ascended it. A large part of her land
was in the hands of her enemy. The debt on the land
was 590,000 thalers, and she and her family were in
exile in East Friesland. To make her condition still
more desperate, the Emperor declared that her husband^s
will, which made his son his successor, was void, and
gave the land to the administratorship of her enemy, the
Landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt. This usurpation thor-
oughly aroused her. AVith the courage of a lioness she
proceeded to battle for her son's rights. As regent for
her son, she began warlike operations. Her husband had
fortunately left her 15,000 excellently drilled soldiers.
She appointed Melander as her commander. He had
years before won laurels in the Swiss and Venetian ser-
vice, had been a pupil in- war of Prince Maurice of
Orange, and completed his military education under Gus-
tavus Adolphus. He it was who brought discipline into
the Hessian army, which enabled it to gain victories, as
at Oldendorf (1633). The Emperor saw the value of
Melander as a general, and had tried to bribe him over
to his service. He offered him a county in Julich, and
an annual pension of 10,000 thalers, and the position of
general. But Melander was incorruptible and refused,
saying he was a German and a Wester walder,* and that
*■ Westerwald was a district in Nassau, and he meant that he was so
intensely German, as to be a double German. Prince Maui'ice of Orange once
said that a Westerwalder outwei2;hed two other Germans.
110 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
he would rather be a geoeral of the Hessian army, than
one among the twenty-eight generals of the Emperor's
army. The Emperor also tried hard to get Amalie to
come to terms Avith him. He was so anxious that he
asked the Elector of Mayence to get her to name her con-
ditions. She replied that she would not make peace, till
Hesse-Cassel was given back her territory, and the
Reformed, who had been ignored by the Peace of Prague,
were given their rights. MeauAvhile the French labored
hard to prevent her from coming to terms with the
Emperor. Negotiations were thus kept up for two years.
During that time she kept the Emperor in hopes, and at
the same time wrung from the French subsidies of 150,-
000 gulden. Finally she refused the Emperor, partly
because he would not agree to toleration of her Reformed
religion. So in 1640 she began to move her forces for-
ward again into AVestphalia, supported on one side by the
Swedes and on the other by the French. She contrived
to have her little land placed on an equal footing with
these great powers. But, although she thus pressed the
war, a strong peace party appeared in Hesse-Cassel, led
by Melander. He had lost faith in the Swedes and
French, and believed that these foreigners were keeping
up this war at the expense of Germany, in order to gain
their own purposes. He held that Germany must save
herself, and that Hesse must break loose from these for-
eigners. The result was, that he was compelled to retire
MELANDER BECOMES COMMANDER. Ill
from her service, after having led the Hessian army to
glorious victories at Neustadt, Paderborn and Hameln.
He retired from military service to Esteraii, and made
Esthen his capital. In 1641, after he had become recon-
ciled to the Emperor, the Emperor elevated him to the
rank of a noble, and in 1642 made him field marshal.
The Emperor promoted him to be commander of his
forces in Westphalia in 1645. Now one of the most
remarkable facts about the close of this war was the loss
of first-class generals by the Emperor. One by one
(Tilly, Wallenstein and others) they had either died or
left his service. Gallas was a drunkard, and was nick-
named ^^ the army corruptor.'^ On the other hand, the
Swedes and French were bringing out new and first-class
generals, as Turenne and Conde among the French, and
Wrangel and Baner among the Swedes. As the Empe-
ror's best generals were all gone, he was compelled, as a
last resort, to appoint Melander his general. What a
grim commentary of providence, that after the Emperor
had been fighting the Calvinists for a quarter of a cen-
tury, he should have to call a Calvinist to lead his forces.
How significant are the reverses, yes the revenges of his-
tory, that the Emperor had to call one of the sect, which
he had tried so hard to destroy, to come and save him at
the end of the war. We do not defend Melander for
leading a Romish army against the Protestant cause. But
no one can question the honesty of the man. He really
112 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
believed that Germany was a prey to foreigners, as the
Swedes and the French, and he wanted to see the land
delivered from them. Xor is there any question about
his intense devotion to the Reformed faith. He used
every eifort to re-introduce it in his little county, from
which the Count of Hadamer had cast it out, and also at
Vienna with the court. He soon began operations against
the Hessians and the Swedes. He marched against Mar-
burg, when, on December 29, 1647, a shot wounded him
so severely that it was thought he would bleed to death.
When after a long illness he was again able to take com-
mand of the army, he found that the fortunes of the war
were against him. He tried to introduce discipline into
the army, as Gustavus had done, but the wild Austrian
hordes would not obey, and the soldiers grumbled at it.
Besides, the Romish officers did not forget that he was a
Protestant. They had complained against his appoint-
ment at first, and were lukewarm to him afterward. His
colleague Gronsfeld would not agree Avith him. All these
things made his career more hopeless now. The truth
was that the fortunes of the war had passed from the
battle-field to diplomacy. He was, therefore, compelled
to retreat before the Swedish, French and Hessian armies.
In this retreat his rear guard was attacked near Augs-
burg. He hurried back to stop its flight, when he was
fatally wounded by two balls in the breast. But he still
liad the spirit of the hero, for he said to the officer Avho
DEATH OF MELANDER. 113
came to help him, " Do not think of me ; I am dead.
Hasten to get over the stream, if you would save the for-
tunes of the Emperor. Forward ! forward !" He was
carried to Augsburg, where he died. His Reformed chap-
lain preached a funeral sermon based on 2 Chronicles 35 ;
23, comparing him with Joseph. His embalmed body
was brought with military honors under a guard of 380
cavalry to Ratisbon, where it was to have been buried.
But when the Lutherans found out that he was Reformed,
they would not let him be buried in their church. It was
finally taken to his little land of Esterau, where it was
buried in the family vault. There is a statue of him over
the grave, and another in a niche in the castle at Schaum-
burg. One of the greatest men of the war, he rose from
an humble birth to highest rank. He was so deeply
attached to the Reformed faith that he wanted his son to
become a Reformed minister and take charge of the
Reformed church at Langenscheid. After his death his
widow had the Reformed faith introduced into his laud.
While the brave Melander was thus suffering defeat
after defeat. Landgravine Amalie was gaining victories.
Supported by the French and the Swedes, she became a con-
trolling power at the end of the war. Although the ruler
of only a small German state, she was the equal of France
and Sweden in the peace negotiations. One of the Em-
peror's friends had said : " It was a shame that so small a
duchy should dictate terms to the Emperor." The Bava-
114 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
rian general Gronsfeld said : '' Amalie has gained immor-
tal fame, for she has gained toleration for her Reformed
religion which had been cast off by the Empire. She
holds the balance of power in her hands.'' Victorious in
war, by her great diplomatic skill she also gained victo-
ries in the peace negotiations. She compelled Hesse
Darmstadt to give back to her Upper Hesse, Smalcald and
Katzelnbogen. She also received in addition half of the
county of Schaumburg, containing in it the Lutheran Uni-
versity of Rinteln. The Emperor granted her the exer-
cise of her Reformed religion. The Romanists were com-
pelled to give back the Abbey of Hersfeld to the Re-
formed, and it afterwards became a great Reformed gym-
nasium. At the close of the war she laid down the
regency of her land, and her son, William VL, became
Landgrave. She was greatly idolized by her people. On
a visit to Heidelberg in 1651 she was greeted by the
people as the " Reformed Deborah." She said she would
rather lose everything than give up her Reformed reli-
gion. The Danish ambassador bore testimony to her
great love for the Reformed, for he called her an arch
Calvinist. She died August 8, 1651. She greatly loved
her Reformed Church, which Avas the constant recipient of
her bounty. On her coins is the motto :
"Against might and craft
God is my rock."
CHAPTER V.
THE VACILLATIONS OF BRANDENBURG.
The three great powers of Germany that adopted the
Reformed faith were the Palatinate, Hesse-Cassel and Bran-
denburg, the rest being small counties like Nassau or free
cities like Bremen. After the fall of the Elector of the
Palatinate, the Elector of Brandenburg naturally became
the greatest Reformed prince of Germany. He should
have stood forth as their great protector. But unfortu-
nately, to make their condition still more pitiable, this
prince, George William, was a mild, timid man. He was
not the energetic, far-seeing man that the times demanded.
He had not the decision of character of his father who left
the Lutheran faith to become Reformed, or of his son who
became the great protector of the Reformed. Still, we
must not judge him too harshly, for there Avere certain
circumstances that tended to make such a timid man more
timid.
The first was a religious one. While he was Reformed,
his subjects were intensely Lutheran. Among the thous-
ands of Lutherans in his province, there were only three
small Reformed congregations in Brandenburg and
116 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Prussia.* And not only were the Reformed congregations
few and small, but the zeal and bigotry of the Lutherans
was intense. So on account of the intense opposition of
the Lutherans to the Reformed, the Elector had to be cau-
tious. A second reason for his timidity was a geographical
one. His country was composed of three provinces —
Prussia in the east, Brandenburg west of it (Poland cut up
Prussia into two divisions), and then in the western part of
Germany the Rhine province. All of these were sepa-
rated from each other by strips of territory. He was there-
fore weak politically. Besides, Prussia, his eastern prov-
ince, was intensely Lutheran. When his father died, a
plot was formed to prevent him from reigning over
Prussia because he was not a Lutheran. They hoped to
make his younger brother the ruler. Strange to say, his
mother who was an intense Lutheran, helped on the plot.
His father heard of this. And so his father, before he
died, had him crowned, so that there might be no trouble
about the succession after his death. His father also sent
the younger son to Sedan, to a Reformed court to be edu-
cated, where he afterwards joined the Reformed Church.
* The first was at Berlin in the cathedral where the Elector and his family
worshipped. A second was at Frankford on the Oder, where he had his
Reformed university, whose Reformed professors became the nucleus for
another Reformed congregation. They worshipped in the aula of the univer-
sity until the next Elector gave them a building in 1656. A third congrega-
tion was at Konigsberg, but there they were not permitted to have a church in
the town, only to have private services in the castle. This congregation did
not have a regular pastor till 1636, when Agricola came.
THE elector's TIMIDITY. 117
Thus the plot was defeated^ but it showed that the Elector
could not count on much sympathy or aid from Prussia,
especially as Poland was always ready to incite its inhabi-
tants against him, so as to gain control of it if possible.
A third reason w^as, that strange to say, he had a
Catholic for his prime minister, Count Adam of Schwartz-
enburg. This man, unknown to him, was secretly in the
pay of the Emperor, and was the evil spirit of the Elector,
thwarting his plans and frightening him.
Fourthly, the circumstances of the war proved to be very
ominous, and made him the more timid. The Emperor
knew how to alarm such a timid prince. When King
Frederick, his brother-in-law, was defeated at Prague, the
Lutherans in his provinces were very jubilant over it. He
was afraid of this fanaticism of his Lutheran subjects
against Frederick. And he was also afraid of the anger of
the Emperor, who might punish him for any favor show^n
to Frederick, although he was his brother-in-law. He
gave Frederick a temporary shelter in the fortress of Cus-
trin. But it was a lonely place, and Frederick soon had
to remove his family to Berlin. From there they were
removed to Brunswick and finally to Holland. When
Frederick was put under the ban. Elector George William
refused to protect him, and Frederick had to leave. His
timidity w^as increased when soon after the Emperor caused
the abdication of Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Cassel. He
became afraid lest the Emperor would do something that
118 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
would compel him to retire from his throne. This fear
was heightened when Wallenstein came with his wild
hordes. The Emperor had deposed two of the neigh-
boring princes, the Dukes of Mecklenburg (one of them
Reformed) and had given their dominions to Wallenstein.
This greatly alarmed George William. It was very
evident that Wallenstein was after George William's
electorate. For he quartered his troops in Brandenburg,
where they performed all sorts of injustice and robbery.
He hoped thus to incite the inhabitants to some sort of a
revolt that might be construed into a rebellion against
the Emperor, and then he could seize the Elector's terri-
tory and have himself made Elector, just as he had been
unjustly made Duke of Mecklenburg. The oppressions
on the Elector were increased by the Edict of Restitution,
which took away from him the Bishopric of Brandenburg
and three other places.
The year 1631 brought relief, as Gustavus Adolphus
landed in Germany, but it brought no relief to the Re-
formed in Brandenburg, but rather greater suffering.
For the Swedes captured Frankford on the Oder, where
the Reformed University Avas located. This city had been
overrun with marching armies. First Wallenstein came,
then Tilly. But strange to say, even Gustavus put the
climax to its sufferings. Gustavus usually was merciful,
but here was most unmerciful. Tilly had left a garrison
of 5,000 in the city. The Swedes appeared before it with
THE PLUNDERING OF FRANKFORD. 119
14,000 men, and on the 17th of April it fell. Most ter-
rible was the result. The Swedes, who usually preserved
strict discipline, did not do so here. For twelve long
hours the town was given up to plunder. The Swedes
said this plundering was allowed in return for the previous
cruelty of the Austrians at New Brandenburg. There the
imperial soldiers had surrounded a detachment of Swedes,
and most cruelly cut them to pieces to a man. The Swedes
had not forgotten this, and avenged themselves at Frank-
ford. When an imperialist there cried for quarter, they
replied, " New Brandenburg quarter,^' and slaughtered
without mercy. In the plundering that took place many
of the inhabitants were murdered and twenty houses
burned. Of course the Reformed suffered in this plunder-
ing. Professor Franck came very nearly losing his life
five times. The other Reformed professor, Pelargus, lost
his furniture, but his library was saved. "^ This siege was
followed by the plague, which had so ravaged the town
before, in 1625, that the university had been moved to
Furstenwald. Then the imperial troops came again and
captured the town, after which it was again captured by
the Elector and the Swedish general Bauer. The terrors
••• There is a rumor that he lost his library. And when he appeared before
the King of Sweden, asking that it be returned, the King told him to replace
his disgraceful, corrupt compendium in its original state, and then he would
restore it. This meant that Pelargus should replace his Reformed faith with
the Lutheran doctrines, which he used to teach. But he did not go back to
the Lutheran faith, as Gustavus suggested, and the next Elector gave his
library to the university.
120 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of war seem to have hung over the place until 1644, when
the new Elector, Frederick William, protected it through
his activity.
The Elector of Brandenburg (although Gustavus was
a near relative, and was his natural ally against the
oppressions of the Emperor and Wallenstein), with his
usual hesitation and timidity hesitated to join the Swedes,
although his people were very anxious to do so. It was
not till Gustavus' cannons were thundering at the gates of
Berlin and threatening the city, that he made an alliance
with him.
The conference between the Lutherans and the Reformed
theologians at Leipsic we will give in another chapter.
Neither have we time to enter into the dreadful devasta-
tions of Brandenburg, after the battle of Nordlingen.
Brandenburg suffered very much like the other lands.
Berlin only escaped by giving large bounties to the theaten-
ing armies. Already in 1637 there were in Berlin 168
empty houses, and many of those inhabited had only
widows and orphans. The Elector accepted the Peace of
Prague, but as most of his subjects were Lutherans, its
omission of the Reformed did not aifect his land very
much, for he was strong enough to protect the few Re-
formed there.
George William died in 1640. And yet in spite of his
vacillations, there are two things for which he must receive
credit. The first was his adherence to religious liberty.
ELECTOR GEORGE WILLIAM. 121
For in his alliance with the Swedes he insisted that relig-
ious liberty should prevail throughout Germany. '' This/^
says Gindely, the great historian ofthe war/ "gave George
William a solitary place among the Princes of Europe.'^
But in this he was only following his father, who in 1614
declared religious liberty for his land. This was sixty
years before the Pilgrims landed in New England. Long
before the Puritans had learned religious liberty (for they
drove out Roger Williams, and did not cease persecuting
the Quakers till long after this), he emphasized religious
freedom. The Elector thus showed that he comprehended
that one of the great issues at stake in the war was free-
dom of conscience. The other act for which he is to be com-
mended, is the gift to the Reformed Church of the cathe-
dral at Berlin to be Reformed forever. This church was
the church of the ruling line of Piinces. It was therefore
of the same faith as the Prince. George William, fearing
lest some of his descendants might turn to some other
religion, gave it forever to the Reformed. This was the
more important, for it was the only Reformed place of
worship in Berlin, and if it were taken from the Reformed,
they Avould have no place in which to worship. The deed
declares that if any of his successors went over to another
faith, the church should pass into the hands of the presby-
terium of the Reformed congregation. It orders that it
shall have none but Reformed ministers and use none but
Reformed orders of worship. This guaranteed the future
9
122 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
existence of the Reformed iu Berlin, and as tins was the
leading city in Brandenburg, it guaranteed their existence
in that province.*
The new Elector, Frederick William, was a very differ-
ent man from his father, as decided as his father was timid.
He was aggressive in his policy, and soon made the Em-
peror, already weakened by the costs of the long w^ar,
begin to feel his power. The Elector gradually separated
from the Emperor, whom his father had joined in the
Peace of Prague, by becoming neutral. And when the
imperial army began oppressing his land, he beheaded a
few of the offenders, and after that they made no more
attempts at oppressing him. When he ascended the throne,
he found that his father had not really ruled, but that his
prime minister. Count Adam Schwarzenburg, ruled in
the Mark Brandenburg, and the Dutch and Spaniards in
Westphalia. He soon showed his ability by bringing
order out of chaos, and gaining the control of those prov-
inces for himself. In the peace negotiations v/hich closed
the war, he became very active. Here he especially
showed his love for the Reformed faith. (He was a pious
* How sadly this gift and last will of George William have been perverted.
The present cathedral is no more like a Reformed church than night is like
day. Its service of responses, its altar, its crosses and boy choir are far
removed from the simplicity of the Reformed service, and smack of the High
Church Anglicanism, which the later Kings of Prussia have aped. Besides,
none of its pastors at present are Reformed, and there has not been for years a
Reformed minister among its pastors. All this came about through the union
of the Reformed and Lutherans in 1817, which aimed to swallow up the Re-
formed in it.
THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. 123
PriDce. He loved prayer and had an abiding hope in
God. His motto was Psalm 143, " Lord, cause me to
know the way wherein I should walk.")
He showed his special love for the Reformed by insist-
ing in the peace negotiations that they should be recog-
nized and named in that peace. He instructed his ambas-
sador in the negotiations to demand for the Reformed the
same rights and concessipus as were made to the other
religions. The Catholics did not oppose this, only saying
it should be granted, if the Reformed would remain quiet,
which the Reformed considered a quite unnecessary remark,
as they had been quiet. The Lutherans of Germany, how-
ever, objected, especially the Landgrave of Hesse Darm-
stadt, and Wellern, the court preacher of Saxony. Indeed,
if the Elector of Brandenburg had not been so firm, and
urged the matter with unabated zeal and industry, it would
not have been brought to pass. The Reformed Church
would have lost its rights, if this noble prince had not
arisen from her bosom to insist on them. He instructed
his envoys very determinedly, and in it he was supported
by the envoys of Holland and Hesse-Cassel, and also by
Sweden, which claimed tliat the condition of Germany
should be the same at the close of the war as before its
beginning. He sent this instruction to his ambassador,
February 22, 1648, that he was not disposed to have the
name among his large Lutheran population of peddling
the Reformed religion as if it were a new faith, so that he
124 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
would have to beg for it an existence, because it was not
recognized by law. It was suggested that a special clause
be put into the treaty, having reference to the Reformed.
This he opposed, for he demanded that they must be men-
tioned on an equality with the Lutherans and Catholics.
They were to be mentioned wherever their rights were
touched, and mentioned not as Evangelicals, but as Re-
formed. One of his nobles openly declared that he would
have nothing to do with the affairs of the Protestant cause
there, if this were not granted. All this produced a great
impression on the deliberations of the Peace. And the
fear of friction from this cause finally led all, who were so
weary of the war, to make concessions, so as to get a treaty
formulated. So finally the seventh article of the Peace
gives to the Reformed the same rights as to the Lutherans.
Saxony protested against this, but it was ineffectual, as
was the effort made by the citizens of Dantzic in appealing
to the Swedish Queen against it. To them Count Brahe
replied : " Those who had part in the war must have part
in the peace.'' It has been said by those favorable to the
Union of the Churches in Germany, that the Reformed
were recognized in this Peace, not as Reformed, but as
adherents of the Augsburg Confession. " This,'' says Eb-
rard, " is not true. In the later recensions of the Peace, the
phrase, ' adherents of the Augsburg Confession,' appears
thirteen times, while the name Reformed appears thirty-
five times, and Evangelical (including both Churches)
ELECTRESS JULIAXE. 125
seventy times/^ In the seventh article the phrase is,
^' They who are called Reformed." The Reformed were
therefore recognized by German law and given their rights.
For this, great honor is due to the great Elector, although
it must not be forgotten that this was the issue, for which
the Landgravine Amalie of Hesse-Cassel was fighting all
along. What Hesse-Cassel gained by war, the Elector
gained by diplomacy. These two together kept up the
agitation, until the times were ripe to embody it in the
treaty, and until it was evident that no peace could ])e had
without recognizing so large and influential a Church as
the Reformed.
We cannot close this sketch of Brandenburg without a
reference to the Electress Juliane of the Palatinate, the
mother of Frederick Y. She was a dauo;hter of Prince
William of Orange, and inherited much of his ability as a
statesman. When Frederick was elected to the throne of
Bohemia, she, with a statesman's eyes, saw the danger
before him. She therefore opposed his acceptance. This
led to her retirement from that court, and a coolness sprang
up between the Electress Elizabeth, who wanted Frederick
to accept, and herself. Her fears came only too true.
Frederick was defeated and the Spaniards came into the
Palatinate. Before them she was compelled to flee, and
she went to Brandenburg, where the Elector George
William, who was married to her daughter, gave her an
asylum at Koenigsberg. Here, at the northeast corner of
Germany, far removed from the war as it was possible in
126 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
that land, she quietly spent the years of the war, viewing
its horrors from a distance. She, however, greatly aided
in the formation of a Reformed church in that Lutheran
city of Koenigsberg, for she had Reformed service at the
castle for her court, a large number of whom had come with
her from the Palatinate and Avere Reformed. She showed
the nobleness of her disposition, for when her daughter-
in-law was fleeing from Bohemia, she forgot her previous
differences with her, and most kindly endeavored to aid
her in her distress. The babe which Electress Elizabeth
bore at Custrin, Jujiane had brought to Koenigsberg,
where she reared him. Says Benger, the biographer of
Elizabeth, ^' It was a trait of generosity that Jaliane never
became estranged from Elizabeth, however opposed they
may have been in opinions. There was in each of these
Princesses no common share of firmness and dignity, and
if the younger might be personified Hope, the older was
no less characterized by Resignation." When her son Fred-
erick died, she beautifully comforted Elizabeth, although
she herself was deeply moved. She died just before the
close of the war, in 1644, sending her salutation to Eliza-
beth, " Give my farcAvell to the Queen of Bohemia. Tell
her that in my last moments I give her my solemn bene-
diction.'^ She then freely conversed with her Reformed
pastor about her Christian faith and declared her eagerness
for heaven. " She combined the sagacity of a stateswoman
with the sympathies of a woman and the magnanimity of
a heroine.''
CHAPTER VI.
SUMMARY AND RESULTS OF THE WAR.
At last peace came like an angel song from heaven to
a generation, many of whom had grown up during the
war and who had never before known what the blessings
of peace were. The bells were rung, Te Deums were sung,
Thanksgiving sermons were preached. The people went
wild with the thought that the bitter and seemingly end-
less war was now at last over. And as the blessings of
peace began to dawn upon them, they almost felt as if
heaven had come down to earth after the pandemonium of
such a war. What then was the effect of the war on the
Reformed Church? It may be said to have been both
disastrous and beneficial.
The war was a fearfully disastrous one to Germany,
It is said that two-thirds of the population perished in
the war. Her population fell from seventeen millions to
four millions. " Germany was a great grave, a grave of
good manners and morality, of justice and religion, science
and art.^' But of all the lands in Germany, the Reformed
districts suffered most. Hesse-Cassel lost one-fourth of
her population. The Palatinate suffered the worst. Only
one-fiftieth of the population is said to have remained.
128 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The number of the Reformed was, therefore, at the end
of the war very much less than at its beginning. And
she lost not merely in population, but also in the number of
her princes. Elector Frederick of the Palatinate was
deposed, then Duke John Albert of Mecklenburg, then
Landgrave William of Hesse-Cassel, beside some lesser
princes, as the Count of Solms Braunfels. Of course
these princes were reinstated by the close of the war,
except the Duke of Mecklenburg, who had a Lutheran
successor. But these Reformed princes lost prestige and
influence, which it took years to regain. The Reformed
Church also suffered at her centres, the universities. A
peculiar fatality struck her seats of learning. They
seemed to be the targets of the war. One after another
»they were lost or crippled. The Romish powers seemed
determined to cripple Calvinism. Heidelberg was taken
three times. Marburg was captured four times. Her-
born suffered worse than sieges, as the enemy quartered
their troops year after year near there. She was plun-
dered and burnt three or four times, as well as repeatedly
pillaged. Frankford on the Oder did not escape. She
w^as captured four times. As these centres of learning
were lost or weakened, of course the Reformed Church
was weakened, for to them she looked for her supply of
ministers.
In the midst of all these losses she found that even
those who she supposed were her friends, turned out to
GUSTAVUS' TREATMENT OF THE REFORMED. 129
be indifferent or hostile. This was true especially of Gus-
tavus Adolphus. His treatment of the Reformed has
been a painful surprise. One would have supposed that
as they were his allies, he would have treated them with
great favor. But certain facts point the other way. His
treatment of the Reformed King Frederick of the Palati-
nate shows this. He seems to have been very careful not
to enlarge the Reformed Church, but rather to hinder her,
especially where the Lutherans could gain an advantage.
He showed this policy on different occasions. First he plun-
dered Frankford on the Oder,* the very first Reformed cen-
tre he touched, and said that God punished them for their
stiffneckedness in upholding false doctrines. This act
made the Reformed lose hope in him. Professor Pelar-
gus, as he told the story of his sufferings during the
plundering at Frankford to the Reformed of Bremen,
made them feel that Gustavus was as great an enemy to
the Reformed, as the Emperor had been. Gustavus
showed his feeling toward the Reformed very clearly at
Frankford on the Main. When the Reformed consrre-
gation, which had been compelled by the Lutherans to
build their church outside of the city walls, came to him
and asked to be allowed to use a church in the city, he
replied, '^ that he would rather have all his soldiers'
spears and swords stuck into their hearts, than in any
way to help the Calvinistic religion to grow through his
victorious arms." His policy was to make use of the
* Hering, History of Union Efforts, Vol. I., page 330, note.
130 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
It
Eeformed, but not to aid them. The Swedes^ both before
and after the death of Gustavus, tried to aid the Luther-
ans at the expense of the Reformed. Thus they greatly
strengthened Lutheranism in the Palatinate. Wherever
a town had a Swedish garrison^ there they would place a
Lutheran minister, who would gather the nucleus of a
Lutheran congregation. The law declared, that where
the Lutherans had the majority, there they should get the
church building. This law was interpreted very liberally
by the Swedes to favor the Lutherans, as at Oppenheim,
Mosbach and Kreuznach, where the Reformed were in
the majority. Indeed many of the Lutheran churches in
the Palatinate owed their origin to the Swedes. Thus
the Reformed were without a friend anywhere, the one
solitary exception to this being Holland, when she cap-
tured Wesel. Even the Swedes took advantage of them.
The Reformed Church lost much — population, rulers, land,
ministers, church property and thousands of church mem-
bers killed in battle or dead through the woes of the war.
Her sufferings were beyond description, as her losses Avere
beyond computation.
And yet, fearful as were her losses, the gain was
commensurate with the loss.. Great principles are
worthy of great sacrifices. Sometimes it costs a war, with
the loss of many lives and much money, in order to
establish a great moral principle, yet the value of the
principle outweighs the loss in every way. This was
true of the Thirty Years' War. Few wars had such
THE GAINS TO THE REFORMED. 131
important principles at stake. The principle of religious
liberty established by the war was alone worth all the
war cost, and much more. And the Keformed were
amply repaid for tlieir losses by gaining the recognition
of their Reformed faith as a legal religion. Whereas she
had existed before by sufferance, now she existed by law
with equal rights with the other faiths, and mentioned by
name in the treaty. Henceforth the Reformed religion
was one of the established religions of Germany. The
right of using the Heidelberg Catechism was granted to
the Palatinate, and it came into common use in Hesse-
Cassel. These grand results were worth the great sacrifices
the Reformed had made. The Reformed Church had
lost much, she now gained much. She gained rights,
which would never be taken away from her. And, as a
result of these new privileges, she took a new start after
the war, and for half a century prospered very greatly.
We will get a better idea of her condition at the close
of the war, by taking up the various Reformed lands
separately.
The Palatinate.
Elector Charles Lewis came back to his land in 1649.
He had left it a boy and came back to it a middle-aged
man.* He came to the Palatinate from England, by way
* By a curious coincidence his uncle, King Charles I. of England, lost his
crown just as Charles Lewis ascended his throne. Was this a revenge of his-
tory as well as a coincidence, because his father. King James I. of England,
had so meanly refused to support his son-in-law, Frederick of the Palatinate?
And now James' son loses his throne when Frederick's son gets his Electorate.
132 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of Hesse-Cassel. He wanted to visit the Landgravine
Amalie, who had so nobly supported his rights, and he
chose her daughter as his wife. He entered Heidelberg,
October 7, 1649. But how different it was from the land
he had left. The paradise had become a desert. The
streets were covered with weeds, the fields with thorns.
A few huts stood where once was the dwelling place of the
rich. His beautiful capital was in ruins. His palace with
its splendid gardens, statues and water works that had
rivalled Versailles, and had been the wonder of Europe,
Avas in such a sad condition that he could not find a suitable
place in it to live. He at once took measures to restore
his land to prosperity, and was called the Kestorer of the
Palatinate, for which his economy and shrewdness aided
him. He offered freedom from taxes for 20 years to those
who would repair their property. He invited those who
had emigrated to return. He also secured colonists
from Holland, Switzerland, France and England. As a
result his fertile land began to bloom again, so that Mar-
shal Grammont, who had marched over it in 1646, when
he again visited it twelve years after, was astonished at
its progress and prosperity. The Church also began to
flourish again like the land. Like Elector Frederick III.,
this Elector took the position that he was the spiritual
father of his people, and he must see that their religious
wants were supplied. AYhile in England he had become
opposed to the high church pomp of the Anglican Church.
RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMED. 133
Indeed, as Benger says, " be had actually assumed his place
in the convocation of divines sitting at Westminster, so as
to recommend himself to the Puritans. But he was
inclined to emphasize the practical aspects of religion
rather than the doctrinal. Of the 347 ministers in the
Palatinate at the beginning of the war, only one-tenth
remained, and these mainly in towns garrisoned by the
Swedes. Fifty-four others were still alive in foreijrn coun-
tries, and of them the greater part returned. The Reformed
consistory was re-established in 1649, and the old Palat-
inate Church Order was re-published, an old copy of it
having been found in the archives at Frankenthal. But
owing to the poverty of the court and of the people, many
of the parishes could not be supplied with pastors. Col-
lections were taken up in foreign lands for the poor Pala-
tines. Thus the Canton of Berne gave six hundred ducats
in 1651. The Reformed university was re-opened Novem-
ber 1, 1652, with splendid services, but so great was the
poverty of the government, that at first only one professor
of theology was appointed, Tossanus. Afterward Hot-
tinger of Zurich, and Spanheim from Holland, came as
professors of theology. The former brought with him
twenty Swiss students, so great was his popularity at
home. The university soon flourished, and numbered one
hundred and nineteen students. Fabricius was appointed
professor of theology in 1660, and became the great leader
of the Reformed of the Palatinate during the rest of the
134 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
centuiy. The Elector in his zeal to elevate the university
even went so far as to invite the Dutch Pantheist, Spinoza,
to become a professor in it. But Fabricius contrived that
in the invitation sent to Spinoza, there should be a clause
stating that while the greatest freedom of inquiry would
be allowed to him, yet nothing that would unsettle Chris-
tianity, would be permitted. Spinoza perhaps took the
hint, and did not accept the invitation of the Elector.
The visitation of the churches, an old Reformed custom,
was revived in 1658 and district synods or classes were
organized. Thus the Reformed Church was again thor-
oughly organized, and began to flourish as before the war.
Nassau.
The most important event for the district of the Wet-
terau was the elevation of Herborn to the rank of a univer-
sity. Before she had been merely a high school, with
powers granted by the Count of Dillenburg, but she had
not received privileges from the Emperor. Although she
had been in existence for sixty-eight years, yet she was
only a high school. Now, however, through the media-
tion of Melander and of Count John Maurice of Nassau
Siegen, the Emperor, in return for the great sacrifices
Nassau had made during the war, elevated her to a uni-
versity in 1652. But there were a number of expenses
incidental to this. The diploma cost 4,100 gulden. This,
unfortunately, the Nassau counties were unable to raise,
THE UNIVERSITY OF HERBORN. 135
nor were they able to pay the cost of the seal or the salary
of the chancellor or secretary. With a great deal of diffi-
culty half of the cost of the diploma was raised, and here
the matter was rested for fifty years. The Emperor
granted the diploma, but as they had not paid for it, it
Avas placed in the archives of Mayence. In 1615 the
senate of the high school asked the Evangelical Princes of
of Nassau to redeem the diploma, the amount that remained
to be raised being about 1450 gulden. But they were
not able to raise it, nor was it raised till 1740. And when
it was raised, by a curious perversity of fortune the
diploma, which had been granted so long before, could
not be found. And yet this high school, though not a
university, did the work of a university, and was a centre
of influence for the Reformed Church.
Brandenburg.
The most important event for this electorate was
the founding of the Reformed University of Duisburg in
the northern Rhine. This war finally settled the contro-
versy between the Elector of Brandenburg and the Duke
of Pfalz Neuburg for the districts of Julich, Cleve, Berg
and Mark. Brandenburg received Cleve and Mark, and
Pfalz Neuburg, Berg and Julich. The Elector of Branden-
burg then determined to carry out a plan of the former
Duke, namely, of founding a university. He was anxious
to do this so as to supply the needs of the many Reformed
136 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
in his Rhenish provinces (there were 90,000 in 1670), and
also that it might be a connter-poise to arrest the influence
of the Romish University at Cologne. As the Duke of
Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark had gained the imperial
privileges for his university as early as 1566, it was com-
paratively easy to carry out this plan. The university
was opened October 4, 1656, in the presence of Count
John Maurice of Nassau Siegen and other nobles. The
church of the Catharine cloister was given to them for
recitation purposes. This university very soon revealed a
free and progressive spirit. Thus it began the use of Ger-
man in its class rooms instead of the Latin. From the
beginning it welcomed the Cartesian philosophers, even
when driven out of other universities, as Herborn. Its
first rector was John Clauberg, a Cartesian and a Cocceian.
Still the university was not very large — 92 in 1655, 61 in
1701. It was too near the Dutch universities, who drew
away the students from the Northern Rhine. This uni-
versity continued in existence until the beginning of this
century, when it was closed to be re-opened afterward at
Bonn. The Elector also founded a gymnasium at Hamm,
the capital of the province of Mark, which for a while so
greatly prospered that it rivalled Duisburg in the number
of its students. But then it went down, until the Seventy
Years' War closed it.
The other UDiversity of Brandenburg, Frankford on
the Oder, which had lost most of its professors and endow-
THE HESSIAN CHURCH ORDER. 137
ments by the war, again began to prosper as the Elector
increased its priveleges and income. Only one professor
remained, Franke, but the Elector appointed Reichel, and
after his death in 1653, Bekmann and George Bergius, a
son of John Bergius, who had been a professor there
before. But the university never became large, as there
were few Reformed in Eastern Germany. It, however,
greatly helped the Reformed Church in Eastern Europe
by training many students for the neighboring Reformed
Churches in Poland, Bohemia and Hungary.
Here the Reformed Church was also more thoroughly
organized. The university of Marburg was revived in
1653, with John Crocius as rector.* Landgrave William
VI. thoroughly re-organized the Reformed Church gov-
ernment. In doing this, however, he showed his union-
istic tendencies. His Church Order departed from the
simple Reformed cultus. He appointed a commission,
April 28, 1655, of whom Superintendents Hutterodt and
Neuberger and Professor Crocius were members. They
found themselves unable to produce a Church Order
based on the former one of 1574, and yet suitable to the
unionistic tendencies of the Landgrave, so they intro-
■^'- The only Reformed church at Marburg had been the garrison church,
but now the Landgrave gave the Dominican cloister to them as a university
church. The famous church of St. Elizabeth at Marburg was also used some-
times by the Reformed, the iUustrous Professor Kirchmeyer, surnamed the
Greater, preaching there.
10
138 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
duced a thoroughly Reformed Church Order. But this
did not suit the Landgrave. He appointed another com-
mission, and called a General Synod, May 13, 1656, to
adopt their Church Order. But the General Synod, to
the vexation of the Landgrave, approved the work of the
first commission in its Reformed position. The Land-
grave was of course again annoyed by this decision. He
then appointed a ncAV commission, consisting mainly of
laymen, although Hudderodt and Crocius were on it.
Their Church Order was hurriedly and secretly printed.
When the first part of it appeared, the Reformed minis-
terium of Cassel, on January 19, 1659, made a vigorous
protest against it, declaring that it would Lutheranize the
Reformed Church. But the Landgrave made it a law, in
spite of these protests, July 12, 1657. This liturgy dif-
fers in a number of respects from the Palatinate liturgy,
which was in common use among the Reformed. It
introduced the pericopes or Scripture lessons, which were
never approved by any purely Reformed Church Order,
and are not found in any other Reformed Church Order.
Both Goebel* and Cunof call the Landgrave a Lutheran-
izer, and the Church Order not properly Reformed.
And yet this Church Order has been quoted by high
churchmen in the Reformed Church as a really Reformed
liturgy. It, however, ordered the introduction of the
* History of the Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II., page 516.
I Reformed Princes, pages 52 and 53.
DOCTRINAL POSITIOX OF THE REFORMED. 139
Heidelberg Catecliism into the upper classes of the
schools, and thus gave the Heidelberg Catechism confes-
sional authority. This fixed the doctrinal position of tlie
Hessian Church as Reformed, while the liturgy inclined
to make it unionistic. This was the first official recogni-
tion of the Heidelberg Catechism, which had been grad-
ually introduced into Lower Hesse. This Church Order
settled the condition of Hesse-Cassel for a century. It is
still in use in Hesse-Cassel.
The Doctrinal Position of the Reformed Church.
This may be stated in a word by saying that while the
Princes were inclined toward union with the Lutherans,
the theologians still clung to their Calvinistic faith. Of
the Princes, the Elector of the Palatinate was strongly
inclined to union. He was very liberal in his views of
religious liberty, even giving a home in his land to Sab-
batarians (who observe the seventh day instead of the first
as Sunday). He built the Concordia church at Manheim,
in which Lutherans, Reformed and Romanists could wor-
ship together. He looked with hope on the Saumur
school of Calvinism, that it would be the bond to join
Lutherans and Reformed together. He had his theo-
logians have two conferences with the Lutherans at
Deinach, in 1656, between the Reformed Professor Hot-
tinger and the Lutheran, AVeller ; the other at Frankford
in 1658, between Hottinger and Gerlach. He attempted
140 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to get an understanding between the Reformed and the
Lutherans on the basis of the Wittenberg Concord. In
all this the wife of Duke George of Montbeliard, a
descendant of Coligny, supported him in trying to bring
about a peace between the Lutheran Church of AYurtem-
berg and the Reformed Church of the Palatinate.
The Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, we have seen, was
favorable to union between the Reformed and the Luth-
erans. He and his court were doubtless influenced toward
this by John Durv, the peacemaker of that age, who for
many years found a home at Cassel, at the expense of the
Landgravine. But while the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel
was favorable to union, the Elector of Brandenburg held
firmly to the Reformed faith, although he believed in
mutual toleration. This is proved by his treatment of the
case of Paul Gerhardt. This tendency toward union at
times was also shown by the fact that three conferences
were held on union, at Leipsic in 1631, at Cassel in 1661,
and at Berlin in 1662. These conferences revealed the desire
for union. But it was found when the theologians came
together, that the times were not yet ripe for church
union.
On the other hand, while many of the Princes were
inclined toward union with the Lutherans, the Reformed
ministers still held to their Calvinistic position, and were
. not inclined to give it up. Their very persecutions made
them love the old faith the more. The influence of the
THE REFORMED WERE CALYIXISTIC. 141
Synod of Dort was felt in Germany, although its canons
were not officially adopted by the German churches.
Higher Calvinism spread into those parts of Germany
which had been inclined to low Calvinism, as Branden-
burg and Bremen, and Hesse-Cassel. Let us look at the
representative men of the Reformed Church. The most
prominent Reformed theologians of that period reveal the
position of the Church. Henry Alting, professor at
Heidelberg at the beginning of the war, was a strong Cal-
vinist. He was driven out by the war and became pro-
fessor in Holland. Scultetus, also professor at the begin-
ning of the war, was a high Calvinist. One of the strong-
est thinkers of the Reformed church was Wendelin. He
was born in the Palatinate and studied at Heidelberg.
The days of his course in that university lay in the
troublous time of Prince Casimir, when he was trying to
re-introduce the Reformed faith into the Palatinate, after
Elector Lewis had driven it out. In the midst of the
theological controversies of that day he formed his doctrinal
belief, and thus became a strong infralapsarian. He
became professor at Zerbst in 1611, where he taught for
forty-one years, until his death in 1652. Both of his
works on theology reveal his strong Calvinistic position,
as well as his scholastic method of arrangement, though he
reveals great keenness of analysis, even inclined to dialec-
tics. Rev. Prof. Krauth, the Lutheran professor of Phila-
delphia, although a strong Lutheran, looked on Wendelin
as one of the most acute of the Reformed theologians.
142 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Another very prominent Reformed theologian of that
day was John Crocius. He was born at Wittgenstein,
July 28, 1590. His father, Paul Crocius, was the author
of the Book of the Martyrs, which exerted as great an
influence among the Germans as Fox's Book of Martyrs
did among the English speaking people. John was a pre-
cocious youth. At the early age of twenty-three he was
made court preacher of Landgrave Maurice, and at twenty-
four doctor of theology. At twenty-four he was loaned
by his master to the Elector of Brandenburg to take the
place of Scultetus in introducing the Reformed faith into
Brandenburg., The Elector w^anted to try and retain him,
and make him professor of theology at his university at
Frankford on the Oder. But Landgrave Maurice refused
to give him up, and after he had served the Elector for two
years, his master recalled him and made him professor of
theology at the University of Marburg, although only
twenty-seven years old. He died at Marburg, July 1,
1659. That Crocius is Calvinistic is abundantly shown
by Clans, his biographer, and by Munscher in his history
of the Reformed Church of Hesse.*
"•■• Claus shows that the Calvinistic position of Crocius is proved by the posi-
tion of the Reformed at the conference at Leipsic, where the Reformed held to
particular election, instead of universal atonement, even though Bergius, the
other Reformed theologian there, had taught the latter doctrine for many
years. Claus says (Life of Crocius, page 81), "The great head of his system,
as of Calvin's, was the glory of God. He places first the doctrine of creation,,
then of the fall, then redemption. He held that God called a certain number,^
which is neither larger nor smaller."
THE REFOEMED POSITION. 143
This Calvinistic position of the Reformed was revealed
at the conferences at Leipsic, Cassel and Berlin, where the
Reformed held that predestination was a fundamental part
of their system of doctrine. Heppe says of the Cassel
Conference,* ^^ That this conference shows that the German
peculiarity of the Hessian theology was now absorbed by
predestinarian Calvinism."
* Herzog Encyclopaedia, Vol. Ill, page 155.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
THE FRENCH REFUGEES.
The Reformed Church of Germany received an impor-
tant addition, when sixty thousand refugees from France
emigrated to Germany after the Revocation of the Edict
of Nantes, in 1685. They were important, not only for
their number, but also for their influence. Many of them
were nobles, most of them were artizans, or manufactu-
rers. Their descendents now number over a million.
Their coming strengthened the Reformed Church in
various ways. It gave her some of their most prominent
men on the continent, as ministers, generals and states-
men. It strengthened the Reformed, where they were
Aveak in numbers, as in Brandenburg. And it strength-
ened their Calvinism, where it was inclined to be affected
by the prevailing Lutheranism around it. The French
churches have always been an important element in the
Reformed Church of Germany, and, therefore, deserve
special mention. Before, however, we speak of their
immigration into Germany, it is proper that we should
speak of him who was the master mind in their reception,
FREDERICK WILLIAM, THE GREAT ELECTOR OF BRANDENBURG.
THE GREAT ELECTOR. 145
Elector Frederick William of Brandenburg. He espe-
cially deserves mention, because he appears in European
history as the great protector of the Reformed. And with
him we cannot help mentioning his first wife, the Electress
Louisa Henrietta.
SECTION I.
FREDERICK WILLIAM, THE GREAT ELECTOR.
Frederick William deserves to be called the Great
Elector, for he had many characteristics of greatness. He
was great as a general, for he held his ground against
Russia, Austria, France and the German realm. He
w^as great as a statesman, for by his wisdom he had
increased his territories from 1,300 square miles with
800,000 population at the beginning of his reign, to 1,932
square miles, with a population at his death of 1,500,000.
He was also great as a builder. He built new parts of
Berlin, as the Dorothean and Werder districts, so that the
city from 6,000 in 1640, became 17,000 in 1685. He
was great in his pity, for he was the defender of the
oppressed of every land, but especially of the. Reformed.
And he capped all his greatness by his piety. His motto
was : ^' Lord, cause me to know the way I should go."
He was, therefore, great in every respect. Indeed, one
euloo^ist considers him orreater even than Frederick the
Great. For the latter found everything prepared for him
by an economical father, so that he could become great ;
146 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
but Frederick William found everything against him at
the beginning of his reign, as the Thirty Years' War had
left the land bleeding at many pores. Yet he made
Brandenburg a mighty military power, and thus prepared
the way for his grandson, Frederick the Great, to gain
his victories. The latter on one occasion, when he
removed the cathedral in 1750, had the coffin of the
Great Elector, who Avas buried there, opened. And tak-
ing the withered hand, he covered it with kisses, and said
to those around : '' Gentlemen, this man did a good work.''
He was the only ancestor worthy of such a descendent as
Frederick the Great. For he it was who raised up Bran-
denburg and laid the foundations, on which Frederick
the Great could build.
He was born February 16, 1620. He came very
nearly being educated by the Romish prime minister of
his father. Count Adam of Schwarzenburg. But fortun-
ately his mother, a Princess of the Palatinate House, had
not forgotten the Avoes of her brother Frederick from the
Romanists, and she prevented it. Besides, the dangers of
the war compelled his parents to send him out of the
country to Holland when 14 years of age, where he was
surrounded by Reformed influences. He went to school
with his unfortunate cousins, the exiled princes of the
Palatinate, and often visited his aunt, the Electress Eliza-
beth. He was there brought in contact with the princes
of Orange, those magnificent warriors and statesmen, and
THE GREAT PROTECTOR. 147
thus by study and observation he was prepared to be the
soldier he afterwards became. He showed nobility of
character, for on one occasion, when others were tempting
him into vile temptations there, he, like Joseph of old,
fled from them suddenly to the camp of the prince of
Orange, saying as he left them, '' I am debtor to my par-
ents, my honor, my land.'' He was called to the throne
of his land at the early age of 21. He at once grasped
the sceptre with the grip of a leader. We have already
seen hoAv his decision of character gained for the Reformed
their rights at the Peace of Westphalia. He became their
great protector in all lands, especially after the death of
Cromwell, who had claimed the title of '' protector of the
Reformed." When the Diike of Savoy persecuted the
Waldenses, he interceded for them. When Count John
of Anhalt Zerbst became Lutheran and tried to force his
Reformed subjects to become Lutheran, the Great Elector
interceded for them, but he only partly succeeded in hav-
ing the Nicolai church at Zerbst retained for them. When
the Romish Duke of Pfalz-lS^euburg began to oppress his
Reformed subjects by taking away their churches, Fred-
erick William made reprisals in his own land of Cleve.
He also sent an army of 5000 into the Duke's territories^
until the Duke stopped his persecutions. When the Re-
formed were persecuted in Hungary, he had an agent at
Presburg to aid them, and when the Dutch Admiral De
Ruyter rescued thirty Hungarian Reformed ministers
148 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF (GERMANY.
from the galleys at Naples, he gladly furnished the money
for their travelling expenses to a Protestant land. He
was also deeply interested in the expedition of Prince
William of Orange to England to take the throne, for he
feared another religious war in Europe. So he sent 9000
Brandenburg troops, and also his best general, Marshall
Schomberg, to aid William to gain the decisive battle of
the Boyne. Thus, as one writer says, Frederick William
appears in defence of the Reformed, as Frederick III. of
the Palatinate had appeared for the Heidelberg Catechism
in the previous century at the Diet of Augsburg. If such
was his interest for the Reformed of other lands, we can
expect that he showed the same interest for the Reformed
of his own land. Although only three Reformed churches
existed in his realm at the beginning of his reign, many
more were organized before its close. His prime minis-
ter, Von Schwerin, bought Alt Landsburg, three miles
from Berlin, and introduced Dutch colonists into it, who
founded, in 1620, a Reformed church, the first new Re-
formed church in Brandenburg. As the new districts
(the Dorothean and the Werder) of Berlin were built, he
erected churches in them, at which was a Reformed pastor.
He built the Reformed castle chapel at Potsdam in 1687.
Hering, in his History of the Brandenburg Reformed
Church, mentions twelve Reformed churches organized
during his reign. In addition to these he prepared the
way for the organization of many more, for he welcomed
PIETY OF GREAT ELECTOR. 149
the French refugees, who founded many Reformed
churches about the time or soon after his death. He was
a most pious Prince and set a good example of piety for
his people. Morning and evening he had service in his
chamber. He attended the Lord's Supper regularly, and
on all Reformed festival days he attended church in the
morning, and in the afternoon listened to the explanation
of a psalm. When he went into battle, he prepared him-
self by prayer. And often publicly before the soldiers he
had prayer in his carriage. At the Battle of Fehrbellin
he called his retainers to him, saying, " I could not sleep,
but I feel sure God will give us the victory.'^ And after
the battle he wrote, that not to himself, but to God
belonged the honor of the victory. As he was so careful
to observe the private devotions, he also favored public
services for his people. It is an interesting fact to the
Reformed that the beautiful street in Berlin, " Under the
Lindens,'' which was originally laid out by Frederick's
second wife, Dorothea, a Reformed princess, w^as at first
used for open air service for the Reformed. When the
church in the Dorothean "district was being built, open air
services were held there on pleasant afternoons under
three great lindens, which marked the spot and which
were the beginning of that beautiful street. When he
was offered the crown of Poland in 1668, if he would
renounce his faith and become a Romanist, he nobly
replied, ^^And were it the Emperor's throne, I Avould cast
it aside, if I had to purchase it by the loss of my religion."
150 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAXY.
Indeed^ his earnest zeal for the Reformed faith has
been misinterpreted. He has been charged with bigotry,
as in the famous case of Paul Gerhardt. This needs to be
considered. For according to the legend, Paul Gerhardt
was persecuted by Elector Frederick William, driven out
of Brandenburg, and was in great need, when he was led
to write the famous hymn, " Commit thou all thy griefs,'^
and yet his faith was rewarded by receiving just then an
appointment from the Elector of Saxony to the abbacy of
Lubben. This legend reflects on the great Elector, as if
he were a bigot and a persecutor. But the legend is not
true to facts. The opposite to the legend is true. Not
Frederick William, but Paul Gerhardt, was the bigot.
Paul Gerhardt was pastor of the St. Nicholas Lutheran
church at Berlin in 1657, and became the most popular
preacher in the city. It happened that the Lutherans often
attacked the Reformed from their pulpits as heretics.
The Elector determined that these scandalous polemics,
which brought so much disgrace to the cause of religion,
should be stopped, and that the gospel should be preached
instead of polemics. He then, June 2, 1662, renewed the
edict of his grandfather, Elector John Sigismund, made in
1614, which forbade all polemical attacks on the faith of
others. He also forbade any theological students of his
province from going to the University of Wittenberg,
which was the place where the minds of the students were so
prejudiced against the Reformed. This last decree caused
POLEMICS ARE FORBIDDEN. 151
a tremendous sensation and much opposition, as most of
the Lutheran students of his land went to Wittenbero:.
He also ordered that all Lutheran theological students,
when they were admitted to the ministry, must take a
pledge that they would not attack the Reformed from the
pulpit. This many of them said they could not do, for
their creed, the Formula of Concord, condemned the Re-
formed doctrine. It was therefore a matter of conscience
to them that they should be true to their creed, and, like
it, attack the Reformed. He held a conference on union
in 1662, in w^hich Gerhardt refused to fraternize with the
Reformed. As his efforts were not regarded by some of
the ministry, and polemics against the Reformed continued,
the Elector two years later (September 16, 1664) issued a
sharper edict which threatened the offenders with dismissal
from their positions, and demanded of every Lutheran
minister his subscription to a document pledging them
not to attack the Reformed under pain of dismissal. This
edict caused a still greater disturbance throughout the
land. In the Mark two hundred ministers signed it, but
many delayed signing. Of the ministers in Berlin, Lilius
and Reinhar refused to sign it. They were, therefore,
removed in April, 1665. Lilius, however, retracted in
February, 1666, and was again restored to his position.
But Reinhard left the land.
It now came to Gerhard t's turn. He was very much
opposed to the edict. At the conference between the
152 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Lutherans and Reformed in 1662, he had said, ^' I do not
hold the Calvinists for Christians."* Gerhardt was called
before the consistory, February 13, and given fourteen
days to consider whether he would agree not to attack the
Reformed. But before he left the consistory, he declared
that he would not sign the pledge. He was therefore dis-
missed, although his dismissal caused great sorrow.
Sympathy for him was increased, because just then he lost
a son, and his wife went into a decline. Meetings were
held in the city in his interest, and petitions were sent to
the Elector interceding for him. The trades of Berlin,
the town council, and finally the states of Brandenburg,
yes, even the Reformed ministers joined in these petitions.
Personally the Elector had the highest regard for Gerhardt,
and had already put one of his hymns into the Mark Re-
formed hymn book. But the Elector felt that there was
a principle at stake. He determined that there should be
religious toleration. He had made up his mind that these
denunciations of the Reformed by the Lutherans must
stop, and the Reformed must be treated as breth-
ren. Finally, perhaps through the intercession of his
wife, tlie beautiful Electress Louisa Henrietta, who was a
great friend of Paul Gerhardt, he gave way. Because
Gerhardt had not been accustomed to publicly attacking the
Reformed in his services, an exception would be made of
him. The Elector, therefore, permitted him to resume
* See "John Sigismund and Paul Gerhardt," by Wangeman, page 172.
PAUL GERHARDT. 153
his office without subscribing to the edict, or pledging
himself not to attack the Reformed. From all this
we see that it was the Elector who was tolerant,
and Gerhardt who was intolerant. It was the Elector
who was acting mercifully (instead of persecuting), by
making Gerhardt the exception to the edict. The legend
is evidently wrong. This is the more evident, the farther
Ave proceed with the true story. The Elector sent word
to Gerhardt that he was reappointed to his old position as
pastor of St. Nicolas church, but added that he relied on
Gerhardt's well known moderation, so that without sub-
scribing to the edict, he would still carry it out in spirit.
But Gerhardt's conscience would not rest easy under such
an implied subscription to the edict. He felt he had gone
back somewhat on his creed, the Formula of Concord,
which condemns the Reformed doctrine as heretical. So he
w^as unhappy under it, and, therefore, Avrote to the magis-
trates soon after, January 26, 1667, asking to be relieved
of his position as pastor, because his conscience gave him
no rest under the implied subscription to the edict.
There is no question that Gerhardt was conscientious, but
at the same time the Elector ought not to be blamed for
Gerhardt's hyper-conscientiousness. Gerhardt was, there-
fore, dismissed. He was not driven from his position, as
the legend says, but resigned it of his own accord. And
there is still another fact to show that the Elector was not
cruel, but kind. For six months the Elector waited
11
154 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
without appointing a successor, hoping that Gerhardt
would reconsider his withdrawal. Now in view of these
facts the legend, that he was driven out of Berlin by
the Elector, and ordered to leave within four hours, and
that penniless and helpless he wrote his hymn, " Commit
thou all thy griefs," is all false. For the Elector waited
a year before Gerhardt was finally dismissed, and even
then suffered six months more to elapse, hoping that he
would reconsider the matter. Instead of haste, there was
delay, and every opportunity was given to Gerhardt to
return. No, it was the Elector who was broad-minded
in his sympathies here, and who longed for the two denomi-
nations to treat each other as brethren, while Gerhardt
was narrow and bigoted, and refused to promise to treat
the Reformed as brethren. Gerhardt was called to the
abbacy of Lubben, September, 1668, where he afterwards
died.
The Elector ruled Brandenburg for forty-eight years.
His second wife, after the death of Louisa Henrietta, was
Princess Dorothea of Holstein who left the Lutheran faith
to become Reformed. He named the Dorothean district
after her. She planted the first lindep in that now famous
street, ^' Under the Linden." That street is an illustra-
tion of the great growtli from the Elector's small begin-
ning, and is therefore a monument to his memory, and to
the Reformed Princess who first started it. He died
April 29, 1688, at Potsdam. He was a pious man.
DEATH OF FREDERICK WILLIAM. 155
Whenever he went, into his campaigns, he took his New
Testament and his Psalms with him. When he found
any among his citizens careless about religion, he tried to
influence him, saying : " It is a good thing for a man to
be pious, but he must be also upright.'^ His death was a
triumphant one. When his court preacher came into his
room, he joyfully said, " I have fought the good fight, I
have finished my course.'' When asked as to his hope,
he replied : " Christ is mine and I am His." He died
with, " I know that my Redeemer lives," on his lips.
His motto at the battle of Warsaw, " With God," was
fulfilled as he was taken to be with God. One of his last
sentences was, ^' While I breathe, I hope and my hope is
in Christ."
CHAPTEE I.— SECTION II.
ELECTRESS LOUISA HENRIETTA.
More interesting even than the Great Elector, is his
first wife, Louisa Henrietta. She too was greatly inter-
ested in the French refugees, for she was the grand-
daughter of Coligny. She is the saint and songstress of
the German Reformed Church. What Miriam was among
the Israelites, she was to the Reformed — the sweet singer
of Israel. She was a Dutch Princess descended from the
great families of Colignj and Orange. Her father. Count
Frederick Henry of Orange-Nassau, was governor of the
Netherlands from 1625 to 1647. Her mother was a Ger-
man Princess, Countess Amalie of Solms. She was thus of
noble blood, but made nobler by grace. She was born at
the Hague, November 27, 1627. Both of her parents
were of the Reformed faith. Her mother, a woman of
unusual intelligence, piety and beauty, educated her with
great care. Although French fashions were popular at
the court, she did not think it beneath her to train her
daughter in the mysteries of housekeeping. Louisa grew
up tall, fair-haired and graceful. Her religious training
she received from Rivet, a Reformed theologian. She
loved her Bible, and it became her constant companion.
MARRIAGE OF LOUISA HENRIETTA. 157
Many passages, especially from Isaiah, remained in her
memory as the result of her early training.
When she was about eighteen years of ao-e, Elector
Frederick William of Brandenl^urg was busy in Western
Germany watching the negotiations that closed the Thirty
Years' War. He also began negotiations of love as well
as of peace. As he had been educated in Holland, he
knew Louisa when she was a girl, and had heard of her
beauty as a young lady. This brave young Prince there-
fore proposed to this beautiful Princess, and was accepted.
Of course there were difficulties in the way, for when did
the course of true love run smooth even to princes ? The
Thirty Years' War had so impoverished his land, that he
had to borrow three thousand thalers of his mother in
order to get married. Louisa too was held back, because
her father was in such poor health. But the wedding
came off, December 7, 1646, with great splendor, as was
becoming Princes of such high rank.* But the bride did not
go to Germany immediately after the wedding on account
of the ill health of her father. Faithfully she ministered
to him until he died, about three months after the wed-
ding. Then she accompanied her husband to Cleve, in
Western Germany. Here her first child was born. The
peace of Westphalia having closed the war, the Elector
* The bride wore a costly dress of sih^er brocade, rich with Brabaut lace.
A crown of pearls and brilliants adorned her head. The long train of her
dress were carried by six ladies of noble birth. The elector was not less
elegantly dressed. He wore pants and vest of white satin. The front of his veat
was so full of diamonds, that one could hardly discover the color of the cloth.
158 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
started toward his capital, Berlin. It was a long, hard
and sad journey. When they arrived at Wesel, their child
died. The journey was made all the sadder because of the
terrible devastations of the war. The roads were in a
frightful condition, the fields were desolate, the people
were poor and many of them starving. Their sufferings,
added to her own sorrows, made the journey very sad.
But her sorrows only drove her closer to her Lord. Sad
hearts sing sweetest songs. At Tangermiinde she had a
month of rest and quiet. Here she poured out her soul
in that immortal German hymn, ^' Jesus, meine Zuver-
sicht.'' It was the out-growth of her sorrows over the
loss of her child, and revealed her beautiful hope in Christ.
It is evidently based on the 46th Psalm : '^ God is our
refuge (Zuversicht) and strength;" also on Job 19; 25,
27 : " I know that my Redeemer liveth,'' and on 1 Corin-
thians, 15th chapter. The following is a translation
(although it is difficult in translations to bring out the
beauty of the original) :
Jesus my Redeemer lives,
And His life I soon shall see ;
Bright the hope this promise gives ;
Where He is, I too shall be.
Shall I fear Him? Can the Head
Rise and leave the members dead ?
Close to Him my soul is bound,
In the bonds of hope enclasped ;
Faith's strong hand this hold hath found,
And the Rock hath firmly grasped.
Death shall ne'er my soul remove
From the refuge in Thy love.
" JESUS, MEINE ZUVERSICHT." 159
I shall see Him with these eyes,
Him whom I shall surely know,
Not another shall I rise ;
With His love my heart shall glow ;
Only there shall disappear
Weakness in and round me here.
Ye who suffer, sigh and moan,
Fresh and glorious there shall reign ;
Earthly here the seed is sown.
Heavenly it shall rise again ;
Natural here the death we die.
Spiritual our life on high.
Body, be thou of good cheer.
In thy Savior's care rejoice ;
Give not place to gloom and fear.
Dead, thou yet shalt know His voice,
When the final trump is heard.
And the deaf, cold grave is stirred.
Laugh to scorn, then death and hell,
Fear no more the gloomy grave ;
Caught into the air to dwell
With the Lord who comes to save.
We shall trample on our foes.
Mortal weakness, fear and woes.
Only see ye that your heart
Rise betimes from earthly lust
Would ye there with Him have part,
Here obey your Lord and trust.
Fix your hearts above the skies.
Whither ye yourselves would rise.
How grandly she rises over her sorrows in this hymn,
and how sweetly she comforts others by it. She then
traveled with her husband through Minden and Halber-
stadt to Berlin, where, after a six months' journey, she
160 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
arrived, April 10, 1650. Berlin had suffered severely
through the war, and was then a city of only a few thous-
and inhabitants. The Elector had begun to make
improvements, and the castle was again fitted up. The
side of it towards the river Spree, which had been used as
a prison, and called 'Hhe green hat,'' he refitted into
pleasant apartments for his wife. The park before the
place, which through the war had become a wilderness,
he again beautified by planting trees and flowers, even
planting onions (then so fashionable with the Dutch)
among the tulip and hyacinth beds.
But the Electress was not fond of the gayety of court
life. She preferred a quieter home, where she could
meditate upon her God. It liappened one day, while out
hunting, that she expressed herself delighted with an old
hiinting castle of the thirteenth century, north of Berlin.
Her kind husband, ever ready to satisfy her slightest
wish, presented it to her, together with the neighboring
<listrict. He began building a castle for her there, which
was finished in 1652. She then removed there, having
given it the name of Oranienburg (the castle of Orange),
naming it after her family, the family of Orange-Nassau.
This is the place especially associated with her life. She
labored to make the district around the castle as product-
ive as possible. She imported skilled gardeners from
Holland, and founded quite a Dutch colony there.
Among other things, she introduced the potato from Hoi-
ELECTRESS LOUISA HENRIETTA OF BRANDENBURG.
LOUISA AT ORANIENBURG. 161
land, which proved to be a great boon to the Germans
who had become poor through the devastations of the
war, and soon the potato was universally cultivated. Of
course these Hollanders brought their Reformed relio^ion
with them, and there was a Reformed church founded
there. She was continually doing good. She founded
primary schools, where the war had swept them away.
Every day she was showing some kindness to the people.
No w^onder she became a great favorite among them.
They named most of their daughters after her. And as
late as half a century ago, her portrait was still found on
the walls of many farmers^ houses. As an illustration of
her kindly spirit, the following story is told. On one
occasion one of her servants stole something; while she
w^as at church. When she learned of the theft, instead of
punishing him, she gave him a goodly number of ducats,
and told him to get away as quickly as possible, before
her husband found it out. When her husband heard of
the theft, he became very angry, and said he would have
hung the thief. To this she responded : '^ Even if all my
gold and jewels were stolen, yet, if I had my way, not a
drop of blood would be shed for it.''
In this rural palace she lived in religious quietness.
She was very diligent in her devotions. Much of her
time Avas taken up in singing, reading of Scriptures and
other religious exercises. She was always at church ser-
vice. It is said, she made it a rule never to look into a
162 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
looking-glass before going to church, for fear pride and
fashion would disturb her thoughts. Her court preacher,
Stosch, held many religious services in her palace. She
was always very glad to see him, and gave orders that
when he arrived, he would not have to observe the usual
rules of court etiquette, and have himself announced, but
could at once go to her apartments without such for-
mality. Often she conversed with him on religious topics
for three liours at a time. He bore a high testimony to
her religious character, as he said : " I have spent many
hundred hours with her in private audience, talking to
her about spiritual things.'' Indeed her room was more
like a temple than a palace, for nothing that was not
religious was allowed there. She always had morning
and evening prayers.
She had not been well since the loss of her first child,
and in 1653 sickness still further reduced her strength,
and a secret source of anxiety weighed on her heart. She
had no child, and she foresaw that if her line had no
heir, it would plunge her land into untold troubles and
wars about the succession to the throne, and she feared
lest a Romish Prince might become Elector. She also
heard the complaint of her people, that her line would
run out with her. For a long time, like Hannah of old,
she carried her burden and prayed. At last her anxiety
became too great to be borne. And in her utter self-abne-
gation she came to a decision that for the sake of her land
BIRTH OF HER SON. 163
and of her husband she would formally withdraw by
divorce. She came to Berlin and announced her decision.
But the Elector nobly refused her proposal, replying, ^' I
will be true to you, and if it is God's will to punish the
land, we must submit, God can still help. ^ly Louisa,
have you forgotten the words, ^ What God hath joined
together, let no man put asunder.' " Greatly relieved and
comforted by his decision, she went back to Oranienburg.
Her prayers were finally heard. The Lord did for her as
for Hannah. On Tuesday, February 16, 1655, a son,
Emil, was born, and in memory of that event, every
Tuesday after that was kept sacred by prayer, as a fast
day on which she had religious service. In connection
with the birth of this child, Bergius preached seven ser-
mons on Hannah's prayer, its answer and her thank-
fulness, which Avere published. In 1665 she opened an
orphanage at Oranienburg as a thank offering to God
for the gift of a son.
During the wars that followed she was her husband's
firm support and adviser. In spite of rough roads and
the dangers of war, she went with him on his journeys.
During the Swedish war she bravely went with him to
Koenigsberg, although the roads were in such a frightful
condition that she could travel only eight miles in two
days. The Swedes then forced the Elector to join them
against the Poles. As a result the Poles and Tartars rav-
aged Brandenburg terribly, burning no less than 31 towns
164 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
and murdering many thousand inhabitants. These terri-
ble events so preyed on her mind that she suffered from
horrible dreams. During the wars she was very solicit-
ous for the spiritual condition of the soldiers, and ordered
that a New Testament should be given to each soldier.
After the war she bore another son, Frederick, who became
the next King. She followed her husband in the Pome-
ranian war with the Swedes, travelling with him as far
as the upper end of Jutland. Then she went to western
Germany, where she contracted a cold, which produced a
severe cough. She went to Holland, hoping to get better.
In spite of inclement weather she never gave up attend-
ing church. But on March 14, as she came out of church
service, she remarked to her lady in waiting that she
feared she might never live to get back to Berlin. After
Easter she started for Berlin, for she was very anxious to
see her husband and children before she died. The jour-
ney was a rough and long one. She became weaker and
weaker on the way. When she arrived at Hamm in
"Westphalia, she thought she would die. But she prayed
God most earnestly to spare her life, that she might see
her husband again, and then she would say, " Lord, now
lettest Thou Thy handmaiden depart in peace.'' Her
prayer was answered, her husband came as far as Halber-
stadt to meet her, and the rest of tbe journey she had to
make in a sedan chair, because she was so weak. She
was, however, greatly comforted all through her journey
DEATH OF LOUISA HENRIETTA. 165
by the ministrations of Spanheim, one of the most
renowned Reformed theologians of that day. He said of
her that '^ Her patience is an example for us. Job and
Jonah murmured ; David cried out : How long ? but she
never complained because of her Aveakness. She only
complained that she gave so much trouble to others.'^
One day he preached to her on the text, ^' God with us."
She beautifully applied it to her own case. " God with
us, what a comfort in the sorrow of solitude, in dangerous
waters, in the house of sorrow." Finally she arrived at
Berlin. Prayers were offered up in all the churches for her
recovery. But still her weakness and sickness increased.
The Elector often watched beside her and comforted her
by repeating Scripture texts. Not long before her death
her chaplain, Stosch, asked her " if she felt that God was
a gracious Father ?" She replied, " Yes." That testi-
mony was her last word, for she died a few days later, on
June 28, 1667. The whole land mourned her departure.
Stosch preached a funeral sermon on Job 13 : 15 :
'' Though he slay me, yet will I trust him." She was
greatly missed by the nation, but by none so much as l)y
the Elector. For she inherited the wisdom of a states-
woman from her ancestors, Coligny and William of
Orange, and often had given him the best of advice in
his political movements. After her death he was often
found standing before her picture, crying out : " O
Louisa, Louisa, if you were only with me with yourcoun-
166 THE REFOEMED CHUECH OF GEEMANY.
sels." Fev/ Princesses were so loved as she. Her
memorj still remains green among the German people.
JSTearlj two hundred years after lier death the town of
Oranienburg erected a monument to her. It is a life-
size statue, standing on a granite pedestal nine feet high.
Her head is adorned with a diamond. In her right hand
is a roll — the manuscript of the founding of the orphan-
age there. Her earthly beauty and her heavenly piety,
her sweet womanhood and her strong statesmanship make
her one of the most remarkable persons in Reformed
Church history. Like Abel, she being dead, yet speak-
€th, for she gained an earthly immortality through her
hymn, as well as a heavenly immortality with her Savior.
She wrote four hymns, which were published in Runge's
hymn book in Berlin, 1653. We have mentioned " Jesus,
meine Zuversicht ;" the other hymns were, ^' Ein Anderer
stelle sein Vertrauen," " Gott der Reichthum deiner
Giite,'' " Ich will von meiner Missethat.'^*
But her greatest hymn was, " Jesus, meine Zuver-
sicht. '^ It was the key to her life — the expression of her
confidence in God. She said on one occasion to Stoscli
and Spanheim, " If the Lord Jesus were still on earth, I
would humble myself still more, yes, I would hang upon
him like the Canaanitish woman. But what I cannot do
in reality, I will do in spirit, in heart and in truest con-
fidence." She often sang this hymn, especially at Easter.
* For this hymn see Appendix I.
" JESUS, MEINE ZUVERSICHT/^ 167
A question has been raised about her authorship of the
hymn. It has been said she was not able to write Ger-
man sufficiently well to compose such a masterpiece in the
German language. But although another hand, probably
Von Schwerin (who was also a poet and hymn writer)
may have polished it of its Hollandisms, yet the expres-
sion is hers. At any rate the hymn book published in
her lifetime ascribes it to her, and Runge, the publislier of
it, knew whether she wrote it. This would seem to be
proof enough of her authorship.
This hymn became a favorite one in the royal family
of Prussia. One of her successors. Queen Louisa, the
good angel of Prussia at the beginning of this century
and during the wars of Napoleon, was once standing
before a picture of Electress Louisa Henrietta in the gal-
lery of Charlottenburg, and said : " The charming hymn
has received citizenship in our Church and in all our fam-
ilies. There is hidden in it a wonderful living strength.
Whenever one hears it at dying-beds, in churches, at coffins
and graves, there is always something new in the comfort
and joy that it bears and gives. Only a child-like, believing
heart like yours could have given such pure and beautiful
utterance." And, after being silent for a while, she sat
down at the piano and sang it. This hymn has become
one of the great Easter hymns of the German Church.
Not until a hundred years later, did Gellert's famous
hymn appear, ^' Jesus lebt, mit ihm auch ich," (" Jesus
lives, and so do I.'')
168 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Many beautiful illustrations are told in connection
with this hymn. Frederick William lY. gave a bell at
the celebration of the two hundredth anniversary of the
founding of the Orphanage at Oranienburg, September
27, 1850. He named the bell '^ Jesus, meine Zuversicht/^
and it has on it as an inscription, the first two lines of the
hymn. At the dedication of the bell, the first two verses
were sung:. This hvmn has laid hold of the hearts of the
German people, and is especially used in times of need.
After the unfortunate battle of Jena, 1806, where the Prus-
sian army withdrew in an irregular flight across the river
Saale, a trumpeter from Langenzsalza was cut off from his
squadron and furiously pursued by the French cavalry.
Although almost baited to death, the brave man would
not surrender, but searched the banks of the river for a
place to cross. He finally decided that swimming the
river was his only hope. He soon came in his flight to
one of those places where the bank changes into a perpen-
dicular cliff, with the river rushing in giddy depths below.
On the other side of the river the shore was flat and sandy.
There was no time to choose, his pursuers were on his
heels. Quick to decide, he looked up to God and prayed
for grace, and then thrusting the spurs into the horse's
side, he plunged into the rapid river. A loud cry of
astonishment and horror rose from the lips of his pursuers,
when they saw what he had done. They stopped on the
edge of the rocks and watched him rising and sinking in
HYMN ILLUSTRATIONS. 1 69
the flood. But the Lord had his strong arm round that
Prussian. His brave horse was not dashed to pieces, and
he finally reached the other side of the river. Without
thinking of his further safety, his first thought was of
God. He knelt down on the flat earth to thank the Lord
for his wonderful deliverance, drew his trumpet from
behind him and blew in trembling tones this hymn :
" Jesus, meine Zuversicht." The enemy on the opposite
bank, when they saw him land, had raised their carbines
to shoot, but his actions in prayer and praise so impressed
them that they involuntarily left their weapons drop.
Unfortunately other French soldiers coming near fostered
no such timidity. And when the trumpeter^s clear note
came to a close, a deadly shot sent his praying soul to the
throne of praise.
In the years 1867 and 1868 a famine raged in east-
ern Prussia, and sick people were accustomed to sing this
hymn in the streets as a prayer for help. A woman of
Goldapp wrote : '^ I can no longer hear that hymn from
these hungry people without tears coming from my
eyes.'' It was sung by day, but it is fearful to hear it at
evening in the arms of a howling storm. In the last
war of 1870 this hymn was a great comfort to the sol-
diers. The music books of many bands contained only
two sacred chorals, ^^ Nun danket alle Gott," and ^' Jesus,
meine Zuversicht."
12
170 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
A native of East Friesland, named Baumgarten, had
a very heavy cross in having a drunken husband. She
often sighed and prayed about it. One night her husband
was not on military duty until 2 o'clock A. M. At 11 p.
M. that night he sat in the tavern. She went to God, and
then to the tavern where he was. She was at once
summoned by his uproarious companions to aid their
carousal. They demanded a song from her in vain. She
begged to be allowed to go away. She finally agreed to
sing, and she sang this hymn. When she was through,
her husband went home with her, but seemed unusually
quiet. That song had been an arrow to his heart. It
happened that the conductor of his transport that night
while he was on duty was a pious dragoon, who belonged
to a total abstinence society. The dragoon also talked
with him and so deeply impressed him that he was com-
pletely won to God and the right. Peter's exhortation in
his first epistle (third chapter, first verse) was fulfilled,
" Likewise ye wives be in subjection to your husbands,
that if any obey not in word, they also may with the
word be won by the conversation of the wives."
During the war between the Carlists and the republi-
cans in Spain in 1874, the Carlist general Gamundi had
captured a band of Sepayos (republican volunteers). No
one wanted to grant them a pardon. As he could not
take them with him, he gave orders that they should be
shot. A priest was sent for to prepare them for death.
HYMN ILLUSTRATIONS. 171
Now there happened to be with the Carlists a German
officer, who was highly honored by them. When he
heard that they were to be put to death, he wanted to
take a walk, so that he need not see the terrible sight.
But his path happened to take him past the prisoners.
Here he saw how the priest blessed them. He also noticed
a middle-aged man embracing a boy about 14 years old.
An old man contemplated all this while he murmured his
prayer. But stop ; what is that ? Is it a sound from
Germany ? The hymn rose from the mouth of one of the
soldiers, " Jesus, meine Zuversicht.'^ The officer could
not tear himself away from that familiar song in a strange
land. He hastened to the General, to beg for the life of
his German countryman. The General underwent a hard
struggle before he granted it, for the Sepayos had lately
murdered his only son, a merchant. The German offi-
cer did not give up, but reminded him of his pain as a
father, and how the sparing of that German would save
another son from the grave, and save another father's
heart. The General granted his request, and so the Ger-
man was saved through the singing of this hymn.
When Ziegenbalg, the first of the missionaries to the
East Indies from Germany, was dying, he called to his
friends who stood around his bed and asked them to sing
" Jesus, meine Zuversicht." As they sang it, it seemed
to give him a look beyond the grave. And he said :
^^ There is a light before my eyes as if the sun shone into
172 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
my face.'' His spirit rose to heaven on the wings of that
hymn. '' On the terrible night of March 18 and 19, 1848,
when the German throne trembled in the throes of a revo-
lution/' says Professor Hengstenberg, " in the midst of
firing of guns and the thunder of artillery over the wild
tumult of the insurrection, the bells in the church tower
played, ^ Jesus, meine Zuversicht.' " It was a voice of
comfort to many anxious hearts. Some days later, on
March 22, it was again heard before the castle as 187
coffins of the fallen were guarded to the graves by 20,000
armed and unarmed citizens.
Thus the Electress Louisa Henrietta still lives in her
hymn. It has immortalized her in Germany and in
her beloved Reformed Church.
CHAPTER II.
THE REFUGEES IN BRANDENBURG.
SECTION I.
THE GREAT ELECTOR AND THE REFUGEES,
When King Louis XIV. of France drove the Hugue-
nots out, the Great Elector, the great protector of the
Reformed, " like a father gathered from all sides the flying
children of his Church, and like a mother cared for them.'^
There had been French churches in Germany before the
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685),* but they had
existed as isolated churches. f But it was the larger immi-
gration after 1685 that greatly increased them and led
them to organize together. Of the 500,000 Huguenots
* For there were really four immigrations of the French Reformed into
Germany. The first was about 1550, when the Duke of Alva so severely per-
secuted the Reformed in the Netherlands, The second was after the Massacre
of St. Bartholomew in 1572. The third was after the Revocation of the Edict
of Nantes in 1685, and the fourth was about 1699, when many Huguenots
and Waldenses came from Switzerland to Germany, because Switzerland was
overcrowded with refugees.
f In the days of Calvin there were French churches at Strassburg, founded
1538, Wesel 1544, Emden 1554, Frankford on the Main 1554 (the result of
the Duke of Alva's persecutions), Frankenthal 1561, Cleve 1568, Duisburg
1578, Bremen 1578, Hamburg 1578 (the result of the Massacre of St. Barthol-
omew). Other churches were founded at Metz, Aix la Chapelle, Cologne, Hei-
delberg, Hanau 1595, Annweiler 1595, Manheim 1608, Cassel 1616, Bisch-
weiler 1618, Zweibriicken, MUhlhausen 1661 — twenty in all.
174 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
who fled from France, 200,000 went to Holland, 200,000
to Switzerland and 60,000 to Germany. One-third of
these (20,000) came to Brandenburg. The richest of
them went to England and Holland, and the poorer, but
most progressive, to Brandenburg.
Hardly had King Louis XIV. issued his Edict of the
Revocation (October 22, 1685), driving out the Huguen-
ots, than seven days later (October 29) Elector Frederick
William of Brandenburg issued his counter edict from
Potsdam, inviting them to his land. The answer of Pots-
dam was the answer of Protestantism to Romanism, the
answer of toleration to persecution. The Elector offered
to make good to the refugees all they had lost. Did Louis
deprive them of their homes and forfeit their lands, if
they fled ? He offered them land without taxes for ten
years, and unoccupied houses at no rent. Did Louis for-
bid them from worshipping according to their Reformed
faith, and raze their churches to the ground ? He offered
them freedom to worship such as they had had in France.
Did Louis order their pastors out of the land within four-
teen days, or they would be sent to the galleys, and if not,
fined 50 louis d'ors a head ? He gladly received their
pastors, believing with the Huguenots, " the more pastors,
the more blessing.'' He received thirty of their 600 pas-
tors into the Mark on the day of the edict. Did Louis
destroy the great cathedral of the Huguenots at Charen-
ton, near Paris (a church holding 8000 people) ? That
LIBERALITY OF THE GREAT ELECTOR. 175
temple rose phoenix-like from its ashes in various places
in Germany, as the refugees built temples modeled after
it. Did Louis XIV. crush the Reformed church at
Metz ? It rose again at Berlin, where its pastor, Ancil-
lon, became court preacher, and most of its members (1130)
gathered around him. Did the Huguenots lose their rank
of nobility by leaving France ? He gave it back to them,
for he granted them the same rank they had had in France.
In a word, all they lost in France they would gain in
Brandenburg ; yes, more, for in France the court was
against them, while in Brandenburg the royal house was
their helper and friend. * The French government tried in
every way to prevent the circulation of this edict through
France, but the Great Elector had it printed in French,
and it spread mysteriously, but very rapidly, through that
land. This circular not only described the privileges he
offered to them, but also the places where they could get
information and financial aid, as Amsterdam, Hamburg,
Cologne and Frankford. And the Great Elector not only
gave them what he had promised, but raised large sums
of money for them. It is true he did not raise as large a
sum as should have been raised, but that was due to the
indifference and opposition of many of his Lutheran sub-
* The Great Elector also defended the Reformed in other ways. As Louis
had forbidden the Reformed from attending their own worship in France,
some of them would attend the service of Spanheim, ambassador of Branden-
burg, at Paris. This Louis forbade. But he found his match in Frederick
William, who then forbade his Romish subjects from attending the worship of
the French ambassador at Berlin.
176 THE KEFOKMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
jects. In four years he gathered 13,980 thalers, to which
he added from his own treasury 15,200, altogether $7270.
He went so far as to say, " I must sell my silver vessels
before these people suffer want or are sent away." It is
said that their support for the first few years required over
a ton of gold annually. To the Huguenots who settled
at Magdeburg he presented an island in the Elbe, along
with 26,252 crowns, a princely gift in view of the value
of money then and the proverbial poverty of the Electors
of Brandenburg.
Thus the Great Elector gave an asylum to the perse-
cuted refugees. He found, however, that like Abraham
he was entertaining angels unawares. " The edict was a
master-piece of political sagacity, for it filled his land with
the best people of Europe." And yet the Great Elector's
motive was not a selfish aggrandizement. His aim was
not to enrich himself and his state by their coming. For
above the wisdom of the statesman shone the self-denial of
•the Christian. He issued this edict not out of policy, but
<of pity, for he did not expect, neither did the Huguenots,
that Germany would become their permanent home. They
expected that after the storm would be blown over, they
would be allowed to return to France. This longing of
the refugees for their native France was very pathetic.
Although their land had cast them off, they loved it still.
In their correspondence with friends in France they would
call Germany " Babylon," the place of their exile, where,
HUGUENOTS REMAIN IN GERMANY. 177
like the Jews, they hung their harps on the willows and
sighed for their native land.* The idea that they would
have to remain permanently in Germany did not dawn
on them until the beginning of the eighteenth century.
But when the Peace of Kyswick (1697) and the succeed-
ing Peace of Utrecht (1713) gave them no hope of return-
ing to France, they began to settle down to their manifest
destiny and remain in Germany. And yet all through
the negotiations of the peace the Elector of Brandenburg
(although it was to his interest to keep them) did every-
thing he could that they might get back to their native
land. But Louis XIV. sent a thunder-clap through the
Huguenot world by declaring : '^ Nevermore. They must
first renounce their Reformed faith, or they never return,
and their wealth remains confiscated.'' So Elector Fred-
erick III. of Brandenburg finally notified the French con-
sistories in Brandenburg in 1698 that their return to
France had been unconditionally refused, and issed a
naturalization edict for them in 1709, by which they
could become German citizens.
* Some touching illustrations of their expectation to return to France are
given. A rich merchant from Chalons presented the Huguenot congregatiun
at Halle with a silver dish and three cups worth 66 thalers. These were to be
kept by the congregation at Halle until the ehureh at Chalons in France would
he revived, when they were to be sent to Chalons, Again at the Huguenot
Synod at Wilhelmsdorf in Bavaria, 1690, a young minister, Durien, lately
released from the galleys, was ordained. And although they had no charge
in prospect for him in Germany, they nevertheless ordained him, expecting
that soon a charge would open for him in France on their return.
178 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Many very touching and beautiful stories are told of
the reception of these French refugees by the Great Elector
and his family. When they arrived at Berlin, the Elector
honored them by receiving them in person, and not
through deputies. When Ancillon, the aged pastor of
Metz, came with his whole family, the Elector embraced
him — an act unheard of at the French court, where the
Huguenots were hated. The refugees were astonished at
such a welcome. He named Ancillon his court preacher,
and asked Ancillon's younger son what he expected to be.
The six year old boy replied that he came from Geneva,
where he had studied theology two years. But since he
had heard that 600 ministers of France were driven out
and were now without places, he felt like giving up the
idea of becoming a minister and entering the army, pro-
vided the Elector was willing. Charmed by his naive-
ness, the Elector replied, " No, I will not agree." " Do
you not see ?" he said to the boy, ^^ the gray hair of your
father, he will soon need your help." Ancillon was so
charmed by the amiability of the Elector that he com-
pared him to another Constantine and to a new Theodo-
sius, having '^ a King's soul with a Priest's spirit." His
son, in his History of Brandenburg, compares the Elector
to the heroes of Plutarch.
The arrival of the great French Marshal, Schomberg,
is another illustration. The French ambassador at Ber-
lin had declared to the Elector that these Huguenots were
THE GREAT ELECTOR'S KINDNESS. 179
a bad and troublesome set — simply adventurers seeking
fortune somewhere else — and that France lost nothing by
their departure. JYhen Marshal Schomberg arrived, the
Elector told him these charges against the Huguenots
made by the French ambassador. And then to show his
opinion of them, he appointed the Marshal the General-
in-Chief of his army, with the rank next to the Princes of
royal blood. The Elector delighted to have them come
in companies of from six to thirty, and tell him the sto-
ries of their adventures and escapes. He strengthened
them in their faith, kissed them, wept with them, prayed
with them. He showed them many favors. The French
students at the university of Frankford on the Oder ^^ur-
sued their studies at his expense. He threw open his
library to them, that their learned men might continue
their studies'. He encouraged them in their various trades
by financial aid. As a stimulus he gave one hundred
thalers for the first pa r of silk stockings made in his
land, because that was a new industry.
But the Great Elector was only permitted to live three
brief years after their coming (he died May 9, 1688), and
was not able to carry out his large plans concerning them.
At his death, after having blessed his own family, he then
said to his son and successor : ^' I have still another fam-
ily — an adopted one, but no less dearer than the one of
which nature has made me father. It is the great family
of the refugees.'' His son continued the policy of the
180 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
father and added five years' freedom from taxes to the ten
granted by his father, and also issued the naturalization
edict by which they could become German citizens. As
the result of this immigration (including the later immi-
gration of Waldenses at the close of the century) twenty
thousand came into Brandenburg. There were fifty-nine
colonies founded. Of these eleven still remain.* Thus
in a land where there had been only three Reformed
churches before, there were now added 20,000 Reformed
and 59 churches. It may be said that the Elector founded
an eastern Reformed Church in his realm (where before
the Reformed Church had existed only as individuals or
in small bodies.) He now had a large eastern Reformed
Church in his territory, as he had a large western Re-
formed Church in his provinces along the Rhine.
* Angermunde, Bergholz, Bernau, Gross and Klein Zieth^n, Konigsburg,
Magdeburg, Potsdam, Stettin, Strassburg in the Ukernark.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION II.
THE FRENCH REFORMED CHURCH OF BERLIN.
There bad beeu a French colony in Berlin before 1685.
Their first service had been held July 10, 1672. After
the Revocation, the colony greatly increased, from three
hundred to five thousand. The Elector, to accommodate
them, gave them his cathedral where they held their first
service, May 6, 1688. "When the Werder and Friederichs-
stadt churches were built, they also held service in them.
They had not yet built their own church, partly because
of their poverty, and partly because they expected to
return to France. But when that hope was taken away
by the peace of Ryswick, they began to build a temple.*
Their consistory was organized 1701. They employed
Cayard, the architect, who built the Long Bridge over the
Spree, at Berlin, and some of the Prussian fortresses, to
build their church. It was modeled after the Reformed
church at Charenton, near Paris, which Louis XIV. had
razed to the ground on the day of the Revocation, only it
Avas smaller. It was dedicated, March 1, 1705. It is
called the French cathedral, because it was the church
■* For in France, all Protestant churches were called temples, as they were
not allowed by the Romish government to call them churches.
182 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
where the royal family and the French nobility worshipped.
Other churches were built, as the Kopenick 1729, the
hospital chapel 1733, the cloister 1726. Some of the
refugees were given a suburb, Moabit, a sandy plain along
the river Spree. But with their knowledge of landscape
gardening, they soon changed that waste into a paradise.
Here they also built a church, the only church to-day in
that district. As the result of this immigration, the colony
grew, until in 1703 one-seventh of the population of the
city was Reformed (5,689 out of 37,000). The Elector
founded a gymnasium for them, December 1, 1689,
modeled after the gymnasia of Sedan and Saumur, which
the French government had closed. This gymnasium
also gave the Germans a chance to learn French, which
they were quick to take advantage of. At first there were
too many French ministers, because so many had been
driven out of France. • But in the next generation there
were too few, because there was no place where they could
be educated. So Frederick the Great founded a theolog-
ical seminary in connection with the gymnasium, July 5,
1770. It seems strange that so skeptical a King would
found a theological seminary, and it is probable that this
is the only religious act he did to perpetuate Christianity.
But his love for the French led him to do it. This semi-
nary had room for six students, of whom three Avere edu-
cated free. This theological seminary (though closed from
1808 to 1811) had educated up to 1885, one hundred and
forty-two ministers for the French churches of Germany.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION III.
THE FRENCH REFORMED CHURCHES OF MAGDEBURG.
Next to Berlin, the most important colony was at
Magdeburg. The awful " Sack of Magdeburg," in the
Thirty Years' War, had reduced this flourishing city to
ashes, except two churches and a few houses, and the
population of 35,000 had gone down to 1,100. Although
half a century had passed, the city had not yet recovered
from this.* Here then was ample room for many refugees.
And so the Elector thought, but difficulties arose. The
town since the days of the Reformation had been the citadel
of high Lutheranism. Its inhabitants therefore did not
want any Reformed among them, because they considered
them as heretics. Here the Formula of Concord had been
written which condemned the doctrines of the Reformed.
But in spite of these prejudices, even before the Huguenots
came, there had been a German Reformed church organ-
ized October 26, 1666, at the house of the commander of
the fort, whose wife was an Anhalt princess, who brought
her Reformed minister, Duncker, with her. But when
* In 1681 the plague came and carried oflf one-third of the inhabitants, and
in 1683 there were 113 empty houses, together with 434 houses in ruins. In
1686 the population was only 5,155. To have restored the city to its former
magnificence, it would have required 30,000 Huguenots.
1S4 THE EEFORMEP CHURCH OF GEEMAXY.
the commaudauT went away ou aocoimt of the plague, he
took his Reformed minister away with him. Still there
remained a congregation of about 60. most of them soldiers.
They were accustomed to worship in pleasant weather, in
the windowless, floorless, doorless Gangolphs chapel. In
1681, Thulemeyer, one of the Elector's court preachers,
was appointed to be pastor. This German organization
was afterwards greatly increased by the Palatines, who
came to Magdeburg.
The French cono:re2:ation was founded bv the refuo^ees.
On the third day of Christmas. 1685, a strange and sad
sight was seen in the streets of Magdeburg. Fifty French-
men, half naked and cold, came wandering through the
streets, and were ridiculed by the inhabitants, who hated
them because they were Calvinists. Then the refugees
began passing through in companies singing their Psalms.
They would often stop to rest there, and while stopping
would gather around one of their number, who would read
the Bible to them. They would then tall on their knees
in prayer — a very strange sight to the inhabitants of Xorth
Germany, who looked on kneeling in prayer as a relic of
Romanism.*
The Elector immediately after the edict of Potsdam
sent to Magdeburg inquiring how many houses were
available. But he received no answer from the Lutheran
^ In the French Reformed Church, kneeling was the usual attitude in
prayer.
OPPOSITION TO THE HUGUENOTS. 185
inhabitants, who did not want the Reformed there. He
then asked what churches could be used by the Reformed.
The only reply he received was, that all the churches not
in use were too ruined to be used. The Elector then
sharpened his demands on them, February 23, 1686, but
still no answer came. Meanwhile the refugees began
arriving in response to the Elector's invitation, and in
passing through Magdeburg (15,000 of them passed
through Magdeburg on their way to Berlin), many of
them stopped and settled there. In order to provide them
with a place of Avorship, the Elector wanted the unused
Gertrude chapel to be given to them. It had been used
as a hospital during the plague, and was still called the
Asses church bv the inhabitants. But althouo^h the Luth-
eran inhabitants had no use for it, they objected ; and to
entirely prevent the Reformed from using it, the church
of St. John the Evangelist, as patron of the hospital,
claimed it as their property, which the Elector could not
legally separate from them. There were at least nine
empty churches there, but it seemed as if not one of them
was to be used by the Reformed. There was plenty of
room in the town for them, but not in the hearts of the
citizens. But the Elector went ahead. He appointed
Du Cros pastor of the French church, aud the first service
was held, June 27, 1686. After waiting till Xoveml)er 7,
1686, for the town to give the Reformed a church, which
was not in use, he ordered the Gertrude chapel to be
13
186 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
given to them, until the Magdalene chapel could be fitted
up for them. There they worshipped 30 years. In this
unhealthy chapel, which had been a plague hospital, and
had not been thoroughly disinfected, they worshipped.
And as the Lutherans would not allow them to bury their
dead in the town cemetery, they had to bury in the floor
of the church.* No wonder that there was great mor-
tality among the refugees there. The corner-stone of
their church was laid August 6, 1705. Like the temples
at Erlangen and Halberstadt, it was patterned after the
eight-cornered church at Montauban, France. f It was
dedicated 1710, the most beautiful church in the town.
It was burned 1804, and rebuilt much smaller, but after
the same style.
In 1689 there came a remarkable colony to Magdeburg.
The refugees generally came singly or in groups of fam-
ilies. But here a whole congregation as an organization
came, bringing minister, elders, singer, doctor, everything.
They came from Manheim in the Palatinate, whither their
ancestors had fled in the previous century from the perse-
cutions of the Duke of Alva, in the Netherlands. And
now that the Palatinate was ravaged by French armies,
rather than give up the faith for which their fathers had
fled, they too determined to flee to a safer asylum. They
"■•■ Ten years later they succeeded in getting a graveyard of their own.
f The pulpit was on one side, with the communion table (no altar) in the
middle in front of it, and its benches were arranged in four sections, so that
all could see the pulpit.
THE HUGUENOTS IN MAGDEBURG. 187
held their last service in Manheim, ^larch 6, 1689. It
was high time they left, for two days later the French
were in the town destroying everything, until nothing was
left but the stones on which the town was built. The
refugees went to Hanau and Frankford. And hearing
that the Elector of Brandenburg was so favorable to the
refugees, they sent a delegation to him. He granted their
request for an asylum, and by the beginning of July, 1689,
the greater part of the congregation had arrived. The
Lutheran inhabitants of Magdeburg looked with increas-
ing anxiety on this new colony of Reformed, and strug-
gled against giving them a church, although so many
churches were not used. These Walloons held their first
service January 31, 1689. The Augustinian church (their
present church) was given to them December 2, 1694.
Thus three Reformed churches were founded in Magde-
burg — a German, French and Walloon. To the 5155
Lutheran inhabitants of the town there were added 1500
Huguenots, 2000 Walloons and 400 Palatines, a total of
about 4000, so they almost equalled the original Lutheran
population. It seems a strange revenge of history that
in the very city from one of whose cloisters had been
issued the Formula of Concord, which condemned the
teachings of the Reformed, these refugees were to find a
refuge and build powerful churches. They built up
whole districts of the town, as Peter Street and the French
Island.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION lY.
THE FRENCH CHURCH OF HALLE.
This colony was not as large as the preceding ones,
but was important because of its influence and wealth.
There is a strange revenge of history about their coming
here, as there was at Magdeburg. It is significant that at
Halle, where Elector John Sigismund of Brandenburg
had taken his oath never to leave the Lutheran faith, and
where his father's court preacher, called the Reformed
^^ Mamelukes,'' /there should be founded a colony of
French Reformed. And it is still more significant that
in the very building, the Moritzburg, where John Sigis-
mund had taken his oath against the Reformed, the French
Reformed should find their first place of worship. Al-
most as soon as Halle came into the hands of the Elector
of Brandenburg, he introduced Reformed services in Ger-
man there. Bergius, the Reformed court preacher,
preached there whenever the Elector was in Halle. The
French service began with the coming of the refugees.
After the Revocation, the Elector sent to Halle to find out
how many houses were vacant, how many boarding places
could be obtained, and whether the Huguenots could
have the use of a church. But these requests Avere very
THE HUGUENOTS IN HALLE. 189
coolly received by that Lutheran city, which did not want
a Reformed colony in their midst.
The refugees began coming in 1686. In the Moritz-
burg castle (which had been largely destroyed during the
Thirty Years' War) there was a house between the ruins
used as a hunting castle. Here they held their first ser-
vice November 14, 1686, under pastor Yimielle. They
were the first of all the refugee churches in Brandenburg
to celebrate their communion, December 26. Until the
Magdalene chapel in the Moritzburg could be restored,
the Elector threw open to them the cathedral May 29,
1688.* They worshipped there for two years until
October 26, 1690, when the Magdalene chapel was ready
for them. But the inhabitants of Halle treated them very
unkindly. At Easter, 1687, when their rents for lodgings
ran out, the owners declared that they would not rent any
more to them. They thus hoped to get rid of the refu-
gees. The French women, children and servants, were
sometimes insulted on the streets. Rotten fruit was
thrown at them when they went to market, and stones some-
times thrown through the windows of their homes. The
Elector hearing of these things, issued a severe edict Sep-
tember 3, 1689, stating that if the inhabitants had any
complaints against the foreigners, they must bring charges
* They used this in common with the German Reformed and Lutherans.
The hours of Sabbath service were parcelled out thus: The French, 7 to 9 A.
M.; Gernlan Reformed, 9 to 11a. m. ; Lutherans, 3 to 4 p. M.; French, 4 to
6 p. M.
190 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
before the courtSj but these brutalities must cease. The
people also annoyed the French at their religious services.
As the French had to go through the two front rooms in
the Moritzburg, so as to reach the Magdalene chapel, the
Germans placed beer in those rooms. And on Sunday
morning, contrary to the Elector's order, they smoked
tobacco, rolled ten pins and had music, which greatly dis-
turbed the devotions of the French. In 1695 there
appeared a catechism purporting to be Reformed, but
which was in reality a caricature. It was composed of
insidious, extravagant questions, to which were given
answers made up of mutilated extracts from Reformed
writers. It grossly misrepresented the Reformed doc-
trines. The Elector issued an edict against that catechism
in 1695, and fined those in whose hands it was to he
found ; yes (after the custom of the time) he even burned
it at the gallows in Halle, and Coelln at Berlin.*
This colony of the Reformed becomes all the more inter-
esting because it laid the foundations of the University of
Halle. That university was the outgrowth of the French
Knights Academy, founded there by DeFleur in 1680.
* The German Reformed church of Halle was founded April, 1688, with
Reith, from Frankenthal in the Palatinate, as pastor. There he had been
thrown into prison for preaching on the eightieth answer of the Heidelberg
Catechism. He was then permitted to leave prison, but had a body guard
of three soldiers continually with him. Finally he was dismissed from the
land. The tale of his suflferings touched the Elector who appointed him pastor
at Halle. His appointment was the last act of the Great Elector before he
died. This congregation grew very fast through the large immigration of
Palatines from their persecuted land during the years 1688-93.
THE HUGUENOTS IN HALLE. 191
It soon had an attendance that put even the universities
to shame. Thus Duisburg had only 24 students in 1703,
while this academy had 700. When Elector Frederick
III. gave the Lutheran Pietists a home in his land after
they were driven out of Saxony, he determined to found a
university for them. He therefore dissolved the French
Academy of La Fleur, and founded the university in
1694, which, although a Lutheran university, had 31
endowed scholarships for Reformed students. The French
pastor, Augier, was one of the first professors at the uni-
versity. The King went farther than that, and appointed
a Reformed professor of theology, who was not only a
teacher in the gymnasium, but a professor in the univer-
sity. This led to bickering, as the Lutheran faculty did
not want a Reformed professor of theology recognized in
their lists. Still there were two Reformed professors of
theology here from 1710 to 1804, when Schleiermacher
was the last. Meanwhile the French congregation
decreased, while the German increased. And when Jerome
Napoleon came, he united the two congregations, June 9,
1800, in the cathedral, while the old French church he
used as a stable for his army.
AVhile describing Halle we must not forget to describe
a branch of that congregation, although in Saxony. Even
bigoted Saxony, which had imprisoned Fencer for twelve
years at Leipsic and then driven him out, and had afterwards
beheaded Chancellor Crell, because they were suspected
192 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of being secret Calvinists, was now destined to receive
Calvinists, in spite of the opposition to them from the
Lutheran inhabitants. For fifty years it remained closed
to them. But during the Thirty Years' War a Keformed
communion had been celebrated at Leipsic. The Swedish
Colonel, Douglass, had the superintendent of the Anhalt
Reformed church come to Leipsic and hold a series of
services, and then administer the communion to him and
the Reformed soldiers in the army. Afterwards the Re-
formed Countess of Anhalt would occasionally have pri-
vate Reformed service when she was staying there. But
it was not -tmtil a half century later, when the French
came, that a congregation was organized. Leipsic had
become famous for its fairs and markets, and the French
of Halle soon came to Leipsic with their goods and wares.
As they were not allowed to hold service at Leipsic, they
would keep up their membership at Halle, by attending
the communion. The law of Saxony had prohibited any
religion but the Lutheran. But an unexpected event
aided the Reformed. The King of Saxony became a Ro-
manist, and in his anxiety to gain religious liberty for the
Romanists, he with his chancellor, Beichlingen, befriended
the Reformed. They began their services in 1702, in the
private house of the banker Le Clerc. But on November
5 they were allowed by the government to have their
service in the court house, for which however they were
THE HUGUENOTS IN LEIPSIC. 193
compelled to pay an enormous rent.* The Reformed on
the other hand tried in every way to lessen the prejudices
against them. They observed the Centennial of Luther in
1617, raised collections for the poor of Leipsic, also funds
for the first Lutheran church in the Palatinate. Still the
inhabitants looked on them with a suspicious eye, espe-
cially as many of the students of the university would
attend French service, and it became quite fashionable for
Germans to go to the French church. When the ministry
of Beichlingen was overthrown, they were forbidden to
hold service in the city. They then went to a suburb,
"Volkmarsdorf, east of the town. But this was too far
away. They were finally allowed by the edict of the
King to go back to the court house again. Their first
service in their own church building was held in 1719.
The German Reformed people in the town joined with
them, and a German service was held for them. The
latter congregation afterwards became famous through the
eloquence of Zollikofer, the famous pulpit orator of the
last century in Germany.
* This was located near the St. Thomas' church, and some of their enemies
charged Beichlingen with permitting "a fool's theatre there."
CHAPTER III.
FRENCH REFORMED IN OTHER PARTS OF GERMANY.
Brandenburg was not the only state that received the
Reformed refugees. Two-thirds of those who settled in
Germany, settled in other states. The Reformed Princes
and cities gladly welcomed their persecuted brethren in
the faith. And even some Lutheran Princes, influenced
by Reformed relatives, received Huguenot colonies into
their dominions, sometimes even against the wishes of
their Lutheran ministers and people.
SECTION I.
HESSE-CASSEL.
Next to Brandenburg the most important colony was
the Hessian, where in all twenty thousand settled. Three
of the Hessian Princes offered them an asylum — the Land-
graves of Cassel, Homburg and Darmstadt. Landgrave
Charles of Hesse-Cassel was one of the keenest statesmen
of his age. He it was who brought Cassel up to its high-
est point of military glory.* With the eye of a statesman
* This military tendency continued until the Seven Years' War, when
Landgrave Frederick II. brought its army up to 20,000 men. When that war
was over, as he did not know what to do with his splendid soldiers, trained
under Frederick the Great, he began farming them out to other lands. And
THE HUGUEXOTS IN CASSEL. 195
he saw the advantage of receiving such excellent citizens
as the Huguenots. He even outdid the Elector of Bran-
denburg. For six months before the latter issued his
famous Edict of Potsdam, he issued, April 18, 1685, an
edict inviting all refugees to his land, offering them free-
dom from taxes for ten years. He was the first German
Prince to do this, and soon the refugees began to come.
On the 28th of October (the day before the Elector of
Brandenburg issued his edict) the first French service was
held at Cassel. The Landgrave renewed his edict, Decem-
ber 12, 1685, and the number of refugees increased until
6000 had arrived, of whom 150 were of noble birth.
After the Peace of Ryswick closed France against their
return, 14,000 more came, including some Waldenses.
Thirty colonies were formed outside of Cassel. The refu-
gees at Cassel built up the new part of the city and there
laid the corner-stone of their church, August 3, 1698,
which was finished February 12, ITlO.f
The beautiful city of Cassel owes much of its present
beauty to the refugees. For among them was a famous
architect, John Paul Du Roy. His experiences are typi-
cal of the sufferings of many. His father had been archi-
thus the shameful hiring of the Hessians during the Revolutionary War came
to'pass, when 16,992 Hessians were sent to America, of whom 10,492 returned
to Hesse. But Landgrave Charles must not be held responsible for the mis-
doings of his Romish successor.
t It is still located in the small Carl Square, in which is a statue of the
Landgrave Charles. Since the walls of the old city have been taken down,
the old and new city have been thrown into one.
196 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
tect to the King of France. After the revocation, his
mother, a widow, tried to flee with her twelve children.
Ten of them succeeded in escaping to foreign lands safely,
but his mother and the two daughters were captured and
cast into prison — the oldest daughter was cast into the
prison of Montreuil, where she escaped further indignities
by becoming a Romanist ; the younger daughter was cast
into a damp prison, from which she became deaf, but she
resisted all attempts to pervert her to the Romish faith.
Finally they were all liberated and went to the rest of the
family in Holland. John Paul Du Roy had been a sol-
dier in the Dutch army, and fled to Holland after the
Revocation. But Landgrave Charles asked William of
Orange to send him a fine architect, and so Roy was sent
to Cassel, arriving there October 1, 1685. He built the
new city of Cassel, the Orangerie, the Auegarden and the
fort at Rheinfels, and laid out and built the French colo-
nies of Carlsdorf and Mariendorf. After his death his
son Charles kept up the fame of the family for architect-
ure. He completed the new city of Cassel, the picture
gallery, the great glass house in the Orangerie, and also
began the castle at Wilhelmsthal by erecting its wing.
He married a lady named Anna Girard, whose father had
died in the flight from France, and her mother with the
children were imprisoned. From the prison the children
were taken to a cloister. There the nuns used to take the
children out walking daily. One day, as they were pass-
THE HUGUENOTS IN HESSE. 197
ing a pastry-baker's shop, he asked the nuns that they
might be brought in. Then he took off their shoes and
stockings. He turned to his wife, saying, " See how our
priests deceive us. They say that the Huguenot children
have horse's feet, but these have feet like ours." The
children were afterwards permitted to leave France, and
Anna went to Cassel. After Charles Du Roy's death, his
son Simon still kept up the fame of the family. He built
the Koch pavilion in the Orangerie, the museum and the
colonnade in the Parade place, the French hospital and
the city hall, the Carls aue or Aue. The beautiful park
of Cassel was laid out by La Notre, the French landscape
gardener, in 1719. The marble bath in the Orangerie
was erected, 1728, by Monnot, the French sculptor.
Landgrave Charles began to lay out the beautiful park of
Wilhelmshoehe, so famous for its beauty.
But even more interesting, though not so large, was
the colony near Homburg, a few miles north of Frankford
on the Main. The Landgrave of Hesse Homburg, Fred-
erick II. (he " of the silver leg," having lost it through a
Avound in the battle of Copenhagen), received tAvo colonies
at Frederichsdorf and Dornholzhausen. They became
unique colonies, for they are philological curiosities.
Although more than 200 years ha\^e passed since they
Avere founded, yet they are still French, although sur-
rounded by Germans — a French island in the German
ocean. Frederichsdorf has to-day its French church,
198 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
school and mayor. The reason why they have remained
French so long has been, because the Landgrave, in 1731,
forbade any Germans from intermarrying with them, or
living in the town. And to make their condition still
more remarkable, they speak not the French of to-day,
but the French of the time of their immigration — the
French of two centuries ago — because communication with
their fatherland was cut off. While the French language
changed and improved in course of time, theirs did not.
Nowhere in France to-day is there to be found a place
where the French of the time of Louis XIV. is spoken.
The philologist must go to Germany to hear it at Freder-
ichsdorf. The town still contains about 800 inhabitants,
but since it has come under the control of Prussia, the
German language is slowly creeping in.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION 11.
ERLANGEN AND NEIGHBORING COLONIES.
Margrave Christian Ernst of Brandeuburg-Baireuth,
in Southern Germany, was a Lutheran. Yet, influenced
by his near relative and former guardian, the Elector of
Brandenburg, he issued an edict, December, 1685,
(although his Lutheran consistory bitterly opposed it),
offering an asylum to the Huguenots, with freedom from
taxes for fifteen years, and also freedom for their
Reformed worship. The village of Erlangen had been so
terribly devastated by the Thirty Years' War, that for
five years it was an uninhabitable heap of ruins. In
1685 it had only 500 inhabitants. So the Margrave
assigned the Huguenots to that place, hoping they would
rebuild it. In this his expectations were more than real-
ized. For the French colony built the new part of the
city, which they named Christian Erlangen, after the
Margrave. The first refugees arrived on May 17, 1686,
and within two years 1600 had arrived. They at once
had worship, for that was the first thing a Huguenot
thought of. They at once began to lay out the new city
of Erlangen, and the first building was the corner-stone
of their church, laid July 14, 1686. At 3 P. M., with
200 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the pastor, Papon, they went to the new city, where all
fell on their knees on the ground, as they thanked God
for His grace in saving them through the persecutions.
Many of his congregation were melted to tears. This
church was dedicated in the presence of the Margrave and
his wife, February 26, 1693. It was modeled after the
church at Montauban, France. But although the Mar-
grave thus welcomed the refugees, his people did not.
There were two reasons for this — the first was the forced
quartering of the refugees on the inhabitants. Quarter-
ing at best is not pleasant, and was even dangerous to
health, for sometimes from six to twenty were quartered
in a single family. The inhabitants charged the French
with not being cleanly — that they polluted the springs
and were careless about fire. This latter charge may have
had some truth in it, for in southern France, from which
most of the refugees came, they were accustomed to stone
houses, and were not so careful about fire as the people of
Erlangen, who lived in wooden houses. But back of all
this there was a second reason. The inhabitants were
Lutherans, and they did not want the Reformed there,
especially as very soon the Reformed outnumbered them.
This led to religious friction. The Margrave, when he
invited them to come, promised them liberty to have
Reformed worship, but on December 9, 1686, he issued a
decree, in which they were requested to conform to the
doctrine of the Augsburg Confession, and promise not to
teach anything against it, and never to call a pastor who
THE FRANKISH SYNOD. 201
would not agree to it as approved by the French Synod
of Charenton, 1631, and subscribed to by Calvin. This
produced dissension in the colony, which broke out July,
1787, and lasted seven months. Some of the pastors
signed it. Others in the colony refused and attacked the
pastors for doing so. Finally the colony held a mass
meeting and determined to leave Erlangen, rather than
give up their Reformed faith. They had left France for
conscience's sake ; they could now leave Erlangen also. It
began to look as if the colony, which had been the Mar-
grave's pride, would come to naught. He finally recalled
his demand for them to subscribe to the Augsburg Con-
fession and to become Lutherans. But his decision came
too late to prevent about two hundred of the colony from
leaving, who went to Holland and Brandenburg.
The controversy, however, had one good effect. It
led to the calling of a Reformed Synod, to which the
whole matter was referred, for there were a few Reformed
congregations in that neighborhood, in Southern Germany,
who came together to a synod at Erlangen, February 24,
1688. The Synod was composed of the French Reformed
churches of Erlangen, Wilhelmsdorf, Neustadt on the
Aisch, Baireuth, Schwabach, and Nuremberg or Stein.
Some of these churches are interesting. Among these, the
Reformed church at Nuremberg is the most interesting.
It is the oldest Reformed church in Southern Germany.
As far back as the Reformation, the Reformed Church
14
202 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAXY.
had adherents there. Albert Diirer, the celebrated
painter, was an adherent of Zwingli. Between the years
1568-73 many refugees came from the persecutions of
the Duke of Alva in the Netherlands. They soon noticed
the diiference between the ritualistic services of the Luth-
erans and their plain Reformed service in Holland. They
were especially scandalized by the use of exorcism at bap-
tism. They therefore desired that when their children
were baptized, exorcism should be left out. This led to a
controversy between the Lutheran ministers of the place.
But their request was finally refused. At first they had
their children baptized at Neumarkt, in the Upper Palat-
inate, which was under a Reformed Prince. After that
was lost to the Palatinate, they went to Heroldsburg,
about six miles away, which belonged to the noble family
of Gender of Rabenstein. The authorities of Nuremberg
took severe measures against the Reformed, even denying
them Christian burial. Holland, Prussia and the Palat-
inate interceded for them, but in vain. In 1661 the Mar-
grave of Brandenburg-Anspach, through the intercession of
the Elector of Brandenburg, gave them permission to build
a churcli in the village of Stein, four and a half miles
from Nuremberg. Here they worshipped for 43 years.
During that time the painter and electoral councillor,
Sandrart, was a prominent member. But the wars finally
made it dangerous to go even to Stein. So through the
the intercession of Holland and Prussia, they were allowed
temporarily to hold private Reformed services in Nurem-
ERLAXGEX UNIVERSITY. 203
berg, 1706, in the garden house of a wealthy member,
named Polhem. They were then granted the privilege of
having a church in the town, but it was required, as in
many other Lutheran cities, as Frankford and Hamburg,
to have no bells or tower, and not to have the outward
appearance of a church, while all baptisms and marriages
and funerals were to be held by the Lutheran ministers.
When Nuremberg came under the Bavarian government
in 1809, the St. Martha's church (near the railroad station
— an interesting church, having been used by the Meister
singers for a time) was given to them.
But the special significance of this church at Erlangen
lies in the fact, that, just as at Halle, this French colony
prepared the way for the founding of a university. In
July 27, 1696, a Knight's Academy was opened. This
Knight's Academy was changed by the Margrave into a
university in 1743. When the Margrave built his castle
at Erlangen, in 1703, the Reformed placed there a foun-
tain, which represented a mountain on which was the Mar-
grave surrounded by Tritons, and 45 life-like statues of
members of the French colony. This fountain is tliere
to-day, as the perpetual witness to the Margrave's kind-
ness in giving them an asylum.*
* Owing to the persecutions in the Palatinate, a number of Germans came
there who worshipped at first with the French in their church. But one of
the Germans left a legacy in 1697 of 1,000 florins, provided he be buried in
the church. This the French opposed bitterly, because such a thing was
unheard of in the Huguenot churches in France, although nothing unusual in
Germany. So the German Reformed built a church of their own, and there
are now two Reformed churches at Erlangen, a French and German.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION III.
WURTEMBERG.
The Duke of Wurtemberg, although a Lutheran, also
received Reformed colonists in the Waldenses. (For the
Waldenses had joined the Reformed Church in 1532,
under the influence of Ecolampadius). When the Duke
of Savoy drove the Waldenses out of Italy in 1698, three
thousand of them fled to Switzerland, and from that land
they emigrated to other Protestant lands. The Duke of
Wurtemberg had great need of them, for his land had
been so fearfully devastated by the Thirty Years' War,
that only one-fourth of his population remained after the
war. As Switzerland was overcrowded with refugees, the
Swiss authorities asked him to take some of the refugees.
The negotiations hung fire for several years. In October,
1693, three Waldensian deputies, one of whom was Henri
Arnaud, the famous warrior preacher, came to Stuttgart,
asking the Duke to allow them to settle in Wurtemberg.
Fortunately the authorities confused them with the Bohe-
mian brethren, and concluded that they were not really
Reformed. So two thousand of them were admitted.
The edict of the Duke gave them freedom from taxes for
ten years, and also freedom to have their own mode of
HENRI ARNAUD. 205
worship, as well as permissioD to hold Synods. Some of
the WaldeDses settled near the old abbey of Maulbronu.
It is an interesting coincidence tlmt this old abbey, where
Ursinus and Olevianus took part in a conference in 1564
with the Lutherans, should now receive Reformed inhabi-
tants in its neighborhood.* The first Synod of these
Waldensian churches was held at Durmenz, September
12, 1701. It included all the Waldensian colonies in
Wurtemberg, to which was added the Reformed church
at Cannstadt, which was not Waldensian, but composed of
French refugees. f
The most interesting character in this colony of
Waldenses was Henri Arnaud, one of the finest statesmen
and generals the Reformed ever had — ^^ a soldier of the
cross." He was born at La Tour in Italy, the capital of
the Waldensian valleys in 1641, educated in theology at
Basle, where the university had an endowment for the
Waldensian students. He then went to Holland, where
under the Dutch government he learned the art of war.
* Nine parishes were formed, many of them named after their former vil-
lages in their Italian valleys. Villars, Durmenz (of which Schonenburg was
a branch), Pinaehe and Luzerne were located near Maulbronn, while Xordhau-
sen, Perouse, Palmbach, Neuhengstett were near each other, but some distance
from Maulbronn.
f This church of Cannstadt was afterwards united with the Reformed
church of Stuttgart, formed of Huguenots in 1749. There was also a
Reformed church formed at Ludwigsburg, for which a large amount of money
was raised in foreign lands. With this they built a church, but were never
allowed to use it by the Lutheran government. In spite of the protests of
the Reformed, the government turned it into a garrison church, 1781. It was
*' a church robbery," as Zahn calls it.
206 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
He returned to the Waldensian valleys in 1670, and
entered the pastorate. He knew not why he was thus
led to mingle the art of war with the ministry of peace,
but God knew. He was preparing Arnaud to save the
Waldenses from destruction. In 1686 hundreds of the
Waldenses fled over the Mont Cenis Pass, amid snows
and storms, from the persecutions of the Duke of Savoy.
Arnaud, after making a brave defense at Germano, also
fled. But in a year or two political aifairs changed.
The Duke of Savoy, who had persecuted them to please
the King, of France, now broke with France, and became
her enemy. Matters looked more hopeful. Like the
Swiss' home-sickness for their native Alps, these Wal-
densians (Italian Swiss) sighed for their valleys. This led
to the " Glorious Return," which was led by Arnaud.
Those who had determined to go back to Italy, met
secretly, Augutt 16, 1689, in a large wood at Prangins.*
They then crossed the lake, and, 900 strong, entered the
dominions of the Duke of Savoy. Untold difficulties
hindered them, but they marched over the frozen Alps
of Mont Blanc and Mont Cenis, over glaciers and amid
avalanches, along steep defiles, and often hanging over
precipices (as great a march as ever Napoleon made
over the Alps). Suddenly, like a thunderbolt from the
skies, they fell on the French garrison, that endeavored
* Now a Moravian school, west of Lake Geneva, between Rolle and Nyon.
THE GLORIOUS RETURN. 207
te stop their way into the valleys, and defeated them.
On the ninth day they arrived at their valleys. Just as
Xenophon's ten thousand Greeks cried out when they saw
the sea, '' the sea, the sea/' so these Waldenses thanked
God that they were again in their old valleys. On the
28th of August they held their first service in an old
ruined chapel, when Arnaud, minister as well as general,
preached a sermon on Psalm 129, verses one and two :
" Many a time have they afflicted me from my youth, yet
they have not prevailed against me.'' During the winter
that followed they would have starved to death, had not
Providence provided for them. A sudden thaw removed,
in one night, a mass of snow from the fields, where they
discovered a considerable quantity of wheat (standing in
the earth, ready for the sickle) that had been suddenly
covered with snow. On this they lived till spring.
During the winter they had entrenched themselves in an
almost impregnable mountain, the Balsille. In the
spring an army of 22,000 attacked them. They w^ere
less than 1,000 against over 20,000. They defended
themselves bravely, but when the final assault on them
was made, they determined to die, rather than surrender.
That night, by an inaccessible path, by literally hanging
over precipices, they escaped. It was an amazing exploit,
that utterly confounded their enemies. Thus they
gained their valleys again.. But when in 1698 persecu-
208 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
tion came again, Ariiaud went with them to Wurtem-
berg, and settled at Schonenburg. He became pastor of
the Waldensian church at Durmenz for twenty years.
He had offers of military service in England, yet on
account of his increasing age and his love for the Wal-
denses, he preferred this quiet country parish. He wrote
his famous chronicles of the Glorious Return in 1710.
He was president of the Wurtemberg Reformed Synod,
1708. He died at Schonenburg, September 8, 1721.*
Thus the Reformed Church of Germany numbered among
her pastors the bravest of the Waldenses.
In addition to Arnaud, there should also be mentioned
three Reformed princesses, who graced the throne of Wur-
tembero^. Althoutrh the rulina^ house there was Luth-
eran, that did not prevent them from marrying Reformed
Princesses. The son of the Duke who invited the Wal-
denses, married a Reformed Princess, Maria Henrietta of
Brandenburg Schwedt, who had as her court preacher at
Stuttgart the saintly Du Saint Aubon. Duke Frederick
Eugene, a field marshal of Frederick the Great, married
Princess Dorothea Sophia, also of Brandenburg Schwedt.
She became regent of Wurtemberg in 1795, during his
sickness, so that Lutheran Wurtemberg was ruled by a
Reformed Princess for a brief period. The second son of
the last named Princess also married Princess Henrietta
— - ^ _ <
* The Reformed church at that place was torn down in 1803, and a new
and beautiful church built on the old site. It is said that he is buried under
the communion table.
THE REFORMED OF WURTEMBERG. 209
of Nassau Weilburg, in 1797. She was a great friend
of the Pietists, and a member of the Reformed church at
Stuttgart. When the union of 1817 was introduced into
Wurtemberg, these Waldensian churches, which had
given up the French language for the German, were
absorbed, so that the only Reformed church there now is
the Reformed church of Cannstadt-Stuttgart.
CHAPTER lY.— SECTION I.
THE PECULIARITIES OF THE HUGUENOTS AND THEIR
EFFECT ON THE GERMANS.
So large an immigration could not fail to leave its
impression on Germany. It was virtually the founding of
a new nation, 60,000 strong in the heart of Germany. Some
idea of their influence can be had, when one remembers
that there are in Germany now, according to Tollin, more
than a million who have Huguenot blood in their veins.
Many of their congregations have passed away or have
become German Reformed since then. But French is
still used in the churches at Frankford on the Main,
Hanau, Frederichsdorf, Dornholzhausen and Berlin.
And though many of the churches have lapsed or become
German, yet the influence of this French immigration
remains. In very many ways they have left their impress
on Germany, far beyond Avhat Avas to be expected from
their numbers. For they were a very superior people.
We will notice the peculiarities of the Huguenots, some
of w^hich they stamped on the German people. There are
certain marked characteristics of the Huguenot which
must be noted, so as to measure their influence. ^They
not merely influenced Germany by their numbers, but by
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE HUGUENOTS. 211
their dispositions ; that is^ they added certain important
elements for the development of German character.
The first was their industry and economy. They at
once began to build up trades, and many became wealthy.
Although during the first 15 or 20 years they cost more
than they produced, yet they soon proved to be very
profitable financially to the Princes who gave them refuge.
They made the waste places blossom as the rose. They
built suburbs of cities, as Stendal and Moabit, and other
districts in Berlin. Thev even founded new cities as New
Cassel, Christian Erlangen, New Isenberg and others,
besides building many villages in Wurtemberg, Hesse-
Cassel, Hesse-Homburg, Schwartz v/ald, Brandenburg,
Brandenburg- Baireuth, etc. They brought prosperity by
planting new industries. French industries bloomed in
Germany. The famous Gobelin tapestries were made in
Berlin and adorned the palace. Thus they introduced
silk and linen weaving, the weaving of woolen stockings,
hat and glove making. They founded tan yards, were
raisers of tobacco, smiths, cutlers and jewelers, in all of
which trades they excelled. They made looking glasses
better tlian those of Venice, and by their knowledge of
mining and metallurgy diverted the copper trade from
Sweden, and the iron trade from France. As an illustra-
tion of the prosperity they brought, it is said that the town
of Christian Erlangen, which before had yielded no reve-
nue, had by 1695 an annual sale of wares amounting to
212 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
200,000 florins, equal to 500,000 florins now. They thus
proved a blessing to Germany, and impressed on her lessons
of industry and economy, which prepared her for her later
prominence and prosperity. They laid the foundations
for the united Germany of to-day by their military ability,
commercial success and financial economy.
Their influence on scholarship was as great as on manu-
factures. We do not mean to say that Germany had no
scholars before they came, for she was an intelligent
nation. And yet Mr. Pool says : " The society of Berlin
was the creation of the exiles, and it was the Reformed
who gave to it the mobile course of thought, that finer
culture, that tact in matters of art, that instinct of culti-
vation which had before been the unique possession of the
French. They diff'used their own spirit, quick, fine,
lucid, the spirit of French vivacy and precision.'^ They
aided in the formation of the Academy of Sciences at
Berlin. Many of them were famous for learning and elo-
quence, as Ancillon, Beausobre, Lenfant and Basnage,
and became leaders in the Academy of Sciences at Berlin.
There were many intelligent men among them, scholars,
artists and others, who amply repaid the kindness of those
who received them.
A second peculiarity was their uprightness and moral-
ity. The answer, " I am a refugee,'' was a guarantee to
purity of character. Many stories of their sincerity and
uprightness have been told. Thus a member of the
CHARACTElRISTICS OF THE HUGUENOTS. 213
Huguenot church at Frankford on the Oder, named ColaSy
was elected elder, but did not appear at the time of ordi-
nation. He Avas summoned to appear before the congre-
gation to explain his absence. The next Sunday he came
and confessed his secret guilt. He said that unknown to
any one there, he had in France, when threatened by the
dragoons, promised to renounce his Reformed faith, but
he had never gone to mass. Eight days after, he gave up
his home there, bitterly bewailing his renunciation of the
Reformed faith. He went to Maestrecht in the Nether-
lands, where, before a Reformed pastor, he had made a
solemn recall of his recantation of Protestantism. He had
thus made repentence, but his heart was still not at rest.
Publicly he had left his faith, publicly he felt he must
confess his sin. And now he publicly confessed it before
the church at Frankford, which had elected him elder.
The Presbyterium of that church received his confession and
repentence, and restored him publicly to the church. Such
integrity as this did not fail to impress the royal family
of Prussia. The Elector one day surprised his wife in the
act of giving the crown jewels into tlie hands of a stranger.
In astonishment he asked her who the man was. She
replied, " I do not know his name, but I know he is a
Huguenot." That was enough. " A Huguenot's word
was as good as a bond." In Frederichsdorf there has not
been in the history of that church during two centuries a
single illegitimate birth. The coming of sucli a high
214 THE EEFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMAXY.
grade of citizens could not but elevate the tone of the
morality very much. They proved a great blessing
morally to Germany.
Another peculiarity was their benevolence and liber-
ality. They had been taught self-denial by their perse-
cutions, and they were liberal givers to the Lord. It is
said that at every communion the *Huguenot gave his
mite, and even the poor would make that mite of silver
or gold. They founded hospitals and orphanages for
their Frenck congregations. I^o Frenchman ever needed
to beg. In some of their congregations the consistory
bought beds and mattresses, which they would loan out
to the poor during the winter, so that tliey might not suf-
fer. The annual offerings at the door of the church at
Halle were 300 thalers. It became customary for them
to leave legacies to the poor. These legacies in the course
of centuries have accumulated to large amounts, so that
some of the French churches are richly endowed, though
small in numbers. But it was especially for their suffer-
ing brethren of the faith that they raised funds. They
contributed for the Waldensians, for the Lutherans of
Salzburg, for their persecuted brethren who remained in
France, and for those who were galley slaves at Marseilles,
or the African coast. (It is said that the number of
Huguenots who perished in wars, galley prisons and execu-
tions was 200,000.) When the report came that the
pirates of Algiers had captured some of their ministers as
HUGUENOT CHARACTERISTICS. 215
galley slaves in 1688, they raised large sums of money.
The church at Berlin contributed to that fund 1,000
thalers. They also made personal gifts to the poor.
Thus a merchant named Escher at Leipsic presented a
two-story house to the congregation at Halle for a hos-
pital. Thus in many ways the Huguenots learned the
blessedness of giving, and the Lord blessed them for it.
Another peculiarity of the Huguenots was their Pres-
byterial Church government and their church discipline.
In France the Reformed church was peculiar in being
thoroughly organized into classes, synods and general
synods. Their consistories had the power of strict disci-
pline, and prided themselves on it. But in Germany, the
Lutheran idea of church government was most common.
The Reformed idea was that the power came up from the
people through the elders or Presbytery ; the Lutheran,
that it came down from the Prince through the consistory.
Even the Reformed churches, with the exception of the
General Synod of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark, was
governed by consistories appointed by the government.
And of all the German Princes, their best friends, the
Electors of Brandenburg, were most opposed to the Pres-
byterial government. They held that the Prince was the
head of the Church — a sort of bishop — and that he must
watch over it with fatherly care. The French, when they
came to Germany, were promised the Presbyterial form
of government, and yet it is a remarkable fact that that
216 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
promise in the Potsdam edict was never made good to
them. For King Frederick of Prussia declared that he
was bishop, and as such would see that their French rights
were preserved.* The King of Prussia appointed an
upper consistory in Berlin, May 4, 1701, with inspectors
under it. But although he took away their Synods, he
allowed them perfect liberty in the individual congrega-
tion. He thus united the Presbyterial with the Episco-
pal government. He was bishop, while each congregation
had its own Presbyterium,t which had entire control of
the Church discipline and benevolence ; but the upper
courts of the Church were under the control of the Prince
and the consistory. The French congregation at Magde-
burg refused to accept the control of the upper consistory,
claiming they would answer to none but elders elected by
the congregation, and finally the royal authorities had to
grant their position. At Cassel the French colonies were
also placed under a consistory, instead of a Synod, although
this was called, like Calvin's at Geneva, the Venerable
Company of Pastors, and under it were inspectors of dif-
ferent districts. All this was a bitter disappointment to
the refugees, because they prided themselves on their gov-
* In this opposition to Presbyterial government, he thoroughly sympa-
thized with King James I. of England, who said, "that Presbytery and
monarchy agree as little with each other as God and devil. There," he said,
''Jack and Tom and Bill and Dick decree censure even against the king and
his council, and do not allow them to have a quiet breath any more."
-f We will hereafter use the word Presbyterium (board of elders), to dis-
tinguish it from Presbytery, which is composed of ministers.
THE HUGUENOT SYNODS. 217
ernment and discipline. They expected that Synods would
be held, and even planned the following division of Ger-
many into district Synods : first, Anspach-Baireuth ; sec-
ond, Brunswick-Hanover-Lippe ; third, Frankford, the
Palatinate, and Hesse ; fourth, Wurtemberg. By this loss
of Presbyterial government they felt that their crown was
taken away and their body left dumb. Some of them
Avrote to their friends in France, that they were still
under the cross in Germany, and they were much more
oppressed than they had been in France. Indeed it is a
remarkable fact, that only in Lutheran counties did they
receive their Synodal government, and this was because
they were separated from the State. But under Reformed
governments they were put under consistories and lost
their Synods. However, four Synods were organized.
The first was the Frankish Reformed Synod, or the Synod
of Baireuth-Anspach, which from 1688 to 1732 held
fourteen Synods.* A second Synod was formed in Wur-
temberg. Its first meeting was held at Durmenz, Sep-
tember 12, 1701. This Synod was held every three or
* When that land fell into the hands of the Elector of Brandenburg, he
put these French colonies under the French Upper-Consistory at Berlin. Then
Bavaria gained control of them, and placed them under a Lutheran consis-
tory, one of whose members wanted to know why the Reformed had no cruci-
fix on the altar. Tollin, in reply to this, says (History of Magdeburg, Vol. L,
page 629) : "As is known, the Reformed generally have no altar, but only a
communion table." Of course the Reformed were not satisfied under the
Lutherans, and there was friction. So finally a Reformed Synod was organ-
ized, and in 1884 the twenty-sixth Synod was held.
15
218 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
five years, and continued till about 1760. But it gradu-
ally lost its authority over the congregations, and so was
given up. For the villages were too far apart and the
expense of traveling too great for them to labor efficiently
together in a Synod. A third Synod was the Synod of
Brunswick-Hanover, formed of the Hanover, Hameln,
Celle, Luneburg and Buckeburg congregations in 1703.
This Synod continued till 1725, meeting sometimes yearly.
It was revived again in this century in 1829, in what is
now " the Confederation of Lower Saxony," the congre-
gations having in the meanwhile become German. An-
other Synod, but of short duration, was composed of the
churches around Frankford on the Main. It was com-
posed of the colonies in Hesse-Homburg, Isenburg-Bnd-
ingen and Schaumberg, and held its sessions, one at
Frankford, November 22, 1699, and another March 1,
1702. Countess Elizabeth Charlotte of Schaumberg, the
daughter of Melander, the great general of the Thirty
Years' War, was the patron of some of these congrega-
tions. She gave them land and money, but, alas, during
the Palatinate wars, when the French armies came so
near, many of them in alarm emigrated farther east for
the sake of safety, and so the Synod was broken up.
Wherever the refugees had opportunity, they exercised
the strict Church discipline, which was the glory of their
Church in France. In Wurtemberg the very first Synod
took action against Sabbath labor, although the poverty
HUGUEXOT PECULIARITIES. 219
of the colonists might have condoned the oifeuce. At
Erlangen the Presbyterium did not wait for notorious
scandals to break out before they took action. They
issued a warning against anything that seemed to prepare
the way for them. They disciplined two young people
in 1689 for playing cards all night. On March 9, 1693,
three members were called before the elders, because they
had not been at church service the previous Sunday, but
on the bridge. On August 10, 1692, a young woman
was disciplined for dancing. Many of the congregations,
as at Halle, Leipsic, Erlangen and Cassel, used tokens at
communion, so as to prevent the unworthy from coming
to the communion table. These tokens were given out at
the preparatory service, and returned to the elders at com-
munion.* They used Calvin's Catechism and the Heidel-
berg Catechism translated into French.
Another peculiarity of the French refugees was their
intense devotion to Germany. They learned to love the
land that received them, more than the land that cast
them out. Very often during the Napoleonic wars did
the officers of Napoleon, when in Germany, expect sym-
pathy from these refugees. But they found none, and
often upbraided them, and sometimes severely treated
them for the lack of it. The French, when they took
Hamburg, loaded the French pastor with reproaches for
* At Halle the token had on it the seal of the church— a palm branch.
At Erlangen the one side had two hands holding a burning heart, and on the
other a dove with an olive branch.
220 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
not being true to France. How could they expect it,
when France drove his ancestors out? And when the
French went away, the members of the French church
there sang a Te Deum of praise to God over it, thus
showing their loyalty to the Germans. So, too, the
French of Friedrichsdorf fought bravely for the German
Empire against France in the war ot 1870. A beautiful
illustration of this is told, that when Napoleon was in
Berlin, the gray-haired pastor of the French church,
Erman, had an audience with Napoleon. Napoleon
brought various severe charges against Queen Louisa of
Prussia. But to everything that Napoleon brought
against her, Erman answered with great decision : " Sire,
it is not true." And finally, seizing Napoleon's arm, he
dared to say : ^^ Sire, this arm is victorious, let it also be
gentle and kind. Touch not the reputation of the Queen,
for she is an excellent Princess." Erman expected that he
would be punished by imprisonment or loss of position for
doing such an act, but to the surprise of all. Napoleon
allowed him his liberty, and afterwards said : " One of
your ministers has told me the truth." Some time after,
Queen Louisa, at a feast of the Order, 1810, called
Erman forth, and thanked him, saying : ^' I cannot refuse
the satisfaction of toasting the health of him, who had the
courage, when all others were forsaking me, to stand up,
like one of the knights of old, and break a lance in
defence of his Queen." The Queen after that was always
very favorable to the French colony.
CHAPTER ly.— SECTION 11.
THE EFFECT ON THE FRENCH.— THE REVENGE OF
HISTORY.
France's loss was Germany's gain. And the greater
the loss to France^ the greater the gain to Germany. One
fifth of the Huguenots went into exile. They took away
with them sixty millions of coined money. As the
Catholic statesman Daubansaid, "the business of forty-six
thousand men was ruined, the fleet of the enemy enriched
by nine thousand sailors — the best in the kingdom, and
the army of the enemy, with six hundred excellent officers
and twelve thousand experienced soldiers." Marshal
Schomberg, the leading General of France, the successor
of Turenne and Conde, and also her greatest Admiral, Du
Quesne (after De Ruyter, the first Admiral of his day),
were Huguenots. The former fled, the latter was made
the only exception to the edict. The loss to commerce
was enormous. Jurien said : " The Protestants have
carried commerce with them into exile. Of the 18,000
silk looms at Lyons only 400 remained. Tours had
70 mills out of 800, 1,200 looms out of 80,000, and 4,000
inhabitants out of 40,000. The woolen trade of Portou
was ruined. Metz lost three-fourths of its trade in
222 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
cloth, and from a population of 60,000 fell to 22,000 ;
while Lyons fell from 90,000 to 70,000. In Normandy
26,000 houses were empty.
But worse than the loss of population, was the loss to
the French of the best qualities of character, that were
taken out by the Huguenots — the very qualities that the
French specially needed to balance their character. The
French are reputed to be a mercurial, changeable, fickle
race, but the Huguenots were not fickle or mercurial, or
they never would have given up all for the sake of their
faith. On the contrary, they were staunch adherents to
principle, even if it led to death. They, therefore, pos-
sessed the steadiness that the French seem to lack to-day.
Had they remained in France, they would have imparted
the much-needed steadiness to the French nation. In-
deed, the most awful result of the Revocation of the Edict
of Nantes may be said to have been the infidelity of the
French Revolution. The corrective of the infidel tend-
ency of the French Revolution would have been the
reverence for God taught by the Huguenots.
" Self-reverence, self-knowledge, self-control,
These alone lead to sovereign power."
This reverence for God and religion was largely lost
to France, when the Huguenots departed. Bayle said to
the Romanists of France : " Your triumph will be the
victory of Deism." And so it was afterwards in the
French Revolution. That Revolution came to punish a
THE REVENGES OF PROVIDENCE. 223
nation for its Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. With
the Huguenots went the pious spirit, the faith, the
morality, to become a blessing to other lands.
And, as the history rolls on, nowhere do we see the
revenges of history more strongly brought out than in the
wars between Germany and France. God sent the death
angel to Louis XIV., and took from him within eleven
months his son, his grandson and his eldest great-grand-
son. The second great-grandson, a five year old child,
succeeded him. While the last of his race was called
" the paschal lamb," offered for his country. As Louis'
body was brought to the church of St. Denis in Paris, the
Romish people followed it with stones and laughter. As
his heart was brought to the Jesuit church, not more than
six persons, outside the civil officers, went with it. He
died, unwept, unhonored, though not unsung. And the
further we follow French history, the more the stern
Nemesis of revenge appears. ^' The mills of the gods grind
slowly, but they grind exceedingly fine." God has avenged
His slaughtered saints. And Germany, who received
so many of them, was ordained of God to perform the
punishment. This was most strikingly brought out in
the late Franco-Prussian war. Who was it that con-
quered France ? A descendent of the great Coligny, whom
they massacred at St. Bartholomew, Emperor William I.
of Germany (who was a descendent of Coligny nine
generations off), yes, doubly descended from Coligny
224 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
through the Palatinate, and also through the Orange,
House.* And where did the coronation of the Emperor
of Germany take place ? At Versailles, at the very place
where the King Louis XIV. issued his edict, driving out
the Huguenots. It is a very significant fact, that in the
staff of Emperor William, when he rode into Paris, there
were eighty descendents of those banished Huguenots.
They were " Daniels come to judgment.'^ And where
Avas the decisive battle of the war fought? At Sedan, so
famous centuries ago for its Reformed theological semi-
nary, which was suppressed by Louis XIV. And where
was the Emperor Louis Napoleon confined as a prisoner ?
At Williamshoehe at Cassel, a city that had received the
refugees, and a park begun by them. Fearfully has God
revenged the Huguenots on France. And greatly has He
blessed Germany for receiving them, and made her the
leading Empire of continental Europe. f
* The Coligny family, who remained in France and renounced Protestant-
ism, died out, while that branch, that gave up all for the sake of Christ,
became the ancestors of Kings.
■f- The same revenge of history is to be noticed in connection with Austria.
Where did Prussia defeat Austria, and finally destroy her power over the Ger-
man States ? At Sadowa, in Bohemia, where Austria had put to death and
banished her pious Protestants, as France persecuted hers.
BOOK III.
THE KAVAGE OF THE PALATINATE.
CHAPTER I.
PREPARATION FOR THE CATASTROPHE.
SECTION I.
PRINCESS LISE-LOTTE.
A second time was the Palatinate to have a baptism of
fire. Forty years passed away, and the suiFerings of the
•Thirty Years' War were light compared with those yet to
come. A century of darkness came on the Palatinate. It
began wath w^ars, it was continued by persecutions. The
wars had their beginnings as far back as the Thirty Years'
War. For in that war the Princes of the Palatinate
learned the advantages of making alliances with the
French, and of having French subsidies. Charles Lewis
looked on France as a helper against the aggressions of
the Emperor and of the Romish Princes around him.
While France on the other hand was only too glad to
form an alliance that might be fruitful to her at some time
226 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
or other. For Louis XIV. had an ambition to be a new
Charlemagne. He hoped to found a kingdom that would
include all Germany, as well as France, and like Charle-
magne's, cover Europe. He wanted to found the ancient
kingdom of Austrasia in Germany, on which he proposed
to place Elector Charles Lewis as King. Thus the
Elector of the Palatinate Avas coquetting with the French ;
and to strengthen his relations with France, he determined
to marry his daughter, Elizabeth Charlotte, or as she is
generally known in history, " Lise-Lotte,'' to the Duke of
Orleans, the brother of the King of France.
She was born May 17, 1652, and was carefully edu-
cated by her aunt, Electress Sophia of Hanover, under the
eye of the philosopher, Leibnitz. She became a woman
of remarkable abilities. She however looked on her mar-
riage, which was a purely political one, with dread. She
finally acquiesced to her father's will, and was married in
1671, but she ever considered herself the political lamb,
sacrificed for her land. She went to Metz, and by JSTo-
vember, 1671, she was there compelled to give up her
Protestant faith and join the Pomish Church, an act which
caused a great sensation among the Reformed of the Palat-
inate.
But though a nominal Romanist, Lise-Lotte ever
remained a Protestant at heart, as her life and letters show.
She read her Bible in spite of the bigoted warnings of King
Louis XIY. and of the ridicule of the court. She spent
PRINCESS LISE-LOTTE. 227
part of every moruing in reading the Bible and in prayer.
A beautiful illustration is told of her, that she was walk-
ing one day in the Orangerie at Versailles, and was sing-
ing the sixth Psalm in French. (It required a good deal
of courage to do this, for the French Psalms were the
symbol of Protestantism, and were often forbidden by the
French government.) While she was singing it, a noted
artist of the time, warmly attached to the Reformed
religion, happened to be painting the roof. Scarcely had
she finished the last verse, when she saw Mr. Rosseau
hasten down the ladder and fall at her feet. She thought
he was mad, and said, " Rosseau, what is the matter ?''
With tears in his eyes he replied : " Is it possible that you
still recollect our Psalms and sing them ? May God
bless and keep you in this good mind." It is somewhat
remarkable that about the time that Louis XIV. issued
his Revocation, driving the Reformed out of France, she
was singing their Psalms in his palace. She was bitterly
opposed to all priestcraft, and hated the Jesuits with a
great hatred, for the woes they brought on her dear land
of the Palatinate. When her son became regent in France,
she did much to save some of the Reformed from the
awful punishment of the galleys. She lived like a her-
mit, she said, separated from her loved ones, her faith,
her land, and out of sympathy Avith the court. Her
children were her only joy, and they w^ere snatched away
from her, to be educated in the Romish faith ; for evi-
228 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
dently the Romanists felt they could not be exactly sure
that they would be thorough Romanists, if left to the
trainino: of such a Bible reader as their mother.
Her strong religious principles enabled her to remain
pure in that most corrupt court. She was the pure white
lily in that black marsh of Versailles. Her son, separated
from the good influence of his mother, grew up a liber-
tine, and her daughter, a fashionable weakling. Her
great comfort was in her letter- writing to her aunt Sophia
at Hanover. Although she lived in France, yet she ever
remained an intense German in her sympathies. After a
stay of thirty years, she still confessed that she was a
stranger in France. Louis XIV. respected her for her
strength and purity of character ; and in his old age,
when broken down by defeats and disappointments, recog-
nized her worth, and leaned on her for comfort. Madame
De Main tenon hated her bitterly, but never was able to'
destroy the King's regard for her. She was his good
angel, as Madame De Maintenon was his evil angel. She
died, October 8, 1722. She was strong without ambition,
pious without bigotry, prudent without pretense — a
remarkable woman. In spite of the untoward influences
against her and her house, she still became the ancestress
of Kings, for the Orleans family of France and the
family of Maria Theresa of Austria both are descended
from her.
SUFFERINGS OF THE PALATINATE. 229
But her marriage, instead of saving her land, only
proved its ruin. Elector Charles Lewis lived to see the
mistake he had made. For the French sent their armies
into the western Palatinate in the wars of the Reunions,
in 1673 and again in 1674, terribly devastating the dis-
tricts west of the Rhine. He wrote to the French
General, Turenne, asking him, if he had forgotten that
his father, when a refugee, had once found an asylum in
the Palatinate.* But in spite of the Elector's protests,
the French crossed the Rhine, ravaging the Berg-Strasse
fearfully. They tore the clothes off the inhabitants in
their search for money, and dug up springs, and tore off
the plaster from the walls. And, because some money
happened once to be found secreted in a stork's nest, the
storks had a sorry time of it, for all their nests Avere
uprooted. Finally the French retired from the Palati-
nate in 1679, before the advancing German armies. But
the air w^as still full of rumors of wars. Elector Charles
Lewis died, October 17, 1680.
* Turenne had been a Protestant, but through the influence of his second
wife had become a Romanist.
CHAPTER I.— SECTION 11.
PRINCESS ELIZABETH OF THE PALATINATE.
Princess Elizabeth was the most talented Princess the
Reformed Church of Germany ever possessed. She was
the oldest sister of Elector Charles Lewis, and was born
December 26, 1718, at Heidelberg. When her father,
Elector Frederick V., went to Bohemia, she was left
behind with her grandmother, the Electress Juliane, and
when the latter fled, was taken with her to Koenigsberg.
It was the sublime faith and religious earnestness of her
grandmother that helped to lay the foundations of the
serious thoughtfulness of her character. At the age of
ten she was sent to her father's family in Holland. Here
she learned the secrets of sorrow. Her family was in
exile, her dearest brother was drowned. Then her father
died. Her mother, the Electress Elizabeth, failed to rec-
ognize her abilities, so that there was a coolness shown
to her.
But her adversities turned out to be blessings. For
when her family had been driven into exile by the Thirty
Years' War, they had settled in one of the most learned
lands in Europe. Holland was then the home of paint-
ers, poets and thinkers. Here Rene Descartes became
DESCARTES AND ELIZABETH. 231
private tutor to Elizabeth, and she made great progress
in his studies. (Elizabeth made no pretentions to beauty,
but had an expressive eye and a pleasant countenance.)
Descartes was delighted to find in her a scholar so capable
of exploring with him erudite questions, and of compre-
hending sublime truths. After teaching her for about
two years, he went to north Holland, but still kept up
correspondence with her, his favorite pupil, and often
went to the Hague, so as to visit her. The little court of
the Palatinate family, although in exile, became famous
for its beauty and learning, so that it was called ^^ the
home of the Muses and Graces.'' Of the three illustrious
sisters in that family, Louisa was the greatest artist,
Sophia the most polished lady, but Elizabeth the most
learned. She made such progress in philosophy that she
became famous as the Star of the North. Her learning
was considered all the more remarkable, because at that
time it was considered above the sphere or power of
woman to excel in philosophy. In her correspondence
with Descartes she would discuss the deepest questions of
philosophy, such as the union of soul and body, God's
omnipotence and omniscience, and man's free agency and
virtue. Descartes appreciated her so highly as to dedi-
cate his leading work, " The Principles of Philosophy," to
her. In 1647 she went to Berlin, where, in the court of
her uncle, the Elector of Brandenburg, she gained great
fame, especially through a disputation which she had
232 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
with the celebrated Thomas Kresbesch. While staying
here she learned with great sorrow of the death of her
teacher Descartes.
After the Thirty Years' War was over, she went back
to' Heidelberg with her brother to live. Here her literary
talents brought her into intimate relations with the pro-
fessors in the university, especially with Professor Hot-
tinger, who compared her with the talented Oiympia
Morata, who had graced Heidelberg a century before.
Through a relative she became acquainted with the cele-
brated theologian, Jolm Koch, the founder of the Cocceian
school of theology, and kept up a correspondence with
him. But when her brother put away his wife and mar-
ried the Raugrafin, she indignantly left his court (1662)
and went to live with his disowned wife at Cassel. In
1667 the Elector of Brandenburg appointed her Abbess at
Herford, a Protestant Abbey. This gave her a small
territory with about seven thousand inhabitants to rule
over. These she governed with wise discretion, and at
the same time gathered around her a congenial company
of thinkers, so that Herford became a court of the
Muses.
It was her liberal spirit that led her to invite Labadie
and his congregation to settle in her land. The dangers
of Cartesian rationalism Avere in her counteracted by
Pietism. Against the coming of these Separatists in 1670,
the Lutheran ministers and people of her land protested.
PENN AND ELIZABETH. 233
They appealed to her, and from her to the Elector of Bran-
denburg, so as to get rid of them. She however gave
these Labadists a home for two years, because she believed
in freedom of conscience. For this act she had to suffer a
good deal of ridicule and opposition.
It was her reception of Labadie that called the atten-
tion of William Penn to her. There were two reasons
why Penn respected the Reformed Church. One was
because his mother had been a member of that Church in
Holland. Another was because he had studied at one of
the Reformed universities, the university of Saumur in
France, 1662-3. Here he had sat at the feet of Professor
Moses Amyraut, who was compared to Moses leading the
Israelites, and whose fame was sung in the couplet :
" From Moses down to Moses none
Among the sons of men
With equal lustre ever shone
In manners, tongue or pen."
Penn determined to visit Elizabeth, hoping to convert
such a learned, broad-minded Princess to his Quaker
faith. He visited her in 1677 at Herford, and stayed
with her three days. On the first day of his visit he
called on her and was surprised to be received with such
warm expressions of welcome. He, therefore, took cour-
age and began preaching. They had a religious service,
which lasted from 7 to 11 o'clock A. m. In the after-
noon he again returned to her castle and found Elizabeth
16
234 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAXY.
had invited her intimate friend, the Countess of Horn,
and several others, to service. He held services there till
7 p. M., and all, both preacher and hearers, were deeply
affected. The next day at 9 A. m. he held a service again,
all the Countess' servants being present. In the afternoon
he fulfilled his promise to her to narrate the story of his
conversion to the Quaker faith, together with the perse-
cutions he had suffered for it. After supper wth her, he
again continued the story of his conversion until 11 p. m.
On the next day, the last of their stay, not only the resi-
dents of the castle, but also the inhabitants of the town
were present at service. Penn preached with great power,
so that the Princess was so overcome witli her feelings
that she could hardly give expression to her words when
she bade him good-bye. On his return from south Ger-
many, he again visited her and held meetings in her cas-
tle as before. He found there the Count of Dohna, one
of the prominent nobles in the Brandenburg court.
Dohna and he soon got into a debate about the nature of
Christianity and conversion. Penn gave an account of
his withdrawal from the world in order to become a Qua-
ker. Dohna then attacked the peculiar custom of the
Quakers in never lifting their hats, not even to Kings.
Penn tried to show him that such a custom was ^* a weed
of degeneracy, a mere fleshly honor," that it often covered
insincerity, and that the hat should be lifted to none but
God alone when taken off in God's house. After he had
PENN AND ELIZABETH. 235
gone away^ the Princess corresponded with him nntil her
death in 1680. Penn Avas greatly affected by her death,
for he had a trne regard for her. When he published the
second edition of his work, " No Cross, no Crown," he
perpetuated her memory by inserting her name among
the ancient and modern benefactors of mankind.
She was the brightest light of the Palatinate house
since Elector Frederick III., who ordered the composi-
tion of the Heidelberg Catechism. To a mind of unusual
ability she added the graces of piety, which beautified
and sanctified it. It was an interesting coincidence that
Penn came in contact with her just at the time that he
was about laying out Pennsylvania, for whose principles
of religious liberty her little abbey of Herford might well
serve as a pattern. Penn amply repaid the debt to her
and the Reformed Church by receiving her brethren of
the faith into Pennsylvania, and making it the birth-
place of the German Reformed Church in the United
States.
CHAPTER I.— SECTION III.
THE REIGN OF ELECTOR CHARLES.
When Elector Charles Lewis died^ his only son,
Charles, ascended the throne. He was a sickly youth,
over whom death, like the sword of Damocles, seemed to
hang already. Although surrounded by the splendors of
the court, still he had an unpleasant boyhood. He
deeply mourned the disgrace of his mother, when his
father cast her aside. He was not happy in his surround-
ings, for the children of his father's second marriage were
not congenial. Their splendid physical strength and
health made him envious. Besides, he saw that his father
thought more of them than of him. He grew up, there-
fore, sickly and despondent, with a cloud hanging over
his life. He was married to a Princess of Denmark, but
she proved uncongenial. As the result of all these unto-
ward events, he was not the man for the hour. Europe
was just entering upon the stormy period at the close of
the seventeenth century, and the Palatinate needed a
leader — a man of action, so as to prevent any further
French aggressions. On the contrary, he was melan-
choly, and fond of retirement. As he was not well, he
gave most of his affairs into the charge of his ministers.
CALVIXISTIC REFORMS. 237
As long as his Councillor Hachenberg lived, all went
well. But he died seven months after Charles ascended
the throne. So Charles appointed as his prime minister
Langhanns, his court preacher, a man who seems to have
been more gifted with worldly wisdom than with spirit-
ual-mindedness.
Langhanns, however, was in his religious belief a
staunch Calvinist, and through him there was a revival
of Calvinism in the Palatinate. For Elector Charles
Lewis, especially after his marriage with the Lady of
Degenfeld, who was a Lutheran, was more and more
inclined to union with the Lutherans, and he had given
up some Calvinistic customs, as well as introduced others
that savored of union. Now, however, his son aimed to
bring back the Palatinate to the Calvinism of the preced-
ing century, when Elector Frederick III. was on the
throne and the Heidelberg Catechism was written.
Many of the Reformed customs and institutions, which
had fallen into disuse through Elector Charles Lewis,
were now revived. The Elector re-introduced the power
of the Presbyterium in the congregation, giving to them
the care over Church discipline. He ordered the visita-
tion of the churches, w^hich his worldly-minded and penu-
rious father thought too expensive, and had given up.
He enlarged the Sapienz College, so that it could have
forty students. He appointed regular meetings of the
Classes, in place of special Synods held only occasionall}',
238 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
and made them more of a devotional character, than for
business alone. As Elector Frederick III. had gladly
received French refugees into his land after the massacre
of St. Bartholomew, so he received French refugees after
the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. He also, with
the Elector of Brandenburg, interceded for the Reformed
of Hungary (who were oppressed by the Catholics) and
of Frankford on the Main (who were oppressed by the
Lutherans). But his most important act to the Reformed
Church Avas the revival of the Reformed consistory.
This organization, which stood at the head of the Palati-
nate Church, had been reduced by his father, for the sake
of economy, to four members. He enlarged it to its
original size of seven (six members and a secretary). His
organization of the consistory and of the Classes made
them a bulwark to protect the Reformed Church against
Romish aggressions. Without these reforms, the
Reformed Church would never have been able to with-
stand the terrible storms of the century that followed.
The Reformed Church, therefore, owes him a debt of
gratitude for what lie did for her during his brief reign.
Indeed, he seemed to take little interest in anything
except religious affairs. He went so far as to publish a
theological work, ^' Philothei symbola Christiania,'' in
1672.
It soon became evident that Elector Charles would
not live long. As he had no children, there came up the
DEATH OF ELECTOR CHARLES. 239
question of his successor. This was very unfortuuate for
the Reformed, for it would put their land under the
control of a Romish Prince, the nearest of kin, the Duke
of Pfalz Neuburg. Elector Charles, however, tried to do
the best he could for his Reformed people. Negotiations
were entered into between himself and his cousin, the
Duke of Pfalz Neuburg, and a compact was agreed upon,
known as the Halle Recess. In it the Duke of Pfalz
Neuburg promised to give toleration to the Reformed, as
the Peace of Westphalia had demanded. He also
guaranteed that the Reformed consistory and university
were to remain in the same condition, as they were during
Elector Charles' reign. This compact was signed by the
Duke in May, 1685. But when it was brought back to
Heidelberg, to be signed by Elector Charles, alas, he died
before doing so. And with his death were buried the
hopes of the Reformed Church of the Palatinate. When
his death was announced from the pulpit, it is said the
congregation wept aloud, so that the minister could be
heard with difficulty. The poor Reformed people seemed
instinctively to know of the doom that was awaiting them
under the Romish Electors, as the night of a century
began to fall upon them.
CHAPTER II.
THE POLITICAL REIGN OF TERROR.
SECTION I.
THE REIGN OF ELECTOR PHILLIP WILLIAM.
The year 1685 which brought such terrible woes to the
Eeformed of France, was to bring to their brethren of the
Palatinate the beginning of something almost as bad. No
sooner had Elector Charles died than troubles arose. For
other claimants came forward for his throne. King Louis
Xiy . declared that his brother, the Duke of Orleans, was
a nearer relative than Elector Phillip William, for he was
■a brother-in-law to the late Elector, while Phillip William
was only a cousin. This was a false claim. For the law
of the Palatinate had always made the females w^aive their
claims as long as a male of their line lived. Beside Lise
Lotte, the wife of the Duke of Orleans, had, at her mar-
riage, renounced all claims to the throne by an express
stipulation. But the injustice of the claim did not stop
King Louis XIV. of France. It took more than an
injustice to stop him. He was however held back for two
years, it is said, by the intercession of Lise Lotte.
The new Elector came to Heidelberg in the autumn of
ROMISH INNOVATIONS. 241
1685. He at once gave assurances to the Reformed, that
he would give them full liberty. In a meeting which he
had with the Reformed consistory, October 30, he prom-
ised them his protection, and he gave a written assurance
to the Elector of Brandenburg, the great protector of the
Reformed. Still he began making some very significant
and unpleasant changes. He himself may have been
inclined to toleration, yet the next year the Jesuits came
into his land and began to influence him. The Danish
minister brought unjust charges against the late prime
minister of Elector Charles, Langhanns, that he had
alienated the affections of Charles from his wife. For
this he was found guilty, his goods were confiscated, he
was put into the pillory, and after suffering many indig-
nities, was ordered to be imprisoned for twenty years.
However, three years later he was released by the French
from his prison at Zwingenberg, and he escaped to Basle,
where he died, 1691. This unjust treatment of a Calvin-
istic minister was ominous. The Elector ordered the new
Gregorian calender, which was looked upon by the Pro-
testants as a Romish innovation, to be introduced into his
land. He did this thirteen years before it was generally
introduced by other Protestant lands. This caused great
excitement. He also began giving greater liberties to
Catholics. According to the peace of Westphalia, a
Romish Prince in a Protestant land had only the right of
having Romish service in his castle chapel, yet the Elector
242 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
began building Romish cloisters in Heidelberg. He
ordered the Carmelite church to be built, and until it was
finished, he took away the choir of the Garrison church
from the Reformed and gave it to them. He also took
advantao-e of the fact that the Reformed consistory was
just then without a head, and consisted of only three mem-
bers, Fabricius and Burkhard and Naurath. He ordered
the consistory not to make any appointments without
having first submitted them to him. In 1689, he went
farther, and ordered them to propose two names, from
which he was to choose. All this was an infringement on
their rights, for it took away from them the i>ower of
appointing whom they pleased, and made the consistory a
creature of the Elector. In 1689 he reduced the number
of pastors and teachers by sixty, because, he said, he did
not have money enough to pay them. He had the Re-
formed minister at Frankenthal, Reich, arrested, because
he preached so boldly on the eightieth answer of the
Heidelberg Catechism. On the other hand, while he
lessened the freedom of the Reformed, he increased that
of the Romanists. He aided them to build a number of
churches and convents. He granted Romish worship
where only six persons could be found who desired it.
Where they had no church, he gave them the city hall.
The Catholics were evidently aiming to get hold of the
Reformed churches.
ROMISH INNOVATIONS. 243
The methods of the Romanists remind ns of the old
fable of the camel who first asked to be allowed to put his
head into the tent. He found it so comfortable there that
he asked to be allowed to put his neck in, and then his
body, until there was no room in the tent for the owner,
and he had to go outside. This method the Romanists
took. They first began in 1686 and 1687 to have religious
processions through the streets. Then they demanded
the use of the Reformed bells, that they might be rung
for Romish service. This was a small matter, but it was
the entering wedge to greater demands. They then
demanded the use of Reformed cemeteries, and began
their processions there. All this was preparatory to
what took place under the next Elector, namely the
demand to use their churches. Having gained the use of
the Reformed churches, they would soon crowd their
services so much that there was no room for any Reformed
services, and so the Reformed were to be entirely crowded
out. This was their policy. And, although it took
years to bring it about, yet they began it in this reign.
They began with the possession of the cemeteries, to end
by and by in the possession of the churches. We have
called attention to this plan of the Romanists thus early,
because it is interesting to watch the development of their
plan in the after-history of the Palatinate.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION II.
THE FRENCH WAR OF 1688-89.
These ecclesiastical oppressions were the least of the
sufferings of the Reformed. The year 1688 seemed to be
ominous all over Europe. It looked as if a second relig-
ious war were about to break out betv/een the Catholics
and the Protestants, with England, Holland and Protes-
tant Germany against Catholic Germany, France, Austria
and Spain. In England the Protestants gained the
advantage by the battle of the Boyne. But on the continent,
especially in the Palatinate, the Reformed suffered
severely. If the century that followed may be called a
century of night, the first five years were a period of
midnight. The night began with midnight.
In 1688 King Louis XIV. of France grew weary of
w^aiting for the Palatinate to place his brother, the Duke
of Orleans, on its throne. And he suddenly precipitated
an army of eighty thousand men on the Palatinate,
Avithin the short period of seven weeks, and changed that
paradise into a desert. The Emperor of Germany, who
should have protected the Palatinate, had his hands full
with the Turks just then, and could do nothing to help
them ; while the Palatinate was too weak in itself to
FRENCH CONQUESTS. 245
hinder these magnificent French armies. On September
24, 1688, the King of France sent a manifesto, which
declared that Phillip William was a usurper, and
demanded the throne for the Duke of Orleans. While
one division of the French army took Kaiserlautern by
storm, the other division captured Phillipsburg, Worms,
Spire. All the large towns west of the Rhine were
taken and had to receive French s^arrisons. Then Hei-
CD
delberg was threatened. Many of the upper families fled
from it to other lands, while the inhabitants of the sur-
rounding country fled into it for safety. The city, there-
fore, became so full that they were quartered on the
inhabitants. Finally, by October 25, Heidelberg opened
its gates to the French, who promised that the city and
university would not be oppressed, and that the castle
with its archives would be held sacred. Manheim made
a brave resistance, but by November 10 it, too, had sur-
rendered, and Frankenthal surrendered November 18.
At Heidelberg, although the French had agreed not to
levy any contributions, yet they demanded 80,000 livres
within eight days, or they would destroy the city. The
inhabitants sent an ambassador, Weingart, the owner of
^^ the hotel of Portugal," to Paris to appeal to the King and
to get Lise Lotte to intercede for them. But it was all in
vain. The garrison meanwhile quartered their soldiers
on the inhabitants and took wliatever they wanted.
246 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Then it was that an idea struck the brain of King
Louis XIV. more worthy of the Huns and Tartars than
of " that most Christian King/' as he was called. It was
to change the Palatinate into a waste. Then, if he kept
it, he would re-people it with Catholics ; or if he lost it,
he would return it to the German Emperor an Arabian
desert. At any rate, as he had driven the Reformed out
of France, he determined to drive them out of the Palati-
nate. If the Palatinate was to become part of his king-
dom, he did not want the Reformed with it. It is said
his decision was precipitated by a dispute with his minis-
ter, Louvois, about a window at the Trianon at Versailles,
as he gave the awful command, ^^ De Bruler le Palatinate"
(ravage the Palatinate.) Fearfully was this carried out.
The new year came, and it ushered into the Palatinate a
new year indeed — the most awful of the awful years that
land had ever yet experienced. On January 18 the work
of the ravage began. The French, contrary to their agree-
ment at the surrender of Heidelberg, began to blow up
part of the beautiful castle, and to destroy the gardens,
orchards and vineyards around the city. The near
approach of the Germans made the French general, Melac,
determine that if he had to leave the city before the Ger-
man army, he would leave it a mass of ruins, and the
country for ten miles around a barren waste. He said,
" If tlie German Emperor wants the land, I will carry the
torch before him." The next day the French began to
OPPRESSIONS OF THE FRENCH. 247
fire the villages around the city. In all directions could
be seen the flames of burning villages. Having burned
the villages along the I^eckar, on both sides of the river,
the wild hordes marched up the Bergstrasse, the beautiful
road to Frankford. When they came to Handschuheim,
the largest toAvn on it, they burned it, so that nothing was
left ; and some citizens of Heidelberg, who had fled there
for safety, were shot. A pathetic story has come down to
us that the poor orphans in the Reformed orphanage at
Handschuheim were compelled to flee almost naked across
the snow to Schonau, when it was found that two of them
had found their graves in the snow. The French shut up
the magistrates of Handschuheim naked in the bitter cold
church for three days, until they were almost frozen. On
the road from Dossenheim to Neuenhain 52 bodies lay
naked, and were gathered up and buried November 3.
And now came the time when Heidelberg: was to
receive its baptism of fire — its crown of suffering.* On
February 16 the thick tower of the castle was blown up,
but ]\Iarch 2 was destined to be the date of the city's great
destruction. At 5 A. m. the castle garrison, 900 strong,
was gathered in the open court of the castle with its bag-
gage ready to depart. At 6 A. m. three shots were fired
from the apothecary's tower. This was the signal for the
destruction, which ended only with the departure of the
* For an interesting account of the destruction of Heidelberg during the
wars of 1688 and 1693, see the novel " Die Rose von Heidelberg," by Robiano.
248 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Frencli troops at noon. At 7, A. m. the artillery commis-
sioner appeared in the arsenal with pitch, matches and
straw wisps. The castle caught fire rapidly, and in half
an hour was in flames. The garrison remained in the
court of the castle till the roof fell in, and then marched
out, leaving six miners behind to blow up the castle.
That anything of the castle was saved, was due to the
few people who remained behind in it, and who tried to
save it ; but a man and two women lost their lives in the
flames. And so the castle, which it had taken centuries
to build, was destroyed in a single morning.
Then came the city's turn. The soldiers went through
the town, putting burning material into the houses and
setting them on fire. Fortunately the commander gave
orders that though the city be burned, the churches should
be spared. The cruel general, Melac (the Tilly of this
war — the Duke of Alva of his age), sat on his horse in
the market square, enjoying the spectacle with the great-
est pleasure — like Nero, who cruelly fiddled while Rome
was burning.*
* As the city hall lay in ashes, he stooped to a very low species of revenge.
Weingart, who had been ambassador to Paris, had already been terribly
oppressed by having no less than 75 men quartered on him for four days, and
had to pay 6S gulden so as not to have his house plundered. During the con-
flagration Melac came to his door with 150 dragoons, and as Weingart would
not open, he cut doAvn the door, entered the house, broke open the chests, took
the linen and the clothes in them, and set the house on fire with bed clothes
and benches. And as the great stable and the back part of the house burned,
Melac said to him, " This is my recompense to you for your mission to Pari?.'*
DESTRUCTION OF HEIDELBERG. 249
But not all the officers were as hard-hearted as Melac.
De Tesse, when the mayor fell at his feet to plead for
mercy to the city, said he was very sorry to have to
burn the city, but it was the strict order of his King.
Still de Tesse secretly gave them permission to put out
the flames, provided they left smoke ascend. He allowed
them to kindle a harmless fire, which the people made by
filling their windows with damp straw and lighting it,
thus causing a dense smoke to go from the house and
give the appearance of a great fire within. But he had
to conceal his mercy. To the royal attendant of the
King he exaggerated the destruction of the city by saying
that half of the town was in ashes, when only thirty
houses in the old city were entirely destroyed, although
many were damaged. It was only owing to the pity of
these officers, to the mediation of the Eomish orders and
the activity of the people that the whole city was not
destroyed. At noon the French army marched away,
taking with them 12 hostages, among them the Eeformed
pastor Achenbach. •
Then came Manheim's turn. The French commander,
on March 3, notified the inhabitants that their town must
be destroyed. If they would help, he would give them
twenty days, and if they would seek an asylum in France,
he would aid them to get there. But the inhabitants
promptly refused to tear down their own houses, and fled
in haste. So on March 5 the soldiers began to break
17
250 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. '
down the houses, and the next day burn them. And
while the inhabitants in wild throngs rushed across the
Neckar bridge, the city and castle were changed into a
mass of rubbish and stones, the churches destroyed, and
the body of the Raugrafin torn from its grave in the
Concordia church. This flourishing city remained for a
long time ruined. Two hundred families went to Magde-
burg, and the rest wandered homeless hither and thither,
living on charity. A citizen who returned afterwards
saw nothing but a stone heap, in which it w^as difficult to
make out where the streets had been. Thus destruction
was carried on along the Rhine from Treves to the
Ortenau. At Spire the commandant ordered all out of
the town within six days, but the next day the whole
town, with its twenty towers and churches, was given to
the flames. General Montclas had told the citizens that
they could bring their goods into the cathedral, as it
would be saved ; but when it was filled with inflammable
material, the soldiers set it on fire. Sacred things were
no more safe than secular and profane. The church rel-
ics were stolen, and the bodies of the old German Emper-
ors, before whose power in their lives little France had
trembled, they tore from their tombs and played ten-
pins with their skulls. Worms, after suifering great
oppressions from its garrison, was notified, May 23, that
the town must be laid even with the ground. When the
people wailed and cried, the Duke de Erequi comforted
RAVAGE OF THE PALATINATE. 251
them with the thought that their lot was to be shared by
1200 towns. For many years, to show their hatred of
their cruel oppressors, the Palatines would name their
dogs after the French generals Melac and Montclas. On
Tuesday after Whitsunday they burnt Worms, except the
cathedral, while they drowned the cries of the inhabit-
ants by the music of bands and the shooting of cannons.
If great cities suffered, what was to be expected in the
villages and country districts ? There the destruction was
continued till August. Great as had be en the oppressions
during the Thirty Years' War, they had never been car-
ried on in such a systematic or thorough way as now.
The French tore up the vinestalks and cut down the fruit
trees. Hardly a town was to be seen, and villages and
towns lay under rubbish. Twelve hundred villages were
razed to the ground and 40,000 inhabitants robbed of all
they had. The Emperor of Germany was right when he
called this act of the French King a barbarity, which even
the infidel Turks would not allow. Since the days of the
Huns, Europe had not been so devastated. Melac was a
second Attila — no grass grew under his feet. Though
two centuries have passed away, the marks of this devas-
tation can still be noted, for the villages between Treves
and the Ortenau are all new, having been rebuilt since
the war.
If the sufferings of the people were so great, still more
terrible were the sufferings of the Reformed. If the
252 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
troops spared not their co-religionists, the Komanists,
much less did they spare the Reformed.* The property
of the Reformed was taken from them, especially in Ger-
mersheim. In many places Romish service was forcibly
introduced, and parents were compelled to send their
children to Catholic service. In some places, when the
older children refused, they were unmercifully beaten
Avith rods or driven out half naked in the winter from the
villages into the woods, so that some perished in the snow,
because of the cold. In many places there was no church
building left for them after the terrible conflagrations that
burned up everything, so the congregations had to wor-
ship in the open air. Immense multitudes went down
the Rhine. Utterly destitute, they arrived at Holland,
and encamped by thousands in the environs of Amster-
dam and Rotterdam. The Dutch did all they could to
help them, their persecuted brethren in the faith. And
yet in the midst of all their suiferings, their pastor at
Heidelberg, Achenbach, a Calvinist, would comfort them
with the remembrance that they were the elect of God,
whom He Avould not forsake.
* When the Reformed at Christmas morning, 1689, went to service in the
Holy Ghost church at Heidelberg, they found the door shut and a French
guard placed at it. The soldiers plagued them by sending them from one door
to the other, until at last they found that the only entrance open was to the
Romish service in the choir.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION III.
THE WAR OF 1693-4.
The war of 1688-9 was over, and yet the war was not
over. For in 1691 the French army was still in the
Palatinate, west of the Rhine. And east of the Rhine
the two armies marched and countermarched, and the
land which had suffered under one army, fairly groaned
under two. From Bretten to Manheim the German army
had its quarters. They hastily built Manheim, 8000
men laboring at it daily. Heidelberg was so far rebuilt
that it was defensible as a fort. Finally, in May, 1693,
the French army again approached Heidelberg, to com-
plete what they had left undone in 1689. The city could
have been defended until aid came, for the German army
was not far away. But its Commander-in-chief, Eber-
hard of Heidersdorf, proved a traitor. No sooner did he
hear that the French army was approaching, than he sent
all his baggage across the Neckar. This cowardly act
greatly disheartened the citizens. All who were able
began to leave the city and cross the Neckar bridge.
Then the commandant, like some Jewish usurer, deter-
mined to make money out of their necessities. He refused
to let any of them leave the city and cross the Neckar
254 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
without a passport, and no one could get a passport unless
he paid from twenty to thirty thalers for it. On May 18
a strong French corps appeared and began to garrison the
heights back of the city, and also the west bank of the
Neckar. Then General Melac came with 3000 men and
took possession of the King's Seat on the top of the
mountain. On May 21 and 22 the French made a pre-
tended attack — a sort of blind alarm. At this the trai-
torous commander withdrew his troops from the town,
the Star fortification and Klingenthor up to the castle»
He thus laid open to the enemy the most important points,
as if to show them how to get in. To still further crip-
ple his own troops, he caused twenty-three of his own
guns to be spiked. His officers and soldiers were aston-
ished at all this, and made bitter complaints against him.
Under Colonel Avendal they would have fortified these
places again, but before they could do so, the French
entered the middle gate, for the commandant had neg-
lected (perhaps intentionally) to lift the bridge and let
the portcullis fall. The entrance of the French was the
signal for a general demoralization. Soldiers left their
posts, citizens left their homes, and all who could, climbed
the hill to the castle, to find safety there. Thus the city
was basely surrendered to the enemy and left to their
mercy, which was no mercy at all. Five regiments plun-
dered the town ; and whatever of cruelty they had left
undone in 1688 they did now. They went through the
THE CAPTURE OF HEIDELBERG. 255
town murdering the men, ill-treating the women and setting
the town on fire at various places. The people they met
in the streets they drove into the church of the Holy
Ghost, until it was as full as it could possibly be, the men,
women and children huddled together like sheep in a pen.
Then they locked them in and set the church-roof and
steeple on fire. There was such a wailing and crying, says
a witness, as would make a stone weep. But all this did
not produce any effect upon the enemy, until the steeple of
the church was in flames, and the bells, melting through
the heat, threatened to fall down. Then it was that the
French opened the doors, but some persons were found
dead from fright. They drove the people into the garden
of the neighboring Capuchin cloister, to treat them to suf-
ferings worse than death. The body of King Rupert was
torn from its resting place in the church. And Elector
Charles Lewis' presentiment that his body would not be
left undi'sturbed in his grave, was fulfilled. The bodies
of the Princes buried in the choir were dragged to the
street, to be robbed and the bones scattered about the
market place around the church. And so the destruction
continued till the whole town, except a few houses and
the churches, was laid in ashes. None of the old build-
ings could be distinguished, except the general direction
of the streets. The only private building that outlasted
the storm of the Thirty Years' War, and the sieges of
1688 and 1693, was the Knights' Hall in the open square.
256 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
opposite the Church of the Holy Ghost, a building of
remarkable architectural beauty designed by Belier, a
French refugee, in 1592, and which is still standing.
The castle also surrendered the next day. The French
remained in the town till September. The city was a
mass of rubbish and ashes. Even the walls could not be
traced. The Otto Henry's building was burned and most
of the forts blown up. What population there was, fled.
And yet King Louis XIY. celebrated a Te Deum in
Versailles over these barbarities. On the other hand, Lise-
Lotte, whose unhappy marriage had been the cause of all
this, wrote that for more than six months, whenever she
closed her eyes in sleep, she seemed to see the familiar
places at Heidelberg in flames, and would start up sud-
denly in fright and weep by the hour until she choked
w4th sobs. The treacherous commandant was court-
marshalled and cashiered, but that did not repair the dam-
age done to Heidelberg. It was destroyed for many
years. The next year, in February, a small French force
appeared and destroyed what was left. What the French
did at Heidelberg, they repeated at Spire, and the bodies
of the old Emperors were despoiled by order of the
French commandant, named Henz.*
* At the same date, a hundred years later, when the tombs of the French
Kings were despoiled at St. Denis in Paris, and the body of Louis XIV. torn
from its grave, the leader was a man also named Henz. Providence thus
revenged itself on Louis XIV. for his barbarities by a man of the same name.
SUFFERINGS OF THE REFORMED. 257
But the greatest sufferer of all was the Reformed
Church. She suffered from both sides, for both armies,
the German, which should have been her friend, and the
French, her enemy, combined against her. The Church,
like Heidelberg, was in ruins before the close of 1693.
One hundred Reformed churches, mainly west of the
Rhine, were in the hands of the Romanists. At some
places the people were severely fined, because they would
not go to Romish service. Sometimes the Romanists
drove the people into the church, and forced the wafer
into their mouths. The Romish priest of Erbisbitters-
heim put on the clothes of a French officer, and, at the
point of a pistol, drove Nisius, the Reformed minister at
Spendlingen, out of the parsonage. Two hundred pastors
and schoolmasters were lost to the Reformed Church in a
few years, and those ^vho remained had to serve three or
more parishes. Many of the Reformed ministers were
imprisoned, merely at the complaint of the monks, and
the French commandant at Ebernburg formed a court
through his own Confessor, before which the Reformed
ministers and teachers, arrested on the slightest charges,
had to buy their release with a piece of gold. The
various members of the Reformed consistory were scat-
tered. It had dwindled down to two men. One of
them, Salmuth, lived at distant Nuremberg, too far away
to give aid ; the other, John Lewis Fabricius, had been
compelled to flee to Frankford.
258 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Professor Fabricius, the rector of the univei-sity,
deserves special mention for his constancy and self-deny-
ing devotion to the Eeformed Church of the Palatinate.
When the French armies began to threaten Heidelberg, he
saw that they had broken all pledges, and he could no
longer protect the Reformed, and that there was danger
that they would take him as rector of the university to
France as a hostage. So he asked the canton of SchafF-
hausen in Switzerland, where he was born and of which
he was a citizen, to intercede for him with the French
King and get him a safe conduct, so that he could leave
Heidelberg. He was fortunate in getting it und being
able to leave Heidelberg just before the French came in
1689, or they would have taken him prisoner, as they did
his colleague, Frederick Mieg and other Eeformed pastors.
He went to Frankford and then to Schaff hausen, to thank
that city for saving him from the French. He Avas received
in Switzerland with great honor ; Professor Heidegger of
Zurich, his friend, coming to Schaif hausen to meet him.
And when he went to Zurich, he was welcomed by Antis-
tes Klingler,in a speech which compared him to a second
Peter, escaped from prison. The Elector having asked
him to return to Heidelberg, after the French had left in
1689, he again assumed control of the Reformed Church.
About this time he received a flattering call to be professor
of theology at Leyden, but although he would have liked
to go there, he refused it for the sake of the suffering
PROFESSOR JOHN LEWIS FABRICIUS.
LABORS OF FABRICIUS. 259
Church of the Palatinate, especially since she had been
deprived of her best ministers. When the French again
threatened Heidelberg, he retired to Eberbach, and then
to Frankford, all the while managing for the Elector, the
affairs of the Reformed Church. ^' That the Reformed
Church," says his biographer. Professor Heidegger, " did
not go out of existence during this troublesome period,
was due to the untiring labors and great zeal of Fabricius.'^
For a while he labored with no compensation, and when he
could no longer raise funds for the support of the Reformed
ministers and school teachers, he made an appeal to his
friends in Switzerland, who raised annual collections,
1692-97. Meanwhile the Romish bishop of Vienna
tried to entice him to come to Vienna, so as to extort con-
cessions from him (as head of the Reformed Church of the
Palatinate), that would weaken that Church, but he refused
to go to Vienna. So the bishop traveled all the way to
Heidelberg to meet him, but Fabricius would make no con-
cessions, and the Romish schemer had to retire without
having accomplished any of his plans. When the French
again threatened Heidelberg in 1693, he gathered the
archives of the university and of the Reformed Church
together, and left the city. May 8. The next day he
returned, in order to save the university library, but had
to go away without it. His own library he sacrificed to
save the archives of the university and of the Reformed
Church. Had he waited ten days later, he would have
260 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
been shut up in Heidelberg to suffer all the atrocities of
the French. He first went to Eberbach, and then to
Frankford, whither he brought the archives. And then,
as he did not feel quite safe there with them, he took them
to Marburg for greater safety. He immediately began to
organize the University of Heidelberg at Frankford, to
show the enemies that the Reformed were not dismayed,
and that the Reformed Church of the Palatinate had not
perished. He might have had many good reasons for
giving up his position. The churches lay in ruins, the
people were scattered, the new Elector was hostile and
aiding the Jesuits who were coming into the land from all
sides. His friends in Switzerland invited him to spend
the remaining years of his life with them. But so much
the more did he feel it his duty to remain with the
oppressed Reformed Church of the Palatinate. None or
all of these influences could move him from his post of
duty. To Heidegger he wrote, ^' I have made up my
mind to hold out and devote what there is left of my life
to the welfare of the Church of the Palatinate, however
dejected it may be, lest it fall into the power of the
monks.'^ Noble man ! he deserves a memorial from the
Reformed, for standing in the breach when she was threat-
ened with destruction. We in America have him to thank
for giving the Reformed Church of the Palatinate con-
tinuity of existence, so that out of that church might come
the daughter Church of the United States.
THE PEACE OF RYSWICK. 261
The Eeformed pastor of Manheim, Schmidmann, also
deserves special mention, for he did not desert his congre-
gation, even when the town was entirely destroyed. He
preached in the ruins and divided his last crust with hi&
brethren in the faith.
Finally the terrible war which had all the horrors of
the Thirty Years' War and more put into nine years, came
to an end with the Peace of Ryswick, October, 1697. By
it King Louis XIY. had to renounce his claims to the
Palatinate, which was given back to the Elector. The
Reformed churches were given back to them, and religious
toleration was to be granted to all. But then came that
fatal clause which embittered all the joy of the Eeformed
— the fourth article of the peace. Suddenly before the
close of the negotiations on the night of October 29, at
the last moment, the French diplomat sprang an amend-
ment on them which annulled all the peace, as far as it
touched the religion of the Palatinate.* This clause then
meant nothing less than that all changes made by the
French during this war, were to be made permanent, and
as they had taken a good many churches from the Re-
formed, these were to remain Catholic. This clause had
immediate reference to twenty-nine churches west of the
Rhine, in the district of Germersheim, which the King of
France had endowed or bought. But it was soon evident
■•" The clause says, "And in those places which the crown of France gave ta
their former owners, the Catholic religion should remain in the same condi-
tion in which it is at present."
262 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
that the clause was to have a much larger application.
For in 1699 the French diplomat, Chauvois, brought for-
ward a list of the churches which numbered not twenty-
nine, but were in 1922 places, the greater part of which
belono-ed to the Palatinate. If this had been carried out,
the Palatinate Reformed Church would have received its
death blow. This clause in the Ryswick peace caused
bickerings and strife down to the middle of the next
century, and was an apple of discord among the German
states for forty years. The French had virtually
destroyed the Reformed Church west of the Rhine, and
this clause was to be interpreted so as to destroy it on the
east bank. Under cover of it, all sorts of indignities were
perpetrated against the Reformed. In Germersheim the
Reformed lost not only their churches, but religious lib-
erty. Still this peace had one good result. It closed the
war and gave the country a chance to recover prosperity.
And soon King Louis XIV. passed away, to render an
account of his cruelties to a greater King than himself.
But the Nemesis of Providence followed him. He
devastated Heidelberg in 1693, and just a century later,
in 1793, his body, with others of his line, was torn from
the vault of the St. Denis church, at Paris.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION IV.
THE PERSECUTION IN ZWEIBRUECKEN.
The county of Zweibriicken, another of the Palatinate
lands, also suffered during these wars, but its sufferings
took place before 1688. Its greatest sufferings were
during the wars of the Reunions, because the French
claimed that land, as it had once belonged to Metz,
which was then a part of France. In 1673 Marshal
Turenne marched from Holland with a French army
through Zweibriicken, to fall on the Palatinate. And
another army, under Marquis de Rochefort, robbed the
country on the other side of the Rhine. All business
ceased. Every one was in anxiety. These troo23s did
not care from what land they filled their magazines. In
vain did the Duke of Zweibriicken remind them of his
neutrality. The years of 1675 and 1676 were especially
terrible years. On January 1 Count Choiseul appeared
with four thousand men before the town of Zweibriicken.
The Reformed had gathered in the Alexander church to
pray to God, but their devotions had hardly begun, when
the news came that the French were near. They went
out to man the walls, together with the few soldiers who
were there. The French Count asked to be allowed to
264 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
march through the city, as Tiirenne had done before him,
but as the Duke was absent from the city, at Meisenheim,
the magistrates did not feel as though they could grant
the request. So Count Choiseul began to bombard
the city. The citizens finally surrendered, after the
French had given the promise that no oppressions would
take place. But the citizens soon found themselves
fooled. Instead of marching through, the French forces
remained a whole summer, and laid heavy contributions
on the inhabitants for their support. General Commis-
sioner Lecolle daily brought forward new claims on them.
He first took away all the Ducal property. During all
the summer he compelled the most prominent citizens to
build outworks. When the news came at the end of
October that a German army approached, he dammed up
the Erbach and Gom, and filled the valley with water,
and so awaited them. As he did not trust the citizens,
he took them from their houses, and forced them all into
the Alexander church. There they sat, watched by the
soldiers. The German army bombarded the town, Decem-
ber 2, 1676, for nine hours. Flames broke out, and
threatened to destroy the town. The citizens, in the
meanwhile, trembled in the church for their homes, but
they lifted up their hearts to God, men, women and
children crying together. They heard the thunder of the
cannon and the crackling of the flames, and yet had to
remain. It was no longer their property, but their lives,
OPPRESSIONS IX ZWEIBRUECKEX. 265
about which they were anxious. They expected every
moment, that they would be buried under the ruins of
the churcli. Finally all became still. They then found
themselves permitted to go out to their homes ; but what
a sight to them in the darkness of the night ! Their
houses were on fire, the half of the town was in ashes.
They had no shelter, no comfort except to tell their woes
to their Lord. In the following year, 1677, the French
army went away, because the German army approached,
but they determined to leave the district a waste. They
set fire to houses and villages. From Hagenau to Kusel
.420 towns and villages were destroyed, and no man was
allowed to rebuild or replant his field for three years un-
der penalty of death. The Count of Bissy determined to
destroy all the public buildings at Zweibriicken city and
take all the property possible to France. Two hundred
men were appointed to carry out his plans. They were
stationed along the streets, and at a given signal they broke
into the houses and compelled the inhabitants to go into
the Alexander church, so that they might despoil the homes
in their absence. Then the soldiers entered the public
buildings and the castle, and took away the archives of the
city and the library and sent them to Metz. When all was
taken out of the ducal buildings, they went into the
homes of the citizens, and broke open the chests and closets.
The whole town was full of wagons Avhich they had gath-
ered from the surrounding country, even as far as Lor-
18
266 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
raine. These were to take away tlie plunder. When all
was taken, they left the poor people out of the church,
where they had been trembling for their lives, and been
imprisoned fourteen hours without anything to eat. Then
Count Bissy gave the soldiers permission to gather up
what was left in the ducal palace. With a shout of joy
they went at it. No vault was unbroken, no nail in the
wall which they did not pull out. The church was plun-
dered and the ducal vault was opened and robbed a second
time. The bodies they tore out of the coffins, and they
also tore the lead from the coffins, and left the bodies lying
in the church. Then he gave command to finish their
work by burning the city. All the walls and public build-
in (rs were burned as well as the new castle. One hundred
o
and forty houses were burned, and only 355 families left
in the town. Then they blew up the beautiful tower of
the Alexander church, which fell on the main part of the
church, and broke in the roof and the beautiful vault, so that
only the four walls of the church remained standing, and
they were filled with rubbish. Then the French left.
In 1679 the Xymweg Peace brought hope to their hearts,
and the Reformed held a thanksgiving service again in
the ruined Alexander church, which lasted ten hours.
But in December, 1679, the French demanded by what
rio-ht their Count ruled the land, and as he would not
appear before their court of the Reunions, the French
came again and garrisoned the town of Zweibriicken.
PEESECUTIONS IN ZWEIBRUECKEX. 267
And now new religious persecutions were added to their
other woes. The consistory was dissolved. The Classes
could not be held. The ministers' salaries were lessened.
And when one died or left, his place was not filled.
Jesuits came into the land to take their places, but they
found their work of converting the Reformed more diffi-
cult than they expected. They called the Reformed peo-
ple to mass, and no one came. The priests went from town
to town, but with no result, and finally appealed to the
French commander, who passed new regulations. He
declared the Romish religion to be the religion of the
state, and that no one could hold office unless a Catholic.
In the villages the Reformed were ill treated, until they
went to mass. The second pastor at Zweibriicken, Kess-
ler, was deposed, because he was charged with having
given expression from the pulpit of a hope that the Ger-
man Count would return as ruler of the land. And the
first pastor, Mollenthal, had to pay 500 livres as a fine,
to be given to a Catholic parsonage, because he had given
the Lord's Supper to a man (and baptized his child) who
had formerly been Catholic. The Alexander church was
such a complete ruin that it could not be used for church
services. In the least injured chapel of it an unfortunate
family lived whose house had been burned down, and who
could find no other refuge. In the choir, which was still
a little covered, others had sought to protect their small
store of hay and straw against the storm. Many huts
268 THE EEFOEMED CHUECH OF GEEMAXY.
Avere built just around the church by those whose houses
had been burned. All else in the town was in ruins. The
Catholics were allowed to set up an altar in the church
where they had service, and they formed a plan by which
they would get the control of the whole church. The
commander was favorable to them, but did not know how
to get the means to put the church in repair, so they could
use it. So leaving the Reformed under the false idea
that it was to be rebuilt for them, he ordered each of them
to give a free-will offering to rebuild it, but that was not
enough. Then they raised collections in foreign lands, as
the Palatinate, Isenburg, Strassburg and Switzerland.
Pastor Salbach Avent to Holland and there raised so much
money that it was not necessary for him to go to England
for more. All then went to work. The inhabitants of
the whole district helped to get the rubbish out of the
church and to bring building material. In all haste they
made the contract with the builder before the French
Intendant knew it. He expected that they would not be
able to raise enough money, and he would have to call on
the King of France to help. This would give the King
a claim on the building. Being disappointed when they
raised as much as they needed, he now offered them 5,000
livres to be allowed to build a chapel, if they would allow
Romish worship in it too. When the Reformed refused
this, he decreed that their agreement with their builder
Avas illegal, and ordered that the Reformed give up to him
PERSECUTIOXS IX ZWEIBRUECKEN. 269
within twenty-four hours the money they had collected.
He then gave the building of it to a builder who would
act with him and the Catholics. (The church was finally
finished in 1689.) Great had been the offerings of the
Reformed, and great was their surprise to find their wishes
subverted. For the Catholics held services in the church,
and the commandant brought so many difficulties in the
way of their worship, that they were glad to give up the
church and worship in the library hall, where they had
worshipped before, when the church was not fit to be
used. Finally the Peace of Ryswick broke the French
power and gave the land to Sweden, which sent a governor.
The Alexander church was given back to the Reformed,
and now the Catholics had to worship in the library hall.
The Reformed held a thanksgiving service in the church.
The Swedes declared that they did not recognize the fatal
fourth article of the Peace of Ryswick, for they said that
peace was not made with them, but with the Germans, so
the Catholics were ordered out of the church. But now
notice their trickery. The Swedish governor had a Frencli
tutoress. Through her the Romanists labored to influ-
ence him, so their departure from the church was delayed
until Charles XII. was defeated and the matter forgotten.
As a result they continued to retain the choir. And now
came new injustice to the Reformed. The Swedes were
Lutherans, and the commander ordered that the Luther-
ans should use the church with the Reformed, until they
270 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
built a church. The ruler introduced Lutheran service
into the Reformed churches. And where there was hardly
a Lutheran in the village, the place would still receive a
Lutheran minister and schoolmaster, who were paid out of
the Reformed funds. In the Reformed gymnasium at
Zweibriicken, as at other gymnasia, Lutheran teachers
were placed. Because Reformed funds w^ere thus mis-
used, some of their pastorates became vacant, and their
places were filled with Lutherans. In vain did the Re-
formed ministers present a memorial against this in 1704.
Finally an agreement was reached between the Lutherans
and the Reformed in 1720, by which the Reformed were
given their property, although the Lutherans were given
religious liberty to labor anywhere in the land. In 1793^
a century after, the French army again took Zweibrticken,
and the Reformed became afraid, lest they would again
lose their Avorship. But Bonaparte soon gained contrqj of
the French republic, and religious freedom was given to
all. The town was made the seat of a consistory, but
with the fall of Napoleon the land fell back to Germany.
CHAPTER II.— SECTIOIS^ V.
COUNTESS GERTRUDE OF BENTHEIM.-i^
At the time of the persecutions of the Palatinate,
another persecution is to be noted, which, although it did
not occur in any of the Palatinate lands, was not far from
the territory of Pfalz Neuburg on the northern Rhine.
In the northwestern part of Germany, on the borders of
Holland, lay the little county of Bentheim. Count Ernest
William of Bentheim married a lady of Holland who did
not by birth belong to the nobility. She succeeded, how-
ever, in getting the Bishop of Munster to intercede for
her with the Emperor, and get him to grant her a patent,
by which she was elevated to the nobility, so that her
children might become heirs to the county. But the
bishop, who was a Catholic, expected some return for this
favor, and seized on the very first opportunity to get it.
Her husband was of a weak, pliable nature, and the bishop
determined to convert him to Rome. At the beginning
of August, 1668, her husband went to the funeral of his
brother at Steinfurt, which lay only a few miles away
from Munster. The Bishop of Munster had heard that he
* For fuller accounts of the female characters mentioned in this book, see
the Reformed Church Magazine, 189-4-95, published at Reading, Pa.
272 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
was there, and garrisoned the roads between Steinfurt and
Bentheim, intending to compel him to go with him to
Munster, so that he might urge him into the Romish faith.
When he had forced the Count to go to Munster, he plied
him with arguments and pressed him with influences, so
that he very soon went over to the Romish faith.
The news of his conversion soon come to Bentheim,
and caused great anxiety. Countess Gertrude at once
sent her four oldest sons to Holland, so as to be safe from
Romish influences, and her babe she had baptized in the
Reformed faith. The Reformed ministers at once held a
special meeting of their Classis, and appealed to the
Elector of Brandenburg to protect them. At this meet-
ing the Reformed Church of Bentheim chose a seal, which
represented the Church as a ship in which Christ and his
disciples are on the stormy sea, with the inscription under
it, ^' Lord save us, we perish.'' The Bishop of Munster
then tried to get possession of the castle at Bentheim by
trickery. He sent soldiers to ask in the name of the
Count that it be delivered up to him. The Countess
bravely refused to do .this, unless the Count would come
and in person ask that it be done, for she suspected that it
was a trick on the part of the bishop. Then the bishop
came witli 4,000 soldiers to take it. She would have
defended it to the death, if some one had not turned traitor
and given the bishop a key, by which he entered one of
the gates. AYhen the enemy entered, she rushed from her
273
apartments to go and defend the gates. But she was too
late, and the castle fell into the hands of the enemy.
When the next day, which was Sunday, the Reformed
wanted to hold services as usual in the castle chapel, they
found that they were not permitted to have service, and
the Jesuits had mass instead. The Bishop of Munster
having captured her castle, now tried to convert her to
Romanism, as he had done her husband. But he found
her immovable. She was a stronger fortress than Bent-
heim itself, " for the Lord w^as her rock and her fortress.'^
Having failed in persuasion, they now used threats to her.
She was told her husband would not be allowed to see her
unless she became a Romanist, but still she refused. She
was then taken under a guard of soldiers to Munster,
where every effort was made to force her to Rome. Most
of her servants were taken away. They even threatened
to take away from her her young babe, unless she would
order her sons in Holland to return to her, so that they
might be educated in the Romish faith. But though she had
lost her husband, and was threatened with the loss of her
babe, she still remained steadfast. Finding persuasion and
threats of no avail, they now used force and compelled her
to sign a paper which they sent to Holland asking that
country to send her children back to her. When the
paper was brought before her to sign, she expostulated
with the Munster councillor about the wickedness of such
deception, but she received the Jesuitic answer, '^ Right or
274 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
wrong, it must be done.'' So she had no other alternative
but to sign. Fortunately the Dutch government was
aw^are of the manner in which she was treated, and refused
to deliver up her children. Suddenly one day, when the
mayor of the city with whom she was imprisoned, was
away at a wedding, she escaped with her babe over the
borders into Holland, where the States General gave her
protection.
Meanwhile the Keformed of Bentheim had to suffer
severe persecutions. The Reformed officials at the court
were dismissed, and Romish officers appointed in their
stead. Her court preacher, Sartorius, was transported
over the border of the land by soldiers. The Reformed
pastor at Neuenhaus was imprisoned, and the pastor at
Schuttorf was put out of the parsonage. Part of the
Reformed endowments were taken from them and given
to the Jesuits. The Reformed ministers who had advised
her to send away her children, or who kept up correspon-
dence with her in Holland, were banished or imprisoned.
The whole country groaned under the quarterings, the
marches and the levyings of the Bishop of Munster.
Holland, Brandenburg and Hesse-Cassel took up her
cause in the German courts, but in vain. To add to her
troubles, the Bishop of Munster in 1678 pronounced her
divorced from her husband and then married him to a
Romisli Princess. And to cap the climax, the Emperor
in 1679 issued an order depriving her of her rank as a
275
noble. Thus she was shut out entirely from the succes-
sion to the county of Bentheim. When her husband died,
he disowned her children and left the county to his
Romish brother. Thus she lost, for the sake of her Re-
formed faith, her husband and her land, but she shines in
history as one of the brightest examples of constancy yet
revealed by the Reformed of Germany. She was so com-
pletely broken down by the persecutions, sufferings and
disappointments, that she died in 1679 — a martyr for her
faith. But by the ordering of Providence, the Catholic
line of the rulers of Bentheim died out in 1803, and her
descendent now sits on the throne of Bentheim.
CHAPTER III.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL REIGN OF TERROR.
The wars of the Palatinate were over, but the persecu-
tions of the Reformed were not over. Their enemies, the
French, were driven out, and yet their greatest enemies
remained — the Elector and the Jesuits. On the heels of
the oppressions of war came others more insidious. The
persecutions of peace are harder to resist than those of
war. Ecclesiastical oppressious now took the place of
political. The latter had lasted only nine years, but these
lasted for a century. For a hundred years Pope, Priest
and Prince united themselves against the Reformed.
SECTION I.
ELECTOR JOHN WILLIAM (1690-1716) AND THE SIMUL-
TANEOUS WORSHIP.
Elector John William had refused to protect the
Reformed during the French wars, because he said he
could not. Now, however, that the French had gone, he
threw off the mask, and said he would not. He was a
much more bigoted man than the previous Elector, hav-
ing been educated by the Jesuits, who now used him as
their tool. He came to the Palatinate in June, 1698.
THE SIMULTANEOUS WORSHIP. 277
On October 29^ 1698, he issued an edict, which would
have been a death-blow to the Reformed. It ordered,
that all the Reformed churches be thrown open to the
Catholics for their worship. It was called the Simultaneum,
because it ordered the simultaneous worship of the three
religions. The Elector claimed that he did it under the
specious plea of religious toleration, because it opened the
Reformed churches to all three confessions, Lutheran
and Catholic, as well as Reformed. But this was only a
feint, to draw attention from his real purpose, which was
to gain control of the Reformed churches for the Catho-
lics. His plea was a false one, for it did not open a
single Romish church to Reformed worship. It was,
therefore, most unjust. This edict opened two hundred
and forty Reformed churches to the Catholics. This
Simultaneum was introduced by the Romanists seizing
the Reformed church at WeiAheim, where the Elector had
his capital, as Heidelberg was not yet fit to be inhabited.
Although Heidelberg was buried in ruins, the Elector
ordered the Jesuits to open the church of the Holy Ghost,
where they held services amid rain and mud. At Strom-
berg they drove the Reformed out of the church, and
arrested a Reformed pastor for taking a crucifix off the
pulpit, while Electoral dragoons robbed his property. In
many places the Reformed resisted the edict. At Sachsen-
flur the dragoons entered the church by force. The con-
gregation, who refused to give up the keys, were fined 100
278 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
thalers, and the women who had been especially prominent
in their opposition, were put into the pillory. ^\Tien it
was found that the Reformed, who were imprisoned in
some places, strengthened themselves with their Heidel-
berg Catechism, it was taken away.* Fabricius boldly
entered complaint against the confiscation of the Reformed
church at Weinheim. Although it did not lead to the
restoration of that church, it had one good effect ; it led to
the re-organization of the Reformed consistory. Wieden-
bach was appointed lay member and Achenbach a minis-
terial member. In 1699 the Elector drove out the French
refugees who had found an asylum in the Palatinate under
Elector Charles. On June 31, 1699, he appointed a com-
mission, partly Romanist and partly Reformed, to take
charge of the alms and other affairs of the Reformed
church. This was a violation of the rights of the Re-
formed, whose interests were in the hands of the consistory.
The famous, or rather infamous. Quad, a Reformed prose-
lyte to Rome, played an important part in this commission
against the Reformed. Thus they aimed to take not only
the Reformed churches, but the Reformed funds were placed
under the control of this commission. The commission
decided that the Reformed should have five-sevenths and
the Romanists two-sevenths of the income. This was
*■ An upper judge in Germersheim said of them : " These Reformed are
like brook-willows. When they are cut and broken down, they spring up
again fresh and strong." So said Jeremiah, 17 : 7-8.
PERSECUTIONS OF THE REFORMED. 279
unjust, because all belonged originally to the Reformed.
As two-sevenths were used by the Catholics, the Reformed
received so much less money. Fifty ministers had to leave
because they could not get their salaries. And yet in spite
of all these oppressions, it is wonderful how the Reformed
clung to their faith. Many gave up home and friends
rather than give up their faith, and emigrated to the
western world. Xo instance is given where they attempted
to return the personal indignities to them. Persecution
did its sanctifying work among them. And the Church
since the days of Elector Frederick III. was not in such a
good moral or spiritual condition.
. Bnt their condition daily became more deplorable out-
wardly, and finally as a last step they appealed to the
Elector of Brandenburg and the Protestant States. Like
an angel of mercy he stepped in. But for his intercession
the Reformed Church would have been entirely suppressed.
Complaints came to the Protestant States at Ratisbon that
children of mixed marriages (where one parent was Catho-
lic) were forced to become Catholics, even if the marriage
contract specified that they should become Reformed. The
pastor of Ingelheim, who had allowed a Catholic wife and
a Reformed young man, whose dead father had been a
Catholic, to commune, had dragoons quartered on him and
suffered fines. At Guntheim, near Alzei, a girl eighteen
years of age, the child of a mixed marriage (the marriage
contract made her Reformed), was so whijjped with rods
280 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
by the Catholic priest that she became sick. In many
places, if the Reformed women as much as knit stockings
on Romish feast clays, they were fined. These are some
illustrations of the terrorism used to force the Reformed
into the Romish Church.
The Evangelical States addressed a protest to the
Elector. He replied, January 26, 1699, saying that there
was no oppression, but only the largest toleration, for had
he not opened all the Reformed churches to all denomi-
nations? So under the plea of religious toleration, he
continued his oppressions. But the Evangelical states
Avere not blinded by this. They were now joined by Swe-
den, and a Prussian and a Swedish ambassador appeared
in the Palatinate in July, 1699. They were however not
able to do anything, except to hear new complaints of
oppressions there. The Elector's officials always evaded
the real point. Meanwhile the difficulties of the Reformed
increased. The Reformed consistory was almost broken
up in 1700. The faithful Fabricius died, 1696, Wie-
denbach was dismissed, and Achenbach, after being dis-
missed, accepted a call to be court preacher of the King
of Prussia, and only Heiles and Hauser, together with the
aged Secretary, Kreuz, remained. Dragonnades, whicli
had been common in Germersheim, Neustadt and Lantern,
now began to be carried on in all parts of the land. It
looked as if the Reformed were about to suffiir in the
Palatinate, as the Reformed in France had suffered fifteen
PKUSSIA^S REPRISALS. 281
years before. And it looked as if the Reformed would
be driven out of the Palatinate, as they had been out of
France. Many of the Protestants were brought to beg-
gary, many put in prison and made to subsist on bread
and water without being permitted to see the light of day.
Finally the Prussian ambassador, dissatisfied with the
evasions of the Elector, gave an ultimatum, and left
Heidelberg in 1700. The Evangelical States now
appealed from the Elector to the Emperor, who, in 1703,
appointed a commission to examine into the complaints.
But the commission was largely Catholic and partisan,
and besides the Catholic members of it did not agree with
the Protestant. Finally Prussia, feeling that there was no
hope for justice through the commission or the Elector,
or the Emperor, began to fight fire with fire, and retaliate.
'^ Indeed,'' says a writer, " if the King of Prussia had not
been so persistent, all must have been given up for which
our fathers suffered so much." The King of Prussia
threatened the Romish priests of Halberstadt, Magdeburg
and Minden, that he would take away part of their endoAV-
ments and restrict their worship, if within six weeks they
did not intercede with the Elector of the Palatinate, and
have the persecutions in the Palatinate stopped. The
head of the Capuchins at Halberstadt set out quickly to
remonstrate with the Catholic States at Ratisbon, but it
had no effect. The King again warned them. Finding
all his warnings of no avail, he took possession of the
19
282 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Romish convents and chnrches at Halberstaclt, Minden
and Magdeburg. This brought matters to a crisis. The
Emperor sent a warning note to both the Elector of the
Palatinate and the Elector of Brandenburg. Negotiations
began, but at first the Elector of the Palatinate was
unwilling to yield. ]Mean while the Emperor of Germany
died, and the bigoted Leopold was succeeded by the more
enlightened Francis Joseph I. He issued an edict, No-
vember 21, 1705, whicli granted the Reformed in the Palat-
inate religious liberty. No children of mixed marriages
were to be forced into the Romish Church. If there was
no marriage agreement, they were to be brought up in the
faith of their father. No one was to be compelled to bow
the knee to the host, or to abstain from work on a Romish
feast day, or be forced to Romish service. It ordered the
simultaneous worship to be done away with, and the Re-
formed to receive back their churches again.* The
Reformed faculty in the university was revived, but now
to it a Catholic faculty was added. This was in direct
opposition to the Halle Recess, which promised that the
university should ever remain Reformed. The last Re-
* But there was this modifying clause, that where there were two churches
in a town, the Reformed were to have one and the Romanists the other.
Where there was only one church, a wall was to be built through it, and the
Reformed were to have the nave, while the Catholics had the choir. Thus
the Church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg had its famous division wall
erected in 1705, which gave the nave to the Reformed and the choir to the
Catholics. It ordered that of the revenues, two-sevenths should go to the
Catholics.
OPPRESSIONS OF THE REFORMED. 283
formed professors had been Fabricius, who died 1696, and
then Achenbach, who was professor when the university
was at Weinheim, before Heidelberg was rebuilt, but there
had been no Reformed professor for five years, as he left
1700. So the Elector in 1706 appointed J. Ch. Kirch-
meyer, Pastoir and Lewis Christian Mieg, Reformed pro-
fessors. In all this we see a compromise which was
unfair toward the Reformed. The Catholics gained pos-
session of at least part of all the Reformed churches in
the Palatinate, and of two-sevenths of their funds, to
which the Romanists had not the slightest claim. (When
Rome gets hold of anything, she never gives up her grip
on it.) And yet the Reformed, persecuted as they were,
were glad to make concessions, so that they might get
liberty to worship again. While, however, they gained a
large part of their rights, they still lost ground. For in
many places where they received back the churches again,
they had not the ability to send them pastors, or keep up
religious service. Yet on the other hand the Romanists
were strong and wealthy, and used every opportunity.
In many places, as Mosbach and Ladenburg, where,
according to the edict, the leading church should have been
given to the Reformed, they never received possession of
it. And the mixed commission which the Elector had
appointed, did not always carry out the decree. For the
Romanists were in the majority in it, and the renegades.
Quad and Rittmeyer, used every opportunity against the
284 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Eeformed. Often the church revenues were so divided,
that the five-sevenths of the Reformed and the two-sev-
enths of the Catholics were about equal. According to
the fourth article of the Ryswick peace, one-third of all
the Reformed funds were lost to them. The endowments
of Hordt, Selz, Klingenmunster and Germersheim were
in the hands of the Catholics. The Elector also gave the
rich convent of Xeuburg, opposite Heidelberg, which had
belonged to the Reformed, to the Catholics. Finally, in
1617, Elector John William died, and was succeeded by
his brother, Charles Phillip.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION 11.
ELECTOR CHARLES PHILLIP (1716-1742) AND THE 80TH
QUESTION OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM.
The Eeformed got rid of one enemy, only to receive a
worse one. Elector Charles Phillip was, like his brother,
a bigot, but a soldier, too, and therefore would brook no
disobedience from his inferiors. He had been educated
for the priesthood, but had been permitted by the Pope to
exchange the priest's robe for the soldier's coat. He soon
revealed his arbitrary character. For three years at the
beginning of his reign he did not get to Heidelberg, as he
was governor at Innspruck in the Tyrol, and he did not
arrive at Heidelberg till November 4, 1718. But he had
not been there a month, before he began to take steps to
get the whole control of the Church of the Holy Ghost
for the Catholics. He startled the Reformed by issuing
two edicts against them in 1719. The first was on April
24, when he forbade the use of the Heidelberg Catechism.
The Jesuits had called his attention to the 80th question
of the Heidelberg Catechism, especially the last clause,
which designated the mass as " an accursed idolatry."*
* This answer had been attacked by the Jesuits in the Palatinate as early
as 1688. For a long time they had insisted that a book using such strong
language against Romish doctrines should not be permitted in the Palatinate.
286 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
For a new edition of the Catechism had appeared (1718),
bearing, as usual, the Electoral coat of arms on the title
page with the words under it, '^ By order of his Electoral
Highness.'' The Jesuits reminded him of the inconsis-
tency of publishing, with his sanction and bearing his
coat of arms, a book which slandered his own faith. He
therefore issued the decree ordering the Catechism to be
confiscated, and if it were still used, imposing a fine of
ten florins. He issued this decree without giving any
notice to the Keformed consistory — indeed did not give
them official notice till May 2, when he repeated his
decree. He ordered that Bibles and psalm books be
taken from the Reformed. The consistory heard of the
edict with alarm, and hastened to call a Synod of the
Reformed ministers. They met and sent an explanation
of the 80th question to the Elector, hoping that then he
would permit the use of the Catechism. They reminded
him that this old creed, published as long as a century
and a half before, had never been forbidden by any diet
or peace of the empire. They also reminded him that
even his Romish predecessors had permitted its use. As
But Gurtler and Fabricius defended the Catechism then. Again in 1690 the
Jesuits published tracts against it. Lenfant answered them so vigorously in
his book entitled "The Innocence of the Heidelberg Catechism," that his
friends advised him to leave the land, and he went to Berlin. In 1707 Ritt-
meyer, the Reformed proselyte to Catholicism, attacked it and was answered
by Professors Mieg and Kirchmeyer. Rittmeyer replied, charging it with 25
untruths, to which they replied that the untruths were truths. The contro-
versy was then stopped by the Elector, who did not like to have anything
written against the Jesuits.
THE EIGHTIETH ANSWER. 287
far as the 80tli question was concerned, it was no more
severe than the clauses of the Romish creeds, or of the
council of Trent, or the damning clause of Pope Pius IV.
They also explained that in teaching the Heidelberg Cate-
chism, they did not apply that answer to persons, but to
doctrines, and between condemning persons and condemn-
ing doctrines there was a great difference. They plead
with the Elector not to take away their creed, or to alter
it by leaving out the 80th answer, as that would separate
them from the other Reformed churches. In addition,
they reminded him that the edition of 1718 had been pub-
lished, not by themselves, but by a bookseller who was a
Catholic, and who had done so according to the permis-
sion given twenty years before, in 1699. Professors Mieg
and Kirchmeyer tried to still further influence the Elec-
tor, but he was inflexible. The oflicials of the Elector
were ordered to seize all copies of the Catechism. As a
result persecution broke out against the Reformed, espe-
cially in the district of Germersheim. They began forc-
ing the Reformed to Catholic ceremonies, and to celebrate
Catholic feast days, and forced children of mixed mar-
riages to the Romish faith. JSTo Reformed bridegroom
was allowed to marry a Romish bride, without promising
that the children should be trained in the Romish faith.
But the Elector capped the climax by another edict, severe
in itself, but coming on the heels of the other, it meant
destruction to the Reformed. It was the taking away of
288 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg, the church
that had always stood as the representative of the Re-
formed faith. On August 29 he summoned the Reformed
consistory before him and ordered them to peaceably give
the Catholics the nave as well as the choir, which they
had already. He claimed that the church was a court
church, because it was a burial-place of the Princes, and
as he was Catholic, it ought to be of his faith ; and he
said that old Prince Rupert, who built it in the 15th cen-
tury, had built it for a Romish church, and he noAv wanted
it to be such. He further told them that if they would
not give it up peaceably, he would take it by force. Sur-
prise and consternation appeared on the faces of the Re-
formed consistory when they heard this command. They
felt the request was very unjust, because the Catholics did
not need churches. They had only one-third of the
population in Heidelberg, and yet had seven churches, when
the Reformed had only two. In their reply of August
30 they reminded him that the Holy Ghost church had
never been a court church, but had always been a city
church for the people, and not for the court. As to the
Elector's desire to have it for a burial-place, they reminded
him that the Romanists already had the use of the choir,
which was the part of the church where the Princes were
buried. As to his plea that the Catholics ought to have it,
because Prince Rupert built it to be a Romish church, that
argument would open all the Protestant churches of
THE CHURCH OF THE HOLY GHOST. 289
Germany that had been built before the reformation, to
the Catholics. Of course they also reminded the Elec-
tor that the previous treaties of 1648, 1685 and 1705 had
all acknowledged the right of the Reformed to the church,
and that the last Elector, himself a Romanist, had made
no opposition. But the Elector appointed September 4 as
the date when the church must be given up by them or
taken from them. On the morning of that day the con-
sistory appeared before the court and refused to give the
church up. They locked the church and barricaded the
doors from within, but the enemy got hold of the watch-
maker, who had a key to the public city clock on the
church. This key gave them an entrance to the toAver,
from which they descended into the church by ropes.
Having gotten within, they opened the doors of the
church, and the president of the court and the commander
of the city went in. They placed fanatical Catholic
Tyrolese soldiers at tlie door as guards. Then they began
tearing down the division wall that separated the choir
of the Romanists from the nave of the Reformed, so that
the Romanists might have it all. The president of the
Electoral Council gave the first stroke, and thus in the
name of the Elector sanctioned the high-handed proceed-
ing. The church was then dedicated to Romish worship
by the Archbishop of Treves. This was only the begin-
ning of greater Jesuit designs, for that same week the
Reformed churches at Wisloch and Schluchtern were taken
290 THE EEFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
from them by force, and the Simultaneum began in other
parts of the land. A cry of horror went up from the
Reformed, who felt that all this was only the beginning
of dragonnades, like those in France against the Re-
formed. If the Elector could take the leading church, he
could take any other. The Reformed at Heidelberg were
now in a worse condition than under the previous Elector.
They had no place to worship, and had to go to the open
square called the Monk's court (Moenchhof), where they
built a pulpit in the wall.* They there held service in
the open air, but were even forbidden to do that. Her-
nanni, the Reformed pastor, together with many of the
citizens, went to the Elector at Schwetzingen to intercede,
but in vain. Nothing now remained for the Reformed
but to appeal to the Protestant States of the empire at
Ratisbon. These at once took up the matter with great
activity. Prussia and Hesse-Cassel had already pro-
tested against the suppression of the Catechism. The
oppressions of the Palatinate now became a European
matter. Four ambassadors — Prussian, Dutch, Hessian
and English — appeared at Heidelberg to protest against
the Elector's decrees. The Elector simply denied any
injustice to the Reformed, but the ambassadors soon
experienced it themselves, for some of their own servants
had to kneel before the Catholic host in the streets.
•^'' Located near the foot of the Monchgasse leading from the Carlplatz to
the Neckar.
THE ELECTOR LEAVES HEIDELBERG. 291
Finally the Protestant States decided that the only way
to bring the Romanists to terms, would be to make repri-
sals, as Prussia had done in 1705. But now the other
Protestant nations joined Prussia. Hesse-Cassel closed
the Romish church at St. Goar and Langenschw^albach.
King George of England closed the Romish church at
Celle. The King of Prussia closed the cathedral at Min-
den and sequestrated the cloisters at Halberstadt, until
the Elector would open the Church of the Holy Ghost to
the Reformed. These severe measures soon began to have
an influence on the Elector."^' When the Elector learned
that there would be a decree of the Emperor against him,
he declared that he would give back the Church of the
Holy Ghost to the Reformed ; but if he did so, he would
forever leave Heidelberg and make his capital at Man-
heim. He would break down the Neckar bridge, which
had been the pride of Heidelberg for ages, and leave Hei-
delberg to become a country town, with grass growing in
the streets. The Reformed people of Heidelberg nobly
refused to give up their faith, even if they lost the pres-
ence of their Prince. So he issued a decree, February 29,
1720, giving back the Church of the Holy Ghost to the
* And yet at the very moment when these things were taking place, a ser-
vant of the Dutch ambassador at Heidelberg met the procession bearing the
host through the street, and was followed by two Jesuit students and a soldier
into a house, because he would not lift his hat to it. The students were finally
punished, but it led to a decree allowing any one who met the pnyx and did
not want to kneel to it, the privilege of turning into a neighboring house or
of going down another street.
^92 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAIs^Y.
Reformed and allowing the Heidelberg Catechism to be
used conditionally for a while.* The Elector appointed
a mixed commission of four, two of them Reformed, but
one of them, Professor Thylius, was at heart with the
Romanists. But this commission never did anything,
and finally fell of its own weight in 1728. On April 19
the division wall of the Holy Ghost Church was rebuilt,
and the Reformed again took possession of the nave. The
commission, after long deliberations, decided, May 10,
1721, that the Catechism should be printed without
change, provided the Reformed declared that the 80th
answer referred only to doctrine and not to persons, and
that the Electoral arms on the front page and the words
"with the Elector's permission'^ be left out. In 1723
the Classes, Avhich had been discontinued under Elector
John William, were again held, although they had a hard
existence, for they met in the ministers' houses, not in
the churches. This was done after the old Church Order
was reprinted in 1720 at the expense of the ministers.
The Elector carried into effect his threat and moved his
oapital to Manheim, thus leaving a city that for six cen-
turies had been the capital of his ancestors. He began
building a magnificent capital at Manheim, laying out the
city, as at present, in squares. It became a fine place of
residence, but he failed to make it a town of manufac-
* The confiscated copies were given back to them, but the fines which
sometimes whole congregations, sometimes individuals, had to pay, remained
in the treasury of the Elector, and their return was not to be thought of.
MORE REFORMED OPPRESSIONS. 29^
tures. The Reformed consistory were to drive down
there three times a week for their meeting, which proved
by and by impossible.
Bnt all was not peace yet. The Jesuits endeavored to
gain something, even by their defeats. The Protestants
expected that everything wonld be given back, as it had
been restored at the close of the Thirty Years' War. Bnt
instead, the Elector made 1714 the normal year, and
between 1648 and 1714 many changes had taken place in
favor of the Catholics. The Reformed, therefore, would
lose very much by this arrangement. The Evangelical
States declared this decision of the Elector unsatis-
factory, and sent John Yon der Reck, a Hanoverian
statesman, as their ambassador to the Palatinate. The
Elector became very angry at this, and under severe pen-
alties forbade his subjects from having anything to do
with a foreigner on the subject of religion. This put the
Reformed in a still more awkward position. For it broke
the connection between the Reformed consistory and its
defender, the Evangelical States, whose representative
Reck was. The citizens were so afraid of this decree, that
their fear became ridiculous, for they would not even sell
Reck any medicine without an order from the Elector.
Meanwhile as the result of the Elector's decree, making
1714 the normal year, instead of 1648, new oppression
arose. The Reformed soldiers had to kneel before the
host, and Protestants were not allowed to turn their faces
294 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to the windows of the houses, away from the host, when
it passed, but had to bow to it, or they would be struck
down. At Lautereck the Catholics forbade the Reformed
to ring their bells on Good Friday, and as the Reformed
disobeyed, they were arrested and put to hard labor for
two or three months. The Reformed Church, whicli had
lost almost half its property, was in a sad condition. In
many places it had not the money to support school-
masters, so the children were by force of circumstances
compelled to go to a Romish school, if they wanted to go
to any (and they were often forced to go.) Many churches
were so nearly ruined, that the Reformed could not hold
service in them any more, without danger of having the
roof fall in on them, and yet there was no money in the
Reformed treasury to repair them. Many pastors and
teachers were unpaid, and had to leave their charges,
which were added to neighboring parishes already too
large. For not the least of the Reformed oppressions was
the perv^ersion of the Reformed funds to the Romish
treasury, or if not that, the waste of them, so that they
would not be used to aid the Reformed.* Thus the
spital at Oppenheim brought 18,000 gulden to the Re-
formed in 1685. By the introduction of the Simultaneum
they received five-sevenths of 12,800 gulden. In 1725 its
Reformed administrator died, and no Reformed was
■•■• The New History of the Reformed Church of the Palatinate published
in 1791, gives many illustrations of this. See pages 183-9.
THE LUTHERANS AXD REFORMED. 295
•appointed in his place, and so they lost the income. The
same took place with the rich hospital at Lantern, whose
revenues the Catholics took entire in 1740. Thus the
Reformed lost so much of their revenues, that thej could
not pay tlieir pastors and keep np their churches. Reck
published a book entitled, " The Incompleteness of the
Restoration of the Palatinate," which created a o-reat
■sensation by such revelations.*
Finally John of Reck took his departure. The Cath-
olics had tired out the Reformed. The Reformed con-
sistory was lifeless and hopeless. The foreign Princes
were displeased with the inactivity of the consistory.
Money too failed for these expensive negotiations. So the
'Condition remained the same as before, only the Reformed
were losing ground. Then there was a new mine sprung
on them by the Jesuits. The Lutherans were dissatisfied
with the edict that divided the church revenues into five-
sevenths to the Reformed, and two-sevenths to Catholics,
but gave nothing to them. So they quarreled with the
Reformed over the revenues. The Jesuits aimed to
keep up their dissatisfaction, so as to divide the two
■^ Just about that time there occurred an event, which, insignificant in
itself, went the round of the courts of Europe and revealed the persecutions
there. A woman at Heidelberg would not kneel to the host as it was carried
along in the street. A boj', the son of one of the prominent Catholic fam-
ilies, then sprang out of the crowd and gave her a kick in the back, so that
she fainted away, and had premature deliver;y. This cruel event the Elector
was slow even to take up, but finally the pressure of influence became so
great that he had the boy whipped and put to prison.
296 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Protestant Churches. The Lutherans now demanded
that 75,000 guldin be given them so as to settle the mat-
ter. So the Reformed consistory called a Synod of the
Reformed at Heidelberg in 1736. It consisted of the
pastors of the three main towns, Heidelberg, Frankenthal
and Manheim, and the inspectors of the various districts.
They agreed to raise 15,000 gulden for the Lutherans, and
settle the matter. This they hoped to raise by collections
in Protestant lands. This, however, was only possible
when the Reformed got back their own endowments. But
the Reformed were never able to fulfill the agreement^
owing to their extreme poverty. Still this Synod brought
about a better understanding between the two denomina-
tions, and the unkind feelings that had existed for about
a quarter of a century passed away. In 1743 the Elector
died, after a reign of constant oppression on the Reformed.
During his reign, one-fourth of his population emigrated
to other lands, many of them to America. It was during
his reign that the Reformed consistory, poor and weak as
it was, commissioned George Michael Weiss to America,
with a company of emigrants, who founded the First
Reformed Church of Philadelphia.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION III.
ELECTOR CHARLES THEODORE (1743-99) AND THE COR-
RUPTION OF THE REFORMED CONSISTORY.
By the judgment of God the last Elector died childless.*
So the Palatinate fell to a new line of Palatinate Princes,
which was looked npon at the time as somewhat more
liberal. The persecutions of the Reformed seemed less
violent. But the Jesuits gained control over him, and
then they increased the persecutions. However the
oppressions now came more by moral force than by physi-
cal suffering. His reign began by an order putting the
Reformed out of all political positions, although they
were the laro^er part of the population. These positions
he of course filled with Catholics. The last Reformed
member of the Electoral Council, Lulls, Avas dismissed.
Where the Reformed officials were old, they were per-
mitted to remain till they died, and then their offices were
filled by Romanists, but the younger ones were either
transferred to other less important offices (where their
influence on the State was lost) or else dismissed. Among
the body guards of the Elector for tw^enty-five years,
* It is remarkable how God punished the Electors who persecuted the
Reformed, just as he did Louis XIV. No son of theirs ever sat on the throne,
for these Electors were childless.
20
298 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
although two-thirds of his population were Protestant^ yet
there was but one Protestant, and he a Lutheran. Rom-
ish officials were aj^pointed in all the districts, even down,
it is said, to the midwife. It is said that where there was
only one Catholic, and he a cow-herd, he would be made a
magistrate.* The Elector, in order to save expense, had
appointed the Reformed pastors of Heidelberg as the pro-
fessors of Reformed theology in the university. Xow,
however, he began to replace them by appointing Roman-
ists. The consistory reminded him that all this was con-
trary to the Halle recess, for now the professors were
twenty Catholics, four Reformed and one Lutheran (and
he a dancing master. )t
But the worst phase of the treatment of the Reformed
was the corruption of the consistory. This organization
had always been the bulwark against Romish aggressions,
especially when Fabricius, Aclienbach and Mieg were in
it. The Jesuits had tried to rob it of its power by exter-
nal force. Since they found they could not destroy its
power by force, they tried to demoralize it, for they will
stop at nothing in order to gain their ends. They enlarged
the consistory from six to eighteen, the marriage court
•^'" Yes it was facetiously said that if a Catholic man could not be found for
magistrate, a midwife, if a Catholic, would be appointed, rather than a Pro-
testant.
■f" The university auditorium was divided between them, but the Jesuits
gained control of all the rooms but one. For a while the Reformed used
this one, but then a disciple of St. Ignatius took it and put his desk before the
door, to which the Reformed had the key, and so kept them out.
CORRUPTION OF THE CONSISTORY. 299
from four to eighteen, and the spiritual administration
(which should have had two from each denomination),
enlarged to twenty-eight, with seventy lower officials, who
were mainly Catholics. All these must be paid out of the
five-sevenths of the funds which belonged to the Re-
formed, and which was often not paid to them. Many
ministers and school teachers, therefore, remained unpaid,
while the consistory and court lived in luxury. It is said
that within fifteen years these councillors stole 150,000
florins of the church money. It not seldom occurred
that three or four persons received pay for the same office ;
and money was paid out for persons who either were dead
or had left the country. This payment was continued
and went into the pockets of the members of the commis-
sion. By the enlargement of the consistory many unwor-
thy persons were appointed, as well as persons who were
Romish sympathizers. The Jesuits thus hoped to destroy
the consistory by two methods : first by increasing the
expenses of the court, so as to break it up, and second by
introducing simony or bribery into it, and thus demoral-
izing it. They hoped that the increased expense of so
large a number of officials would break up the consistory.
Thus in 1705 the spiritual admin stration cost 6300
florins, while in 1775 it cost 33,000 florins. A body so
deep dyed in the wool was not fitted to resist oppressions
on the Reformed. It was cringing to superiors and
despotic to inferiors. The majority could be bribed off
300 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
by the government, and was also bribed so as to give
offices. Thus simony or the sale of positions of pastors
and school teachers became common. These were shame-
fully and openly sold to the highest bidder. Some of the
councillors, as Abraham Muller of Schwetzingen, gained
a shameful notoriety, for he acted as broker in knocking
down the positions to the highest bidder. Many a pastor
or candidate could return after having oifered 1,000 flor-
ins ($500), without having attained by them the coveted
position. These positions were not only sold, but even
auctioned to the highest bidder. Some of the council-
lors wanted the gold deposited before tlie sale, and then
they would divide it among themselves. They seemed to
have lost all sense of shame, for they guyed each other,
saying, " How^ much is bid ? will it not bring more V^
One candidate offered his list with thirty louis dors in
money. The chancellor received them and threw them
on the table with the words, " This is tobacco money."
The result of such actions was that poor but honest and
worthy candidates for the ministry had to leave the coun-
try, because they could not or would not pay the extor-
tions. Some of them came to America. The government
permitted these unlawful procedures, because it saw that
they weakened the power of the Reformed. In 1754
simony rose to its highest point. It was eating out the
heart of the Church by dry rot. Fortunately there Avas
one institution that still remained true to the Reformed
REFORMED PROTEST AGAINST SIMONY. 301
Church as a bulv/ark of defence. The last Protestant
Elector, Charles, had revived the Classes. At their meet-
ings (which were held once or twice a year) the ministers
of the Classes of Wiesloch, Alzei and Oppenheim lifted
up their voices against the simony of the consistory.
They wanted a rule to be made, that all candidates take
an oath not to practice simony or bribery in order to get
positions. But this request found only six votes in its
favor out of eighteen in the consistory. To stop their
protests, the Elector, January 23, 1754, issued an order
forbidding the Classes to meet. But as the Inspector of
Neustadt held a meeting and some others followed his
example, then the Elector again forbade them to meet,
August 16, 1755, under penalty of dismission, and so no
more classical meetings were held.
Thus the Reformed were more oppressed than ever.
Since the Classes were dissolved, they had no one to go to
with their complaints, as the consistory Avas corrupt and
the Elector deaf to them. The Elector's decree broke the
bond of union between the consistory and the Classes.
For more than twenty years the Reformed ministers tried
to gain the privilege of holding meetings of Classis, but in
vain. The Jesuits again began to persecute them. But
they did not do so long, for the Jesuits themselves were
driven out of the Palatinate in 1773 by the government,
although another Romish sect, the Lazarists, came in to
take their place. Fortunately better elements began to
302 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
appear in the consistory, as Professors Wundt, Heddeus
and others became members. They asked the consistory
in 1776 to be allowed to hold a Synod. But there were
still some councillors in the consistory who reflected the
old simony, and so influenced the Elector that he forbade
it. Then, as the consistory would allow no Synod, they
elected delegations from all the parishes, who were to
appeal to the Elector (or the Emperor). They went to
him, August 25, 1777, but he sent them away, simply
referring them to the edict of the previous year. In spite
of the refusal, a number of the two hundred and four
ministers again appealed in 1781 to the consistory to hold
a Synod, and were again refused in 1784, because the
Elector did not want the consistory and the ministers to
work in harmony again. Finally the pastors, in 1784,
appealed to the Evangelical States of Germany, and
begged Prussia to take up their cause. The Elector of
the Palatinate tried to evade the matter, as he had done
before, by appointing a commission. But the Evangeli-
cal States sent an energetic complaint to the Emperor, in
which they showed that the Reformed had been kept by
force from holding their Synods. The Emperor now Avas
the enlightened and liberal Francis Joseph II. of Austria.
He issued a decree, ordering the Elector to allow the
holding of a Synod, and to refrain from abuses. Then
the Elector quibbled again. He Avas willing to hold a
Synod, provided he was represented at it by a Romish
A EEFORMED SYNOD. 303
deputy. The Reformed replied that their Synods had
always been held under the control of their own consis-
tory, and not under a Romish deputy, and refused to
concede this. Finally a Synod was held, August 25-27,
1789, and was composed of the pastors of the three main
towns, Heidelberg, Manheim and Frankenthal, and the
twent}^-two inspectors of the districts, but it lasted only
two days, and could do little in so short a time. Still it
had this result, that it united the ministers and the con-
sistory together again. The consistory now sent a dele-
gate to Ratisbon, to the Evangelical States, to further
their cause. Unfortunately Emperor Francis Joseph 11.
died just then, and in 1792 the French Revolution came,
and prevented any further development of the Synods.
The Romish oppressions remained, while there were none
to defend the Reformed, although gradually their oppres-
sions lessened in severity. In 1799 the Elector Charles
Theodore died childless, and with him the long night of
monkish oppression was past.
CHAPTER III.— SECTIOX IV.
ELECTOR MAX JOSEPH AND THE CLOSE OF THE ROM-
ISH RULE.
Elector Max Joseph, although desceuded from the
Zweibriickeu line, was a Catholic too. But he deserted
the policy of his predecessors, by giving religious tolera-
tion to the Protestants in his laud. On June, 25, 1799, he
issued an edict, giving the Reformed equal rights with
the Catholics. This was the first ray of light and com-
fort they had had for a century. Still they did not get
back all their churches, as in 1648, but they now received
their five-seventh share of the endowment. After the
death of Professor Heddeus, Wundt was the only
Reformed professor of theology at Heidelberg, and finally,
on September 9, 1795, after Heddeus' place had been
vacant for a long while, he appealed to the consistory for
another professor, and Charles Daub was appointed.
When the Palatinate fell to Baden in 1802, it came
again under a Protestant Prince, the Lutheran Charles
Frederick. He, as a Protestant, allowed the Reformed
their rights. Here-founded the university. May 9, 1803.
He made it a union university, and appointed Lutherans
(as Schwartz) to teach with Daub. Other prominent
THEIR RELIGIOUS COXDITION. 305
teachers soon came, as De Wette, Neander, Paulus, Baur,
Ewald, etc., and the university began to bloom again, as
it had done in the sixteenth century. The inhabitants
of the Palatinate numbered 280,000 in 1783, of whom
90,000 were Catholics, 50,000 Lutherans and 140,000
Reformed, who were divided into 240 parishes.
The condition of the Reformed during this century of
persecution may be described as a struggle for existence.
A worldly consistory, a hostile government, repressed all her
energies, and her battle was not for growth, but for simple
existence. One writer described the style of preaching as
Jewish-German, in which ^^ the rhetoric of the Old Testa-
ment phrases filled the hollow place of thought, and the
hjmn book of 1747 was an anthology of Papal absurdi-
ties of the sixteenth century." This is doubtless a
rationalistic criticism. For there were many noble and
excellent men, who stood up bravely for their Church and
for the right, although the simony of the consistory
greatly injured the spirituality of the Church. A rumor
having spread to Holland, that some of the Palatinate
ministers were trying to do away with the Heidelberg
Catechism, the Classis of Amsterdam appealed to the
consistory, to know if it were true. The consistory
returned thanks for their fraternal interest, but gave them
such assurances of adhering to it that put all their fears
to rest.
306 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Such was the sad history of the Reformed of the
Palatinate. We have given only the main facts and a
few illustrations of the many oppressions which they suf-
fered. After a century of such trials, the wonder is that
any Reformed Church remained there at all. Their faith-
fulness to their Church, their sacrifices and sufferings
ought to make our faith all the dearer to us. " The blood
of the martyrs is the seed of the Church.'^ It is also a
precious legacy to stimulate future generations to greater
love for their Church and greater zeal in her cause.
BOOK IV.
PIETISM (DIE FEINEN).
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
Pietism ^Yas a movement in the Protestant Church
which emphasized experience. It stood over against dead
orthodoxy on the one hand, and lifeless formalism on the
other. It aimed to make religion a matter of the heart, as
well as of the head. Pietism did not lie mainly in dress,
as some of the narrower sort thought and so criticised
Yung Stilling, because he no longer wore their peculiar
garb. It was more than outward dress, it was inward
spirit. It aimed to develop the subjective experience —
the inner life with Christ. And while doing this, it also
aimed to develop the outward Christian life by consistency
of character and activity of life. And thus it showed its
fruits in conventicles or prayer meetings, catechization,
stricter church discipline, the building of orphanages,
more earnest preaching and pastoral visitation. Pietism
often led to spiritual awakenings in the churches, and
became a great blessing to the Reformed Church.
308 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Pietism was not quietism, for it was Christianity in
action. It was not mysticism, for it was practical. It was
not separatism,* for a large part of the Pietists remained
in the Church. Thus the Pietism of Spener and Bengel,
and the Halle school, was as much a part of the Luth-
eran Church as the dead orthodoxy of their opponents.
To eliminate Pietism from that Church, would be to
destroy a large part of her best history and work. It
has been said by some in this country, that Piet-
ism was contrary to the spirit and genius of the
Reformed Church, and that the Reformed Church
cast out the Pietists. This however is a great mis-
take. Goebelf speaking of conventicles, says : ^' Such
exercises for piety or mutual conference on the Bible by
plain members, were never forbidden by the Reformed
Church, but rather permitted, and were widely customary.''
Others among the best Reformed Church historians bear
the same testimony. Thus Iken| says ; " We must con-
sider Pietism as an integral part of Reformed Church
history." Conventicles (prayer meetings) therefore
were a truly Reformed institution. To eliminate
Pietism from the Reformed Church, would be to eliminate
a large part of her best history. Her greatest theologians
* One who separates himself from the Church and joins a sect.
t History of the Rheiuish Westphaliau Reformed Church, Vol. II., 209,
note.
X Life of Joachim Neander, page 22.
PIETISM TEULY REFORMED. 309
and best historians, from Lampe down to the Krum-
machers, were Pietistic. Indeed Pietism, instead of being
opposed to the Reformed Church, became an integral part
of her being. For it was the Church, emphasizing per-
sonal experience and religious activity. The Reformed
Church and her Heidelberg Catechism are experimental.
There was this diiference between the Lutheran and the Re-
formed Churches — the Lutherans emphasized the objective
or the outward forms and ceremonies, while the Reformed
emphasized the subjective or experimental. '^ So we know
what the conventicle (prayer meeting) is, and whence it
comes. It is a true Reformed institution, come down
from Reformation times."* As Ebrard says if ^' In the
Lutheran Church of Germany there lay no new birth at
the basis of theology, as there did in the Reformed, which
led to personal experience." Her theology was sacramen-
tarian, rather than subjective or experimental. Thus, the
Reformed Church, instead of casting Pietism out, on the
contrary made it a part of her being and inmost life. As
a result, this remarkable difference appears between the
two Protestant Churches. In the Lutheran Church
Pietism existed as a school, in the Reformed Church it
was a part of her very life and genius. This explains Avhy
it was opposed in the Lutheran Church. They opposed
it because it came in from the outside as a novelty. For
■•■ Kirchenzeitung of Germany, 1654, page 97.
t Church History, Vol. IV., page 111.
310 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Spener got the idea of it from the Reformed preacher
Labadie, whom he heard at Geneva. But in the Reformed
Church it did not come in as a novelty. It existed in her
from the beginning, and was germane to her life. And
although not fully developed until the close of the seven-
teenth century, yet its germ, its model, existed at the very
beo'innino: of the Reformed Church, and it was in existence
ever since. The Pietists were not a party in the Reformed
Church, as in the Lutheran, but a part of her inmost life
and history. Thus Theleman,* says : " The conventicles
which brought so much blessing on the Evangelical
Church, are also an original Reformed institution.''
Krummacher, the great court preacher of Germany, says
of the Reformed Church of the Lower Rhine : '^ Inward
Christianity was the watchword of the faithful, spiritual
experience, the life hidden with Christ, the death of self.
Christ in us, were the catchwords of their theology."
Indeed, so thoroughly was Pietism the basis of the Re-
formed Church, and also her highest development, that a
prominent Reformed minister once said to me, " In the
Lutheran Church she was a school, in the Reformed
Church she was the Church, and not a part of it." Hence
in the Reformed Church those who held Pietistic views,
were called by a different name from those in the Luth-
eran. In the Lutheran Church they Avere called Pietists,
••:• Life of Lampe, page 10, note.
PIETISM, A REFORMED INSTITUTION. 311
in the Reformed they were called Die Feineu — the fine or
the pious. "^^
That Pietism is originally and truly Reformed, is
proved not only by her best Church historians, whom we
have quoted, but also by the individual facts of her his-
tory. The Reformed Church always contained it, but it
was fully developed only by the latter part of the seven-
teenth century. And yet the first century was pietistic.
What was the Reformation itself but a great revival in
piety, and so Christian experience became promiuent.
But after the freshness and earnestness of the early
Reformation had worn off, then came a period of coldness
and formalism, when either the worldly element in the
Church again became prominent, or else the scholastic
tendencies of the ]\Iiddle Ages began to influence the
Church again in her theology. But over against this the
spiritual element in the Church reasserted itself, and
saved the Church. Sad, yes fateful, would it have been,
if the rationalism of the eighteenth century had come in on
the heels of the dead orthodoxy of the seventeenth cen-
tury, and the period of Pietism had not intervened between
them. It was Pietism that prepared the Church for
rationalism, and saved her in it.
Zwingli laid the foundations for the modern conven-
ticles (prayer meetings) by his prophesyings. He laid
* We find it difficult, however, in English, to use the name ** Feinen,"
and so will have to use the word Pietism instead.
312 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the basis for his prophesyings in 1519, when he set aside
the pericopes or scripture lessons, and began preaching on
the Gospel of Matthew, verse after verse. After 1525 it
was the custom at Zurich every morning, except Sunday
and Friday, at 8 o'clock for the canons, ministers, chaplains
and students to gather together in the choir of the
cathedral. After a brief prayer, a chapter (or part of it,)
was read in the Vulgate or the Septuagint, and com-
mented on by all present. Then at 9 A. m. one of the
ministers explained the results of their study of the Bible
in a practical discourse to the people. From these prophe-
syings came Zwingli's commentaries on Genesis, Exodus,
Joshua and Jeremiah.'^ They were continued after
Zwingli's death. t This was brought into Germany by
Lasco. Lasco was accustomed in London to hold such
conventicles after the church service in which the sermon
was discussed, or any other Biblical subject was brought
up. J: Dalton says :§ " Lasco laid great importance on these
prophesyings.'' These were brought into Germany before
the Reformed Church was founded at Heidelberg through
the Reformed churches at Wesel and Emden, which
followed Lasco's model at London. The first Reformed
Synods in Germany, at Wesel, 1568, and Emden, 1571,
approvedoftheseprophesyings.il Calvin at Geneva laid
* Herzog Encyclopedia, Vol. XII., page 288.
t Goebel History of the Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. I., 297, note.
X Heppe History of Pietism, page 15.
^ Life of Lasco, page 392.
II Goebel History of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. I., 420 and 424.
THE ANTIQUITY OF PIETISM. 313
the basis of Pietism in his strict church disciph'ne^ which
was another peculiarity Avhich Pietism especially empha-
sized. Labadie, a century after Calvin, again brought
Geneva into a state of moral reformation by his elo-
quence. But this movement of Pietism among the
Reformed of Germany was not so much influenced by
Labadie, as by the Dutch, who had Pietism long before
Labadie came among them.* Besides, when Labadie
came into Germany, he came as a Separatist, and his
influence was for separation from the Church, and not
Pietism in the Church. Long before Labadie came to
Holland, Pietism was prominent in Professor Voet (the
renowned professor of theology and leader of that Church),
and in Professor Lodenstein, the two leading lights of
the Reformed Church of that land.- Pietism, therefore,
developed as a part of the Church through her most
prominent ministers, and was not an excrescence outside
of the Churcfi. Hornbeck says (1660), '^ These prophe-
syings Avere in the Reformed Church since the early
Reformation, and were called by the church at Emden and
Wesel, ^ prophesyings,' after 1 Cor. 14." Goebelf says,
that the Reformed Synod of Rotterdam, 1629, approved
conventicles. He also says that the laity, as well as the
clergy, took part in them, and that they took up the
Bible, book by book. And Voet declared in 1676 for
■•" See Heppe'i History of Pietisii).
t History of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II., page 209.
21
314 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
" the freedom of prophesying." There was need only to
have a fuller development of this early movement of
Reformed Pietism.
Spener was not the founder of Pietism, as has been
claimed by some of the Lutheran writers, like Sachsse
and Schmidt, in their works on Pietism, who seem to
forget that there was any Reformed Pietism. But Goebel,
Heppe, Ritschl and Ebrard champion the Reformed, and
fully describe their share in this great movement. The
truth is, that the Lutherans received their ideas about
Pietism from the Reformed. Spener heard Labadie
preach in Geneva, and translated Labadie's Manual of
Piety into German. He got his ideas of Pietism from
the Reformed.*
Two causes led to the development of Pietism in the
Reformed Church in the close of the seventeenth century.
The first was a reaction against the dead orthodoxy and
formalism that had crept into the Church. The second
was the rise of tlie Cocceianism, or the Federal School of
Theology. The two really were one, Cocceianism a reac-
* It was not the Reformed of Germany who received their impulse from
Labadie, but Spener did, who then went back to Germany to introduce it into
the Lutheran Church. That was the reason why he was so bitterly opposed,
because the old Lutherans look-^d on it as an innovation coming from the out-
side, and not in the genius of the Church. In fact, not only did Spener get
Pietism from the Reformed, but it existed in the Reformed Church of Ger-
many before he began to hold his conventicles at Frankford. For the
Reformed Synod of Wesel endorsed them 1568, and Untereyck had begun his
prayer meetings at MUhlheim five years earlier than Spener began his at
Frankford.
CARTESIANISM. 315
tion against deaduess of doctrine, and Pietism a reaction
against deadness of life. Through the theological contro-
versies religion had become a matter of the head, rather
than of the heart and life. It had been hoped that the
Reformation had delivered the Church from the shackles
of the scholasticism of the Middle Ages. But the influ-
ences of past tendencies of thought were not so easily
obliterated. Scholastic Protestantism came in with its
dry dogmas and theological hair-splittings. Controver-
sies on minor points arose between the denominations, and
also within them. Finally, against all this, there came a
reaction.
But first there came reaction in philosophy. For the-
ology and philosophy are twins (the one giving the facts,
the other the form), but of the two theology is the older
and greater, being born of God. The reaction in philoso-
phy was Cartesianism. Aristotelianism had ruled philos-
ophy, but Descartes, weary of the endless disputations of
philosophy, reacted against it. His philosophy was one of
doubt. Everything must be doubted, till proved. But
in order to have something to begin with, he started from
the fundamental principle, '^ I think, therefore I am."
The germ of later rationalism lay in this, for if thinking
is the beginning of everything, the intellect is supreme.
As a result, the simple-minded were ultimately led to
doubt, rather than to faith, by this philosophy. But
Cartesianism did this much for the realm of thouo:ht : It
316 THE EEFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
broke up the fossilized lines of thought, and stirred men's
minds to new inquiry. As a result, there came a break-
ing away from older methods of thought in theology, as
well as in philosophy. So along with this reaction in
philosophy came Cocceianism, or the Federal theology, as
a reaction in theology.*
John Koch, the founder of Cocceianism, was a Ger-
man by birth, but studied at Franeker, and then studied
Hebrew and the Talmud under a Jew at Hamburg. He
became professor of theology at Bremen, 1629. Seven
years later he was called to Franeker, and 1650 as profes-
sor at Leyden. In 1648 he published his famous work
on the Theology of the Covenants. He undertook to
introduce a mediating theology between the scholastic
theology and Cartesianism. He proposed to apply the
Cartesian principle (that everthing must be proved, in
order to be believed) to theology. He agreed with Des-
cartes in his method, but differed from him in its source,
as he made the Scriptures the rule of faith, instead of rea-
son. As Descartes had said, "• I think, therefore I believe/'
he said, '^ The Scriptures declare it, and therefore I
believe." But every doctrine must be proved from
Scripture. The great gain of this theology was, that it
led men's minds back to a renewed study of the Bible.
It made theology not so much a matter of creed and of
••■ Trends of thought are like contagious diseases, they pass quickly from
one department to another, especially when so closely related as philosophy
and the((logy.
COCCEIANISM. 317
dogmas, as of the Bible. It led to a re-examinatiou of
the Bible and of the doctrines in the light of the Bible.
A doctrine was not to be believed, because it was in a
creed, it had to be in the Bible too. And yet, while
Cocceianism was conservative, because it led men back to
the Bible, it was also progressive and liberal too. Its
association with Cartesianism revealed its liberal spirit,
and made it suspected by the older theologians. Thus
the Cartesians accepted the new idea, that the earth
moved around the sun. This was considered by many of
the conservative theologians as contrary to the Bible,
which said the sun moved. Thus Benkel, speaking against
those who held that the earth turned, said, ^^ that was a
sure sign that their heads were turned." The Cocceians
also accepted new ideas of dress, as well as of thought.
They broke away from the i^cdantic rules of deportment
of the scholastics, and wore long hair, and after wigs
came into fashion in 1680, they wore long and powdered
wigs. But though it aimed to be liberal, Cocceianism
was scriptural, and led men back to the Bible. Cocceius
developed his famous theological system, which is based
on two covenants. The first covenant was of works.
This was the covenant with Adam before the fall, namely
that if he did what was good and right, he would receive
eternal life. The second was the covenant of grace.
When Adam fell, the covenant of works fell too. If
Adam was to be saved, he must be saved in some other
way. God, therefore, out of mercy, made a covenant
318 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of grace to save him, not because of Lis ^yorks, but for the
sake of the coming Messiah, if he would believe on Him.
The fall of man was the dividing line between the two
covenants. Koch claimed to be decretal in his theology,
but his system does not make the decrees, but redemption,
the centre of theology. While giving all the supremacy
to the divine, it yet allows larger liberty for the human,
for a covenant pre-supposed two persons.
Two special points are to be noticed in his system.
First his system of Hermeneutics. He formulated for the
first time the proper theory of interpretation of Scripture,
namely " that the text must be determined by the con-
text." But in his intense application of this rule, he
held that the Bible was so rich in meanings, that each
text had three meanings, allegorical, typical and propheti-
cal. This led his followers into many fanciful interpre-
tations. Still he laid the basis for true interpretation of
Scripture. The other peculiarity was his view on the
Sabbath. He held that the Sabbath was part of the
Jewish law, which was done away with by Christ with
the rest of the Jewish law.* The observance of the Sab-
bath was not commanded by God, but it Avas to be
observed as a matter of expediency. The New Testa-
ment was the true Sabbath. His low views on the Sab-
bath caused great alarm.
••• Biblical researches have since disproved his position, showing that the
custom of the Sabbath existed long before Moses, and was older than the cere-
monial law.
SCHOOLS OF CALVINISM. 319
There were four schools of Calvinism :
(1) The Siipralapsarian. These held that God not
only foresaw the fall and permitted it, but that He dis-
tinctly decreed it by His will, and overruled it for His
glory.
(2) The Infralapsarian. They held that God did
not decree the fall out of His own good pleasure, but that
He first decreed to create, and then permitted the fall.
He then elected whom He would, and provided a redemp-
tion for those whom He had elected, and left the rest of
man to die in their sins.
(3) The Cocceian. This seems to be a modification of
the Infralapsarian view, and arranged its decrees in the
same order, but they made the covenants the guiding
principle. Yet, in doing this, they made more prominent
the human element in election. God made a covenant
with man, who, it is true, is a silent party in the election.
Yet this system shows that God respected man's condi-
tion more than appears among the Infralapsarians.
(4) The Sublapsarian. They held, that the fall of
man was not decreed, although foreseen. The aim of
God's economy was redemption, rather than election.
God provided a salvation sufficient for all men. It held
to universal atonement, rather than limited atonement.
It did this to avoid the charge that God was the author
of sin, or the cause of the loss of the souls of the lost.
It is customary to divide the schools according to the
order in which they placed the decrees. The Supralap-
320 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
sarians arranged tliem, (1) election ; (2) creation ; (3) fall ;
(4) redemption. The Infralapsarians arranged tliem,
(1) creation ; (2) flill ; (3) election ; (4) redemption for the
elect or limited atonement. The Snblapsarians arranged
them, (1) creation ; (2) fall ; (3) redemption ; (4) election.
The effect of Cocceianism was to promote Pietism.
The stndy of the Bible always awaivens men. The read-
ing of God's Word leads to revivals. As a resnlt Cocceius
and his party gathered around them the earnest spiritually-
minded of the Church. These had become tired of dry
dialectics in the pulpit, and now flocked to hear the new
method of explaining the Bible. As a result, in Germany
all the Pietists were Cocceians, although in Holland the
greatest opponent to Cocceius, Prof Yoet, was also a
Pietist. Thus the age of tlie pious (Die Feinen) came up
in the Reformed Church.
It has been charged by some in this country that the
Reformed Chnrcli drove out Pietism, as in the case of
Horch and Nethenus. But where one separated from the
Church, as they did, a dozen remained in the Church.
And when their cases are closely examined, it will be
found that they were not disciplined for being Pietists, or
for holding prayer meetings, etc., but for two other rea-
sons, as the following : (1) They abused Pietism, rather
than used it, and went further than the holding of prayer
meetings. They exaggerated church discipline, and
refused to administer the Lord's Supper to those who were
PIETISM AND SEPARATISM. 321
ecclesiastically worthy of it, or else refused to go to it
themselves. For this violation of Reformed Church law,
but not for Pietism, they were very properly suspended.
(2) The State opposed Pietism and put them out of the
Church. The influence of the State on the Church hin-
dered Pietism. Ritschl calls attention to this in his
Pietism,* where he noticed the fact that some Reformed
districts received Pietism at once, while others opposed it.
These differences of results are explainable because of the
different governments of the Churches. Wherever in
Germany the State ruled the Church, it generally cast it
out at first. For worldly members do not like too much
religiousness, and Erastiauism does not love spirituality.
The world in the Church would cast it out, but the Church
itself did not. But in the Northern Rhine region, where
the Church was independent of the State, and had its own
autonomy, there it approved of Pietism and received it.
Wherever a church was independent of the State (like
ours in America) it received it and so should we.
So while comparatively few of the Pietists were dis-
missed, the great body of them remained in the Church.
Where one left or was cast out, ten remained in the Church.
We have no sympathy with Separatism, but believe in
Pietism in the Church. Those remaining in the Church,
were led by Untereyck, Xeander, Lampe, Mel and others,
and became a salt to preserve the Church and a leaven to
* History of Pietism, I., 370.
322 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
purify it. This Pietistic movement became therefore an
integral part of the Reformed Church. Its germs were
in the Reformed Church from the beginning, and needed
but favoring circumstances to develop them. It grew in
power until Pietism went over both Protestant Churches
of Germany like a wave of blessing at the end of the sev-
enteenth and beginning of the eighteenth centuries. It was
a new revival, a new Reformation, a revival of the earnest
spirit of the Reformation.
CHAPTER II.
THE RISE OF PIETISM
SECTION I.
THEODORE UNTEREYCK.
Untereyck was the father of Reformed Pietism in
Germany in the seventeenth century.* Untereyck was
born at Duisburg, June 18, 1635. He was descended
from a Dutch family, driven out of the Netherlands for
their faith. Both of his parents died of the plague when
he was only two years old, and he was reared by an
uncle. At the age of eighteen he went to the university
of Utrecht, where he studied under Professor Voet, the
Nestor of Reformed orthodoxy in the Netherlands. But
he was more especially influenced by the preaching of
those two ^' sons of thunder," Lodeustein and Bogaart,
" the shakers of bone and marrow." He had had from
his boyhood an inbred fear of death. This increased as
he grew older and as sin gained power over him, until it
became a mortal terror. The preaching of these Dutch
* It is a mistake to suppose that Labadie began the movement of Pietism
in Germany, for Untereyck began his meetings at Miihlheim before Labadie
ever came to Germany, yes before Labadie went to Holland. Untereyck was^
Labadie's forerunner, instead of Labadie being Untereyck's forerunner.
324 THE EEFOEMED CHUECH OF GEEMANY.
ministers produced in him the deepest conviction of sin.
Lodenstein showed how this dread of death could be
driven away, and his conviction of sin gave way to con-
version ^nd peace. He then went (1657) to the newly
founded university of Duisburg. He again visited the
Netherlands the next year, so as to hear Professor Koch
at Ley den. He became a follower of Koch, although he
hoped to mediate between his views and the scholastic
theology of Voet, and thereby unite what was best in
both. In 1659 he traveled to Paris and then to England,
where he met the Puritans and became acquainted with
their Pietism. His travels broadened his mind, and pre-
vented him from becoming in after-life a narrow Separat-
ist. He w^as everywhere painfully impressed with the
great need of a new revival in the Church.
In 1660 he became pastor of the Reformed church at
Miihlheim on the Ruhr. He was very diligent in pasto-
ral visitation, and also in catechization. About 1665 he
began holding conventicles (prayer meetings), such as he
had seen in the Reformed Church of Holland. They
were held in schools or private houses, and passages of
Scripture were explained and applied practically to the
hearers. As a result tliere was an awakening and revi-
val in the church. He tlius began conventicles five years
before Spener held his at Frankford, 1670. His prayer
meetings proved a great blessing to his church. Their
influence has lasted down to the present time. He
325
accepted a call (1668) to be court preacher of the Land-
gravine of Hesse-Cassel. When he left, the elders of the
congregation complained to the Synod, because he decided
to go away, for they were loath to part with him. But
the Synod sustained him. He wrote a practical dogmatics
on the basis of the covenants entitled '^ Hallelujah,'^ for
he was the first minister to introduce the theology of the
covenants, in the spirit of Pietism, into German}-. At
Cassel he had the support of the Landgravine Hedwig
Sophia, the sister of the Elector of Brandenburg. He^
however, found that he had no avenues for practical work
among the people, because his congregation was the
princely family, so after two years (1670), he accepted a
call to the St. Martin's church of Bremen, where he
remained for twenty -two years. His brief stay at Cassel
was not without results, for it led to an edict urging more
careful catechization in the churches. This decree influ-
enced the Church of Hesse for many years.
Bremen was a large and wealthy, but gay and worldly
city. Being a seaport, it came in contact with France, and
soon with French fashions there came in also French
morals. As it was surrounded on every side by Lutheran
cities, it, although Reformed, still retained some Lutheran
customs. Thus after the Lutheran fashion, the Reformed
ministers preached on the pericopes or Scripture lessons,
gave private communion, the congregations used hymns
as well as Psalms, celebrated the Lord's Supper every
326 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAXY.
Sunday, and retained the giving of confessional money.
These were all contrary to the usual Reformed customs.
Besides the Church was under the control of the State,
and not of its own Synod. The ministers did not com-
pose a Synod, but a ministerium, who had power only
to ordain and install pastors. But the city council con-
trolled the Church ; for, although it allowed each congre-
gation to call its own pastor, it yet reserved to itself the
right to ratify such elections, and then would order the
ministerium as its creature to ordain and install them.
As a result of State control, French influence and High
Churchism, the religious life of Bremen was at a low ebb
when Untereyck went there. It was very evident that
Bremen would have but little sympathy for his earnest
methods.
It happened that there occurred just at that time, two
events that made that worldly city suspicious of him. The
first was the coming of Labadie to Germany as a Separa-
tist, which led to the starting of a Separatistic Church at
Herford. This alarmed Germany. The other event was,
that Schluter, a disciple of Labadie's, came to Untereyck's
parish at Miihlheim, and influenced some of its members
to leave the Church, declaring that the Church was '' a
gathering of biting dogs and filthy swine." Untereyck
therefore found that he was suspected of being a follower
of Labadie, and inclined to be a Separatist. For Labadie
had passed through Bremen on his way to Herford, and
UNTEREYCK IX BREMEN.. 327
the Bremen city council was then imusually sensitive to
anything that sayored of Labadianism. Untereyck
denied the charge of being a Labadist. When questioned
by the ministerium whether he was acquainted with
Labadie, he answered : " I have never seen him.""^ He
thus proved himself innocent of the suspicion, and the
city council ordered the ministerium to install him, and
according to their custom, he preached a trial sermon in
the Liebfrau church. The St. Martin's church, to which
he was called, had already been a famous church in Re-
formed Church history. Here it was that Timan, the
great opponent of Hardenberg, had preached.f It had
three pastors, of whom Untereyck was the first, and Hil-
debrand the second. The importance of his call to
Bremen ^yas that it secured for Pietism a hold in one of
the large cities, whereas before it had been rural.
Untereyck's work in Bremen now brought it into promi-
nence.
He began his work by preaching heart-searching ser-
mons which produced a great sensation. But his preach-
ing was comforting as well as convicting. From all parts
of the city the people began to attend his services. He
began holding prayer meetings soon after his arrival-.
These were not exactly new, for Bergius, the pastor of St.
Ansgari Reformed church, had held them. But the city
* Iken Life of Neander, page 63.
t See my "Origin of the Reformed Church in Germany," page 272.
328 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
council had considered them a novelty, and forbidden
them. Untereyck's wife also greatly aided him in hold-
ing these meetings. She was a model minister's wife, a
help-meet in every particular. Thus on Sunday, after the
church services were over in all the churches, Unter-
eyck gathered the men in his house to converse with them
familiarly on some passage of the Bible, while his wife
held similar meetings for the women. His wife also on all
week days held a meeting for girls, from 11 to 12 A. M.,
in which they went over the articles of their Christian
faith. And on Wednesday and Saturday afternoons she
took the servant girls and those of the lower classes, and
taught them the five divisions of the catechism. These
prayer meetings drew crowds even from the other parishes
of the city. Mrs. Untereyck too gained a wonderful influ-
ence among the children, for they had not been much
noticed by the Church before this. She was really start-
ing a Sunday school (although not on Sunday) long before
Robert Raikes. Untereyck announced these meetings
from his pulpit, and urged his people to attend them, and
the attendance on them greatly increased. But their suc-
cess aroused both tlie ministerium and the city council who
took action against them. Untereyck replied by saying
that the Synod of Dort had ordered them, that they Avere
commonly held in the Reformed Church of Holland, and
that he had held them in the Reformed districts of the
Northern Rhine. His wife, in reply to their criticisms,
i
ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH, BREMEN.
329
quoted the example of Priscilla in the Bible, and of Cal-
vin's wi e in the Reformed Church History. Finally,
owing to the opposition, Untereyck gave up his meetings,
but his wife continued hers until the end of her life, and
did a most blessed and successful work among the chil-
dren of Bremen.
Untereyck then centered his eiforts on another Pietistic
institution, namely, catechization. He w^as so zealous in
it that the ministerium found fault with him, that he could
give private instructions three hours a day and catechize
another half hour, while he had not time to attend the
meetings of the ministerium. He also preached on free
texts, instead of texts taken from the Scripture lessons,
which, although a Lutheran custom, had been retained by
the Reformed of Bremen, and he also made use of free
prayers. But the more he was opposed by the other min-
isters, the more his popularity increased among the people.
Many came frorh other parishes to Jiim to have their chil-
dren baptized. He also endeavored to introduce Church
discipline, another institution which Pietism emphasized.
He brought a memorial before the city council, asking tliat
each pastor have the right to keep unworthy members
from the communion, and also requesting that a Presby-
terium be organized in every congregation of the city.
But the council refused. He was, however, the first to
introduce the weekly catechization of children. Before
this the clergy had paid little attention to the children.
22
330 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
But when Untereyck and his wife began teaching them
the catechism, the movement became so popular that after
he had been there only a year, the St. Stephen's church
requested their pastor to instruct their children as Unter-
eyck did. Within two years after his arrival, both the
ministerium and the city council ordered such catechiza-
tion in all the churches.
He also attempted to introduce another Reformed cus-
tom. The Lutheran custom of bringing confessional
money (beicht pfennig)* was still in vogue in the Re-
formed churches. Ui>tereyck tried to have this un-Re-
formed custom put away. But as the ministers had to
rely on this money for their support, the other ministers
opposed it. He succeeded, however, in having it put
away from his own congregation, although not from the
other churches. Instead of this confessional money, he
took up an annual collection, beginning with 1684. It
remained for Lampe to get this custom put away many
years after.
Untereyck published in 1670 his work, " The Bride
of Christ Among the Daughters of Laodicea.^' In it he
defended Pietism in the Church, and attacked ministers
who were merely formal. Meanwhile the leaven of Piet-
ism began to work in tliat city. He tried to get its minis-
ters into its parishes, so that he might have some who
* At preparatory service each communicant would come forward to the
altar and lay a gift of money on it.
331
would sympathize with iiim. He succeeded in haviug
Cornelius DeHase appointed as teacher in the gymnasium,
and afterward had him elected second pastor of his own
church, when Hildebrand died. The ministerium objected
to DeHase's becoming his assistant. But the city council
(the majority of whose members had been pleased with
Untereyck's success in the catechization of the children)
supported Untereyck, and ordered the ministerium to
install DeHase. Finally two Pietistic ministers were
called to the St. Ansgari Reformed church. Thus it
gained a foothold in Bremen. But Untereyck's life was
one of conflict to the end. As the leader of Pietism, he
had many battles to fight. Through them all, however,
he was supported by the city councillor, Dr. John
Harmes. Just as Hardenberg, when the Reformed doc-
trines were first introduced into Bremen, had a city coun-
cillor, A^an Buren, to stand by him, so Untereyck had
this influencial councillor as his helper. Erastianism is
generally to be deplored, yet here it was the State that
urged progress in the Church life, while the ministerium
was opposed to it. Perhaps Untereyck would have met
with less opposition, if he had been more politic and less
radical. Nevertheless such a man as he was needed to
break up the formalism of the age, and his work proved
a great blessing to the city, and to the Reformed Church.
Finally after a long pastorate of twenty-two years, on
January 1, 1693, he was called to his eternal rest. He
332 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
had preached on Christmas day^ but on New Year (a New
Year indeed to him) he entered into an eternal jubilee
year with his Master in Heaven. His dying testimony,
like that of Olevianus, was one of certainty, ^^ My soul is
in a good condition. I am sure I have loved God with the
tenderest love.^^ Two days after his death the ministerium
adopted an action declaring '^ that he was a most faithful
minister, and worthy of praise, and that they heard of
his death with peculiar grief.'^ DeHase says of him,
" His sermons sounded and penetrated like thunder, while
his life shone like a lightning flash. ^^ He was also a
hymn w^riter, and three hymns are ascribed to him,
"Erleucht mein Licht,'' '^ Jehovah, mein hoechstes Blut,''
and the Lord's Supper hymn, ^^ Sieh doch da mein Fleish
und Bhit." They have a true poetic ring and breathe an
earnest Christian consciousness and hope.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION 11.
NETHENUS AND COPPER.
Although these two were dismissed in the Reformed
Church, their history reveals that they were not dismissed
for Pietism.
Samuel Nethenus was born May 18, 1628, at Rees,
on the Northern Rhine. He was won for the Pietistic
movement while at the high school at Geldern, and his
interest in it awakened by the books of Bolton and Baxter
of England, and of Tellinck and Lodenstein of Holland.
In 1650 he was called to the Reformed Church of Baerl,
where he labored with great success for thirty-two years.
The county of Meurs, in which Baerl lay, was a strongly
Reformed district, separated by Romish districts from
other Reformed churches. She developed a peculiar type
of Reformed consciousness. Although a member of the
General Synod of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark, she did
not, like the rest of the Classes, send an elder to the
Synod until 1630, nor did she send her acts to the Synod.
The president and secretary of the Classis did not change
office as in the other Classes, but held them for life. The
county was under the control of Holland from 1611 to
1702, so that the Dutch religious consciousness was
strongly impressed on the land. She was strongly pre-
334 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
destinarian, aud Dutch influence made her likely to receive
Pietism which was so common in Holland. [N^ethenus
began his work with great earnestness. He began hold-
ing prayer meetings and catechization meetings in i672,
twice a week in the houses. These were approved by the
General Synod in 1674. A journey that he made to Hol-
land in 1669, where he met Voet and Lodenstein, roused
in him the thought that an awakening was needed in the
Reformed Church. AYith this thought in mind, he wrote
the second part of his book (which he had begun in 1657)
entitled, '^ Light in Darkness.'' In this book, while urg-
ing greater subjective piety, he takes his ground strongly
against the errors of Separatism. He believed with
Untereyck, that the new Reformation must come within
the Church, not outside of her. He followed up the pub-
lication of this book by proposing to the Classis (1671)
nine propositions, urging a reformation of the Church.
These were agreed to, except those which ordered the per-
sistently ignorant to be kept from the communion, and
which placed church discipline in the hands of the pastor,
instead of the Presbyterium. The Classis refused these,
because they said that Church discipline should be in the
hands of the Presbyterium.
Nethenus gradually advanced beyond these views.
He began to put all possible difficulties in the way of
having communions. If Classis would not give him the
right to discipline the unworthy, he would not hold com-
335
munions. His congregation became dissatisfied, and
charged him with going away two or three weeks at a
time without the knowledge of the officers. Then he
woukl come back on Saturday just before the commun-
ion, too late to hold preparatory service, and too late for
new communicants to announce their intention to com-
mune. His motive was to compel the postponement of
the communion, because he did not wish to give it to the
UB worthy. They also charged him with having said
when the communicants appeared, " O how many dogs
and swine." The Classis heard these complaints of the
congregation and appointed visitors to the congregation,
to whom he did not deny these charges. They admon-
ished him to be more careful about his conduct and
language. But he began in 1676 holding back persons
from the communion without the authority of his elder-
ship, which was clearly an un-Reformed proceeding. His
consistory lodged complaints against him, and Classis
warned him against this. But he went farther* and capped
the climax by suddenly announcing at the Christmas com-
munion (1682) that there were only four converted per-
sons in the congregation, and that the rest needed conver-
sion. This brought matters to a crisis. Charges were
brought against him and he was dismissed, but not
deposed from the ministry. Goebel says that " His
strict views about tlie communion were the root of all
336 THE EEFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
his difficulty.'' Even his unwarranted extremes in Piet-
ism did not cause bis deposition from the ministry.
Dismissed from the pastorate at Baerl, he Avas called to
the Reformed church at Gulpeu. Here opponents brought
charges against him for holding prayer meetings, but the
Synod sustained him and compelled his accusers to make
an apology.
In 1690 he was called by the Countess of Isenburg-
Budingen to Birstein (near Frankford), as her coupt
preacher and consistorialrath. She had read his book and
wanted him, for she was a pious woman, and desired to
have Pietistic ministers. But he found that the state of
relio:ion was verv different from that in the Northern
Rhine. The Southern Rhine regions had been less
affected as yet by the Pietists. Besides, the State had more
authority over the Church, and that tended to blight
Pietistic efforts. He could not transplant the earnest
sj^irit of the Lower Rhine to the conservative Upper
Rhine. Still he began pursuing the same methods that he
had used in the Northern Rhine. As he found piety very
low, he postponed the communion for half a year, so that
the people might be better prepared to receive it. He
also made an attempt to keep back the unworthy from the
communion. In all this, his acts were approved by the
ministers, and supported by the Count's brother. But
complaints began to come in against him, as that he had
refused the communion for three-fourths of a year to the
NETHENUS' DEATH. 337
congregations — that he had introduced the Dutch method
of sitting at the communion, instead of receiving it stand-
ing, as was the common method in the German churches,
and that as in Meurs, he prayed for a foreign Prince, the
Prince of Orange. These charges reveal him as a man of
earnest sjjirit, but arbitrary and sadly lacking in tact in
introducing the needed reforms. The Count therefore
ordered him to appear before the council and the minis-
ters, but Nethenus, instead of acting the part of wisdom,
refused to do so, and wrote the Count a sharp letter, in
which he opposed the right of the Count to rule the
Church. This act was contrary to law or courtesy, and
so the Count dismissed him, February 14, 1696,
after he had been there almost six years. But he was
not deposed for this, only dismissed from this posi-
tion. The Count of Isenburg was friendly to Pietism
and prayer meetings, but dismissed him for his stubborn-
ness and disobedience. He then went to Amsterdam,
where he died in 1700. He did not become a Separatist.
His influence in the Church was felt long afterwards.
Heppe declares that his work was rich with blessing.
He seems to have impressed his spirit on the county of
Meurs, where he first labored. It is still customary to
hold catechism prayer meetings, at which the pastor is
not present ; the elders or laity discuss some part of the
catechism and have a devotional service. This custom is
338 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
also followed in some other parts of Germany, as at
Elberfeld.
Reiner Copper was a native of Meurs, having been
born 1645. His trial sermon before the Classis of Wesel
gave offense, for in it he personally attacked some of the
ministers. Classis therefore suspended him. As he could
not get a pastorate in the Reformed Church, he was called
by the Princess Elizabeth of the Palatinate to Herford as
her court preacher in 1674. There he joined himself to
Separatistic meetings. In 1677 he was called to be the
Reformed pastor at Miihlheim. And the next year the
Duisburg Classis received him as a member, although he
had been a Separatist at Herford. Here he labored with
such 2:reat success that he was called to the Reformed
church of Duisburg. In this large congregation his ser-
mons drew great crowds, even from Crefeld and Meurs.
He began catechism meetings and prayer meetings. This
caused some opposition, but the Presbyterium ordered
that, ^^ in order to avoid all suspicion, to preserve unity,
and hasten the work of the Lord and true piety, all pri-
vate catechizations and meetings should be stopped and
changed to public meetings." It thus prohibited private,
unofficial gatherings, but in doing so, endorsed public
prayer meetings. This regulation, however, brought no
relief, but caused the conflict to break out anew. His
colleague, Barlemeyer, demanded that this decree should
be annulled, and as this was not granted, he left Duis-
COPPER BECOMES A SEPARATIST. 339
burg and accepted a call to a small Reformed congregation
in Jiilich at Kirchherteu. Copper remained in his charge
for some time longer. In his house to house visitation
he had come to the conviction that there were very many
unworthy members in his church, and consequently he
altogether refused to administer the sacraments. The
Presbyterium therefore could do nothing but dismiss him.
He then went to Crefeld and Wiewerd, where he became
pastor of a Separatistic congregation. He died in 1693
while on a journey to Emden. Goebel says of him that,
although he had to sacrifice his position, yet his efforts
for earnest Christian piety and Church discipline pro-
duced the most blessed results. Copper became a Separa-
tist, although Nethenus never left the Church ; but it is
to be noticed that neither Nethenus nor Copper were dis-
missed from their places for being Pietists, or for merely
holding prayer meetings. They were reprimanded for
not holding them, as Synod required, under the supervi-
sion of the Presbyterium. But the immediate charge
that led to their dismissal was their refusal to give the
communion to the unworthy. They were dismissed for
emphasizing what every Reformed minister in America
would claim as his right, namely the right to keep the
unworthy from the communion. Only they erred in
themselves selecting who were the unworthy, when it was
the constitutional right of the elders to decide it with
them. Their cases, therefore, cannot be used as argu-
ments against Pietism.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION III.
HENRY HORCH.
Hesse, situated so near Fraukford, where Spener
labored, soou felt the influence of Pietism. The coming
of Untereyck as court preacher to Cassel greatly aided the
movement at first. But the people of the Upper Rhine,
as Hesse Darmstadt and ISTassau, were colder and less
inclined to experimental piety than those of the Lower
Rhine, and, besides, were more under the control of the
State, which was governed by the worldly elements in
the Church. So there came a collision at first between
Horch, the early Pietist, and the Church. His eccentri-
cities led him to Separatism.
Henry Horch was born at Eschwege, December 12,
1652. He studied at Marburg and at Bremen, where he
came under the influence of Untereyck, and was greatly
affected by him. He returned to Marburg in 1674 to
study medicine. But he was not satisfied. He then
entered the ministry, and was soon called to the Palati-
nate. He was soon called to prominent positions. In
1685 he became court preacher of the Countess of Sim-
mern at Kreuznach. Then he was called, in 1687, to
become the third pastor of the Holy Ghost Church at
341
Heidelberg. When the Jesuits attacked the 80th answer
of thet Heidelberg Catechism^ he boldly defended the
catechism against them, and for his able defense the
Reformed owe him a debt of gratitude. He then went to
Frankford in 1689 as pastor of the Reformed church
there. He there preached to the Jews, and astonished them
by his knowledge of Hebrew and Rabbinical theology.
Horch's learning gave him such a reputation that he
was called the next year to Herborn. Here he preached
in the Reformed church, a^ well as taught in the univer-
sity, for about three years. Then he began his innova-
tions. He endeavored to have the Church service changed
into a prayer meeting, after the model of the 14th chapter
of 1 Corinthians. By his earnestness in catechization
and pastoral work he had gained a large following in the
congregation, but his colleague, Hildebrand, opposed his
efforts to change the service. It happened, too, that just
at the time when he was dissatisfied with their treatment
of him, Klopfer, a Separatist, who was located at Grei-
fenstein, two miles away, gained a great influence over
him. Horch then began attacking the Church, just as
Klopfer did. He inveigled against its low condition,
using severe language against it. He also opposed sprink-
ling at baptism, infant baiptism and the holding of the
Lord's Supper without a love-feast. He was clearly
departing from the Reformed doctrines, which was quite
a serious matter, when it is remembered that he was a pro-
342 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAIS^Y.
fessor of theology. He was, therefore, suspended, Xo-
vember 1697, from his position as professor and preaclier
by the Count of Nassau Dillenburg, although the city
council, the guilds and the congregation interceded for
him, so great was his popularity. His dismissal caused a
great sensation all through Nassau and Hesse. It led to
an open rupture between the Separatists and the Church.
In the Northern Ehine the General Synod of Julich,
Cleve, Berg and Mark, by wise regulations, in 1674
retained the best elements of Pietism in the Church, but
here the State officials were not always so wise. Still,
when Horch was dismissed, the ministers and professors
saw the necessity of elevating tlie piety of the Church.
So the magistrates of the city aided them in establishing
prayer meetings and worship in the private families and
the homes of the members. Thus, though the Church
cast out Horch for his un-Reformecl doctrines, it coun-
tenanced Pietism, wliich ever afterwards became a great
blessing to Nassau. and Herborn university.
Horch remained a Separatist for three years, during
which he suifered many persecutions, as imprisonment at
Marburg. He also revealed symptoms of an unbalanced
mind, which explain some of his erratic actions. But in
1700 he changed again, and *wrote to the Landgrave
Charles of Hesse-Cassel, and also to Professor Hildebraud
at Herborn, confessing that he had brought disorder into
the Church, and asking the forgiveness of Hildebraud, and
THE DEATH OF HORCH. 343
of the whole theological faculty of Herborii. He
acknowledged his mistake iu 1702 to the Count of Xassau
Dillenburg, and declared that he had returned to the Re-
formed Church again^ which he showed by attending the
Reformed communion again, although he said he could
not recognize infant baptism as a command of God. He
spent the later years of his life as one of the editors of the
Marburg Bible, a mystical and prophetical work, and
died 1729. He was a man of remarkable o^ifts and P-reat
earnestness, but unbalanced and erratic.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION IV.
JOACHIM NEANDER.
Neander was the father of German Reformed hym-
nology. He was born at Bremen in 1650. His father was
a teacher in the Latin school at Bremen, but died when his
son was sixteen years of age. After his father's death he
entered (1666) the Reformed university at Bremen as a stu-
dent of theology.* This university had no sympathy with
Pietism then, and Neander sympathized with it against
Pietism. But Untereyck's sermons had already caused a
sensation. So one Sunday in autumn, 1670, Neander,
witli two of his companions, went in sport to hear the
famous Pietist preach. Man proposes, but God disposes.
Neander went to laugh, but stayed to pray. For in the
church the hand of the Lord laid hold on the young
man's heart. Untereyck's holy earnestness and the
power of the truth so touched his heart, that he was
entirely overcome. Untereyck's words were arrows to
produce conviction. Neander was unable to restrain his
feelings. The tears flowed in streams down his face,
when Untereyck closed his sermon with a free prayer, in
which, like Jacob at Peniel, he wrestled with God for a
«■ This was situated in the old Catharine cloister in the Sogerstrasse, in
which the city library and the first polytechnic school are at present.
JOACHIM NEANDER
neander's conversion. 345
blessing. As suddenly as a lightning flash from heaven,
God appeared to Xeander, as he had done to Paul outside
of Damascus, and as quickly changed the reviler into the
seeker — the ridiculer into the preacher. His self-right-
eousness was cast to the winds. His cry was like SauPs :
'^ Lord, what wilt thou have me to do ?" How could he find
relief from his burden of sin and guilt? He thought of
only one way. He would go to the man, whose preach-
ing so strangely moved him. As he left the church, he
told his companions that during the sermon he had
decided for Christ. They had noticed that he was
affected by the sermon, but, like SauPs companions, they
had not heard the voice of God calling to them. They
tried to dissuade him from going to Untereyck. Ah, the
ridicule that Xeander had used against the Pietists, was
now used against him, as they tried to laugh him out of
his serious mood. They said, it would be a misfortune, if
so genial and jovial a companion should degenerate into a
Pietistic hypocrite.
But Neander, in spite of their raillery, remained firm.
Every soul has a supreme religious crisis, and Neander
met his here, as he left his companions, and went direct
to Untereyck's house. This was not the first time that
Untereyck had conferred with anxious souls seeking
light. His house was often an inquiry-room, where
many seekers found God and forgiveness. Untereyck
became here a new Ananias, for just as Ananias led Saul
23
346 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to Christ, he led Neander to Jesus, so that the scales
dropped from Neander' s eyes, as they had from Saul's.
Now Neander became indeed, as his name suggested, a
new man — another man, a Neander in reality, as well as
in name. John Augustus Neander, the great Church
historian of this century, was a convert from Judaism,
and then took the name of Neander, because he became a
new man in Christ. So Joachim Neander, more than a
century before, gave up the Judaic Phariseeism of his life,
and became a new man in Christ, as he learned the bles-
sings of experimental religion. He describes his condi-
tion as an unconverted person in a hymn based on the
25th Psalm : ^^ Ich schseme mich vor deinem Thron" (I
am ashamed before thy throne). There are some in the
Church, who do not believe in sudden conversions, but
here is the leading hymn writer of the Reformed, changed
from a mocker ao^ainst Pietism into an earnest Christian
in almost an instant under Untereyck's preaching. While
many conversions may be gradual, yet it can not be
denied that some are sudden as here. His conversion is
also an illustration of the manner in which God honors
the faithful preaching of His Word."
* There is another story of Neander's conversion that has come down to
us. On one occasion, while on a hunting expedition, he followed game until
night overtook him, and he discovered that he was lost in the woods and
hills. He wandered about awhile in a dangerous locality, and suddenly dis-
covered himself in a most dangerous position. One step more, and he would
have gQue over the dangerous precipice into eternity. Overcome by horror,
he was for the moment deprived of speech. Then, in his moment of danger,
NEANDER AT FRANKFORD. 347
ISTeander became a regular attendant of Untereyck's
preaching, and an ardent follower and admirer of him.
His ideas concerning the ministry changed entirely.
Before he had looked on it rather as a trade, a business,
and had he entered it in that spirit, he would have gone
about his duties in a perfunctory way. But now he real-
ized its grave responsibilities, although these were com-
pensated by the hope of its joys. Having found the
Savior precious to his own soul, he knew how to lead
others to a personal salvation. In the spring of 1671 he
accepted the offer of several French Reformed families at
Frankford, to take their sons, five in number, to the
university of Heidelberg and superintend their studies.
He then returned with them to their home in Frankford
in 1673. Here, during 1873-4, he became an attendant
on Spener's prayer meetings. He also was active in the
French Reformed church there, the president of which
was the father of Cornelius DeHase at Bremen. But his
most important development at Frankford was his writ-
ing of hymns. Schiitz, the Jurist and a Lutheran, who
attended Spener's meetings, was the first to discover
like Olevianus in the river Eure, he vowed that he would consecrate himself
entirely to God, if God would preserve his life. He was enabled, by God's
providence, to find his way out of danger and to reach home in safety. This
story is rejected by Iken, Xeander's biographer, as a later adornment without
historic foundation. Goebel himself says, he heard a similar story told of
Evertsen, the friend of Neander. At any rate, if true, it is very difficult to
decide at what period of his life it took place, or to harmonize it with the his-
toric story of his conversion in Untereyck's church.
348 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Neander's genius for hymn writing. This was probably
the first time that Lutherans recognized hymns that came
from Reformed hymn writers. It is, however, to be
noted, that Xeander's hymns were sung at Lutheran
prayer meetings, long before they were sung at the
Reformed conventicles, because the latter clung mainly to
the Psalms in singing. In the spring of 1674 he was
called as rector of the Latin school at Dusseldorf. This
has been in its day one of the most famous schools in
Germany. It had been founded the middle of the pre-
vious century, when the illustrious Monheim was its first
rector. It became an evangelical centre for the whole of
the Protestant Rhine land, and rose to great prosperity,
having had at one time two thousand students.
o
But when Neander was called to it, it was shorn of its
former glory. For the country around Dusseldorf had
fallen to the Duke of Pfalz INTeuburg, a bigoted Catholic,
who made Dusseldorf his capital. During the Thirty*
Years' War the school had been given to the Jesuits, and
when the war was over, it still remained in their hands.
So the Reformed, to obviate the necessity of sending their
children to the Jesuit's school, started a parochial school
of their own, for the benefit of their congregation. This
parochial school, under the control of the Presbyterium of
the Reformed Church, was the one to which Neander was
called.^ He also aided Lursen, the first pastor of the
congregation, in preaching and visitation, although with-
NEANDER AT DUSSELDORF. 349
out becoming officially an assistant. In 1667 the red
dysentery became an epidemic, and so many members of
the congregation sickened and died, that Neander had to
aid the pastor very much in his visitation.
He also began in 1665 to hold prayer meetings, as
Untereyck and Spener had done before him. Through
his faithful pastoral work he gained a large personal
influence over the people, and his conventicles soon became
popular. But, alas, they caused trouble, as he was not
yet a member of the Synod, and especially as he just
then refused to sign the Reformed Church Order and
give his subscription to the Heidelberg Catechism. He
also, with his colleague, remained away from church on
Sunday and feast days. While his audiences in the con-
venticles increased, it was noticed that the audiences of
Lursen decreased, for which he was censured by -the
Presbyterium in October, 1676. Beside these charges, he
was not blameless in the management of his school. For
he laid out a plan of studies, without consulting the
Presbyterium, or without getting their sanction. He
postponed examinations, and made repairs on the build-
ing without notifying them. He took vacations without
wa ting for their approval. These were the main charges
against him. Lursen, who seems to have become jealous
of Xeander's popularity, and who was the main cause of
the opposition to him, was not an opposer of prayer meet-
350 THE EEFOPvMED CHURCH OF GEEMAXY.
ino-s, for he had them afterwards at Dautzic.'^ He was
only opposed to their being held in an independent way,
without the authority of the Presbyterium, or the pastor,
for this the General Synod had ordered. So the Presby-
terium brought charges against Xeander, February 3, 1677,
and suspended him from his position as rector, and for-
bade him from preaching in their pulpit. They then
presented him with a declaration, which he signed two
weeks later, in which he gaye his adherence to the Heidel-
berg Catechism and the Church Order, condemned sepa-
ration from the Church, like Labadianism, and promised
not to hold private prayer meetings without the authority
of the pastor or Presbyterium. This act of Xeander, in
signing this declaration, was one of the noblest acts of his
life, for by it he had the courage to confess that he was
wrong. It was not the question of conyenticles that was
at stake, but the question of obedience to the Church
laws, and the authority of the Presbyterium in the parish
and school. He had been inclining toward separation.
This declaration brought him back into full sympathy
with the Church, whose honored laborer he afterwards
became.
He resumed teaching in the school, to the great joy of
his scholars. Lursen soon . afterward resigned (June,
1677). Neander was destineji to several disappointments
and slights. Melchior was elected pastor of the church,
^ Koch, Vol. VI., page 22. Iken Life of Xeander, pages 140, 288 and 289.
THE NEANDERTHAL. 351
which disappointed his hopes in that direction. Then he
was not even elected assistant pastor, but to make the
disappointment more galling to him, his own colleague
was elected into the place he hoped for himself. He also
hoped to be elected to the St. Remberti church at Bremen,
but was disappointed there. He, therefore, began to feel
dissatisfied, and to long for a more congenial sphere.
But none opened to him for more than a year. ^lean-
while he sought to flee from his troubles and disappoint-
ments, by communing with God and writing hymns.
Sad hearts sing sweet songs. David, the sweet singer of
Israel, sang his sweetest Psalms when hunted like a
partridge over the mountains. So Neander, the sweet
singer of the Reformed Church, sang his sweetest songs
when in sorrow. There is a little valley situated about
three miles east of Dusseldorf, near the little town of
Mettman, which to this day bears the name of Xeander-
thal (Xeander's Valley). It is formed by pretty high
limestone cliffs on both banks of the Dussel, a tributarv of
the Rhine. These cliffs show a variety of formations,
and bear the name at present of " The Rocks,'^ and are
quite woody. "^ In it is a cavern, f where the legend says
he lived without food for months in a cave in summer. J
* Two railroads reach the place. The station of the Berg-Mark Railroad,
on the south side of the valley, is Hochdale, while on the north side of the
valley is the Rhenish station Neanderthal.
I The place has been very much changed by the marble quarries recently
opened.
X Winkworth Singers of Germany, p. 2S6.
352 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
But the leo^end is not true. Miss Winkworth seems to
leave one under the impression that his persecutors were
the Reformed Presbyterium, and to escape from them, he
went to Xeanderthal. This can not be true, for they
suspended Neauder during February, a season of the
year when it would be too cold for him to live out of
doors very much. Besides, his suspension was not for
months, but only for two weeks. I ken* says, the tradi-
tion says his persecutors were Catholics. This might be
possible, for the ruler of the land, the Duke of Pfalz
Xeuburg, was a Romanist. But it is altogether likely
that the legend is an exaggeration of the fact that he
would go there, either alone or with some of his students,
and while there he, in communing with nature and with
God, would write his songs. Here tradition glorified
Neander into a Protestant saint. To this valley, made
sacred by Neander's life, Tersteegen would come many
years after and hold prayer meetings, and have the hymns
of Neander sung on the very spot where he wrote them.
Here Neander Avrote his hymns for his friends at Frank-
ford and Bremen, and also for his scholars. f
Neander was called as assistant in St. Martin's church,
Bremen on Whitsunday, 1679, Untereyck and DeHase
* Life of Xeander, p. 150.
f We have gone somewhat at length into this part of Neander's life, because
some of the enemies of Pietism have said that Xeandei' was put out of the
Church for holding prayer meetings and for being a Pietist. We have shown
the falsity of this. For Neander remained in the Church and was called
afterward to Bremen to a Reformed church.
NEANDER AT BREMEN. 353
being the other two pastors. Joyfully he accepted the
call, for it was the church of his conversion. And
besides he would have congenial colleagues in Untereyck
and DeHase, both of whom sympathized with his views.
He therefore asked the Presbyterium of Dusseldorf to
release him from his position as rector of the school.
They did so, but in doing this, stated that they regretted
his departure, and bore witness to the faithfulness of his
service. He entered on his duties at Bremen, July, 1679.
His salary was only forty thalers a year. His position
there was a very laborious one. His duty was to preach
on extra occasions, to take the place of either of the other
pastors if sick, and to hold the services at 5 a. m. Sunday.
(For he had never been ordained, but was only a student
of theology.*) One can imagine him going through the
streets before that hour in winter, bearing a lantern or
torch in his hand, and then on an empty stomach (for that
was the custom at Bremen then), hold a service in a cold,
dimly lighted church. But still he was happy in his
spiritual birthplace under his spiritual father, Untereyck. f
Here Neander published in 1679 the first hymn book of
* Iken Life of Neander, page 165.
t The house in which he lived stands next to the new pastor's house, as if
it were stuck on to the choir of the church. It was a small two-story house of
red brick. On the stone door posts are figures and the year 1639, together
with an almost intelligible motto, " Gott sei Schutz und Sehirm bei seiner
Kirche." (God be protector and shelter to His Church.) Upstairs is a large
room still used by the congregation for catechization. (See Iken Life of
Neander, page 164.)
354 THE REFORMED CHUECH OF GERMANY.
the Reformed of Germany (for they generally used
Psalms) — his " Hymns of the Covenant.'' He was the
poet of the Pietists. What Spener and Untereyck wrote
in prose, he wrote in poetry. He was the poet of
the Cocceian school or the Federal Theology, and
sings it in rhyme, as Lampe afterwards wrote it in
dogmatics. His aim in publishing his hymns was to
check formalism in the Church, and to stimulate experi-
mental piety. Its title is, '' A and O, Joachim Neander's
Exercise of Faith and Love.'' He followed the Reformed
custom of printing the melodies with the hymns, and com-
posed some of the melodies himself, as Luther had done,
for like Luther and Zwingli, he was a musician.
But Neander was not permitted to live long here. His
work was hardly begun before it was done. Within a
year he sickened and died, May 31, 1680. His illness
was short, but severe. His death-bed was a happy one.
He strengthened himself by repeating Bible verses and his
own hymns. One day a severe thunder storm came up.
He expressed a strong desire that the lightning flash might
be his chariot of fire to take him to heaven. His physi-
cian asked him on the day he died how he felt. He
replied : " With my soul it is well, but my body is feeble."
He asked that the seventh to the tenth chapter of Hebrews
might be read (they contrasted the old and the new cove-
nant). His last words were Isa. 54 : 10 : ^' For the moun-
tains shall depart and the hills be removed, but my kind-
neander's death. 355
ness shall not depart from thee, neither shall the covenant
of my peace be removed. '^ The day of Pentecost was the
day of his death. He was called to Bremen on that day,
and a year later on it he was called to heaven. On the
day which commemorates the tongnes of fire on the disci-
ples' heads which gave them new tongnes, Neander went
to heaven to speak in a new tongue the language of heaven.
The sweet singer of the Keformed Church joined the song
of the redeemed in heaven. " His sick-bed,'^ as Hase
says, " was a six days' pulpit, from which he preached
much." Untereyck preached on the following Sunday a
memorial sermon on the third chapter of John.*
IN'eander died before he became famous. He little
dreamed of his future fame. In vain does one search
through the writings of Untereyck, or even Lampe, for any
reference to him. Professor Iken, in 1741, mentions Cor-
nelius DeHase as a poet, but not a word does he say about
Neander. ^Neander's life was short, but it did not end
with his death. It is given to a few to gain double immor-
tality ; some are immortal on earth, as well as in heaven.
Like Abel, Neander, being dead, yet speaketh. His life
comes ringing down through the ages to our time through
his immortal hymns. Who knows but the Pietistic move-
ment of Untereyck might have lost much of its influence.
* Under Neander's portrait at Dusseldorf are the words " Immovable in the
Lord." That was a key to his life — the covenant sure and unchangeable —
the sure mercies of David,
356 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
if Neander's hymns had not popularized it. Achilles
needed a Homer to sing his praises. Methodism needed a
Charles Wesley. Protestantism needed a Luther to write
its hymns, and Pietism needed a Neander. His hymns
also inspired new life in the congregation, and they became
popular. " I had rather write an immortal hymn," says
a writer, ^^ than do anything else." Neander has written
such hymns, and they have made history — the history of
God's Church. They led to awakenings and revivals in
the Church. They soon began to be favorites, and were
first sung at prayer meetings and in the social circle of the
home, before they were introduced into the churches.
They were first found in Luppius' hymn book, pub-
lished at Wesel, 1692. The Reformed hymn book of
Herborn in 1694 credited thirty-four of its hymns to
him, although not all did belong to him. The Bremen
hymn book then received them 1698, the Lippe 1722.
They gradually became such general favorites, that at
last the Reformed of the Northern Rhine received them,
although the opposition of those who clung to Psalm
singing disappeared very slowly. The General Synod of
Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark, after using Psalms for a
century and a half, ordered in 1731 a new hymn book,
which should have hymns as well as Psalms. This, like
the books of Bremen and Lippe, added one hundred and
fifty hymns to the one hundred and fifty Psalms already
in use. This hymn book first appeared in 1736, and
neander's hymns. 357
contained forty of Neander's hymns, seven of Lampe's, and
eight of Luther's. In 1736 the King of Prussia ordered
Neander's hymns to be used in the Reformed cathedral at
Berlin, ^^eander's hymns are now found in all hymn
books, Lutheran as weir as Reformed.
Neander founded a school of hymnists in the
Reformed Church, of whom Lampe and Tersteegen are
the representatives. He was the Paul Gerhardt of the
Reformed Church. He was only thirty years old when
he died. If he could write such hymns before he was
thirty years old, it is probable that he would have
developed into a greater poet than Gerhardt, if he had
lived to become old and mature. His precocity prophe-
sied great brilliancy as a poet. The beauty and power of
his hymns is remarkable. His hymns are subjective,
emphasizing personal, experimental religion. His most
famous hymn is, ''Lobe den Herrn, den m^chtigen
Koenig der Ehren.'' (We give it, although it is impos-
sible to reproduce it in apt translation.)
Praise ye the Lord ! He is King over all creation !
Praise to the Lord ! O my soul, as the God of salvation !
Join in the song, psaltry and harp roll along,
Praise in your solemn vibration.
Praise to the Lord ! who in glorious majesty reigning,
Beareth thee upward, on wings like the' eagle's sustaining —
Thee to uphold, arms of His mercy enfold —
Faithful 'mid all thy complaining.
358 THE REFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Praise to the Lord ! who with honor and blessing hath crowned
thee;
Pouring His gifts out of heaven like showers around tbee ;
Think of it too, what the Almighty can do.
How by His love He hath bound thee.
Praise to the Lord ! and let all that is in me adore Him,
All that hath breath sing, with Abraham's children bef -re
Him;
He is our light, fountain of glory and might,
Come, let us kneel and adore Him.
(^Translated by Rev. Thomas C. Porter, D. D.)
Some interesting illustrations are given in connection
with this hymn. It was based on the 100th, 103d and
106th Psalms. It has been a great favorite in the royal
family of Prussia. It was the favorite hymn of King
Frederick William lY. Its melody was played every
hour from the clock tower of the Garrison church at
Potsdam, and it was everywhere sung on June 1, 1879,
the King's golden anniversary of his marriage.
In March, 1813, when Germany was at war against
Napoleon, an infantry regiment gathered around the
Plantage at Potsdam for a retreat. The chaplain found
the Kolberg battalion, and asked the commander if there
could not be a church service there. It was no sooner
suggested, than it was carried out. Two or three thou-
sand men gathered in a circle close to the Garrison
church, whose chimes played ^' Lobe den Herrn" every
hour. The chimes would play the simple melody the
first time, and then follow it with the full harmony. The
NEAXDER S HYMNS. 359
citizens of Potsdam gathered in the centre of the military
circle to hear the service. Just as the minister was about
to begin, the musical clock began to play at the hour of
ten. When the last note was done, the chaplain began
and utilized the hymn, reminding them that the hour had
come to praise God's name. He then referred to the
tomb of Frederick the Great in the neighboring Garrison
church, and reminded them of their duty to God and
their land. The sermon produced a deep impression,
and the officers and men went away, renewing their vows
to God and strengthened. They could praise God with
the hymn, even though they were on a retreat.
In 1800 King Frederick II. of Prussia made a tour of
Silesia, and with his wife visited the mines of Walden-
burg. Part of the festival given in his honor was in the
mines, where the King's boat floated on the ^vater. The
boat was conveyed into the dark cavern, out of which the
stream issues. At a distance of every ten fathoms, wax
tapers threw their radiance across the waters. From a
boat stationed seventy fathoms from the mouth of the cav-
ern mountain music gave to the weird and unearthly
scene a still more impressive character. As the royal
party proceeded, suddenly out of the dim distance came
the music of the choir, ^^ Lobe den Herrn." The Kino-
took the Queen's hand and said : '' My favorite Psalm,
this is heavenly," and turned to the roAver and bade him
row more slowly. Suddenly the boat turned itself and
360 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
floated into a radiantly lighted grotto, where the hymn
was again sung and a table spread. The royal couple
were greatly delighted and said to the captain of the
mines, " we shall never forget this.''
Another of his hymns, " Sieh hier bin ich," is famous.
It is based on the 51st Psalm, the eighth verse. We give
a translation.
Here, behold me, as 1 cast me,
'Neath Thy throne, O glorious King,
Sorrows thronging, childlike longing.
Son of Mau, to Thee I bring.
Let me find Thee,
Me, a poor and worthless thing.
Look upon me, Lord, I pray Thee,
Let Thy Spirit dwell in mine.
Thou hast sought me, Thou hast bought me.
Only Thee to know I pine.
Let me find Thee,
Take my heart and own me Thine.
• Naught I ask for, naught I strive for.
But Thy grace is rich and free.
That Thou givest, whom Thou lovest.
And who truly cleave to Thee.
Let me find Thee,
He hath all things who hath Thee.
Earthly treasure, mirth and pleasure,
Gloriuus name or golden hoard.
Are but weary, void and dreary
To the heart that longs for God.
Let me find Thee,
I am Thine, O mighty Lord,
{Translated by Miss Winkworth,)
HYMN ILLUSTRATIONS. 361
Some beautiful incidents are told in connection with
this hymn. It once produced a great change in the village
of Ochsenwirthshaus, between Boblingen and Tubingen.
In 1790 there lived in the public house a man named
Binder. He grew rich, but as he became richer, he became
the more worldly every year. He allowed things to be
done which were against right and conscience, while before
the world he appeared an honorable, respectable man.
One day he drove on business to Altdorf in company with
his brother. On the way the desire came to him to sing
this hymn. He had joined in singing it in church on the
Sunday previous. The hymn made such an impression
on him that he hastened home. The hour for his salva-
tion had come. When he arrived at home, he unbosomed
himself to a confidential friend, telling him of his experi-
ence and asking him to pray for him. They prayed
together. Grace conquered him, for he gave up his tavern
and broke away from his old companions. He told them
he wanted to see them at his house only when they had
decided to serve God and to leave sin. His conversion
produced a great stir in the little village. He became a
blessing to the whole village. His house, where before
dances and drinking had been the custom, now became
the seat of prayer meetings. God saw fit to send sickness
on him, so that he was sick for two years. But his sick-
bed became a place of great blessing, for he would talk of
nothing else but the grace and mercy of God. Just before
24
362 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
he died he received the Lord's Supper with such humility,
that his pastor said he had never seen such a penitent com-
municant. Thus this hymn was the means of his con-
version.
John Henry Palm, an honorable citizen of Eslingen,
who generally lived at Vienna, prepared himself for death
on Holy Week, 1710. He rested with the greatest confi-
dence on the words of the hymn, " Meinen Jesum lass
ich nicht.'' (My Jesus will I not leave.) They stayed his
soul till his last hour. And as he died, he uttered the
last two lines of this hymn.
CHAPTER III.
THE YICTORY OF PIETISM.
Pietism, which was as old as the Reformed Church,
though Dot fully developed, now at last attained full
recognition and sway in the Church. This is shown by
the w^ay in which Synods and Princes and representative
theologians endorsed it.
SECTIOIS^ I.
ITS ENDORSEMENT BY THE SYNODS AND PRINCES.
The only thoroughly organized General Synod of Ger-
many was that of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark on the
Northern Rhine. Other Synods, as in the Palatinate and
in Brieg, lacked two elements of pure Presbyterial gov-
ernment : a) They did not have elders in them ; 6) They
were called by the Prince of the land, and not by the
Church itself. Only this General Synod, if we except
the French Synods, had these peculiarities. As it, how-
ever, was free from the State, it was the freer to develop
itself, and was thus a truer representative of the Reformed
Church than the others. The subject of conventicles came
up before the Duisluirg Classis in 1670, when they took
action on the case of Schluter, a member of the Reformed
364 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
church at Wesel, Avho attacked the Church and demanded
the exclusion of the unworthy from the communion. The
Classis felt that his bitter and unjust complaints should
be answered and stopped. So it appointed the professors
of Duisburg university to reply to it. The trial of Schlu-
ler took place before the Classis, November 4 and 5, 1670,
in Wesel. He declared that no member ought to be
forced to go j^nd hear an unconverted minister, and finally
ended by denying the authority of the Synod over him,
and appealed to the Episcopal authority of the Elector of
Brandenburg over the Church. The Classis then decided
to report all to the Electoral authorities, and pray them
to regulate it so that there might be no further separa-
tions from the Church by Separatists. Schluter appealed
from this and immediately left for Herford. The Gen-
eral Synod, when the appeal came before it, decided that
as he had already separated himself from the Church, it
would give him another chance ; and if he should refuse
to obey the warning of its secretary, he should be deposed.
Schluter refused to return, and remained at Herford.*
This action of the Synod w^as precipitated by the coming
of Labadie to Germany, which created a great sensation.
Immediately after this General Synod, Colerus, the presi-
dent, went to Berlin to confer with the Elector about the
welfare of the 70,000 Reformed in Julich and Cleve, and
■••■ From this we see that Schluter was put out of the Church, not for Piet-
ism or for holding prayer meetings, but because he was disobedient to the
Church and separated himself from it.
PIETISM AND THE SYNODS. 365
about the religious agreement with the Duke of Pfalz-
N euburg. When the acts of the Synod, with the discus-
sions about Schluter, were laid before him, the Elector
conferred with him about the Separatism of Labadie, and
and also the Landgravine Hedwig Sophia. The matter
came up again, as the Cleve Synod took action against those
who separated from the Church in 1673. But this action
did not mend matters at all. For by the next year it was
found that these severe measures only angered earnest
people in the congregations, and rather helped than hin-
dered Separatism. The next General Synod, therefore,
1674, took an action approving of Pietism and prayer
meetings, but disapproving of Separatism ; and ordering
that prayer meetings, when held, should be under the
supervision of the pastor and the Presbyterium.'^ Thus
the General Synod pursued the wise policy of overcoming
Labadianism outside of the Church by urging Pietism
within the Church, that is, by trying to elevate the life of
the members of the Church. It ordered greater diligence
and activity on the part of the pastors. The Mark Synod
of 1676, and the Cleve Synod and the General Synod of
1677 took action, '^that thereafter each member of the
Synod should not only attend to the study of orthodoxy,
but of piety, too." They desired all presidents of Pro-
vincial Synods to urge more piety on the ministers and
■•• For the full action of the General Synod, see Heppe's History of Pietism,
page 484, and Goebel's History of the Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II.,
page 327.
366 THE HEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
memberSj and to appoint a special commission, whose duty
it shall be to prepare a work which would reveal the sen-
timent of the Synod. The commission did not produce a
work, because William Dieterici published, in 1677,
a work entitled '' The True Inward and Outward Chris-
tian. '^ This before its appearance had received the
approval of the Mark Synod of 1677 and the theological
faculty of Herborn, 1680. ''This book," says Goebel,*
^^ shows how entirely this Pietistic movement was a Re-
formed one, for he refers in it to the fathers of the
Reformed Church, Calvin, Martyr and Tossanus." The
influence of Labadie at Herford, where Dieterici after-
wards lived, is not noticeable in the book. But his views
in it are like Lodenstein's and Untereyck's. The Mark
Synod was so pleased with it that it prayed God's bless-
ing on it. The work had a large circulation and did a
good work in showing the difference between Pietism and
Separatism. " This book," says Goebel, '' is an illustra-
tion of the new and strong Christian life that revealed
itself in the Church." But the difficulties with Nethe-
nus brought these subjects before the Synod again, and
in 1683 it again gave a deliverance that Separatism is to
be met by elevating the spiritual life of the Church :
(1) By discipline against gross sinners in the congrega-
tion ; (2) by more attention to catechization ; (3) by
clearer and plainer presentation of the truth ; (4) by care-
* Of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II, page 332, note.
THE SYNODS AND PIETISM. 367
fill visitation of those inclined to error. Thus the Gen-
eral Synod not only approved of Pietism by its action of
1674j but now approved of Church discipline of the un-
worthy, which was the very point desired by many Laba-
dists who had left the Church. The Synod of Julich, in
1685, supplemented this action by ordering weekly cate-
chization in addition to the Sabbath afternoon sermon on
the catechism, and recommending prayer meetings to the
members of the Church. The other Synods took similar
action, urging stricter Sabbath observance and a reforma-
tion of the life of the Church. Thus Pietism received the
approval of the great General Synod of the Reformed in
Germany. " Prayer meetings after 1700 at Miihlheim
and Duisburg, and other places in the neighborhood, were
held by the pastors and permitted by the Synod, and
brought great blessings, Tersteegen being the richest fruit,
and in this century since 1843 they have again arisen to
their old strength as a salt and leaven of the congrega-
tion.''^^
Another important Reformed organization was the
Coetus at Emden. This, the most venerable organization
of the Reformed in Germany, was affected by the Pietistic
movement. The East Friesian Church, of which it was
a part, had been originally organized by Lasco, who was
one of the originators of conventicles in London, and it had
never lost his impress. Besides, the Church was in close
* Goebel History of the Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II., page 319.
368 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
relations with the Reformed Church of Holland, as the
Dutch language was largely u§ed. Thus, the Pietism so
common in the Dutch Church, easily aifected this Church.
It therefore oifered no opposition to Pietism, and soon its
representative men, even the presidents of the Coetus, were
Pietists.
William Alardin was born at Bremen, .but was brought
under the Dutch influence at the universities of Leyden
and Groningen. He was an admirer of Cocceius. He
was pastor of the Reform^^d church at Emden for forty-
one years (1666-1707), and was president of the Coetus
for twenty-one years.* '' He was a veritable Boanerges, a
son of thunder, who could shake up men's hearts by the
law, and then, like Barnabas, the son of consolation, bind
up their wounds, so that they felt themselves in heaven
with Christ." He was in close sympathy with his
younger colleague and successor as president of the Coetus,
Ernst W. Buchfelder. The latter was born at Bentheim,
June 5, 1645. He studied law, but was converted at
Cassel tlirougli Untereyck and led to study theology.
He studied under Yoet and Lodenstein in Holland, but
he was most of all a disciple and follower of Untereyck,
with whom he stayed two years at Bremen. His associ-
ation with Untereyck led him to entire consecration to the
Lord's work. He was called to Emden as rector of the
Latin school, and then as pastor in 1679. In 1687 he
* See Ritschl's History of Pietism, page 377.
ENDORSEMENT OF PIETISM. 369
was called to be inspector aud cousistorialrath of Isen-
burg-Budingen, aud then pastor at Muhlheim on the
Ruhr, but was again called as pastor to Emden, where he
died in 1711, having been president of the Coetus for the
last four years of his life. He was a man of deep relig-
ious experience, an Enoch walkins; with God. He was
the author of only one German hymn, ^' Erleucht mich
Herrmein Licht,'^ but it is a jewel of Reformed hymnody,
says Koch. It was probably written in the memorable
year, when he heard Untereyck. These men labored for
twenty years at Emden, and as presidents of the Coetus
exerted great influence to introduce strict discipline, made
the Coetus more careful in its examination of candidates,
and as presidents made tours of visitation through the
churches. Thus Pietists held the highest positions in the
oldest Reformed organization in Germany. In their case
Pietism did not lead them to be looked upon with suspic-
ion, but Avith honor.
Pietism was also recognized and protected by the
Elector of Brandenburg, later King of Prussia, who was
politically the leader of the Reformed of Germany. As
he was the head of the Reformed Church in Brandenburg,
his actions committed that church to Pietism. When the
Lutherans of Saxony drove Spener out, who was it that
received Spener and his Pietists ? The Reformed Elector
of Brandenburg, who espoused their cause and appointed
Spener pastor of .the largest Lutheran church in Berlin.
370 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The Lutherans have the Reformed to thank that Pietism in
their Church was not crushed. To still further aid Piet-
ism, the Elector of Brandenburg founded a university for
them, that they might be able to perpetuate themselves.
His founding of the University of Halle for them is very
si2:nificant. It showed his endorsement of Pietism. It
was the first illustration where a Prince founded a uni-
versity for a religion other than his own. When collec-
tions were taken for it, the Reformed Synod of the North-
ern Rhine raised yearly collections for it, although the
university was Lutheran, and although they had their own
university at Duisburg to support. When the King of
Prussia married his third w^ife, the Countess Sophia
Louisa of Mecklenburg, Pietism assumed such a complete
control of the court under the leadership of Porst, that
prayer meetings were held in the royal castle, in whicli the
King himself seemed to have participated.* Noltenius,
the King's Reformed court preacher, held prayer meetings
in the Reformed gymnasium in 1731, and Pietistic move-
ments were fostered by the later Kings of Prussia after
Frederick the Great. Thus King Frederick William III.
formed Bible Societies and gave encouragement to the
work of Elizabeth Fry. Thus the leading Reformed
churches of Germany endorsed Pietism.
* See SchafF-Herzog Encyclopedia, article Spener. i
CHAPTER III.— SECTION 11.
ITS ENDORSEMENT BY REPRESENTATIVE THEOLO-
GIANS OF THE CHURCH.
A) John Henry Hottinger.
John Heniy Hottinger was a member of the famous
Swiss family of that name at Zurich, but came as professor
of theology to Marburg in 1705. Following the example
of the Lutheran, Franke, at Halle, he founded an orphans'
home at Marburg, of which a Swiss candidate for the
ministry named Giezentanner became preceptor. The
latter seems to have been an Inspirationist, for he claimed
to have special revelations and direct commands from God.
This fact he declared in a sermon which produced great
commotion, and an investigation of him was ordered.
Hottinger also came under suspicion because of his close
connection with the orphanage, but the trial proved his
innocence. Still Hottinger had to take an oath that he
was free from such views. But Separatism was under
suspicion at the court of Hesse-Cassel, and the Landgrave
became suspicious lest there might be some of it lurking
among the theological faculty at Marburg. He therefore
ordered them to give an opinion whether since the days of
the apostles ministers could expect special revelations from
372 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
heaven. Hottinger turned the answering of this over to
his colleagues, Dusiug and Kirch meier, and ^yould have
nothing to do with it. But the Landgrave ordered that
Hottinger should give an exact statement of his views.
Hottinger therefore prepared a large work for print. But
before it was printed, the Landgrave ordered it to be
brought to Cassel for examination. Hottinger in it de-
clared that no revelation could come to God's people
except on dark points of Scripture, and as to the Inspira-
tionists, who claimed to have these revelations, they must
be judged by their works, which time would reveal.
But the Landgrave was not satisfied with this reply, as it
was not decisive enough against the Inspirationists. He
ordered Hottinger either to retract his position or resign
his professorship. Hottinger therefore resigned his pro-
fessorship at Marburg, but he did not by it lose standing
as a Reformed minister, for lie was called to one of the
leading Reformed churches in the Palatinate at Franken-
thal. And in 1723 his great gifts secured for him a theo-
logical professorship at Heidelberg, where he died, highly
honored by the Reformed Church, in 1750.
B) Conrad Mel.
One of the brightest lights of the Hessian Church was
Conrad Mel, whose prominence reveals that even the
State authorities in Hesse-Cassel had learned at last to
tolerate Pietism. Mel has been called " The Spener of
CONRAD MEL. 37S
Hesse-Cassel/^ and was a worthy successor of Uutereyck,
who had been court preacher at Cassel. Mel was born at
Gudensberg in Hesse-Cassel, August 14, 1666. He
studied at Bremen, where he came under the influence of
Unterejck. He called Unterevck his "Gamaliel," at
whose feet, like Paul, he sat. After completing his studies
at Groningen, the Landgravine of Hesse-Cassel, a princess
of Curland, sent him as pastor to Mitau, in Poland, 1690.
After a pastorate also at Memel, his rare gifts led the
Elector of Brandenburg to appoint him his court preacher
at Konigsberg and professor in the university there.
Here he held conventicles on Sunday evenings. So great
a preacher and scholar could not remain unnoticed by his
native land. So the Landgrave of Hesse called him, in
1705, as rector of Hersfeld and inspector of the Reformed
churches of that district. Here he remained for twenty-
eight years. He introduced thorough scholarship into the
school and urged the development of piety as Avell as of
the intellect. He urged the students to attend prayer
meetings and catechization. His efforts resulted in a great
spiritual awakening in his district. His school prospered
so that it became the largest in Hesse, surpassing even the
university of Marburg in the number of its students.
Some of the Marburg students came to it to get a more
thorough study of Greek, Hebrew and history, as well as
to attend his catechetical lectures, which were famous.
Like the Lutheran school of Pietists at Halle, he founded
374 THE REFOKMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
an orphans' home in 1709. He found a patron for his
movements in the Landgravine of Hesse, who highly
honored him and sympathized with him in his work.
This orphanage was large enongh to contain twenty-fonr
orphans and was named after the Landgravine. He also
gained great reputation as a writer. His prayer book,
issued in 1715, called ^^ The Delight of the Saints in Jeho-
vah," became very popular. It was found in the library
of the Prince as well as in the home of the farmer. It
reached its sixteenth edition by 1783, and is still an
honored book in Hesse, especially in the neighborhood of
Hersfeld. He died May 3, 1733, after saying to those
around him : ^' My house is promised.'' His death caused
universal sorrow throughout all the laud. Many beauti-
ful things were said of him at his grave, but the best was,
that in all his twenty-eight years of service at Hersfeld no
one had ever seen him angry. When the Chapter church
became a ruin in 1761, his grave was lost, but his name
remains enbalmed in the hearts of the Hessian people. He
combined in a w^ouderful way breadth and exactness of
thought with depth of piety, theological research with
practical tact. He was noted as a pulpit orator and was
the great leader of Hessian Pietism there in his day.
C) Frederick A. Lampe.
Frederick A. Lampe was, says Goebel, "the greatest
theologian in the German Reformed Church since the
Reformation, and the most influential in the eiohteenth
lampe's ancestry. 375
centuiy/'* Tlielemaut quoting from Goebel says : '' One
cannot sufficiently estimate the influence of Lampe even
to-day, and in this respect place him beside Bengel fifty
years later, and Schleiermacher a century later." Their
tributes to him reveal that the most representative theo-
logian of the German Eeformed Church was a Pietist.
He completes the victory of Pietism in the Eeformed
Church.
He was born February 18, 1683, atDetmoldinLippe.
His father was the second pastor of the Reformed church
there, and afterwards pastor at Frankford on the Main,
and court preacher of the Elector of Brandenburg at
Konigsburg. Lampe could say :
" My boast is not that I deduce my birth,
From loins enthroned, the rulers' of the earth.
But higher far my proud pretensions rise
The son of parents passed into the skies."
— Cowper.
He was descended from pious ancestry on all sides.
His paternal grandmother was related to the house of
Bourbon, for she was descended from the Huguenots.
Her ancestors, the d'Herlins, sealed their fate with their
blood, by being beheaded at Valenciennes, 1567, on the
same day and place that DeBres, the author of the Belgic
Confession, was hung. His maternal grandfather was
Swiss. His name was Zeller, and he was superintendent
*■ History of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. 11. pages 403 and 4.32.
t Life of Lampe, introduction.
376 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of the Eeformed church of Lippe. Zeller was descended
from one of the patrician families of Zurich. His
maternal grandmother was descended from the Dutch refu-
gees, who had fled from the persecutions of the Duke of
Alva and settled at Cleve. So there was mingled in his
veins the best blood of four nations, Swiss, French, Dutch
and German, and all consecrated by piety.
He was reared by his grandfather until he was eight
years old. It was the influence of this pious old man who
prepared the boy's mind to be the future Pietist. For Zeller
had been converted by Lodenstein, w^ho had been kept as
a hostage by the French at Cleve in 1672. There Zeller,
w^ho happened to be pastor at Rees, near Cleve, heard him
preach, and w-as converted. He w^as a man of deep
spirituality, and impressed it on his grandson. He was the
author of the Lippe Church Order, which is still in use.
He- was greatly honored by the Count of Lippe, and when
not able to walk to the church because of gout, the Count
had him carried to the church in a chair by soldiers,
where, sitting on a chair before the communion table, he
preached. Theleman is careful to say that Zeller called
it in the Lippe Church Order, " a communion table," and
not an altar. For the Reformed have no altars in their
churches.*
Born of such ancestry, reared under such pious influ-
ence, Lampe was prepared for the life work. His grand-
* Theleman Life of Lampe, page 6.
.^-
PROFESSOR FREDERICK ADOLPH LAMPE.
lampe's conversion. 377
father and father having both died, he was taken to Bre-
men by an nncle, Wichelhansen, who educated him.
There he attended the Latin school. He made such
progress that he wrote a Latin dissertation on " The Cym-
bals of the Ancients/^ which was much admired by his
professors. Of his own accord he chose the ministry
when fifteen years of age. He entered the university
there, where he heard among others professor Cornelius
DeHase, a pupil of Untereyck's. When nineteen, he,
like many German students of that day, went to Holland
to complete his education. He attended the university of
Franeker, which was famous not only for its Cocceian
theology, but also for its methods of teaching.* Its pro-
fessors, too, came into close personal contact with the
students. Vitringa, Yon der Wayen and Roell did not
teach any dry scholastic theology, but a living Pietism.
While studying there, Lampe was converted and wrote a
hymn entitled " Lob des Herrn Jesus'^ (Praise of the
Lord Jesus) in thirty-six strophes, in which he describes
his lost condition and his conversion. He took as his
motto, " My love is crucified." He had come to Franeker
learned in the sciences and theology, yet full of spiritual
darkness. Now he confessed, " I desire only grace, noth-
ing but grace.'^ At Franeker he became a strong adher-
ent of Cocceius, whom he called the '^ great Apollos.^'
* Instead of lectures it used the Socratic method, and students were chal-
lenged to ask questions.
25
378 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Yet he was not a slavish follower of Cocceius, but devel-
oped out of his theology a school of his own. For the
Cocceians had divided into two wings, the pure or green
Cocceians of Leyden, and the earnest or active of Utrecht
and Franeker. The former had emphasized the critical
study of the Scriptures so far that they degenerated into
mere hair splitting critics of the Bible. The latter, how-
ever, never allowed criticism to make them forget the
practical side of Christianity. Lampe it was who became
the leader of a new school of theology. Starting from the
principles of the earnest Cocceians, he aimed to combine
Cocceianism with practical activity. Thus at Franeker
he learned both Pietism and Cocceianism, and they devel-
oped together in him. It was only a year that he spent
at Franeker, but it was a momentous year to him and to
the Reformed Church, for it was the crisis of his life and
settled his future. In 1703 he took a small congregation
at Weeze, near Cleve. In this region his grandfather,
Zeller, had preached before him and his great-grandson,
Menken preached after him. The congregation was small,
but earnest. They had come out from among the Roman-
ists around them and were very zealous in the study of
the Bible, and in practical activity. But after three years
had passed away, the large Reformed congregation at
Duisburg called him. Here he found a very diiferent
kind of a congregation. Duisburg was the seat of a
Reformed university. Owing to Copper's indiscretions
379
there, and the separations from the Church that had taken
place, there was a prejudice against Pietism there. But
Lampe saw that the great congregation must be awakened
to greater spirituality and activity, and that those who
had gone into Separatism must be won back to the Church.
So following the old Reformed custom, he made a house
to house visitation of the congregation, although some of
the worldly-minded in the congregation objected to this.*
Lampe also made his sermons very pointed and practical.
In them he always distinguished between the converted
and the unconverted — a custom continued in this century
by the ministers of Germany.! But after preaching at
Duisburg for three years, he was called to Bremen as pas-
tor of the St. Stephen's church, of Avhich he became the
senior pastor in 1719. He had so endeared himself to his
congregation at Duisburg that they parted from him with
great regret. At Bremen he was the same earnest pastor
and preacher. Untereyck had sowed tlie seed and Lampe
reaped the results. He found the city a worldly city, and
would often look back with regret to the higher spiritual
atmosphere of Duisburg and the Northern Rhine. He
began to hold prayer meetings, so as to promote spirit-
uality. But he did not limit his Pietism to prayer meet-
ings. He showed it by the directness of his preaching
-•■ The records of the consistory from 1705-8 reveal cases of Church disci-
pline brought about by this church visitation. See Theleman Life of Lampe,
page 17.
f Koch History of Hymns, Vol. VI., page 38.
380 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
and by his Church discipline. For he endeavored to
have the Bremen church introduce stricter Church disci-
pline, such as the Reformed had along the Northern
Rhine. But he was unsuccessful in this, for there the
church was free, while at Bremen it was under the con-
trol of the city authorities. He felt his difficulties to be
great. He thus writes about them : '^ He that will not
spend his time in dancing and in idle ways, in their eyes,
is a Pietist, a bigot. He that has a narrow conscience and
can do nothing but reveal difficulties, is a visionary, a
Quaker, a singular person, a melancholy freak. He is a
misanthrope, and if he does not w^ish to live for the world,
is a fool." Truly at Bremen he was a lamp (Lampe) — a
lamp shining in a dark place. He published, in 1713, a
book entitled ^' The Great Privileges of the Unhappy
Apostle, Judas Iscariot — A Warning to Unprofitable
Teachers." It was written under an assumed name,
" Photius" — the Greek translation of Lampe. It was
written on the one hand as a warning to the unfaithful
teachers within the Church, and on the other was a warn-
ing to those who separated from the Church. While with
Koch (who claimed that orthodoxy a la mode had been the
ruin of the Reformed Church), he held that the members
should withdraw from unconverted ministers, yet he held
that was not necessary, for there were plenty of earnest
Evangelical ministers, such as Baxter in England, Loden-
stein in Holland, and Untereyck in Germany and others
381
whose ministrations they could attend. It became, how-
ever, evident from this book that Lampe was somewhat
in danger of inclining toward the views o^ the Separatists.
But just then an event occurred which turned him fully
back toward the Church. For it happened that Detry,
pastor of St. Martinis churchy who had been a student at
Duisburg when Lampe was pastor there, and had been his
close friend, preached a sermon, October 3, 1713, on Luke
19 : 45 and 46 (Christ driving the money changers out of
the temple). He declaimed against the carnal teachers of
the Reformed Church who had changed the Church into a
den of thieves in many places. In this sermon Detry
appealed to Lampe's book to prove his position. The
sermon caused great excitement in Bremen, and a few
days later the ministerium called Detry before them to
answer for it. After various negotiations, in which Lampe
was active, Detry consented to publicly recall on Christmas
day what he had said, but he finally refused to do this,
and so the city council suspended him. The matter soon
quieted down, and Detry again ministered to his church.
But soon a new conflict arose, directed against Lampe.
Romeling, a Lutheran Separatist, who had all along
greatly influenced Detry, attacked Lampe in 1714. Lampe
found himself compelled to defend himself in a book
against him. Detry, who had had trouble Avith the senior
pastor of his church, also attacked Lampe (1717), because
he had taken his ground against Romeling. This strife of
382 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Lampe against Detry and Romeling led him to define liim-
self against all Separatism. He declared that he was as
decidedly against Separatism as he was in favor of Pietism
within the Church. This strife being over, there came to
him a season of quiet, which he utilized for study. In
1712 he published the first volume of his theological w^ork,
" The Mystery of the Covenant of Grace.'' He finally com-
pleted the work in 1721. In 1718 he published the first
Refprmed Church paper. He was aided in it by Theo-
dore DeHase, professor of theology in the university. Its
title was " Bibliotheca-Historico-Philologico-Theologica"
(the Historical-Philological-Theological Library). In it
he hoped to gather material for the future history of the Re-
formed Church, but Biblical essays, reviews of books, espec-
ially Reformed works, and Church news were also made
prominent. It was published in Latin, as that was the
literary language of Europe. jSTo polemics were permitted
in it. It appeared in parts, each part being dedicated to
some celebrated Reformed theologian, as Mieg, Vitringa,
Jablonski and Hottinger. Among its contributors were
Turretin, Roell, Mosheim, Haumann (for pious Lutherans
were gladly welcomed to its pages), and jurists like Deu-
sing and Neubour. This paper he continued to publish
as long as he remained in Bremen.
His works gave him a reputation as a theologian,
while his success at preaching, catechization and pastoral
work, and the eloquence of his sermons gave him a repu-
383
tation as a preacher and pastor. He therefore received
several calls as to a professorship of theology at the uni-
versity of Frankford on the Oder. In 1720 he accepted
the call to be professor at the Dutch university of Utrecht.
His congregation parted from him with great regret, but
his professorship gave him a wide influence among the
ministers of the Church. Indeed his call to that univer-
sity marked an epoch in the Dutch Church. It marked
the victory of the Cocceians over the Voetians, of Bib-
lical theology over the scholasticism, of Christian life over
Christian doctrine. It also marked another event, namely,
the victory of the earnest Cocceians over the green or
scholastic Cocceians. For from that day it became cus-
tomary in the Dutch universities to have three professors
of theology : (1) A Voetian or scholastic ; (2) a Cocceian
or exegete ; (3) a Lampean or practical theologian. He
exerted a great influence over his students as a teacher of
dogmatics. He made dogmatics and church history
practical sciences, and by the earnestness of his piety and
the warm sympathy of his heart exerted much the same
influence over them that Lodenstein had done many years
before. He was made rector of the university in 1726,
which post he held till he left Utrecht.
In 1727 he received a call to come back to Bremen
and be pastor of the St. Ansgari church, and also professor
of theology in the university. He accepted this call, partly
because of his great love for Bremen, and partly because
384 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
his health had been shattered by the damp climate of
Holland. Xow if Pietism had been outlawed by the
Reformed Church, Lampe never would have been called
to Utrecht as professor in one of the largest Reformed
universities, nor would he have been called back to
Bremen to be its professor there. On the contrary, he
was called to both of these prominent positions. And
when he returned to Bremen he was received with the
highest honors. Instead of being looked down upon for
being a Pietist, or put out of the Reformed Church for
holding conventicles, he was elected to one of the highest
positions with which the Church could honor him. The
ministerium which had once opposed Untereyck, now
united in honoring him in every w^ay. Thus they did not
place his name last in the list of ministers, as they always
did when a new minister came to one of their churches,
but they entered his name on the roll where it had been,
when he had been pastor before. And instead of com-
pelling him to preach a trial sermon in the Liebfrau
church, as was their custom, they dispensed with this in
his case. To have so prominent a Dutch professor of
theology come back to Germany, was an honor to Ger-
many which seldom occurred. He delivered his intro-
ductory address in September. He was very gladly
received by his congregation. His great influence now
enabled him to do what Untereyck failed to do many
years before, namely, to get the Reformed of Bremen to
385
give up the payment of the confessional money (Beicht
pfennig). This change had already been made by Unter-
eyck in the St. Martin's church. Lampe now succeeded
in having this custom dispensed with in all the churches
of Bremen. Instead of this, a special fund w^as created,
to which each member contributed a yearly free-will offer-
ing, out of w4iich the ministers were paid.* Lampe also
labored with great joy and success in the university. He
had congenial associates in the faculty, as Theodore De-
Hase and Shumacher. His reputation extended far beyond
Germany, and he attracted many students to Bremen.
But Bremen was not to have the privilege of his
instructions long — only two years. A severe sickness at
Utrecht had already brought him to the borders of the
grave. His health, however, improved after he came to
Bremen, so that his death, when it came, was quite sudden.
After closing his lecture to the students at 4 p. M., and mak-
ing a pastoral call, he was taken with a hemorrhage. But
he was ready for death, for to a friend who called to see
him he said : ^^ Blessed is the man whom the Lord when
He Cometh will find w^atching.'' After another hemor-
rhage he died, December 8, 1729, aged 47 years. Only a
few hours before his death he had finished the manuscript
of his " Eleven Meditations on Death." The memorial
sermon was preached by Drage, who compared him with
■■■ But although the city churches put away this confessional money, the
country churches of Bremen still continued the old custom.
386 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Enoch in his walk with God, '^And he was not, for God
took him.'' Lampe's motto, ^' My love is crucified/'
found its completion as his crucifixion on earth changed to
his coronation in heaven.
Thus died the leader of the German Reformed Church
in the eighteenth century. In many ways he was a
remarkable man — a many-sided, yet finely balanced man.
He was great as a preacher. His sermons were plain,
practical, pungent, yet full of suggestive thought and
spiritual unction. He always kept two classes of hearers
before his mind, both in preparing and in preaching, the
believing and the unbelieving.* At the close of his ser-
mons his practical mind led him to divide the congregation
into distinct classes, the ignorant, the impenitent, the for-
mal, the convinced Christian and the converted Christian.
He would address himself to each class separately.! This
w^as imitated by his followers, so that it became quite cus-
tomary along the northern Rhine for those who belonged
to the last class (the converted) to rise in their seats when
addressed. And for a century after in many of the con-
gregations of the northern Rhine " the so-called touched,
awakened or converted, and those who desired to be con-
sidered as such, stood up when the sermon was applied to
* He said in his introductory sermon at Bremen, 1727, " I will endeavor to
make an exact distinction between fleshly and spiritual professors, between
Jacob and Esau, between weak and strong."
t Goebel History of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II., page 415.
387
their class, a custom, says Goebel,* whose trace I myself
still met with in the Berg congregations (1852), and which
was revived by the Methodists with new power.'^ This
then w^as a Reformed custom acknowledged in many
churches more than a half century before Methodism ever
saw the light, and in a district the most tenaciously
Reformed to-day in Germany. Why then should the
Reformed of our day object to modern evangelistic servi-
ces as un-Reformed and Methodistical ? These things
were customary in the Reformed Church before ever Meth-
odism was known. They grew out of the spirit born
in her and became a part of her Church life. The fact
is, if the Reformed Church is to have a future, she must
become more evangelistic and less formal.
Lampe's pastoral work was, like his preaching, faith-
ful and eifective. In season and out of season he visited
his people. He gained their hearts, and they loved him
very much. He watched over them as individuals. We
give a beautiful illustration of his rare tact. A fisherman
in his St. Stephen's parish at Bremen, over sixty years
old, lay sick unto death. Lampe hearing that he had
neglected the means of grace and was ignorant of salva-
tion, hastened with tears in his eyes to visit him. When
the fisherman heard that a minister had come to see him,
he became very much afraid and expected a severe scold-
ing. But Lampe, instead of finding fault with him, with
* Of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II., page 415, note.
388 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Avisdom of a wise pastor brought comfort to him.
And by a simple question the sick man was soon brought
to a confession of his sinful life and showed a longing for
salvation. Lampe then gladly explained to the man the
way of life. He did this in most simple language and with
great tact. He reminded the fisher of the anchor, and
how, " when he was in his boat, his hope was grounded
on his anchor. Now such an anchor was Christ Jesus.
Although through his sins he was in danger of eternal
shipwreck, yet Jesus w^as the anchor, and he must lay
hold of Him by faith.'' As Lampe left h'm, the man said
with tears in his eyes, " I see that I must be lost eternally,
but I will lay hold of Jesus as my anchor, although the
number of my sins would drag me down to hell and sink
the ship of my soul." The sick man, as he woke out of
sleep the next morning, cried, " My ship wants to sink,
but I hold my anchor fast." Lampe visited him daily,
and he died rejoicing in hope.
Lampe also excelled as a catechist. He knew how to
question his pupils. His practical methods of stating
doctrine was a great aid to him in catechization. He says
he believed that far more was done through catechization
than by preaching. And he declared that he gave more
time to catechization than to preaching. He invited the
catechumetis to his house, w^here he would divide them off
according to their age and ability, and then adapt the
truth to them. His example reveals the one thing lack-
lampe's excellences. 389
ing in some modern pastors, a want of faithfulness in
catechization. Catecbization to him was not a merely
formal memorizing: of the catechism. It was a matter of
the heart as well as of the head, and led to conversion from
sin and sanctification through grace.
Lampe was also great as an author. We have already
referred to his church paper. He was also the author of
a number of works. His Milk of Truth (1720), was a
very remarkable book. It was an elaboration of the
Heidelberg Catechism (the first two questions of that
catechism are the basis of not less than fifty questions).
This book was not only praised by the General Synod of
Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark, but that Synod went so
far as to have it printed at its own expense. The book
came into such common use along the Northern Rhine,
that in many places it forced the Heidelberg Catechism
out of use. It was still used in some of those districts up
to the middle of this century.* In 1719 Lampe's com-
munion book appeared, entitled, " The Holy Ornament of
the Wedding Guests of the Lamb at the Table of the
Covenant.'^ Here in seventeen chapters he treats of the
necessity of the proper use of the communion, the duty
before and after communion, the chief qualification, namely
faith. To him the Lord's Supper was, according to his
* The Milk of Truth also had an appendix to it of 150 questions, in which
on 15 pages the main doctrines as God, sin, redemption, faith, the new birth,
sanctification, baptism and the Lord's Supper, are all treated. The Milk of
Truth was translated into English by a Dutch pastor in New Jersey in the
last century.
390 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Federal views, a seal of the covenant, and the use of the
comn^union was the meal of the covenant. In 1713, when
the plague visited Bremen, he published his tract, ^' Bal-
sam out of Gilead against Contagious Diseases." In exe-
getical works he occupied a front rank. His commentary
on John's gospel is excellent, and of value even down to
our day.
Lampe was also great as a theologian. It is wonder-
ful that so busy a man could find time to make so much
theological research. He gathered a great library which
was sold for a large sum after his death. His greatest
work was his '^ Mystery of the Covenant of Grace." It
was contained in six volumes of eight hundred pages.*
He founded his book on the Federal theology imbued
with the spirit of Pietism. He was a Predestiuarian, but
a practical one, for he viewed it from a practical stand-
point, and it did not become a formative principle in his
theology, as it did in the supralapsarian view. The cove-
nant rather than the decrees was the centre of his theology.
In the doctrine of the Lord's Supper he was Calvinistic.
On the Millennium he occupied a mediating position. The
* In the introduction he discusses the distinction between the covenant of
works and the covenant of grace. In Section I. he considers the nature of
the covenant of grace: (a) The parties of the covenant (God in three persons
and the fallen sinner) ; (b) the reasons for the covenant (the decrees and
the satisfaction of the Son of God); (c) the contents of the covenant (effectual
calling, faith, regeneration, justification, sanctification, sealing, glorification);
(d) the real establishment of the covenant). In Section II. the develop-
ment of the kingdom of God, the season of promise, the economy of the law,
the dispensation of the gospel (the life of Christ and the sacraments).
lampe's theological views. 391
orthodox looked on millennarianism as an heretical doctrine
of the sects. Lampe held with Roell, Spener and the
Puritans of England, that the millennium was imminent,
and that Christ's kingdom would be set up on earth, at
which time Rome would fall. His doctrine of the Sab-
bath was like that of Cocceius. He puts the command of
the Sabbath in the ceremonial law, and shows that the
apostles had given up the old Sabbath by changing it from
the seventh day to the first day of the week. But he also
held that the Sabbath was a necessity to man, and that
there should be a day appointed for public worship. But
the Christian should keep Sunday not as a mere ceremo-
nial act, but out of an inner desire to get the rest that God
had at the beginning.* He founded the Federal school of
* Lampe was suspected of Roellianism, since he explained John 5 : 26,
(" For as the Father hath life in himself, so hath he given to the Son to have
life in himself,") referring it not to the eternal generation of the Son from the
Father (as also John 15 : 26, not to the eternal procession of the Spirit from
the father), hence not to the essential trinity, but only to the revealed trinity,
and even not to his incarnation, but to the last stage of his earthly life — to
the resurrection of Christ. So that the giving of life here only meant the
glorious state in which the Son of God is placed when he appeared as the
conqueror of death after he has finished his sacrifice, and has received not
only the power of eternal life, but also that glory which was due to the perfect
Savior. His exegesis of this passage agreed so little with the usual opinion of
the doctrine of the trinity, and was so like Roell, his teacher, that the quarrel
between the Cocceians had hardly subsided, before it was again stirred up,
and Lampe was sus})ected by some of semi-pelagianism or tritheism. There
ii a story told that at one of the Synods a motion was made condemning
Lampe. One of the oldest ministers stood up and said, " Whether Lampe is
heterodox or not, I know not, but this I know, he is the most pious man
among all of us." This remark stopped any further desire to condemn
him. Lampe however did not depart from the old faith.
392 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
theology in the spirit of Pietism, and it became, says
Koch,* '"'' the ruling school of the German Reformed
Church in opposition to the mysticism of Tersteegen on
the one hand and of rationalism on the other.''
He was also great as a poet. He was one of the three
great poets of the German Reformed Church, Neander and
Tersteegen being the other two. He wrote forty-three
hymns and a number of poems, as the poem of his conversion
mentioned above, ^^ Praise of the Lord Jesus." Some of
them appeared in his " Mystery of the Covenant of Grace"
and in his tract, '^ Balsam out of Gilead." Later, in 1773;.
he issued them under the title, '' A Little Bunch of Spir-
itual Songs." Of his hymns the most famous are, " Mein
Leben ist ein Pilgerstand,"t " O wer gibt mir Adlers
Flugel," '' O Liebesgluth, wie soil ich dich," " O Pels
des Heils am Kreuzesstamm," and the Easter hymn,
" Mein Pels hat iiberwunden." It was only in times of
leisure that he allowed the muses to gain control over him.
Especially when he travelled did he write his hymn,
" Mein Leben ist ein Pilgerstand," or when he was at the
baths, where he often had to go for his health, did he
write ^^ Schmachtende Brunnenseufzer." Lange says of
his hymns, ^^ A true burning glow of feeling and a sublime
flight of fancy are to be noted in him. He is familiar
with the mystery of the inner life, as well as of objective
* History of German hymns, Vol. VI., page 41.
f For translation see appendix.
lampe's hymns. 393
truth. The superabundance of his theological types, the
peculiarities of many expressions, as well as the insipidity
of many forms of words, often obscure his hymns. And
then their real contents break through these shadows with
shining clearness and lofty grandeur." Ebrard says, ^^ No
grander or more splendid hymn was ever sung than ^ O
wer gibt mir Adler's Fliigel ?' The happy trust of his rock-
bound faith shows itself as strongly ii^ these hy^ns as in
Gerhardt's, but is seasoned with more ^alt of earnestness.
One notices the rest of his faith which he reached after a
battle.'' Lampe goes down to the depths of our inner
experience in ^' O wer gibt mir Adler's Fliigel ?" (Who
will give me eagle's wings ?) to which one finds in Ger-
hardt no parallel.
Lampe therefore was a very remarkable man. In a
Avonderful way he ,combined depth of thought with sym-
pathy of heart, logical acumen with practical insight. The
theme of his life was grace, and gracious he was by nature
even to those who opposed him. He was always kind.
He knew nothing of jealousy. His great service was in
putting new life in the Cocceiau theology and baptizing it
with the practical spirit. The love of Christ continually
constrained him. " Of Christ he spoke, of Christ he
sang, for Christ he lived, in Christ he died." His life
was a Pilgrim's Progress, like his hymn (" My Life is a
Pilgrim State"), which was the Pilgrim's Progress of poet-
ry. The coat of arms of his family was a burning lamp.
26
394 THE REFOKMED OHURCH OF GERMANY.
He was truly a lamp (Lampe.) He was like Ecolampa-
dius (whose name also meant lamp). He was like John
the Baptist, '^ a burning and a shining light/' to light many
to God. Lampe's epitaph, \^T:*itten by his brother-in-law,
Noltenius, the court preacher of Berlin, reads as follows :
"See a light is buried yonder,
Burning once with holy flame,
Dedicated all his talents
* To the service c.f God's name,
But this grave cannot conceal him,
Lampe's writings are the sign !
That as long as stars will sparkle
He shall live in memory's shrine ;
Bremen, canst thou not forever
Glory in this shining light ?
Pray to God that He may grant us
Many lamps as pure and bright."
{Translated by Wm. Hinke.)
CHAPTER IV.
THE EFFECTS OF THE RISE OF PIETISM.
The results of this development of Pietism were very
important and far-reaching. Its influence has been so
great that it has even been named a new reformation. The
first reformation emphasized the doctrines, although it did
not forget the life. This second reformation completed it
by emphasizing the outward life, as well as the doctrine.
And where the first may have failed to do its work per-
fectly, this came in to complete it, so that doctrine and life,
the subjective thought and the objective conduct, might
harmonize together in revealing true Christian character
to the world. What Lasco, Ursinus and Olevianus were
in the first reformation to the German Reformed Church,
that Untereyck, Xeander and Lampe Avere to the second.
The effects of Pietism showed themselves in many
ways. Pietism both revived the old forms, and also led
to the introduction of new ones. It was both conservative
and also progressive. Into the old forms, some of which
had become lifeless through age, it put new spirit and life,
such as they had not had since they were first introduced
in the early reformation. And at the same time it intro-
duced some new forms and customs, and thus enabled the
396 THE EEFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Reformed Church to adjust herself to the times and move
on with the progress of the age. We will first mention
the old forms, into which Pietism put new life, and then
of the new customs it introduced. One ot its greatest
results was the revival of catechization. After the first
freshness of the reformation revival had passed away,
these catechetical services had often degenerated, either
into dry statements of doctrine, or elfee had become the
arena for polemics. Even when they pleased the intel-
lect, they often failed to reach the heart of the catechumens
or to produce much effect on their life. The result was
that the afternoon catechetical services on Sunday were
no longer well attended. Pietism came and took this old
custom, revived it and made it more effective. In doing
so it changed the mode of catechization to some extent :
a) The old custom was to have a catechetical sermon on
Sunday afternoons. But in addition to this. Pietism
introduced a catechization on week-days, b) The old cus-
tom was to have catechization in the church, Avhere a ser-
mon was preached on some answer in the catechism. This
was ordered by the Palatinate liturgy and the Synod of
Dort. But Pietism had its catechetization also in the
private houses and in the homes of the congregation.
And instead of a formal sermon, in which the minister
alone took part, it used the Socratic method of question-
ing the catechumens. At the church they had catechiza-
tion at long range, but now at the homes the truth was
PIETISM EMPHASIZES CATECHIZATION. 397
brought home directly to the hearts and consciences of
the catechumens, and in a more social way the Biblical
truths were impressed on tlieir minds. c) Pietism
changed to some extent the emphasis of catechization.
Before this the catechetical services had come to be
intended mainly for the congregation in general. Now it
was intended mainly for the young and for those not
Church members. From being doctrinal and devotional
merely, they now became evangelistic. Under the old
system there had been little emphasis laid on the training
of the young. Pietism saw its opportunity (for earnest
Christianity always finds opportunities and improves
them) and cared for the young. The Pietists used conven-
ticles, for they saw these would best reach individual souls.
It may be a surprise to some of those who in our day are
so closely wedded to our weekly catechetical lectures, to
know that there was a very considerable opposition to
this new method of catechization when it was introduced.
Untereyck created a great sensation at Bremen when he
introduced them. The merely formal Christians said,
^^ What, is not a sermon in church on Sunday morning
enough ? Why should more services be needed on week-
days V^ But these catechetical meetings led to such good
results that they overcame opposition. The General Synod
of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark wisely decided that the
best way to offset the tendency of some to separate from
the Church, was to hold earnest devotional meetings in
398 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the church, and in 1683 urged catechization and weekly
meetings as the best means of counteracting Separatism.
In 1716 the Elberfeld Classis ordered week-day catechi-
zation, as well as Sunday afternoon catechization. The
Classis of Julich in 1769 declared that ^^ the wise teach-
ing of the catechism to children produced more results
than a hundred addresses to ignorant parents.'^ The
Meurs Classis ordered private catechization in private
houses in 1671, and the Cleve Synod in 1697. Finally
the General Synod of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark in
1775 changed the Sunday afternoon catechization into a
catechization on week-days.*
It has been charged by opponents of Pietism and
revivalsf that Pietism destroys the honored custom of
catechization so dear to every member of the Reformed
Church. The answer (and it is the answer of history) is
that there never would have been catechetical lectures as ive
have them to-day, had there not been a revival. It was a
revival in the Church that developed these weeTzly catechi-
zations and made them mainly for the young. Now, if
Pietism and revivals produce catechization, how then can
they destroy it ? No ; catechization and revivals go
together. They were born together. They should exist
together. The course of catechetical lectures in our
* See Goebel History of the Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. III., p. 49.
t By revivals we do not mean noisy, excited meetings, but quiet, solemn
services where Christians are led to higher consecrationj^and sinners are con-
verted. Noise never makes a revival, only God's Spirit can.
PIETISM AND WORSHIP. 399
churches, what should it be, but a continuous revival
where souls are converted and brought into living union
with Christ ? The lectures should be so adapted as to pro-
duce conversion and religious experience. The doctrines
of the catechism should be so explained as to lead the
catechumen to Christ as a personal Savior, and to lead him
to a consistent Christian life. The best preparation for a
course of catechetical lectures is a series of special services.
The interest these produce often leads the undecided to join
the class. And those who had been converted at such
meetings will be far better able to understand the spiritual
truths of the catechism after conversion, because their
minds have already learned to discern spiritual things.
The two, catechism and Pietism, are twin servants of the
Reformed Church ; let us never divorce them. If we lose
sight of either, the Church will suffer. If she forgets
catechization, she will degenerate into mere emotionalism ;
if she forgets Pietism, she will fall into mere formalism.
Only by a judicious use of both will she remain true to
her past history and ready to make future history for her-
self.
A second effect of this development of Pietism was on
the cultus or icorship of the Church. Here again it put
new life into old forms where the old life had largely
departed. The services of the church, instead of languish-
ing, as they had done before, became full of interest, and
the church attendance largely increased. The ordinances
400 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of God^s house, the sacraments and the preaching of the
Word, were more greatly enjoyed, and as a result, more
highly honored. Thus Pietism led to an emphasis on
free prayer. This had been an old custom in the Reformed
Church. The oldest Reformed Synod in Germany at
Wesel in 1568, presided over by Dathenus, court preacher
of Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate, had ordered
the use of free prayer in the church services. Now Pietism
came to emphasize it again. As a result, the old liturgical
formulas were given up in the Northern Rhine, especially
in the county of Berg.* Heppe says, ^^ The written
prayers of the liturgy came to be forgotten."! Goebel
says, ^^ The old formulas were put away everywhere in
Berg, and no new ones introduced, so that there is no
liturgy, but freedom prevails." The texts were also free,
and not taken from the gospels and epistles of the day.|
Another important custom that was emphasized was
confirmation. The rite of confirmation had been by no
means common in the Reformed Church in the Reforma-
tion. For the rite had been performed by bishops in the
Romish Church, and when bishops were given up at the
Reformation by the Protestants, this custom fell into
* Abundant proof of this is given by Goebel, History of Rhenish West-
phalian Church, Vol. III., page 62, Vol. II., page 77; and by Heppe, History
of Evangelical Church of Julich, Cleve. Berg and Mark, pages 232, 240 and
245.
f History of Evangelical Church of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark, page 244.
% Goebel, History of tho Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II., page 535.
PIETISM AND CONFIRMATION. 401
disuse. It was re-introduced iuto the Lutheran Church
by Spener in the seventeenth century. The Reformed
Church at first received young people into membership by
profession of faith as found in the catechism.* The word
confirmation was used of the ordination of the minister
sometimes, not of the members. Their reception into the
church was a " firmung/^ or a rite without laying on of
hands. Only occasionally did it appear as in the Hanau
church order (1659). The rite of confirmation was urged
by individuals and prominent Reformed ministers as Peter
Martyr, Piscator, Spanheim, Maresius and others, yet it
was not generally in use. It remained for the Pietists to
bring it in general use. It was introduced as we see by
their church ordersf into Lippe, in 1684; Bremen,
1686; Palatinate, 1724; Wittgenstein, 1746. The
General Synod of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark ordered
a general introduction of it as late as 1784. And when
introduced, the Reformed did not consider it as hav-
ing any magical power in it. The touch of the minister's
hands did not sanctify, only the Holy Spirit's touch.
Neither was it looked on so much as a confirmation of
baptism (which was the view Spener put into it), as
preparation for the public confession of faith by the cate-
chumens — that is, it was not sacramentarian, but personal.
* Bachman History of the Introduction of Confirmation, pages 74-76 and
186-7.
f Bachman History of the Introduction of Confirmation, pages 147, 162,
167.
402 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
It meant that those who joined church not only made a pri-
vate confession of faith before the Presbyterium, but also
in this confirmation made a public profession of faith
before the whole congregation. The Classis of Berg dis-
tinctly stated that no one should be confirmed who did not
of his own free will accept Christ and desire to profess Him,
All forced confirmation or mere mechanical confirmation
was foreign to the spirit of the Reformed Church, which
always emphasized experience. When the Lutherans of
Hanover forced a compulsory confirmation on the Re-
formed of East Friesland, the Reformed complained very
bitterly. There are some who look on confirmation as an
act of High Chiirchism. The reply is that since revivals
and High Church ism do not go together, confirmation in
the Reformed Church could not be a High Church custom,
for it came as the result of a revival. The Reformed idea
of it has nothing sacramentarian in it. The Savior never
commanded it, as he did baptism and the Lord's Supper.
It was the apostles' rather than Christ's custom. Con-
firmation means nothing more than a public profession of
faith before the congregation, the acceptance by the congre-
gation of that confirmation and the admission of the con-
firmed to the Lord's Supper. It was merely the revival
of the old custom of the apostles', mentioned in the Acts.
If they Avere not WTong in doing it, we are not. The
peculiar impressiveness of the rite makes it very suitable
for use in our churches.
PIETISM AND HYMNS. 403
But Pietism not only revived old customs and put new
life into them ; it also introduced new ones. Perhaps the
most startling change was the introduction of hymns.
The Reformed Church of Germany had been, like the
other Calvinistic Churches, a Psalm-singing Church for
about a century. Since the days of Zwick and the Stras-
burg hymn-writers in the time of Bucer (with the excep-
tion of Electress Louisa Henrietta), they had produced no
hymns. Dathenus had introduced the singing of Psalms
(Old Testament hymns). And Lobwasser's metrical trans-
lation of the Psalms, set to Goudimals melodies, were
everywhere introduced, so that, except in three or four
parts of Germany, where a hymn would be sung only at
communion times, no hymns were used.* The exceptions
to this rule of Psalm-singing among the Reformed were :
1) In the county of Mark, where Lutheranism was pre-
dominant, and Lutheran hymns were sometimes used by the
Reformed ; 2) In Brandenburg, Electress Louisa Henrietta
of Brandenburg had a hymn book issued in 1653, in which,
besides Psalms, some of Luther's hymns, as well as her
own, were published and used ; 3) In Bremen it was cus-
tomary to sing a hymn at communion ; 4) In the Palati-
nate, where, although Elector Frederick III. had banished
hymns, they were re-introduced by the Lutheran Elector
Lewis, so that the church still used a hymn at communion
services. But with these few exceptions, Psalm-singing
* Koch, History of Hymns, Vol. IV., page 172 ff, Vol. VI., page 1.
404 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
was universal. Now if it had not been for this revival of
Pietism, who knows but we might still be singing Psalms
in the Reformed Church ? We therefore have Pietism to
thank for our hymns. For Neander brought about a new
era. The issue of his Hymns of the Covenant in 1679
began a new day for the Reformed. Strange as it may
appear to us, the introduction of hymns was bitterly
opposed in many parts of the Reformed Church as an inno-
vation, as the old Reformed people had become greatly
wedded to the Psalms. They held that God's Word (the
Psalms), and not man's words (the hymns), should be
sung in God's worship. And in their Psalms they aimed
at the literal rather than a rhythmical translation, so that
God's Word might be changed as little as possible. The
introduction of hymns and spiritual songs, like Neander's,
produced, therefore, a great sensation among them — as
great an excitement as Lowell Mason's melodies did in
the early part of this century, or the Moody and Sankey
hymns did in the latter part of this century. For many
years Meander's hymns were not permitted to be sung in
the churches. They were, however, used at private meet-
ings, at conventicles and prayer meetings. But by and
by they became so popular that they won their way into
the churches, for the Church could no longer afford to
pass them by. So after well nigh a century and a half of
psalm singing, the General Synod of Julich, Cleve, Berg
and Mark issued a new hymn book in 1738, which added
PIETISM AND MISSIONS. 405
150 hymns to the 150 psalms previously in use. A sec-
ond appendix was added (1773), which contained 224
more hymns. Although the Berg Synod questioned the
orthodoxy of the new hymn book, it came into general
use in the Synod, and also in the county of Bentheim,
which was not included in that General Synod.* Grad-
ually the hymns have replaced the psalms. In the Mark
the old Reformed hymn book containing the psalms is
used in only a few congregations, although in Julich and
Berg it is more common. So we have to thank Pietism
for our hymns. As music is the life of the Church and
hymns the keynote of her progress, we can see how far-
reaching: this result of Pietism was. And we can thank
the Pietists for giving us not only hymns, but the very
best of hymns, which have won the German heart, and
are, many of them, dear to us in their English translation.
Another result of Pietism was to prepare the vmy for
Christian missions. "Pietism has been the father of
missions," says Iken. This is proved by the fact that the
Lutheran school of Pietists at Halle sent missionaries to
India and Greenland. They also sent Muhlenberg as the
first Lutheran Home missionary to America. (Formal
Churches do not care enough for the salvation of the world
to send out foreign missionaries. Pietism gave the
impulse.) We find in the Reformed Church, too, Pietism
*■ At present Jorissen's psalms are used at Elberfeld, instead of Lobwas-
ser's.
406 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
gave the impulse to missions. The first Pietistic preach-
ers of Holland, Thelinck and Lodenstein, made the salva-
tion of the heathen a matter of conscience. Holland sent
out missionaries to the Dutch East Indias in the seven-
teenth century, who made 424,000 converts in Ceylon,
and 100,000 in Java, and 30,000 in Amboyna. It is
true the work was superficially done, owing to the con-
nection of the Church with the State, and also to their inex-
perience in managing missionary work, yet for the impulse
that led to this work. Pietism should have the credit.
Lampe also in his introductory sermon at Utrecht says,
'^ What a beautiful door has the Lord opened to our Neth-
erlands to carry the gospel through their wide spreading
commerce from the going down of the sun to its rising,
to both Indias and the farther ends of the earth. We
ought to show our thankfulness to him for the light of
grace we have received by carefully endeavoring to bring
the candlestick which was brought to us from the Orient
there again. We seem to be as busy with our wicked
example in hindering the conversion of the heathen, as
the early Christians were busy in furthering it by their
good example and burning zeal.'' Mel was also an ardent
friend of Missions. In 1700, at the marriage of the Crown
Prince Frederick of Hesse, he published a pamphlet in
favor of Foreign Missions. He also sought to interest
those who had means and influence in the work. The
next vear he laid before Kins^ Frederick of Prussia and
PIETISM AND MISSIONS. 407
the Prussian A cademy of Science a plan for the conversion
of the heathen, which was a most wonderfully complete
compendium, and revealed his broad, far-seeing mind.
At the same time he had a correspondence with the Eng-
lish missionary, Dr. Bicker, who gave him two letters
from Syria and Arabia, which he liad published as the
first Evangelical Missionary Leaves. He also preached
earnestly on the subject of missions from the pulpit. As
a recognition of his zeal for missions, he was elected in
1706 a member of the English ^^ Society for the Propaga-
gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts'' — the oldest
Foreign Missionary Society of England. In return for
this honor, Mel, when he published in 1711 his work on
missions, put these letters as an appendix, and dedicated
them to that English Missionary Society and to its presi-
dent, the Bishop of Oxford. The Pietists in the Reformed
Church sent their money for Foreign Missions through
the Halle Missionary Society. But in 1799 a missionary
society was founded at Elberfeld, the fruits of Pietism
there. Pietism also showed its love for missions in the
home field as well as in the foreign. The zealous house
to house visitation of the Pietists has well been said to
be the forerunner of Dr. Wichern's Innere Mission move-
ment in Germany. For us in America there is an inter-
esting fact to be noticed, namely, that the band of six
young men, who at the urgent request of Rev. Mr.
Schlatter, came to this country in 1752, and who became
408 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
some of the earliest ministers of our Church, Avere from
the University of Herborn, which was full of Pietism.
Professors Schramm and Arnolcli there were Cocceians in
theology and Pietists in church work, and urged the young
men to go to distant America. Thus, just as the Luth-
eran school of Pietists at Halle sent out Muhlenberg to
America to found the Lutheran Church, so the Pietistic
University of Herborn sent out its students to aid in
founding the Reformed Church here, and plant in her the
seed of earnest piety and aggressive church work.
AYe have thus traced Pietism from its beginning in
the days of Zwingli, Calvin and Lasco through its
development to its triumph in the beginning of the eight-
teenth century. It is very evident that the Reformed
Church did not cast oiF Pietism as being un-Reformed.
On the contrary, she accepted it and developed it. When
her highest officers, as presidents of the Coetus at Emden,
like Buchwalder and Alardin, when leading professors of
theology, like Lampe and Hottinger, when leading
Reformed Princes, as the Elector of Brandenburg, and
leading Synods, like the General Synod of Julich, Cleve,
Berg and Mark, endorsed it, it is very evident that Piet-
ism was not contrary to the spirit of the Reformed Church.
It was not something foreign to the Reformed Church,
but became an integral part of her life, her history and
genius. Pietism continued to develop, until it gained
RESULTS OF PIETISM. 409
control of all the universities save one. Ebrard says :*
"By 1740 Pietism was ruling every where, while the rest
of the orthodox party flung themselves into the university
of Erlangen.'' The Reformed Church, which saved Piet-
ism to the Lutheran Church by receiving Spener into
Brandenburg, found Pietism a great blessing to herself.
It made her broader in her sympathies, and more effective
in her activities. It prepared her for the problems of the
future about to come before her. Foreign and Home
Missions were nursed in her bosom. Her catechization
of the children was the germ of the modern Sunday school.
Pietism prepared the Church for, and strengthened her in,
the terrible struggles with Rationalism. It thus became
of incalculable benefit, as well as of distinguished honor,
to the Reformed Church. The Reformed ministers of
Germany do not speak slightingly of Pietism, as do some
in our own land. They thank God for the Pietism of the
past. And if our Reformed Church would be prepared
for future conflicts and conquests, she must do as the
Reformed Church did two hundred years ago, she must
nourish the spirit of Pietism that is within her. When
it begins to assume extravagant forms, instead of perse-
cuting it, she ought to divert it into the right channels
and control it. The best antidote for the wildfire, noisy
anxious bench is not formalism, but quiet revivalism,
i^ Church History, Vol. IV., p. 120.
27
410 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
with its solemn meetings and sound doctrines. Says Rev.
Dr. J. W. Nevin :* ^^ Dead churches and dead ministers,
that tarn catechetical instruction into an empty form, and
make no account of inward piety as a necessary qualifica-
tion for membership in the Church of Christ, have no right
most assuredly to identify themselves with the system of the
catechism." — '^ To call into question either the reality or
the desirableness of a revival, is a monstrous skepticism,
that may be said to border on the sin of infidelity itself."
— " Churches that hate revivals, love death." Thus,
blessed by Pietism sanctified to the service of the Church,
the Reformed Church will move on with the age, and
gain greater conquests in the future than she has gained
in the past.
•••• Anxious Bench, p. 136.
BOOK V.
EATIONALISM.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
The next foe the Reformed Charch had to meet, after
the persecutions of Romanism, was Rationalism. Rational-
ism is the theory that makes man's reason the proof and
judge of all things. Over against this, the orthodox
claimed that reason in itself never could solve the prob-
lems of the universe or enable the soul to find its way back
to God. There have been many different phases of
Rationalism, but the Rationalism in Germany may be
reduced to three main kinds, intellectual, moral and
pantheistic. The first was Rationalism pure and
simple, which enthroned the intellect and appeared
as Deism in England, Illuminism in France and
Rationalism in Germany. When this had run itself
out, there arose another theory to destroy it. This
enthroned not the intellectual, but the ethical (conscience).
Kant dealt Deism a death blow from Avhich it has never
recovered. But he did not lead the minds of men back to
412 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
God, for he emphasized the conscience so much that it
became man's cruide instead of revelation. Morality could
save a man without the necessity of an atonement.
Although it destroyed the old, it brought in a new, Ration-
alism (of the conscience). But when Kantianism had run
itself out to this logical sequence, there arose still another
Rationalism. Men reacted against the deism of the pre-
vious century, wliich put God outside the universe. They
now went to the other extreme, into Pantheism, which
made the universe to be God. Pantheism came to destroy
Rationalism, but still it did not bring the people back to
God, for it was one-sided, just as the other theories had
been. Against the ethical theory of Kant it reacted into
the fascinating theory of the divine in nature, as in Schel-
ling. Not man alone has the divine in him in conscience ;
all nature has God' in it, for nature is God. Thus we
see how again and again, in these theories, the human
intellect under various phases asserted itself against the
Gospel. First it said the intellect could save ; then it
said morality could save ; and finally it declared that self
was God and needed no salvation (this is the ultimate result
of Pantheism.) We are God, and around us everything
revolves. This Pantheistic theory is a deification of self
and diifers from the two previous theories in deifying not
a part of man, as the intellect or conscience, but the whole
of man centering in self. These Avere the forms of Ra-
tionalism that the Reformed had to meet and conquer.
CHAPTER II.
RATIONALISM IN THE REFORMED CHURCH.
Rationalism began in Germany with Professor Wolf
at Halle. Historically, therefore, it was the outgrowth of
Lutheranism, for Halle was Lutheran, and Wolf simply
formulated Leibnitz's views, although Leibnitz was not a
rationalist. Wolf began his philosophy with the idea
that he could prove the divine by mathematical demon-
stration, forgetting that the sphere of the ethical and reli-
gious cannot be proved by mathematics. So instead of
making the proofs of religion stronger, he weakened them.
The professors of Halle complained, to the Elector of
Brandenburg against Wolf. The Elector, jealous for the
cause of true religion, gave an order, November 8, 1723,
that Wolf should leave his dominions within forty-eight
hours or be hung, and he forbade any of his people from
reading his dangerous works under a penalty of a fine of
100 ducats for each offence.* But Wolf only left one
* The Elector was not a philosopher, and once asked in his famous Tobacco
Congress, " What is the doctrine of pre-established harmony which is charged
against Wolf?" To which the court fool replied, " If your tallest grenadier
runs away (the Elector had a hobby — namely, tall soldiers), he cannot be pun-
ished, because his running away was a piece of pre-established harmony."
The Elector saw that such views would break up his army, which was his
pride, and so became very bitter against Wolfianism.
414 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Reformed State for another. For Landgrave Charles of
Hesse-Cassel invited him to become professor at Marburg.
There he taught for seventeen years, and gradually his
views filled the university.
A change, however, took place when King Frederick
William I. died, and his son, Frederick II. (or Frederick
the Great), came to the throne. The latter had been care-
fully trained by his father in the Reformed faith, but was
brought up under the fear of God, rather than of God's
love. His religious training was made a task to him,
rather than a delight. His teachers, court preacher An-
drea and Duhan (who was a follower of Naude) were high
predestinarians. But his father, who held to the views
akin to the Saumur school, was bitterly opposed to Supra-
lapsarianism and often took sides against his son, who
followed his teachers' views. When Frederick the Great
was thrown into prison, the Lutheran chaplain Muller
was sent to try and bring him to better ways. Frederick,
who was fond of argument, could not help getting into
an argument with Muller on predestination. Frederick
afterwards acknowledged that he held predestination more
as a philosophical doctrine than for any practical benefit
to his life. This difference between his father and him-
self on predestination grew into a greater difference as he
grew older. When he was a boy of eight, he wrote in
his confession of faith, in which he said : ^^ One must
never be untrue to the Reformed religion." Would that
415
he had not been. As late as 1735 he wrote to the Prince
of Orange his high appreciation of the Reformed religion.
In 1749 he put Ruiger into Spandau for attacking reli-
gion. But alas ! he came under the corrupting influence
of the Saxon court, where French infidelity, drunkenness
and lust reigned, and he was turned into the leader of
the rationalists of Germany. Lutheranism gave the phil-
osopher of rationalism in Wolf, and the Reformed gave
its King. One of his first acts was to recall Wolf from
Marburg. Wolf returned to Halle, and on December 6,
1740, he made a triumphal entry into the town like an
old Roman Emperor, w^here he was made permanent rec-
tor, while the King elevated him to be a baron. The
victory of rationalism seemed complete. The King set
the fashion for it. His genius gave eclat to it. His vic-
tories in battle added lustre to it. He crowned his acts
by inviting Voltaire to Berlin, in 1750, to popularize free
thought. But they could not agree, and within three
years Voltaire had run away from Berlin, while all Eu-
rope laughed at the frailties and foibles of these two infidel
leaders. Berlin thus became the centre of rationalism,
from which its baneful influences went out in all direc-
tions.
And yet, while Frederick the Great fostered Rational-
ism, there were noble witnesses for orthodoxy in his very
c^urt and capital. While this terrible tide went over
Germany like a flood, there were noble Christians who
416 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
stood up for the old faith. Among them were some
Reformed, who bore witness to the truth even in Ci^sar's
household. We can mention only a few of the most
important. Among his own officers and soldiers there
were still witnesses for the truth, like Van Ziethen.
Prince Charles of Hesse, who was Reformed, tells the
following story : '' I dined every day with the King.
One day I had a sufficiently animated conversation with
him on the. subject o" religion. He could not see a cruci-
fix without blaspheming, and when he spoke of it at
dinner, as well as of the Christian religion, I could not
join the conversation, but looked down and preserved a
complete silence. At length he turned to me with vivac-
ity, and said : ^ Tell me, my dear Prince, do you believe
these things?' I replied in a firm vo ce : ^ Sire, I am not
more sure of having the honor of seeing you, than I am
that Jesus Christ existed, and died for us as our Savior
on the cross.' The King remained a moment buried in
thought, and grasping me suddenly by the right arm, he
pressed it strongly and said : ^ Well, my dear Prince, you
are the first man of spirit, who has ever declared such a
belief in my hearing.' After passing through the adjoin-
ing chamber the same afternoon, I found General Yanen-
zien, the greatest and strongest-minded man I ever knew\
He had heard what had passed. He put his hands on
my shoulders and covered me with a torrent of tear^,
saying : ' Now God be praised. I have lived to see one
DEFENDERS OF ORTHODOXY. 417
honest man acknowledge Christ to the Kmg's face.' I
cannot retrace this happy moment of my life without the
greatest gratitude to God, for having vouchsafed to me
the opportunity of confessing before the King my faith in
God and His Son."
Another Christian witness was Prince Leopold of
Dessau, a Reformed Prince of the Anhalt line. He was
one of the greatest of Frederick's Generals, having been
Frederick's military tutor when a boy. He was really
the founder of the German army, and, as Carlyle says,
the inventor of the ramrod and modern military tactics.
Yoltaire says, he was the most experienced officer in
Europe. He was a man of iron, with the heart of a
woman.* He was not afraid to confess his Lord to his
King, for he was a devout man — a man of prayer. He
never went into a battle without asking God's aid. He
had seized Leipsic and wanted to go to Dresden, when he
was attacked by the enemy. He uncovered his head, and,
in the presence of his troops, offered the following prayer :
" O, my God, help me yet this once. Let me not be dis-
graced in my old days. But if thou wilt not help me,
don't help those scoundrels, but leave us to try it out
ourselves." Having uttered this prayer, he waved his
■-■=" When his daughter wanted to see him, a few days before she died, he
marched his troops to Ilalle, thirty miles away, and when he saw his child at
the window, he had them maneuvre before her. Then he sent them to eat,
while he stole away to the bridge over the river Saale, and like a child wept
into the river.
418 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
hat to his troops and shouted, " On, in God's name." He
gained a wonderful victory, for which Frederick, when
he met him, uncovered his head, and threw his arms
around him.
There were other Keformed witnesses to the truth in
Frederick's court, who were ministers, not soldiers.
They boldly stood up for Christianity. The French
ministers at Berlin did so. Their leader was Beausobre
(who was pastor at Berlin for forty-six years). He
had calls to Utrecht, Hamburg and Savoy church in
London, but remained in Berlin. Frederick the Great
had a very high regard for him. When Frederick was
Crown Prince, he had heard Beausobre preach, and
wondered at his learning. For Beausobre was one of the
most eloquent preachers of his day. He was an old man
when Frederick came to the throne, but still full of fire
and vigor. He revealed his great learning in a number
of works on Church history, as his History of Maniche-
ism and of the Keformation. He was an uncompromis-
ing foe of the Jesuits. Frederick wrote in 1736 to Vol-
taire : " I know in my fatherland two ministers, who are
truth-loving philosophers, and because of their true activity
and openheartedness they are not worthy to be exchanged
for others. This witness I owe Beausobre and Eein-
beck.'' Frederick names Beausobre as the finest writer
in Berlin, and the finest talent which the persecutions
drove out of France. Frederick's high regard for the
COURT PREACHER SACK. 419
French refugees is shown in a letter to d'Alembert in
1720, when he says: "Allow me to think differently
from yourself about the Revocation of the Edict of Man-
tes. I thank Louis XIV. very much for it, and will
thank his descendent, if he will do it over again/' These
French refugees, having sacrificed all for their faith, w^ere
not afraid to defend it against the persecutions of Ration-
alism, as they had done against the persecutions of
Romanism.
But even more important than Beausobre in his
influence, w^as Frederick the Great's court preacher, A.
F. W. Sack. During the whole reign of Frederick he
stood as a bulwark against infidelity. His master might
deny Christ in the palace, he would preach Him in the
cathedral next door. He had been appointed court
preacher by Frederick's father just before he died. The
old man, foreseeing perhaps the evil days of Rationalism,
gave Sack some good advice : " Hold thyself to the New
Testament. To fear God, to love Christ and to do right
are the chief things in religion." Sack fulfilled the
King's dying command during the reign of his son. He
was born at Anhalt, and educated at Frankford on the
Oder and Ley den. At Leyden he met Barbeyrac, the
Swiss theologian, who had left Switzerland because of his
liberal ideas. From him Sack seems to have developed
into larger sympathies for truth in any form. This
peculiarity enabled him to retain the respect of the infidel
420 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
King, and yet at the same time uphold the Reformed
faith. He was a learned man, his linguistic and philosophi-
cal studies giving him influence with scholars and with
the King, and the opponents of Christianity. In 1745
he was elected a member of the Academy of Sciences in •
Berlin. Sack, it is true, made concessions to natural
religion, and yet he demanded a revelation in addition to
reason. He represented virtue as the essential element of
religion, and divine revelation as the confirmation of nat-
ural religion.
Over against the Rationalists he published his
greatest work in 1751, entitled ^' The Defence of Chris-
tianity.'^ In it he defends the very doctrines attacked by
the King, revelation and immortality. He concedes the
power of natural theology, but is a Supernaturalist.* He
shows the special need of faith in Christ as the Mediator,
and he also shows the truth of immortality. But his
influences reached beyond his writings. For forty
years he preached in the cathedral, and there was an unc-
tion in his sermons (so different from the Rationalists),
that brought the hearer nearer to Christ. His sermons
were published and went through many editions.f A
very fruitful labor of Sack's were his meetings on Sunday
* " The objective conditions of salvation," he says, "are miraculously pre-
pared in redemption, the subjective appropriation of them left to man's free-
dom. God cannot convert man without man. Man cannot convert himself
without God."
I The pious wife of Frederick the Great, although a Lutheran herself, pub-
lished six of them in 1778, writing for them a most beautiful introduction.
421
afternoous, when he gathered the Reformed students of
the ministry together at his liouse. There he talked
with them familiarly, answering theii questions and lead-
ing their thoughts above the vapid Rationalism of the
day to God and Christ.
His most important labor, however, w^as as religious
teacher of the next king when a boy. Prussia owes it to
him that its succeeding kings were orthodox. Frederick
the Great had wandered from orthodoxy. Sack brought
the royal line back again. During the Seven Years' War,
when the court was at Magdeburg, Sack taught the young
Prince. With what great care and faithfulness and anx-
iety he did it. He realized his great responsibility for
the nation ; for its millions and the future of Germany
hung on his shoulders.* It was through his wise and
liberal but orthodox teachings that the young Prince
accepted the old faith instead of the prevalent Rationalism
of the day, and so the line of Prussian Kings, so mighty
in influence, was preserved for Christ. The Reformed
Church and the Christian world owes a debt of gratitude
to Sack for saving the crown of Germany to orthodoxy. f
But Rationalism appeared in other places than at the
* Life of Sack, by his son, page 82.
t What a lesson of encouragement there is here for the Christian minister or
worker. He little knows the result of his work. Sack in saving a soul, saved
a nation, and virtually saved Protestant Europe for orthodoxy, for Germany
is the leading Protestant nation of that continent, Similar results may come
from our work. For no act is small when done for Christ. Doing it for Him
makes it great.
422 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
court. It began to permeate everything and to spread
everywhere. It appeared in the universities, where
rationalistic professors taught it, although Ave are glad to
say, few of them were from the Reformed Church. It
appeared in the ministers, for they learned it in the uni-
versities. They no longer preached the old doctrines, but
preached morality and virtue instead."^ It acquired so much
power that it began to reform the liturgies and the hymn
books, and even remodel the Bible. Thus the first verse
of it (" In the beginning God created the heaven and the
earth ") was changed to make it harmonize better with
science and read thus : " God eternal by whom nothing
exists, made a commencement of all things by calling into
being: the constituent elements thereof.'' Thus the
naturalness and unction of the Bible was destroyed.
In this movement a Reformed minister was quite
prominent, George Jacob Pauli, pastor of the German Re-
formed church at Halle. His father who had preceded
him as pastor at Halle, had been a most pious man, a
descendent of the great Reformed theologian, Tossanus.
What a difference between father and son. The latter
became pastor at Halle in 1775. He was a Rationalist
of the purest water, but active and amiable. He found it
hard to preach on the Heidelberg Catechism on Sunday
•■•• Sermons became moral essays. Thus a Christmas sermon on Christ's
birth in a stable had for its theme, " The best way to feed cattle," and an
Easter sermon on the resurrection, has as its theme, " The benefits of early
rising."
423
afternoons, as was the custom, because he did not believe
its doctrines. So he finally got out an edition of his own,
which omitted all that Avas polemical. And what
appeared to him difficult of belief, was printed in small
letters. He also avoided all Pietism in the catechism.
But his greatest change was in the hymn book. The
Eationalists were bitterly opposed to the old Reformed
Psalms. He, like them, tinkered the old hymns, for the
Rationalists sought to improve them by leaving out all
that was supernatural.^ Every element of devotion and
fancy was taken out of them. Pauli^s hymn book con-
tained 363 hymns, and was introduced into his church on
March 8, 1795, just after his death. There are marked
changes in this book. Of Luther's great hymn, only in
the last verse was the ^^ Lord's Sabaoth" retained. Thus
there was sung to the tune " Nun danket alle Gott," a
hymn '^ Thou desireth, Lord my God, that I love myself"
Hymns thus descended to moral duties. There was no
aspiration to God in them. They became mere platitudes
without piety or poetry. As Albertz says : " They were
neither the song of Moses nor the song o^ the Lamb, but
were without depth of faith, or strength of poetry."
* An amusing illustration is told of their attempt to change Gerhardt's
hymn, " Now peaceful all the forests rest." But as that was too poetic, for
forests do not rest, they changed into " Now peaceful rests the entire world,"
But then this was found not to square with science, for the whole world
does not rest at once, as only half of the human race are asleep at a time. So
they changed it further into "Now peaceful rests a hemisphere." Paul
Gerhardt would hardly have recognized his own hymn.
424 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
But in spite of all the Kationalism of the day, the
truth lived on. When Frederick died in 1786, there came
a reaction, for Rationalism failed to satisfy men's hearts.
The next King, Frederick William II., alarmed at the
frivolity of the age, and realizing his responsibility as the
head of the State and of the Chnreh, issued an edict in
1788, by the advice of his ecclesiastical councillor, Woll-
ner. This decree extolled the orthodoxy of the past, and
ordered that all ministers and school teachers should
adhere to the doctrines of the old symbolical books, and if
they did not, they would be liable to be removed. The
King tried to carry out this decree by appointing a com-
mission in 1792 to examine all candidates for the ministry,
and thus prevent the Rationalists from getting into the
ministry. But all this raised a tremendous storm. Many
of the Germans looked at this as tyranny or Caesaropapie.
The Rationalists boasted that it sho^yed that orthodoxy
meant tyranny, and Rationalism meant religious freedom.
The decree could not be carried out, for as some one says :
" Religion was not a matter of police law. The faith of a
nation can not be prescribed like the cutting and fitting of
a uniform." The King did remove one Rationalistic
pastor, Schultz of Gielsdorf, who had attacked Christi-
anity in a book, but they gave him a civil position to
atone for it. A commission travelled up and down the
land to purge the schools and the churches, but they met
with a cold reception, especially at Halle, where the stu-
THE KING AND RATIONALISM. 425
dents expelled them in 1795. The next King revoked
this decree against the Rationalists. Rationalism was to
be put down, not by a movement downward from the
King, but upward through the people and the universi-
ties. Rationalism had to be met with in the realm of
thought and not by force, its errors answered by truth
and its deadness by earnest Christian life. These answers
in the Reformed Church we will notice in the succeeding
chapters.
28
CHAPTER III.
THE OFFICIAL ANSWERS TO RATIONAllSM
BY THE REFORMED.
Never in any age has God left Himself without a wit-
ness. Among His witnesses, faithful and true, the
Reformed have ever held an honored and prominent
place. Her members sealed their faith with their blood
on many days of martyrdom. And when persecution by
force gave way to persecution in thought (Rationalism),
she was still true to her character as a witnessing Church.
Her part in this great controversy with free thought has
often been forgotten or ignored. It is, therefore, all the
more important that it should be told and measured.
SECTION I.
THE GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE OPPOSITION TO
RATIONALISM.
The Reformed Church was less aifected by Rational-
ism than her sister Church, because there were forces
inherent in her genius and history that enabled her the
better to resist its inroads. For
(1) She was a Biblical Church. While the Lutheran
Church emphasized the doctrine of justification by faith, she
REFORMED PECULIARITIES. 427
brought into prominence the supremacy of the Scriptures.
The Bible was the centre of her creeds and the guide to
her worship. And her innate faith in the Bible as the
revelation of God enabled her the better to resist the
Rationalists, who denied the need of a revelation.
(2) She was a catechetical Church. Every Sabbath
her ministers preached on the Heidelberg Catechism. By
so doing they indoctrinated their people against the
Rationalists, thus enabling them to be able to give a rea-
son for the hope that was within them. This preaching
on the catechism too had a tendency to keep Rationalists
from entering her pulpits, for it put them in the dilemma
of either preaching on doctrines of that creed which they
did not believe, or of spending their time in publicly
denying them before a congregation that tenaciously held
them.
(3) She was a m//o/ia/ Church. Though not Rational-
istic, she was rational, that is, she aimed to satisfy the
reason. While the Lutheran Church tended toward mys-
ticism, as in the sacraments, she inclined toward a rational
solution of the mysteries. And since she thus aimed to
satisfy the reason, there was less cause within her for a
reaction from her doctrines into Rationalism. Gass says :
^^ The Reformed Church needed less the freeing from
Rationalism in theology, it was already more rationally
arranged and more sharply stated."
428 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
(4) And yet, ^A'hile a rational Church, she was an
experimental Church, that is, she emphasized experience.
Ebrard says : ^' She was the Church of the believing con-
gregation.'' She aimed to satisfy the heart, as well as
the head, and in doing so set the heart as a counterpoise,
which checked the reason from asserting too much
authority.
For these reasons Rationalism entered into her more
slowly and exerted less control. Ebrard calls attention
to the fact that Rationalism had scarcely a single repre-
sentative among Reformed dogmaticians. Stosch at
Frankford on the Oder, Mursinna at Halle, Grimm at
Duisburg and Munscher and Robert at Marburg being
the most prominent examples. And he also says that
many Reformed congregations, especially in the Northern
Rhine, would not permit a Rationalist to enter their
pulpits.
Rationalism gradually gained power over the masses,
until the people
*' Were blinded with doubt,
In wildering mazes lost."
Then there arose two classes of opponents, Supranatu-
ralists and the supernatural Rationalists. The Supra-
naturalists emphasized the need of a special revelation
through the Bible, and hence they were strong adherents
of the Scrijitures, and their replies were mainly biblical.
The supernatural Rationalists made some concessions to
zollikofer's eloquence. 429
the Rationalists, and their replies were more inclined to
be philosophical than biblical. Yet there were all shades
of supernatural Rationalists, from those almost orthodox,
to those almost rationalistic.
We might perhaps take Zollikofer as a representative
of the supernatural Rationalists, although he inclines
toward the Rationalists. He was one of the most famous
pulpit orators of his day, and was called ^^ the Demos-
thenes of the eighteenth century." He was a Swiss by
birth, but was educated at Bremen and Utrecht, where he
gave more attention to literature than to theology. He
returned to Switzerland, but the plain Swiss failed to
appreciate his brilliant rhetoric. So when he was called
to Leipsic in 1758, he accepted the call and :was pastor
there for thirty years. Here he gained his fame, and
brought that small unknown congregation in an ultra
Lutheran land into prominence. His congregation was
composed of intelligent merchants, while the city was full
of ridicule of religion. He endeavored, without giving
offence to the Rationalists, to call their attention to higher
things. He tried to av/aken in his hearers an apprecia-
tion of what was noble in their nature, that they might
develop it. His sermons (published after his death in
fifteen volumes) were mainly moral addresses, with a text
for a motto. Especially were his Reformation Day
addresses eloquent. They were on such topics as peace
and tolerance. At other times he would preach on friend-
430 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ship, and education, and social life. But in doing this, he
sacrificed some of the fundamental positions of the
Reformed. For twenty years, he said, he forgot that he
was Reformed, so as to remind himself that he was a
Christian. He was not clear in his statements of the
relation of the Son to the Father in the Trinity, and he
held that the death of Christ was not so much a vicarious
atonement, as a pledge of God^s willingness to pardon.
Over against the Pietists he held that conversion was not
necessary, for virtuous people needed only a reformation.
He thus made nlany concessions to Rationalism. On his
tomb his epitaph fittingly represents him as conversing
in heaven with Jesus and Socrates. And yet there was a
suggestiveness, as well as an unction in the eloquence of
his sermons that made them helpful. He was not a
Rationalist, for Christ's resurrection, ascension and eter-
nal glory were to him positive facts. He compiled a
popular hymn book, wliich introduced later hymns into it,
in addition to the Psalms, and it had a large circulation.
He wrote several hymns, of which " Der du das Dasein
mir gegeben" is the best. "As a preacher he ranked
with Reinhardt, though superior to him, both as an
expositor and in definite aim and joyous fervor.''
F. S. G. Sack, the son of the court preacher of Fred-
erick the Great, was also a supernatural Rationalist. He
waa educated at Frankford on the Oder, and then traveled
through England. After a pastorate at Magdeburg, he
COURT PREACHER SACK. 431
was called to Berlin. He was appointed court preacher
there, but, owing to dizziness, was not able to preach very
much for a long while. He, therefore, transferred his
labors mainly to education. During the sad years,
1806-13, he greatly strengthened the King and his con-
gregation by a series of pamphlets, and in 1816 the King
made him, with the Lutheran superintendent Borowski, a
bishop, and gave him the degree of the Red Eagle. He
was an independent thinker. The nobility of man's
nature, to which grace joined itself, became so prominent,
that conversion and justification were put into the back-
ground. He was a better teacher and catechist than a
preacher. There he especially revealed precision of
thought, with earnestness and friendliness to the catechu-
mens, which gave him great power over them. He, how-
ever, although concessive to Rationalism, bitterly opposed
the bold Rationalism of Bahrdt, and as the new Panthe-
ism came up, he became more conservative, and opposed
it. He died October 2, 1817.
Of the second class of opponents to the Rationalists,
the Supranaturalists, Av^ho looked on Rationalism as evil
and only evil, Ave might mention Gottfried Menken as an
example. He AA^as a descendent of Lampe, the famous
theologian, and AA-as born at Bremen, May 29, 1768. He
was naturally of a mystical tendency. He attended the
uni\^ersity at Jena in 1788. In that hot-bed of Rational-
ism he was troubled with doubts, although he clung to the
432 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
old faith. On one occasion he prayed : ^' Dost thou
exist, Lord God, and is the Bible thy work ? then bless
thou my search, that I may be sure of thee and thy Word.
If thou wilt hear me, my whole life shall be consecrated
to thy service.'' He found comfort and guidance only in
the Bible and Boehme's works. He finally became so
disgusted with the prevailing Rationalism, that the only
professor, whose lectures he would attend, was Griesbach,
on Church history. He remained away from the others,
" because," he said, " he did not want to bow the knee to
philosophy." He spent his time in reading the Bible,
saying : " My reading begins with Moses, and ends with
John." He said he was willing to be a " Christian idiot,"
rather than believe such philosophy. Gradually he came
more and more out of his mysticism into the clear light
of grace. In 1790 he w^ent to the university of Duisburg,
whither he was drawn because Lampe had preached
there, and one of its professors. Berg, was from Bremen.
But he found Rationalism there too. However he felt
more at home, as he became acquainted with the leading
Pietistic Reformed there, as Achelis, the judge, and Rec-
tor Hasenkamp. He also visited the Wupperthal, and
was greatly encouraged at the religious life he found
there. He was licensed 1791, and as a licentiate preached
at St. Remberti church, Bremen, with such great success,
that the people streamed to tlie house of his father after
service to congratulate him on the propitious future of his
GOTTFRIED MENKEN. 433
son. He returned to Duisburg and attacked Professor
Grimm, who by a work on demonologv, had said that the
devil was a myth. This created a great sensation. The
students annoyed him so much that he was glad to leave
Duisburg and accept a call as assistant pastor at Uedam
near Cleve in the same region where his ancestor, Lampe,
had begun his ministry. Here he became acquainted with
Collenbusch and came under the influence of Collenbusch's
views which he systematized. In 1794 he became assist-
ant to J. C. Krafl't, pastor of the Reformed church at
Frankford, where he exerted a spiritual influence on the
rich merchants who made up the congregation. Krafl't
died very suddenly in his arms as he was rising from a
meal to ofler prayer. Menken was so moved by his sud-
den death, that he took for his motto ^^ sursum corda."
He was called to Wetzlar in 1796, and there published
another work against the Rationalists, entitled, ''The
Happiness and Victory of the Godless." He also began
publishing his series of homilies. In them he reveals his
style of preaching as Biblical and analytical, for he was
opposed to the synthetic method of taking a text merely
as a motto. He wanted to preach the words of the Bible
and nothing else. His style of preaching was described
as " of the Bible, out of the Bible, and according to the
Bible." Through these published sermons he gained a
wide reputation, and was called in 1602 to St. Martin's
church in Bremen.
434 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Bremen has over one of its gates the inscription,
" Lord, preserve the asyhim of thy church/' and it had
been the asylum of God's saints when they fled from per-
secution. But Menken declared that it had become the
asylum of Rationalism. Of course the Rationalists bit-
terly opposed his coming, but he boldly bore his testi-
mony against them. He has been called, ^^ the Elijah of
Bremen." His colleague. Mallet, called him the best
preacher in Germany. He wanted to preach ^' the Word,
the whole Word and nothing but the Word." He drew
large audiences and exerted a wnde influence, but his pub-
lished works gave him still greater fame. He was very
severe in all polemics against Rationalists. He could see
nothing but evil in philosophy, which was at the basis of
their vieAVS. He called Kant the most destructive of men,
and in his intensity he went so far as to say that even
Lavater and Stilling were influenced by Satan. His
intense opposition to Rationalism led him to the opposite
extreme. He held that those who defended orthodoxy
against Rationalism, had been so much occupied with
defending the divinity of Christ, that they had forgotten
his humanity. He therefore made Christ's humanity
prominent, and held that the Son took human nature, not
as it came from God before the fall ; but that the Son, in
order to be a true man, took sinful nature as it was after
the fall, in other words, that he took sinful humanity unto
Himself. His mission as Redeemer was to make the
435
whole lump of humanity holy, by sanctifying the part He
assumed. This He did by struggle and suffering, until at
death, when He had completely annihilated depravity.*
Christ saved us therefore by His subjective atonement,
rather than by His objective atonement on the cross. f
This view, however, contradicts Luke 1 : 35, where the
humanity at Christ's birth is spoken of as " that holy
thing.'' The general trend of his theology was Biblical
rather than philosophical or confessional. He was simply
Evangelical rather than Reformed in doctrine, for he
opposed predestination. He died at Bremen, June 1,
1831.
"-■• Notwithstanding His possession of this depraved nature, Christ through
the power of His divinity, not only kept His human nature from manifesting
itself in sin, but gradually purified it through struggle and suffering, until at
death He had extirpated its original depravity and redeemed it to God.
f This view has been called " redemption by sample," and was held by
Edward Irving of England,
* CHAPTER III.— SECTION 11.
OPPOSITION IN THE SYNODS.
The only Reformed General Synod of Germany, the
General Synod of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark, protested
against Rationalism most vigorously. It had always
watched with considerable anxiety, the orthodoxy of the
university of Duisburg, which was located in its midst.
In 1677 it summoned Professor Von Maestrich, and
in 1719 Professor Raab, to appear before it for
departures from orthodoxy. In 1778 this General
Synod took direct action against Rationalism. It said
that " it looked with sorrow, because in various parts of
Germany there were grave departures from the funda-
mental doctrines of the faith." It ordered the Reformed
ministers to watch against these dangerous errors, and by
preaching and catechization to indoctrinate their people
against them. It also ordered the inspectors of the various
Classes to inquire into the orthodoxy of the ministers and
school teachers, and to see that at the examinations ortho-
doxy be insisted upon. The General Synod of 1 784 ordered
that they should be very careful about the books that
came into their congregations. These actions were echoed
by the Synods and the Classes again and again. When
THE SYNOD AND RATIONALISM. 437
the new hymn book was ordered to be introduced by the
General Synod in 1736, the Berg Synod opposed it for
two years, because they were afraid lest through it Ration-
alism might enter their churches, as had been done by so
many rationalistic hymn books in other places. And
when the later hymn book was ordered to be introduced
in 1773, it was very slowly introduced into Berg (and not
into Elberfeld until 1805) because of this fear of Ration-
alism. Some parts of the Northern Rhine region, as Berg
and Tecklenburg, have had no rationalistic pastors, because
the people would not have them. Very few districts in
Germany can say as much as that.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION III.
THE OPPOSITION TO RATIONALISM IN REFORMED UNI-
VERSITIES.
It was in the universities that Rationalism had its
birth, and there it found its home. What was the atti-
tude of the Reformed universities toward it ? There were
in the main five universities that were Reformed — Mar-
burg, Herborn, Duisburg, Frankford on the Oder, and
Heidelberg.
Marburg.
This university was probably the largest and most
important of the Reformed universities since Heidelberg
had lost its prosperity and influence under its Romish
rulers. When Wolff came to it from Halle, it took its
stand against Rationalism, for his coming was bitterly
opposed by the theological faculty. During his stay there,
his teachings were strongly opposed by the great Kirch-
meyer (J. Christian) and G. Lewis Christian Mieg. At
the second jubilee of the university, August 14, 1727,
Kirchmeyer published a work in which he declared that
the Hessian Church must hold fast to the old doctrines of
Franz Lambert, Hesse's first Reformer. Kirchmeyer's
successor was Daniel Wyttenbach, a Swiss. He has been
UNIVEKSITY OF I^tARBUEG. 439
called a Wolfian, because he gave natural theology a larger
place in this Dogmatics ; but he still held to the Federal
theology, although he opposes Supralapsarianism. He
was a supernaturalist. ^^ He uses the scientific, mathe-
matical method of Wolff to sustain the doctrines of his
Church against skepticism." He thus succeeded in
retaining most of the future teachers of Hesse for ortho-
doxy. But Robert, a later colleague of his, was a Ration-
alist. Robert declared that there would be no quiet in
the theoloocical world as long; as the Churches held to their
creeds, and he wanted them put away. But his wish
brought forth no result, except to himself, for he, to the
surprise of all, retired from his professorship of theology
and entered the law department of the university as pro-
fessor. After Wyttenbach came Samuel Endeman in
1782. Durins: his time the new rationalism of Kant
appeared, against which he labored as Kirchmeyer had
against AVolff's Rationalism. This new Rationalism was
introduced into the philosophical faculty of the university
by Bering in 1788, and by Charles Daub, who taught it,
1789-94, with great power, and by William Munscher,
professor of Church history (1792). The faculty now
began to change toward Rationalism. And yet in it
there still remained the leading professor of theology,
Albert J. Arnoldi, a man of great learning but more of
an exegete than a dogmatician. He bitterly opposed Pau-
lus, as his predecessors had opposed Wolff and Kant.
440 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Kantianism, however, began to permeate the Hessian
Church. The fourth centennary of the university and of
the reformation (1817) brought new life into the old
Church, and with 1830 a new era dawned on the univer-
sity, as Julius Muller, Vilmar and Heppe aided in the
revival of piety. This university so early placed, in spite
of its protests, in contact with Rationalism of Wolff, has
revealed a noble list of brave defenders of the old faith in
Kirchmeyer, Wyttenbach, Endemann and Arnoldi, and
the later professors.
Duisburg.
This university was from its beginning more inclined
to freedom of thought than the others. Thus when Car-
tesianism was driven out of the university of Herborn as
being heterodox, and when it was forbidden at Marburg,
it found a home here. The first rector, Clauberg, was a
Cartesian, although holding to the Federal theology.
But as Cocceianism gained the ascendency more and more
in the Reformed Church, this university Avas less and less
suspected of heterodoxy, and was considered quite ortho-
dox. It was located in the midst of the most orthodox
part of the Reformed Church, the northern Rhine, whose
Synod watched over its orthodoxy with, great concern.
And yet there was a sign of Rationalism in Duisburg
long before Wolff. For as early as 1688 Professor Hol-
sius had published a book advocating the right of reason
to prove the Scriptures, and declaring theology to be the
THE UNIVERSITY OF FRANKFORD. 441
handmaid of reason, whereas the opposite is the truth.
But owing to its surroundings, this university remained
orthodox until the latter part of the eighteenth century,
when Rationalism came in and gained power until all its
professors were rationalists, except Berg. Grimm was a
blatant rationalist and Moller was a Kantian. But Bero-'s
beautiful Christian character and his great learning in the
Semitic languages were a mighty tower of strength for the
old faith. He was succeeded by F. A. Krummacher, who
was orthodox. Thus this university bore its testimony
for well nigh a century, until at last it almost succumbed
to Rationalism.
Frankford on the Oder.
We have been able to gain very little information
about this university. It is altogether likely that as it
was situated near Berlin, it was in close sympathy with
the court and felt its influence for or against Rationalism.
Of its professors we find only Stosch noticed as a Wolfian.
We presume, therefore, the most of them were orthodox.
Sack, the son of Frederick the Great's court preacher,
was a supernatural rationalist. But Rationalism had
strong opponents, as in Noltenius, who once said ''the
court congregation would be the last to clean out the old
leaven.'' Frankford was only a small university, and
the Reformed were few in Eastern Germany. So its
importance was therefore small.
29
442 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Herborn.
This university felt the influence of Rationalism less
than any other in the Reformed Church. It early showed
its position, as Prof Melchior attacked Spinoza's positions
in a tract in 1672. Two influences tended to cause this.
One was because it was surrounded by such a strongly
Pietistic neighborhood. The other was due to its close con-
nection w^ith Holland. And as Holland remained orthodox
long after Germauy, this university sympathized with the
Dutch orthodoxy. As a result of these two influences Ave
have failed to find a single rationalist mentioned in its
history. On the contrary, it is spoken of as the only
Reformed university to which a student could be sent in
the days of Rationalism without fear of being corrupted
by doubt. Its professors, therefore, must have borne a
steady witness for the truth. However it was a small
university, and its influence was therefore somewhat small.
Heidelberg.
This university during the eighteenth century had
lost its prestige. The glory it had had in the preceding
centuries had departed, and it was only a shadow of its
former self. Gradually the Romish Elector, supported
by the Jesuits, weakened its influence. A Romish faculty
was added to the Reformed. Then the Reformed pastors at
Heidelberg were made professors of theology in it. Often
a professorship would be left vacant. There were not more
HEIDELBERG UNIVERSITY. 443
than two or three theological professors at a time. The
university had to struggle for existence. The number of
its students was small, and its struggle was against
Romanism rather than Rationalism. Still some of its
theological students went from the Palatinate to the
rationalistic universities of North Germany, as Jena and
Halle. They brought back with them the rationalistic
leaven. This finding no barrier (for the Reformed were
almost crushed by their persecutions) spread far and wide.
It crept into the university through Professor J. F. Mieg,
the most influential minister of the Palatinate in his day.
His hymn book issued 1785 reveals a spirit most directly
opposed to the Heidelberg Catechism. Then came the
tendency in the Palatinate to put away the Heidelberg
Catechism and substitute others. Thus a book entitled
^' Guide to Religious Instruction for Children of Tender
Age,'' by Amadeus Bohme (1790) came into general use
in the catechetical classes. Its character can be seeu in
its first answer, '' What is God V Answer, " The first
cause of all things.'' Compare this with the warm com-
forting first answer of the Heidelberg, and one can easily
see the difference. It was a weak, spiritless compilation,
and not a book of solid power and blessed comfort like the
Heidelberg. One man, however, is to be named as a
staunch defender of orthodoxy. Professor J. F. Abegg.
He was one of the most godly men of his age. To him
the Heidelberg Catechism was a mine of spiritual truth.
444 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The spirituality of his character, his great Biblical lore
niade him a great blessing to the university. He became
professor of philology at Heidelberg in 1789, in 1800
pastor of St. Peter's church, and 1819 professor of practi-
cal theology. He was a fine preacher and full of unction,
especially in his confirmation sermons. He was a fine
exegete and a great admirer of the old Heidelberg Cate-
chism. But above all his learning was the religious
personality of his character. He was the artist of the
inner life, and gave the best possible answer to Rational-
ism — a holy life. Charles Daub, the brilliant philosopher,
came to Heidelberg in 1795, but although he aimed to
answer the Rationalists, his views were so full of conces-
sions to them, that he constantly appears vacillating. He
was followed by Ullman, w^ho remained a tower of strength
for orthodoxy. He was succeeded by Schenkel, who
betrayed his trust. For he was elected from Switzerland
as a representative of orthodoxy, but Avent over into the
camp of the enemy and carried the university with him.
Still in the days of Ullman and after, the university was
no longer Reformed, but union.
CHAPTER IV.
INDIYIDUAL ANSWERS TO RATIONALISM ON
THE NORTHERN RHINE.
The Reformed Church bore her witness for the truth
not merely through her official representatives, as the
Synods and universities, but also through individuals,
whose voices were lifted up against the errors of Ration-
alism. It is a mistake to suppose that Pietism died out
as Rationalism came in. It had fastened itself too deeply
into the heart and history of the Reformed Church to die
out. It stood as the best answer to Rationalism. We
have time to refer to only a few of the most prominent,
whom the rationalists delighted to call Pietists, because
they held to the old faith. There were many others.
They not merely met Rationalism by books and argu-
ments, but by the better answer of an active Christianity.
" The best apologetics is energetics.'' The logic of true
Christian lives or the results of an active Christian Church
Rationalism is powerless to answer, because it cannot pro-
duce as great results. Oberlin's labors at Kornthal and
Wichern's at the Rauhe Haus at Hamburg (both of them
Lutherans) were better answers to skepticism than any
others. The Reformed had many such witnesses. They
446 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
not merely answered Rationalism with arguments, but
they also developed Christian characters, living churches
and active philanthropies. Sneered at as Pietists by the
rationalists, their name of derision became a badge of
honor. Some of them opposed Rationalism by books, as
Stilling and Menken ; others by revivals, as Tersteegen
and G. D. Krummacher ; others by practical organiza-
tions, as Mallet ; but all labored to oiFset Rationalism by
practical, experimental Christianity.
There is an important fact to be noticed in regard to
their opposition. It is significant that the two places in
the Reformed Church that came into greatest prominence
in Pietism, are the two that are most prominent in their
opposition to Rationalism. It has been charged against
Pietism that Rationalism was due to the one-sided, narrow
development of Pietism by emphasizing feeling and for-
getting the intellect. If this be true, then we ask : Why
was it that the most Pietistic districts in Germany were
the most prominent in resisting Rationalism ? If, according
to this V ew, Pietism were responsible for the reaction into
Rationalism, these should have been the most rationalistic,
whereas just the contrary is the truth. No, Bishop Hurst
is right when he says in his History of Rationalism that
" it was Pietism that saved Germany in the midst of the
Rationalism.'' But for Pietism, German Christianity
would have been overwhelmed by the flood of unbelief,
and Germany, instead of France, would have had a revo-
GERHARD TERSTEEGEN. 447
lutioD. If Pietism saved Germany, let us honor Pietism
for it. This fact is true of the Lutheran Church, as well
as of the Reformed. For Wurtemberg, the most strongly
Pietistic land of Lutheranism, was the slowest to yield to
Rationalism. And in the Reformed Church the tAvo dis-
tricts most prominent in Pietism were the strongest to
oppose Rationalism. They were the Northern Rhine and
Bremen. Pietism, therefore, did not cause Rationalism.
Worldliness and laxity of doctrine caused it. Pietism
prepared Germany for, and saved her in, the age of
Rationalism.
SECTION I.
GERHARD TERSTEEGEN.
He was born November 25, 1697, at Meurs. His
name meant in high German " Zur Stiege,'' " to a stair.'^
His life was truly a stairway — a Jacob's ladder — to
heaven. His father was a merchant, but died when Ger-
hard was only six years old. But his heavenly Father
took his earthly father's place in his affections. His
mother sent him to the Latin school at Meurs. He
studied Hebrew, Greek and Latin, and early revealed the
great linguistic talents, which enabled him afterward to
become the translator of so many works. On a public
occasion he delivered a Latin oration with such success,
that one of the chief magistrates advised his mother to
send him to the university. This she declined, as she
felt she had not the means. As the city would not edu-
448 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
cate her son, she gave this up. God, however, did not
give it up, but made him a lay minister, preaching per-
haps to more souls than any jninister of his time.
So at the age of fifteen he was bound as an apprentice
for four years to his brother-in-law, Matthew Brink, a
merchant at Miihlheim on the Ruhr, which was about
nine miles distant from Meurs. Brink was a practical
business man, who had jio sympathy for books or poetry,
and proved to be a hard master to so studious a boy. It
is said that when Tersteegen wanted to study. Brink
would make him roll empty barrels in the yard, so as to
break up his love for study, saying, " he that Avill serve
the world, must serve her altogether." But, although
Tersteegen had such difficulties, he was fortunate in hav-
ing his lot cast in Miihlheim, a place so full of Pietism.
For Untereyck's prayer meetings, held fifty years before,
had left their impress on the community, and since
that time had become common. During his first year
there he became awakened, and underwent severe strug-
gles, even spending w^hole nights in prayer and Bible
reading, before he surrendered himself entirely to God.
For Hoffman, a candidate of theology of the Reformed
Church, had been holding prayer meetings there since
1710 on Thursdays, to which Tersteegen was led by a
pious tradesman. He finally found peace in Christ in
1717. This peace continued in his soul for about two
years, when in 1719 the reading of Boehme's writings cast
449
him again into a state of anxiety. In this condition he
continued for five years. He describes his condition in
the hymn " In Great Inward Distress :''
Jesus, pitying Savior, hear me,
Draw Thou near me,
Turn Thee, Lord, in grace to me ;
For Thou seest all my sorrow.
Night and morrow
Doth my cry go up to Thee.
Lost in darkness, girt with dangers.
Round me straugers.
Through an alien land I roam ;
Outward trials, bitter losses.
Inward crosses,
Lord, thou knowest, have sought me home.
In the midst of all these struggles he was always greatly
strengthened by his attendance on the prayer meetings.
He was on one occasion traveling along the road from
Miihlheim to Duisburg, when he was seized with a severe
attack of colic, so that he expected he would die. He
turned aside into the forest, and earnestly prayed that
the Lord would spare his life, so that he might prepare
for eternity. Suddenly the pain left him, and he felt
himself impelled to devote himself unreservedly to the
Lord, who was so good to him. This period of spiritual
eclipse ended on Thursday before Easter. Then, like
Marquis DeRenty before him and Zollinger after him, he
wrote his dedication to Christ in his own blood, as
follows :*
* Doddridge, in his Rise and Progress of the Soul, proposes different for-
mulas for such subscription.
450 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
^^ My Jesus:
Under hand and seal, I dedicate myself to Thee, my
own Savior and Bridegroom, to be Thy full and eternal
possession. From this night on I give up with all my
heart all right and power that Satan may have given me
with unrighteousness. For this. You, my blood Bride-
groom, my Redeemer, through Thy death, wrestling and
bloody sweat in Gethsemane's garden, bought me to be
Thy property and Bride, burst the gates of death, and
opened the heart of Thy Father, so full of love to me.
From this night is my heart and entire love forever given
and sacrificed to Thee as a due thank-oifering. Thy will,
not mine, be done from now on and in eternity. Com-
mand, control and rule in me. I give Thee full power
over me and promise with Thy help and assistance rather
to suffer this my blood to be poured out to its last drop,
than in will and knowledge internally or externally to be
untrue or disobedient to Thee. Behold, I am entirely in
Thy possession, thou sweet Friend of my Soul, so that in
pure love I may cling to Thee forever. Let not Thy
Holy Spirit depart from me, and may Thy death struggle
support me. Yes, Amen. Thy Spirit seal what is writ-
ten in simplicity. Thine unworthy friend,
G. T.
On Green Thursday evening, 1724, A. D."
It was at this time that he wrote the hymn, " Wie
bist du mir so innig gut," (My great high priest, how
kind thy love.) He used to express his experience in the
words of Augustine :
My heart is pained nor can it be
At rest till it find rest in Thee.
LABORS. 451
He writes thus gratefully of the change that came over
him : " God took me by the hand. He drew me from
the yawning gulf, diverted my eye to Himself and opened
to me the unfathomable abyss of His loving heart."
His growth in grace he hoped to aid by changing his
business. He did not like the merchant's trade, because it
compelled him to associate with all sorts of people, and
thus his thoughts were distracted from religion and his
growth in grace obstructed. His acquaintance with a
pious linen weaver led him, like the Apostle Paul, to
become a weaver. He found, however, that that trade
was too severe, and his frequent headaches and attacks of
colic compelled him to give it up. He then chose the
easier trade of ribbon weaving, w^hich would allow him
plenty of time for meditation, as he would have no one
with him except the person who wound the silk. Like
the mystics, he practised asceticism in diet, living mainly
on flour, water and milk. In the first years of his seclu-
sion he ate only one meal a day, and drank neither tea nor
coffee. Yet even though his income became ever so small,
he was always liberal to the poor. When it became dusk, he
would enter the homes of the sick and the needy, and give
away what he could spare. When his father's property
was divided, his family gave him a house as his share, so
as to prevent him from giving that away. But he grad-
ually mortgaged it to his brother John for money, the
greater part of which he gave to the poor. As a result,
452 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
he would, especially in his early life, sometimes come to
great poverty. When sick, he knew what it was to lie a
whole day without any one to give him a cup of water.
But afterward, when he allowed Sommer to stay with him,
his condition became better, and he also became less rigid
in his manner of living, as he took coifee. He labored at
ribbon making for nine years, till 1728, when he gave up
his trade entirely, feeling he must devote all his time to
the Lord. After that time he was supported through the
kindness of his friends, although Providence furnished
him with enough literary work to aid him. (Although he
gave up all manual labor, he yet acted as a physician, giv-
ing his medicines to the poor freely.) A merchant once
called on him and offered him an annuity ; a pious lady
who had never seen him, appointed him in her will, as
executor of her estate, worth 40,000 florins, on condition
he would take whatever he needed. And a Dutch gentle-
man offered him a bond of ten thousand florins, begging
him with tears to take it. But he declined them all,
although in later years, when unable to help himself, he
was compelled to receive some gifts like these.
His public work as a speaker began in 1725. A
revival broke out in that region, the second in that cen-
tury, but the first that Tersteegen passed through.* Then
it was that Hoffman called on him to speak in public,
althouofh it was against his will to do so. His addresses
* See Goebel History of the Rhenish VVestphalian Church, Vol. III., page 341.
tersteegen's travels. 453
made a deep impression. Many of those awakened were
by them brought to conversion, while others came to him
for spiritual counsel. In 1740 the conventicles were
arrested by order of the state authorities under Frederick
the Great. Tersteegen therefore gave up the holding of
conventicles, but continued his labors in translating Piet-
istic and mystical works, and was busy making pastoral
visits, for many persons considered him their spiritual
adviser. His correspondence also was very large. He
made trips annually to Holland, where a gentleman of
rank named Pauw, who had given everything to Christ,
entertained him. Once, while on a journey to Holland
with a company of merchants, he leaned his head back-
ward and closed his eyes as if asleep. After the mer-
chants had regaled each other with a number of stories,
they proposed playing a game of cards. Tersteegen opened
his eyes and said he had an excellent pack of cards in his
bag. They asked him to produce them. He drew forth the
New Testament. Some, when they saw it, said that it was a
book that made people mad. He replied, " Is it not you
who are mad V^ He then rehearsed to them the foolishness
of their own conversation and showed them the waste of
their own time. Others approved of his remarks. At
any rate they did not play cards after his remarks. In
Holland on one occasion, when a Christian Avho thought
he had attained peculiar peace, took occasion during dinner
to criticize Tersteegen for being too active, Tersteegen
454 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
listened to all he had to say. And when dinner was over
he offered np a fervent prayer, in which he commended
his host to the Lord with such love, that his host was over-
come and fell on his neck asking forgiveness. He also
began visiting the districts neighboring to Miilheim, where
the state order prohibiting conventicles did not affect them,
as they were in the neighboring duchy of Pfalz Neuburg,
and not in Prussia. In these districts he had many
admirers, who 2:ladlv received him. He visited Mettman,
Homberg, Heiligenhaus, and in 1747 Barmen. He thus
writes, ^^ I was constrained to travel around in the duchy
of Berg for eleven days together, and was surrounded from
morning to night. I thought myself once a few miles
distant from a certain place, but I was waited for on the
way and conducted to a barn, where I found about twenty
persons desirous of hearing a good word from me. One
morning when about mounting my horse, I found twenty-
five persons assembled, to whom I could give only a short
address. Some of them had come from a distance of
several miles.''
In these districts there had been a great awakening in
1727, which had resulted in the formation of brother-
houses or pilgrims' cottages for those who desired to
dwell apart from the world. These would contain about
eight persons, and were centres of evangelization. The
first of these was at Otterbeck, a mile and a half from
Heiligenhaus, on the road between Elberfeld and Miihl-
THE pilgrims' COTTAGES. 455
heim. The brothers there looked up to Tersteegen as
their pastor, and he often held prayer meetings there,
weekly for a while.* The other pilgrims' cottage (so
called because often persons, who came from a distance,
would be compelled to lodge in it) was at Miihlheim.
Tersteegen first occupied Hoffman's house, but it became
too small for his meetings, so he bought a larger house in
1746, in which he occupied the upper rooms, together
with Sommer. The other rooms he gave to a house-
keeper, who cooked for them, and for their guests and for
the poor. The whole house could be used for his services.
If he stood on the middle story, he could be heard in all
the rooms above and beloAv. The other pilgrims' cottage
was at Barmen, in the house of his friend Evertsen, who
was a man of wealth and a great admirer of Tersteegen.
The Lord greatly blessed Evertsen in his ribbon factory.
Fifty per cent, was too small a return, while three hun-
dred per cent, was not unheard of. Evertsen became
quite rich, and when he died he left to the churches and
schools of the three denominations in his town in 1807
$27,000, to which his brother added $13,500 more. The
invested funds of the Barmen Reformed church, including
churches, schools, orphanages, etc., amounted to $186,-
936 in 1889, a large part of which was given by these
•=• This community continued till ISOO, when a farewell meeting was held
there, at which Tersteegen's hymns were sung and selections from his works
read. The Evangelical Brothers' Society now owns the place and occasionally
hold.-; meetincrs there.
456 THE EEFORMED CHUECH OF GERMANY.
Evertsen brothers, wlio were followers of Tersteegen.
Elberfeld was also visited by Tersteegen. There his old-
est brother lived and Casparv, his great friend. '^ Ter-
steegen's friends," says Goebel,* ''composed an ever
increasing part of the Reformed congregation there, which
gladly received as its pastor (1816) the follower of Ter-
steegen, G. D. Krummacher, who combined Pietism with
predestination." Dietrich, who died 1836, continued
Tersteegen's conventicles np to his death, and they were a
blessing to many. In Solingen and its vicinity Ter-
steegen had many adherents, as the Eeformed pastor,
Goebel (1724—42), and he held meetings there.
He also carried on a large correspondence with friends
at a distance, as Count Louis Frederick of Castell on the
Main, Count Charles Reinhard of Leiningen-Heidesheim
in the Palatinate, Zollinger in Heidelberg, and Kolb at
Manheim. His correspondence reached out over West-
ern Germany, Holland and even to America, where he
corresponded with the brethren at Ephrata and along the
Conestoga in Pennsylvania.
The awakeningt in Barmen and the county of Berg
in 1747 resulted in a mighty revival at Miilheim in 1750,
which reached even to Meurs, west of the Rhine. About
ten years after the holding of prayer meetings had been
forbidden in 1740, they were begun again. This time a
•^ History of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. III., p. 387.
f Goebel's History of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. III., page 402.
TERSTEEGEX'S PRAYER MEETINGS. 457
Reformed student of theology from the university of Duis-
burg named Chevalier began them. Many souls were
brought under conviction and came to Tersteegen so as to
find the way of life. He did not at first take public part
in the meetings, as he was unwell. But finally, on Novem-
ber 30, 1750, he arose in meeting for the first time in ten
years to take part by publicly declaring himself in favor of
them. Finally, at the urgent request of his friends, he
allowed a meeting to be held in his house, where three or
four hundred people assembled. The house was filled to
the very door, so that they placed ladders on the outside
that they might hear him. The state authorities and the
ministers began to take alarm at this. So Tersteegen,
being warned by a friendly bailiff, wrote to the judge show-
ing him how inconsistent it was to prohibit m.eetings like
these, and yet allow quacks, rope-dancers, mountebanks,
gambling and taverns. The judge and the authorities
granted the justice of his position. To the ministers he
wrote, stating that there was nothing in these meetings
that would give offence. They did not interfere with any
public service, and they were not without blessing, for by
them routrh men became huno^rv for o;race. He reminded
them that they ought not to hinder the work of the Lord,
and proved to them from the opinions of old and new
theologians in the Reformed Church, as Lampe and Wit-
sius, that such conventicles were not out of harmony with
the Reformed Church. He suggested to AVurms, one of
30
458 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the pastors, that he allow Chevalier to preach for him or
to hold a service in his house under his supervision.* The
only action the Presbyterium of the Reformed Church took
in regard to the meetings, was not to forbid them, but to
order that they should not be held at the same hour as the
church service. These conventicles were therefore con- •
tinned down to the time of Tersteegen's death and after,
without being hindered by the state authorities, and they
proved of great blessing both to the state and the Church.
It has been asserted that Tersteegen became a Separa-
tist. This, however, is not true. Goebelt says, " Ter-
steegen desired to be and to remain a Reformed and Protest-
ant Christian. His whole system and method depended
on the Reformed contemplation." Ebrardt says, " Ter-
steegen is incorrectly placed as a Separatist, which he Avas
not." Heppe§ says, '' He never left the Reformed
Church." Kerlin, the best biographer of Tersteegen,||
says, " We would not call him a Separatist, and are satis-
fied that he agreed with Calvin." Tersteegen himself
said, "A Mystic cannot easily be a Separatist." The
charge that he was put out of the Church for being a
Pietist is therefore utterlv without foundation.
■*• It is said that when Tersteegen heard that Wurms denounced the meetings
from the pulpit, he said prophetically that Wurms would have a sudden death.
And sure enough, in 1772, just after baptizing a child, Wurms did die suddenly.
t History of Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. III., page 413.
I Church History, Vol. IV., page 110, note.
^ History of Pietism, page 393.
II Kerlen Life of Tersteegen, page 194.
TERSTEEGEN NOT A SEPARATIST. 459
He, however, gave up attending the Lord's Supper,
because unworthy persons were allowed to commune, as
Lodenstein had done, and yet he was alw^ays considered
Reformed. "And yet this position,'' as Kerlen says,"*" " was
exactly the position taken by the Heidelberg Catechism ;''
and we might add, the position of the Reformed Church
in the United States in insisting on church discipline.
Tersteegen did not deny the validity of the sacraments, as
many of the Separatists had done. For he did not refuse
to act as sponsor, which showed that he continued to
believe in baptism. Toward the close of his life he
became milder in his position about the Lord's Supper,
and there is a tradition that just before his death he
received the Lord's Supper from a believing pastor named
Engel. He rarely attended church, although he w^ould
occasionally attend the preaching of a Pietistic minister,
especially toward the close of his life.
His position about Separatism is shown by the follow-
ing facts. He might easily have founded a sect, had he
w-anted to do so, for he had more foUow-ers than many
w^ho did found sects. From Amsterdam to Bern he had
many adherents. They called him. " father," although he
forbade that name. But in spite of all this, he opposed
the formation of sects. His opposition appears more
strongly in regard to the Moravians. They did every-
thing to win him to their denomination. Count Zinzen-
■■ Life of Tersteegen, page 93.
460 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
dorf at first wrote letters to him, and then sent Dober,
one of their ablest men, to him. Dober, when he met
him, showed him special honor, and threw himself at his
feet imploring his blessing. But Tersteegen was not moved
by them. On the contrary, in a letter to Eberhard, the
Keformed pastor at Spire, he warned him against them,
saying, " I belieye that sect is not agreeable in the sight
of God." He charged them with asserting an untruth,
namely, that he had joined them, and thus they through a
falsehood tried to draw his followers into their Church.
He charged them that their views merely awakened souls,
but did not tend to the development of Christian character.
He also wrote a long letter to a friend in Holland against
them entitled "A Writing of Warning against Levity."
Indeed, it was owing to the influence of Tersteegen that
the Moravians did not reap the harvest for their Church
along the Ehine in Western Germany, as they had done
in Eastern Germany. Tersteegen's opposition to them
and his upholding the Church, retained the Pietistic ele-
ment in the Eeformed Church. The only Moravian
church along the Rhine, except Basle, was at Xeuwied,
and that had been a French, not a German, Reformed
church. One year before his death he confessed that more
than thirty years before he had seen the misery of the so-
called Separatists with disapproval and grief, and even
in 1744 he warned Bersinger emphatically against separa-
tion. So Tersteegen, instead of being a Separatist, w^as
461
against them. Especially after the edict against con-
venticles, in 1740, did he return more and more to the
Church. In his prayer meetings in 1754 and 1755 he
prayed most earnestly for all servants of the Church. He
was the more willing to do this, because he saw that the
number of Pietistic ministers in the Church was increas-
ing. He therefore urged his adherents to remain in the
Church. The result has been that the followers of Ter-
steegen have been the most chnrchly people in the land, as at
Elberfeld, Miihlheim and Siegen. And when Eller and
Schleiermacher founded the Separatistic colony at Rons-
dorf, he wrote an effectual admonition against them. His
followers therefore refused to leave the Reformed Church.
Tersteegen had always been sickly, yet lived to the
good old age of seventy-two, though he suffered much
from headache, colic, palpitation of the heart, even to
fainting. Sometimes when racked with the severest
toothache, he would compose his sweetest hymns. He
bore his headache with the patience of a Job. These suf-
ferings gave him the paleness of a corpse, so that he called
himself ^^ a candidate for death." In his ascetic diet he
reminds us in America of Edward Payson, the saint of
Maine. He wore a long brown coat, and in this he was
imitated by his followers. He gradually retired from pul)-
lic religious work, especially as he had suffered a rupture
from speaking, about 1756. Toward the end of his life
dropsy set in. On March 30, 1769, he was very weak.
462 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
but resigned to God's will. From April 1-3 he was
obliged to sit forty-eight hours in an arm chair, without
being able to lie down. He passed these hours in great
agony, but never complained. After a brief sleep he
would wake up, saying, '^ O God; O Jesus, O sweet Jesus.''
Referring to Malachi 3 : 3, he said, ^' My purification was
not done at once. God finds something else to purify."
He died April 3, 1769. Three days later he was buried
in the church yard at Miihlheim, when a large crowd
gathered to show their great affection and respect for him.
Wurms, the Reformed pastor, preached his funeral sermon
on Tersteegen's favorite text, Malachi 3:3. Rector J.
G. Hasenkamp of Duisburg, at the request of Tersteegen's
friends, made an address at the house on Revelations 3 :
21, and Pastor Engel read a poem.
Thus ended the life of one of the most consecrated men
of his age. His whole life was a living prayer. The
key to his life is found in his greatest hymn, '^ Lo ! God
is Here." The continual presence of God was the con-
stant thought of his mind. He tried to live as in the
presence of God. The testimony borne to his character by
all was, " This man was truly a friend of God." Said an
inn-keeper of Miihlheim : " Every time I pass that man's
house a feeling of reverence comes over me, and the mere
recollection of him makes as deep an impression on me as
many a sermon." Tersteegen was a mystic, and yet a
practical mystic. For to the rich inward experience of
463
God's love he united deeds of love. Bv liis visits to the
sick and the neglected^ he was the forerunner of the mod-
ern Innere Mission of Germany. Even the Jews, when
ill, sent to him for medicine, and during his last illness it
was reported that they had appointed a meeting to pray
for his recovery. Tersteegen declared that his whole the-
ology was contained in one sentence, ^^ God was in Christ
reconciling the world to himself.'^ In 1727 he expressly
recommended four things to a friend, " the atonement of
Jesus, the words of Jesus, the spirit of Jesus, the example
of Jesus." He was the Eeformed Thomas A. Kempis^
whose life was a constant imitation of Christ. The
opinion held of him by the Reformed Church of Germany
is summarized by F. W. Krummacher, who said, when
pastor at Elberfeld, '^ O what would we sooner see than
that God would send to our county of Berg another Ter-
steegen.'' The Reformed Church is glad to claim him
among her sons. This was shown at the dedication of his
monument at Miihlheim in 1838, when all the ministers
of Miihlheim took part, as well as Krafft, the pastor of the
Reformed church at Frankford.
His literary labors were very great. His first compo-
sition was a catechism which he wrote in 1724 to instruct
the children of his brother and sister. This was an
excellent production, but was never published. In it he
reveals the influence of the Federal school of theology,
and especially of Lampe. A large part of his time was
464 THE REFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
taken up in translating Pietistic mystical works. He was
a great translator of Latin, French and Dutch works, and
would usually spend his evenings thus. He translated
Labadie's Manual of Piety, and was thus the link between
the awakening of the seventeenth century and that of the
eighteenth. He also translated Poiret's and Guyon's
works and the works of Louvigny and Kempis.
His own writings reveal great beauty and genius. His
most important Avork against Rationalism and Infidelity
(for his best answer to Rationalism was his consecrated
life, rather than his books) was his book, " Thoughts of
Tersteegen on the Philosopher of Sans Souci." It was
directed especially against Frederick the Great. He
attacks, first the King's epicurean ethics as neither philo-
sophical nor Christian, and rebuked him for his biased
judgments in matters of religion, as in calling martyrs
raving suicides. Then he defends the immortality of the
soul and the punitive justice of God. Throughout the
book he meets Rationalism by Pietism. It is said that
the King read the book and then said : " Can the Quiet-
ists in the land do this?" The King (probably in 1763,
when on a visit to Wesel, not far from Miihlheim) invited
Tersteegen to visit him, an honor which Tersteegen on
account of his age and weakness declined. Another work
of his was his " Spiritual Crumbs or Fragments." They
contain his addresses, which were taken down by others.
For in 1752, at the request of some of his followers, he
tersteegen's works. 465
allowed them to take down an awakening sermon on 2
Corinthians 5 : 14, on '' the strength of the love of Christ."
It soon passed through six editions. Its favorable recep-
tion 1-ed to a demand for more of his sermons. From that
time his sermons and prayers were taken down by eight
writers, who stationed themselves down stairs in his
house, where they could hear him distinctly. Within
three years they gathered thirty-one of his addresses. He
did not favor, neither did he hinder, this effort of his
friends, as they did it for their own spiritual development.
These were published three months before his death under
a title chosen by himself, " Spiritual Crumbs from the
Master's Table." They were in two volumes or four
parts, and were used a great deal at conventicles. Most
of the addresses had been delivered in 1753 and 1754,
when he had attained his greatest intellectual and spir-
itual power ; for soon after, in 1 756, he gave up public
speaking on account of a rupture. His letters published
in four books were called " An Apothecary for Spiritual
Patients." These letters admit us to his heart and reveal
the richness of his spiritual life.*
-'■ One of the most curious publications connected with Tersteegen was " The
Pious Lottery." Saur published this in this country in 1744. It was a relig-
ious game, consisting of .381 tickets printed on stiff pasteboard and enclosed in
a handsome box. Each ticket bore beside its number a selected passage from
his writings. In playing the game, each player chose a number or a series of
numbers. The person whose ticket won the game was expected to read aloud
the passage printed on his ticket and to make it the subject of an exhortation
to the company.
466 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
His works produced such a sensation that Consistoral-
rath Hecker was sent from Berlin to Miihlheim as royal
commissioner to inquire into his work. The choice of
this pious minister was favorable to Tersteegen^ for he had
been reared near Miihlheim, and when a young man had
learned to know him and had kept up his friendship with
him for many years. After Tersteegen had with Aveak-
ness and hesitation declared before him his witness to the
truth on 1 Corinthians 6:19 and 20, Hecker confirmed
what he said by an address on " The Excellence of the
True Christian.'^ Hecker sent the works of Frederick to
him and asked his opinion about them. Tersteegen sent
back a confession of his faith and subscribed a critique of
the Philosopher of Sans Souci.
But it is especially as a poet that Tersteegen exerted
his greatest influence. His most famous work, on which
his reputation mainly rests, is his Little Spiritual Flower
Garden, a collection of hymns and poems. It consisted of
four books in the first edition, but all the following edi-
tions have three only, the third containing his 111 spiritual
songs. It became so popular during his life that seven
editions were published before he died. In Miihlheim
and the neighborhood it holds a place next to the Bible
and the hymn book. It was often used by travelers, as
Professor Schubert, who kept it as a traveling companion
when in the Island of Rugen. Saur in this country pub-
lished a dozen large editions, and it was translated into
TERSTEEGEN^S HYMNS. 467
English and other languages. In this work there are
many gems of thought and poetry, and some of his famous
hymns, as " Lo, God is Here." (Gott ist gegenwsertig.)
It is based on Genesis 28 : 17.
Lo, God is here, let us adore,
Aad own how dreadful is this place,
Let all within us feel his power.
And silent bow before his face.
Who know his power, his grace who prove
Serve him with awe, with reverence love.
Lo, God is here. Him day and night
The united choir of angels sing,
To him enthroned above all height
Heaven's host their noblest praises bring.
Disdain not, Lord, our meaner song.
Who praise thee with a stammering tongue.
Gladly the toys of earth we leave.
Wealth, pleasure, fame for Thee alone
To Thee our will, soul, flesh, we give,
O take, seal them for thine own.
Thou art the God, Thou art the Lord,
Be Thou by all thy works adored.
Being of beings, may our praise
Thy courts with grateful incense fill.
Still may we stand before thy face.
Still hear and do thy sovereign will,
To thee may all our thoughts arise,
Ceaseless accepted sacrifice.
His hymns began to re-awaken the Reformed Church
to new life. They were first sung in private houses and
in prayer meetings, and brought great blessing. They
were incorporated in the Moravian and Lutheran hymn
books, as well as in the Reformed. His most famous
468 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
hyniDS were, " Gott ist gegenweertig/' ^^All genugsam
Wesen/' " Jauchzetj ihr Himmel frolilocket," " Sieges-
flirst und Ehrenkoenig/' " Brunn alles Heils, Dich ehren
wir/' " O Gott, O Geist des Lebens/' " Kommt, Kinder,
lasst uns gehen," ^' Der Abend kommt, die Sonne sich
verdecket/'*
Some beautiful illustrations are told in connection with
his most famous hymn, " Lo, God is here.^^ Its theme is
the constant presence of God. That rare child of God,
Theodora Caritas, a two-year-old daughter of Count Zin-
zendorf, who was reared under such strong religious influ-
ence, and who, when a year and a half old, w^ould pray
and sing verses about Jesus, had a special inclination to
this hymn. She often asked her father to sing it, and she
had such a childlike feeling of the presence of God that
she once answered her mother when she asked her where
she was, " With the Savior and with papa.'' Six weeks
later she lay on her dying bed and sang, ^^ My Savior, take
me into rest."
The third verse is often omitted, and yet there is a
beautiful illustration told in connection with it. Two
English missionaries were in India, Rev. Dr. Coke and
Rev. Benjamin Clough. The former said to his compan-
ion, "■ My dear brother, I am dead to all but India." This
thought at once cheered the spirit of the younger brother,
and he began to sing the third verse of this hymn, begin-
•••- For the English translation of some of these hymns, see Appendix.
TERSTEEGEN^S HYMNS. 469
niug with '' Gladly the toys of earth I leave/' As he
sang it, his aged friend joined with him and they cheered
one another as they consecrated themselves afresh to God.
Stnrsburg says : The hymn " Lo, God is Here/' glori-
fies and adores the presence of God as no other hymn in
Christendom does. It makes the Christian life a course
of life in the presence of God, and this doctrine was his
centre above all others.
Tersteegen was one of the great Christian poets of
Germany. He was however less forcible as a poet than
Lampe, says Ebrard, but his poetry surpasses him in its
fervor and the classical beauty of its form. Lange com-
pares his poems to Angelius Silesius and says : " that
they have such a beautiful form, that they remind one of
the beauty and perfection of Gothic art." Bunsen places
him as the first master of spiritual song, an honor also
accorded to him by the Evangelical Hausschatz published
by the Evangelical Society of Zurich. Hagenbach places
him in the front ranks of religious poets, while Knapp
declares " there are some pieces of inimitable depth, clear-
ness and symplicity."
One of his most famous hymns is, " Come, Children,
Let us Onward." (Kommt, Kinder, lasst uns gehen.)*
Every verse of this hymn, says Rev. Dr. Schaff, is a
pearl. Krummacher, the author of " Elisha the Tishbite,"
wrote the following in his autobiography, " I found my
* See Appendix.
470 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
pride in sharing my birthplace, Meurs on the Rhine, with
Tersteegen. Scarcely a day passed in which some accord
of his pilgrim hymn, ^' Come, Children, Let us Onward,^'
did not sound through my inmost being/'*
* A noble Jonathan, a merchant, Metsgar, of Boblingen, in 1886, had often
stirred up his heart with this hymn. Early in his youth he had served an
apprenticeship at Neustadt on the Linde. His attention was directed to it
then. A merchant came into his store to make a purchase. Jonathan asked
him if he did not need this or that. He then asked him why he did not buy
anything. The man replied in the fifth verse of the hymn, " Wer will, der
tragt sich todt." These words went home to the heart of the young man, and
the hymn made an indelible impression on his mind. At another time late in
life he ascended the Strasburg cathedral. When he was at the top he had to
sit down on account of giddiness. The guide to the tower said, " AVhat, so far
up and yet not up. That would be a shame." He looked and saw that only
a few steps remained. Then the words " Nur noch ein wenig Muth," (A little
more courage) came to him. How shameful he thought it would be if one had
gone a long way to eternity, but at last did not reach the goal.
CHAPTER lY.— SECTIOIS^ II.
THE HASENKAMP BROTHERS.
During the latter part of the last century three broth-
ers exerted a wide influence for orthodoxy and Pietism.
The Hasenkamp family were almost as important in the
Reformed Church history of the last century, as the Krum-
macher family was in this century. " They were/' says
Goebel, ^' a clover of brothers, a tre-foil.'' These three
brothers in the darkest part of the eighteenth century
without fear upheld the truth. They were born under
the straw roof of a farmer's house in Tecklenberg.
John G. Hasenkamp, the oldest brother, was born
July 12, 1736. When he was ten years old, a great
revival swept over his native land, which awakened him.
He attended the university of Liugen, 1753-55, where he
distinguished himself by his eager thirst for knowledge
and his zeal for evangelization, which led to his arrest
several times for preaching without a preacher's license.
He was suspended from the ministry because of so-called
heterodoxy, which consisted mainly of doing evangelistic
work without the license of a minister. He went in 1761
to Breslau, with the ambitious hope of converting Fred-
erick tlie Great. He found, to his great disappointment.
472 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
that he was not able to do this. So from the height of an
exalted hope he sank to the depth of great depression.
After a severe strnggle, however, he arose out of this
despair. He returned to the Rhine region as a private
teacher. And, as court preachers Sack and Hecker
mediated in his behalf, he was again admitted to the min-
istry in 1766. He was appointed rector of the gymna-
sium at Duisburg, and assistant pastor of the Reformed
congregation there. He labored there during the last
eleven years of his life in building up the gymnasium.
His greatest influence, however, was by his testimony for
evangelical Christianity in that age of Rationalism. He
joined himself to Tersteegen, and also became a follower
of Collenbusch. He died of consumption in 1777, with
the shout of victory, '^ hallelujah,'' on his lips.
His half-brother, Frederick Arnold, was born January
11, 1747, and became his successor as rector of the gym-
nasium at Duisburg. He continued his brother's blessed
influence on the students of the university against Ration-
alism. His brother's rectorate and his own at Duisburg
covered thirty years. They were, therefore, very useful
witnesses for the truth in that age of error. He boldly
attacked the neology of the Duisburg university, and
wrote against Semler. Another brother was pastor of the
mountain parish at Dahle, in Mark, for thirty-five years.
These three bi others together exerted a wide influence
against Rationalism.
CHAPTER IV.— SECTION III.
MATTHEW JORISSEN.
He was born October 26, 1739, at Wesel. He attended
the gymnasium there and after severe struggles decided
to enter the ministry by the advice of his cousin, Ter-
steegen. In 1759 he attended the university at Duis-
burg, where he joined himself to a circle of gifted and
pious men. He finished his studies at Utrecht, and
remained in sympathy and correspondence with Terstee-
gen all this period. In 1765 he returned to Wesel, where
he was a private teacher three years, and became an
adherent of the views of Hasenkamp and Collenbusch.
In 1768 there appeared in Wesel a rationalistic work,
which satirized the leading doctrines of the Bible. It
created a tremendous excitement, even the school children
reading it. Jorissen, although only a candidate for the
ministry, came out against it. Rationalism can persecute,
as well as Romanism. We see in what followed, the per-
secution of Rationalism, for liberals are of all men the
most illiberal. Jorissen preached an eloquent sermon
against this book on February 28, 1768, in the Matcna
church on Proverbs 3 : 34, ^^ Surely he scorneth the scorn-
ers, but giveth grace to the lowly.'^ Jorissen closed with
31
474 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the words, " Since my Creator has made me a man, it is
my solemn duty, with all I am and have, to contend for
the honor of His name and Word. And this I will do
as long as blood flows in my veins.^' For this the upper
commandant of the city, Gaudi, who had been a party to
the publication of the book, made a complaint against
Jorissen to the magistrates, who out of fear for Gaudi
denounced Jorissen before the State authorities of Cleve.
These in turn forbade Jorissen to preach any more until
he would confess his error and promise not to indulge in
any such extravagances again. The enemies of Jorissen
celebrated this victory of free thought by a sleighing
party. (But Gaudi died afterward of apoplexy, after
reviewing troops on Ascension Day. And his last words
most profanely were, ^^ Your Jesus went to-day to
heaven, but I will go with you to the devil.'' His death
was greeted with joy by the people.) Jorissen refused to
make an apology for denouncing the enemies of the Bible.
He therefore went to Holland, where he became pastor of
the German church at the Hague for thirty-seven years,
until 1819. While there the poetical genius of Terstee-
gen again appeared in him, and he published his metrical
translation of the Psalms in 1806. The old version of
the Psalms by Lobwasser, which had been in use among
the Reformed, had become antiquated, so that his version
was gladly received and was introduced into the Reformed
church at Elberfeld.
INCIDENT OF JORLSSEN. 475
The following beautiful illustration is told by Rev.
Mr. Bergfried, who heard it from his lips. One day,
when living at Wesel, he had been visiting his members.
He returned late in the evening to his sleeping room with
the intention of retiring. When he began undressing
himself, he thought he heard a voice distinctly saying to
him, " Jorissen, go to Mrs. N. N. and tell her, ^ This
covenant is not valid. My covenant is eternal.' " He
thought he had been deceived, and therefore proceeded
with his preparation to go to bed. But again he heard
the same voice and the same words. He thought within
himself, " What shall I do, it is too late to go there," and
so he blew out his light and laid down. But the third
time he heard the words, louder than before. He, there-
fore, concluded to get up and go. He dressed himself
again and walked to her home. When he arrived there,
he asked to be admitted, but the servant told him that
her mistress would see no one. He requested her to go
up and ask her mistress, whether she would not admit
him. And he followed the servant as she w^nt in.
When he came to the door of the lady's room, he threw it
open, and exclaimed with a loud voice : '^ This covenant
is not valid. My covenant is eternal." He then entered
her room, and found her in the greatest state of despair,
having a rope in her hand, with the intention of hanging
herself He asked the reason for this, and she with tears
told him the following — that the previous night some one
476 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
had come to her bed and said to her : " You have served
me now for so many years, I would like to possess you
altogether. Open a vein of your arm, and write your
name with your blood on a piece of paper, stating that
you will belong to me in life and death.'' When she had
done this, she was told : ^^ Now conclude this compact by
taking a rope and ending your life.'' She had brooded
over this the whole of that day, and on that evening she
was about obeying it by killing herself. But God had
intended otherwise, for He sent Jorissen late in the night
to prevent her from executing this plan of Satan. Joris-
sen took the rope from her, went to the table on which
her oath, written in her blood, was still lying. He tore
it into shreds, and spoke again those mysterious words
that had come to him : ^' This covenant is hot valid. My
covenant is an eternal covenant." Now these strange
words were explained. The devil's covenant was not
valid, but God's is eternal. The woman was overcome
with emotion. And the spell, under which she had been
laboring, was broken ; for she answered him : " Indeed,
God is faithful, and His covenant is everlasting." After
a prayer Jorissen left her and went home, thanking God
that he had been permitted to be the instrument in saving
an immortal soul. He died January 13, 1823. His
characteristics were ^^ clearness and vigor of intellect,
warmth of affection and solidity of judgment."
CHAPTER IV.— SECTION lY.
JUNG STILLING.
Out of this Rhine region came a genius who exerted a
wide influence on the literary world for the old faith, John
Henry Jung Stilling. He was born in Nassau Siegen on
September 12, 1740. Siegen had been overrun by Ration-
alism for about half a century. Otterbein, the old Re-
formed pastor at Burbach, who died 1800, complained
bitterly that after his death, the Heidelberg Catechism
would no longer be used by his congregation. Rational-
ism was generally forced on congregations by the civil
authorities who had control of the Church. And yet, as
in the days of Ahab, there were seven thousand who had
not bowed the knee to Baal, among them Stilling. His
mother died young, and his father joined one of the little
Christian circles that kept piety alive. John Henry
attended a Latin school and wanted to become a minister,
but his poverty prevented. Providence, however, placed
him in a sphere, in which he exerted a wider influence
than perhaps he would have done, had he entered the
ministry. He learned the tailors' trade with his father,
but his mind soared above the needle. By studying at
odd intervals, he acquired geography, mathematics, Greek,
478 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Hebrew, and =n a few weeks French. He then became
private teacher to a merchant at Eade, where he learned
the sciences of agriculture and economics. Here a Rom-
ish priest confided to him an eye cure, which revolution-
ized his life.* Through it he cured a rich patient, Hey-
der of Ronsdorf, whose daughter he married. By her aid
and the help of his friends he managed to go to the uni-
versity of Strasburg, where he Avas granted a physician's
diploma in 1771, having gained it by the greatest dili-
gence in a single year.
His stay at the university brought him into contact
with Herder and Goethe, who afterwards brought him to
public notice. He always remained a Pietist, although
his former brethren declared he was one no longer,
because he wore a periwig and a cravat, and powdered
his hair. But he had learned that true Pietism consisted
in something more than outward dress. He then located
at Elberfeld, where, although he had many patients, yet
he did not succeed financially. But he happened to suc-
ceed in literature better than in medicine, for he had
written an autobiography, with which Goethe was so
pleased that he published it for him, and it gave Stilling
fame all over Germany. It was a beautiful union of fact
and fancy, poetry and reality, truth and fiction, and all
permeated with the most supreme faith in God. In it he
■•:■ Eye doctors were scarce in those days, as that was before the days of
specialists in medicine.
479
gives many illustrations of deliverances granted him by
God. Thus, when he arrived at Strasburg, he had only a
dollar in money. He laid his case before the heavenly
Father in prayer. Just then he met a merchant from his
home at Frankford, who asked him : ^' Where do you
get money to study ?" He replied : '^ I have a rich Father
in heaven.^' ^^ How much money have you ?'' the friend
asked. " One dollar.'^ '' Well, I am one of the Lord's
stewards/' and he handed Stilling thirty-three dollars.
Stilling had been in Strasburg but a short time, when
these thirty-three dollars were reduced again to one.
Again he prayed most earnestly, and, lo, his room-mate
came with thirty dollars in gold. A few months after
this the time arrived, when he must either pay the lec-
turer's fee, or have his name stricken off the lecturer's list
of students. The money must be paid by six o'clock,,
Thursday evening. He spent the day in prayer. Five
o'clock came, and still there was no money. His anxiety
made him break out into a perspiration, and his face was
wet with tears. A knock. It was the gentleman, from
whom he rented the room, who asked him how much
money he had left. He told him. (Stilling felt like
Habakkuk, when the angel took him by the hair of his
head to carry him to Babylon). The gentleman returned
with forty dollars in gold, which was just enough to
enable him to pay his debt to the university and continue
his studies. He held that prayer was the secret of sue-
480 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
cess. His childlike faith in God was a wonder to the
sneering infidelity of his day. Goethe says: '^ This
strange man thinks he needs but throw the dice, and our
Lord God must place the stones for him." His life of
faith was the best practical answer to infidelity, for infi-
delity was powerless to answer it.
The publication of this book helped him in his
straightened circumstances at Elberfeld, and called atten-
tion to his genius. He was appointed in 1778 to a pro-
fessorship of economy and finance in the new academy at
Kaiserlautern, and in 1787 to a professorship in the uni-
versity of Heidelberg. He was then called to Marburg,
as professor of finance. But his devotional writings and
his eye cures brought him greater fame than his lectures
on finance. He had not the hard sense necessary to treat
that science, for he was a poetical, mystical, imaginative
genius. His classes sometimes numbered only three,
although he treated more than two thousand blind per-
sons in his life. As he found the writing of religious
works more congenial to his taste, he accepted a call from
the Elector of Baden to become his private councilor.
The Elector had been charmed by his work " Homesick-
ness,'' and appointed him to be his companion. He
removed in 1803 to Heidelberg, and in 1806 to Carls-
ruhe. He now had time to study Madame Guyon and
the mystics. His correspondence became immense; his
journeys became frequent. His house was visited by
481
many friends, and seemed to be a " Holiest of Holies/'
where all ordinary things seemed put aside. He busied
himself with evangelical (especially apocryphal) works
based on Bengel. His greatest work was his '^ History
of the Victory of the Christian Religion'' (an exposition
of the book of Revelation), and his '^ Theory of Spirit
Law," based partly on Swedenborg. His ^' Homesick-
ness," or scenes in the kingdom of spirits, and his
romances or mystical tales, as ^' The Life of Sir Morning
Dew," gave him great fame. His '^ Theobald, the
Fanatic" reveals his pietistic tendencies. He wrote
polemical works against Rationalism, as '^ The Great Pana-
cea Against the Sickness of Infidelity," but they did not
exert the influence of his '^ Autobiography." '^ Most of
his writings will be long forgotten, but his life will be
read. It was a wanderer's life, in which the most beauti-
ful point is the Father's house, from which it proceeded,
and the Father's house which his pilgrimage sought.
* Blessed are they that are homesick, for they shall come
home.' Thousands are comforted by his wandering life
through places and professions." Like Antoine Court, the
wandering preacher of the desert during the persecutions
of the French Reformed Church, so Stilling was a
preacher in the desert of Rationalism of the eighteenth
century of Germany. He died April 2, 1817, saying :
^' Lord, receive my spirit."
CHAPTER IV.— SECTION Y.
JOHN CHRISTIAN STAHLSCHMIDT.
He was born in Nassau Siegen, March 3, 1740. He
early manifested a great desire to know everything, and
his first money he spent in buying maps. But as a youth
he was inclined to be wild and extravagant, yet he was
early awakened to serious things. His first solemn
impressions came from the reading of the story of Joseph
in school. He wept over Joseph and said he could not
comprehend how brothers could treat a brother so. When
he came to the glorious end of the history, he was so
impressed that he determined to become a good man.
When he was eighteen years of age, after he had spent
more than half the night in frivolity, and returned to his
chamber, he had a terrible dream. He thought the end
of the world had come. He heard a strange noise, and
lo ! as he looked around, he found himself in the midst
of a great multitude of men moving on to be judged.
Terror seized him as he said, '^ Now the day of grace is
past, and there is no mercy for me." He saw the Judge
on the throne who beckoned him to come near. He fell
on his face and cried, '^ Mercy, I will lead a better life."
This awoke him from sleep. The dream led him to become
stahlschmidt's youth. 485
more serious, and some months after the exhortations of
his uncle led him to form an unchangeable resolution to
give himself wholly to God. Through this uncle, who
was a great admirer of Boehme, he inclined to Separatism.
His father, who was an elder in the Reformed Church,
treated him very severely for this, even whipping him when
he was nineteen years of age, and exhorting him to prom-
ise that he would not any more read the books of the Pie-
tists or attend their meetings. He made this promise, but
the next day he was miserable about it, for it seemed as
if all his pleasures were gone, because he could not read
Pietistic books or attend Pietistic meetings. As he thus
considered the matter, the thought came to him of leaving
father and mother. On the following Sunday he secretly
packed his clothing, engaged in earnest prayer and wrote
a letter to his father saying, ^^ that he had made a vow to
him that he could not keep, so he had resolved to go
away," and left it on the table. When the watchman
cried " twelve o'clock," he went away through the rear of
the house, and the next morning arrived at Cologne,
which he left before his father could follow him. At
Amsterdam were printed the mystical books he had so
gladly read and for which he had suffered so much ; but
only after a long search was he able to find the works of
Boehme, which, with his Bible, constituted his only books.
These he took with him on his voyages to the East Indies.
On his return the vessel was struck by lightning, two
484 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
sailors killed and others stunned, and the ship set on fire
by it. I)eath seemed to sstare them in the face. They
finally succeeded in arresting the fire. The sailors who
had been killed were the most profane on the ship, and
he looked on it as a just judgment of God on them for
their wickedness, more especially as there were eight
sailors between those who were struck, and yet they
were the only ones killed. After another voyage to
India he again visited his home in 1 765. He now found
his father friendly. While there the devotional writings
of Tersteegen fell into his hand. He became so inter-
ested in them that he visited Tersteegen in 1766, and a
second time the next year.
But he was dissatisfied with his business, the manu-
facture of lace strings, as it was not conducive to gro^\i:h
in piety. He therefore started for America and arrived
at Philadelphia in August, 1770. A few days after he
arrived, the schoolmaster of the First Reformed church of
Philadelphia, who knew his family, took a kindly interest
in him. Rev. Dr. Weyberg, the pastor of the church,
soon discovered his talents and urged him to study for
the ministry. He studied under him, and he was licensed by
the Reformed Coetus. After preaching in various Reformed
congregations, he was licensed at Reading and ordained
as pastor of the York charge in 1775. But as he was a
strong patriot, he found in those days, when the Revolu-
tion was breaking out, his position unpleasant, because
485
some of his members favored the British and some the
patriots. So after a four years' pastorate he returned to
Germany. On his voyage he was almost shipwrecked,
but finally arrived at his home in Germany. His min-
istry is another link between the Reformed of America
and the Pietists of Germany. It also reveals Rev. Dr.
Weyberg's position in favor of positive, evangelical,
earnest Christianity. If Pietists were un-Reformed, why
was Stahlschmidt received into the ministry of our early
Reformed Church ? He expected to return to America
after the political troubles were over, but circumstances in
Siegen had changed since he had gone away. The Pietists
in Berg and Siegen missed the leadership of Tersteegen,
and many had gone back to worldliness again. Those
who remained, begged him not to go back to America,
but to stay with them and use his rich spiritual gifts for
their benefit. So a minister of our American Reformed
Church became the successor of Tersteegen, the PietivSt.
As Stahlschmidt did not have a university education, he
could not enter the ministry of the State Church of Ger-
manv, althouo^h a minister of our Church in America, so
he became a merchant and a lay worker there. He wrote
an account of his life and travels called " The Pilgrimage
by Water and Land," published in 1799 at Nuremberg.
CHAPTER lY.— SECTION YI.
GOTTFRIED DANIEL KRUMMACHER.
We now come to one of the most interesting families
in the Reformed Church, the Krummacher family. Two
brothers first appear, Gottfried Daniel and Frederick Adol-
ph us. * Gottfried Daniel was a tower of strength — a perfect
Boanerges on the Northern Rhine. He was born April 1,
1774, in Tecklenberg, where his father had suddenly been
converted from a worldly and sinful life, and like Ter-
steegen, wrote his consecration in his own blood. Gott-
fried attended the University of Duisburg. His early
studies led him to doubt the Bible and prayer was largely
given up. Still Hasenkamp exerted a blessed influence
over him there. In 1798 he was called as pastor to
Baerl. His predecessor there had been a Rationalist, and
the congregation had complained against him to the Synod.
When the president of the Synod appeared and tried to
heal matters, the members armed themselves Avith scythes
and hatchets, and garrisoned the church, declaring they
would not have their former pastor back again at any
price. Before a congregation who were suspicious of the
least Rationalism, Gottfried preached his trial sermons.
•••• Of the latter we will speak in the next Chapter.
KRUMMACHER AT BAERL. 487
After his sermon some of the pietistic Christians in the
congregation came together and said of him, " Hear ! Out
of this little man great things will come/' They judged
him rightly. He came as pastor, attended by a large
number of riders as he entered Baerl, for they always
honored the new minister with an escort.
But although he was no longer a Rationalist, yet he
was not a Christian of religious experience. The Lord
led him to Christ by a peculiar providence. He had
hardly arrived in this charge, when he happened one
day, while out walking through a small village in his
parish, to overhear the singing of a hymn in one of the
houses. Pleased with it, he stood still for a moment and
then went to the room whence it came. There he found
three saints of Israel of his church, who were accustomed
to come together to sing, and confer about a verse of
Scripture or a question of the Heidelberg Catechism.
They greeted him in a most friendly way, and continued
discussing that part of our catechism, which teaches of the
working of the Holy Spirit in our heart, so as to give
assurance. Of this he was as yet ignorant. They
then asked him to make a prayer, which he did.
As soon as he was done, the oldest of them, like Simeon
on Christ, laid his hand on his shoulder, and from an
overflowing heart said : ^' O, pastor, what an office is
yours ! You are to watch over the sheep Jesus Christ has
bought with His own precious blood. O that the Holy
488 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Ghost in richest measure may come upon you and rest on
• you/^ He continued in this strain, until the young
preacher, deeply aifected, stood with tears flowing down
his cheeks, while the aged saint kept on speaking, and
finally pointed him to the promise of Daniel, that ^' They
that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the stars
forever and ever." Krummacher answered not a word.
He stood still a moment, and then, bidding them good-
day, went sobbing to his house. There on his knees he
wept and prayed. He felt himself dead in sin and
rejected by God. His anxiety almost took away his
breath. Here many long nights he wept. One of the
men, who thus brought conviction to his heart, visited
him, and as Krummacher told him his sorrow, he laughed
for joy. " How can you laugh at my sorrow ?" Krum-
macher asked. " I see," he replied, '^ for our deeply
broken hearts Jesus wants to love," and he went away
praising God. While Krummacher was in this condi-
tion, he saw a spider spinning its web. He went to it
and killed it, but as he did so, the thought came to him :
" What hast thou done ? Who gives you the right over
the life of this insect ? How much more a thousandfold
wert thou worthy, thou sinful creature, of being trodden
under foot !" Broken-hearted he ascended the pulpit.
Most wonderfully he preached the law, and many Avere
convicted of sin. Thus Krummacher was converted, and
also baptized with the power of the Holy Ghost.
G. D. KEUMMACHER. 489
In 1801 he was called to Wiilfrath, near Elberfeld,
where he was pastor for fifteen years.* In 1816 he was
called to Elberfeld, the most prominent Reformed congre-
gation in Germany that remained orthodox. " What ! I,
a stammering Moses, to go to Elberfeld/' he said. Bnt
nrged on all sides, he accepted. He, however, realized
his responsibility, for he said afterward, " I went to Elber-
feld as to my death.^^ Through his preaching a great
awakening took place there from 1816 to 1818. Every
Sunday the churches were filled back to the last seats with
seeking souls, and the great question was, '' What must I
do to be saved ■?'^ Some ot them formed circles for the
study of the Bible and met at the house of Dieterich.
They held prayer meetings in which each took part by a
question or an explanation or a testimony. f
There also arose in this congregation some who looked
on his orthodoxy with suspicion. They misunderstood
his use of the word grace, and thought by it he always
■-•• There he once called on a very hot summer clay on a sick man, who
complained that he had been very greatly annoyed by blasphemous thoughts,
which gave him no rest. Krummacher knew not how to comfort him, but,
wiping his face of perspiration, he said: "How many flies the summer gives
us I" After endeavoring to comfort the sick man, he went away. Some tiiue
after he again visited the sick man, and was surprised to find how joyful he
was. The man said, " pastor, you left a little word with me the last time
that changed my life." " What was it." You said, " How many flies there
were." After you had gone it occurred to me that my blasphemous thoughts
were nothing but flies, and as summer passed away, and with it the flies, so
my temptations would pass away.
I For proof of this see " Lives of Friends of the Y. M. C. A.," by Rev. Charles
Krummacher, pages 5 and 11.
32
490 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
meant election of grace, and that he emphasized election
too much, so as to become antinomian. Complaint was
brought against him before the Synod, and he had to
preach before its president a sermon on Romans 6:12.
But he proved that he was orthodox on this text and not
antinomian, and he was acquitted.* His bold, blunt
preaching dealt telling blows against the Rationalists.
He was in doctrine a Cocceian, but at Elberfeld he made
predestination as prominent as it had been made at the
Synod of Dort. He died January 30, 1837. His last
words were : " I will, yes I must hold the fort" — ^^A
mighty fortress is our God."
■'•• On one occasion as he was preaching a course of sermons on the Wander-
ings of the Children of Israel, it was told him that the Crown Prince of Ger-
many would attend his service. He refused, however, to change his subject
even for the Crown Prince, but replied that the Crown Prince might go over
the Red Sea with them. The Prince attended, and expressed himself well
pleased with the sermon.
CHAPTER IV.— SECTIO^^ VII.
FREDERICK WILLIAM KRUMMACHER.
The greatest of all the Krummachers was Frederick
AVilliam, a son of Frederick Adolphus. He was one of the
most finished orators of this century, and became the great
court preacher of Prussia. He was born at Meurs, Jan-
uary 28, 1796, where Tersteegen was born a century
before. He studied at Halle and Jena universities. To
save himself from spiritual starvation there, he read
Herder's ^^ Spirit of Hebrew Poetry," ^' Schleiermacher's
Addresses/' together with the works of the church fathers
and of Luther. During all this time he was rather an
aesthetic Christian like Herder, than a thorough Evan-
gelical. He was called as assistant pastor of the German
Reformed church at Frankford in 1819. He names
Frankford as his spiritual birthplace, where he was led to
know Christ by such spiritually-minded friends as his
colleague, Manuel. In 1825 he was called to Ruhrort,
opposite Baerl. When he entered the charge, he was
received like a Prince with firing of guns and huzzaing of
the people, the vessel on which he came being decorated
with flags as the whole congregation assembled to receive
their pastor. This pastorate he called the ]May season of
492 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
his life. Here he came in contact with the rich spiritual
life of the Reformed Church of the northern Rhine.
From Ruhrort he was called to Gemarke near Barmen.
When he entered this charge he again met with a royal
reception. A long procession of splendid carriages and a
troop of stately horsemen escorted him. Here he found
more intellectual piety than at Ruhrort^ but intensely Cal-
vinistic and devoted to the Heidelberg Catechism. In
this centre of religious life he preached on week evenings
his famous sermons on Elijah and Elisha, and also on the
Song of Solomon. These gave him a wide reputation.
His Elijah was translated into seven languages. He him-
self became a veritable Elijah, to rise up and rebuke
Rationalism — the Baalism of his day.
In 1834 the great Reformed church at Elberfeld
called him. Here he held a position in the front rank of
German ministers. He was an orator of the first rank.
He combined depth of thought with gracefulness of rhet-
oric and an impressive delivery. While pastor here, he
was invited to America to become professor of the German
Reformed Theological Seminary at Mercersburg, Pa., an
honor which he declined, but recommended Rev. Dr.
Phillip Schaff in his place.
The King of Prussia, who had once'heard him preach
at Elberfeld, called him to Berlin in 1847, to be the suc-
cessor of Marheineke at the Trinity church. The King
wanted a bold champion of the old faith to offset the Ration-
493
alism at Berlin. Krummacher was chosen, for he with his
father and uncle was one of the few uncompromising wit-
nesses of evangelical truth of which Germany could boast.
Just before that time he had preached a sermon in his
father's church at Bremen against Rationalism which had
caused a great commotion. His text had been, ^' But
though we or an angel from heaven preach any other
gospel than that which we have preached, let him be
accursed." Gal. 1 : 8-9. In his zeal against those whom
he called " the prophets of Baal of this century," he pro-
nounced the apostle's curse on the whole anti-Christian
spirit of this age. The sermon led the majority of the
orthodox clergy of Bremen to adopt an orthodox confes-
sion, so as to prevent Rationalists from entering their pul-
pit. He w^as therefore the man to bear witness for the
truth in Berlin. The Rationalists there of course gave
him a frigid reception. His congregation was at first made
up mainly of women, and he often looked back with long-
ing to the W'armth and sympathy he had had in the Wup-
perthal. Soon however his church began to fill up, as
Christians of various ranks began to attend his services.
When the revolution of 1840 broke out, he urg^ed Home
Missions as the panacea for all social evils. He labored
to form the Church Diet, and was one of its committee.
In 1853 the King appointed him court preacher at
Potsdam. Here he found barren soil, but his tact and
ability soon built up a strong congregation. He here
preached his famous sermons on David the King. He
494 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
took an active interest in the Evangelical Alliance, and
contributed greatly to the success of its meeting at Berlin
in 1857. He attended the different conferences of the
Alliance until his death. From its meeting in Paris he
wrote : '^ In Paris I became young again like an eagle.
It was the kingdom of heaven in blessed concentration.''
Like Elijah^ of whom he had preached so eloquently, he
had his ascension to heaven on December 10, 1868. He
was a poet, as well as a preacher, and wrote some hymns.
The best are : " Behalte mich in deiner Pflege,'' in the
third volume of his Elisha, ^^Als das grosse Halljahr
bricht herein,'' and '^ Der vom Holze du regierest," " Du
Stern in alien Nsechten."
He was a rare combination of qualities, fitting him to
become the leading preacher of his age and land. At the
eightieth birthday of Goethe, Thorwaldsen, the great
sculptor, met him at Frankford and was attracted by his
noble forehead and appearance, and asked him : "Are
you an artist ?" " No, a theologian," was his reply.
" How can one be only a theologian ?" said Thorwaldsen.
And yet Krummacher, who carved eternal ideas in souls,
as Thorwaldsen had in stone, was an artist of the first
rank, greater than that sculptor with all his gems of
thought in marble. " In his pulpit," says Schaff, " he
was bold and fearless as a lion, at home as gentle and
amiable as a lamb — a millionaire in images and illustra-
tions, which were an embarrassment of riches in his ser-
mons, like Jeremy Taylor's."
CHAPTER IV.— SECTION VIII.
HERMAN F. KOHLBRUEGGE.
Another great leader of Pietism and opponent of
Rationalism was Kohlbriigge. He was one of the strong-
est intellects in the Reformed Church of Germany in this
century — the only one who formed a distinct school of
theology. He was born August 15, 1803, at Amsterdam^
It was his grandmother whose influence developed the
spirituality of the boy. In her house there was a large
fireside which was covered with a painted pavement. On
these were Biblical pictures, and the boy would, like
Doddridge, sit by the hours before them, and have them
explained by his grandmother. He early revealed great
precocity, but his studies were interrupted by sickness and
poverty, which compelled him to work. When sixteen,
he again began regular study. But at the university of
Amsterdam he became so immersed in classical studies,
that his Bible lost its power. Then came the sickness and
death of his father as a call to bring him back to the old
faith. He then entered the ministry of the Lutheran
Church. He preached at Loenen near Amsterdam, and
with burning eloquence proclaimed the old doctrines of
man's fall and God's grace. But such preaching roused
496 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
opposition, for the wealthy and noble, who usually were in
the consistory, had gone over to Rationalism, and one of
his co-pastors bitterly denied the old faith. So he was
dismissed after three months service. But although per-
secuted for God's sake, he was wonderfully blessed. He
then married a lady of means who belonged to this
congregation. As he had no parish, he began anew the
study of church history and theology. The study of Cal-
vin led him to accept Predestination, and of Olevianus to
receive the Reformed doctrine of the Lord's Supper.
Since he was no longer Lutheran in faith, he sought
admission to the Reformed Church of Holland. But that
Church, alas, was deeply sunk in Rationalism too, and
although negotiations continued from 1830 to 1832, they
refused to receive him on the mere technicality that they
desired a certificate of morals, which the Lutherans refused
to give. How sadly does Rationalism persecute God's
servants. The church in which he was born rejected him,
and the Church whose doctrine he now believed refused
him. But he was not without friends, for the leaders of
the revival in Holland were his warm friends, and he
attended their conventicles. They wanted him to join
their CJiurch and become a leader among those who had
thus separated from the State Church. But just then the
death of his wife brought him ill health and his physician
ordered him to travel. So he happened in the providence
of God to come to Elberfeld in the summer of 1833.
KOHLBRUEGGE AT ELBERFELD. 497
Here lie found a district that Rationalism bad not
entered. The best and richest families considered it the
highest honor to have some position in the Church. The
churches were filled with people, and in smaller circles
many w^ould gather to talk over the sermon. Hymns
were often heard in the homes and the factories. And in
many a hut, where the weaver's chair allowed hardly
room to sit, they knew how to talk about the grace of
God. iVlthough cast out by the Dutch, he was received
with honor here, and preached sixteen times. A great
awakening had taken place at Elberfeld under the preach-
ing of G. D. Krummacher. There was, however, a dif-
ference between Krummacher's and Kohlbrligge's preach-
ing. Krummacher emphasized the law and conviction of
sin. Kohlbriigge emphasized the forgiving grace of God.
His friends were so pleased with him that they tried to
have him enter the ministry of the Reformed Church of
that province, so that he might be appointed to a vacant
church near Elberfeld. But the Prussian minister of
worship, fearing Kohlbrligge's opposition to the union of
the Reformed and Lutheran Churches and to the intro-
duction of the Prussian liturgy, refused and forbade him
to preach any more in any pulpit in the Rhine provinces.
Rejected now the third time by the Church, he returned
to Holland, but kept up a correspondence with his friends
at Elberfeld. He was asked by those, who separated
from the State Church in Holland in 1839, and formed
498 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Christian Reformed Church, to join them. But he
declined, because he did not want to belong to what he
considered a separatistic Church. When he was called to
Elberfeld as pastor in 1848, Kohlbriigge continued as a
mighty witness for the old Reformed faith. His pub-
lished sermons gave him a wide influence. They were
translated into English and Bohemian. He died at
Elberfeld, March 5, 1837, after a pastorate there of
thirty-seven years.
CHAPTER lY.— SECTION IX.
PRESENT PIETISTIC MOVEMENTS.
The Reformed Church of Germany still reveals its
Pietistic position. This is shown by the fact that a year
or two ago the Johanneum was removed from Bonn to
Elberfeld. This institution was a school for evangelists,
founded by the late Professor Christlieb in 1886. For
Christlieb felt that the best antidote for Rationalism v/as
earnest Pietism. Its aim was to prepare city missionaries
and evangelists, who would produce a revival in the
churches of Germany. After Professor Christlieb's death
it was found that it was not located where its supporters
were. So Reformed Elberfeld was chosen as above all
others the place in fullest sympathy with such evangelis-
tic movements. If now the Reformed of Germany were
not in sympathy with such aggressive movements, why
was it located there ? Its removal to Elberfeld, the centre
of the Reformed Church of Germany to-day, is a striking
proof of the pietistic character of the Reformed Church.
Another very significant sign are the catechism prayer
meetings held at Barmen and Meurs, where the laity
come together. After selecting an answer and a question
500 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of our catechism, they talk it over, intermingling their
conversation with prayer and singing."^
That this evangelistic spirit has spread into other parts
of the Reformed Church of Germany, is shown by the
following extract taken from a German religious paper a
f^w years ago :
" The Rev. E. Schrenk, of Marburg, formerly a for-
eign missionary and more recently connected with the
Berne Evangelical Reformed Society in Switzerland, has
given himself to evangelical work in Germany. He works
wholly within the Church. He was called to Cassel in
Hesse last winter by thirteen clergymen and members of
the Royal Consistory, and held tw^o services a day for
eighteen days. The great Martin church (Reformed) was
filled, and afterward a still larger Lutheran church. The
daily morning Bible readings filled to repletion the rooms
of the Youno^ Men's Christian Association, and had to be
moved to the Bruder church. The evening evangelistic
services were often attended by about three thousand per-
sons. Two thousand men, and young men, attended a
separate meeting for men only. On the last evening three
* We have just received a letter from Barmen, describing such a meeting.
The meetings take place every two weeks on Sunday evening at six o'clock.
Only men are present. The meeting is opened by the singing of a Psalm,
then a chapter of the Old Testament is read. (The Old Testament is read
consecutively in each meeting). The senior member present requests one to
lead in prayer. Then follows the consideration of the Heidelberg Catechism,
of which at each meeting one question is taken up and discussed. The ques-
tions are taken up consecutively. In this discussion each one of the members
may take part in a free and unrestrained manner. These meetings result in
great blessing for the everyday life. The meeting is closed at eight o'clock,
and after the singing of a hymn, prayer and the reading of another passage
of Scripture suitable to the subject of the discussion, they separate with the
joyful consciousness of having spent a few blessed hours, sanctified through
the Spirit of God, in brotherly communion.
REFORMED PIETISM. 501
of the city clergy took part in the service ; eleven min-
isters signed a letter of thanks to him ; and the secular
papers spoke in high terms of his good labors."
Thus the Reformed Church of the Northern Rhine
has ever been and still is a noble witness against all
Rationalism, and by her Pietism and evangelization a
tremendous power for the upbuilding of God^s kingdom
in the fatherland.
CHAPTER Y.
INDITIDUAL ANSWERS TO RATIONALISM IN
OTHER PARTS OF GERMAN F.
I*^ot only from the Reformed region of the Northern
Rhine were voices lifted np against Rationalism. In the
Reformed churches in other parts of Germany a bold tes-
timony was borne against it. One of the most promi-
nent Reformed strongholds in Germany was Bremen.
Although Rationalism gained control here in the latter
part of the last century, yet Menken led a mighty move-
ment against it, which resulted in turning the city
toward orthodoxy. We have already described Menken,
and will now mention several others who aided him.
SECTION I.
GEORGE GOTTFRIED TREVIRANUS.
He was born at Bremen, January 12, 1788. His
family was originally from Treves, but had been driven
out with Oleviauus. His great-grandfather liad been
Lampe's successor as pastor at St. Stephen's church at
Bremen. He was catechized by a rationalistic pastor in
1802 and attended the gymnasium there, where he seems
to have read everything but the Bible, of which he did
TREYIRANUS' CONVERSIONS'. 503
not have a German copy. He then attended Goettingen
university, which was full of Rationalism. One day,
however, a strange desire came to him to get a German
Bible, as he remembered once hearing Menken preach a
sermon praising its beauties. He then began to read it
regularly with the prayer, "" Lord, open Thou mine eyes.''
When he preached before his professor of homiletics, the
latter found fault with him for being too Biblical. And
when he went to the pastor at Goettingen, to tell him that
he wished to commune with his congregation, the pastor
replied, "You are the first student in a long series of
years that has communed." Thus through the reading of
the Bible he was changed into an evangelical Christian.
He then studied at Tubingen, which was orthodox, and
there he learned to still more highly honor the Bible, as
many of his doubts were being scattered. On May 1,
1811, he was ordained in the Liebfrau church at Bremen.
When the minister's hand was laid on his head, he was
so overcome that he did not hear his benediction. Only
Menken's Avords came to him, " Love Christ, for He first
loved you."
He became pastor at a church near Bremen, but was
called to Bremen in 1818, as pastor of St. Martin's
church, and assistant to Menken. Although not so pro-
found as Menken, yet he excelled* especially in the practical
activities of the ministry. He was secretary of the Bremen
Bible Society, and started a Sunday school in 1834. He
504 THE REFOKMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
became active also in the society for released convicts.
For, one Sunday evening, a soldier, who was a drunkard^
visited him. Through Treviranus' efforts he was saved
from drink by the grace of God. He in turn brought
another officer to him who desired to know Christ. As
the latter became sick, Treviranus visited him frequently,
and preached his funeral sermon. These incidents led him
to begin his work among the soldiers, so that he was
finally appointed garrison chaplain, as the soldiers had no
one to look after their religious interests before. He
retained this position till 1849. He also founded a society
to aid emigration to America, as his friend Wyncken was
pastor at Fort AYayne, Indiana. He was one of the first
to aid in organizing a branch society for Home Missions,
and then started evening services (a custom till then
unknown in Bremen). He was made president of the
jSTorth German Missionary Society. He was greatly
encouraged to find that the number of evangelical pastors
in Bremen was increasing, as Mallet, Krummacher, Iken
and others came in to aid him. In the autumn of 1866,
he ascended his pulpit in the St. Martin's church for the
last time,^as he was made pastor emeritus. The congre-
gation elected Schwalb as his successor, who soon revealed
himself as a most blatant Rationalist, and who, on account
of this, was finally compelled to resign last year. He
therefore did not attend his former church any more, but
went to St. Stephen's church, while the orthodox elements
DEATH OF TREVIRANUS. 505
of his congregation scattered among the other churches.
He still retained his interest in missions until his death in
1868. He was a man of great faith and wisdom, and
circumspection, and full of practical gifts. It was at his
house that Rev. Dr. Schaff found the first edition of the
Heidelberg Catechism in 1864. This was a valuable
discovery, as all the previous translations of the catechism
had been made after the third edition.
33
CHAPTER v.— SECTION II.
FREDERICK ADOLPH KRUMMACHER.
He was a member of the famous Krummacher family,
of whom we have already spoken — a brother of Gottfried
Daniel and father of Frederick William. He was born
in Tecklenbiirg, July 13, 1787, and attended the small
Eeformed university of Lingen. Then he w^ent to Halle,
where he studied under the pious Knapp and the blas-
phemous Bahrdt. After that he became rector of the
gymnasium at Hamm in 1790, Avhere he became intimate
wdth tw^o Reformed ministers, who afterwards became
prominent in Prussia, Snethlage and Eylert. He w^as
called as professor of theology to the university at Duis-
burg. But the university w^as small, and the professor
could count himself fortunate if he had four or five stu-
dents. Here he wrote his '^ Parables,'^ which gave him a
wide reputation. (To distinguish him from the other
members of his famous family, he was generally called
Parable-Krummacher.) As an illustration of them, we
give his beautiful parable of Death and Sleep : ^' The
Angel of Death and the Angel of Sleep wandered in
fraternal unity over the world. It was evening. They
rested on a hill, not far from the habitations of man. A
placid calmness prevailed every w4iere, even the sound of the
507
curfew ceased in the distant hamlet. Calmly and silently,
as is their wont, the two beneficent angels of mankind
held each other embraced until night approached. Then
the Angel of Sleep arose from his mossy seat and strewed
with noiseless hands the invisible seeds of slumber. The
evening breeze carried them to the quiet dwellings of the
tired country people, and sweet sleep descended on the
dwellers in their rural huts, from the old man with his
crutch, to the babe in the cradle. The sick once more
forgot their pains, the troubled soul her grief, and poverty
her cares ; for every eye was closed. Now his task being
done, the beneficent Angel of Sleep returned to his graver
brother. " When the light of morning arises," he
exclaimed with innocent joy, " then mankind will praise
me as their friend and benefactor. What a blessing to do
good in secret ! How happy are we, the invisible messen-
gers of the Good Spirit ! How beautiful our silent calling !''
" The An^el of Death o^azed at him with a look of soft
melancholy, and a tear, such a.« immortal beings shed,
glistened in his large dark eyes. "Alas, said he, " would
that I could enjoy cheerful gratitude like thee. The
world calls me her enemy and disturber." " O, my
brother," replied the Angel of Sleep, ^' will not at the
awakening, the good man acknowledge thee as his friend
and benefactor, and gratefully bless thee ? Are we not
brethren and messengers of one Father ?" When he thus
spoke, the eye of the Angel of Death glistened brightly,
and the fraternal spirits embraced with renewed tender-
508 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ness/' These parables were such simple, quaint allegories,
based on the teachings of nature and the stories of Scrip-
ture, that they became classic in Germany.
The university of Duisburg went down under the
French rule. So he accepted a call to Bernburg, where
he became superintendent of the Reformed church.
While here, there occurred an awakening, which aifected
him and changed him from being an aesthetic Christian
of the Herder school to an earnest, outspoken Christian
against Rationalism. The King of Prussia offered him a
professorship of theology at the newly founded university
of Bonn, but owiuff to a severe affection of the eyes at
the time, he did not accept it. When the union of the
Lutheran and the Reformed Churches was introduced
into Anhalt in 1824, he opposed it. The Duke of Anhalt
then became cool to him on account of his leanings toward
Pietism and his opposition to the union. So he was glad
to accept a call to be one of the pastors of the St. Ans-
gari church at Bremen. Here he was highly respected by
the people, and received the name from them of " the lit-
tle father.'^ He was not the orator that his colleague
Draseke was, but he gained great influence by his pastoral
labors and his peculiar influence over the young. He
died April 4, 1845, after being pastor there for nineteen
years. He w^as a scholarly man, of thoughtful, poetical
nature. He was the author of a number of excellent
hymns, as the missionary hymn, " Eine Heerde und ein
Hirt" — '' One Shepherd and one Fold to be."
CHAPTER v.— SECTION III.
FREDERICK L. MALLET.
A mighty witness for God against Rationalism at
Bremen was Mallet. He was born August 4, 1792, at
Braunfels, where his father, a Huguenot by descent, was
secretary to the Count of Solms. His pastor, Herman
Muller, noticed the uncommon talents of the ten-year-old
boy, and when Mallet's father died, he cared for him as a
father. When Muller was called to the St. Stephen's
church, Bremen, he took young Mallet with him. It
was Muller's piety that awakened piety in the young
man. He was sent to the universities of Herborn and
Tubingen, where as yet a young man could study without
any danger of Rationalism. Both professors and students
held prayer meetings at Tubingen. He did not, there-
fore, have to pass through the great conflicts of soul that
Menken and others did in the university.
In 1815 he became assistant pastor at St. MichaPs, a
suburb of Bremen. His ability as an orator soon led to
a call in 1827 to St. Stephen's in Bremen, where he
became assistant to his foster-father Muller, and when
the latter died in 1839, he was elected senior pastor.
Here his fine gifts found a suitable field. For he was a
510 THE REFOKMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
man of fiery eloquence and joyful, enthusiastic faith. He
had a fine appearance — " a real Luther-head/' as F. W.
Krummacher used to say. He endeavored to work
against Kationalism by editing a Church paper, the
''Bremen Church Messenger," and later the ''Bremen
Post." These exerted great influence, not only in Bremen,
but in the neighboring 'districts of Oldenburg and Hano-
ver. He had once, when in the university, taken up the
sword in war against France, and he now took up the
spiritual sword against the Rationalists. Hamburg was
burned in 1844, and he preached a penitential sermon on
it, which led Stahr of Oldenburg to protest against it in
the name of humanity. In 1844, when Nagel, one of the
pastors at Bremen, declared in a daily paper that it was
now proved that there was neither a heaven nor a hell.
Mallet brought the matter before the Ministerium. But
Nagel appealed to the Senate, where he w^as protected.
Meanwhile there arose a literary strife about it. Stahr
and an Oldenburg literateur, Kobbe, joined in the attack
on Mallet. He wrote a biting satire on them, revealing
Eationalism's weakness. And in a number of other writings
he boldly attacked Rationalism. Thus he became unpop-
ular with many, and had to bear much ridicule. He was
impersonated at one of the theatres, to the great amuse-
ment of the populace and the joy of his enemies. His
greatest conflict took place in 1848, when Bremen
changed its politics and Dulon was elected pastor in the
mallet's activity. 511
Liebfrau church — a man pantheistic in theology and
revolutionary in politics. Dulon's sermons against prop-
erty owners and nobles soon caused a sensation. Mallet
wrote against him, and when Dulon tried to get influence
in Mallet's congregation, so as to Avork against Mallet, he
boldly attacked him in pamphlets. Dulon's conduct
toward him in the Ministerium was so severe, that he
declared he would leave that body, but the Senate would
not accept his resignation. Then came the return tide in
politics in 1852, when Dulon was dismissed. This con-
troversy led Mallet to prepare a petition from the Minis-
terium to the Senate, asking that the Bremen church
might be guaranteed its safety in the future from such
adventurers in theology. But the indiiference of the^
rulers prevented this from being carried out. He, how-
ever, succeeded in having 'an orthodox creed drawn up
for his own church, so as to prevent any Ration-
alists from getting in there. He also aimed to oppose
Rationalism by developing the practical activities of the
churclL He w^as one of the founders of the North Ger-
man Missionary Society in 1819, and had a Home Mis-
sionary Society in his own congregation. He was one Oi
the presidents of the Bremen Tract Society in 1826. He
was the founder of the first Young Men's Christian Asso-
ciation in Germany in 1834. The first Y. M. C. A. was
founded at Basle in 1768 (seventy-six years before George
Williams founded his in London), by a Reformed pastor
512 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
named Meyenrock. It dissolved when its founder died,
about 1820, but was revived again in 1825. Mallet came
in contact with it when on a visit to Switzerland in 1833.
He at once founded a similar society at Bremen, which
was imitated by other places in Germany, so that when
George Williams founded his association in England,
there were at least seven associations in Germany. In 1841
he had great joy in dedicating the Concordia, a build-
ing which was to be the religious centre of Bremen, where
the Tract Society, the Sunday school and the Y. M. C. A.
societies could have rooms. He endorsed prayer meetings
in his Church paper, for he said : ^^ Conventicles are not
only allowed, but necessary.'' He died in 1865. Before
he died, he quoted :
" Jesus, Thy blood and righteousness,
My beauty are, my glorious dress."
His last words were : " Christ is my life."
CHAPTER Y.— SECTION IV.
JOHN GEIBEL.
There were several other Reformed ministers in the
northern part of Germany, who bore witness against
Rationalism. The Lutheran superintendent, Zahn,
declared that '^ while the Lutheran Church had gone to
sleep on the arms of spiritual death, three Reformed min-
isters bore their witness for Christ, as the only Savior of
a lost world. These three were Menken of Bremen,
d'Aubigne of Hamburg, and Geibel of Lubeck." Others
might have been mentioned, as Palmis and Roquette at
Stettin, and Metgar at Stolp. The life of d'Aubigne, the
author of the famous History of the Reformation, does
not properly belong to Germany, but to Switzerland.
We can but refer to his brief stay of seven years as pastor
of the French Reformed church at Hamburg, where he
again brought the old forgotten gospel to his congrega-
tion. In that most rationalistic of cities he bore his testi-
mony for the truth and exerted a wide influence, espe-
cially on the upper classes. Of course the Rationalists
bitterly opposed him, but his consistory stood by him.
However, when vindicated by them, he resigned and went
to Brussels, and afterward to Geneva, where he published
his famous history.
514 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Passing still farther aloug the north coast of Ger-
many, we come to Lubeck. In this most Lutheran of
cities a Reformed congregation had been formed in 1666
of French refugees. This French church had become
German, and its pastor in this age of Rationalism (1798-
1847) was John Geibel. He was born at Hanau, April
1, 1776, and attended the university of Marburg, where
he formed a very close friendship for Daub. He came to
Lubeck as assistant to Butenbach, who had been a
Rationalist. But Geibel, although not yet a thoroughly
experimental Christian, soon put new life into the con-
gregation. He was now himself undergoing severe strug-
gles. Daub had influenced him and then Schleiermacher,
and even the Plymouth Brethren. Jacoby greatly
influenced him (urging him to gain assurance of faith), as
did Menken's works. Very earnestly did he study the
Bible, until in 1810 he came fully to a positive orthodox
position. On the first of January of that year he
preached on Acts 4: 12. ^^ There is salvation in none
other,'' he said. He wanted to know nothing but the
crucified Christ. From that time Christ and justification
by faith became the centre of his life and preaching. The
Word of God was to him the rule of faith, and he wanted
the whole Word of God, not the pericopes. As all the
other Lutheran ministers in Lubeck were at that time
Rationalists, many evangelical Lutherans attended his
services. He gained great reputation as a pulpit orator.
geibel's eloquence. 515
Many were awakened by his preaching, even ministers,
who had never been converted. Through prayer meet-
ings and free conferences of Christians at his home, he
increased his spiritual influence. Many strangers came
to Lubeck, so as to hear his eloquent witness for the
truth, for he was considered one of the most successful
champions of Biblical orthodoxy against Rationalism.
He aided in founding a tract and missionary society. He
issued a new hymn book in 1832, one of the best of its
time, and one of the first to replace the rationalistic hymn
books that had been so common. His popularity became
so great, that on his twenty-fifth anniversary the whole
city joined with the congregation in making a present of
gold to him. Because he had so many Lutherans coming
to his service, he had a new church built within the city.
Gradually, however, his audiences lessened. For the
novelty of his preaching had passed away. Besides, some
of the Lutheran pulpits began to have evangelical preach-
ers, so that many of his Lutheran attendants returned to
their own churches. He resigned in 1847, when the
Lutheran ministers, as well as his own Presbyterium, pre-
sented him with a memorial. He died suddenly, July
23, 1853. He was a faithful witness against Rational-
ism. When one of his sons was pastor at Brunswick and
was opposed by his associate, Petri, and the majority of
his congregation, the father came and preached a most
powerful sermon against Rationalism on 1 Corinthians
516 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
2:2.* A beautiful illustration in his life is told of
the conversion of the missionary Hebich. The latter
was a Lutheran, and came to Lubeck prejudiced against
the Reformed, but seeking light, for he had not yet been
converted. Although shy of the R-eformed, he came
under the influence of Geibel. Geibel's style of preaching
was new to him, but made a deep impression on him, and
Geibel's prayers, which were talks with Jesus, were a
revelation to him. He was offended at first by such
boldness before God, but heard by and by a voice saying
to him : ^^ This is that same Jesus, in which thy sins are
forgiven. '^ And when Hebich began to feel like going as
a foreign missionary, it was to Geibel he went for advice,
rather than to the Luthern pastors. Geibel urged him to
2:0. Thus from Geibel Hebich gained the beo-innino-s of
his useful life among the heathen. One of Geibel's sons
was the famous German poet, Emanuel Geibel.
* The Reformed Confederation of Lower Saxony decided against his son.
CHAPTER Y.— SECTIOlSr Y.
ANHALT AND LIPPE.
These two small Reformed lands in Northern Ger-
many had their strnggles and their defenders of the faith.
In Auhalt Rationalism entered and gained great power.
Bash uy sen, the superintendent of Zerbst, went so far as
to declare that reason, from which the Reformed had
demonstrated their doctrine of the Lord's Supper, was not
corrupted, and that by it God's Word could be tested.
But the old faith found a firm defender in Samuel L. E.
de Marees, who became Consistorialrath in 1760 of Des-
sau and court preacher. His grandfather had fled from
Holland, where he was also related to the prominent
Reformed family of Maresius. His other grandfather
was Professor Mieg of Heidelberg. He bitterly opposed
the Rationalism of Teller at Berlin, but aided in introduc-
ing a new hymn book, whicli allowed new hymns in it,
but was not rationalistic. Rationalism, however, grad-
ually gained the upper hand in Anhalt.
In Lippe, because the Reformed students attended
Reformed universities. Rationalism was slower in enter-
ing. But gradually some Rationalists appeared. Lewis
F. Coelln, appointed superintendent and Consistorialrath
518 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
by Princess Pauline, was a Rationalist. Gradually other
manuals of instruction were introduced and used (instead
of the Heidelberg Catechism), of which Coelln's was
rationalistic, " neither Christian nor Reformed.'^ The
manuals did not attack the old doctrines, but they did
worse, they did not mention them. Thus Jesus js called
" the Son of Mary,'' but nothing is said about His being
^^the Son of God." In 1820 there was an awakening in
the churches. And there was this remarkable fact about
it, that the greatest awakening took place in congrega-
tions which were most decidedly rationalistic.
The influence of this revival increased, until in 1844
five preachers, tired of the rationalistic catechisms, again
used the Heidelberg, and protested against the abolition
of the oath, which had required ministers to subscribe to
the Heidelberg Catechism. But Rationalism can perse-
cute like Romanism, and the Lippe consistory forbade the
Heidelberg Catechism, and these men were punished as
disturbers of the peace. As a result, some of the best
Reformed people of Lippe emigrated to America, rather
than give up tlieir old faith and their old catechism, and
settled in the West in Missouri and Wisconsin. But the
agitation continued. By 1848 the five orthodox ministers
had increased to twelve. They again made an effort to
reclaim the Church back to orthodoxy and the Heidel-
berg Catechism. In 1854 they again appeared before
the private councillor of their Prince. He, however.
LIPPE BECOMES ORTHODOX. 519
answered them that his Prince would not introduce a cate-
chism like the Heidelberg, which called the mass an
idolatry, because of fear of his Romish subjects. The
enemies of orthodoxy were therefore rejoicing already,
but the next councillor, Oheimb, restored the Heidelberg
Catechism and also the old Lippe Church Order of 1684,
as the creed and cultus of the Church. Thus the Lippe
Church regained its catechism and its Reformed con-
sciousness, but after a bitter and protracted contest.
CHAPTER Y.— SECTION VI.
THE FRENCH CHURCHES.
The churches planted by the French refugees in Ger-
many, were affected by the French Illuminism. In some
places their churches degenerated into mere resorts of
fashion, while the minister preached a humanitarian gos-
pel, in which rhetoric and oratory made up the sermon,
rather than the Gospel. The best tenor of the town was
engaged as cantor (singer), and they had the finest choir.
Rationalism then found them an easy field to conquer.
In one instance the congregation askied the minister to
preach not what he believed, but what they believed.
And at another place when a new minister was about to
be installed, they asked the question, '' Why do we need a
minister when each one is his own preacher," — a very
proper question for Rationalism to ask, but one that
reveals the ultimate end of infidelity, namely, that each
man can have his own belief and does not need any church
to prescribe its creed for him. This influence of Ration-
alism was unfortunately aided by the edict of Frederick
the Great, July 7, 1772, which registered as members of
the French colonies, French and Austrian soldiers who
had been taken prisoners in his wars, but did not want to
HUGUENOT DEMORALIZATION. 521
return to their lands. Although most of them were Rom-
anists, yet they were registered among the French colonies
of Germany, and therefore placed in the French churches.
The King did this to break up the strict church disci-
pline of the French churches. Thus German Lutherans,
French deserters, even monks, nuns and Jesuits, were
introduced into connection with the French churches. Of
course the church discipline, of which the French churches
prided themselves, w^as broken up. Frederick had no
sympathy with church discipline. He declared, ^^ that
every man had a right to go to heaven after his own fash-
ion.'^ He opposed the authority of the consistory, calling
the consistory at Magdeburg on one occasion, " a consis-
tory of asses." His motto was : '^ Always King, never
priest." If any member of the French churches were
punished, he had but to appeal to the King, and he
w^ould get redress. Under such circumstances the French
churches became demoralized. Rationalism and worldli-
ness came in together, for they are twins — the one of the
head, the other of the life. The result was that the French
churches suffered severely. Thirty-five French colonies
either went down or were swallowed up in German
churches. To show the prevalence of Rationalism in the
French colony in Berlin, the following illustrations are
given : The annual report of the Orphans' school from
1779 — 1812 does not mention the name of Jesus or of the
Holy Ghost, and the Holy Ghost is referred to only once.
34
522 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMAXY.
In the report of the opening of the French Theological
Seminary at Berlin in 1811, no mention is made of God
and of His Word or of repentance and faith. In a funeral
sermon by Erman, pastor of the French church at Berlin,
preached on his colleague, October 15, 1778, he never
referred to the fact that he was a preacher of Jesus Christ.
And when Erman ordained his son, April 1, 1781, neither
the name of Jesus nor of the Holy Ghost came into the
sermon. The students of the seminary were taught that
culture would save the world instead of the gospel. As a
result, in many places Rationalism did for the French
churches what the dragoons of Louis XIV. could not do.
It destroyed the bone and sinew of the congregation. Or-
thodoxy and Reformed consciousness all seemed lost.
Yet it must not be forgotten that there were eloquent
witnesses for the truth in many of the French churches.
Beausobre bore brave testimony, as we have already seen.
So did Naude and others at Berlin. There were, however,
several French ministers whose efforts are quite marked.
The first was Mark Phillip Louis O'Bearn at Halle.
Thus in the very city where Rationalism first started
under Wolff, the Reformed Church had its firm witness
for the truth. No wonder the Lutheran Pietists there
were very fond of the French Reformed Church, because
its pastor was so Biblical. Although Rationalism cap-
tured the university, and its influence was immense in the
town, yet O'Bearn still kept on preaching the simple gos-
o'bEARN at HALLE. 523
pel, notwithstanding its overshadowing influence. Even
when the German Reformed Church there was honey-
combed by Rationalism through Pauli, O'Bearn still
preached the old gospel. God had sent this Irishman to
preach French in a German city. His maternal grand-
father was a son of Admiral Duquesne of France, who,
when offered the position of Marshall by King Louis XIV.,
if he would join the Catholic Church, pointed to his white
hairs and said, " Your majesty, I have given sixty years
to what is Caesar's, permit me that I give to God what is
His." He received permission to spend his last days in
his territory, but his sons left France for their faith. His
granddaughter came to Halle to stay with an old sailor
who had fought under Admiral Duquesne at the bombard-
ment of Algiers. Here an Irish nobleman met her, and
their son became pastor at Halle. O'Bearn's witness was
as bold and brave as that of his great-grandfather. Ad-
miral Duquesne, in battle. The French, when they took
Halle in 1809, united the French with the German Re-
formed church, and turned the French church into a ware-
house. From that day the two congregations have
remained united, and worship in the cathedral. O'Bearn
was a learned man, especially in the Oriental languages.
His learning was respected by the Rationalists as his
orthodoxy and spirituality were by the orthodox. He once
preached against Schleiermacher's doctrine of redemption,
and Schleiermacher, when asked if O'Bearn's theory was
524 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
right, replied : " Not the theory, but the love/^ O'Bearn
died April 28, 1809, having borne his testimony at Halle
against Kationalism for forty-seven years. It is an inter-
esting fact that this Reformed congregation had the second
Sunday school in Germany (the first in the Reformed
Church), which was started in 1863, although some Piet-
ists had gathered some children together twenty years
before for singing and prayer, but they had been dispersed
by the police.
There was another man whom God sent to lead back
the French to the old faith, for which their fathers suf-
fered so much — John Henry, at first overseer of the royal
library at Berlin and then pastor at Potsdam. He tried
in every way to remind the French of their old Reformed
inheritance. To remind them of the Reformed faith for
which their ancestors had suffered, he published at his own
expense " The Journal of Jean Migault," a wonderful
record of the sufferings and of deliverance of one of the
Huguenots. At the festival of the refugees, October 29,
1826, he preached on Romans 3:1, warning them that
God would spew them out of His mouth, if they gave up
their old faith. He endeavored by preaching to deepen
their love for the old Gallic confession.
His son, Paul Emil Henry, followed in the footsteps
of his father. He was born at Potsdam, 1792, and studied
at Geneva, where he came under the influence of the
revival there in 1817. He was called as pastor of the
PAUL HENRY AT BERLIN. 525
French church at Berlin in 1826, a position which he held
till his death. In order to revive the Reformed conscious-
ness of the French, he published (1835-44) his life of John
Calvin in three volumes. It was a work of great research,
but " rather a collection of material for a biography than
a good biography.'' He also intended to publish the
letters of Calvin, of which he had gathered over 1400
unknown before, but his death prevented. However,
Bonnet attempted this after his death. He also had the
Gallic confession translated into German and reprinted
(1845) to show his congregation and the Germans what
their fathers believed. He was president of the French
Theological Seminary at Berlin and died suddenly after
giving the students a lecture on philosophy. He was a
strong Calvinist, a great admirer of the great reformer.
CHAPTER v.— SECTION VII.
PROFESSOR J. C. G. KRAFFT.*
Professor Krafft was a mighty witness for the truth,
for he not merely led to a revival of the Reformed Church
of Bavaria, but also of the great Lutheran Church of that
kingdom. He was born December 12, 1784, at Duisburg.
There he came under the influence of Rationalism. He
then became a private teacher at Frankford, where his
uncle, the pastor of the German Reformed church, exerted
a good influence over him in bringing him back to the old
faith. He then became pastor of a little Reformed con-
gregation at Weeze, near Cleve, 1808. His pastorate
there w^as filled with struggles in his mind to quiet his
doubts. He was glad to be called as professor at Erlangen,
1818, as it would give him more time to settle his theological
views. He dates his conversion from the year 1821. He
then became faithful in his preaching at Erlangen, as pas-
tor as well as professor, and became greatly interested in
missions.
* We might have mentioned him in connection with the Reformed univer-
sities in chapter II. of this book, but for two reasons : First, Erlangen was not
a Reformed university, but Lutheran, having only a Reformed professorship ;
and second, his influence against Rationalism was rather on the practical side
than on the intellectual.
krafft's influence. ' 527
The year 1824 was a critical year for him. His Pres-
byterium began opposing his aggressive labors, especially
his association with missionaries, for he had been in close
connection with the missionary society at Basle, but he
handled the matter so prayerfully and wisely that it even led
to the formation of a missionary society. In this eventful
year he had announced a course of lectures on pastoral
theology for the winter semester, without finding a single
hearer. He was about giving them up, when some of the
older students came and asked him for them. It was
soon evident that God^s Spirit was present in them. Large
numbers of students attended them. He began them with
prayer and a confession of his faith, which revealed his
positive position. The next year he lectured on Missions,
the first professor in Germany to do this — long before
Wichern called the attention of Germany to Home Mis-
sions. He also lectured on Biblical Dogmatics. He was
not only a teacher in the class-room, but from his pulpit
as well. He founded his sermons deep on God's Word
and was a Biblical preacher. Perhaps his most influential
meetings were with the students on Sabbath noon, when
he would have a conference with them on the doctrines of
Christianity. These opened the eyes of many to the
truth. His earnestness, his sympathy and anxiety for
souls touched their hearts. He was to Erlangen what
Tholuck was to Halle, and Bengel had been to Tubingen.
The Rationalists might sneer at him as a Pietist and a
628 THE REFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMAN^Y.
Mystic, but his work told. For the young men who sat
at his feet, went out to become leaders in the Church of
Bavaria. He wrote a ^' Harmony of the Gospels," which
sought to explain the difficulties of Christ's life. He
founded a Bible Society in 1825, which in three years dis-
tributed 650 Bibles. His house became a religious centre.
There ministers, evangelists and missionaries, passing
through, stayed. ^' He was a truly apostolic man, whose
very appearance was a silent sermon on the strength of God
within him, a rare saint, a man of God." He thus became
the spiritual renovator of Bavaria. Just as in North Ger-
many, so here in South Germany, while the Lutheran
Church had fallen asleep through Bationalism, the Re-
formed Church most boldly bore its testimony and led to a
return to the old faith. Prof J. C. K. Yon Holman (for
ten years the head of the faculty at Erlangen) said that
Krafft was his spiritual father. Dr. Stahl, the lawyer and
councillor, who was destined to go to Berlin and break up
Hegelianism,* in an address before the General Synod of
Berlin in 1846, placed Krafft on a level with Speuer and
Wilberforce, and said, ^' The man who built up the Church
of my fatherland, the most apostolic man I ever met in my
life, Pastor Krafft, was a strict adherent to the Heidelberg
Catechism. Whether he carried it in his pocket, I know
not, but this I know, that he caused a spring time to bloom
throughout the whole land, whose fruit will ripen for
* See History of Berlin, 879.
529
eternity.'' At another time in the Augsburg Universal
paper Stahl said, " In Erlangen labored a man seldom
found in our times, without specially stimulating and
intellectual gifts, but with great strength and energy of
Avill, of simple faith in the Word of God, he was for the
whole land of Bavaria a leaven which leavened the whole
loaf." He died May 15, 1845.
We thus see that the Reformed Church had many
witnesses, faithful and true, against Rationalism. She
need not be ashamed of her testimony. Its fruits, how-
ever, will be known only in eternity.
CHAPTER YI.
THE MEDIATING THEOLOGY.
At the beginning of this century two Reformed pro-
fessors were prominent as leaders of thought, Charles
Daub of Heidelberg, and F. D. E. Schleiermacher of Ber-
lin. Both were aiming to build the bridge between faith
and unbelief, so as to lead the world back to Christ.
SECTION I.
CHARLES DAUB.
He was a Hessian by birth, having been born at Cas-
sel, March 20, 1765. He studied at Marburg, but was
troubled with doubts, which even the prayers of his influ-
ential friends with him and for him did not take away.
He then became professor at Marburg, but because of
his Kantianism he found it best to resign. And so he
accepted a call to Heidelberg in 1795, where he taught
for 41 years. He was a very versatile philosopher and
receptive theologian. He had been called the Tallyrand
of German philosophy, because he passed from one school
to another with such great ease. ^^ In him the dialectic
progress of modern philosophy is personified." He was
first a follower of Kant, as was shown by his catechetics.
But in 1805 his " Heterodoxy and Orthodoxy'' appeared,
daub's vacillations. 531
in which he reveals himself a follower of Fichte, as does
his " Introduction to Christian Dogmatics.'^ Then when
Hegel became professor at Heidelberg, Daub was not
too old to be influenced by him.* Like the Pantheistic
philosophy, which resolved history into ideas, and made
it fashionable to connect metaphysical ideas with persons
in the gospels, Daub deduced Jesus as the embodiment
of the philosophical doctrine of the union of God and man,
and Judas as the embodiment of a rival God. His last
work, the " Doctrinal Theology of Modern Times'' (1833),
Strauss calls " the hell of Dante heated with doctrinal sys-
tems, etc., of the last sixty years, in which Supernatural-
ists are roasted by the side of Rationalists, as the spirit of
Hegel accompanies him through it, just as the spirit of
Virgil led Dante."
But Daub, though a most profound and suggestive
thinker, did not found a school of his own, for he was too
abstract to do that, and he was receptive rather than form-
ative. He pitilessly scourged Rationalism, yet his v/hole
position was, as Ebrard says, Pantheizing. His desire to die
in his professional chair w^as granted, for on November 19,
1836, he had an apoplectic stroke while lecturing, just after
he had uttered the words, " Life is not the highest good."
He died three days later, closing a life of genuine piety
and brilliant speculation.
* Kahnis says : " His Judas Iscariot (1816-18) displayed a supernaturalism
of speculation almost bordering on Manicheism. It shows his struggle with
Hegel, but the latter triumphed.
CHAPTER YI.— SECTION 11.
FREDERICK D. E. SCHLEIERMACHER.
AVhat Daub was not able to do, Schleiermacher did.
He built the bridge for Rationalism to return to Christi-
anity. Two tendencies revealed themselves in the Pan-
theistic thought that came up at the beginning of this cen-
tury, the one inclining toward faith, the other leading
away from it. The latter was Hegelianism, whose ulti-
mate end was the mythical theory of Strauss. The for-
mer was Schleiermacherism.
Schleiermacher was the son of an earnest, orthodox Re-
formed chaplain, ''^ who, to prevent his son from falling
into the Rationalism which filled the universities, sent him
to the Moravian school at Niesky, and two years later to
their school at Barby. Although Schleiermacher was
quite young when there (15-19 years of age), yet the effect
of his early Moravian training he never got over during
all his life. Following them, he made feeling the root of
religion, and following Zinzendorf, he made his theology
Christocentric, which was the one feature of his theology
that saved it. But even at Barby he began to speculate
* It is remarkable how many prominent Germans were sons of Reformed
ministers, as Hengstenberg, who, however, went over to Lutheranism, and Gei-
bel, the great poet, and others.""
schleiermacher's discourses. 53S
and have doubts. He became dissatisfied with the Mo-
ravian view of Christ's atonement and of eternal punish-
ment. So against the wish of his father, he left Barby
and went to the university of Halle, where he lived with
an uncle and heard lectures as he pleased. Here he
remained two years, and came more and more under
the influence of speculation and Pantheism. After teach-
ing a few years, he became (1794) assistant pastor at
Landsburg and (1794) pastor of the Charite at Berlin.
During all this time he had been assiduously follow-
ing the study of philosophy, begun at Halle, and in 1799
he published his famous pamphlet, ^^ Discourses on Re-
ligion." This produced a marvellous impression on the
youth of Germany and saved many from infidelity, a&
Werner, to whom religion had appeared a riddle before.
In it he said he came not as a minister, but as one who
had fought down his doubts. He called attention to the
fact which Rationalism had forgotten, that religion is an
independent element in man's nature, and that it was not
the knowing, but the feeling, that refers all the phenomena
of the universe to the spirit of the universe, and that in
religion the original unity of man with the universe is
restored. But while this book was providentially over-
ruled for good, it is evident, as the Reformed court
preacher Sack charged, that he made so many concessions
to Pantheism, and it had a Pantheistic as well as Christian
basis. The older Rationalists attacked him bitterly, and
534 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
some even went so far as to play on his name, which
meant a " maker of veils/^ and intimated that he veiled
a hidden Pantheism under his work. He did, it is true,
assign to Christianity too low a place, for he made it one
among other religions, and not the pre-eminent one, and
said that a more perfect form of it is to be expected.
In 1802 he became Reformed court preacher at Stolp,
and in 1804 processor of theology in the little French
Reformed Theological Seminary at Halle. Here he begins
to show a more decided Christian standpoint, for in his
^' Christmas Celebration" (1806) he makes Christ the
heavenly centre of all religions. In 1809 he was made
professor in the new university of Berlin, and in 1817 lost
to the Reformed Church in the Union. His dogmatics,
published 1821, revealed his completed theological sys-
tem. Space forbids our going into an extended descrip-
tion of his views, nor is it necessary, for he became not a
theologian of the Reformed Church, but the founder of
the mediating school of theology. Suffice it to say that
there were three main characteristics of his theology : (1)
Feeling as the ground of religion ; (2) theology centers in
Christ ; (3) pantheizing basis of bringing God and man
together, and of explaining the trinity and atonement
Christology.* His mediating theology aimed to mediate
on two points : (1) Between faith and unbelief (to do that
* See Ebrard Church History, Vol. IV., page 26 ; Schaff-Herzog Encyclo-
pedia, Vol. I., page 462, or Introduction to the Study of German Theology
by Matheson.
THE MEDIATING THEOLOGY. 535
it bad to concede some fundamental positions, and he did
so by making redemption as something done in us, ratber
tban for us, etc.), and (2) between tbe Lutheran and the
Reformed dogmatic positions (for bis dogmatics were the
dogmatics of the United Church, not of the Reformed,
and to do this he had to give up some Reformed positions
to satisfy the Lutherans). In a word, he aimed to be
broad in views and sympathies, even at tbe expense of
strictly Reformed positions.
More important for us is it to discover the effect of
Schleiermacher and tbe pantheistic philosophy of the early
part of this century on the theologians of the Reformed
Church. Tbe school of Schleiermacher, like Hegel, split
into two wings, a right and a left. The Reformed who
joined the right wing, w^ere Ullman, Rothe and Lange.
^' They held,'' as Kahnis says, '' that Christianity is not
essentially doctrine, as rationalists and supernaturalists
had one-sidedly held, nor as law or morality, as Kant
bad asserted, nor redemption, as Schleiermacher would
have it, but as a union of man and God effected in the
person of its founder." Thus the mediating theology not
merely tried to mediate between opposing systems, but it
introduced a positive, new position into theology, namely
that the great problem of man and the great aim of God
was the union of man wdth God through Christ. This is
simply bringing into prominence one phase of Schleier-
macher's theology, his Christocentricity. But these Re-
536 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
formed theologians went farther, and held that this union
is brought about by Christ taking on Himself generic
humanity or the human race, and becoming the man of
the species. Thus Christ, the ideal man of Schleier-
macher, is rejDroduced as the real universal man by His
disciples, and an idea is made a reality. They thus make
Christ the second Adam, exactly like the first.*
Of this mediating theology it might be said that Ull-
man developed it dogmatically, Rothe ethically, and
Lange aesthetically of the Reformed theologians. Three
other Reformed theologians remain to be described. They
may be described as representing the three schools of Cal-
vinism (for the Supralapsarian view has been given up),
the Infralapsarian, Cocceian and Sublapsarian. The Sub-
lapsarian as represented by Prof. J. H. A. Ebrard, the Coc-
ceian by Prof. Henry Heppe, and the Infralapsarian by H.
Kohlbriigge. This is a convenient arrangement, although
on some minor points each has been affected by the drifts
of theology, and varies somewhat from the original
expression of these schools.
* This never can be doncj for the first Adam had no divine nature in him as
the second had. Again, could the one be the type of the other, if they were
exactly identical, for they would be identical, not typical ? There must be
some differences, so as to make them type and the antitype.
CHAPTER VI.— SECTION III.
CHARLES ULLMAN.
Ullman is the closest orthodox follower of Schleier-
macher among the Reformed. He was born at Epfen-
baeh in the Palatinate, March 15, 1796. In 1812 he
entered the university of Heidelberg, where he was
brought into contact with the pantheistic tendencies of
philosophy by Hegel and Daub. But the pious Abegg
exerted a blessed influence on him to correct these views.
He then, at Daub's suggestion, attended the Lutheran
university of Tubingen, where he came into contact with
the Pietists of Wurtemberg. He was licensed (1816) and
the next year was assistant atKirchheim. But his exam-
iners, among them Hegel, urged him to become a profes-
sor, instead of a pastor ; so he began his studies again and
went to the newly founded university of Berlin. Here,
under Schleiermacher, Neander and DeWette he came
thoroughly under the influence of the mediating theology.
Schleiermacher gave him its theology, Neander its his-
tory and DeWette its criticism. He was more affected
by Schleiermacher's teachings than any one of the stu-
dents, except Nitsch.
35
538 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
In 1819 he returned to Heidelberg as lecturer, and in
1821 became professor extraordinary. Here he found it
somewhat difficult to maintain his position, for most of
the students followed the speculative Daub, or the ration-
alistic Paulus. In 1825 he published his Gregory Nazi-
anzen, the most complete monograph that had as yet
appeared on any of the Church fathers, and it gave him a
great reputation. In 1828 he, with Umbreit, founded the
magazine '' Studien und Kritiken" as the organ of the
Mediating School. The first essay with which Ullman
opened it, was on ^' The Sinlessness of Jesus." It was an
apologetic, based, says Beyschlag, on the central position
of Schleiermacher's dogmatics. It rested the proof of the
divinity of Jesus on His sinlessness. This, like the
whole mediating theology of which it is* the centre, gives
a good apologetic centre, but a poor dogmatic centre for
the development of Biblical and spiritual truth, as it is
defensive, and not peculiarly spiritual and devotional.
This work passed through seven editions by 1863.
Ullman had thus gained so great a reputation that
Prussia was now determined to o:aiu him for one of her
large universities. In 1829 he was called to Halle, where
he aided Tholuck in overcoming: the old Rationalism.
But he was not satisfied there and longed for the beautiful
mountain city of Heidelberg, whose university was receiv-
ing new vigor by the appointment of men like Rothe.
He returned therefore to Heidelberg in 1836. In reply to
CHARLES ULLMAN. 539
Strauss' " Life of Christ/' he wrote " Historic or Mythic''
(1838). His '^ Reformers Before the Reformation," the
best historic justification of the Protestant Church,
appeared in 1842. In 1845 his Essence of Christianity
appeared, which reveals his mediating theology, as
described above. This passed rapidly through four edi-
tions. Like Schleiermacher, he defines Christianity as
life derived from its founder. ^^ The Greek received it as
doctrine, the Latin as law, and the Protestant as redemp-
tion and spiritual liberty. These conceptions were true
as far as they go, but they do not go far enough. The
whole truth is, that Christianity as a perfected religion
unites God and man." He was appointed prelate of the
United Church of Baden in 1853, which brought him into
bitter conflicts with the Rationalists, and he resigned in
1861. He died January 12, 1865, with the verse "O
sacred Head, now wounded" on his lips.
CHAPTER VI.— SECTION IV.
RICHARD ROTHE.
Closely allied with Ullman was Richard Rothe, the
ethical theologian and one of the most speculative minds
of this century. Next to Schleiermacher he has done
more to quicken German thought than any one else. But
no creed, not even the Heidelberg Catechism, could con-
fine him within its bounds. He was born January 28,
1799, and attended the Reformed gymnasium at Breslau
and (1817) the university of Heidelberg. There Abegg's
preaching seemed to affect him more than Daub's lectures.
In 1819 he went to the university of Berlin, but he did
not like it as well as Heidelberg. He enjoyed Neander,
but not Schleiermacher. But he felt that he must con-
struct a system of theology for himself, instead of taking
any one else's. In Berlin he was fortunately brought
into contact with Baron Von Kottwitz, the leader of the
Berlin pietists. The theological seminary at Wittenberg,
which he next attended, also influenced him toward Pietism.
And yet he was rather a Pietist of conscience than of expe-
rience. He was called as chaplain of the German embassy
at Rome (1823) by Bunsen. Here his views became
broader. His naturally speculative mind asserted itself
541
above bis Pietism, aud be became bis own sort of a
believer.
He returned to Germany (1828) as director of tbe
Wittenberg Seminary. His acute exegesis of Romans 5 :
12 — 21 gave bim fame, and in 1839 be was called as pro-
fessor to Heidelberg. Here be became a true successor
of tbe speculative Daub. In 1845 be went to Bonn as
professor for five years, but resigned, as be did not want
to be Consistorialratb, but only professor. He became
active in tbe ecclesiastical affairs in Baden, surprising tbe
Evangelicals by going over to tbe camp of tbe enemy and
aiding Scbenkel, because be loved liberty better tban
ortbodoxy.
His Tbeological Etbics, 1845-8, was bis greatest work,
and reveals tbe progress of tbe Mediating tbeology. If
tbe sinless person of Cbrist is made tbe centre of tbeologi-
cal tbinking, it will produce an etbical tbeology. In
barmony witb tbis, Rotbe beld ^^ tbat religion and morals
are identical, and no Cbristian doctrine is complete, unless
it ends in action ; and on tbe otber band, no action of
man is really complete, unless illuminated by Cbristian
doctrine.'' Tbese beautiful ideas be applied practically to
Cbristian motives and duties, and also to tbe state, bold-
ing tbat tbe laws of tbe state were to be filled witb Cbris-
tian ideas or doctrines. Tbis led to tbe logical conclu-
sion tbat tbe state sbould ultimately absorb tbe Cburcb, as
tbe state becomes more and more permeated witb Cbristian
542 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ideas. This was a bold conception, and led him to be criti-
cised on many sides, as by the Eomanists, who held the oppo-
site view — that the state is to be absorbed in the Church.
In his doctrinal ideas, as revealed in his Ethics and Dog-
matics, he wanders far from the old Reformed positions.
He abandons the old doctrine of the trinity and the Christ-
ology of Chalcedon, although he admits the divinity of
Christ, but holds to a gradual incarnation theory, and
also to annihilationism. His system reveals great breadth
of thought. No Christian idea and no phase of Christian
faith is forgotten in it. And yet in all his speculations
he remained a simple-hearted Christian. However far
his mind might wander, or however high his speculation
might soar, he still confessed that he knew no other
ground as the anchor of his soul but Jesus Christ.*
* We have space only to refer to Schenkel, who was called to Heidelberg
from Basle as a Reformed professor. But he soon left the orthodox Reformed
position. His Dogmatics was written from the standpoint of the conscience.
His influence as a Rationalist swung the university of Heidelberg completely
over into their hands.
CHAPTER VI.— SECTION V.
JOHN PETER LANGE.
The aesthetic theologian of the mediating school of the
Eeformecl Church was Lange, the poetical theologian and
the theological poet, the most important Reformed hymn
writer of his age. He was born April 10, 1802, at Sonn-
born, near Elberfeld. Every dollar he earned, he took to
Elberfeld to buy books. He aided his father, who was a
wagon-master, and often thought of becoming a merchant.
This desire led him to study French, which by and by led
him to Voltaire, whose works led him to Rationalism. The
new assistant pastor, Kalthof, who came there in 1819,
saw his talents and urged him to study theology. He
went in 1821 to the Diisseldorf gynmasium, where his
poetical talents early showed themselves in his parody on
the '^Singer of Goethe.^' In 1822 he went to Bonn uni-
versity, where he came under the influence of the mediat-
ing theology of Nitzsch. In 1825 he became assistant
pastor to Emil Krummacher at Langenberg. Then he
Avas called to Wald, near Solingen, 1826, and 1828 as
pastor to Langenberg.
Here he was active in literary as well as pastoral
labors. The first volume of his " Biblical Poems^'
544 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY,
appeared, and in it his beantifnl Easter hymn, ^^ Der
Herr ist auferstanden" :
The Lord of life is risen :
Sing, Easter heralds, sing,
He bursts His rocky prison ;
Wide let the triumph ring.
In death no longer lying,
He rose, the Prince, to-day ;
Life of the dead and dying,
He triumphed o'er decay.
Around Thy tomb, O Jesus,
How sweet the Easter breath ;
Hear we not in the breezes,
" Where is thy sting, O Death ?"
Dark hell flies in commotion,
The heavens their anthems sing ;
While far o'er earth and ocean
Glad hallelujahs ring.
Oh, publish this salvation,
Ye heralds, through the earth,
To every buried nation,
Proclaim the day of birth.
Till, rising from their slumbers
In long and ancient night,
The countless heathen numbers
Should hail the Easter light.
Hail ! hail ! our Jesus risen !
Sing, ransomed brethren, sing !
Through death's dark, gloomy prison
Let Easter chorals ring.
Haste, haste, ye captive legions,
Accept your glad reprieve ;
Come forth from sin's dark regions —
In Jesus' kingdom live.
He also wrote a work rejdying to the high predestina-
rian views of F. W. Krummacher, in which he holds to
J. p. LANGE. 545
universal atonement. In 1832 he was called to Duisburg,
where he published his second volume of Biblical poems,
which contain his beautiful hymns, " Sei Du mein Freund"
and '' Mein Weg kommt von der Wiege.'^ In 1836 he
wrote his " History of Christ's Infancy/' directed against
Strauss, which gave him fame. In 1839 he visited Switz-
erland, where his aesthetic nature was charmed by the
beauty and grandeur of the scenery. When the uprising
of the Swiss against Strauss at Zurich prevented Strauss
from accepting a professorship at Zurich, Lange was called
there by the new conservative government, who had heard
of his ability through his work against Strauss. But as
Strauss still had many friends there, he found his posi-
tion difficult at first. Nevertheless he soon gained many
friends, so that when, after thirteen years, he left there,
even his enemies had become his friends. Here he pub-
lished (1849-52) his " Life of Christ," a masterly answer
to Strauss. Yet this work was attacked in the home of
his nativity by F. W. Krummacher, so that he Avas com-
pelled to defend himself. He also published his Dog-
matics, which reveal his speculative, poetical mind, and
also show him a unionistic, mediating theologian, rather
than a confessional Reformed theologian. His stay at
Zurich was also enriched by his ^^ History of German
Hymns, and Theory of Church Hymns," to which he added
another book of poems, in which are his famous hymns,
" Hoerst Du die Glocke der Ewigkeit ?" and " Nun weisz
ich eiuen sicheren Ort."
546 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
In 18e54 he went back to Germany as professor at
Bonn, in Dorner's place. He became a member of the
united consistory in 1866 and a leader in the United
Church, taking an active part in Synods, conferences,
diets, etc. But his commentaries were his greatest work.
These were an immense undertaking. He labored at
them for more than twenty years. He engaged about
twenty commentators, but wrote commentaries on fifteen
books himself. His commentary is a master-piece of
industry, combining knowledge and criticism, poetical
flights and philosophical speculations, in which sometimes
his views are fanciful, rather than correct. He aims to
combine both the ideal and real ; thus at one time the
devil is an ambiguous term, the ideal of the evil princi-
ple, and at another a personal spirit. The criticism that
has been made on Lange is that he was too much of a
poet to be a theologian, and too much of a theologian to
be a poet. His poetical, aesthetic nature often obscures,
rather than clears, his dogmatic perceptions.
In his Dogmatics (1849-52) he declared that the-
ology must start from a knowledge of man's nature, which
he says has a three-fold consciousness, like God. The
incarnation is an eternal truth realized in Christ. The
Son at the incarnation took not an individual nature, but
humanity. A peculiarity of his Christology is his dis-
tinction between Christ's day and night consciousness,
which is fanciful and poetical, rather than clear. He
LANGE^S THEOLOGY. 547
holds to kenosis, but in such a mild form that the doc-
trine limits Christ substantially in the use, rather than
the possession, of His divine attributes. Thus in various
ways he reveals his divergence from the confessional
Reformed position and his adherence to the mediating
theology. His Lutheranizing tendencies are shown in his
views of the Lord's Supper, where he speaks of the glori-
fied Christ coming down on earth to the communicant, to
confer on him the power of His body. He says, " This
requirement, ignored by Calvin, Luther carried out from
the beginning of his doctrine, that in the bread and wine
the true body and blood of Christ is actively received by
the believer.''*
This mediating theology was accepted by Rev. Dr.
Philip Schaff. He had been trained in Switzerland after
the confessional Reformed consciousness had been forgot-
ten in the fierce conflict with Rationalism, and only a gen-
eral Evangelical belief, rather than Reformed, remained,
especially in the northeastern cantons. He went to Ber-
lin and became an ardent follower of Neander and the
mediating school. He introduced the mediating theology
* John Jacob Herzog, a Swiss by birth, became prominent as a Reformed
professor at Halle and Erlangen. He was more noted as a historian than a
theologian. But his great work was his Theological Encyclopaedia, begun at
Halle, 1854, and ended at Erlangen, 1866, publirhed in 21 volumes. In this
he wrote not less than 529 articles himself. He also published a second edi-
tion of it. It was written from an Evangelical standpoint, although the posi-
tions of the rationalist are very fairly stated. It was an immense undertak-
ing, and will ever remain a monument to his industry, learning and breadth
of sympathy, as well as orthodox position in theology.
548 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to America. Rev. Dr. J. W. Neviu became a follower of
Ullman, part of one of whose works he translates as the
first chapter in his Mystical Presence, and on which he
builds his theology. But UUman's theology was not rated
in Germany as confessional Reformed theology, but as
mediating unionistic, tinged with concessions to Lutheran-
ism, especially on the sacraments.
CHAPTER VI.— SECTION VI.
JOHN HENRY AUGUSTUS EBRARD.
He was born at Erlangen, January 18, 1818. His
father was of Huguenot ancestry and pastor of the French
Reformed church there, the predecessor of the pious Pro-
fessor Kraift, under whose ministry the pious boy grew
up and received his religious impressions. He attended
the university of Erlangen, and became private doceut
there. When only twenty-three years of age, he wrote a
reply to Strauss, " A Scientific Critique of the Gospel
History,'' which reached three editions and gave him a
reputation, so that when only twenty-six years of age, he
was called as professor of theology at Zurich university,
where he remained five years. Here he published his
" History of the Doctrine of the Lord's Supper," which
is especially important in his description of Zwingli's
views. To investigate these, his residence at Zurich gave
him peculiar opportunities. In 1848 he was called back
to Erlangen to succeed Professor Krafft. Here he pub-
lished his Dogmatics, 1851. Then he was made Consis-
torialrath at Spires in 1853. Of his conflicts with the
Rationalists there, we have not time to speak. Suffice it
to say that he resigned and was back at Erlangen in
1861.
550 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
For a number of years no place seemed to be open to
him, for the rationalistic opposition to him made all his
efforts to secure a position suitable to his ability in vain.
Still his literary activity was very great. In 1864 he
published his ^^ Practical Theology." In it he holds that
practical theology was not the fourth of the departments
of theology, as it is usually rated, but the entire theology
under the aspect of art, as distinct from science. Theol-
ogy was first science, and then art, which cares for practi-
cal activities, basing itself, however, on scientific knowl-
edge. His was a varied genius. He also wrote poems, as
the twenty-four Psalms. He composed novels under
various pseudonymes like Gottfried Flamberg, Sigmund
Sturm, etc. He wrote Huguenot tales, and in " Einer ist
euer Meister" (One is your Master) he tells the romance
of the birth of the Reformed Church at Heidelberg in the
sixteenth century. In 1875 he was called to the French
Reformed church at Erlangen, of which his father had
been pastor before Krafft. His crowning work was his
"Apologetics," 1874-75. In it he completely annihilates
all anti-Christian systems. Few men of his day could
have produced such an array of facts from all sources and
philosophies, wrought them together in such logical and
lucid order, and made them tell so effectively. It reveals
wide reading, magnificent grasp of thought, acute reason-
ing united to grim humor. It was the master-piece of
apologetics of his day.
551
Theologically Ebrard claimed to belong to the Sub-
lapsarian school of Calvinism. Being of Huguenot
descent, he gloried in his theological standpoint ^^as
Reformed orthodox in the sense of the Loudon Synod of
1660, which declared Amyraldism to be highly orthodox. '^
He claims that this was the position of the German
Reformed Church.* In harmony with the Sublapsarians,
Ebrard believes in the universality of the atonement over
against limited atonement, and holds to redemptive Cal-
vinism, rather than a theological or anthopological Cal-
vinism, like Augustine or Calvin had done.
But while Ebrard may be called an Amyraldian in
his general position, on two important points he reveals
himself as influenced by the philosophic thought of this
century. First he was influenced by Thomasius, who was
professor at the same university of Erlangen, to hold the
view of kenosis, which meant that Christ^s divinity lim-
ited itself to His humanity. He held, however, that
w^hile the Logos reduced Himself to the dimensions of a
man. He at the same time retained and exercised His
divine perfections, in order to harmonize the problem.
*• We could wish that his statements were true, for our view is that of Sub-
lapsarian Calvinism as being the biblical view. But facts abundantly prove
that both the German and the Swiss Reformed Churches were higher Calvin-
ists, and that the Federal school was in the ascendent during most of their his-
tory. Schweitzer is right against Ebrard in saying that the Reformed Church
was predestinarian, although we do not believe, in his pantheistic sense. While
Ebrard is right against Schweitzer, that the German Church had different
schools of Calvinism, instead of a high Calvinistic school only, he is wrong in
not making the Cocceian the most prominent.
552 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
How the same individual mind can be finite and infinite,
ignorant and omniscient, he explains by saying that eter-
nity and time are not parallel. But suppose they are not
parallel, how does that explain it ? It is verbal quib-
bling, which cannot explain so profound a philosophical
problem.''' In becoming a kenotist, he departs from the
historic Reformed position, for kenotists have never his-
torically been a party among Reformed dogmatists. The
kenotic controversy occurred rather in the Lutheran
Church between the universities of Giessen and Tubingen,
in the early part of the sixteenth century, which reveals
that kenosis was the development of the Lutheran
eutychianizing tendencies, which the Reformed rejected.
The proper Reformed view was occultation, that the
divinity was voluntarily hidden behind the humanity,
like the sun in an eclipse.
Ebrard was also influenced by the mediating theology,
so that Kahnis even reckons him among the unionistic
theologians, rather than the Reformed. He evidently
aimed to adapt the Reformed views to the mediating
theology on some points. Thus he holds that Christ
came to earth to start a new race and took on Himself
generic humanity, and this theanthropic life has come
down to us through the Church. At baptism regeneration
is begun by the infusion of this theanthropic life, which is
•* For a full statement of his views, see Bruce's Humiliation of Christ, page
414-5.
553
further communicated to the communicant through the
Lord\s Supper. Ebrard, however, differed from Nevin,
(as Dorner did in his criticisms on Nevin). While Ebrard
conceded the idea of the theanthropic life, yet he is careful
to claim that the union between this theanthropic life and
the believer is by faith, and not by the mere sacramental
act ;* and he gives a larger efficiency to the Holy Spirit
in linking our faith to Christ's humanity, than does the
mechanical theory of Nevin. In his " Practical Theol-
ogy'' he opposes any high Church sacramentarian views.
After saying that '^ he who once becomes a Puseyite, will
soon be a Papist," he says : '^ The preaching of the Gos-
pel has lost its charm, the people must be attracted and
wrought upon by responsive service and the riches of
liturgical forms. ^ O foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched
you?"'t He died July 23, 1888. It seems unfortunate
that so profound a thinker should have been circum-
scribed by rationalistic and Lutheran influences to a
small university and a limited sphere.
■■• Ebrard's Dogmatics, Section 531 .
t See Reformed Church Monthly, April, 1875.
36
CHAPTER VI.— SECTION YIL
HENRY LEWIS JULIUS HEPPE.
Henry Heppe was born at Cassel, March 30, 1820.
He early desired to become a minister, but poverty hin-
dered. Still in spite of it, he struggled to gain his aim.
He studied at the gymnasium at Cassel and the univer-
sity of Marburg, and was called in 1843 as senior pastor
of the St. Martin's church of Cassel. Here his earnest
sermons drew large audiences. He early revealed his
great industry and his inclination to historical studies.
For at Cassel he gained access to the historical archives,
which he so wonder \illy developed in his Church Histo-
ries of Hesse. In 1847 he published his History of the
General Synods of Hesse. In 1849 his love for study
led him to resign his pastorate and go to Marburg, where
in 1850 he became a professor extraordinary, although
receiving only $225, which he divided with his parents,
who found a home with him. In 1852 the university, in
recognition of his historical labors, gave him the degree of
Doctor of Divinity. He was .the youngest person then
holding that degree in Germany. His controversy with
Vilmar, as to whether the Hessian Church was .Reformed
or Lutheran, we will refer to later. In his History of
555
German Protestantism (1853-9) he held that the original
Lutheran Church of Germany was Melancthonian, and
that the high Lutherans were only a party in that
Church, who came up afterward and finally gained con-
trol of the Church, while the original Lutheran party
(Melancthonian) continuel itself in the Reformed Church,
which as German Reformed differed from the Reformed
Churches in other lands by its lower view of the predesti-
nation and its higher view of the sacraments. With this
theory his later books are tinged. He, however, does not
make out either of his points. As to the first, that the
early Lutherans were Melancthonian, Luther's views on
predestination and the slavery of the will abundantly dis-
prove it, though it is to be noticed that the different schools
of Lutherans did not separate from each other till after
Luther's death. (Of the Melancthonianism of the Re-
formed Church we will speak in Book VIL) Heppe con-
tinued his diligent labors. His History of Pietism vir-
tually created that branch of Church history. He pub-
lished his Confessions of the Reformed Church of Ger-
many, then his Dogmatics, and also a Life of Beza in the
" Fathers of the Reformed Church" series, also a History
of the Evangelical Church of Cleve, Mark and West-
phalia, Church History of the Two Hesses, the latter
gaining him the greatest approval, even the investi-
ture by the Landgrave of the Order of Philip, first class.
Through the intense opposition of the Hassenpflug-Yilmar
556 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ministry, he was not appointed as a regular professor at
Marburg till 1864. He died July 25, 1879, after having
heard his favorite hymn, " Jesus, meine Zuversicht.'^
As a theologian he occupies the Cocceian position.
While in history he was Melancthonian, in Dogmatics he
belonged to the Federal school. His Dogmatics rather
gives the material for a Dogmatics, than is a Dogmatics
itself. But its central principle was the covenants. He
teaches unconditional predestination and the election of a
certain number. He says, " while therefore the divine
decree is the being and willing of God Himself, it is con-
ditioned by nothing, but is absolute, eternal and unchange-
able. In no wise can the ground of election be found in
anything outside of God, neither in the will of man, nor in
the use of the means of grace, nor in the foreseen faith of
the regenerated, nor in his diligence in mortification, also
not in the merits of Christ, but only in the benevolence
of God." He holds that a part of the human race are
elected, and that there is reprobation. As to Christ's
death he holds to limited atonement.* His Dogmatics,
with their valuable extracts from Reformed Dogmati-
cians, is an admirable historical compend of Reformed
dogmatics. Everywhere he speaks of the covenants.
* See Dogmatics, pages 111-114 and 328.
CHAPTER YI.— SECTIO^^ VIII.
THE INFRALAPSARIAN SCHOOL.
A last school of Reformed theology in our day is the
Infralapsarian. This was represented by Kohlbriigge.
God's sovereignty is emphasized, but exhibited rather as
a comfort and ground of hope, than from the standpoint
of mere law and justice. In the doctrine of election of
grace, in common with the Reformed of Germany, he
emphasized the grace rather than the election, although he
made the latter the ground of the former. He did not
formulate his views into a Dogmatics, but they are revealed
in his published sermons. His son-in-law, Professor
Boehl, of the university of Vienna, has more fully formu-
lated his views in his Dogmatics and other works.
Kohlbriigge was closely followed by Professor John
Wichelhaus, who was professor at Halle in 1854. Al-
though he belonged to the state Reformed Church, yet he
sympathized w^ith Kohlbriigge. But he was permitted to
teach only four years, when he died. He left his impress
on his students, Professor Boehl of Vienna and the late
Rev. Mr. Bula of Switzerland. His theology is Biblical
and Calvinistic, as revealed in his lectures, published by
Dr. Adolph Zahn, who is also a strong adherent of the
558 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Kohlbriigge school, and whose excellent work on Deuter-
onomy, and also on Calvin, should be noticed. But Profes-
sor Edward Boehl of Vienna* is the most prominent liv-
ino* representative of this school. He was born at Ham-
burg, November 18, 1836, and became Reformed profes-
sor at Vienna, 1864. He is an able thinker and a strong
Calvinist. AVith him the decrees is the formative princi-
ple of Dogmatics, yet he holds that they should bring
man to humility, rather than to indifference. He agrees
with the Infralapsarians on limited atonement.
But this school of Kohlbriigge has been charged with
several peculiar tendencies. First, Kohlbriigge was
charged with antinomianism, because he so greatly
emphasized the grace of God, they said, as to leave man
nothing to do. Man is nothing. God is everything.
While some of his expressions seem unguarded, yet he
denied any antinomianism. He also held that Christ, in
becoming man, came under the law as a child of Adam
in the same way that any other child of Adam came under
the law. This has been understood to mean that Christ
took sinful nature in union v/ith his divinity. f AVhile
Boehl in his work on justification has been charged with
not sufficiently distinguishing sanctification and justifica-
* This university is in close touch with those of Germany, as it is a German
university.
-f This view was due to his theory of original sin, which made it a change
of relation, rather than a change of nature, and was the result of their empha-
sis on the objective side, to the exclusion of the subjective.
559
tion, he declared that justification is not merely a forensic
act^ but also a making him righteous, an actual transac-
tion. Righteousness implies a whole change of the sinner
before God, and so brings with it both regeneration and
sanctification."^
* It is greatly to be regretted that Professor Usteri died so soon at Erlan-
gen in 1890. His ability and industry gave promise of so much hope and
success. Professor Charles Miiller has been appointed his successor there in
1892, and bids fair to bring Reformed dogmatics again into prominence.
BOOK VI.
THE UNION.
CHAPTER I.
THE PRUSSIAIN UNION,
SECTION I.
EFFORTS AT UNION.
Church union had long been a dream; it now became
a reality. Three centuries (1529-1817) elapsed before it
was realized. The dream of Zwingli, when at Mar-
burg he held out his hand to Luther and was refused, was
fulfilled when the Prussian King ordered the union of the
Reformed and Lutherans into one Evangelical Church, to
take place October 31, 1817.
Conferences on union had been held in the past.
Bucer had been the apostle of union in the sixteenth cen-
tury, but all he could secure was a concord (the Witten-
berg Concord), not a union. In the next century three
conferences were held. One was held at Leipsic, March,
1631, between Hoe von Hoenegg with two other Luther-
ans and the Reformed court preachers, J. Bergius and J.
UNION EFFORTS. 561
CrociuSj and Superintendent Neuberger. They agreed on
the basis of the Augsburg Confession, and disagreed on
the Lord's Supper and predestination, but the conference
failed to produce a union. Then came John Dury with
his union efforts during the Thirty Years' War and after.
In July, 1661, another conference was held at Cassel
between the Reformed professors of Marburg, Curtius and
Hein, and the Lutheran professors of Rinteln, Musaeus
and Hennich. This was the most satisfactory conference
of all, for 'even the Lutherans were concessive. They
belonged to the mild Lutheran school of Calixtus. The
two denominations disagreed on the Lord's Supper and
predestination. This conference was remarkable for the
clear statement of the points of difference, for the excel-
lent spirit shown and the agreement to treat each other as
brethren. The following year, August 21, 1662, the
Elector of Brandenburg ordered a conference between the
Reformed and Lutheran ministers of Berlin — between
Stosch and other Reformed ministers, and Reinhardt and
Paul Gerhardt of the Lutherans, but it failed to bring
about a union. In 1703 another conference was held at
Berlin between Strimesius and Jablonsky for the Re-
formed, and Winkler for the Lutherans. (Jablonsky was
a Moravian bishop, who was also the Reformed court
preacher. He it was who ordained Zinzendorf (1731), and
thus linked the later Moravians with the old Bohemian
brethren. The Moravians of to-day have a Reformed
562 THE REFOEMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
minister to thank for their succession of bishops.) This
conference was also a faikire. Then the subject of union
slept for a century, until 1817. In the union of 1817
several Reformed were prominent, as Schleiermacher, and
especially Eylert, the private court councilor to the King.
Francis Theremim, the great Reformed court preacher
and pulpit orator, whose treatise on Eloquence as a Vir-
tue is a classic, aided in preparing the hymn book for the
united Church. Yet one cannot help noticing that most
of these Reformed leaders for union were either inclined
to Rationalism, as Schleiermacher and Eylert, or to
Lutheranism, as Hengstenberg and Theremim. But the
Reformed received the union more heartily than the
Lutherans, for they were always more inclined to union.
Indeed the union was the work of the Reformed, because
it was a Reformed King who ordered it, and the concilia-
tory spirit of the Reformed that made in possible.
CHAPTER I.— SECTION 11.
THE NATURE OF THE UNION.
This is a difficult subject. The uniou might be an
absorption of the one denomination by the other, or a
fusion of the two into one, or a federation by which each
remained distinct. Exactly Avhich of these was meant,
was made more uncertain by the uncertain action of the
Prussian court. The first decree in 1817 made it a feder-
ation ; the next, 1830 (ordering the introduction of a
common liturgy), made it a fusion ; the third, 1834, made
it a federation by declaring that the union did not mean
the abolition of the creeds of the individual Churches.
This meant that the Reformed should retain their creed
and cultus, as before the union.
We confess that Ave have had great difficulty in under-
standing the union, just because it might mean so many
different things. The fact was that there were different
kinds of union. Thus the lowest kind of union was sac-
ramental union, where the Lutherans and Reformed would
allow each other to come to the communion table, although
each congregation retained its creed as before. At the
other extreme of union was fusion, in which each gave up
its peculiarities, and a new Evangelical congregation was
formed out of the previous Reformed and Lutheran con-
gregations. A third kind of union was a medium between
564 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
these two extremes, a federation — each congregation
remained as before with its creed and customs. It sim-
ply added the word Evangelical to its previous name, and
allowed the ministers of the other denomination into its
pulpits and their communicants to its communion.
The different phases of union have also been given
another way, according to Church government. Thus
(1) The closest union was in the coiigregation, when two
congregations agreed to unite into one. (2) There was
union in a Synod, by w^hich each congregation remained
Lutheran or Reformed, but both denominations were
united in a higher court, the Synod. (3) A union still
less close was in the secular court above the Synod, the
consistory ; that is, the Synods remained Reformed or
Lutheran, but they were united under one consistory.
Even here there was a difference, for some consistories
were not divided on the score of denomination, others
were. This last was really no union, and simply meant
that each denomination remained distinct, but was under
the secular control of the consistory.
It may be said in regard to these different meanings
of the union that, as a class, the Lutherans generally
understood the union to mean fusion, while the Reformed
generally that it meant federation. This difference will
explain some of the acts of the Lutherans, which seem
arbitrary. These differences in understanding the nature
of the union caused some strife, of which we will speak
afterward.
CHAPTER II.
EFFECT OF THE UNION ON THE REFORMED.
There were many Reformed churches in Germany^ as
many as there were Reformed states (for each state had its
own Church organization), although they agreed in doc-
trine. "Some of these churches that united w4th the Lu-
therans were not in the Prussian union at all, while on
the other hand some of the churches in Prussia did not
unite with the Lutherans. We will have, therefore, to
notice them separately.
SECTION I.
THE EFFECT ON THE REFORMED CHURCHES THAT
ENTERED THE UNION.
These were of two kinds — those in Prussia and those
outside of Prussia. The Prussian provinces where the
Reformed entered the union, were Brandenburg, Prussia,
Pomerania, Silesia, Posen, Westphalia and Rhine Prov-
ince. Of these the Reformed of East and West Prussia
have their own Synod, which meets yearly and has its
own inspector, although it is united with the Lutherans
under the same consistory. In Silesia the Reformed used
to have an inspector, but now have none. In Pomerania
566 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
they have neither Classis nor inspector, but are part of
the Synod of the United Church, although existing as
individual Reformed congregations.* In Brandenburg
the German Reformed congregations have almost all been
absorbed in the union, except the Bethlehem church at
Berlin, which, however, worships in a union church ; but
the property is to be divided, its share being 75,000 dol-
lars. Where there used to be three Reformed churches in
Berlin, the cathedral. Parochial and Bethlehem, together
with a Reformed pastor placed at each of the following
Lutheran churches, the Jerusalem, Dorothean and Wer-
der, there is now only one German Reformed church, with
a Reformed pastor. Rev. Mr. Hapke. Where there used
to be four Reformed ministers at the cathedral, three at
the Parochial, four military chaplains and one university
preacher, there is now one. There are 16,000 Reformed
in Berlin, for whom there is only the Bethlehem church.
The United Church has steadily pursued the policy of try-
ing to strangle both this church and the Freuch Reformed
Church there by allowing only those to belong to it who
are descendents of Bohemians or of Huguenots, thus cut-
•ting them off from evangelizing among the Germans,
where they would have room to grow. The French Church
there has four churches, the French cathedral, the cloister,
the Louisa City and the hospital. The French Synod,
"••• In Silesia is a small Reformed, or rather Presbyterian, body, consisting
of three charges and 440 communicants, and accepting the Westminster con-
fession. It was founded by the Scotch Presbyterian Church.
THE REFOKMED IN THE UNION. 567
to which this Church in Berlin belongs, is a separate
Synod of the United Church.
In the western provinces of Prussia the Reformed are
as strong as they are weak in the eastern part. In West-
phalia three of the Synods of the United Church are
entirely Reformed — Siegen, Sayn and Tecklenburg. The
Reformed have an excellent representative in the United
consistory in Rev. S. Goebel of Munster. In the Rhine
province they are allowed still larger liberty. Many of
the congregations are still intensely Reformed, as Elber-
feld. Outside of Prussia other states accepted the union.
The Reformed and Lutheran Churches were united in
the following provinces not incorporated in Prussia,
namely Bavarian Palatinate, Baden, the Grand Duchy of
Hesse and Anhalt. In the first two the Reformed were
entirely absorbed in the union, and we need not follow
their history. It is a sad fact that Heidelberg, the birth-
place of the Reformed in Germany, no longer knows the
Heidelberg Catechism. In the Grand Duchy of Hesse
there still exist a number of Reformed congregations, who
are now rejoicing that they again have been granted the
use of the Heidelberg Catechism. In Anhalt the Reformed
have all been absorbed in the union, except, perhaps, five
or six congregations.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION 11.
REFORMED CHURCHES NOT IN THE UNION.
There were quite a number of the Reformed churches
in Germany that never entered the union. The Ger-
man states that were united to Prussia after 1817 did not
have the Prussian union introduced into them. They
were Hanover, Nassau and Electoral Hesse. One of
them, Nassau, however introduced the union before it was
ioined to Prussia, and so fully introduced it as to entirely
destroy the Reformed consciousness. It is a sad fact to
the Reformed that the burial-place of Olevianus at Her-
born in Nassau, as well as the burial-place of Ursinus at
Neustadt in the Palatinate, do not know either of these
men any longer, for they have left the Reformed faith of
these reformers. When Olevianus' tablet in the church
at Herborn became broken through age, it was left for a
foreign Reformed Church — " The Reformed Church of
the United States" — to replace it with a new and beautiful
tablet ; which that Church did very gladly, because she
reveres his character and doctrine. But in the other
two annexed provinces, Hanover and Electoral Hesse,
they are not united. In Hanover the Reformed existed
for a long time under a united consistory, although
CHURCHES OUTSIDE THE UNION. 569
the East Friesland Reformed church had a member in the
consistory. But in 1885 their first General Synod was
granted them. In this church is the Coetus of Emden,
the oldest Reformed organization in Germany, having
been founded by Lasco in 1544. It now has no ecclesi-
astical authority, and meets about four times a year.*
In Electoral Hesse the large Reformed church never
officially entered the Union, except in one of its districts,
Hanau. Here the Union was called " sl bookbinder's
union,'' because the Lutheran and the Heidelberg Cate-
chisms were bound together into one book, so that either
could be used. Thus each congregation retained its creed.
Outside of Hanau the Hessian Church is not united, but
each denomination has its own superintendent. The uni-
versity of Marburg, however, was made United in 1822.
Besides these congregations in provinces, which were
incorporated in Prussia, there are a number of Reformed
churches in states that never came under the control of
Prussia. Of course the Union was not introduced into
them, and they are now distinct.
A) In Bavaria there is a small Reformed Synod (the
descendent of the Huguenot Reformed Synod of the seven-
teenth century), which held its first Synod in 1856.
•■■• There is in Hanover a small Old Reformed Church, composed of congre-
gations formed from the Christian Church of Holland. It is highly Calvin-
istic, and accepts, in addition to the Heidelberg Catechism, the Canons of Dort
and the Belgic Confession, but is a small ttody,
37
570 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
B) Lippe contains a large and well organized Reformed
Church, divided into three classes under the ducal (Re-
formed) consistory. The Count of Lippe Detmold is
one of the few Reformed princes yet remaining in Ger-
many, and is a wealthy and wise ruler.
C) The city of Bremen is still Reformed, as it never
officially entered the union, although the city council
placed a Lutheran pastor at some of the Reformed
churches. But the Liebfrau, St. Martin's, St. Stephen's
and St. Michael's are still exclusively Reformed. At St.
Stephen's is the famous pulpit orator. Otto Funcke, whose
sermons and works are so popular and helpful.
D) Another Reformed church that has never entered
the union, is the Reformed church of Alsace and Lorraine.
This church had been a part of the French Reformed
Church up to 1871, when that province was ceded to
Germany. It consists of four consistories.
E) The Lower Saxon Confederation, composed of the
churches at Gottingen, Hanover, etc., was organized 1703,
and is a relic of the Brunswick Huguenot Synod. It has
a thoroughly presbyterial organization in its congrega-
tions, and its Synod meets every six years.
F) The Synod of the province of Saxony was organ-
ized in 1864, and contained the Reformed congregations
around Halle and Magdeburg.
G) Besides these there are scattered Reformed con-
gregations, as in Hamburg, Leipsic, Dresden, Frankford,
etc., some of which are quite strong.
REFOKMED STATISTICS. 571
There are in all the German states about 800 Re-
formed congregations and about a million and a third of
adherents.* Their Church government is as follows :
One General Synod (Hanover), five Synods (East and
West Prussia, French Reformed of Brandenburg, Con-
federation of Lower Saxony, Confederation of the prov-
ince of Saxony, and the Synod of Bavaria). One Church
is divided into Classes (Lippe), and one into consistories
(Alsace-Lorraine). Of these churches about two-fifths
are in the United Church and three-fifths are not
(450,000 in the union, to 750,000 outside of it).t These
statistics are proved by Rev. Dr. Brandes, who says that
of the one million and a third Reformed in Germany three
to four hundred thousand have entered the union. {
Professor George Schodde says that there are ten Re-
formed Churches, seven United Reformed and Lutheran
Churches, four Confederated Reformed and Lutheran
Churches in Germany. § These statistics show that there
are more Reformed outside of the union than in it. One
of our American professors said some years ago that there
was no Reformed church any more in Germany, that all
had gone into the union. He simply displayed his igno-
rance. These statistics prove him wrong, as do the Min-
utes of the Reformed Conference held at Marburg in 1884.
* Some place it as high as a million and a half.
f See next chapter for detailed statistics.
i See Berlin Reformed Kirchenzeitung, August 19, 1884.
^ See Homiletic Review, July, 1894, p. 4.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION III.
OPPRESSIONS OF THE REFORMED BY THE UNITED
CHURCH.
The Reformed were hardly in the union before the
Lutheran majority began to oppress them. The first act
was to take away the Reformed universities, which were
either given up or merged in the union universities, so
that where the Reformed used to have eight universities
(Marburg, Heidelberg, Herborn, Duisburg, Frankford on
the Oder, Berg-Steinfurt, Lingen and Bremen), they now
have none, if we may except only the French gymnasium
at Berlin, which is intended only for French students, so
as to supply the French churches of Brandenburg with
ministers. There is only one Reformed theological pro-
fessorship in Germany, namely at Erlangen, although
there are some theological professors who are Reformed in
their sympathies, as Achelis in Marburg* and Sieffert at
Bonn ; but these are not Reformed professorships, so their
successors may be Lutherans. The chair of Reformed
theology at Strasburg, held by Krauss, has not been
filled. Because the Reformed universities were taken
* Achelis, however, is a Ritschlian — their leader in pastoral theology.
Against him and his colleagues at Marburg the Reformed superintendent of
Hesse has just nobly issued his protest.
OPPRESSIONS OF REFORMED. 573
away, very soon the Eeformed congregations could not
be supplied with Eeformed pastors, and had to take Lu-
therans or Evangelicals. Their plan was, for these Luther-
anizing ministers to gradually introduce Luther's cate-
chism, instead of the Heidelberg, and the Lutheran cultus,
as altars, responses, etc., instead of the simple Reformed
worship. Thus the Lutherans in the union hoped to
absorb the Reformed. Of course all this was contrary to
the understanding that the Reformed had of the union, for
in it they were guaranteed their creed and cultus by law.
Several cases of ecclesiastical oppression have been
especially noticeable. In Halle the Union was not intro-
duced until 1830, when the United consistory, finding the
Reformed congregation unwilling to enter the Union,
brought pressure to bear on them, and on June 25 forced
them to use the Prussian liturgy with its altar, Scripture
lessons and recitation of the creed, all of which had never
been used by the Reformed there. The Reformed felt
this so great an injustice that the reaction against it ulti-
mately prepared for the formation of the present confer-
ence of the province of Saxony.
The oppression at Elberfeld proved more serious.
The Reformed congregations of Berg for about a century
and a half had not used a liturgy, when the Prussian gov-
ernment ordered them to use its liturgy, with its candles,
altars and the making of the sign of the cross at the bene-
diction. All of these things seemed to the staunch Re-
574 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
formed of Elberfeld to be Romanizing. They bravely
refused to accept them, until the commissioner of the
government threatened the ministers with a deposition,
which he held in his pocket ready for use. So the con-
gregation was compelled to use the liturgy, although the
government finally permitted them to leave out the parts
in it most objectionable, as the responses, for the Reformed
of Germany have no responses. But a large and influen-
tial part of the Reformed at Elberfeld abstained from
going to church or to communion, and did not have their
children baptized or confirmed. Time did not heal the
breach. So these Reformed, who were dissatisfied with
the liturgy, formed themselves into a sejDarate congrega-
tion and called Kohlbriigge. As they did not wish to be
considered separatistic, they allied themselves with the
Reformed Church pf HollancL, and accepted, in addition
to the Heidelberg Catechism, the Belgic Confession and
the Canons of Dort, although they used the German Re-
formed hymn book. The congregation has been noted
for its strict adherence to the Reformed confessions and
for its Church discipline and charity.
These oppressions were followed by others in Eastern
Germany, where the Reformed were few and weak. The
United consistory of Silesia tried to make the Reformed
ministers take their oath of ordination on the Lutheran
creeds. But the Reformed appealed to the upper consis-
tory at Berlin, and gained their case. Then this Silesian
OPPRESSIONS OF REFORMED. 575
consistory separated the branch Reformed congregations
from their mother Churches, and put them under the care
of neighboring Lutheran pastors. Up to 1830 the
Reformed had an inspector named Wunster. When he
died^ the Silesian consistory refused to appoint a succes-
sor. The Reformed appealed to the upper consistory at
Berlin, and the Silesian consistory finally appointed
Wunster's brother superintendent of a district in the
United Church, but not a Reformed inspector. Thus
they paved the way for having no Reformed official at
all when he died. They even forbade the Reformed of
the Bohemian churches there to use the Heidelberg Cate-
chism in their own language. All this prepared the way
for a climax of oppression ; for oppression, if left to itself,
will run riot ultimately. The Reformed congregation at
Breslau in Silesia had had its Reformed confession guar-
anteed to it by the Berlin upper consistory, when it
entered the Union ; but in spite of this a Lutheran minis-
ter named Falk became one of its pastors in 1839, as he
said he believed the Reformed doctrine of the Lord's
Supper. He soon, however, showed his Lutheran sym-
pathies. He introduced wafers instead of bread, and the
Reformed school had to use the Lutheran catechism.
He tried to get Lutherans to join the church, so that he
might gain the majority in the congregation and carry it
into the United Church. Finally he resigned in 1855.
Then Gillet, the other Reformed pastor of the congrega-
576 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
tion, published a book entitled " Falk's Farewell Sermon
and its History/' in which he unveiled many oppres-
sions of the Reformed in Silesia. But for his plain
statements of the facts a civil charge was brought against
him of slandering a fellow minister. He was brought
before the court and ordered to pay a fine of $250 and be
imprisoned two months. This was afterwards reduced
to $75 and ten days imprisonment. Thus this excellent
man, for stating the truth and defending the rights of the
Reformed, had to suffer martyrdom.
Anhalt reveals a similar history for the control of the
Reformed. The Union had been introduced into Anhalt
Dessau and Anhalt Bernburg, but not into Anhalt Cothen
till 1880. Having at last gained control of all these
duchies of Anhalt, the Lutheran ministers in the Union
have just decided (1892) to supercede the Heidelberg
Catechism by the Lutheran. Thus the Reformed cate-
chism is ordered out of a land, where formerly it was
used by two-thirds of the population.
Even in Reformed organizations not in the LTnion,
efforts were made to proselyte them over to the Luther-
ans. Thus in 1850 Yilmar, a prominent Reformed min-
ister, and Hassenpflug, the civil prime minister, tried to
make it appear that the Reformed Church of Hesse was
a pseudo-Reformed Church (that is, a Melancthonian
Church), and that the official creed of Hesse-Cassel was
the Augsburg Conlession, and not the Heidelberg Cate-
VILMAR AND HEPPE. 577
chism. But a Church that had beeu for more than two
hundred and fifty years rated as Reformed, could not be
made Lutheran without friction. The protests against
this effort were led by Professor Heppe, who declared
that the Landgrave Maurice made the Church Reformed
in 1604 ; that the Heidelberg Catechism was officially
sanctioned, by the school orders of 1656, 1726 and 1777,
as a symbolical book in the schools in 1719 ; that Land-
pTave Charles took sides as a Reformed Prince ao;aiust
the oppressions of the Reformed in the Palatinate, and
called Professor Kirchmeier to Marburg, because he was
so zealous in the Reformed faith ; besides, the Cassel con-
sistory in 1834, when orthodoxy began to gain power
again over the receding Rationalism, ordered the Hei-
delberg Catechism to be reintroduced into the schools.
Vilmar attacked these views, and even went so far as to
show personal spite against Heppe, as by using his
influence against Hej^pe's appointment as professor of
Reformed theology at Vienna, and delaying his appoint-
ment as professor at Marburg. The faculty of Marburg
gave an opinion (1855), stating that the Hessian Church
was a Reformed Church. The result of this unfortunate
controversy w-as that Vilmar gained quite a follow^ing
among the ministers in Hesse-Cassel, but the Reformed
organized a conference at Treysa to protect themselves.
Other oppressions that came in under the guise of the
union and peace might be noticed, had we time. Thus
578 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the French gymnasium at Berlin was endowed for the
Reformed, and yet Lather's catechism has been used in
it again and again. A number of Reformed endowments
have been perverted. The lions Fietatis endowment
($75,000) given by King Frederick I. in 1696 for needy
Reformed refugees, has been used for the United Church,
and not for the Reformed, for whom it was intended.
The result of all these unjust continuous oppressions has
been greatly to the injury of the Reformed. Where there
used to be 300,000 Reformed south of the Main river in
Western Germany, there are now only 3000. In Nassau,
as in Anhalt, the Reformed* consciousness is gone. In
Westphalia there are only 70 congregations, where
there used to be 110. And how often has the Lutheran
catechism forced out the Heidelberg, and Lutheran altars,
crucifixes and responses, etc., come in to take the place of
the simple Reformed service. The Palatinate, the birth-
place of the Reformed Church in Germany, does not
know her any more. It looked as if the Reformed
Church would be swallowed up in the Union and be lost.
CHAPTER III.
THE REVIYAL OF REFORMED CONSCIOUSNESS.
The ecclesiastical oppressions have caused a reaction
among the Reformed into Confessionalism. They saw
that the Lutheran majority in the Union was using the
Union as a means to wipe out the Reformed. They, there-
fore, felt that they must do something to save themselves,
and so they began taking steps to demand their rights,
namely equality of confessions and cultus with the Lu-
therans. This revival of Reformed consciousness may be
said to have begun in 1850 at the diet of the United
Church held at Stuttgard, when twenty-eight of the Re-
formed gathered together and discussed the dying condi-
tion of the Reformed. It was decided to start a Reformed '
Church paper, and so the Reformlrte Kirchenzeitung
began its existence. The Reformed also began publish-
ing, 1861, the excellent series of books entitled '^ The
Fathers and Founders of the Reformed Church.'' The
Lutherans had published their " Fathers of the Church,"
and the Reformed felt their own reformers were just as
worthy of remembrance. This series is an excellent
monument to the fathers of the sixteenth century by their
children of tlie nineteenth. The Reformed began hold-
580 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ino" conferences. Thus the Hanoverian Church held a
o
conference at Lingen, July 13, 1853, to agitate the rights
of the Reformed of Hanover, and the General Synod of
Hanover may be said to be the ultimate result of all this.
The Reformed Synod of East and West Prussia began
holding regular sessions in 1853. A Reformed confer-
ence was held at Elberfeld, 1858, and at Emden, 1859.
A large conference was held at Detmold, July 8, 1863, on
the jubilee of the publication of the Heidelberg Catechism.
The fifth and last of these conferences was held at Elber-
feld, 1867. The interest in the movement to revive the
Reformed consciousness seemed to have passed away by
1867. The Kirchenzeitung was the only Reformed paper
then in Germany. It looked as if the Reformed Church
would die out.
But in 1877 twenty members gathered together at
Elberfeld and founded a new Refonnirte Kirchenzeitung,
to take the place of the old one published at Detmold by
Theleman. A publication society was formed at Bar-
men and a Reformed association at Hanover. Another
sign of reviving consciousness was the reintroduction of
the Heidelberg Catechism into churches from which Ra-
tionalism had driven it out. Finally the fourth centen-
nial of Zwingli's birth, in 1884, led a number of promi-
nent Reformed to call a conference at Marburg, Aug. 19,
1884. At this the only place in Germany that Zwingli
was linked to his adherents, they determined to make a
THE REFORMED ALLIANCE. 581
new start. There, where Zwingli had offered his hand to
Luther, so as to unite, they determined to unite among
themselves. This they did by forming a Reformed Alli-
ance (Bund). This Reformed Alliance, under the presi-
dency of Rev. Dr. F. Brandes of Biickeburg, and with
Rev. H. Calaminus of Elberfeld as secretary, has held
several meetings since then ; the last one at Emden in
1893, where it reported its membership had grown to two
Synods (Bavaria and Prussia), one consistory (Strasburg)
and twenty-nine individual congregations, making, with
those in the Synod, fifty-five in all. Besides these, there
are about fifteen different Reformed societies in it, and
also about 1500 individual members. Though so young
an organization, it has shown a healthy growth, especially
when the great odds against it are considered. It has not
merely drawn the Reformed together and prevented them
from further disintegrating, but it has also developed a
number of activities. It has held local conferences, recom-
mended new Reformed books, aided weak Reformed con-
gregations with money, notably the Reformed church at
Osnabruck, for whose endowment it raised $15,000. It
is now aiming to build a Reformed church in Berlin.
The Reformed Alliance has fostered new theological semi-
naries, so as to provide the Reformed congregations with
Reformed ministers. Two of these seminaries are at
present in operation, one at Berlin under Rev. Mr. Hapke,
and the other at Halle under the head care of Rev. Mr.
582 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Goebel, pastor of the cathedral there. The Reformed are
also talking of starting another theological seminary at
Elberfeld, and although the government has refused to
grant their request for it, it is probable they will go
ahead and endow it themselves.
Another cheering sign is the increasing number of
church papers. Where there was only one in 1876, there
now are eleven.* The granting of a Synod to the Re-
formed of Hanover, and lately the permission to the
Reformed of Hesse Darmstadt to have their Heidelberg
Catechism, greatly encouraged the Reformed, and they
are now demanding their rights for the interest of the
Mons Pietatis endowment. We trust that the Reformed
Alliance will gradually prepare the way, as providence
leads, for some organization among the Reformed of Ger-
many like the unofficial Synod of the French Reformed
Church.
For it certainly would be a sad day for the United
Church of Germany, as well as for the Reformed, if the
Reformed were to die out. For she needs the Reformed
element in her, as well as the Lutheran. D'Aubigne, in
- The Wochen-Blntt at Elberfeld, Reformirte Kirchenzeitung of Miiller at
Berlin, Neue Reformirte Kirchenzeitung at Berlin, Die Colnnie at Berlin, Ber
Grenzhote in East Friesland, Sonntagshlatt in Lippe, Geschichts- Blaetter des
Deutschen Hugenotten Vereius at Magdeburg, Ber Einige Trost in Hanover,
Ber Pilger at Barmen. Of these Mtiller's Kirchenzeitung is the organ of the
Reformed Alliance, the Gesehichts-Blaetter the organ of the Huguenot Society
■of Germany, and Bie Gnlonie of the Huguenots of Berlin. An excellent
popular paper for Church members is Ber Einige Trost.
THE KEFORMED NEEDED. 583
his eloquent address at the Church Diet of 1863, said that
^^ he feared an excess of the Lutheran spirit — the increase
of the traditional, cereraonial, hierarchical element against
the freer, believing Keformed Church. The passivity of
the Lutheran Church must be moulded by the activity of
the Reformed.'' The president of the Brandenburg Synod,
Von Achenbach, said in that Synod, October 27, 1890 : " I
fear that a part of the members of our Synod and Church
are inclined too much to the Episcopal Church govern-
ment. If this is carried out, large districts cannot remain
in the Church. I can not guarantee for myself, if this
trend in the United Church toward sacramentarianism
and High Churchism is not stopped." Not Bismarck,
but one of his successors, may yet have to go to Canossa
to bow before the Pope, if the High Churchism in the
United Church is not counterbalanced by something.
The power to counteract this lies only in the Reformed
Church. Her Calvinism, like its founder, has always
been the bitterest foe of the Pope. The simple service of
the Reformed is a perpetual safeguard against Romaniz-
ing tendencies. Tollin, in his History of the Reformed
of Magdeburg, tells the story that the King of Prussia
once sent a cross to one of the Reformed congregations in
the Mark Brandenburg. The minister, greatly appreciat-
ing the kindness of the King, placed it on the communion
table (for altar they had none). But when the Reformed
people came into the church for service, they were so
584 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
greatly surprised at the innovation, that the elders came
to the minister and told him that it must be put away, as
it was not Reformed. What could the poor minister do ?
To leave it in the church would be to disobey his people,
but to take it away would be to disobey his King. But
the elders persisted and declared that they would not
come to service as long as it was there, and they did not.
Finally the minister compromised matters by putting it
in the anteroom, which was used by the minister, and
then the congregation come back to the service. In view
of this it is evident that the United Church herself needs
the Reformed within herself to counterbalance the ten-
dencies to sacramentarianism. The continued existence
of the Reformed Church is therefore as necessary to the
welfare of the United Church as to herself Calvin, it
is said, once saved Germany from the danger of coquet-
ting with Rome at Ratisbon, and Calvin's adherents may
yet be needed to preserve Germany from making a simi-
lar mistake. Germany must be saved from Rome at all
hazards, for she is the citadel of Protestantism in Europe.
Let Germany be lost, and Europe will be lost to Protest-
antism. In this great mission of preserving Germany for
Protestantism and from Rome the Reformed Church is
needed.
Germany and the United Church also need the Re-
formed Church against Rationalism, as much as against
Romanism. The emphasis that the Reformed have laid
NECESSITY OF REFORMED CHURCH. 585
on grace and salvation by grace, has made it the opposite
of salvation by works or by the reason. It has empha-
sized man's depravity against the Hegelian idea of man's
goodness. Its doctrine of divine sovereignty is needed
against the rationalistic doctrine of man's sovereignty.
Its emphasis on experience and continual tendency to
Pietism is the best corrective to Rationalism. Thus the
Reformed Church is still needed in Germany, that that
great and noble land may be protected from Rationalism
on the one hand and Romanism on the other, and be able
to do greater things in the future for God than ever she
has done in the past. We trust she will yet exert a most
benign influence on the future history of the fatherland.
38
BOOK VII.
CONCLUSION.
CHAPTER I.
STATISTICS.
*
We have thus completed the histoiy of the Reformed
Church of Germany.* It only remains to speak of the
position and condition of the Reformed Church of Ger-
many. Into the cultus of the Church we have not time
to enter, for our book has already greatly exceeded its
intended limits. Moreover, the cultus is treated quite
fully in the ^' Origin of the Reformed Church of Ger-
many. f For the position we there took, that altars were
not Reformed, we were attacked by the esteemed editor
of the Reformed Church Bevieiv. We have examined and
are ready to quote twenty Church orders or Synodical
actions of the various Reformed Churches of Germany and
Switzerland, and sixteen Reformed Church historians (and
are prepared to quote them, if necessary), to show that
* " The Origin of the Reformed Church of Germany" gives the history
down to 1620, and this book completes it.
t Page 445.
ALTARS NOT REFORMED. 587
the Reformed had only a communion table, and not
an altar. They are the Palatinate, Emden, Bremen,
Brandenburg, Bentheim, Tecklenburg, Anhalt-Bernburg,
Anhalt-Cothen, Baireuth (French), Hanau, Frankford,
Solms, Braunfels, Siegen, Nassau-Dillenburg, Nassau-
Dietz, Lippe, London (Lasco), Hesse, Wesel, Julich, Cleve,
Berg and Rhenish province Church orders.* Sixteen of
the leading Church historians bear the same testimony —
Steubing, Cuno, Herzog, Heppe, Zahn, -Clemen, Hausser,
Goebel, Wolters, Hering, Treviranus, Ebrard, Tollin, E.
Krummacher and Calminus. Since all these men. Synods,
Church orders, liturgies and countries agree on this point,
we cannot but be fully convinced that the Reformed
Church of Germany never recognized altars. These reveal
that there is only one answer of history, and that is that
altars in Reformed churches are uu-Reformed. Such
unanimous testimony ought to be heeded by those in the
Reformed Church of the United States who are trying to
bring in the altar and altar service. In doing so they
are not true to the historic position of , the Reformed
Church.
We have only space to present the statistical and doc-
trinal position of the Reformed Church. Its adherents
are as follows :
* We have space for only a few of them in the Appendix. We will pub-
lish them in full in the second edition of the " Origin of the Reformed Church."
588
THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
IN THE
UNION.
East and West Prussia, . . 18,183
Pomerania, ....
2,720
Brandenburg,
16,000
Silesia,
6,150
Posen, ....
5,100
Rhine Provinces, .
247,567
Westphalia,
80,000
Grand Dachy of Hesse,
68,286
Total,
444,006
OUTSIDE OF THE UNION.
Hanover, 108,000
Hesse-Cassel,
381,652
Bavaria,
3,000
Lippe,
114,169
Bremen,
42,637
Alsace,
49,919
Lower Saxony,
11,000
Province of Saxony,
11,796
Hamburg,
8,221
Oldenburg, .
1,443
Lubeck,
500
Butzow,
150
Kingdom of Saxony (Leipsic, etc.).
7,600
Frankford, ....
7,350
Netherlands Church of Elberfeld,
1,300
Free Reformed Church c
fEas
tFrie
sland, 2,261
Total,
750,998
CHAPTER II.
ITS DOCTRINAL POSITION.— IS IT MELANC-
THONIAN OR CALYINISTIC ?
SECTION I.
THE PHRASE " MELANCTHONIAN-CALVINISTIC."
This question, whether the Reformed Church is
MelancthoDian or Calvinistic, has come up since the
union of the Reformed and Lutheran Churches in Ger-
many. Some of the unionists have tried to prove that
the Reformed Church of Germany was different from
other Reformed Churches, by being a Melancthonian
Church. Perhaps, feeling the unsafety of their position,
they have modified it somewhat by saying that it is
Melancthonian-Calvinistic.
But this phrase, Melancthonian-Calvinistic, cannot
be a description of the Reformed, for it means a contra-
diction — a union of opposites, which of course is meaning-
less. As well might one mix oil and water, light and
darkness, as mix Melancthonianism and Calvinism.
Does this phrase refer to doctrine^ then at once tliey are in
most direct conflict. For Melancthonianism was syner-
gistic, holding that man co-operates with God at regenera-
590 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
tion, while Calvin was most decidedly monergistic,
namely that regeneration is God's act, and not man's at
all. These then can't be put together, for either God
does it alone, or he does not. To say that He does it
alone, as Calvinism says, and then say in the same
breath that he does it with God, as Melancthonianism
says, makes the one contradict and neutralize the other,
so that Melancthonian-Calvinism is a meaningless term.
Again, on the Lord's Supper they do not agree, as
Melancthon's own words show. Melancthon, returning
from Worms, declared to the minister Baier : " We agree
with the French on all points except the Supper." Cal-
vin translated Melancthon's Loci Communes, although in
doing so he taxes him with deviations.*
Does the phrase Melancthonian-Calvinism refer to
cultus, then again it means a union of opposites, and so
cannot be. Calvin's followers cast out of the churches
images, pictures, altars, etc., and he remonstrated with
Melancthon at Hagenau and Worms that the Lutherans
allowed too many relics of Papacy, as Latin singing,
images, exorcism, etc. Over against this, Melancthon
aided to prepare the Leipsic Interim, which sanctioned
many of these very Romish forms, and for it Calvin
attacked him. Melancthon, therefore, was of all the
Lutherans the most indiiferent to these semi-Romish
rites, while Calvin was of all the Reformed most bitter
*• Schweitzer Central Dogmen, Vol. I., p. 388.
REFORMED NOT MELANCTHONIAN. 591
against them. If this is true, the phrase Melancthonian-
Calvinism is meaningless, as it involves contradiction.
If then the Reformed Church of Germany is not
Melancthonian-Calvinistic, she must be either Melanc-
thonian or Calvinistic. The view that she has been
Melancthonian, has been presented by Heppe and Schaif.
Heppe* distinguishes between the Genevan and the Ger-
man Calvinism on four points : (1) With Calvin and
Beza the purpose of the whole predestination is the glory
of God, with the Germans the assurance of salvation for
the believers ; (2) the first start with the eternal decree,
the latter with the human act ; (3) to the first the work
of Christ is only the execution of the decrees already
established, to the latter it is the basis of salvation ; (4)
according to the first all divine action is only for the elect
(particularism), according to the latter for all (universal-
ism).
Perhaps the best way to answer Heppe, is to quote
him against himself. In his Reformed Dogmaticsf he
says of Reformed Dogmatics : ^^ Its highest end is the
glory of God, its subordinate end the salvation of the
electa This is against his, (i) because it sides with what
he says are Calvin's views, and against (4) because it speaks
of the salvation only of the elect. Again he says on
the same page, ^^As a part of fallen humanity is saved
* History of German Protestantism, Vol. II., p. 43.
t Page 111.
592 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
from eternal damnation, the redemption and the entrance
of this part into eternal blessedness is based upon the eter-
nal decree, by virtue of which the Son promised to make
satisfaction for a part of humanity, which promise the
Father accepted by decreeing to give a certain part of the
human race to the Son, and to awaken this part through
the Holy Ghost to a living participation of the righteous-
ness and holy life of Christ." This is against his (2),
because it makes the eternal decree of God the basis ; is
against his (3), because it makes the satisfaction of Christ
the execution of the decree ; and against (4), because it
says Christ made satisfaction for only a part of the human
race. If Heppe is right in his history, he is not Reformed
in theology, for he agrees with Calvin on these points.
Rev. Dr. Schaff * gives the following differences : '' (1)
The Calvinist makes the abstract decree the source of
the incarnation, and the Church simply a means to salva-
tion, while the latter derives it from the person of Christ,
who in His divine nature is older than the decrees ; (2)
Calvinism teaches a double eternal decree — a reprobation,
as w^ell as an election — and thus necessarily limits the
atonement to a part of the human race. While the Ger-
man Reformed Church passed over the decrees in silence
and extends the divine offer to the whole world. In this
respect all the Reformed evangelical divines of the age
(Schweitzer excepted) are fully agreed. Lange, Heppe,
* German Universities, page 394.
REFORMED NOT MELANCTHONIAN. 593
Hundeshagen, Schenkel, Hagenbach, Herzog, Sudhoff and
F. W. Krummacher, as well as Ebrard, reject the supra-
lapsarian and in some sense the infralapsarian scheme of
predestination." In reply to his first argument, that
divine salvation is from the person of Christ, which is
older than the decrees, we reply that the person of Christ
was not older than His incarnation. Although the divine
nature was older than the incarnation, yet the human per-
son was no older than the incarnation. Dr. SchafP, who
was usually careful, has confused strangely the person
(divine-human) of Christ with the second person of the
trinity. The person of Christ was not older than the
incarnation. And if He was not the result of a decree,
then He must have come by chance. But no one will
grant this. So the incarnation must have come from some
purpose or decree of God away back in eternity, and so
the person of Christ depended on the decree. If Dr.
Schaff was building his theology on that, he was building
it on falsity. As to his second argument we are very
much surprised to find him quoting, to prove this viev/,
SudhofP as not infralapsarian, when any one who has read
his writings, knows he is ; and F. W. Krummacher, who
was attacked by Lange for his High Calvinism, and
Schenkel, who was a Rationalist ; while Lange and Ha-
genbach represent the mediating theology, and not the
Reformed, according to the best historians of theology,
as Dorner and Kahnis, etc.
594 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
But what says history? The way to settle this matter
is by the testimony of Reformed Church history.
We will examine this subject more at lengthy looking
at it (1) historically, (2) as to the creeds, (3) as to their
authors, (4) how did the Reformed interpret these creeds ?
and (5) what did the universities say ?
From these we will be able to see what the theological
position of the Reformed Church of Germany was.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION II.
THE TESTIMONY OF HISTORY.
If the Reformed Church of Germany is Melanctho-
nian, then the following historical facts must be explained,
because they show that the Melancthonians rejected the*
Heidelberg Catechism :
(a) If the Reformed Church was Melancthonian, why
did the university of Wittenberg take action against the
Heidelberg Catechism in 1572?* That university was
full of Melancthonians then. Its rector was Peucer, Me-
lancthon's son-in-law. Its professors were some years
after driven away, just because they were Melancthonians.
If any one knew what Melancthonianism was, they did.
And yet those who occupied the centre of Melancthonian-
ism reject the Heidelberg Catechism. How could they do
this, if it were Melancthonian ?
(6) If it were Melancthonian, why did the Melanctho-
nians of Hesse come out so decidedly against the Heidel-
berg Catechism ? For if any land was Melancthonian, it
was Hesse under Landgrave Phillip and his son Land-
grave William. And yet the Hessian theologians at the
* Reformed Kirchenzeitung of Germany, 1869, page 164. Kluckhohn
"How Frederick III. of the Palatinate became Calvinist," pages 99-100.
596 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Synod of Marburg, 1563, refused the catechism, because
they could not agree with its doctrine.* The opinion of
the Hessian theologians sent to the Diet of Augsburg,
1566, where Frederick was to be tried for his catechism,
was adverse to the catechism. Now if the catechism was
Melancthonian, why all this opposition from Melanc-
thonians ?
(c) The leading Melancthonian prince of Germany was
•Landgrave Phillip of Hesse. He had become Protestant
through Melancthon's influence. And yet he in 1564
wrote to Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg against the
position of Elector Frederick III. in his Heidelberg Cate-
chism. Indeed, he went so far as to go to Heidelberg,
although an old man, so as to warn Frederick against this
new catechism that he was foisting on the world.f Now if
the catechism was Melancthonian, why did Melancthonian
princes and theologians come out thus against it ? We
thus see that the Melancthonians did not consider it Me-
lancthonian, and they certainly knew what Melanctho-
nianism was, better than we at this distant date.
(d) If the catechism was Melancthonian, why did the
Palatinate pass through such a revolution of cultus as she
did, when the Keformed faith was introduced in 1563?
Why were altars, crucifixes and pictures put out of the
churches ? Why wafers put away and bread introduced ?
* Klemme, Entstehung des Heidelberg Katechismus, page 22.
I Kluckhohn, Frederick der Fromme, page 147.
REFORMED NOT MELANCTHONIAN. 597
Why organs closed and fonts put away ? The Palatinate
had been Melancthonian under the previous Elector ; why
all this change, if the new catechism was Melancthonian ?
The only explanation is, that the catechism was not Me-
lancthonian.
(e) If the catechism was Melancthonian, why was there
such a revolution in Hesse, also a Melancthonian land,
when the Reformed faith was introduced ? Pictures were
put out of the churches, wafers gave place to bread, and
matters came to a riot at Marburg in 1605 against the
Reformed. If the Heidelberg Catechism was Melanc-
thonian, as the people had been before, why all this strife
and change ? The only answer is, that it must have been
different from previous Melancthonianism.
(/) Why did the same thing occur in Anhalt, Lippe,
Nassau, all of them originally Melancthonian lands ? And
yet when the Heidelberg Catechism was introduced, there
was a complete change in cultus. Altars were put away ;
so were pictures, wafers, etc. Now if the Heidelberg
Catechism and the Reformed Church were Melancthonian,
what cause can be given for such changes ? The fact that
the Reformed Church required such changes showed that
she was something other than the previous Melanctho-
nianism, namely, that she was Calvinistic.
(g) Why did the Synod of Dort adopt the catechism ?
That Synod was especially sensitive to anything that
savored in the least of Arminianism, and would have
598 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
noticed the first spec of the synergism of Melancthon, if
it had been in the catechism, for that subject was a burn-
ing question then. And yet, on the contrary, it adopted
the catechism as " an exact compendium of orthodox
Christian doctrine.''
These are some of the historical facts that bear against
the idea that the Reformed Church and the Heidelberg
Catechism are Melancthonian. They must be explained
before it can be said that the Reformed Church is Me-
lancthonian. It does not seem to us that they can be
explained away. They stand as sign-boards that the
Reformed Church was something other than Melanctho-
nian, namely Calvinistic.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION III.
THE TESTIMONY OF THE CREEDS.
The main creed was the Heidelberg Catechism. We
will notice first where the catechism is against Melanc-
thon, and then where it agrees with Calvin.
(a) Against Melancthon's synergism — his most char-
acteristic doctrine (the co-operation of man with God at
regeneration and conversion) — stand answer 5 ('^I am
prone by nature to liate God and my neighbor'^), and
answer 8 ('' Indeed we are, except ive are regenerated by
the Spirit of God"). And answer 13 shows that this ina-
bility increases {" we daily increase our debt'O- The cate-
chism, therefore, repudiates Melancthon's most prominent
doctrine and accepts its opposite. Evidently it is not
Melancthonian here.
{b) The eightieth answer repudiates the Romish mass
and calls it " an accursed idolatry." This is against Me-
lancthon's position in the Leipsic Interim, which allowed
the use of mass. But the catechism is most severe here
against what he allowed. It will listen to no comprom-
ises with Rome, as he did. »
(c) On the use of pictures in churches, answers 96 —
98 are ao^ainst Melancthon. For he considered them as
600 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
unimportant things. But the catechism evidently does not
consider them unimportant, but most emphatically forbids
them.
(d) It disagrees (Answer 81) with him when it speaks
on the doctrine that the impenitent eat Christ's body and
blood at the Supper ; for it says only those who receive it
by faith, receive benefit.
These are some of the disagreements of the catechism
with Melancthon. They are fundamental disagreements.
They are direct opposites of Melancthon's positions, and
cannot be made to square with them.
Again, while the catechism is not Melancthonian, it is
on the other hand Calvinistic. This is proved by the fol-
lowing reasons :
(a) It teaches predestination. In answer 26 it speaks
of " the eternal counsel of God.'' What does this mean
but God's decree ? In answer 31 it speaks of " the secret
will of God concerning our redemption." Also in ques-
tion 52 it speaks of all " the chosen ones." (The word in
the original German is Ausericcehlten. The German word
for election is Erwsehlung, from which Auserwsehlen is
derived. The word used in our catechism is therefore
stronger than election — it literally means elected out of,
or from among. If this does not mean election, what
does it mean ? It ^eans not merely electing, but electing
out of.) It is true, the catechism does not mention repro-
bation, or the negative side of election, nor is it to be
HEIDELBERG CATECHISM CALVINISTIC. 601
expected that such a popular theological book would take
up such an abstruse doctrine. But if the silence of the
catechism on reprobation is a sign that the Heidelberg
Catechism is not Calvinistic, then Calvin's own catechism is
not Calvinistic, for it does not mention reprobation either.
(6) On another of the peculiar points of Calvinism,
the perseverance of the saints, the catechism is very pro-
nounced. Answer 1 says, ''And so preserves me that all
things must work together for my salvation.'' Answer
51 says, ''He defends and preserves us against all ene-
mies." Answer 31 says, " Defends and preserves us
in the redemption obtained for us. The Holy Ghost
shall abide with me forever.'^ And Answer 54 says : I
" am and /orever remain a living member of the Church."
(c) On the doctrine of the descent into hell, the 44th
Answer clearly commits the catechism to Calvin. For it
explains that doctrine in the figurative sense, which is
peculiar to Calvin.
(d) On the power of the keys (Answer 85) it is clearly
Calvinistic. Melancthonianism knew nothing of Church
discipline. It was Calvin and his followers, who were
strong on Church discipline. This catechism, in empha-
sizing this doctrine, shows itself Calvinistic.
(e) On the ten commandments the catechism follows
Calvin, and not Luther and Melancthon. For it does
not combine the first and second commandments, as
Melancthon and the Lutherans do, but it divides them, as
39
602 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Calvin did. Again it does not put three commandments
in one table, as Luther did, and seven in the other. But,
like Calvin and Juda, it puts four in the first table and
six in the second.
(/) On the Lord's Prayer it takes its position with
Calvin. The Lutherans count seven petitions in the Lord's
Prayer, while it, following Calvin, counts six.
{g) In its division of the catechism into fifty-two
Sundays it follow^s Calvin, who had divided his catechism
thus. The Lutherans did not divide their catechism by
Sundays.
(Ji) On the Lord's Supper it is Calvinistic. It does
not define Christ's body to be in, wdth and under the
elements (Melancthonian), but they are outward signs and
seals of inward spiritual communion with Christ. Answer
76 says, '^ to become more and more united to His sacred
body by the Holy Ghost, who dwells both in Christ and
in us, so that we, though Christ is in heaven, and we on
earth," etc. It is the Holy Ghost who links us to Christ's
humanity in heaven. The communion is spiritual, not
bodily nor fleshly, which would be Capernaitic.
For all these reasons the Heidelberg Catechism is
evidently Calvinistic.
Take another creed, the Hessian creed. It, too, is
Calvinistic, for it expressly iusists on predestination.
And to make it more severe on the Lutherans, it quotes
in Article V. a part of Luther's own commentary on
Romans, where he favors predestination :
CEEEDS ARE CALVINISTIC. 603
^^ In the same way concerning the high mystery ot
eternal election, we believe and teach all that is written
concerning it in the Bible. . . . And that we may explain
onrselves more explicitly on this, we say that our confes-
sion is the same as Luther has stated in the Bible and in
the epistle to the Romans, which thus reads : ^ In Rom.
9 : 10, 1 1 Paul teaches concerning the eternal providence
of God, from which, as its origin, is derived who shall
believe and who shall not believe, be freed of his sin or
be not freed, so that our salvation might altogether be
taken out of our hands, and be placed in the hands of
God. And this is most necessary, for we are so weak and
uncertain, that if it should depend on us, indeed no man
would be saved. Satan would most certainly overcome
them all. But now, since God is certain that His plans
will not fail Him, nor any one can hinder them, we would
yet hope against sin.' Thus Luther, and this is exactly
our confession of this mystery of eternal election, and no
other."
The Sigismund Confession of Brandenburg (Confessio
Marchica) also teaches it :
" In the article of the eternal election or ordination to
eternal life, the grace of his Electoral Highness recog-
nizes and confesses that it is one of the most comforting
articles, on which not only all the others, but also our
salvation is pre-eminently founded — that namely the Al-
mighty God, out of pure grace and mercy, without any
respect to the worthiness of man, without all merit and
work, before the foundation of the world was laid, has
ordained and elected for eternal life all those who con-
stantly believe on Christ, that He also knows and recog-
nizes His own, and as He has loved them from eternity,
also gives unto them, out of His mere grace, true faith
and strong perseverance till the end, so that no one can
pluck them out of the hand of God, and no one separate
them from His love, and everything, be it good or evil,
604 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
must work together to His purpose. Thus God has also,
according to His strict justice, passed by from eternity all
those who do not believe in Christ, and has prepared for
them eternal hellish fire. . . . Hence we also reject the
opinion that God, on account of foreseen faith, has elected
some, which would be Pelagian,'' etc.
Thus the other creeds, as well as the Heidelberg,
prove the Reformed Church Calvinistic, and not Me-
lancthonian. The creeds, therefore, of the Reformed
Churches of Germany make her Calvinistic.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION IV.
THE TESTIMONY OF AUTHORS OF THE CREEDS.
Before we notice the theological views of the authors
of the Heidelberg Catechism, we will notice a very
important argument, namely, the materials which these
authors used in composing the Heidelberg Catechism. It
is remarkable that all the materials used were Calvinistic.
Nowhere do we read of any Melancthonian creeds being
used. The materials used were Leo Juda's and Bullinger's,
Lasco^s and Calvin^s Catechisms, all of them Calvin-
istic. Oleviauus declares that whatever good there is in
it is due to the excellent Swiss scholars.* More than
thirty questions (one-fourth of the catechism) show a direct
quotation from Calvin's Catechism. f Lasco's Catechisms
were extensively used. About sixteen answers are from
his London Catechism. His Emden Catechism is fol-
lowed by seventeen questions. The Heidelberg is like
the Emden in arrangement, only different from it as it
uses the law twice, as a mirror in Part I. and as a rule in
Part III., whereas the Emden has it only once, at the
beginning. Ursinus' Calvinistic position is proved by
* SudhoflF, Olevianus and Ursinus, page 483.
I Achelis' Practical Theology, page 233, and Herzog Encyclopiedia, Vol.
VII., page 611.
606 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
his Notes on the Heidelberg Catechism. He says,* " That
there is such a thing as predestination or election and
reprobation in God, is proven by these declarations of
Scripture/' etc. Then for ten pages he proves and dis-
cusses this doctrine. There is another very significant
fact. Ursinus, before publishing the Heidelberg Cate-
chism, published two catechisms of his own, which were
the basis of the Heidelberg. It is very significant that
he is stronger on predestination in them than he is in
the Heidelberg. In his larger catechism. Questions 24, 25,
26, 27 and 18 have the Emden Catechism of Lasco for
their basis, but there is this difference, that Ursinus is
more pronounced on predestination than Lasco, for he asks
the question, ^' Whence dost thou derive the hope of eter-
nal life ?" and answers it by saying, " From the covenant of
grace, which God made anew with the believers in Christ.''
This limited atonement (for believers) differs from Lasco,
who holds universal atonement. Ursinus also asks the ques-
tion, " Is this grace offered to all men ?" and answers, " By
no means, but only to those whom God has eternally elected
to eternal life." Calvin himself could not be more
emphatic than Ursinus in his letter to Morian,t a Luth-
eran at Breslau. Again, his Calvinistic position is shown
in his ^' Christian Admonition Concerning the Book of
Concord." In the third part of this book he refutes false
■•■ AVilliard's translation of Ursinus on the Heidelberg Catechism, page 293.
t Sudhoff, Olevianus and Ursinus, pages 614-633.
AUTHORS ARE CALVINISTIC. 607
accusations brought against the doctrines of the Palatinate
Church. As the third doctrine he takes up predestina-
tion.* He says here ^^that the free will of God is the
effective cause of reprobation. But since we are children
of wrath, we would all be lost, if sin were the cause of
reprobation. This cause is, therefore, not in man, but
it is that will in God which freely separates out of the
mass of corruption those that are to be saved from those
that are not to be saved." These extracts, together with
his commentary on the Heidelberg Catechism, amply
prove that he was predestinariau.
Olevianus also was a predestinariau, for he was a pupil
of Calvin. He says :
^' I believe in a Holy Catholic Church, because God has
before freely elected them according to an unchangeable
decree and given them to his Son Jesus Christ. John 17 :
9. After he has granted thus the most holy faith also to
me, I believe that he also has graciously elected me, that
I am given to His Son, and, therefore, can not be lost.
For through the Gospel He executes His immutable decrees
of His election by giving me the Holy Ghost through the
Gospel for the service of the Word as a means which pro-
duces faith where and in whom He will. The fountain of
our salvation is the eternal, unchangeable decrees of God,
namely, that he accepts those to whom he has decreed to
give faith as His children in His only begotten Son, but
that he punishes others by His just judgment, to idiom He
has not decreed to grant faith. The first benefit of our
faith is that our faith has a foundation which is firmer
than the whole universe, namely, the unchangeable decree
of God, without any conditions or works on o ur side.
See Sudhoflf, Olevianus and Ursinus, pages 4-il-4't7.
608 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Again, Frederick III. was a (Jalvinist. This is abund-
antly proved by Kluckhohn in his work, " How Elector
Frederick Became a Calvinist." He even shows the time
when Frederick went over to the Calvinists, when he pub-
lished the work of Erastus, " Griindlicher Bericht/' in
1562.*
Thus the authors of the catechism were all Calvinistic.
If they were Calvinistic, it is to be expected that the creed
would be so too. A writer does not write other than he
believes. If Olevianus and Ursinus had written a system
other than they believed, they would not be worthy of our
confidence and respect. No, as they were Calvinistic, it is
to be expected that their creed is Calvinistic too, and so it
is. And as the Reformed Church accepts Calvinistic
creeds, it is to be expected that the Church is Calvinistic
too.
* Kluckhohn, pages 130-131.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION V.
THE TESTIMONY OF THE CONFERENCES.
We have thus seen how the authors of the Heidelberg
Catechism interpreted these creeds. Let us see how the
Church itself, in the after ages, interpreted them. Did
they keep up to the Calvinistic position of the authors ?
It has been said that the authors of the creeds were Cal-
vinistic, but not their Church. We have two opportuni-
ties given us in the history of the Church, to show what
the Reformed believed. These were the conferences with
the Lutherans, and these are very significant. Here, if
anywhere, would appear their doctrinal position. In
them they speak officially for the Church, and in a measure
commit the Church to the doctrines enunciated there.
Did they reveal that the Reformed were Melancthonian
or Calvinistic ? Now the remarkable fact is that in both
these conferences they differ from the Lutherans in the
doctrine of election. They thus commit the Reformed
Church to Calvinism.
The first of these was held at Leipsic, 1631. In this
conference some of the Reformed representatives, as Ber-
gius, were supposed to be low predestinarians (of the
610 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Lasco or universal atonement school). And yet here
they differed from the Lutherans on predestination, by
declaring their belief in the election of a particular num-
ber. They also held that God did not elect them because
of foreseen faith, as the Lutherans held, but out of His
own free grace, and that God reprobated the lost because
of their sins.*
The second conference between the Reformed and
Lutherans was held at Cassel in 1661. The Reformed
representatives there were Swiss (where Calvinism was, if
anything, higher than in Germany), but had been called to
Marburg as professors after the Thirty Years' War.
They had to meet here true Melancthonians in the pro-
fessors of Rinteln. Do they agree with them ? No ; on
the contrary they disagree Avith them, for they held to
particular election, and denied that man had any ability
to obey or aid the Gospel (as Melancthon said), and also
denied that God (5ast any away, because He saw their
unbelief. They thus emphasize their (Calvinism over
against the Melancthonianism.f Heppe says : '^ This con-
ference revealed that the German peculiarity of the* Hes-
sian theologians was absorbed in predestinarian Oalvin-
ism.'^t
* Hering's History of Union Efforts, Vol. I., p. 342 ; Herzog Encyclopae-
dia, Vol. VIII. p. 547.
t Muncher's History of the Hessian Reformed Churcb, page 121.
% Herzog Encyclopaedia, Vol. III., p. 155.
THE CONFERENCES CALVINISTIC. 611
The theological position of the Reformed at these confer-
ences has a very important significance. It reveals that on
every occasion when they are placed, as a Church, before
the world, they commit that Church to Calvinism. We
can not see how the idea that Calvinism is the historic
faith of the Reformed Church of Germany, can be
avoided after all these arguments.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION VI.
THE TESTIMONY OF THE UNIVERSITIES.
Another sign of the position of the Reformed Church
comes from the universities. Where do the theologians
of the Reformed Church stand ? It is somewhat signifi-
cant that the very first controversy about predestination
broke out in Germany, when Zanchius, 1561, defended
himself against Marbach, and, strange to say, the Mar-
burg university supported him. Again the various dele-
gates from Germany to the Synod of Dort all signed the
articles of Dort. Evidently they agreed with those Cal-
vinistic articles, or they never would have signed them,
and they were the leaders of their Church in that day.
During the Thirty Years' War, it has been said, the Re-
formed Church inclined to Union. And yet even here
we find that her leading theologians, as Crocius of Mar-
burg, Wendelin of Zerbst, Alting of Heidelberg, were
Calvinists. After the Thirty Years' War the federal
theology of Coceius spread in Germany, until it became
the prevailing type. Ebrard says : " Federalism so
worked its way, that the ground idea of federalism was in
the ascendent in the eighteenth century.'' Let us go the
rounds of the Reformed univerities, and see where they
THE UNIVEKSITIES. • 613
stood on this question. The Reformed had six main uni-
versities — Marburg, Duisburg, Frankford on the Oder,
Heidelberg, Herborn and Lingen, the Bremen and Berg-
Steinfurt gymnasia having been given up. How did these
universities, which trained and supplied the Church witlx
ministers, stand on the question of Calvinism ? Before
entering upon the description of the universities, it will
be necessary to notice that the Reformed Church of Ger-
many, while it was Calvinistic, yet had various schools of
Calvinism.* These schools were the Supralapsarian,
Infralapsarian, Cocceian and Sublapsarian. All of these
were held, although the third was the most prominent.
And where Infralapsarianism and Cocceianism were held,
the doctrine of predestination was taught not so much as
a scholastic doctrine, as a practical one, so as to affect the
life of the believer. Grace was emphasized, rather than
God's sovereignty. The doctrine became a great source
of comfort, in harmony with the prominent theme of the
Heidelberg Catechism — comfort. The Saumur school, too,
was not Melancthonian, because it held to universal
atonement, for this was not a doctrine peculiar to Me-
lancthon. Melancthon emphasized Synergism, while
the Sublapsarians emphasized universality of the atone-
ment. The doctrine w^as Lasco's, rather than Zwingli's,
who held it at the same time Melancthon did.
There was a difference between the Synergism of Me-
* These have been described on page 319.
614 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
lancthon and the universal atonement of Lasco. The
former emphasized the human side of redemption (man's
act at conversion), the latter emphasized the divine side in
redemption, (God's act in providing an atonement suffi-
cient for all, regardless of Synergism or the co-operation
of man). Even though no man co-operated in conversion,
yet God's provision was sufficient for all men. The uni-
versality of the atonement then does not depend at all on
man's act, as Synergism does. Universal atonement is
Calvinistic, because it looked at redemption from the
divine side, the universality depending not on man's pur-
pose, but on God's. It did not depend on man's ability
to grasp and aid it, as held by the Synergists, but entirely
on God's willingness to provide a redemption. This uni-
versal atonement view is therefore far from Synergism.*
Marburg.
This was the most important Reformed university after
Heidelbers: had gone down under the Romanist rulers.
After the Synod of Dort the Reformed Church of Hesse
became more highly Calvinistic. Stein, who was one of
its delegates to Dort, was so highly Calvinistic that he
bitterly opposed the Remonstrants there. After him Pro-
* The writer of this book, as a pupil of Professor Henry B. Smith, of Union
Seminary, is an adherent of Subhipsarian Calvinism. If he had any prefer-
ence, he would have preferred to find the German Reformed Church predomi-
nantly holding this view. But he must confess that he has been surprised to
find that the German Reformed Church was higher Calvinistic, although it
included the Saumur school within itself.
THE UNIVERSITIES CALVIXISTIC. 615
fessor Eglin, a Swiss, was Calvinistic. ISTeuberger^s popu-
lar dogmatics, " The Mirror of Faith/' 1630, taught pre-
destination.* The Cassel conference revealed the Hessian
Church Calvinistic.f Yihiiar mentions Crocius, Curtius,
Stannarius, Hein, Duysing, Pauli, Andrea, Tileman,
Gautier, L. C. Mieg, J. H. Hottinger, all as predestinarian.
The great Professor J. C. Kirchmeier was a Cocceian.J
Wittenbach was a Cocceian.§ Endeman (1679-89) fol-
lowed Wittenbach, and his dogmatics reveal that he was
a sublapsarian Calvinist. Arnoldi (1789-1830) followed
him, used his dogmatics as a text book, and so must have
been Calvinistic. These continued Calvinism in the uni-
versity down to the Union (1822), except when it was
influenced somewhat by Rationalism.
Herborn.
This university was Calvinistic. It was so, because it
was closely allied politically with Holland, where Cal-
vinism and orthodoxy continued long after Rationalism
had affected Germany. Of the professors at Herborn,
Olevianus was a predestinarian, so was his successor, Pis-
cator. Alsted, its delegate to the Synod of Dort, was also
a predestinarian, and signed the canons of Dort. The
* Heppe Beider Ilessen, page 139, and Heppe in Allgemeine Deutsche Bib-
liographie, Vol. IV., page 600.
"j" Herzog Encyclopsedia, Vol. III., page 155.
j Heppe Beider Ilessen, page 29-1.
§ Heppe Beider Hessen, page 293.
616 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
university became Cocceian under Melchior,"^ and from
that day it belonged to the Federal school. Lampe's
theology was used for a long while, and was a text book.
Professors Arnoldi and Schramm were Cocceians, as Cuno
shows. Thus the general position of the university up to
the time of the Union was Calvinistic.
Duisburg.
This university was Calvinistic, for it was located in
an intensely Calvinistic district. Situated near Holland,
it was largely affected by the neighboring Dutch univer-
sities, which were Calvinistic. Its first rector, Clauberg,
was a Federalist. " In the second half of the seventeenth
century most of the ministers of the Northern Rhine were
Cocceian, and this school became in the eighteenth cen-
tury the orthodox one.^'f Heppe says : J '^ The ruling
theology at Duisburg was the Cocceian. This Calvinistic
position was held by the university down to the end of the
last century, when most of its professors became Rational-
istic and the university was closed.
Frankford on tlie Oder.
Here, more than in any other university in Germany,
one might expect to find Melancthonians, for it was the
only university in Eastern Germany surrounded by Luth-
-•• Maurer History of Herborn High School, page 15.
t Goebel History of the Rhenish Westphalian Church, Vol. II., page 113.
X History of Evangelical Church of Cleve and Mark, page 187.
FEANKFORD ON THE ODER. 617
erans on every side, and besides, the house of Branden-
burg had a great inclination toward union with the Luthr
erans. Whatever may be said of Pelargus, the first pro-
fessor, Bergius, his associate and successor, was a sublap-
sarian Calvinist. The next professor, Bergius, became a
higher Calvinist after he had visited Holland. Among
the court preachers of the Elector, many of whom were
professors, Calvinism appeared, as Cochins, and Bierman
who was professor 1676-1717. The coming of the
French Reformed into Brandenburg greatly affected the
Reformed Church. " In the East of Prussia the French
and Palatinate refugee congregations so overbalanced the
few Reformed court churches there, which perhaps might
falsely have been called Melancthonian, that the Reformed
bore a prevailingly Calvinistic character. What power it
had on the Prussian court itself, is shown by the
inclination of Frederick the Great to predestination. ''*
Thus Beausobre in 1693 defends the doctrines of the
Synod of Dort, and Naude was a supralapsarian and
attacked Osterwald's Catechism. The father of Frederick
the Great, although opposed to supralapsarian Calvinism,
which turned man into a machine, was not opposed to the
sublapsarian Calvinism of the school of Saumur. Sack,
the court preacher of Frederick the Great, was a Coc-
ceian.f Thus Calvinism was a prominent factor in
* Kirch enzeitung of Detmold, 1868, page 188.
I Life of Sack, by his son, jiage 75.
40
618 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Frankford and in the Prussian Reformed Cturch. The
university, however, was a small one.
Heidelberg.
The founders of the Protestant university there were
Calvinists. Ursinus, Olevianus, Zanchius, Tossanus,
Junius, Parens were all strict Calvinists. They were fol-
lowed by Scultetus and Alting, both high Calvinists.
When the university was reopened after the Thirty
Years' War, Spanheim was an infralapsarian, Hottinger
inclined to the Saumur school, and Fabricius was a Coc-
ceian. It bravely battled for the Heidelberg Catechism
and its doctrines. However its theology does not appear
very prominent, for its struggle was not for Calvinism,
but for existence. Sometimes its faculty went down to
one, as Heddeus in 1786. In the last century it was more
prominent in Church history than in dogmatics, as Wundt
and Buttinghausen publish their historical works.
Bremen.
This university continued only till 1750. Pezel, who
organized the Bremen Reformed Church, was a Calvinist,
as his catechism proves. Martinius, its delegate to the
Synod of Dort, evidently was a Calvinist, for he signed
the canons, although he believed in universal atonement.
And Lewis Crocius became a more decided predestinarian
later in life.* Combach, professor 1639-43, was a Cal-
Life of John Crocius, by Klemme, page 17, note.
CONCLUSION. 619
vinist, and so was Flockeniiis. But Calvinism gained
full control in the days of Lampe and DeHase.
Lingen.
This university was a small one. It was the only
university in Hanover, where there were only a few Re-
formed, although when the university of Bremen was
given up, its attendance somewhat increased. As it was
for a long time under the control of the Dutch, its profes-
sors sympathized with the Dutch Calvinistic position, and
they were therefore predestinarian and Cocceian.
Berg-Steinfurt.
This gymnasium was closed so early that it need hardly
be mentioned. After Vorstius, who was charged with
Socinianism, its last professor, Heidegger, was a Calvinist,
for he afterwards became one of the authors of" the Hel-
vetic Consensus of Switzerland.
From this brief review of the theologians and profes-
sors of the Reformed Church of Germany, it is evident
that Calvinism was the prevailing type. To this Goebel
agrees, when he says that the prevailing type was Coc-
ceian, whose most distinguished representative was
Lampe.
These five strong arguments show that the historical
position of the Reformed Church of Germany was not
Melancthonian, but Calvinistic. Her history, her creeds,
their authors, her conferences and her universities unite
620 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to prove this. The number of the arguments, dove-
tailing one into the other, makes the testimony manifold
stronger. The historic position of the Reformed Church
of Germany then is Calvinism.
For these reasons we believe that the Reformed Church
of Germany was not Melancthonian, but Calvinistic — that
is, Calvinistic in the broad sense, as including all the dif-
ferent schools of Calvinism, yet all holding God's sov-
ereignity as supreme. If, therefore, our Reformed Church
in the United States would be true to the historic position
of the Reformed Church, she must be Calvinistic. For it
has been the rule of Church history, that when a Church
leaves her historic moorings, she proves false to her
founders, loses her right to separate existence (because she
is not true to the principles for which she was founded),
and generally begins to die. Let the Reformed Church
in the United States be careful lest she leaves the old his-
toric position of the Reformed Church.
Her Calvinistic position is emphasized by her first creed.
The members of the Reformed Coetus of Pennsylvania,
when under the care of the Reformed Church of Holland
for about half a century, subscribed to five creeds.* "All
ministers, elders, deacons and schoolmasters shall, upon
entering on their respective offices, subscribe to the for-
mula which has been received in the Palatinate : (1) The
Heidelberg Catechism, (2) The Palatinate Confession of
* Jackson's Xew Dictionary of Religious Knowledge.
AMEEICAJs^ EEFOEMED CHURCH. 621
Faith, (3) The Canons of Dort, as approved by the Palati-
nate divines, as ^yell as those of other nations, (4) The post
acta of the Synod of Dort, (5) The Formula Consensus."
This subscription makes our early Reformed Church in
America highly Calvinistic. For it committed them not
only to the Heidelberg Catechism, but also to the Canons
of Dort, as subscribed to by the Palatinate divines. For the
Palatinate divines at the Synod of Dort, led by Scultetus,
were supralapsarians. And it not only commits them to
the Canons of Dort, but also to the Formula Consensus,
or Helvetic Consensus, of Switzerland, which was very
high 'Calvinistic. This early subscription makes our
Church high Calvinistic for her first half century, in this
new world. It would not have been possible, if our early
ministers had been Melancthoniau, for them to have
adopted such high Calvinistic creeds. The Heidelberg
Catechism, the present creed of the Church, is Calvinistic,
as this chapter proves. Again, the first published theology
of our Church in America was " The Doctrines of Divine
Revelation," by Rev. Samuel Helffenstein, D. D. This
dogmatics is Calvinistic, as he teaches both election and
reprobation.* Dr. Helffenstein says in his preface that
his doctrines were believed and taught by those sent over
to this country from Germany. Again, the early Re-
formed ministers who came to this country were Calvin-
ists. }iarbaugh bears witness to this in his " Fathers of
«- Pages 161-163.
622 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Reformed Church.'^* There he says Boehm was
Calvinistic. And he says that the Reformed in the Unity
who sympathized with the Unionistic views of Zinzeudorf,
and afterwards broke off from our Church, attacked those
who remained -in the Church because of their Calvinism.
Boehm, Weiss, Dorstius, Goetschey and others sympa-
thized with Calvinism. We do not see that Schlatter could
have been anything but a Calvinist, when his Coetus
adopted those five Calvinistic creeds mentioned before.
Besides, Schlatter came from Switzerland, when she was
still strongly Calvinistic, for she was affected by Rational-
ism later than Germany. Switzerland was Calvinistic
then, especially Northeastern Switzerland. (Zurich, Bern
and the adjacent cantons remained Calvinistic long after
Werenfels, A. Turretin and Osterwald led a reaction against
it in the southern and western cantons.) He also studied
in Holland when she was still Calvinistic, before Rational-
ism came in. The Dutch Reformed Church was still so
Calvinistic that she would not have sent him to America,
if he had not been a Calvinist. Of the early Reformed
ministers, Rieger, Hochreutner, Bartholomseus and Stoever
were Swiss, and that meant Calvinistic. The six young
men whom Schlatter brought from Herborn, were trained
as Calvinists, for that university was Cocceian, as Cuno
has proved.
« Vol. I., page 320.
CONCLUSION. 623
For these reasons the Reformed Church in the United
States was born in Calvinism, nursed by Calvinistic Hol-
land, and to it she should remain true. When she gives
up her historic position (as agreed upon by the late Peace
Commission of the General Synod), she will lose her
adherence to her fathers, her right to exist as a separate
denomination, and her hope for the future. For when a
denomination swings from her historic position, what right
has she to live ? If she does not stand for the principles
for which she was born, what does she stand for ? There-
fore, she generally begins to die.
We have told the story of her fathers in the Father-
land. May her sons prove themselves worthy of such
ancestors and remain true to their principles. And may
the great Head of the Church keep them faithful to the
fathers and the creeds of the Reformed Church.
APPENDIX
I.
NEANDER'S HYMN, " Himmel, Erde, Luft und Meer.
Heaven and earth and sea and air
All their Maker's praise declare ;
Wake, my soul, awake and sing,
Now thy grateful praises bring.
See the glorious orb of day,
Breaking through the clouds his way ;
Moon and stars, with silver light,
Praise Him through the silent night.
See how He hath everywhere,
Made this earth so rich and fair ;
Hill and vale, a fruitful land.
All things living show His hand.
See how through the boundless sky,
Fresh and free the birds do fly ;
Fire and wind and storm are still
Servants of His royal will.
See the water's ceaseless flow.
Ever circling to and fro ;
From its sources to the sea,
Still it rolls in praise to Thee,
Lord, great wonders workest Thou,
To Thy sway all creatures bow ;
Write Thou deeply in my heart,
What I am, and what Thou art.
626 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
II.
LAMPE'S HYMN, "Mein Leben ist ein PHgerstand.'^
M}^ life is but a pilgrim stand (state),
A traveler to my fatherland,
I seek the city with foundation,
Whose Builder, Maker is my God ;
And gaining there my blest abode,
Would ever sing His great salvation.
My life is here a pilgrim stand,
I'm traveling to my fatherland.
The hours of life's uucertain day
Haste on without a moment's stay ;
And when once gone, are gone forever,
They bear me to eternity.
Lord Jesus, give me eyes to see,
What'er I need to know, discover ;
Nor let earth's vain delusions hide
Thee from my sight, my only guide.
No journey is without its cares.
Life's journey, too, my spirit wears;
It is not all a bed of roses.
The road is narrow, foes are strong,
And oft entice me to the wrong.
The tangled thorn my way opposes.
O'er trackless wilds I'm forced to go,
And groping, toil my passage through.
At times to me the sun is bright.
That sun outsheds its glorious light
Alone to bless the pure in spirit ;
Then comes the raging, roaring storm,
So loud, terrific its alarm.
So dark, I can not help but fear.
But when I think of joys above,
My terror yields its place to love.
Thou Jesus, once a pilgrim too.
Wilt prove Thyself a Helper true ;
Of all my anxious cries a hearer.
Thy warning word in mind I'll keep,
APPENDIX. 627
And by Thy guidance every step
Shall bring me to salvation nearer.
My life and strength are waning fast,
Lord, with Thy consolations haste.
That I may grow in holiness.
With stronger faith my spirit bless.
And thus of stumbling make me heedful ;
I daily fall, help me to rise.
And by each fall yet more to prize
Thy helping hand, so often needful.
While in this darkened soul of mine,
Thy beams of mercy brighter shine.
And while my heart, O God of Grace,
Shall faint with longing for Thy face ;
Prepare my will for Thy fruition.
Whene'er to earth my eyelids close.
May I with Thee enjoy repose.
Where sin and grief find no admission ;
Thy weary child bid thither come,
To live with Thee, a blissful home.
My lot is here with strangers thrown.
And by the world I'm little known ;
But there friends wait with joy to meet me,
And there with those I love the most,
I'll join in song the angel host,
Whose glories with their welcome greet me.
My Savior come, no more delay.
And thither bear my soul away.
— Translated by Dr. H. Mills.
628 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
III.
TERSTEEGEN'S HYMNS.
"Kommt, Kinder, Lasst uns gehen."
{It is translated thus:)
Come, children, let us onward,
Night comes without delay,
And in the howling desert
It isn't good to stay.
We are hasting on to heaven.
Strength for warfare will be given,
And glory won e'er long.
The pilgrim's path of toil
We do not fear to view.
We know His voice who calls us.
The faithful one and true.
Then let us well contemn,
But strong in His almighty grace.
Come every one with steadfast grace
On to Jerusalem.
If we would walk as pilgrims,
We must not riches keep ;
Much treasure to have gathered
But makes the way more steep.
We march with laggard speed
Till every weight is cast aside,
Till with the little satisfied,
That pilgrimage can need.
Here all unknown we wander.
Despised on every hand ;
Unnoticed, save when slighted,
As strangers in the land.
Our joys we will not share,
Yet sing, that we may catch the song.
Of heaven and the happy throng
That now awaits us there.
APPENDIX. Q29'
Come, gladly let us onward
Hand in hand still go,
Each helping one another
Through all the way below.
One family of love,
O let not voice of strife be heard,
No discord by the angel guard
Who watch us from above.
Soon, brothers, shall be ended
The journey we've begun ;
Endure a little longer.
The race will soon be run.
And in the sight of rest,
In yonder bright, eternal home.
Where all the Father's loved ones come.
We shall be safe and blest.
Then boldly let us venture ;
This, this is worth the cost,
Though dangers we encounter
Though everything be lost.
O world, how vain thy call !
We follow Him who went before.
— Translated by Mrs. Findlater.
" Siegesfuerst und Ehrenkoenig"
Is thus translated :
Conquering Prince and Lord of Glory,
Majesty enthroned in light !
All the heavens are small before Thee,
Far beyond them spreads Thy might.
Shall I not fall at Thy feet.
And my heart with rapture beat ;
Now Thy glory is displayed.
Thine ere yet the worlds were made.
Far and wide. Thou heavenly Sun,
Now Thy brightness streams abroad.
And heaven's host anew have won
Light and gladness from its Lord.
630 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY
Mark how yon unnumbered throng
Welcome Thee with joyous song.
See Thy children, weak and few,
Here would cry Hosannas, too.
Of Thy cup shall I not drink ?
Now Thy glories o'er me shine,
Shall my courage ever sink ?
Now I know all power is Thine,
I will trust Thee, O my King !
And will fear no earthly thing.
Henceforth wil I bow the knee
To no ruler, save to Thee.
Power and Spirit now o'erflow,
On me also be they poured
Till Thy last and mightiest foe
Hath been made Thy footstool, Lord.
Yea, let earth's remotest end
To Thy righteous sceptre bend.
Make Thy way before Thee plain,
O'er all hearts and spirits reign.
Lo, Thy presence filleth now
All Thy Church in every place.
To my heart, Oh, enter Thou ;
See it thirsteth for Thy grace ;
Come, Thou King of Glory, come.
Deign to make my heart Thy home ;
There abide and rule alone,
As upon Thy heavenly throne.
Parting dost Thou bring Thy life
God and heaven most inly near ;
Let me rise o'er earthly strife.
As though still I saw Thee near ;
And my heart transplanted hence,
Strange to earth, and time, and sense.
Dwell with Thee in heaven e'en now.
Where our only joy art Thou.
APPEJs^DIX. 631
"Brunn alles Heils, Dich ehren wir."
A beautiful moruing hymn:
Thee, Fount of Blessing, we adore !
Lo, we unlock our lips, before
Thy Godhead's deep of holiness ;
O deign to hear us now aud bless.
The Lord, the Maker, with us dwell.
In soul and body shield us well,
And guard us with His sleepless might.
From every ill by day and night.
The Lord, the Savior, Light Divine,
Now cause His face on us to shine,
That seeing: Him with perfect faith,
We trust His love for life aud death !
The Lord, the Comforter, be near,
Imprint His image deeply here ;
From bonds of sin and dread release,
And give us His unchanging peace !
O Triune God, Thou vast abyss.
Thou everflowing fount of bliss !
Flow through us, heart and soul and will,
With endless praise and blessing fill.
— Translated by Miss Winkworth.
Other beautiful hymns, which are translations of Ter-
steegen's, are found in many hymn books, as :
" God calling, yet shall I not hear."
" O Thou, to whose all-searching sight."
^' Thou hidden love of God, whose light."
" How sweet it is w4ien wean'd from all."
" The heart of man must somothino: love."
632 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
" The cross is ever good/'
" My great High Priest art Thoii."
It is a great pity that the new Hymnal of the Re-
formed Church of the United States has so few hymns by
Reformed authors. It has been criticized by one of the
ablest hymn critics in America as not being Reformed,
because it does not do honor to the hymn writers of its
own Church.
IV.
REFORMED CHURCH ORDERS AGAINST ALTARS. '
Church Order of Count John of Dillenburg (1581) :
" Since we ourselves intended to come to Siegen in order
to remove certain things from the churches which are
retained from the papacy, but not approved of in God's
Word, and, therefore, necessarily to be corrected, especially
idols, tablets, organs, altars, golden cups, wafers, small or
large." — (7imo, Count of DiUenhurg, imge 119-120.
Church Order of Tecklenburg (1588) : "As in the
churches of our country the altars, golden cups and wafers
are still in existence and use, the preacher shall endeavor
to remove them." — Bichter, Kirchenordnung, Vol. II.,
page 4.7.
Bremen Church Order (1595) : "And as we Christians
in the New Testament cannot speak of either altars or sac-
rifices, it is right that altars be removed and in their places
tables covered with a cloth be placed in the churches and
APPENDIX. 633
used for the communion." — Herzog^s Encyclopcedia, Vol.
I.J jjcige 312.
General Synod of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark (1610) :
^' The government shall be requested to remove all pictures,
altars and other idolatrous relics.'' — Heppe, Evangelical
Church of Cleve and Mark, page 172.
The four main historians of the different Reformed
Churches of Germany are Haasser of the Palatinate
Church, Goebel of the Rhenish Church, Heppe of the
Hessian Church, and Hering of the Brandenburg Church.
Hausser says : ^' Out of all the churches, and from all
the highways, altars, crucifixes, etc., were removed as the
work of idols, and the gowns and robes were distributed
among the poor.'' — History of the Rhine Pcdatinate, Vol.
II., page 31.
Goebel says : " Baptisms and weddings in an empty
church, as in a holy place,* without the presence of the
congregation, could not or cannot take place, according to
the Reformed view, which does not know of or want an
altar or outward sanctuary."
Heppe has been quoted above.
Hering says : " The mayor of the Mark, in the name
of the Elector, ordered that crucifixes, pictures and both
cdtars be entirely taken away, and on the contrary a table
placed in the choir." — Beginning of the Reformed Church
in Brandenburg, Vol. I., p)age 281.
41
634 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The two following theses were unanimously adopted
by the large fifth conference of Keformed pastors and
assistants held at Detmold, June 20, 1867 :
" The Biblical and Reformed communion table has
nothing to do with the Roman altar. ^^
^^ Altar ^ pictures, crucifixes, lights and other ornaments
destroy the sublime simplicity of the Lord, who works
with the least visible means/'
Herzog says : "According to the Reformed view, there
is no room for an altar in the Christian worship. For an
altar presupposes a visible material sacrifice that is offered
on it, but the New Testament knows . nothing of such a
sacrifice.'^ — Encyclopaedia^ Vol. J., page 312,
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &c.
A
Abeo:g, 443, 537, 540.
Achelis, 432, 572, note.
Achenbach, 249, 252, 280, 283.
Adam, Count of Schwarzenburg, 117, 122, 146.
Alardin, 368, 408.
Albertz, 423.
Alexander Church, Zweibriicken, 60, 263-267, 269.
Alliance, Reformed, 581.
Alsace and Lorraine, 570.
Alsted, 615.
Altars, 23, 586-7, 632-4.
Alting, 4, 38, 46, 141, 612, 618.
Amalie, Landgravine of Hesse-Cassel, 108-114, 125, 132.
Amvraut. See Saumur.
Ancillon; 175, 178, 212.
Anhalt, 11, 24, 31, 417, 508, 517, 576, 578.
Arnoldi, 408, 439, 440, 615, 616.
B
Bachman, 59, 64.
Baireuth, 18, 199-203.
Barbeyrac, 419.
Barmen, 65, 454, 455.
Bavaria, 31, 43, 46, 52, 569.
Beausobre, 212, 418, 522, 617.
Bengel, 308, 527.
Bentheim, 271-275.
Bethlen Gabor, 17, 25.
Bergius, 137, 163, 188, 327, 432, 441, 560, 573, 609, 617
636 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Berlin, 116 (note), 120-122, 145, 148-9, 164, 181-2,357,
493, 566, 572, 581.
Bernard of Weimar, 101, 102, 108.
Beuthen, 23, 28.
Boehl, 557-559.
Boehm, 622.
Boehme, 432, 448.
Bohemia, 16-30.
Brandenburg, 115-126, 135-137, 144-193.
Brandes, 571, 581.
Brazil, 86.
Bremen, 325, 344, 352, 379, 383, 431, 434, 502, 508-9,
570, 618.
Breslau, 24, 27, 28, 575.
Brieg, Count of, 23.
Bucer, 403, 560.
Buchfelder, 368, 408.
Bula, 557.
Bund, Reformirte, 581.
Bunsen, 469, 541.
Butenbach, 514.
Buttighausen, 618.
Calaminus, 581.
Calvin, 201, 312, 366, 408, 496, 504, 590.
Calvin's Catechism, 219.
Calvinists and Calvinism, 11, 23, 319, 390, 600-2, 613.
Camerarius, 1$.
Candidus, 61.
'Cannstadt-Stuttgart, 209.
Cartesian. See Descartes.
Cassel, 96-97, 140, 195, 216, 224, 610.
Cassel, Conference, 143.
Catechization, 329, 396.
Catharine Belgica, Countess of Hanau, 90, 108.
Cellarius, 56.
Charenton, 174, 181, 201.
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 637
Charles, Elector of Palatinate, 236-39.
Charles, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, 194, 342, 414, 416,
577.
Charles Lewis, Elector of Palatinate, 48, 53, 131, 139,
225-9, 232, 255.
Charles Phillip, Count of Hesse Homburg, 285-296.
Charles Theodore, Elector of Palatinate, 297-303.
Chevalier, 457.
Christian, Duke of Anhalt, 11, 24, 31.
Christian Ernst, Margrave of Brandenburg-Baireuth, 199.
Classes, 237, 292, 301, 571.
Clauberg, 136, 440, 616.
Clans, 142.
Cocceian.or Federal Theology, 136, 314, 319-320, 378,
ooo
Coetus, 569, 622-3.
Coligny, 156, 223.
Confirmation, 400.
Consistory of Palatinate, 238, -280, 298.
Conventicles, see Prayes Meetings.
Copper, 338-9, 378.
Crell, 191.
Crocius, J., 96, 137, 138, 142, 143, 561, 612, 615,618.
Crollius, 46.
Court, 481.
Cuno, 138.
Curtius, 561.
D
Dalton, 312.
Dathenus, 403.
Daub, 304, 439, 444, 514, 530-2, 537-8, 541.
D'Aubigne, 513, 582.
DeFleur, 190.
DeHase, 331, 347, 353, 355, 377, 382, 385, 619.
DeMarees, 517.
DeRuvter, 147.
Descartes, 136, 230, 315, 316.
638 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Detmold, 375, 580.
DeWette, 305, 537.
Dietrich, 456.
Dieterici, 366.
Dillenburg, 83, 89, 342-3.
Dilsberg, 35, 49.
Dorothea, Electress of Brandenburg, 149, 154.
Dorothea Sibylla, Duchess of Brieg, 24.
Dort, 141, 597, 614, 615.
Duisburg, 135-6, 324, 367, 378, 432, 440, 471, 506, 526,
616.
DuQuesne, 221, 523.
Durer, 202.
Durmenz, 205.
Dury, 140, 561.
Diising, 372.
Dusseldorf, 70, 74, 348.
E
East Friesland, 106, 402, 569.
Ebrard, 309, 314, 409, 428, 458, 469, 531, 536, 549, 612.
Edict of Eestitution, 10, 13, 43, 56, 82, 100, 118.
%lin, 615.
Elberfeld, 65, 69, 407, 478, 489, 492, 573, 580, 581.
Elizabeth, Electress of Palatinate, 18, 20, 21, 26, 27, 44,
54, 146, 230.
Elizabeth, Princess of Palatinate, 230-5, 338.
Emden, 28, 312, 368, 580.
Endeman, 439, 440, 615.
Erlangen, 199-203, 219 (note), 409, 526, 572.
Erman, 220, 522.
Evertsen, 455.
Eylert, 506, 562.
F
Fabricius, 133, 257-60, 278, 280, 618.
Federal School. See Cocceians.
Francke, 119.
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 639
Frankenthal, 34, 39, 50, 245, 272.
Frankford on the Main, 46, 260, 324, 341, 347.
Frankford on the Oder, 116 (note), 118, 128, 136, 441,
616.
Frederick II., Landgrave of Hesse Hombiirg, 197.
Frederick III. of Palatinate, 238, 453, 608.
Frederick V. of Palatinate (King of Bohemia), 11, 16-28,
30-32, 35, 36, 46-48, 50, 55, 129.
Frederick II. of Prussia (Frederick the Great), 146, 182,
414-415, 453, 464, 520.
Frederick I. of Prussia, 177, 216, 578.
Frederick William of Brandenburg, 122, 145, 173-4.
Free Prayer, 400.
Friederichsdorf, 197.
French Refugees. See Huguenots.
Funcke, 570.
G
Geibel, 513-516.
General Synod of Julich, Cleve, Berg and Mark, 215, 333^
342, 356, 363, 389, 397-8, 401, 404, 418,436.
George William, Elector of Brandenburg, 28, 115-121,
135.
Gerhardt, Paul, 150-153, 561.
Germersheim, 261-262, 284.
Gertrude, Countess of Bentheim, 271-5.
Gillet, 575-576.
Gcebel, 138, 308, 313, 314, 335, 339, 366, 375, 387, 400,
450, 458, 478, 567, 582, 619.
Goudimal, 403.
Grimm, 428, 433, 441.
Gustavus Adolphus, 10-11, 14, 32, 44, 46-7, 57, 84, 100,
118, 128.
H
Hadamar, 78, 100.
Hagenbach, 469.
Halle, 188-193, 219 (note), 370, 413, 415, 534, 573, 581.
Hanau, 90, 103-6, 569.
640 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Hanover, 218, 582.
Harbaugh, 621.
Hasenkamp, 432, 462, 411-2, 473.
Heddeus, 302, 304, 618.
Hedwig Sophia, Landgravine of Hesse-Cassel, 325, 365.
Hegel, 531, 537.
Heidegger, 258-259, 619.
Heidelberg, 19, 35, 37, 40, 50, 126, 132, 241, 245, 255-
287, 618.
Heidelberg Catechism, 131, 139, 219, 341, 408, 595-6.
Hein, 561, 615.
Helifenstein, 621.
Hengstenberg, 562.
Henry, 524.
Heppe, 143, 314, 400, 440, 458, 536, 554-6, 577, 591,
616.
Herborn, 82-83, 128, 134, 341, 408, 568, 613, 615, 616.
Herford, 232, 326, 338, 364.
Hering, 148.
Hersfeld, 94, 101-5, 373.
Herzoff, 547, note.
Holy Ghost Church at Heidelberg, 41, 46, 133, 442, 530.
Horch, 320, 340-343.
Hornbach, 56-57, 61.
Hottinger, 133, 139, 232, 370-372, 382, 408, 615, 618.
Huguenots, 173-224, 520, 617.
Hundius, 72.
Hungarians, 147.
Hymns and Hymn Books, 356, 403.
I
Iken, 308, 352, 355, 405.
Infralapsarianism, 141, 557.
Men, 85-88, 89.
Isenburg, 218, 336, 369.
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 641
J
Jablonski, 382, 561.
James I., King of England, 18, 25, 39-40.
Jesuits, 40, 241, 226, 303.
John Albert, Duke of Mecklenburg, 11, 118.
John Maurice, Count of Nassau-Siegen, 85-88, 134, 136.
Jolin William, Elector of Palatinate, 276-84.
Jorissen, 473-6.
Juliane, Electress of Palatinate, 19, 34, 125.
Junius, 618.
K
Kahnis, 535, 552.
Kant, 410, 412, 434, 439, 530.
Kerlin, 458, 459.
Kirchenzeitung, 578.
Kirchmeyer, 283, 287, 372, 428, 440. 469, 577, 615.
Koch, 232, 316-18, 324, 377, 380, 392.
Kohlbriigge, 495-8, 536, 557, 574.
Konigsberg, 116 (note), 125, 163, 373.
Kraflf\, 433, 463, 526-9, 549.
Krauss, 572.
Krummacher, F. A., 441, 504, 506-8.
Krummacher, F. W., 310, 463, 491^4, 512, 544-5.
Krummacher, G. D., 446, 456, 486, 497.
Labadie, 232, 313, 323, 326, 464.
Lampe, 357, 374-394, 395, 406, 408, 457, 463, 619.
Lange, J. P., 469, 535, 536.
Langhanns, 237, 241.
Lasco, 312, 367, 395, 408, 569, 605-6, 613-14.
Leipsic Conference, 120, 143.
Lenfant, 212.
Leopold, Duke of Anhalt Dessau, 417,
Lingen, 471, 506, 580, 619.
Lippe, 375-6, 517, 570.
42
642 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Lise-Lotte, 226-29.
Lobwasser, 403, 474.
Lodenstein, 313, 323, 324, 368, 376, 406.
Louis XIV., 174, 177, 198, 224, 226, 228, 240, 244, 246,
256, 262.
Louisa Henrietta, Electress of Brandenburg, 52, 156-167,
403.
Lower Saxon Confederation, 570.
Lunenschloss, 69-72.
M
Magdeburg, 183-7.
Mallet, 434, 446, 504, 509.
Manheim, 38, 50, 52. 139, 186, 245, 249, 253, 292.
Marburg, 96, 102, 128, 137 (note), 142, 216, 414, 438,
569, 577, 614.
Martinius, 658.
Martyr, 401.
Maurice, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, 11, 18, 93-8, 99,
577.
Maurice, Prince of Orange, 18, 85, 89, 109.
Max, Joseph, Elector of Palatinate, 304.
Mel, 372, 406.
Melancthon, 590, 599, 613.
Melancthonianism, 589-623.
Melander, 102, 109-13, 134.
Melchior, 350, 442, 616.
Menken, 378, 431-35, 446, 503, 513.
Meurs, 333, 338, 447, 491.
Meyenrock, 511.
Mieg, 258, 283, 287, 382, 438, 443, 517, 615.
Missions, 405, 527.
Mixed Marriages, 279, 287.
Monheim, 348.
Moravians, 11, 460.
Muhlenberg, 405, 408.
Muhlheim on the Ruhr, 324, 338, 367, 369, 448-62.
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 643
Muller, 440, 559 (note).
Muuscher 142, 428, 439.
Miirsinna, 428.
N
Nassau, 76-92, 134, 578.
Naude, 414, 522, 617.
Neander, Joachim, 344-62, 392, 404.
Neauder, John Augustus, 340, 537, 541.
Nethenus, 320, 333.
Neuberger, 101, 137, 561, 615.
Nevin, 410, 548, 553.
Niesener, 80-1.
Nitzsch, 537, 547.
Noltenius, 370, 441.
Nuremberg, 201.
O'Bearn, 522.
Olevianus, 395, 496, 568, 605, 607, 615, 618.
Oppenheim, 44, 50, 130, 294.
Oranienburg, 160, 168.
P
Palatinate, Lower, 11, 33, 127, 131, 134, 223-301.
Pantheism, 412, 531, 533, 537.
Papers, Reformed, 582, note.
Parens, 36, 618.
Panli, 422, 523.
Pelargus, 119, 129.
Penn, 233-5.
Persecution, 13, 29, 43, 173-306.
Pfalz Neuburg, 65, 348, 352.
Pfalz Neuburg, Ducliess Catliarino Charlotte of, 71.
Phillip William, Elector of Palatinate, 240-3.
Pietism, 307-410.
Piscator, 80 (note), 105, 615.
Prague, 20, 25, 26-29, 30.
Prague, Peace of, 12, 14, 99.
644 THE REFORMED CMURCH OF GERMANY.
Prayer Meetings (Prophesyings), 311, 324, 327, 349,365,
379, 448, 453-8, 499, 501, 515.
PrcdcstiDation, 600, 612.
Prosbyterium, 329, 349, 457.
Prussia, Synod of East and West, 565, 580.
Psalms, 348, 404.
R
Ramsey, 90-1, 103, 106.
Rationalism, 413-559, 584-5.
Reformed Church of the United States, 620-3.
Reich, 190 (note), 242.
Religious Liberty, 10, 121, 131.
Reprisals, Protestant, 281, 291.
Ritschl, 314, 321.
Robert, 428, 439.
Rusdorf, 49, 52.
Rothe, 535-6, 538, 540-2.
Sack, 419-21, 430, 472, 617.
Sandrart, 202.
Saumur, 139, 182, 414.
Saxony, Synod of Province of, 570.
Schaif, 469, 492, 494, 504, 547, 591-4.
Schaumburg, 111, 218.
Schenkel, 444, 542 (note).
Schlatter, 407, 622.
Schleiermacher, 190, 514, 523, 530, 532, 537, 539, 541,
562.
Schluter, 326, 363-4.
Schomberg, 148, 178,221.
Schramm, 408, 616.
Scultetus, 18, 20, 23, 24, 25, 28, 141, 618.
Sieffert, 572.
Siegen, 77, 85-8, 477, 482.
Silesia, 23, 359, 565, 566 (note), 574-6.
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 645
Simony, 300.
Simultaneous Worship, 277, 290, 294.
Snethlage, 506.
Spener, 308, 310, 314, 324, 349, 354, 369, 391, 401.
Spinola, 33, 55, 94.
Spinoza, 134, 442.
Spires, 42, 245, 250, 256.
Stahlschmidt, 482.
Statistics, Reformed, 588.
Stein, 202, 614.
Stilling, 307, 434, 446, 477-81.
Stosch, 165, 428, 441, 561.
Strauss, 531, 532, 539, 545, 559.
Strimesius, 561.
Stursburg, 469.
Switzerland, 15, 53, 622.
Synod, 201, 215, 218, 237-8, 296, 303, 363, 571.
Tecklenburg, 486, 506.
Tersteegen, 357, 392, 446, 447-70.
Thelemau, 375, 580.
Theremim, 562.
Tilly, 26, 35, 37, 39, 40, 76, 94, 95, 100, 118.
Tollin, 210, 583, 618.
Tossanus, 133, 366.
Treviranus, 502-5.
Turenne, 229, 263.
Turretin, 382.
U
Ullman, 444, 535-9, 548.
Union, 560-85.
Untereyck, 323-32, 340, 344, 348, 350-4, 373, 379, 395.
Ursinus, 395, 605-7, 618.
Ursula, Countess of Hadamar, 80-1.
Usteri, 559, note.
646 THE REFORMED CHURCH OP GERMANY.
Versailles, 224, 227, 246.
Yilmar, 440, 554, 576-7.
Voet, 313, 320, 323, 334, 368.
Voltaire, 415, 417, 547.
Von Achenbach, 583.
Von Schweriu, 167.
W
Walaus, S6.
Waldenses, 204-8.
Weinheim, 277, 283.
Weiss, 296.
Wendelin, 141, 612.
Wesel, 66, 130, 158, 312, 314 (note), 473.
Westphalia, Peace of, 12, 53, 123, 127-39.
Weyberg, 484.
Wied, 11.
William V., Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, 99-107.
William I., King of Germany, 223.
WolflP, 412-15, 439.
Wundt, 302, 304, 618.
Wnnster, 575.
Wyttenbach, 438, 440, 615.
Z
Zahn, 557.
Zanchius, 612, 618.
Zeller, 375-8.
Zerbst, 141, 147.
Zinzendorf, 459, 532, 622.
Zollikofer, 193, 429-30, 561.
Zweibrlicken, 18, 41, 55-64, 263-70.
Zwingli, 311, 408, 460, 580, 613.
ERRATA.
Page 15, line 5, 1638 should be 1635.
Page 35, line 13, Dillsberg should be Dilsberg.
Page 65, line 3, Cleve should be Berg.
Page 79, line 3, and page 81, last line, Hadamer sliould
be Hadamar.
Page 83, line 2, and page 91, line 15, Dillenberg should
be Dillenburg.
Page 151, line 22, Reinhar should be Reinhard.
Page 180, note, Konigsburg should be Konigsberg, and
Ukernark should be Ukermark.
Page 190, note, Reith should be Reich.
Page 307, line 7, Yung should be Jung.
Page 320, line 19, Nethenus should be Copper.
Page 408, line 18, Buchwalder should read Buchfelder.
Page 413, Wolf should read Wolff.
Page 486, line 6, Tecklenberg should read Tecklenburg.
Page 587, line 11, Calminus should be Calaminus.
Page 606, line 22, Morian should read Monau.
Page 612, line 17, Coceius should be Cocceius.
Page 613, lines 24 and 25 should read, "Rather than
Melancthon's, yes Zwingli held it too before either
of them.''
Note. — The author wishes to state that these errata are necessary mainly
owing to his difhculty with German proper names.
.4
I
