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Full text of "History of the reformed religion in France"




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i^m iLA im^M P'AKJw^gm'SME 



Dr_'C DZ B0U1I.L(;|1 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



REFORMED RELIGION 



FRANCE. 



BY THE 

REV. EDWARD SMEDLEY, M.A. 

LATE FELLOW OF SIDNEY SUSSEX COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 




'^ \ VOL. III. 



LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR J. G. & F. RIVINGTON, 

ST. Paul's church yard, 

AND WATERLOO PLACE, PALL MALL. 



1834. 




CONTENTS TO VOLUME III. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

I 

nice — Conduct of Du Plessis — Dissolution of the States- 
General — Disputation at Mantes — Henry IV. enters 
Paris — His clemency — Xlllth National Synod — Jea- 
lousy of the opposite Parties — Attempt upon the King's 
Life by Jean Chastel — Expulsion of the Jesuits — Theo- 
dore Agrippa D'Aubigne — Renewal of War with Spain 
— Battle of Fontaine — Fran^aise — Reconciliation with the 
Duke of Mayenne — The Pope absolves Henry — Massacre 
at La Chasteigneraye — XlVth National Synod — The 
Spaniards take Calais and Amiens — Siege and recovery 
of Amiens — Apostasy of De Sancy — Remonstrances of 
the Huguenots — Edict of Nantes — Peace of Vervins. . . . 



CHAPTER XX. 

)elaj in registering the Edict of Nantes — XV th National 
Syrod — Marriage of Catherine of Navarre — Martha 
Broisier, the Daemoniac — Divorce and second Marriage 
of Henry IV. — Disputation at Fontainebleau between Du 
Pless's Mornay and Du Perron — Partiality of the King — 
Magnanimity of Du Plessis — XVIth and XVIIth National 
Synoos — Controversies arising out of the latter — Tran- 
quillity of the Huguenots — Reviving influence of the 
Jesuits — Pere Cotton — His adventure with the Daemoniac 
Adrienr.e de Fresnes — Re-establishment of the Jesuits 
— Charenton assigned to the Huguenots — XVIIIth Na- 
tional Syiiod — Project of Union between the Churches — 
Firmness and integrity of Sully — XlXth National Synod 
— Assassination of Henry IV 44 



VI CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Pag 
Regency of Mary of Medicis — Rise and ascendency of the 
Marquis d'Ancre — Intrigues against Sully — He resigns 
his offices and quits the Court — Political Assembly at Sau- 
mur — Its dissensions — History of De Mornay's Mystery 
of Iniquity — The Response of Raymond du Bray — Letter 
of James I. — XXth National Synod — Quarrel between 
the Court and the Duke of Rohan — Excommunication of 
Jacques Ferrier — Riot at Nismes in consequence — His 
apostasy — Unpopularity of the Jesuits — XXIst National 
Synod — Project of general comprehension — Its futility — 
Majority of Louis XIII. — Imprisonment of the Prince of 
Conde — D'Ancre at the height of power — Rise of De 
Luines — Assassination of D'Ancre — Savage treatment of 
his remains — Retirement of Mary of Medicis — XXIId 
National Synod — First appearance of Richelieu — Escape 
of Mary of Medicis from Blois — Release of the Prince of 
Conde — Total ruin of the Party of Mary of Medicis — 
Annexation of Bearne 96; 

CHAPTER XXIL 

Political Assembly at Loudun — Bentivoglio's Account of 
the Huguenots — XXIIId National Synod — Political As- i 
sembly at La Rochelle — Apostasy of Lesdiguieres — De 
Luines appointed Constable — The Assembly refuses to 
disperse — Treacherous Occupation of Saumur — Retire- 
ment and Character of Du Plessis Mornay — Declaration 
against La Rochelle and St. Jean D'Angely — Surrenter 
of St. Jean D'Angely— Of Clairac— The Siege of Mon- 
tauban raised — Death of De Luines — Tumults at Cha- 
renton and Paris — Dominic a Jesu Maria — Cruelties at 
Negrepelisse and St. Anthonin — Unsuccessful Siege of 
Montpellier — Peace of Montpellier — Elevation of Riche- 
lieu — Arrest and Release of the Duke of Ro^an — 
XXIVth National Synod — Death of the Duke de Bouil- 
lon, and of Du Plessis Mornay — Renewal of War by La 
Rochelle — Heroism of some Peasants of Foix — Gallant 
Naval Exploit — Feelings of the English — Pennington's 
Expedition — England mediates Peace — XXVth National 
Synod — England declares War — The Duke of Bucking- 



ll 



CONTENTS. Vn 

Page 
ham's Expedition to the Isle of Rhe — La Rochelle 
declares War — Great Preparations for its Siege — The 
Mole — Famine — Meruault's Journal — The widow Prosni 
— Surrender of La Rochelle — Violation of the Terms — 
Destruction of its Independence ] 43 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

The Duke of Rohan obtains a Peace — He engages in the 
Service of Venice — Dismantling of the Cautionary Towns 
— XXVIth National Synod — Tranquillity under Riche- 
lieu — Petty Grievances — XXVIIth National Synod — 
Regulation of the Slave-Trade — Richelieu's supposed 
Project of Re-union — Death of Richelieu, and of Louis 
XIII. — Administration of Mazarin — XXVIIIth National 
Synod — Excluding Ordinances — Conversions — Drelin- 
court and the Convertisseurs — Abjuration of a Jesuit — 
The Huguenots espouse the King's Party during the 
Fronde — Their favour under Mazarin — Massacre of the 
Vaudois — Energy of Cromwell — Louis XIV. disavows 
participation in it — Provincial Commissioners — XXlXth 
and last National Synod — Suppression of National Sy- 
nods 199 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Decline of the Huguenots after the Death of Mazarin — 
Numerous restraining Edicts — Letter from Louis XIV. 
to the Elector of Brandenburg — Abolition of The Cham- 
bers of The Edict — Deficiency of high rank among the 
Huguenots — Their Learning — The King engages ac- 
tively in promoting Conversions — Pelisson — New Penal 
Ordinances — Commencement of the Dragonnades in 
Poitou — Marillac — Emigration — Encouraged by Foreign 
Protestant States — Forbidden by Edict — Interference 
with Public Worship — Secret Union among the Hugue- 
nots — Executions — Assembly of the Galilean Church — 
Abolition of the Reformed Church at Bearne — Troops 
spread over the Southern Provinces— Forced and pre- 
tended Conversions — Enormities of the Soldiery — Revo- 
cation of the Edict of Nantes 233 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Page 
Dispersion of the Huguenot Ministers — Consequent Emi- 
gration — Sufferings of the Fugitives — Bishop Burnet's 
Account — Their reception in Foreign Countries — In 
England — Great Commercial Injury to France — The 
Galleys — Louis de MaroUes — Transportation to America 
— De Serres — Modification of the Edict against the dead 
bodies of the Relapsed — Tacit Indulgence — Rebellion in 
the Cevennes — The Prophets — Murder of the Abbe 
Chayla — The Marquis de Guiscard — Cavallier — Origin 
of the name Camisards — Their successes — Villars com- 
mands against them — He negotiates with Cavallier — 
Sequel of Cavallier's History — Termination of the Re- 
bellion — Fanaticism of the French Prophets in England 
— Latter years, and Death of Louis XIV. — The Regent 
Orleans — The Duke of Bourbon — The Cardinal of 
Fleury— Renevped Persecution at his Death — Synod of 
Nismes — Assemblies of the Desert — Severities — Fresh 
Emigration — Benevolent Intentions of Louis XVI. — 
Frustrated by the Revolution — Napoleon — The Resto- 
ration — The Revolution of 1830 — Conclusion 27 



PLATES TO VOL. III. 

I. Henri de la tour d'Auvergne, Vicomte de 

Turenne Frontispie. 

II. Arm AND DE GoNTAULT, Baron de Biron . page I( 

III. Henri, Due de Rohan 2< 

IV. Paul Pelisson 2 



j 



The Binder is particularly requested to transfer the head of 
Du Plessis Mornay, given in Vol. II. to face p. 158 of this ro- 
lume, and to place that of the Baron de Biron to face p. 326 of 
Vol. II. 




HISTORY 

OF THE 

REFORMED RELIGION 

IN 

FRANCE. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Truce — Conduct of Du Plessis — Dissolution of the States-General 
— Disputation at Mantes — Henry IV. enters Paris — His cle- 
mency — Xlllth National Synod — Jealousy of the opposite 
Parties — Attempt upon the King's Life by Jean Chastel — Ex- 
pulsion of the Jesuits — Theodore Agrippa D'Auligne — Renewal 
of War with Spain — Battle of Fontaine-Frangaise — Recon- 
ciliation with the Duke of Mayenne — The Pope absolves 
Henry — Massacre at La Chasteigneraye — XlVth National 
Synod — The Spaniards take Calais and Amiens — Siege and 
recovery of Amiens — Apostasy of De Sancy — Remonstrances of 
the Huguenots — Edict of Nantes — Peace of Vervins. 

[In the official Letter which Henry addressed to the 
Parliament of Paris, announcing his conversion, he 
spoke in terms too frequently abused and misapplied, 
of God's Grace and of the Inspiration of the Holy 
Spirit which had been his pilots ; and he expressed 
the full satisfaction which had been aiForded him of 
the verity of his new Faith, by proofs exhibited from 
the writings of the Apostles, of the Fathers, and of the 

VOL. III. B 



2 TRUCE. [CH. XIXJ 

Doctors whom the Church acknowledged ^ A fei 
lines addressed, on the same day, by M. de Valan^a^ 
to the Duchess d'Angouleme, immediately after the 
ceremony, convey a most lively picture of the state 
of public feeling. " I have seen the King attending 
Mass with all possible devotion ; and I have wit- 
nessed so much congratulation and delight, that, by 
my faith, I have wept tears of joy, the first which I 
have so shed since the death of my Father. In 
good earnest, Madam, this is the truth, and you 
need not doubt a syllable of it. Yesterday, by his 
Majesty's permission, I visited Paris, where I found 
some persons astonished, others much grieved, and 
but a few quite at their ease ^." 

A Truce for three months was almost 
immediately concluded with the Chiefs of 
the League, whose mutual discontent made a tempo- 
rary accommodation equally desirable to each of the 
factions into which they were now divided. Henry, 
although unsupported in his Cabinet, steadily refused 
a proposition to deprive the Huguenots of their 
public charges and honours, if he would not declare 
open war against them ^ ; and he detected, in suffi- 
cient time to stifle its progress, a design to extort 
from him the establishment of all Provincial Govern- 
ments as Hereditary Tenures ; a measure on which 
Du Plessis pithily remarks that he might as well have 
signed his death-warrant at three days' sight*. The 
intercourse maintained between the King and Du 
Plessis at this season, is honourable to both parties. 
In no instance did the latter dissemble the profound- 



Du Plessis, torn. v. p. 497. ' Id. ibid. p. 498. 

Id. ibid. p. 509 * Id. ibid. p. 501. 



A. D. 1593.] CONDUCT OT DU PLESSIS. 3 

ness of his regret ; and as the sentiments which he 
unshrinkingly expressed bore witness to his inte- 
grity, so do they appear to have increased Henry's 
confidence and affection, instead of exciting his 
anger. When Du Plessis spoke of " the eclipse ^" 
under which the King was labouring ; when he ob- 
jected to the Truce as recognising " the heads of 
the two Parties," a phrase which he said would not 
have been tolerated in days which he could remem- 
ber ^ ; when he complained that the Huguenots 
had experienced less benefit during the reign of a 
]\Ionarch whom they once had the honour to call 
their Protector, than during those of any of his pre- 
decessors, their avowed enemies ; when he exhibited 
an apprehension that the advisers who had been 
powerful enough to silence the King's conscience, 
might also be able to extinguish his good inclina- 
tions ; that it was improbable that he who had not 
feared to offend God, would be more careful in giv- 
ing offence to his subjects, since the step from pure 
Religion to Idolatry was far more wide than that 
from Idolatry to Persecution ; when he told him 
that more precise terms of abjuration had been 
forced upon his acceptance than would have been 
demanded from a Jew or a Turk ; when he antici- 
pated that the Pope would send him a consecrated 
sword as a preliminary to absolution ; and would 
command him to extirpate Heretics, that is, the 
most loyal and the most Christian Frenchmen ; and 
that as a feu dejoie for Peace, he would be com- 
pelled to burn his most faithful subjects ^ : all 

1 Id. ibid. p. 500. 2 jd. ibid. p. 508. 

3 Id. ibid. p. 535. 

B 2 



4 DISSOLUTION OF THE STATES-GENERAL. [cH. XIX. 

this, and much other vehement language, the dis- 
cretion of which is more questionable than its sin- 
cerity, was received not only without impatience, 
but with the most earnest solicitations for an imme- 
diate personal interview. Complaints of delay are 
scattered over a correspondence of five weeks' dura- 
tion ^ " Despatch, despatch," are the words 
which the King employs after having been repeatedly 
disobeyed, " I am well assured that, on your arrival, 
you will find me not at all changed in kindly feel- 
ing towards you, and that you will not give quite 
so much credit as you have done heretofore to 
the evil reports which have been so diligently cir- 
culated ^" 

The States-General proving wholly ineffectual to 
further the objects for which they had been sum- 
moned, were dismissed by the Duke of 

Aug. 8. '' 

Mayenne, having previously agreed to 
recognize the authority of the Council of Trent ; 
having subscribed a new oath of union, and having 
fixed upon October as the probable time at which 
they would re-assemble for the final election of a 
King. Henry's chief anxiety, during the interval 

^ Venes done incontinent — venes, venes, venes. Id. ibid. 
p. 505. In two days afterwards, je vous ai plus aime que gen- 
tilhomme de man royaulme — je vois Men que c'est ; vous aimis plus 
le general que mot. p. 506. Again in another week, Fenes en 
toute diligence, car j'ai besoing de vous. Fenes, venes, venes. 
p. 514 ; and before the close of the month, yet more urgently, 
je suis las de vous escrire tousjours une mesme chose, je desire 
infiniment de vous voir. Fenes : j'ai taut de besoing de vostre 
presence que je ne m'en puis passer, pour des raisons que je ne 
vous puis escrire. Fenes encore ung coup. Fenes, venes, venes, 
si vous m'aimes. p. 528. 
2 Id. ibid. p. 656. 






A. D. 1593.] DEPUTATION TO MANTES. 5 

of repose from arms which the Truce afforded him, 
arose from the slow and unfavourable progress of 
his negotiations with Rome. The Duke of Nevers, 
who had been despatched as his especial Ambassa- 
dor to solicit absolution from the Pope (a form 
without which it was hopeless to suppose that the 
reconciliation in St. Denis would ever be generally 
acknowledged as valid), failed altogether in his 
mission ; and withdrew from Rome after a few 
audiences with Clement, obtained mth difficulty, 
and granted to him only in his private capacity ^ 
Hostilities, nevertheless, were still suspended in 
France by the prolongation of the Truce ^ ; and 
Henry, unoccupied by war, could not in decency 
excuse himself from granting a hearing at Mantes to 
the Deputies of the Reformed Churches, who pre- 
sented to him a Memoir of their grievances early in 
December. 

The application was referred to a Committee, and 
the Deputies separated without obtaining more than 
vague assurances of protection. A public Disputation, 
however, arose out of this meeting, of which it is to 
be regretted, that we possess no other details than 
are afforded by an ex parte narrative. If the par- 
ticulars which we are about to give, appear little 
favourable to the Huguenots, it should be re- 
membered that they proceed from the pen of an 
enemy of the most vindictive class, a revolted 
friend ; and therefore that they must be accepted 
with caution. Pierre Victor Cayet, from whose 



* Id. ibid. p. 677- Journal de Henri IV. torn. i. p. 425. 
2 For November and December. Journal de Henri IV. 
tom. i. p. 424. 



6 DISPUTATION BETWEEN [cH. XIX. 

Chronologie Novennaire, embracing the period be- 
tween the years 1589 and 1598, we abridge the fol- 
lowing relation, was educated in the Reformed 
Faith, and had been Chaplain to Henry's Sister, 
the Princess Catherine. He was deposed from the 
Ministry in 159G, on an accusation of Sorcery ; and 
on another less imaginary and more infamous charge 
of having written a Defence of the Public Stews \ 
We find him afterwards, however, filling the high 
oflSce of Professor of Hebrew in the College of 
Navarre at Paris, and largely engaged in Works of 
Controversy ; and his Histories of the two great 
periods of Henry's reign, abound in curious notices, 
without acquaintance with which our estimate of the 
times must remain imperfect. 

According to Cayet's statement, one of the Depu- 
ties employed on this mission, was Jean Baptiste 
Rotan, a Pastor of La Rochelle, at that season en- 
joying no small credit among the Huguenots ^. 
Fired with an ambitious hope of winning yet further 
reputation, and somewhat unadvisedly confident in 
his own strength, he gave out that Du Perron, who 
was then in the King's suite, dared not enter the 
lists with any of the Reformed. Du Perron mo- 
destly expressed his willingness to accept the chal- 
lenge, provided the Royal permission could be ob- 

^ Bayle ad v. Cayet. Mem. de la Ligue, torn. vi. p. .319, &c. 
Chron. Noven. torn, iii p. 545. 

2 Rotan's expressions to Du Plessis on Henry's abjuration, 
are remarkably strong. Monsieur, je deplore nostre condition ; 
mats encore plus celle du Prince, qui se rendant plus contemptible 
ii tout le monde, se va precipiter en une ruyne toute certaine pour 
une es'perance hien incertaine. (July 24.) Du Plessis torn. v. 
p. 496. 



A. D. 1593.] ROTAN AND DU PERRON. 7 

tained ; and the King having assented, a Conference 
was arranged upon conditions which cannot be 
deemed inequitable ; that the Disputation should be 
conducted with due regard to courtesy and with an 
abstinence from invective ; that the arguments 
should be adduced syllogistically ; and that nothing 
should be proposed which could not be supported 
by Scriptural authority. Secretaries were named on 
either side to note down the proceedings ; Salomon 
de Bethune, younger brother of Sully and Governor 
of the City, was appointed to act as President 
representing the King, and his house was named 
as the theatre of contest ^ 

Rotan, flushed vdth anticipations of vie- 
tory, had sent for numerous packages of 
books from La Rochelle, but little use, it is said, 
was made of them for reference. The question 
which he selected for disputation was, " The suffi- 
ciency of Scripture ;" and he relied on the text of 
St. Paul (rendered in the Genevan translation very 
much as it is in our own established version) All 
Scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is pro- 
jitablefor doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for in- 
struction in righteousness. That the man of God may 
he perfect, throughly furnished unto all good rvorks^. 

1 Cayet is precise in stating that the King appeared by proxy, 
que le dit Gouverneur representeroit ; and again that Secretaries 
were appointed pour recueiller tout ce qui seroit dit et le repre- 
senter a sa Majeste. torn. ii. liv. v. f. 269, &c. Nevertheless 
Duchat, in commenting upon the Epttre prefixed to the Confes- 
sion de Sancy, endeavours to show that Rotan parut etonne 
devant un grand Roy et une nombreuse cour qui le soutenoient. 
Journal de Henri III. tom. v. p. 31. 

2 2 Tim. iii. 16, 17- Touie VEscriture Sainte est divinement 



8 DISPUTATION BETWEEN [cH. XIX. 

Du Perron argued in the first place, that by 
these words, even according to the interpretation 
which his antagonist annexed to them, no more than 
the Old Testament could have been intended ; be- 
cause the Canon of the New Testament had not been 
regulated, and some of its contents were not even 
written, at the time at which St. Paul thus delivered 
himself. He further showed, that the substantive 
verb " is" had not any existence in the original 
Greek ; and that as the Apostle referred to " the Holy 
Scriptures," to. lepd ypajujuara, which he had men- 
tioned in the preceding verse, as " able to make thee 
wise unto salvation," to. ^vvdfxevd at ao^iaai iiq ao)- 
TTipiav, the repetition of irdaa ypacp^, therefore, was 
no more than emphatical. Lastly he contended, 
that " profitable," wtpiXifjiog, widely differed from 
" sufiicient," iKavbg. 

Rotan, without noticing the first part of the 
objection, answered, that sufficiency was amply 
evinced by the following verse, that " the man 
of God," i. e. the faithful Christian, " may be 
made perfect.!' To this assertion Du Perron re- 
joined, that it was no where stated that Scripture is 
the only means upon which the attainment of per- 
fection depends ; but that, on the contrary, it must 
be considered as one out of several forms of instruc- 
tion. His next position was more subtle and wordy. 
In all subjects the final cause is without those sub- 
jects, and depends upon the first agent, which in this 
particular instance is God himself. If it were other- 
wise, every person reading the Scriptures would ipso 

inspiree ; . . est suffisante pour rendre Vhomme sage, afin qu'il 
soit parfait en toutes bonnes ceuvres. 



I 



A. D. 1593.] ROTAN AND DU PERRON. 9 

facto become perfect. But St. Peter rebukes the 
" unlearned and unstable," who " wrest the Scrip- 
tures unto their own destruction \" St. Jude also 
says, that Heretics corrupt the Scripture, not under- 
standing it ^. " Even unto this day," as St. Paul 
assures the Corinthians, " when Moses is read" by 
the Jews, " the veil is upon their hearts ^," and our 
Saviour himself charges the Sadducees with error, 
" not knowing the Scriptures \" He then denied 
that " the man of God" meant " a faithful Christian" 
generally ; it pointed in this place to Timothy him- 
self, as it did also in another passage in St. Paul's 
former Epistle to the same Disciple ^. Lastly, those 
who were instructed to reprove, rebuke, and exhort, 
could be no others than persons called by the Church 
to lawful authority, and Scripture therefore was not 
profitable unless applied by such persons, who were 
not to be found in the pretended Reformed Commu- 
nion. 

When Du Perron paused here, Rotan, who ap- 
peared confused, offered some high eulogies upon his 
antagonist's erudition, terminated the day's argument 
suddenly, and did not re-appear on the following 
morning. His place was occupied by Berault, a 
Pastor of Montauban, with whom Du Perron re- 

1 2 Peter iii. I7. 

2 The allusion probably is to Jude 10. to which passage the 
Rhemists have annexed the following goodly commentary : " He 
speaketh of Heretics, who, being ignorant in God's mysteries 
and the divine doctrine of his Church, when they cannot re- 
prove the things, then they fall to execrations, irrisions, and 
blasphemies, against the Priests, Church, and Sacraments, and 
whatsoever is godly. 

3 2 Cor. iii. 15. * Matt. xxii. 29. 

5 1 Tim. vi. 11. 



10 EXAMINATION OF THE [cH. XIX. 

newed the combat. During six days, they searched 
every corner and crevice of Dialectics in pursuit of 
the true meaning of the word co^io-at, to make wise. 
Historians, Poets, Mathematicians ; Moral, Meta- 
physical, and Physical Philosophers ; Scholiasts and 
Commentators, without num])er, were cited ; and 
Berault, a skilful fencer, " thrust quarte and tierce S" 
as we are told, but was never able to establish that it 
could relate to sufficiency. At length he also took 
refuge in compliment, and withdrew, excusing him- 
self by a lame apology that he had not come pre- 
pared for disputation. 

The conduct of Rotan appears to have created 
suspicion ; and D'Aubigne positively accuses him of 
having long been in correspondence with Du Perron. 
He states that Rotan, by mooting Religious Ques- 
tions before Henry, in which, as was previously ar- 
ranged, he was always worsted by Du Perron, weak- 
ened the King's faith in Protestantism ; and that 
at this Conference his defeat was altogether precon- 
certed. At the moment, however, some touch of 
shame, or some fear of detection, made him waver, 
and he retired under a feigned plea of sickness ^. 
In opposition to these charges, we find Rotan, six 
months afterwards, at the Synod of Montauban, in 
the honourable post of assessor to Berault, who pre- 
sided as Moderator ; and both of them receiving high 
testimonies of approval from their brethren. Rotan 
was publicly thanked for his pious exertions in main- 
taininsj the truth in the Conference at Mantes ^ ; at 



^ Escrima a droit et a revers. 

2 Hist. Univ. torn. iii. liv. iii. ch. 22. p. 290. 

3 Quick, ch. iv. 49. p. 166. 



A. D. 1593.] CONDUCT OF ROTAN. 11 

the desire of the Magistrates of La Rochelle and of 
the whole Province of Saintonge, application was 
made to the Syndics of Geneva " to give up their 
right in our honoured brother M. Rotan, for the ser- 
vice of the Church of Rochelle, because of his singu- 
lar usefulness and fruitful labour in that Church, and 
his great serviceableness in that Province, yea, and 
to all the Reformed Churches in France * :" and he 
was appointed afresh as one of the champions when- 
ever the Conference should be renewed. Within 
two years, he was again received as a Deputy at the 
Synod of Saumur, under circumstances which would 
have made it easy to reject any applicant of ble- 
mished, or even of suspected character ^ ; and yet 
further, at the Synod of Montpelier, in 1598, each of 
the Churches of La Rochelle and of Castres con- 
tended for him as their Pastor ^. If, therefore, we 
grant that Cayet has represented the occurrences of 
the Disputation fairly in the main, and that Rotan 
was in truth discomfited, his want of success may be 
attributed rather to his inferiority to Du Perron as a 
Controversialist, than to any villanous betrayal of 
the cause which he avowedly espoused. Perhaps, 
indeed, we are entitled to make a yet further deduc- 
tion. It was unlikely that the Huguenots would 
lavish such demonstrations of respect and confidence 
on a defeated advocate ; or that they would intrust 
their cause a second time to one who had already 
evinced incapacity for its defence. That they did 

1 Quick, ch. vi. 10. p. 170. 

2 Id, p. 174. where may be found d'Aubigne's accusation 
against Rotan. 

3 Id. ch. iv. 7. 27. pp 201. 203. 



12 HENRY IV. ENTERS PARIS. [cH. XIX. 

SO cannot but excite a reasonable suspicion of the 
veracity of Cayet's narrative. 

During the Winter of 1593, and the ensuing Spring, 
Lyons, Rheims, Toulouse, and other important towns, 
1594 declared for Henry. He celebrated his 
Feb. 27. Sacre at Chartres, and he entered his Ca- 
March 22. p-^^^j triumphantly, yet peaceably ; an 
event which, as it is thought, accelerated the death 
of Cardinal Pelleve, already struggling with the in- 
firmities of a life protracted to its seventy-seventh 
year^ The King's success was every where marked 
by extraordinary clemency ; pardon was freely and 
generally offered, and scarcely any punishment be- 
yond that of exile was inflicted upon even his most 
pertinacious enemies. We read with surprise of the 
familiar access which the Duchess of Montpensier 
obtained to the Royal person, and with disgust of the 
servility with which she courted favour. On the 
evening of the King's public entrance into Paris, she 
formed one of his card-party ^. At another time, he 
even sat down to play with her tete-d-tete, a want of 
caution, which induced Crillon, who entered acci- 
dentally during the game, to whisper twice in his 
Master's ear, " Beware, Sire, of the Montpensier's 
penknife^." On one occasion, she assured Henry 

^ His death is fixed by his Epitaph in the Cathedral at 
Rheims, (printed in the Remarques sur la Satyre Menippee, 
torn. ii. p. 155,) on the 26th of March. 

2 Perefixe, p. 223. D'Aubigne Hist. Univ. torn. iii. liv. iv. 
ch. iii. p. 336. 

' Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 112. The golden scissors 
which the Duchess of Montpensier used to wear at her girdle, in 
order, as she declared, to perform the tonsure on Henry III. are 
more celebrated than her penknife. De Thou, xciii. 9. Lettres 
d'Ossat. torn. i. p. 183. Satyre Menippee, torn. i. p. 93. 



A. D. 1594.] THE DUCHESS OF MONTPENSIER. 13 

that the only circumstance wanting to increase her 
pleasure in seeing him in possession of the Louvre, 
was, that her brother of Mayenne should have low- 
ered the drawbridge when he passed the Barriers. 
*' Ventre Saint Gris^" replied the King, whose good- 
sense revolted at the hollowness of this declaration, 
" I might, in that case, have had to wait a long time, 
and should not have entered quite so easily^." Her 
effrontery, however, as may be supposed, subjected 
her to frequent mortifications. The Princess of 
Orange, on finding her in the apartments of the 
Princess Catherine, abruptly quitted the chamber, 
avowing herself to be too good a Frenchwoman to 
remain in company with one who had participated in 
Regicide^. Crillon went still further. One day, 
when the Montpensier was in the same presence, he 
whispered to a Lady in attendance, that she would 
do a good act if she would kill the murderess of the 
late King. This advice reached the ears of the 
Duchess ; and she observed, that to strike the blow 
had indeed been beyond her strength, but that she 
rejoiced in an opportunity of avowing, in so goodly 
a company, that she was right glad vv^hen she heard 

^ We have already explained the origin of this favourite ex- 
clamation, (vol. ii. p. 311.) Of the many silly, and sometimes 
far worse than silly expletives recorded of the several Kings of 
France, that of Francis I., Foi de Gentilhomme, requires least 
defence. If any asseveration be necessary to procure belief for 
the assertion of a man of honour, a reference to his ovrn good 
repute appears to be the most fitting. 

2 Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 15. 

' Id. p. 107. The Princess of Orange was Louise, a daugh- 
ter of the Admiral de Coligny. After the murder of her first 
husband Teligni during the St. Bartholomew, she became 
fourth consort of William IV. Prince of Orange. 



14 Xlllth NATIONAL SYNOD. [cH. XIX. 

that another hand had struck it^ Her popularity in 
the Capital was altogether extinguished ; and she 
who but a few weeks before so entirely swayed the 
rabble as to be called the " dueen Mother of Paris," 
now passed through its streets unregarded, and even 
without the ordinary salutations which her rank 
demanded ^. 

The Deputies of the Reformed Church 
assembled at Montauban towards Midsum- 
mer, in order to hold their xiiith. National Synod. 
Eleven troubled years had elapsed since the conven- 
tion of a similar meeting, and the many grievances 
under which they at that time laboured, were still 
far from being redressed. For the most part, how- 
ever, they discreetly separated the consideration of 
their Political wrongs from the arrangement of their 
Religious discipline ; and leaving the former to an 
Assembly about to meet at St. Foy, the Synod con- 
fined itself to the internal government of its congre- 
gations. A provision, more calculated to spare trou- 
ble than to promote equity, enacted neutrality in 
cases of reciprocal accusation between a Minister 
and his Flock : " Whereas a Minister complains of 
his Church's ingratitude, and the Church on the 
other hand shall lay the blame on its Pastor, there 
shall be no notice taken of either of them ^." Minis- 
ters were earnestly exhorted to residence*; and 
strong expostulations were addressed to " the un- 
grateful wretches " who neglected to contribute to 
their Pastor's subsistence. This " crying sin " is 
declared to have become more notorious than ever, 



1 Id. p. 112 2 /^. p. 104. 

3 Quick, ch. iv, 7. p. 161. * Id. ch. iv. 10. p. 162. 



A. D. 1594.] THE PRINCESS CATHERINE. 15 

insomuch that " it threatens the Church with a total 
dissipation ;" and the Consistories were enjoined to 
deprive obstinate oiFenders, after they shall have 
been several times admonished, of Communion with 
the Church in its Sacraments \ Henry's apostasy 
was passed over in decortms silence ; but " all Mi- 
nisters were exhorted to be earnest with God in their 
public prayers for the conversion, preservation, and 
prosperity of the King ; and whenever they be at 
Court, and have access to his Majesty, they shall do 
their duty in reminding him seriously of the great 
concern of his soul's salvation ; and the Pastors ordi- 
narily residing at Court and in the neighbourhood 
shall be writ to more especially by this Synod to put 
this our counsel into practice ^" 

The Reformed appear now to have placed their 
liopes of continued illustrious patronage upon the 
Princess Catherine, the King's sister ; and it was of 
her accordingly that the suspicions of the Romanists 
were aroused in like proportion. The Synod of 
Montauban decreed that Letters should be sent con- 
gratulating her perseverance, and advising her High- 
ness to continue faithful unto the last ^. More than 
once did she write to Du Plessis, with earnest pro- 
testations of unshaken fidelity ; expressing the deep 
pain which her brother's abjuration had occasioned, 
and her conviction that, when the present confusioA 
had passed away, he would, through God's Grace, 
repair the breach which, for the good of his people, 
he now allowed to be made in his conscience *. "If 
they tell you," she says, on another occasion, " that 

1 Ch. iv. 8, ibid. 2 ch. iv. 15. p. 162. 

3 Ch. iv. 16. ibid. * Tom. vi. p. 77- 



16 THE PRINCESS CATHERINE. [cH. 



I 



I have been to Mass, receive my denial in one word, 
that I have been there neither in act nor even in 
thought. I do not mean to go till you are Pope, as 
the Prince of Conty used to say. Rest assured, 
therefore, for yourself, and give the same assurance 
to all other worthy people, that I continue quite re- 
solute in my profession of Faith \" When she en- 
tered Paris, accompanied by a large suite, the Gen- 
tlemen who occupied one of her eight carriages were 
pointed out by the bystanders as Huguenot Minis- 
ters ^. M. d'O, the Chief Intendant of Finance, 
openly remonstrated with her Chaplain La Faye, 
upon the murmurs excited by Calvinistic preaching, 
of which himself was the chief instrument ; but the 
sturdy Pastor was not to be intimidated : he denied 
the personal charge, adding, that popular murmurs, 
if they really existed, were occasioned not by Ser- 
mons, but by new Taxes and unprecedented Im- 
posts ^. The Reformed Worship was publicly cele- 
brated, and the Lord's Supper was administered at 
the Palace of St. Germain's * ; and a formal com- 
plaint was laid before the King by the Cardinal de 
Gonde and a Deputation from the Clergy, that a 
similar strange profanation had occurred even in the 
Louvre, the residence of his own Court. Henry, in 



1 Id. p. 81. 

2 Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 51. 

^ Id. p. 96. Franpois d'O died on the 24th October in this 
year. He had been appointed Sur-intendant of Finance by 
Henry III., and on the assassination of that Prince, he signified 
to Henry IV. the fixed determination of the Romanist Nobles 
never to submit to a Huguenot King. No one of his party ex- 
hibited more bitter enmity against the Reformed. 

* Id. p. 99. 



A. D. 1594.] JEALOUSY OF THE ROMANISTS. 17 

reply, angrily observed that he thought it yet more 
strange that such language should be held to him in 
his own Palace, concerning his own sister. Never- 
theless, that what had been done was not in conse- 
quence of any orders which he had given, and that it 
should receive investigation. When some further 
remonstrance was added concerning Marriages which 
had been solemnized, a Gentleman present admitted 
that the nuptial ceremony had been performed once, 
and that the matter was now over. *' Since all is 
over," exclaimed the King, " why should you wish 
me to notice it?" The contract, indeed, had taken 
place with open doors and without an attempt at 
concealment ; and the King was well acquainted 
with the fact at the time of its occurrence \ 

The influence of the League continued to diminish, 
partly in consequence of internal dissension, partly 
from want of military success ; and the chief diffi- 
culty which Henry now encountered arose from the 
natural discontent of those whom he had abandoned, 
and the equally natural jealousy of his new asso- 
ciates. The peace of the Capital was exposed to 
frequent interruption, from trifling causes. A child, 
bom of Huguenot parents, was not presented at the 
font, and the omission furnished a subject for various 
criminatory Memorials ; commencing with the Vicar 
of the Parish in which the offence occurred, and not 
terminating till the Cardinal of Bourbon himself was 
enlisted as an accuser ^ A mechanic, intentionally 
or inadvertently, remained covered, while the Host 



1 Id. p. 120. 

2 Id. p. 78. The Cardinal of Bourbon died on July 30, in 
this year. 

VOL. III. C 



18 DUKE OF BOUILLON. [cH. XIX. 

was carried by in procession ; and he atoned for his 
indiscretion or his impiety by a beating under which 
he narrowly escaped loss of life \ Du Plessis seems 
to have feared that the continued delay of that final 
adjustment, which the King had it not in his power 
to effect, would so far wear away the patience of 
the Reformed, that they would attempt to extort a 
remedy by force". Henry, when engaged in the pub- 
lic celebration of Mass, generally took especial care to 
comply with the outward forms of devotion, and sur- 
prised the spectators by the frequency and the fer- 
vour with which he crossed himself^. But the gaiety 
of his humour sometimes escaped control, and be- 
trayed him into licenses wholly unbecoming the 
solemnity in which he was participating ^. 

To no one of his early friends was the King more 
largely indebted than to the Duke of Bouillon ; 
whose services could not by any means be deemed 
overpaid when he was elevated to the high dignity 
of Marechal of France. Yet the Parliament of Paris 
long hesitated to register this grant. When he first 
appeared at Court for this necessary confirmation of 
the King's promise, the profligate and extravagant 
Sieur d'O, insultingly told him that he would suc- 
ceed, but that his case would not be admitted as a 
precedent ^ ; words at which the gallant soldier ex- 
pressed a very natural resentment, but which never- 
tlieless were afterwards included in his Patent^. In 

1 Id. p. 91. 2 Tom. vi. pp. 92. 94. 

2 Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 107. 

* See the account of his behaviour with Gabrielle d'Estrees 
when they stood sponsors at the Baptism of a son of her aunt 
^ladame de Sourdise. Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 133. 

5 Id. p. 113. e Id. p. 118. 



A. D. 1594. J henry's impartiality. 19 

the debates before the Parliament, he found a strenu- 
ous advocate in the President de Thou, who ridi- 
culed the fastidiousness which objected Theological 
niceties to the reception of a Marechal of France, as 
if he were a Doctor of Divinity. The Duke of 
Bouillon, he added, had shown that he possessed a 
good sword which he well knew how to draw in the 
King's service ; and no lord in France had evinced 
himself more deserving of the station to which he was 
called \ Nevertheless, when the assent of the Par- 
liament was at length given, one Courtier is reported 
to have observed that the Royal favours were con- 
ferred only on Huguenots or on Leaguers ; and an- 
other that the King possessed twice as much Reli- 
gion as any of his Predecessors, for that he was both 
Catholic and Huguenot in one ^. 

The ultra-Huguenots, who had long and confi- 
dently anticipated domination whenever Henry 
should succeed to the Crown, were little likely to be 
satisfied with any conditions which disappointed that 
brilliant hope. Accordingly, when after some strug- 
gle with the Romanists, the renewal of the Edict of 
1577 was proclaimed', the Huguenots asked indig- 
nantly, why it was not rather the Edict of January ? 
And why they were deprived of a Protector ? Henry 
endeavoured to adjust the balance evenlj^, and he 
spoke with an unusual severity to the malcontents of 
both parties. He told his Council, that he well 
knew that the late King had been termed a Heretic 

' Id. p. 116. 2 jfi^ p. 119, 

2 This Edict was not registered by the Parliament till January 
.31, 1595. Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 175. On a division 
in that Court, there were 59 votes for, 53 againit it. Id. 
p. 183. 



20 ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE HENRY [cH. Xlx. 

when he granted that Edict ; but that if any one 
should presume to utter similar language concerning 
himself, he would send him incontinently to the gal- 
lows. To the clamorous Huguenots, he replied, 
" That he would never innovate ; that they must be 
contented with the last-promulgated Edict, which, in 
fact, gave them every privilege consistent with the 
safety of the Government ; and that, as for a Protec- 
tor, they must learn that the King of France was the 
sole Protector of all his subjects. No other Protec- 
tor should be admitted within his dominions, and 
whoever should dare to assume the title would do so 
at the peril of his life *." The more discreet Hugue- 
nots, if we may form a judgment from the tone of 
Du Plessis' Correspondence, complained not so much 
of the Ordinances sanctioned by the King, as of the 
want of power or of inclination on the part of the 
Executive to promote their fulfilment ^ Henry's 
continued affection towards his former associates 
was not mistrusted, but the obstacles vexatiously 
raised against his good intentions were a source of 
perpetually renewed complaint. 

A blow which more than any other tended to crush 
the power of the League, and the infliction of which 
manifested greatly increased strength on the part of 
the King, was the expulsion of the Jesuits conse- 
quent on his attempted assassination by 
Jean Chastel. The knife aimed by that 
Fanatic at the King's throat, fell upon his upper 
lip ^, as he was stepping forward to raise a Cour- 

1 Id. p. 135. 

2 Tom. vi. p. 125. 

•'' Le levre d'enhaut, according to the Procedure given in the 
Mem, de la Ligue, torn. vi. p. 234, and to Henry's own Letter 



A. D. 1594.] EY JEAN CHASTEL. 21 

tier in the act of salutation. Chastel, when first 
questioned, readily admitted that he had studied 
during the last three years at the Jesuits' College de 
Clermont * ; and it was plain that a lurking insanity 
had been encouraged and directed to nefarious pur- 
poses by his wily preceptors. Henry's readiness of 
spirit and invincible lightness of heart were never 
more forcibly displayed than when he heard these 
answers. " How little that reverend Society loved 
me," he said, " I have often been told by the lips of 
others ; but now," pointing to his fresh and still 
bleeding wound, *' I may draw full conviction from 
my own ^." 

to Du Plessis, torn. vi. p. 128. De Thou, by a slight inadver- 
tence, or perhaps by an error of the press, says, ictus in maxil- 
lam inferiorem incuhuit. cxi. 18. The King's Letter to Du 
Plessis was written immediately after the attempt, and gives a 
minute and interesting account of it. The tooth which stopped 
the knife was split, and fell out during the following day. 
M. Lomenie a M. Du Plessis. Tom. vi. p. 131. 

1 Guillaume Duprat, Bishop of Clermont, presented his Hotel 
to the Jesuits on their first establishment in Paris. 

2 Sully, who was present when this characteristic mot was 
uttered, has done justice to it. Chdtel repondit aux premieres 
questions qu'on lui Jit, quHl sortoit du College des Jesuites, et il 
chargea grievement ces Peres. Le Roi, qui I'entendit, dit avec 
une gaiete dont peu de personnes auroient ete capahles en pareiUe 
occasion, qu'il savoit dija par la bouche de quantite de gens de 
Men que la Societe ne Vaimoit point : qu'il venoit d'en Hre con- 
vaincu par la sienne propre. Tom. ii. liv. vii. p. 351. It is 
spoiled by being rendered too much " in Cambyses' vein" by 
Pierre de I'Etoile, {Journal de Henri IV. tom. ii, p. 141) ; by 
Cayet (tom. iii. liv. vi. p. 433) ; and by De Thou. The first 
two writers give the words, Falloit-il done que les Jesuites fussent 
convaincus par ma bouche ! and the last, adopting a similar turn 
of expression, represents the speech as an exclamation of anger 
against the Parliament of Paris, who had contrived to divert the 



22 TREASONABLE MAXIMS [cH. XIX. 

The wretched youth, who had scarcely attained 
his 19th year, believed that he had sinned beyond 
redemption ; and had registered a fearful cata- 
logue of impurities, probably the phantoms of a dis- 
eased imagination, as an assistant to his memory in 
Confession. While labouring under this most piti- 
able derangement, he had been taught that obedience 
was not due to any self-styled King, unacknowledged 
by the Pope ; and that to kill such an excommuni- 
cated pretender would be a laudable act, which 
might diminish, although it could not entirely avert, 
the eternal sufferings to which he was inevitably 
destined \ So great was the popular excitement 
aroused by these avowals, that it became necessary 
to protect the Jesuits' College by a guard ; and when 
the Police commenced a search there for evidence, 
some papers of the Librarian, Father Guignard, were 
seized, thickly sown with opinions similar to those 
which Chastel had expressed. In those writings, 
the ferocious enthusiast deliberately affirmed, that if 
blood had been drawn on the St. Bartholomew, from 
the Vena Basilica, the Royal vein, the State disease 
would not have advanced from fever into frenzy. 
Was it fitting, he asked, in allusion to Henry III. 
(whom he stigmatized as a pretended Monk des- 
patched by the hand of a true Monk), that France 
should be governed by a Nero and a Sardanapalus ? 
Bearne by a Fox ? Portugal by a Lion ? England 
by a She-Wolf 1 and Saxony by a Hog ? Much was 

odium of the suppression of the Jesuits from themselves upon 
the King. Ergo oportidt Jesuitas ex ore meo convinci. cxi. 18. 
^ Considering himself to be damned, as Antichrist, he prefer- 
red damnation ut quatuor quam ut octo. Cayet, Chron. Nov. 
torn. iii. liv. vi. p. 434. 



A. D. 1594.] OF THE JESUITS. 23 

urged in praise of Jacques Clement and of Father 
Bourgoing ; both of whom were exhibited as Mar- 
tyrs and Confessors, directly influenced by the 
Holy Spirit. Much also was said of the transfer of 
the Crown from the Bourbons to some other family ; 
and of the lenity with which the Bearnois would be 
treated, if, after submission to the tonsure, he were 
permitted to spend the remainder of his days in mo- 
nastic penance. If he could not be deposed without 
war, war was to be levied against him. If a warlike 
spirit could not be generated, means of some sort 
were to be found for his speedy removal \ 

Guignard, who admitted these treasonable writ- 
ings to be his own compositions, was hanged on the 
Greve. Chastel was executed as a Regicide. 

Dec. 29. 

His Father, a rich draper, who lived oppo- 
site the Louvre, was banished, after having been put 
to the Question ; and upon the site of his house, 
which was razed to the ground, was erected a monu- 
mental Pyramid, bearing, among other Inscriptions, 
the Edict of Condemnation engraved upon it ^ A 
Process which had been dormant for some months, 
was renewed against the Jesuits ; and the Sorbonne 
gladly availed itself of an opportunity which seemed 
to promise the destruction of those powerful rivals, 
with whom they had long maintained an inconclusive 

1 De Thou, cxi. 18. 

2 The Inscriptions are given at length by D'Aubigne, Hist. 
Univ. torn. iii. liv. iv. c. 4. p. 340. in a Note on the Journal de 
Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 160. and in the edition of Sully which we 
commonly cite, nominally published a Londres, 1777> in which 
also (torn, ix. p. 303.) may be found an engraving of the Monu- 
ment. 



24 PROCESS AGAINST THE JESUITS. [cH. XIX. 

struggle. A design upon the King's life, meditated 
in the preceding year by Pierre Barriere, a Water- 
man of Orleans, but detected before its execution ^ 
was believed to have been communicated to Varade, 
the Rector of the Jesuits, and to have received his 
encouragement ; and this accusation had been pro- 
minently adduced among other charges, urged in a 
Suit commenced by the Sorbonne before the Parlia- 
ment of Paris, in July, 1594. The Cause is among 
the most celebrated recorded in French jurispru- 
dence ; and the Plaidoyer of Antoine Arnaud, the 
advocate for the University, w^on lofty reputation 
among his contemporaries ^. He was associated 
with Louis Dole, who pleaded on the same side for 
the Cures of Paris ; their opponent was Claude 
Duret ; and so highly did the Sorbonne esteem the 
exertions of Arnaud, that when he returned his fees, 
expressing a wish that he might be allowed to re- 
member that his services had been unbought, the 
joint Faculties pledged an oath, which they regis- 
tered in their archives, to consider themselves for 
ever bound by the duties which clients owe to their 

^ Journal de Henri IV. torn. i. p. 414. 

2 The Plaidoyers both of Arnaud and of Dole are printed in 
the Mem. de la Ligue, torn. vi. pp. 133. 187. A copious ab- 
stract of the former may be found in Cayet, Chron. Nov. torn. iii. 
liv. vi. p. 382. and also in De Thou, ex. 9. The Speech of 
Louis Dole, as reported by the latter writer in his following 
chapter, appears to be at least equal to that of Arnaud in point 
of composition. Its vehemence may be estimated by a single 
passage, in which he states that the Jesuits ex sacerdotibus sce- 
cularibus an regularibus incertum, plebanos pastores universales, 
aut, ut verius dicatur, periodeutas, et circumcelliones, et hamaxO' 
rios Episcopos repente effectos. 



A. B._J5^.^ ^^jflElB. EXPULSION. 25 

^aftiMft," % ^t-^(5my to Arnaud himself, but to his pos- 
terity also ^ 

No decision had followed these Speeches ; but 
judgment was again postponed, as it had been on a 
similar application thirty years before ^. The Presi- 
dent de Thou, father of the Historian, denounced the 
cowardice of the Parliament with an honest and fer- 
vid indignation ; and prophesied that by its weak- 
ness it would compromise the safety of the King '. 
Notwithstanding his age and infirmities, he lived 
long enough to see his prediction verified, and he 
now applied a remedy to the former mis- 
take of his colleagues. On Chastel's con- 
viction, the Jesuits were ordered to quit Paris and 
all other Cities in which they had opened schools, 
within three days ; the Kingdom within fifteen. 
They were declared corrupters of youth, disturbers 
of the public tranquillity, and enemies of the King 
and of his Government. Their property was confis- 
cated to pious uses ; the penalties of Treason were 
affixed to their disobedience of this Edict ; and all 
subjects of France were strictly forbidden on pain of 
death to send their children for education to any 
foreign seminary conducted by Ministers of the 
exiled Order*. 



^ Causa Arnaldina, Praef. p. xcvii. 

2 In 1561, application was made for the suppression of the 
College de Clermont. Estienne Pasquier was advocate for the 
Sorbonne ; Pierre Versoin for the Jesuits. The Plaidoyer of 
the former was both printed separately, and may be found in- 
serted in his Recherches su7- la France, liv. iii. c. 43. 

3 De Thou, ex. 12. 

* The Procedure in the case of Chastel and the Arrets against 
the Jesuits are printed in the Mem. de la Ligue, tom. vi. p. 231. 



26 SINCERITY OF [cil. XIX. 

Henry's wound was slight ^ and in two autograph 
Letters to Du Plessis he spoke of it as the fruits of 
the Leaguers and of the Jesuits, adding, that the 
latter should quit the Kingdom. Du Plessis, in his 
condolences, endeavoured to awaken his Master to 
spiritual thoughts. " One word. Sire, must be per- 
mitted to my fidelity : God when He speaks intends 
that He should be heard. When He strikes, (and 
especially if the blow be directed to the Great,) He 
wishes us to perceive that it is His hand, and no 
other, which can chastise. I doubt not, therefore, 
that your Majesty will profit by this affliction ; not 
to guard against future attempts of a similar kind, 
from which God indeed will be your protection, but 
to acknowledge that His hand is lifted against sin ; 
so that you may not draw down its heaviness by 
abusing His patience, but rather that you may avert 
it by turning yourself unto Him, and by rejecting 
every thing which may provoke His anger. Thus 
much have I said to your Majesty, not in the pre- 
sumptuous spirit of a censor, but in the faithful zeal 
of a devoted servant^." 

The remonstrances of Du Plessis M'ere always 
calm and dignified. Without the slightest compro- 
mise of truth and virtue, he delivered himself in lan- 

Tlicre were not more than seven and thirty Jesuits resident in 
Paris. Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 166. 

1 On the 5th of January, he wrote to Du Plessis, Je suis du 
tout gueri de ma hlessure. Tom. vi. p. 151. Fi-om a passage 
in the Journal, it is probable that he was not very patient under 
surgical treatment. Le Mercredy 28 {Dec.) on .fit un point d'e- 
guille a la hlessure du Roy, lequel ne voulut endurer un second, 
et dit qu'on lui avoit fait trop de mal au premier pour retourner 
au Recond. Tom. ii. p. 144. 

2 Tom. vi. p. 142. 



1 



I 



.. D. 1595.] DU PLESSIS. 27 

guage of deep personal respect ; in a tone which was 
unbecoming neither in a subject to employ, nor in a 
Sovereign to admit. He directed himself quite as 
much against Henry's open breaches of morality, as 
against his change of Religious profession ; and it 
can be little doubted that the repugnance which he 
manifested to obey his Master's frequent invitations 
to Court, chiefly arose from disgust at the scandal 
occasioned by the King's undisguised licentiousness \ 
Neither by Sully ^, nor by D'Aubigne, were similar 

1 Du Plessis wrote once to the Duchess of Beaufort, to return 
thanks for the part taken by her in his favour on occasion 
of the outrage which he had suffered from St. Phal. The 
terms which he employed sufficiently prove that he had never 
communicated with her before ; for he remarks of his obliga- 
tion, Je ne la puis mieulx mesurer qu'en consideraiit que je 7ie 
vous feis jamais service, et le peu encores, que je vous en puisse 
/aire. Tom. vii. p, 428. The King never exchanged a word 
with him on his projected marriage with her ; for notwithstand- 
ing the confidence which he reposed in him on other subjects, 
iln'avoit jamais parte de ses amours, le tenant suspect en tous 
telz affaires. Mem. par Mad. Du Plessis, torn. i. p. 347. On 
Gabrielle's death, he abstained from writing to the King, be- 
cause il ne pouvoit s'imaginer en quelles termes de conscience qui 
luy puissent estre agreables. lb. p. 348. And he observed a 
similar course when he afterwards appeared at Court. lb. p. 352. 
This reserve affords a key to Henry's subsequent conduct. 

2 Sully, as appears from many passages in his Memoires, 
lived on terms of familiarity with the Duchess of Beaufort, and 
thought it no disparagement to his wife's honour to permit her 
to do the same. Of one of Henry's Letters to him he says, la 
lettre finissoit par un commandement de sa Majeste de venir le 
trouver en Picardie, et d'y amener sa maitresse. Tom. iii. liv. viii. 
p. 18. So also on Gabrielle's last arrival in Paris, after Sully 
had paid his respects, de retour chez moi je songeai que man 
epouse devoit s'acqtcitter du meme devoir envers la Duchesse ; qui 
n'enfut moins Men reque. Madame de Beaufort la pria de I' aimer, 
et de vivre avec lui comme avec line amie. Ibid. liv. x. p. 290. 



28 THEODORE AGRIPPA [CH. XIX. 

feelings entertained ; and the latter especially, while 
condemning the abjuration, in words the bitterness 
of which might perhaps have been somewhat miti- 
gated, willingly accepted a most confidential charge, 
at the instigation of the Royal Mistress. The well- 
known repartee with which he answered Henry's 
account of Chastel's attempt, is among the most bril- 
liant of D'Aubigne's many very brilliant sayings ; 
and from the manifest pains which he has taken to 
preserve its memory, he doubtless prized it greatly, 
as contributing to his reputation for wit \ " Sire," 
he answered, when the King pointed to the scar on 
his mouth, " you have as yet renounced God with 
your lips only, and it is on your lips only therefore 
that He is content to strike ; but if at any time 
hereafter you renounce Him with your heart, it 
is to your heart that the blow will be directed." 
Gabrielle, who was present, expressed admiration of 
this mot, but objected that it was improperly applied 
to the King. " If it be so. Madam," continued 
D'Aubigne, " it is only because it will be unproduc- 
tive of effect." To attach, or even to silence a brave 
and active soldier thus free of speech, was of import- 
ance to the stability of the Mistress ; and she soli- 
cited the King to entrust to D'Aubigne's care the 
education of the little Ccesar, her recent First-bom ^. 

• It is to be found in his Hist. Univ. torn. iii. liv. iv. c. 12., 
again in the Appendix to it, p. 641., a third time in his Confes- 
sion de Sancy. ch. vii. p. 482., and lastly in his Hist. Secrette, 
p. xcix. 

2 Born in June, 1594. Afterwards legitimated, and created 
Duke de Vendome in 1598, on his betrothment to Franpoise de 
Lorraine, daughter and heiress of the Duke de MerccEur. A 
dark story respecting the birth of this child, whose relationship 



A. D. 1595.] d'aubigne. 29 

Henry himself placed the boy in the hands of his 
friend, with instructions to bring him up among the 
Huguenots in Saintonge, a project which was never 
executed \ The Rochellois, indeed, had already 
expressed a wish that the Prince might be trained in 
their City ; and they had commissioned Deputies to 
ask 60,000 crowns for his outfit ; but the King drily 
answered that he thought it too much money to be 
spent on pap ^. 

It was to D'Aubigne also, not to any Pastor of 
the Church in which he had been educated, nor to 
any Confessor of that which he had adopted, that 
Henry turned for spiritual consolation during a 
severe illness which for a few days appeared to 
threaten him with death. If implicit credit is to be 
given to the anecdote, we learn from it the unsettled 
state of the King's mind ; his ignorance of the true 
bearing of the Christian doctrine of Repentance ; 
the futility of the doubts by which his conscience 
was heavily disturbed ; and the uncertain and acci- 
dental occurrence of what may be termed his Reli- 
gious paroxysms. At a moment in which he thought 
himself almost in extremity, he summoned D'Aubigne 
to his chamber ; and when they were left alone, and 
had twice sought God on their knees in prayer, the 
King earnestly adjured his friend by the candour 

to Henry appears doubtful, is told, on the authority of De Sancy, 
by Sully : torn. ii. liv. vii. p. 341. See also Journal de Henri 
IV. torn. ii. p. 437- 

^ D'Aubigne was supposed to be in disgrace at the time of 
the interview ; yet the King on their meeting luifitVJionneur de 
le baiser, lui commanda de donner la main a sa maitresse, et la fit 
meme demasquer pour le saluer. Hist. Secrette xcix. 

2 Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 129. 



30 BATTLE OF FONTAINE FRAN^AISE. [_CH. XIX. 

with which he had ever on former occasions delivered 
the truth, however ungratefully it might fall on the 
ear, to state whether he believed that in changing 
his Religion, he had sinned against the Holy Ghost ? 
D'Aubigne at first sought to disengage himself from 
this hazardous inquiry, and proposed to refer it to a 
Minister ; but when the King impatiently pressed 
for reply, the reluctant Casuist entered upon a four- 
fold examination of the question. The proofs of 
the sin he said were these. 1. Prepense knowledge 
before commission. 2. Offering one hand to the 
Spirit of Falsehood, and with the other repulsing the 
Spirit of Truth. 3. Want of that genuine repent- 
ance which inspires horror both of sin and of our- 
selves as guilty of sin. 4. Despair of God's mercy. 
He recommended Henry to self-examination on 
these principles ; and the discussion, interrupted six 
or seven times by fervent prayer, was protracted 
through more than four hours : on the morrow, 
however, the King felt great improvement both in 
health and spirits, and ever afterwards avoided a 
renewal of the conversation \ 

1595. War recommenced with Spain early in 

ail. 1/. 1595^ and wherever the King commanded 
in person, the arms of the French were almost inva- 
riably successful. The combat of Fontaine Fran- 
^aise, near Dijon, in which Henry with scarcely 
Junes ^^^ men, defeated 2000 Spaniards, 
supported by the united forces of the Con- 
stable of Castile and the Duke of Mayenne, was 
the most hazardous action in which he ever en- 

' Hist. Univ. torn. iii. liv. iv. c. 12!. Hist. Secrette, p. c. The 
conversation occurred during the Siege of La Fere in 1596. 



A. D. 1595.] SUBMISSION OF THE DUKE OF MAYENNE. 31 

gaged. But retreat was impossible : he fought on 
that occasion, as he often afterwards stated, rather 
for life than for victory ; and, by the unexampled 
personal bravery of himself and of his followers, he 
achieved a triumph scarcely paralleled even in 
Ptomance. Four hundred of the enemy were killed, 
wounded, or taken prisoners, with the loss of only 
six on the part of the conquerors '. Notwithstand- 
ing a want of equal success in other quarters ^, it 
was plain that Henry was now too firmly established 
to be overthrown ; and Mayenne discreetly opened 
a negociation which, after some little delay, termi- 
nated in his submission ^. To this course he may 
have been chiefly determined by a knowledge that 



^ Sully, torn. ii. liv. viii. p. 375, &c. Cayet, Chron. Nov. 
torn. iii. liv. vii. p. 497- In vol. iii. of the Me?n. de Ville- 
roy, may be found a strong remonstrance with the King on 
his rashness in this engagement ; jiigeons si vous n'avez point 
merite plutot le nam de Capitaine que de Roi ; ou pluiot le nam 
de Soldat que de Capitaine. Autres sont les vertus d'un Roi, 
autres celles d^un Gendarme. It may be doubted whether any 
flattery could be conveyed more agreeably. 

2 Villars, the Admiral of the League, now reconciled to the 
King, was totally defeated by the Count de Fuentes, near 
Dourlans in Picardy, at the end of July. The Spaniards, in- 
dignant at his abandonment of their cause, savagely put him to 
death, in cold blood, after the Battle ; and on occupying Dour- 
lans, they massacred more than 3000 persons. Journal de 
Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 216. Cayet, Chron. Nov. torn. iii. liv. vii. 
p. 505. Sully, torn. ii. liv. vii. p. 370. 

^ The first interview between the King and the Duke de 
Mayenne occurred at Monteaux, on Jan. 31, 1596 ; and Sully, 
who was present, has given some very amusing particulars of 
the sly revenge with which Henry walked his pursy and penitent 
Cousin out of breath. Tom, iii. liv. viii. p. 57. 



32 HENRY IV. ABSOLVED [cH. XIX. 

Henry's Process at Rome was at length brought to a 
favourable issue. The fears of the Pope had been 
seasonably awakened ; and when he was assured 
that as Clement VII. had lost England by too 
hastily excommunicating Henry VIII. , so Clement 
VIII. would lose France by too long postponing the 
absolution of Henry IV. S he lent a readier ear 
than at first to the solicitations of D'Ossat and Du 
Perron ; and consented to accord that which in the 
language of the Vatican was termed the Ribenedit- 
t'lone^. On the morning of the 17th of 

Sept. 17. ° 

September, the cannon of St. Angelo an- 
nounced the commencement of this solemnity, 
sorely to the discomfort of the Spanish Ambassador, 
who, when he found opposition to the act itself 
unavailing, had sought to deprive it of all accom- 
paniments expressive of popular joy. Clement, 
supported by his Cardinals and by the other chief 
Ecclesiastics, ascended a lofty throne in the Vestibule 
of St. Peter's ; and while each verse of the Miserere 
was chaunted, lightly struck the shoulders of the 
Plenipotentiaries, who kneeled at his feet to undergo 
this discipline as representatives of their penitent 
Master. No sooner had the Pontifi* finished the 
last words of the absolution, than drums, trumpets, 
and artillery proclaimed the glad intelligence through 
Rome. The streets echoed with vivas ; the Royal 
arms of France were displayed from numerous 
houses ; and we are assured that there was scarcely 



^ Such was the representation of his Auditor Serafino. Let- 
tres d'Ossat, torn. i. p. 437, note. 

3 Cayet, Chron. Nov. torn. iii. liv. vii. p. 538. 



A. D. 1596.] BY THE POPE. 33 

any one, however poor, who did not purchase an 
engraving of the King's head, of which many im- 
pressions had been struck off for the occasion ^. 

The Envoys anxiously declared that every thing 
had been conducted suitably to the dignity of the 
most Christian King ^ ; and these outward forms, in 
any case, were of little moment. But the price 
which Henry consented to pay for his reconciliation, 
was by no means inconsiderable. The personal 
habits of the King did not promise a very accu- 
rate compliance with the devotions which he un- 
dertook to perform ; and perhaps Clement little 
expected that his Royal Penitent would really 
attend a private Mass every day, and a conventual 
Mass on Sundays and Festivals ; that he would 
repeat the Litanies on Wednesdays, the Rosary of 
the Virgin on Saturdays, and her Chaplet daily; 
that he would fast on Fridays, and confess and com- 
municate publicly, at least four times in the year. 
But more important clauses of the Bull enjoined 
him to prefer Catholics before Huguenots in the 
distribution of all State offices and dignities ; and to 
labour to make it manifest without a shadow of 
doubt that he wished only one Religion to exist in 
his dominions ^ ; to bring back the Mass to Bearne ; 

^ Journal de Henri IV, torn. ii. p. 326. Lettres d'Ossat, 
torn. i. p. 476. De Thou, cxiii. 22. 

2 Lettres d'Ossat, ibid. 

2 Sully gives this condition in much stronger terms, que le 
Roi excluroit les Protestants de toutes les charges et digyiith, et 
qiCil travailleroit de tout son pouvoir a les eteindre tout-a-fait. 
Tom. ii. liv. vii. p. 384. But De Thou has plainly shown that, 
after a long struggle, the Ambassadors succeeded in obtaining a 
modification of this originally most harsh proposition. In 
capite X. multti?n desudatum fuit, &c. cxiii. 21. 
VOL. III. D 



34 MASSACRE AT LA CHASTEIGNERAYE. [cH. XIX. 

to restore to the Catholics all the ecclesiastical pro- i 
perty of which they had heen dispossessed by the 
Reformed ; to proclaim and enforce the reception oi 
the Council of Trent ; to educate the young Princ^ 
of Conde in the Romish Faith ; and finally to re* 
establish the Jesuits in France. Of these engage-^ 
ments, as Sully tells us without comment on the 
breach of promise, those which regarded the Hugue- 
nots and the Council of Trent were never executed ; 
the King fulfilled the others ^ 

While this Treaty was pending with Rome, a 
bloody outrage evinced the inextinguishable spirit 
of Persecution which still animated the remnant of 
the League. The Lady of Chasteigneraye, a small 
town in Poitou, having forbidden the Reformed 
who associated for worship on her estate from 
carrying arms, (a precaution which they had hitherto 
adopted in consequence of the numerous Leaguers 
by whom they were everywhere surrounded,) warned 
the garrison of Rochefort of their defencelessness. 
By these troops, acting, as they averred, under the 
orders of the Duke de Mercoeur, two hundred Hu- 
guenots, of both sexes and all ages, were ruthlessly 
butchered while engaged in Religious services. 
Among the sufferers were an infant in arms, who 
had been brought to the Meeting-house for Baptism ; 
and a boy, who in the simplicity of his heart offered 
eight sous to his murderers if they would spare his 
life. The outcry justly raised in consequence of 



1 Tom. ii. liv. vii. p. 385., where, in a Note, reference is made 
to the original Act of Absolution in 8778 MSS. de la Biblio- 
theque du Roi. The conditions are also given by De Thou, 
ut sup. 



A. D. 1595.] THE PRINCESS OF CONDE. 35 

this enormity, procured Letters Patent from the 
King, excepting the perpetrators from all future Acts 
of Amnesty which might be granted on the termina- 
tion of the War ; and a few of the Criminals, having 
fallen into the hands of La Trimouille and Du Plessis, 
were adjudged to capital punishment \ 

The Huguenots in Paris were for the most part 
unmolested ; seven or eight hundred persons. usually 
attended the Sermons preached before the Princess 
Catherine ^, on Sundays in her own Hotel, on Wed- 
nesdays and Fridays in the Louvre ^ ; and little 
attention seems to have been excited by these large 
assemblies. On one occasion, however, when the 
widow of a respectable shopkeeper gathered a con- 
gregation in her own house, she was dragged to 
prison, and rudely treated, till an order from the 
King commanded her release ^. 

In conformity with the promise made to Clement, 
the Princess of Conde was summoned to Court, 
under the pretence of terminating the Criminal Suit 
in which she had been accused of her late Husband's 
murder; and she purchased acquittal by her own 
conformity, and by the abandonment of her son to 
Romanist Governors ^. Yet the Huguenots had by 
no means surrendered all hope of the King's own 
return to their Communion ; and their heated fan- 
cies discovered. a presage of this second change, in 

^ Mem. par Madame Du Plessis, torn. i. p. 292. Du Plessis, 
torn. vi. pp. 328. 330. 350. 353. Benoit, Hist, cle I' Edit de 
Nantes, torn. i. liv. iv. ad init. 

- Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 173. 

3 Id. ibid. p. 188. 

* Id. ibid. p. 205. 

^ Id. ibid. pp. 246. 257. De Thou, cxvii. 7. 
D 2 



36 XlVth NATIONAL SYNOD. [cH. XIX. 

his escape from a singular accident. Notwithstand- 
ing his Truce with Mayenne, he pressed hostilities 
briskly against the Spaniards through the winter ; 
and during the tedious investment of La Fere, w^hich 
occupied him for six months, he was for the most 
1596. V^^^ accompanied by his Court. One 
Jan. 23. evening while visiting his sister, who was 
confined by indisposition, the floor of the apartment 
gave way, and the alcove which contained her bed 
was the single spot which remained unshattered. 
The King, who was holding his infant Caesar in his 
arms, threw himself upon the bed, until he received 
assistance and was extricated ; and the zealous 
Huguenots at once i*educed the adventure to a 
Parable, wherein the bed of Madame, unharmed 
amid the surrounding ruins, was interpreted to be 
their own Church, to which they affirmed Henry 
would be compelled to resort in a moment of peril. 
The King laughed when the allegory was reported 
to him ; nevertheless, adds Pierre I'Etoile, with un- 
flinching gravity, it is possible that it might awaken 
in him much serious reflection \ 

The XlVth National Synod, held at 
Saumur in June, presented few matters 
worthy of notice ; and the deposition of the Minister 
Cayet, to which we have before alluded, is the only 
occurrence in it which we need remark ^. The mili- 
tary operations of the Campaign were unfavourable 
to the French ; and the Cardinal Albert of Austria, 
having advanced with a fresh Spanish army from 
the Netherlands, was eminently successful. Guisnes, 

^ Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 456. 

2 Quick describes Cayet as " a most slovenly, nasty fellow in 
his apparel and way of living." p. 189. 



A. D. 1597.] CAPTURE OF AMIENS. 37 

Ardres, and Calais were among his conquests ; and 
Henry was perhaps less irritated at the immediate 
loss of the last-named important town, than at the 
stipulations which Queen Elizabeth wished to make 
for its cession to herself, as, the price of her aid in 
its recovery. " If I am to be bitten," answered the 
King, v/hen this proposition was submitted to him 
by the English Ambassador, "I see no reason why 
I should prefer the teeth of the Lioness to those 
of the Lion !" And he then confidently declared 
that the days of the Spanish mastery of Calais should 
not equal in number the years during which the 
English had formerly been permitted to retain it \ 

But a far heavier blow than the loss of Calais 
awaited him. While the Court was occupied by 
extravagant revelry in celebration of the Baptism of 
a Son of the Constable Montmorenci ^, the festivities 
were interrupted by the announcement of 1597 
the surprise and capture of Amiens. The ^^^- ^^• 
fall of a City so near at hand that the enemy was 
enabled by its possession to forage to the very gates 
of his Capital, struck Henry with profound sorrow. 
*' Long enough," he exclaimed, " have we played 
the part of King of France, it is time to resume that 
of King of Navarre^ ;" and on the very day on which 
he learned the disaster, he set forward to repair it. 

^ Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 284. Note. 

2 All the Cooks in Paris were employed during eight days in 
preparing the banquet. Among the dishes were two sturgeons, 
each of which cost 100 crowns. The fruit cost 350 ; and 
among it were some Bon-Chretien pears at a crown a piece. 
Id. ibid. p. 338. 

3 Id. ibid. p. 339. 



38 APOSTASY OF D£ SANCY. [ciI. XiX. 

Six months were consumed before Amiens 

Sept. 15. . . , . 

was recovered ; but its cajjitulation was a 
death-blow to the small remnant of the League ; and 
the Duke of Mercoeur, the only Leader of note now 
remaining to that once powerful faction, not long 
afterwards sought and obtained reconciliation by 
March 21 consenting to the marriage of his daughter 
1598. and heiress with the King's natural son, 
Caesar, then created Duke of Vendome. 

During Henry's absence from Paris, an evil ex- 
ample was offered to the Huguenots, by the recant- 
ation of Nicolas Harlay, so distinguished by his 
useful services at the moment of the accession. 
His former instability in Religion rendered him an 
easy subject for the persuasion of Du Perron ; and, 
on this fresh change, the King is said to have ob- 
served, that " nothing but a Turban was now left 
for De Sancy \" His apostasy, although exciting 
much scandal at the time, would have been long 
since forgotten, but for the unfortunate immortality 
bestowed upon it by the trenchant satire of D'Au- 
bigne, in the Confession which he has attributed to 
the renegade. Meantime the Sermons of the Hugue- 
nots were preached as usual before Catherine of 
Navarre ; and a tumult which some fanatical women 
endeavoured to raise, by clamouring through the 
streets that those assemblies were the main cause 
of the National distress, was promptly suppressed 
by the Magistrates. One complaint of these idle 



1 Journal de Henry TV. torn. ii. p. 357. Sancy recanted 
during the St. Bartholomew, and afterwards returned to Pro- 
testantism. Had Henry forgotten his own similar conduct ? 



A. D. 1598.] REMONSTRANCE OF THE HUGUENOTS. 39 

zealots was that the Princess had distributed meat 
to the Poor as alms on Fridays \ 

It can little surprise us that the Huguenots, dissa- 
tisfied with the uncertainty of their condition, sought 
to convert the King's fresh necessities to their own 
advantage ; and about the time of the Siege of 
Amiens, meetings were accordingly held at Saumur, 
at Loudun, and at Vendome, in which various plans 
were agitated for the promotion of the Reformed in- 
terests. It is very possible that designs of a violent 
nature, and little to be justified, may have been sug- 
gested during these assemblies by some fiery and 
impatient spirits ; but, if they were so, they were 
speedily checked by the wiser, better, and more in- 
fluential Leaders, who, adopting measures in accord- 
ance with Law, exposed their grievances in a Re- 
monstrance which, although not openly avowed, was 
doubtless composed with their privity and approba- 
tion. The particulars detailed in it are too minute, 
and the references far too distinct, to permit hesita- 
tion as to the correctness of the fearful picture of 
injustice and wrong which it presents. The long 
delay of their promised recognition ; the King's in- 
creasing alienation from their Body ; the frequent 
interruptions of their worship ; their expulsion from 
places in which they had been licensed ; the seizure 
and destruction of their Bibles and Religious books ; 
the silencing of their Psalmody ; the denial of spiri- 
tual consolation to their sick and dying ; and the 
forcible conformity with Romish ceremonies which 
was often demanded to the great ofience of con- 
science, were noticed as general and undisputed 

1 Id. ibid. p. 3G8. 



40 REMONSTRANCE OF THE HUGUENOTS. [cH. XIX. 

facts : and many specific instances of violence were 
then narrated, which recall to mind the most odious 
seasons of Persecution. The Cure of St. Etienne 
de Furan had imprisoned an aged man, and deprived 
him of food, till he consented to abjure ; and the 
same brutal zealot, in the fierce proselytism with 
which he sought to administer Romish Baptism to the 
newly born, had demanded testimonies which the pen 
shrinks from recording, in order to satisfy himself 
that there had not been any birth. Impediments 
had been sedulously opposed to the education of 
Huguenot children ; and " what more," it was boldly 
asked, " could Julian himself attempt than to leave us 
in ignorance and barbarism ?" Numerous instances 
were cited of harsh and illegal decisions against the 
Reformed, sanctioned by the different Parliaments; 
of the indecent terms by which the Magistrates de- 
signated them from the seats of Justice, as Dogs, 
Heretics, Turks, and Heteroclites, who deserved 
pursuit with fire and sword. The Report closed 
with an enumeration of frequent disgusting outrages 
offered to the dead ; such as the prohibition of fune- 
rals ; their interruption at the very grave ; the vio- 
lation of tombs, and the disinterment of long-buried 
remains. " We demand," were the fervid expres- 
sions with which this Remonstrance concluded, " an 
Edict which will give us the enjoyment of privileges 
common to all your Majesty's subjects; that is to 
say, of much less than you have granted to your 
bitterest foes, the rebel Leaguers ; an Edict which 
will not force you to a compulsory partition of your 
dominions, nor to the exhaustion of your Treasury, 
nor to the oppression of your People. We are not 
incited by either avarice or ambition. The glory of 



A. D. 1598.] EDICT Of NANTES. 41 

God, the freedom of our consciences, the repose of 
our Country, and security for our property and our 
lives form the height of our wishes, and are the only 
objects of our solicitation ^" 

The King naturally regarded these tokens of dis- 
content with much apprehension ; and to gratitude 
for past services, which must have forcibly prompted 
a generous nature to reward his ancient friends, was 
now added a reasonable fear that longer delay might 
convert them into enemies. The result of these com- 
bined motives was the celebrated Edict . ., , 

April 7. 

framed at Nantes in April 1598, which 
continued to form the Charter of the Reformed Galil- 
ean Church, during the remainder of its existence. 
This important document is commonly believed to be 
the joint production of the Historian De Thou, and 
of Calignon the Chancellor of Navarre ^ ; Bayle^, in- 
deed, on the authority of Yarillas, has ascribed it to 
Chamier, a Reformed Minister, Professor of Theo- 
logy at Montauban ; and it may readily be supposed 
that many hands were engaged in it, and that Henry 
gladly employed every available assistance. 

The Edict of Nantes consists of ninety-two origi- 
nal Articles, to which were afterwards appended fifty 
others, explanatory of particular points. The open- 
ing clauses declared, as on former like occasions, a 

^ Plaintes des Eglises Reformees de France stir les violences 
qui leur on faites en plusieurs endroits du Royaume, et pour les- 
quelles elles se sont en toute humilite addresses a diverses fois a 
sa Majeste et a Messieurs de son Conseil. Cayet. Chron. Nov. 
torn. iii. liv. ix. p. 698. An abstract is given by Benoit, Hist, 
de V Edict de Narites, torn. i. liv. v. p. 201. 

2 Quick xcv. 

2 Adv. Ciiamier. 



42 EDICT OF NANTES. [cH. XIX. 

general amnesty for the past S the re-establishment 
of the Roman Catholic Religion in all places in which 
it had been suppressed, and the restoration of alienated 
Ecclesiastical property ^. Free toleration, and liberty 
of conscience for the Huguenots throughout every 
part of the Kingdom were then proclaimed ; and 
provision was made for their public and private wor- 
ship, in terms very similar to those employed at the 
Peace of St. Germain's ; but extending, from ten to 
thirty, the number permitted to assemble in the 
houses of persons not holding their Fiefs in capite, 
and therefore not entitled to perform service, unless 
to their own families^. So also the distance from 
Paris, within which the exercise of the Reformed 
worship was prohibited, was reduced from ten leagues 
to five *. The Huguenots were excused from formal 
observance of Romish holidays and festivals ; due 
precaution being taken against any open violation of 
them*. The printing and sale of Religious Books 
were confined to such places as were privileged to 
exercise the Reformed Worship ; and all books set 
forth elsewhere were subject to a Censorship ^ 
Schools, Hospitals, and Charitable Institutions ^, 
State offices and dignities ^ were indiscriminately 
thrown open to the followers of either Faith ; and 
finally, my-jmrties Chambers were instituted in the 
various Parliaments, to take cognizance of all Suits 
in which the Reformed were concerned''. 



- Art. i. - Art. iii. iv. 

3 Art. viii. ^ Art. xiv. 

^ Art. XX. c Art. xxi. 

7 Art. xxii. ^ Art. xxvii. 

^ Art. xxxi. to Ivii. 



A. D. 1598.] PEACE OF VERVINS. 43 

The chief essential privilege which the Edict of 
Nantes afforded to the Huguenots beyond those 
which they had obtained in 1577, was access to liigh 
offices in Judicature and Finance. On the other 
hand, in consequence of separate Treaties existing 
between the King and particular Chiefs of the 
League, they were excluded from celebrating wor- 
ship in several large towns — as Rheims, Soissons, 
Dijon, and Sens, — in v/hich they had hitherto been 
unrestricted. It was not without considerable delay 
that the Parliament of Paris consented to register a 
document which acknowdedged the Reformed as an 
established Body in the State ; and twelve months 
elapsed from its first signature at Nantes before all 
the necessary forms were completed, by jggc, 
which it became a portion of the Na- ^^^- ^^• 
tional Law. Meantime, the King, having thus far 
secured the prospect of domestic Peace, addressed 
himself to the termination of the War with Spain ; 
and Philip, well aware of his approaching end ^ and 
anxious to disembarrass his son from a hazardous 
contest, assented to terms very advantageous to 
France. This Treaty so glorious to Henry jg^g 
was signed at Vervins, on the 2nd of ^^^^ ^• 
May 2. 

* He died on the 3rd of the following September, op- 
pressed by complicated disorders, of which De Thou has given 
a fearful representation, cxx. iv. 

2 Id. ib. 7. 8. 9. Relation de ce qui se passe a la Conference 
pour la Paix a Vervins. Du Plessis, torn. viii. p. 358. Articles 
de Paix. Id. ibid. p. 431. 



44 DELAY IN REGISTERING [cH. XX. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Delay in Registering the Edict of Nantes — XVth National Synod 
— Marriage of Catherine of Navarre — Martha Brassier, the 
Dcemoniac — Divorce and second Marriage of Henry IV. — 
Disputation at Fontainebleau between Du Plessis Mornay and 
Du Perron — Partiality of the King — Magnanimity of Du 
Plessis — XVIth and XFIIth National Synods — Controversies 
arising out of the latter — Tranquillity of the Huguenots — Re- 
viving influence of the Jesuits — Pere Cotton — His adventure 
with the Dcemoniac Adrienne de Fresnes — Re-establishment of 
the Jesuits — Charenton assigned to the Huguenots — XVIIIth 
National Synod — Project of Union between the Churches — 
Firmness and integrity of Sully — XlXth National Synod — 
Assassination of Henry IV. 

Notwithstanding the difficulties opposed to the 
reception of the Edict of Nantes, even after the 
King's pleasure had been made fully known, the 
confidence of the Huguenots in the protection which 
they were about to attain was evinced even before 
the document had been signed, by the greatly in- 
creased numbers in which they assembled for the 
celebration of holy offices ; and when the 

March 22. *' ' 

Lord s Supper was administered during a 
visit of the Princess Catherine to Angers, nearly 
3000 persons communicated ^. Besides the reluc- 
tance of the Parliament and of the Clergy, a further 
reason for the tardy Registry of the new Law was 

^ Du Plessis, torn. viii. p. 197. 



A. D. 1598.] THE EDICT OF NANTES. 45 

found in the residence of a Legate ; and those who 
wished to postpone, or, if possible, to annul the pro- 
mised toleration, averred that it would be indecorous 
in Government to recognise Heretics in the very pre- 
sence of a Papal representative. Yet the precautions 
thus taken to obviate the chance of his displeasure 
were nearly frustrated by a whimsical accident. The 
Legate, who did not return to Italy till late in the 
year, expressed a desire to see the Palace of St. Ger- 
main's before his departure ; and Sully, accordingly, 
gave orders that the State Apartments should be pre- 
pared for his reception. The Concierge of the Royal 
abode executed his instructions with more diligence 
than discretion ; and in selecting the richest hangings 
for the Cardinal's own chamber, he made an un- 
happy choice. It was furnished with some costly 
tapestry which had been worked for Jeanne D'Albret, 
Queen of Navarre ; and in which every device of the 
pattern contained some emblem ingeniously satirizing 
the Papal Court. The Legate had asked Sully to 
accompany him in his carriage ; but the Duke, for- 
tunately, declined the offer ; and having repaired to 
the Palace some short time before the arrival of the 
illustrious visitor, was enabled to correct a mistake 
which. might have been construed into an intentional 
affront. In order to prevent a repetition of the con- 
tretemj)s. the offending tapestry was destroyed'. 

The Edict of Nantes was but slightly noticed in 
the Acts of the XVth National Synod, which assem- 
bled at Montpelier within a month after it 
had been framed : and the language in ^^ 
which that slight mention was conveyed, did not 

1 Sully, torn. iv. liv. x. p. 203. 



46 XVth NATIONAL SYNOD. [cH. XX. 

imply any very strong feeling of satisfaction. The 
Deputies expressed a belief that, " Had it not been 
for that good union and correspondence which is 
among us, we had never got the liberty of our con- 
sciences in the public profession of the Gospel and 
service of our God, nor justice to be administered to 
us, nor other needful security for our lives ^" 

According to a Report offered to this Synod, the 
number of Reformed Churches organized throughout 
the Kingdom amounted to 760, but many of them 
were in much distress and poverty, on which account, 
" till such times as the Lord shall have blessed them 
with greater abilities," the Deputies ordained that, 
unless in case of very pressing necessity, future Na- 
tional Synods should be convened only once in three 
years ^. Nevertheless, they were able to distribute 
43,333 crowns, of which sum only one-third was 
granted by the King, for various purposes connected 
with the advancement of their Profession ^ With 
their customary attention to minute internal disci< 
pline, they imposed a check upon the precocity with 
which Widows sought to renew the nuptial vow, and 
fixing a term which may not be deemed extrava- 
gantly long, they decreed that " they shall not be 
permitted to contract marriage till seven months and 
fourteen days, be fully expired after their husbands' 
death*.' The labours of some English Divines in 
behalf of Episcopacy appear to have been regarded 
with jealousy ; and Letters were ordered to be written 
" to my Lord Ambassador of England and to M. la 
Fontaine, Minister of the French Church in London, 



1 Quick, p. 198. ch. v. art. 14. ^ ch. iii, art. 12. 

3 Ch. V. art. 16. 4 ch. iii. art. 18. 



A:D.1598.] MARRIAGE OF CATHERINE OF NAVARRE. 4? 

to inform them of those injurious writings published 
against our Church by SutclifFe and Saravia, and 
they be desired to apply themselves to the Queen, 
that such writings be not printed \" 

A negotiation was pending at this moment, which 
the Huguenots naturally regarded with deep anxiety, 
and which they treated, as we shall perceive, with 
very peremptory language. Catherine, of Navarre, 
nov; past her fortieth year, was still unmarried, 
although no Princess of her time had been more beset 
by the importunity of suitors. In early youth, she 
had been destined for the Duke of Alen9on, till the 
jealousy between Henry III. and his brother frus- 
trated the match. She was then spoken of for 
.Henry himself, but the Queen was ill inclined to any 
alliance with the House of Navarre. The Duke of 

1 Ch. vi. art. 35. This subject is reverted to with greater 
moderation at the following Synod of Gergeau. "' Letters shall 
be written to M. de la Fontaine, intreating him to use his en- 
deavours to beget a right understanding between Drs. Sutcliffe, 
Saravia, and our Churches." Ch. v. art. 12. Sutcliffe, who was 
Dean of Exeter, and Projector and first Provost of King James's 
short-lived Polemical College at Chelsea, published in 1591 a 
Treatise of Ecclesiastical Discipline ; in 1592, Disputatio de 
Preshytero ; in the following year, a Tract, de Catholicd et Or- 
thodoxd Ecclesid ; and in 1596, an Examination of Cartwright's 
Apology. These were his Works most likely to give offence to 
the Huguenot Ministers. Saravia was a Frenchman by birth, 
and had filled the offices of Professor of Divinity and Preacher 
in the French Church at Leyden ; but afterwards, having be- 
come a convert to Episcopal discipline, he was well received in 
England, and successively promoted to Stalls at Gloucester, 
Canterbury, and Westminster. A Tract, Of the Degrees of the 
Ministers of the Gospel, and of the hoiiour due to them, which ap- 
peared in 1592, or its Defence against Beza, published two years 
afterwards, are probably the Works objected to by the Synod of 
Montpensier. 



48 MARRIAGE OF CATHERINE OF NAVARRE. [cH. XX. 

Lorraine, the Prince of Conde, James of Scotland, 
the Prince of Anhalt, and the Duke of Montpensier, 
were successively refused by herself ; Philip of Spain 
was rejected by her brother ; and the entire Hugue- 
not Party expressed itself adverse to the pretensions 
of the Duke of Savoy \ Her affections were engaged 
to the Count of Soissons, and the narrative of their 
attachment, of their mutual fidelity, and of the politi- 
cal obstacles by which their union was impeded, is 
strongb/" tinctured with Romance^. At length, fa- 
tigued by her brother's urgency, she reluctantly con- 
sented to admit the addresses of Charles Duke of 
Bar, son of her former wooer the Duke of Lorraine ; 
but the conclusion of this Treaty was long protracted 
on account of difference in Religion. Her own un- 
willingness, and the aversion with which the Hugue- 
nots regarded the connexion are strongly exhibited 
in one of the Resolutions of this XV th Synod. " The 
Church in the House of her Highness the King's 
Sister craved advice for their conduct in that great 
concern of her Royal Highness' s marriage with the 
Prince of Lorraine, because, although she had em- 
ployed the authority of the Provincial Synod, and of 
divers famous persons, both within and without the 
Kingdom, yet she cannot any longer hinder it. This 
Synod, approving their duty, judgeth this marriage 
utterly unlawful, nor shall it be permitted in any of 
our Churches ; and Letters to this purpose shall be 

^ Cayet, Chron. Septennaire, p. 51. Sully, torn. iii. liv. x. 
p. 262. Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 440. 

2 Charles de Bourbon, Count of Soissons, a son of Louis 
Prince of Conde. Sully, torn, iii, liv. viii. gives a curious narra- 
tive of some interviews with the Princess, when he was em- 
ployed to urge the suit of the Duke de Montpensier. 



A.D. 1599.] DISPUTATION. 49 

.written to her, and all Ministers are enjoined care- 
fully to observe this Article, otherwise they shall be 
suspended and deposed from the Ministry \" 

The Bridegroom elect expressed much anxiety for 
the conversion of his intended Bride ; and the King, 
in the hope of effecting it, gave orders that a solemn 
Disputation should be held on the chief points in 
controversy between the two Churches, in ^^^^ 
the presence of his sister. The Princess, January, 
who shrank from exhibiting herself as the object to 
which the controversy was directed, adopted an expe- 
dient not very accordant with modern habits, and lay 
in bed while she listened to the arguments ^. Duval, 
Professor of Theology in the Sorbonne, was matched 
against Tilenus, who held a similar office in the Re- 
formed Church at Sedan. The Romanist Doctor 
perplexed both his auditors and himself by scholastic 
subtilties, ill adapted to produce effect on a female 
understanding^ ; and from which even the more 
hardy intellect of Sully rejoiced in escaping. " The 
two champions," he says, " heated themselves to no 
purpose, although each afterwards boasted of victory." 
He witnessed only the end of the Conference, when 
the combatants were exhausted by fatigue ; but, on 
his arrival, they wished to make him umpire, and 
his alarm in consequence is somewhat ludicrous. 
" They began," he continues, " to repeat to me all 
the points of their dispute which had now lasted 
many hours ; but I seriously intreated them to spare 



J Ch. iii. art. 19. 

^ Elle estant dans son lit, comme retiree. Cayet. Chron. Sep- 
tejinaire, p. 63. 

2 Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 437- 
VOL. III. E 



50 THE PRINCESS CATHERINE [cil. XX. 

me tliis honour and embarrassment. I pointed out 
that if two persons of so great learning had not beci 
able either to reconcile the Canons and Papal De- 
crees with Holy Scripture, or to demonstrate that 
such reconciliation was impossible, and therefore 
need not be attempted, it was idle in them to expect 
a resolution of their doubts from one so ignorant as 
myself ^" 

The arguments of Duval failed to convince the 
Princess ; and the Pope hesitated to grant a Dispen- 
sation ; not from any real dislike to the marriage, 
but from a desire at all events to enhance the value 
of his consent, perhaps with the hope of ultimately 
securing a proselyte. The Prelates, consequently, 
refused to solemnize the Nuptials ; and when Henry 
thought himself certain of ready compliance from his 
bastard brother, the Archbishop of Rouen ^ he was 
surprised to find that even he also pleaded conscience 
as an obstacle. But the King was sufficiently ac- 
quainted with the lax habits of his relative, to find 
means of persuasion ^ ; and the service was at length 
performed, hastily and unceremoniously, in the Royal 
Cabinet. Catherine appears to have lived on terms 
of much affection with her husband, notwithstanding 
her ante-nuptial repugnance, and the incessant per- 
secution to which he was exposed from the Roman- 

1 Tom. iii. liv. x. p. 266. 

2 Charles, son of Anthony King of Navarre and Madennoi- 
selle La Rouet, of whom mention has been made in our 1st 
volume. 

2 See in Sully, torn. iii. liv. x. p. 267, &c. the amusing man- 
ner in which the King employed the diplomacy of Roquelaure, 
compagnon ancien et actuel de debauches de M. de Jtoue7i, et a la 
priere duqiiel il avoit ohtenu V Jr chive die. 



A. D. 1599.] OF NAVARRE. 51 

ists, in consequence of his alliance with a Heretic. 
She withstood all his gentle efforts for her conver- 
sion, and persevering unto the end, died in 1604, 
sincerely professing the Reformed Doctrine \ Her 
decease embarrassed the Nuncio resident at Paris, 
who, having long delayed to offer his condolences, at 
length tendered them in language v/hich naturally 
produced great offence. He assured the King that 
he participated in his sorrow, although his motives 
differed from those which actuated his Majesty. 
His own grief arose from a contemplation, not 
of the death of the Princess, but of the peril of 
her soul. Henry was enough upon his guard to 
, avoid contradicting, in direct terms, the uncharitable 
dogma of exclusive salvation. ' But he replied to 
this clumsy and inopportune assertion of it, by say- 
ing that he had sufficient confidence in the Grace of 
God to believe that it could provide for his sister's 
eternal happiness even in her latest moments'. 

' Du Plessis more than once expresses his great satisfaction 
at her constancy, which he assures her is plus admirable contre 
les doulces persuasions d'ung mari que contre les rigueurs de tons 
autres hommes, torn. ix. p. 281. The Pope long denied absolu- 
tion, and inflicted spiritual penalties on the Duke of Bar. He 
was induced to make a journey to Rome, in 1600, the year of 
Jubilee, in order to obtain the privilege of cohabitation with his 
Duchess ; nam morsu conscientice, ita a Jesuitis instructus, longo 
jam tempore ah ed secubuerat. De Thou, cxxiv. 1. Yet they 
lived together in the greatest harmony, laudando ad omnem eeter- 
nitatem amoris conjugalis exemplo — solemne ejus votum erat 
cum novas sponsas videbat ut quantum ipsa virum suum, tantum 
illee maritos suos dlligerent. She died in consequence of impro- 
per medical treatment arising out of a false belief which she 
obstinately cherished, that her wish to become a mother was 
about to be fulfilled. Id. cxxxii. 8. 

2 Id. ibid. 

E 2 



52 THE DEMONIAC [cH. XX. 

Before the Registry of the Edict of Nantes was 
finally adjusted, the Romanist Clergy had encouraged 
a remarkable imposition which sported with credu- 
lity during more than a year and a half, and contri- 
buted very largely to maintain popular excitement 
against the Huguenots. Jacques Brossier, a Baker 
at Romorantin, having failed in his original craft, 
commenced practice as an itinerant mountebank. Of 
the three daughters, who assisted him in his tricks of 
legerdemain, one, named Martha — perhaps in the 
first instance in order to create greater wonderment 
among the ignorant clowns before whom she exhi- 
bited — was said to be under the influence of Evil 
Spirits. The fraud, however, was soon discovered in 
her own neighbourhood ; and the Chapters, both of 
Orleans and of Clery, forbade any Priest of their 
community from administering exorcism to the im- 
postor. Wlien an attempt was made to renew the 
trick at Angers, Carl Miron, Bishop of that See, 
manifested great shrewdness in its discomfiture. He 
sprinkled the pretended energumen with uiicon- 
secrated water; touched her with the keys of his 
wardrobe instead of with a Crucifix ; recited the first 
line of the jEneid, as if it were the commencement 
of his Breviary ; and in each case produced the con- 
vulsions which were said to depend upon genuine 
exorcism. The Girl and her Father were dismissed 
by him with a private admonition, in order to avoid 
open scandal ; but the trade which they had taken 
up was too lucrative to be hastily abandoned. They 
had already connected themselves with employers, 
who found their profit also in the public delusion ; 
and each party, according to its own peculiar object, 
anticipated a rich harvest from the superstition and 



A.D. 1599.] MARTHA BROSSIER. 53 

the political agitation then prevalent in the Capital. 
A few days after her arrival in Paris, Mar- 
tha, who was declared to be vexed by three March so. 
Devils, was examined in the Abbey of 
Sainte Genevieve, by a joint Committee of Physicians 
and Divines. She displayed much agility and nu- 
merous contortions, foamed at the mouth, uttered 
several unusual noises, and protested ignorance both 
of Greek and Latin, when addressed in those tongues ^ 
The Doctors of Medicine, accordingly, pronounced 
her to be a cheat, the Doctors of Divinity, a Daemo- 
niac. 

On subsequent occasions, she was exposed to some 
bodily pain, and she allowed a needle to be thrust 
between her thumb and forefinger, an ordinary test 
of witchcraft, without shrinking. The first 
of April was selected for a solemn exor- 
cism ; and when Seraphin, the Capucin Priest, who 
officiated, pronounced the words," and was made man," 
she put forth her tongue and dragged herself, with 
a convulsive movement and a marvellous rapidity, 
from the Altar to the Church Porch. Seraphin 
warned the spectators that any attempt to stop the 
Devil would be made at the risk of life ; but Mare- 
schal, one of the Physicians, undismayed, grasped 

* Nevertheless, as we shall presently see, on another occasion, 
she understood Greek ; and Cayet, who was a staunch believer, 
represents her as a skilful linguist. As he speaks of the Devil 
by whom she was possessed, he uses the masculine gender. II 
respond aux langues Hebraique, Grecque, Latine, Espagnole, Ita- 
Uerme, Allemande, parlant a moi. II a respondu a un Docteur 
de Theologie en Bus Breton, d'oii le Docteur estoit. Dans 
Amiens il a respondu en Turc a un Capitaine qui parloit ceste 
langue-la. Chron. Sept. p. 408. 



54 THE DEMONIAC MARTHA BROSSIER. [cH. XX. 

the throat of the impostor till she called out that the 
Evil Spirit had departed. Notwithstanding this and 
other plain demonstrations of falsehood, the Clergy 
persisted in maintaining the reality of her possession. 
Martha was said by them, at another time, to have 
answered correctly the questions proposed to her in 
Greek and in English ^ ; to have extricated herself 
from the hold of six robust men, and to have been 
lifted far above their heads by some supernatural 
agency. No further proof of her connection with the 
spiritual world could be demanded than those mira- 
cles afforded ; and, moreover, she now began to in- 
veigh against the Edict, and to threaten the wrath of 
Heaven upon the tolerators of Heresy. The Pulpits 
quickly caught this favourite theme ; and although 
the Parliament thought it prudent to commit the 
Dsemoniac to gaol, the Sorbonnists every where de- 
nounced the unbelieving Huguenots as willing to 
blind all men's eyes to the plain demonstration which 
God had made of His glory. After a short confine- 
ment, Martha was released ; the remembrance of her 
adventure gradually subsided in France ; and an 
attempt which was made to revive it by transferring 
her to Italy, and even to Rome, was frustrated by 
the unexpected coolness of the Pope, and the wise 
precautions of D'Ossat^. 

^ Father Bennet, an Englishman, was a coadjutor with Sera- 
phin. 

* De Thou, cxxiii. 1. Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. pp. 447 
— 450. 459 — 465. A very similar imposture had been practised 
at Laon more than thirty years before ; when, from November, 
1565, till the end of the following January, a girl, named 
Nicole Aubry, pretended to be possessed, first by Beelzebub, 
and afterwards, at different times, by thirty other Devils. She 



A.D. 1599.] THE king's DIVORCE. 55 

That able Diplomatist had been for some time 
engaged in a negotiation requiring his utmost skill. 
The King's friends, anxious for the stability of his 
Crown, were urgent with him to obtain a divorce 
from his present wife ; and to provide for the suc- 
cession, by renewing the nuptial tie with a Consort 
who might afford hope of male issue. To Henry 
himself, infatuated by passion for his Mistress, this 
proposition when first suggested Avas most agree- 
able ; and closing his eyes both to peril and dis- 
grace, he resolved, if the Papal dissolution could be 
obtained, to marry Gabrielle D'Estrees, and to legi- 
timate her children. But to an arrangement thus 
insulting, it was little to be expected that Margaret 
would ever assent ; and had it not been for the 
opportune death of Gabrielle, the Queen would pro- 
bably have continued to resist. The sudden, and 
in many respects suspicious demise ^ of the . 
Favourite, smoothed the progress of the 



was exorcised by the intercession of our Lady of Liesse, and by 
the application of a consecrated Wafer, in the presence of 
10,000 witnesses : and the veracity of her possession and cure 
is recorded by Jean Boulaese, in a thick Treatise, entitled Le 
Tresor et entiere Histoire de la triomphante victoire du Corps de 
Dieu sur Vesprit malin Beelzebub, obtenue a Laon, Van 1566. 
The Huguenots avowed their disbelief; but the Devils revenged 
themselves by answering, that the Reformed doctrine was false 
and absurd; a proceeding which D'Aubigne has acutely shown 
to be a mistake on their part : Car, comme remarque Postel, 
que cela sonneroit que le Liable fut Seigneur de notre hien. 
Confession de Sancy, cap. vi. The fraud, however, so far suc- 
ceeded, as to occasion the apostasy of Florimond de Raimond, a 
Counsellor of the Parliament of Bourdeaux ; who afterwards 
became a voluminous writer against the Reformed. 
^ Journal de Henri IV. tom. ii. p. 431, &c. 



56 TREATISE ON THE EUCHARIST [CH. XX. 

Treaty with Rome. The King, after the first 
violence of his grief had passed away, solaced him- 
self in the arms of a new Mistress ^ ; obtained a 
Bull by which his contract with Margaret was an- 
nulled from the beginning, on the pleas of 
want of consent on her part, and of con- 
jgQQ sanguinity ; and, before the close of the 
Oct, 5. following year, solemnized fresh Nuptials 
with Mary of Medicis, daughter of Francis, the late 
Grand Duke of Tuscany, and niece of Ferdinand his 
successor. 

It is to be feared that the goodwill of Clement VIII. 
was propitiated on this occasion by an unworthy 
sacrifice ; and that the abandonment of a tried and 
faithful servant was a part of the price which Henry 
was entrapped into paying for the favour of the 
Vatican. The low standard of morals at the Louvre, 
as we have already observed, had prevented much 
recent personal intercourse between the King and 
Du Plessis. Nevertheless, on occasion of a most 
unjustifiable outrage to which the latter had been 
exposed, Henry had written to him, in his own 
hand, and employed terms abundantly expressive of 
affection and esteem. He assured him that he 
deeply sympathized, both as his Prince and as his 
Friend, in the wrong which he had suffered ; that if 
he bore only the second title, there was no one 
whose sword should be more freely drawn in his 
service, or who would more cheerfully hazard his 



1 Henriette de Balsac d'Entragues, created Marquise de 
Verneuil ; a far more mercenary personage than her prede- 
cessor, the Duchess of Beaufort. She bartered her virtue for 
100,000 crowns, and a written promise of marriage. 



A.D. 1600.] BY DU PLESSIS. .57 

life in seconding him ; and that he might im- 
plicitly depend upon receiving every office at his 
hands v^^hich it was fitting for a King, a Master, and 
a Friend to proiFer \ 

In the Summer of 1598, Du Plessis, already 
knov^n as a Theological writer, gave to the press an 
elaborate Treatise on the Eucharist ^. The object 
of this Work was to assert, on the authority of the 
Fathers and of the Schoolmen, the antiquity of the 
Reformed mode of celebrating the Lord's Supper ; 
and, according to the evil fashion of most controver- 
sial Divinity, it was not sparing in harsh terms ad- 
dressed to opponents. The Pope was naturally 
dissatisfied with the name of Antichrist which it 
attributed him ; and the more so, because the title- 
page announced Du Plessis to be a Counsellor of 
State to his Ally the King of France, the eldest son 
of the Church. But it was difficult to prefer a com- 
plaint in any form which might render the offence 
tangible. The Parliament of Bourdeaux refused to 
commit the book to the flames ; and for once the 
Romanists were obliged to rest content Avith the 
ordinary weapons of Polemical warfare. Against 

^ Vous rCen aves 7iul de qui I'espee feust preste a desgaigner 
que la mienne, ne qui vous portast sa vie plus gaiement que moi, 
torn. vii. p. 384. The affray between Du Plessis and St. Phal, 
at Angers, which occasioned this Letter, took place on Oct. 28, 
1597. The decision of the Constable and the Marecheaux of 
France, which satisfied Du Plessis's Avounded honour, was not 
given till Jan. 13, 1599 ; and a large portion of the viith, viiith, 
and ixth volumes of his Correspoiidance, is occupied by papers 
connected with this wearisome dispute. 

2 De L' Institution, usage et doctrine du Saint Sacrament de 
V Eucharistie en VEgUse Ancienne : ensemble quand, comment, et 
pas quels degrez, la Messe s'est introduite en sa place. 



58 CONFERENCE AT [cil. XX. 

those arms, however lavishly they might be em- 
ployed, Du Plessis could not reasonably object, for 
he had been the first to provoke their use ; and ac- 
cordingly he stood his ground without manifesting 
any sign of impatience ^ If all the arguments ad- 
vanced by his antagonists resembled that attributed 
to the Capucin Archange, no great exercise of self- 
restraint was needed. That Monk, when pressed 
hardly by texts from St. John on the question of 
Transubstantiation, extricated himself by answering, 
that it was a subject on which the Evangelist had 
fallen into a slight deviation from truth ^. 

But the form in which Du Plessis was at length 
assailed, imperatively demanded a reply ; and he 
could not longer remain silent without disregarding 
his honour. It was broadly affirmed that his book 
abounded in garbled extracts and false citations ; 
and when he expressed his readiness to verify every 
passage before Commissioners appointed by the 
King, Du Perron accepted the challenge, and offered 
to exhibit five hundred "enormous falsehoods" in 
his pages. It was accordingly determined that a 
Conference between the disputants should be held at 
Fontainebleau. 

Notwithstanding the strong declaration of per- 
sonal regard which Henry had made two years be- 

' Nevertheless, fi'om a Letter written by the Duchess of Bar 
in Nov. 1599, it seems that the friends of Du Plessis were not 
without apprehension. of some attempt upon his life; and the 
Duchess accordingly offered him apartments in her Palace as a 
security. In his reply, he treats their fears as causeless. 
Tom. ix. pp. 298-9. 

^ U Evangeliste est tomhe en une petite faussete. Mtmoires, 
par Madame Du Plessis, torn. i. p. 345. 



A.D. 1600.] • FONTAINEBLEAU. 59 

fore, it is scarcely possible but that in his heart he must 
always have recoiled from the uncompromising moral 
censorship of Du Plessis ; and must have cherished 
a tacit wish for the mortification of one by whom he 
was constantly degraded in his own esteem. Any 
direct participation in the train of fraud by which 
there can be little doubt that Du Plessis was circum- 
vented, is altogether alien from the general frank- 
ness of Henry's character; and we at once acquit 
him of baseness so premeditated. But it seems too 
probable that he could not resist embracing an oppor- 
tunity, when presented to him, which was calculated 
to diminish the high reputation, and the consequent 
influence of a monitor by whom he was perpetually 
embarrassed ; and that he unreluctantly permitted 
the commission of a great injustice. 

Our limits forbid more than a very general notice 
of the result of this Conference ; and yet it is chiefly 
upon the aggregate of numerous minute particulars 
in the preliminary arrangement, each tending to the 
disadvantage of Du Plessis, that a correct estimate 
can be formed of the animus of the King. It was 
calculated that an examination of the entire Treatise 
would occupy six months ; a period in which even 
professed Divines might become v/eary of the con- 
troversy ; and which it was little reasonable to 
expect that a Royal Commission of Laymen would 
dedicate to so ungrateful a labour. After many 
propositions and much skirmishing, therefore, sixty- 
one disputed passages were submitted to Du Plessis 
for veriflcation. A single sleepless night was the 
period allowed for his reply ; and the time did not 
permit him to do more than to prepare answers to 
nineteen of the objections. On the plea of avoid- 



60 CONFERENCE AT LCH. XX. 

ing harsh and uncourteous language, Du Perron was 
permitted to amend the form of his indictment, if we 
may so call it ; and the charge which he finally 
undertook to substantiate was no longer that of 
" enormous falsehood," but of " misapprehension." 
Of the five Commissioners, three were Romanists ; 
De Thou and Pithou, — men of blameless integrity, 
but on that very account the less likely to be 
indulgent to Du Plessis, because they had been 
suspected of a bias towards the Reformed — * ; and 
Martin, one of the King's Physicians ^. Canaye de 
Fresne, President of the Chamber of Languedoc, 
who soon afterwards abjured, and Isaac Casaubon ^, 
more distinguished for his profound acquaintance 
with polite Literature, than for either his skill or 
his stability as a Theologian, were their Huguenot 
assessors ; and the Chancellor Bellievre ofiiciated 
as President. 

No slight apprehension appears to have been felt 
lest Du Plessis should refuse the contest at the last 
moment, on account of the rigorovis and inequitable 
conditions imposed upon him ; and the stables at 
Fontainebleau which contained his horses were 
locked and guarded on the night before the Confe- 
rence, in order to prevent the possibility of his re- 

^ Desquelz la timidite luy estoit cogneue, d'aultant plus grande 
qu'ih auroient este suspectz de la Relligion. Id. ibid. 365. 

2 Homme passionne s'il enfeut onq, et qui en I'acte mesmes ne 
pouvoit cacher sa rage. Id. ibid. 

3 Casaubon had been invited to Paris by Henry IV. with 
the promise of being appointed a Professor and Librarian. 
Till his settlement in England, and the liberal preferment which 
James I. bestowed upon him both at Westminster and at Can- 
terbury, he seems to have floated very loosely upon patronage, 
and to have encountered frequent suspicions of insincerity. 



A.D. 1600.] FONTAINEBLEAU. 61 

treat '. At length, on the afternoon of the j^j^ ^ 
4th of May, the King and a brilliant cor- 
tege assembled in the Council Hall, and the Com- 
missioners, after hearing a brief Speech from each 
disputant, passed judgment on nine of the disputed 
passages. In two citations, one from Duns Scotus ^ 
the other from Durand ^, concerning Transubstantia- 
tion, Du Plessis was said to have been deceived by 
the method of the Schoolmen, and to have incau- 
tiously assumed as their own solution that which in 
truth they had propounded as the objection of 
others. Two extracts from Chrysostom *, and one 
from Jerome ^ on the Invocation of Saints, were de- 
clared to be mutilated. One from Cyril ^, on the 
adoration of the Cross, was not to be found in his 
pages : a passage given by Crinitus, as from the 
Code of Theodosius and Valentinian, was shown to 
have been incorrectly transcribed by that writer, 
whose authority was altogether rejected '. Two 

1 Mem. torn. i. p. 367. 

2 Scotus in IV. Sentent. dist. 10. g. 1. Du Plessis. p. 869. 
Ed. Hierome Hautein a La Rochelle. 4to. 

^ Durandus in IV. Sentent. dist. 11. q. 1. Du Plessis, p. 870. 

* Chrysostom in 1 Thess. Du Plessis, p. 537- Hom.'Y. in 
Matt. Du Plessis, p. 574. In the discussion on the second of 
these questions the King himself took part. 

5 Hieronymus in Ezech. liv. iv. c. 14. Du Plessis, p. 583. 

^ Cyril, liv. vi. contra Julianum. Du Plessis, p. 223. 

7 The passage cited by Du Plessis, p. 223, from Crinitus, 
ought, according to the original Code, to have run as follows : 
It was a prohibition respecting Crosses, and forbids the Christ- 
ians, vel in solo, vel in silice, vel in marmoribus, humi positis 
insculpere. Crinitus, and Du Plessis relying upon him, omitted 
the words in Italics, and thus made a particular injunction ap- 
pear as if it were general. 



62 EXAMINATION OF THE DECISION. [cH. XX. 

detached paragraphs of Bernard ^ on the mediation 
of the Virgin had been printed by Du Plessis as if 
one had been immediately consecutive on the other ; 
and some words of Theodoret on the cxiiith Psalm ^, 
which objected to the Idolatry of the Pagans, had 
been represented by him as applicable to the reve- 
rence paid to Images by the Romanists ^. 

It is very probable that Du Perron exhibited him- 
self to great advantage in this Disputation ; and that 
so far as copious and fluent elocution, elegance of 
manner, and a prompt application of very extensive 
reading, could ensure his success, over an antagonist 
by no means ready in speech, and somewhat embar- 
rassed in demeanour, he was eminently triumphant. 
But if we admit to the fullest extent which has been 
claimed for it the correctness of the judgment thus 
delivered by the Commissioners, much may be urged 
in behalf of Du Plessis ; and he appears altogether 
exculpated from any fraudulent intention. The 
method of citation employed at the time at which he 
wrote was far less precise than that to which we of 
later days have been accustomed. It was for the 

1 Bernard, Ep. 174. Du Plessis, p. 604. 

2 Du Plessis, p. 118. 

3 The most detailed account of this Disputation is to be found 
in the Actes de la Confej-ence tenne entre le Sieur Evesque 
d'Evreiix et le Sieur Du Plessis, &c. publiez par permission et 
authorlte de sa Majeste par Messire Jacques Davy, &c. Evreux, 
1601, As the avowed production of Du Perron himself, this 
account must of course be received with very great caution. 
An abstract of it is given by Cayet, Cliron. SepL liv. iii. 7- 
p. 125, &c. and other notices occur in De Thou, cxxiii. 13. 
Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 502, &c. Benoit, Hist, de 
VEdict de Nantes, torn. i. p. .349, &t. 



A.D. IGOO.] ILLNESS OF DU PLESSIS. 63 

most part thouglit enough to indicate the general 
sentiments of the writer to -whom reference was 
made, and his absolute words were very rarely 
transcribed. This circumstance is important, as it 
bears on the only charge which presses heavily on 
the accused ; the attribution of an imaginary pas- 
sage to Cyril : which, it must be remembered, how- 
ever, was printed in Du Plessis' Treatise in the 
same letter as the text, and not at all marked as a 
quotation. It is affirmed that, although the words 
do not exist in that Father, the spirit undeniably 
belongs to him ; and that Du Plessis has employed 
his authority ^^dth no greater laxity than the common 
usage of his contemporaries justified \ 

On the second morning, when the Com- 
missioners were preparing to enter upon 
an examination of the remaining points, it was an- 
nounced that a serious attack of illness prevented the 
attendance of Du Plessis. Fatigue, anxiety, and cha- 
grin, a deep resentment of the ingratitude which had 
abandoned him to the pursuit of his enemies, and a 
keen sensitiveness to the obloquy which, for a time, 
must attach not only to himself, but to the great 
cause of which he was a leading advocate, preyed 
upon his spirits, till his bodily powers became af- 
fected. Without waiting for the chance of his reco- 
very, which might have rendered Du Perron's ulti- 
mate success problematical, the King on the same 
evening dissolved the Conference. 

If Henry had stopped here, he would have been 
sufficiently blameable, and he must ever have en- 
countered suspicion of gross partiality while presid- 

^ Benoit, torn. i. p. 253. 



64: GROSS PARTlAJCITY Or THE KING. [cH. XX. 

ing on the seat of judgment. He had more than 
once interfered with visible prejudice against Du 
Plessis, and when a by-stander ventured an assertion 
in his behalf, which Du Perron disproved, the King 
with manifest glee characterized the refuted volun- 
teer as a dragoon, who after making a random shot 
was compelled to take flight \ But, unhappily, his 
subsequent proceedings removed all doubt of his 
partisanship. On the evening of the Conference, he 
ordered a banquet to be spread in the Council Hall, 
in order that he might sup, as he expressed him- 
self, on the field of battle ^. " What think you now 
of your Pope^?" was the question which he put to 
Sully, whose jealousy of Du Plessis had long been 
undisguised. Sully, with a good deal of point, re- 
plied, that he was in truth more of a Pope than the 
King imagined, for that he had assuredly placed a 
scarlet hat on the head of Du Perron ; he then 
added, that he had never heard a weaker defence ; 
and, contemptuously alluding to a favourite attitude 
of Du Plessis, (a petty sarcasm, which for the sake 
of his own dignity it might be wished he had sup- 
pressed) that if the Protestant Religion had no better 
support than the crossed legs and folded arms of its 
late champion, he would abandon it without a mo- 
ment's delay '*. But a Letter which the King wrote 
to the Duke d'Espernon, on the morning after the 

' This witticism, which Du Perron ascribes to the King, is 
attributed in the Journal de Henri IV. torn. ii. p. 508. to the 
Sieur de Vitry. 

2 Mem. torn. i. p. 367. 

' Car Du Plessis etoit parmi les Protestans, ce qiCest le Pape 
parmi les Catholiques. 

* Sully, Mem. torn. iii. liv. xi p. 339. 



A. D. 1600.] HIS LETTER TO THE D. d'eSPERNON. 65 

breaking up of the Conference, proclaims his senti- 
ments yet more remarkably than they had been dis- 
played in this conversation. " The Diocese of 
Evreux," he said, " has gained a victory over that of 
Saumur ; and so gentle have been the proceedings, 
that no Huguenot can venture to assert that any 
thing but Truth has prevailed. The bearer, who was 
present, will tell you that / did wonders on the occa- 
sion \ In truth it was one of the greatest blows 
which has been for a long time struck in behalf of 
the Church of God. According to all appearances, 
we shall gain more Schismatics by these means in 
one year, than would have come over to us by any 
other in fifty." He then referred D'Espernon to the 
verbal communications of the messenger, for the 
steps which he thought it advisable should be taken 
in order to derive most advantage from this great 
success. 

The choice of the Duke D'Espernon, who had 
been one of the most distinguished Leaguers, as the 
King's correspondent on this occasion, excited 
scarcely less surprise than the terms in which the 
Letter was expressed ; for although no confidential 
intercourse had hitherto existed between them, 
Henry ostentatiously assured him that he was the 
only person to whom he had written. Great pains 

^ Co7nmej'y ai fait merveilles. As if these words too openly 
expressed the King's partiality, they were elsewhere given, 
corame il s'y est fait merveille. Journal de Henri IV. torn, ii, 
p. 515, note. Du Plessis, Mem. torn. i. p. 368. Henry mani- 
fested so great anxiety on the evening before the Conference, 
that his Secretary de Lomenie remarked to him, that he had not 
appeared so pensive on the Eves of Coutras, Arques, or Yvry, 
ce qiCil avoua. Id. ibid. p. 366. 
VOL. III. F 



0(5 UNDIMINISHED INFLUENCE OF DU PLESSIS. [cH. XX. 

were taken also to publish and distribute copies of 
this Despatch, which were circulated beyond France, 
and reprinted even at Prague \ Bitter as were the 
mental sufferings of Du Plessis at these repeated in- 
stances of his Sovereign's displeasure, they were 
tempered nevertheless by a dignijSled consciousness 
that he had been wrongfully disgraced ; and it is 
impossible to read the large portion of his Corre- 
spondence which belongs to this epoch of his life, 
without admiration of his meek yet lofty spirit of 
endurance. " I am suspected," he writes to one of 
his friends, " of sowing discontent ; and two reasons 
may obtain currency for this charge : one, that my 
enemies know in their hearts they have given me 
just occasion to cast aside all respect for human 
authority ; but they do not know the cause which 
operates in restraint, — the fear of God, which sways 
me far more powerfully than any injuries from Man. 
Another, that they judge my intentions by their own 
actions, actions which assuredly I will never adopt 
as my model ^." 

^ Id. ibid. p. 368. and Du Plessis writes to De Lomenie, 
Certes la Lettre du Roy imprimee par toute la Chrestiente vi^a 
perc6le coeur. Tom. ix. p. .377- 

2 ^ M. de Guaschon. Tom. ix. p. 380. A similar spirit 
pervades numerous Letters, which may be found in the same 
volume. But the correspondents of Du Plessis did not always 
preserve the calm dignity of language which distinguished him- 
self. Tilenus, writing to him a few weeks after the Conference 
at Fontainebleau, describes the monster with which he had been 
engaged as a compound engendered between a Lion and a Fox ; 
ana afterwards breaks out into the following uncleanly meta- 
phor, Sans double il (Sathan) monstre avcir estt fort oultre . . . 
il ne feut sorti tant de venir de sa queue s'il n^eust este bien 
presse et foule par la teste. Ibid. p. 370*. 



A. D. 1601.] XVlth NATIONAL SYNOD. 67 

No slight consolation, however, must have arisen 
to Du Plessis, w^hen he perceived that his influence 
over his Huguenot brethren was unirnj^aired. We 
find him appealed to, but a few months after this 
Conference, relative to a point of Casuistry on which 
his reply was awaited with a deference almost justify- 
ing Henry's taunt when he styled him the Pope of 
his Sect. Many extraordinary cures, it seems, had 
been ascribed to the Baths of Ardilleres ; and the 
Huguenots who relied upon the natural efficacy of 
those mineral waters, were nevertheless restrained 
from using them, because the Romanists attributed 
their power to miraculous endowment. Du Plessis 
undeceived the Ministers who asked his guidance on 
these points, by stating that the medicinal virtues of 
the springs had been greatly exaggerated ; and he 
showed that Invalids in resorting to them, would not 
only incur the scandal of having performed a super- 
stitious pilgrimage, but would probably lose their 
labour also \ 

In the XVIth National Synod, which jqqj 
met at Gergeau, on the 9th of the follow- ^^^^ ^ 
ing May, no direct mention occurred of the past 
Conference ; but a request made by Du Plessis was 
granted, that his book should be sent to Geneva, on 
account of the many Libraries which that City 
possessed ; with an instruction to the Pastors there 
to examine and verify the quotations ^. In reply 

^ Tom. ix. p. 385. The conclusion of this Letter from the 
Ministers, very strongly marks their sympathy ; estans cm nom- 
bre de ceulx qui recoivent vos plaisirs et desjilaisirs esgalement 
communs : autant trisies de vos adversites que joyeux de vos 
prosperiies. 

2 Ch. vi. 23. 

F 2 



68 THE DUKE DE BOUILLON. [cH. XX. 

to some Letters from Casaubon, much satisfaction was 
evinced at his constancy to the true Religion, in which 
he was exhorted to persevere ^ ; expressions which 
prove either that he had been suspected of wavering, 
or that attempts had been made for his seduction. 

A dry official aimouncement of the 

Sept. ^7- . , / ^ , . . , 

birth of a Dauphm, sent m the autumn 
of this year by the King to Du Plessis, as Governor 
of Saumur, called forth an answer, which may be 
justly esteemed a finished model of successful com- 
position, under circumstances of no small difficulty. 
Without any compromise of self-respect, every sen- 
tence breathed the profoundest obedience and the 
most devoted loyalty ; and Henry's bosom must 
have been seared to the very core if he could read 
it without emotions of remorse ^ 

Notwithstanding his harshness to Du Plessis, the 
King, however, in his general conduct evinced a 
determination to abide faithfully by the provisions 
of the Edict of Nantes ; and although all the griev- 
ances enumerated by a General Political Assembly, 
held by Royal permission at St. Foy, were 
not redressed, not one of them was dis- 
missed without fitting consideration. For the most 
part, the Huguenots remained tranquil 
amid much National disturbance: some 
attempts made to implicate the Duke de Bouillon iu 
the Conspiracy which led to the punishment of the 
guilty and misguided Biron, called forth strong 

* Ch. vi. 21. At the time of Canaye de Fresne's apostasy, 
there was a strong report that Casaubon also had abjured. 
Journal de Henri IV. p. 558. 

2 Tom. ix. p. 469. 



A. D 1603.] XVIlth NATIONAL SYNOD. 69 

remonstrances from their Churches ; and a discreet 
but powerful application was made in his behalf by 
Queen Elizabeth ^ Bouillon, well aware that 
numerous enemies sought his destruction, prudently 
withdrew for awhile, first to the Palatinate and then 
to Sedan. His reduction became a point of honor 
with the Kinoj : but when, three years 

° *^ 1606. 

afterwards, he directed a powerful arma- 
ment against the strong hold in which Bouillon had 
sought protection, the object was to ensure submis- 
sion much rather than to exact punishment ; and 
Henry gladly received into more than former favour, 
one to whose early services he had been so largely 
indebted ^. 

Although a different reason was studiously ad- 
vanced at the time ^ there can be little doubt that 
the proceedings at Fontainebleau were one main 
cause of a strongly expressed Article on Papal Usur- 
pation, which the Huguenot Deputies, as- jgQg 
sembled in their XVIIth National Synod, 0^=*- ^• 
at Gap in Dauphine, inserted in their Confession of 
Faith. " Whereas the Bishop of Ptome hath erected 
for himself a temporal Monarchy in the Christian 
world, and usurping a sovereign authority and 

^ De Thou, cxxvii. 11. 

2 The Letters from the Duke of Bouillon to Henry, may 
be found in the Mem. d'Etat of Villeroy, tom. iii. p. 158, &c. 
The King's expedition to Sedan, and his reconciliation with the 
Duke of Bouillon, in 1606, are narrated at length by De Thou, 
cxxxvi. 16 ; and by Sully, who was greatly discontented at the 
result. Tom. vi. liv. 23. 

3 The ostensible plea was, that " Divers Pastors and Mem- 
bers of several Churches remonstrated in this Assembly how 
they had been troubled and prosecuted for calling the Pope 
Antichrist, in their public and private discourses." Ch. vi. 5. 



70 THE POPE CONDEMNED [cH. XX. 

Lordship over all Churches and Pastors, doth exalt 
himself to that degree of insolency as to be called 
God, and will be adored, arrogating to himself all 
power in Heaven and in Earth, and to dispose of all 
Ecclesiastical matters, to define Articles of Faith, to 
authorise and expound at his pleasure the sacred 
Scriptures, and to buy and sell the souls of men, to 
dispense with vows, oaths, and covenants, and to 
institute new Ordinances of Religious Worship : 
and in the Civil State he tramples under foot all law- 
ful authority of Magistrates, setting up and pulling 
down Kings, disposing of Kings and of their King- 
doms at his pleasure : We therefore believe and 
maintain that he is truly and properly The Anti- 
christ, the Son of Perdition predicted by the Holy 
Prophets ; that great Whore clothed with scarlet, 
sitting upon seven mountains in that great City, 
which had dominion over the Kings of the Earth ; 
and we hope and wait that the Lord according to 
His promise, and as He hath already begun, will con- 
found him by the Spirit of His Mouth ; and destroy 
him finally by the brightness of His coming \" 

It was not fitting that Du Plessis should be men- 
tioned by name in a Symbol of Belief; but a pointed 
reference was made to him in a Resolution arising 
out of that Act of the Synod of Gergeau, which had 
committed his Treatise on the Eucharist to the 
censorship of the Genevese. " The Pastors and 
Professors in the Church of Geneva having read 
according to the desire of the late Synod at Gergeau, 
the book of the Lord Du Plessis upon the Eucha- 
rist, and given a very honourable testimony to it : 

^ Ch. ii. 5. and see ch. vi. 6. 



A. D. 1603.] AS ANTICHRIST. 71 

This National Synod doth render unto his Lordship 
their hearty thanks for his great zeal and affection 
to the truth of God, and for his worthy labours in 
the defence thereof, and orders that it be printed 
out of hand, believing that the Lord will give His 
blessing to it '." 

A remarkable testimony was offered by this 
Synod to the high value at which it estimated the 
labours of D'Aubigne also ; who may be said to 
have been virtually appointed Historiographer to 
the Reformed Churches. " The Provinces are 
charged to collect the Memoirs of those memorable 
events which have fallen out these fifty years last 
past, and to send them to Monsieur D'Aubigne in 
Poictou, to be inserted by him in his History of this 
present Age^." 

Great offence, as may readily be supposed, was 
taken by the Romanists at the above bold condemna- 
tion of the Pope. The King, believing that it had 
been framed for his own especial annoyance, threat- 
ened that he would suppress all the Bibles and Tes- 
taments which should be accompanied by the amended 
Confession. The Huguenots, in excuse, pleaded that 
the Article expressed no more than the constant 
belief of all the Reformed Chr.rches from their very 
origin ; and, indeed, that the point to which it related 
had been one of the most substantial causes of their 
separation from Rome. The Synod of Gap, however, 
appears to have been actuated by an eminently 
quarrelsome temper ; and to have scattered its blows 

1 Ch. iv. 17. 

2 Ch. vii. 31. The proceedings at the Synod of Gap are 
fully noticed by De Thou, cxxix. 20. 



72 CONTROVERSIES ARISING OUT OF [cH. XX. 

very generally, and with very little discretion. 
James I., who had just acceded to the British throne, 
avowed his conviction, that the attack on the Pope 
was unseasonable ; and he also required an explana- 
tion through M. de la Fontaine, Minister of the 
French Church in London, of a paragraph which 
seemed to impugn the Ecclesiastical Polity of Eng- 
land. In the XXXI Ind Article of the Confession of 
Faith, the term Super intendcmt had been employed, 
and the recent Synod had thought proper to annex to 
it the following interpretation. " The word Super- 
intendant is not to be understood of any superiority 
of one Pastor above another, but only in general, of 
such as have office and charge in the Church ^" It 
would be difficult to show that James pos'sessed any 
right to object to such a declaration from a Church 
not admitting Episcopacy : nevertheless, Du Plessis, 
to whom the appeal was made, replied in a tone of 
great gentleness and conciliation. He denied that 
the words of the Synod at all mooted the question of 
equality or superiority among Pastors, so as to ap- 
prove of one, or to condemn the other. " The 
Church," he said, " might sanction either, at plea- 
sure, provided equality were without confusion, su- 
periority without tyranny ^." 

Another uncalled for controversy was raised in 
this Synod on the doctrine of Justification. The 
Deputies expressed their " detestation of those errors 
which are now a days broached to the contrary, and 
particularly their errors who deny the imputation of 
Christ's active and passive obedience (by which He 



1 Ch. ii. 6. 

2 ^ M. de la Fontaine, torn. ix. 544. 



A. D. 1603.] THE SYNOD OF GAP. 73 

hath most perfectly fulfilled the whole Law) unto us 
for Righteousness." They specifically ordered "that 
Letters should be writ unto Master Piscator to en- 
treat him not to trouble the Churches with his new- 
fangled opinions, as also from the Assembly to the 
Universities of England, Scotland, Ley den, Geneva, 
Heidelberg, Basil, and Herborne" (in which Pis- 
cator was Professor), " requesting them to join 
with us also in this censure." In case Piscator 
should obstinately adhere to his opinions, two 
Divines were selected to answer them against the 
next Synod ^ Piscator had affirmed that Christ, 
even by His universal and perfect obedience, did no 
more in His character as a man, than He was under 
moral obligation to do ; and therefore that He had 
no excess of righteousness, in that character, which 
could be imputed to others. The hastiness and 
rudeness with which the Synod of Gap had con- 
demned this doctrine were by no means approved by 
Du Plessis ; and when the University of St. An- 
drew's in Scotland requested him to employ all his 
authority to prevent this dispute from increasing into 
an open schism^, he cheerfully undertook the task ; 
addressed a Circular Letter with that object to all 
the Provincial Synods in France ^ ; and wrote an 
answer to the Scotch Divines, which stands in ad- 
vantageous contrast with the uncharitable fulmina- 
tions of his brethren at Gap *. 



1 Ch. ii. 2. 

2 Tom. X. p. 61. Where the Letter, by a misprint, is dated 
Postridie Idus Octobris, 1605 ; it should be 1G04. The Latin 
documents throughout this edition of Du Plessis are grievously 
incorrect. 

3 Tom. X. p. 73. March, 1G05. * Tom. x. p. 78. 



74 TRANQUILLITY OF THE HUGUENOTS. [cH. XX. 

Never, indeed, did the truly evangelical spirit of 
this eminent Christian shine forth with brighter 
lustre, than in a description of the state of the Hu- 
guenots which he offered at this time to De La Fon- 
taine ; and never did any man heavily burdened 
by private oppression cast aside all remembrance of 
personal wrong with readier alacrity, than that 
which Du Plessis manifested, when he turned to the 
contemplation of the general welfare. " Our Church- 
es," he says, " by the grace of God, and under the 
benefit of the Royal Edicts, enjoy a condition which 
they have not any desire to change. The Gospel is 
preached freely, and not without making progress ; 
Justice is distributed to us ; we have strong holds, 
to which we may resort for protection in a storm ; 
if we are wronged, our complaints are always heard, 
our grievances are frequently redressed. It might 
perhaps be desired, that we had more places in which 
the exercise of our Worship was permitted ; that they 
were nearer to each other, and more convenient ; 
and it might be neither useless to the King, nor un- 
deserved by our services, if we were allowed more 
full participation in the honours and charges of his 
Government. But these are matters to be wished, 
not to be exacted, and to complain of them would 
be to exhibit a querulous and self-indulgent tem- 
per \" The single alarm which he expressed was 
occasioned by the Jesuits, " those firebrands of 
Christendom." 

The reviving ascendancy of that Order was indeed 
to be viewed with apprehension. A formal applica- 
tion for their re-establishment had been received in 

1 Tom. ix. p. 540. 



A. D. 1603.] THE JESUIT COTTON. 7o 

terms sufficiently indicative of the King's good will ' ; 
and the private influence which the Royal Confessor 
was known to exercise over his Master, a2:)peared to 
threaten their speedy success. Cotton was a subtle 
intriguer ^ more deeply skilled in the arts of the 
Court than in the studies of the Gown ; as is evinced 
by some choice notices of his pulpit oratory which 
have descended to us. On one occasion, when dis- 
coursing on the Parable of the good Samaritan, he 
explained the extra sum which the benevolent tra- 
veller promised to repay the host v^dth whom he left 
the wounded Jew, in case he should expend more 
than the two pence which he gave at the moment, as 
typifying the works of Supererogation, out of which 
the Pope coined his Indulgences^. A favourite 
doctrine which he often repeated before the King, 
and which was not likely to be ungrateful to Royal 
ears, affirmed that the payment of tribute was a far 
more important duty than the distribution of alms. 
The former, he said, was enjoined by an express 
commandment, the latter was recommended only by 
an incidental admonition \ Yet, withal, he was 
gentle in his comments on the Reformed. He 
spoke of Calvin as Monsieur, investing him with 
terms of honour which he had never before obtained 
from the Romanists. It is not a little creditable 
also to his memory, that, when the Huguenots were 

1 De Thou, cxxix. 11. 

2 See the narrative of his demele with Sully about the College 
at Poitiers. Mem. torn. v. liv. 20. p. 283, &c. 

2 J oimial de' Henxi IV. torn, iii, p. 115. We remember to 
have heard of a Sectarian Preacher in our own times, who ex- 
pounded the two pence as significatory of the two Covenants. 

1 Id ibid. p. 144. 



76 COTTON AKD THE D.EMONIAC. [cH. XX. 

accused of having attempted his assassination, he 
took paiQS to express his confident belief of their 
entire innocence \ 

A want of caution, however, very foreign from the 
usual habits of the Disciples of Loyola, at one time 
exposed Cotton to imminent risk of fall. A new 
Daemoniac had taken the place of Martha Brossier ; 
and, for a while, Adrienne de Fresnes, a peasant girl 
of Gerbigny, near Amiens, succeeded in attracting 
the credulous to similar exhibitions in the Capital. 
Cotton was among that number ; and weakly con- 
fiding in her supernatural pretensions, he sought not 
to deliver her from the Evil Spirit by which he be- 
lieved her to be possessed, but to render its sup- 
posed knowledge of futurity subservient to his own 
ambition. The questions of which he asked resolu- 
tion were of a singularly miscellaneous nature ; 
some were mischievous, some frivolous, and all beto- 
kened a meddling, inquisitive, and superstitious 
temper. Having adjured the Daemon by the merits 
of St. Peter and of St. Paul ; of St^ Prisca, Virgin 
and Martyr ; of Saints Moses and Ammon, Soldiers 
and Martyrs ; of St. Antenogenes, Martyr and 
Theologian ; of St. Volusius, Bishop of Tours ; of 
St. Leobard the Hermit ; and of St^. Liberata, a 
Virgin ; he wished to learn on State matters many 

^ He was wounded in the back of the head by a sword while 
returning one evening in his carriage to the Louvre. It seems 
probable that the blow was struck by some of the Royal Pages, 
who had been chastised a few days before for ridiculing the 
Father, by pursuing him with one of the cries of Paris, " Fielle 
laine (villain), viel Cotton /" in joint allusion to his name and 
to the stuff of which his gown was made. Cayet, Chron. Sept. 
p. 438. Journal de Henri IV. torn. iii. p. 145, 



A. D. 1603.] ADRJENNE DE FRESNES. 77 

particulars concerning the King and Queen, and the 
War with Spain. "What Heretics about Court were most 
assailable for conversion, and whether Sully himself 
were so ? What evil was meditated by the Spirits of 
darkness against either the Jesuits or himself? What 
means would be most efficacious in bringing over the 
King, Queen, and People of England, to the Catho- 
lic Faith ? How the Turkish power might be most 
completely overthrown ? And at what period the 
Heresy of Calvin would be destroyed? To these 
inquiries were appended others relative to many dis- 
tinguished individuals, and to Penitents of his own. 
But it was in abstruse problems of " vain Philoso- 
phy" that the curiosity of the insatiate Father chiefly 
delighted to luxuriate. He anxiously required in- 
struction on numerous dark and mysterious points, 
which had perplexed all generations, his predeces- 
sors ; and he asked responses on the Origin of Lan- 
guage ; on the site of the Terrestrial Paradise ; on 
the number of Angels who fell from Heaven ; on the 
names of the seven Spirits who stand before the 
throne of God ; and on that of the Chief of the 
Archangels. Furthermore, he wished to know how 
Islands became stocked with living creatures ? How 
Noah's Ark was capable of holding all the animals 
which entered it ? Who were the Sons of God who 
loved the Daughters of Men ? How long our first 
Parents abode in Paradise ? Whether the Serpent 
had feet before the fall of Eve ? How Greek and 
Hebrew might be most readily acquired ? How he 
might best correct the faults which he had commit- 
ted in writing, preaching, and publishing? And, 
what were the clearest Texts by which he might ex- 
pound the doctrines of Purgatory, the Invocation of 



7S RESTORATION OF THE JESUITS. [_CH. XX. 

Saints, the power of the Romish See, and the simi- 
larity of the reigning Pope to St. Peter ? Seventy- 
one questions, of which the above are an average 
sample, drawn up in Latin, and fairly transcribed in 
Cotton's own writing, were negligently left by him 
in a Book of Exorcisms which he had borrowed and 
returned to its owner \ The paper was thought of 
sufficient importance to be communicated to Sully, 
who immediately carried it to the King. But Cotton 
was too firmly established in favour to be seriously 
prejudiced by this imprudence : Henry dissembled 
his vexation ; extenuated the folly of his Confessor ; 
kept the original autograph ; and exerted himself 
to suppress all copies of it which had obtained circu- 
lation ". 

After more than twelve months' delay, (a period 
which the King was warned by one of the Order ex- 
ceeded all natural limits of gestation, and which he 
excused by the ready answer, that the parturition of 
Kings was necessarily more slow than that of 
women ^,) an Edict for the re-establishment of the 
Jesuits was submitted to the Parliament of Paris. 
It was staunchly resisted, especially by the Presi- 

1604. dent, Achille de Harlai ; but in the end it 
was registered, and so far did the influence 

of the Brotherhood prevail, that within a few months 
after their re-entry of Paris, they obtained permis- 

1605. sion to demolish the Monum.ent commemo- 
^^^' rating the attempt of Jean Chastel upon 

^ The book had been lent to him by Gillot, before mentioned 
as one of the authors of the Satyre Menippee, who had found 
great difficulty in procuring its restoration. 

2 Sully, torn. vi. liv. 23, p. 211. De Thou, cxxxii. 13. 

3 De Thou, cxxxii. 1. Cayet, Chron. Sept. p. 407- 



A. D. 1606.] SULLY CREATED A DUKE. 79 

the life of the King. All opposition to this signal 
triumph was over-ruled. On a proposal for the 
mere erasure of the obnoxious inscription, it was 
contended that the space left void by the removal of 
the tablet would speak more loudly in accusation 
than the words themselves ; and when it was ad- 
vised that the masons should proceed in their ope- 
rations by night, in order to prevent the risk of 
popular commotion, Father Cotton insisted that the 
work should be performed by day ; adding, with 
more attention to sound than to meaning, that Henry 
was a King not of darkness but of light \ 

The Political Assemblies of the Huguenots were 
always regarded by the Court with great anxiety ; 
and the Meeting which was allowed to resort to 
Chatelherault in the summer of 1605, ap- 

. -, 1 T July 25. 

pears to have excited more than usual 
alarm. Sully was expressly deputed to watch in it 
over the Royal interests ; and although he failed to 
obtain the important post of President, which he 
was instructed to solicit, he was successful in the 
chief objects of his mission^. His great services 
were rewarded early in the following year by his 
elevation to the high dignities of Duke and ^qqq^ 
Peer of France ^. ^■^^• 

1 De Thou, cxxxiv. 8. Journal de Henri IV. torn. iii. p. 274. 
Sully, torn, V. liv. 20. p. 280. Perefixe, p. 378. Le Mercure 
Frangois, torn. i. p. 10. 

2 Sully's account of the Assembly at Chatelherault is con- 
tained in the xxist and xxiid books of his Memoires ; and some 
notices of it are scattered through the xth vol. of Du Plessis' 
Correspondence. Du Plessis did not attend the Meeting ; and 
he was in consequence exposed to some reproach which he af- 
terwards satisfactorily removed. 

2 On the day on which Sully's Patent was registered, he 



80 REFORMED WORSHIP ESTABLISHED. [cH. XX. 

With the exception of a few casual rencontres, the 
Huguenots appear to have continued in the enjoy- 
ment of undisturbed repose. In Paris, some occa- 
sional quarrels occurred from one of those trifling 
causes which no vigilance of Government can hope 
to prevent ; and a Satirical Ballad, named Colas, 
which the rabble amused themselves by singing 
about the streets in derision of the Reformed, having 
excited breaches of the peace attended with blood- 
shed, was forbidden by Proclamation, on pain of 
capital punishment \ A privilege, materially pro- 
moting the convenience of the Reformed inhabitants 
of the Capital, was also accorded to them by the 
King, in spite of much popular discontent. The 
death of the Duchess of Bar had terminated the 
meetings for worship hitherto permitted in her resi- 
dence ; and the strict letter of the Edict of Nantes 

entertained the chief Nobility at the Arsenal, where the King 
agreeably surprised him by appearing as an uninvited guest. 
When the Duke apologised for his want of preparation for so 
distinguished an honour, Henry assured him that, in passing, 
he had looked into the kitchen, where he had seen some excel- 
lent fish, and plenty of ragouts of which he was very fond. 
Moreover, that he had taken a whet of oysters (j'ai mang6 de 
vos petiies Imitres de chasse, tout-a-fait fraiches), and had drunk 
some of the best Amboise wine which he had ever tasted. 
Tom. vi. liv. 23. p. 1G8. The Mercure Francois, in announcing 
Sully's promotion, uses the following strong terms : il faut 
avouer qu'il a este le Joseph de nostre Roy, et celmj de la France. 
Tom. i. p, 101. 

^ A cow belonging to a poor man named Colas had forced its 
way into a Meeting-house at Chartres, during the time of Ser- 
vice, and was killed for its intrusion. This silly adventure gave 
rise to the popular song mentioned above, and to a favourite 
nickname for the Huguenots, which became proverbial, c^est la 
vache a Colas. Jour7ial de Henri IV. torn. iii. p. 293. 



A. D. 1C06.] AT CHARENTON. 81 

forbade the celebration of the Reformed Service at 
any spot within five leagues of Paris. Ablon, in- 
deed, a village on the Seine, in which it was tole- 
rated,- was not quite so remote ; but the obstacles 
presented even by that distance, especially during 
winter, were found insupportably grievous. The 
Courtiers affirmed, that the time occupied by the 
performance of this journey prevented them from of- 
fering homage both to God and to their King on the 
same day ; and a more substantial complaint was 
founded on the frequent loss of life among infants, 
exhausted either by fatigue or by inclement weather, 
while being conveyed to Baptism. The King lis- 
tened graciously to these representations, and named 
the little village of Charenton, at two short leagues 
from Paris, as the future spot of assemblage. In 
spite of long opposition from the bigoted Seigneurs 
of that Fief, and of a violent tumult w^hich Henry 
found it necessary to suppress in person \ the Royal 
Grant was carried into effect ; and Charenton, from 
a wretched hamlet, became, for a time, a rich and 
considerable town, in consequence of the weekly 
influx of the Reformed ^. A congregation of not 
fewer than 3000 persons attended worship 
on the first Sunday on which it w^as per- 
mitted ^. 

Nor was it in Paris only that the King's protec- 
tion was afforded to the Reformed ; his determina- 
tion to support their privileges was evinced during 

^ Le Mercure Frangois, torn. i. p. 164. 

2 It has returned to almost its former insignificance. The 
present population scarcely exceeds 800 souls. 

2 Journal de Henri IV. torn. iii. p. 378. Benoit, Hist, de 
VEdit de Nantes, torn. i. p. 435. 
VOL. III. G 



82 THE JESUITS AT LA ROCHELLE. [cH. XX. 

an attempt of singular effrontery on the part of the 
Jesuits to establish themselves in La Rochelle. 
Through an intrigue in which Cotton bore a principal 
share, the Secretaries of State were persuaded, without 
the Royal privity, to licence Seguiran, a zealous Loyol- 
ist as Preacher in that City of immunities. When the 
Missionary, however, presented himself at the gates, 
and announced that he was one of the Company of 
Jesus, and the bearer of Letters from the King, 
the Warder refused him admission, roughly answer- 
ing, that neither had Jesus any Company, nor the 
applicant any Letters. Henry received the appeal 
^qq:^^ made to him on this affair with signs of 

Feb. 23. apparent indignation ; but he privately 
assured Sully that the Rochellois were by no means 
in the wrong, for that he was wholly unacquainted 
with the transaction, and was not at all likely to 
countenance it. State-policy compelled him to avoid 
an open disavowal of his Secretaries ; and, by 
Sully's mediation, the Preacher, having received an 
authentic commission, was admitted, as a matter of 
form, within the City, and recalled from it after a few 
days' abode \ 

La Rochelle was also the place appointed for the 



^ Sully, torn. vi. liv. xxi. p. 271 . Journal de Henri III. torn. 
iii. p. 415. The conclusion of this affair precisely accorded 
with the wishes of Du Plessis, between whom and the King a 
very friendly intercourse had been revived. He writes as fol- 
lows to M. Rivet, on the 23d of January. Les Deputes de La 
Rochelle sont arrives, qui rn'ont veu aujourd'hui. Le Roy se 
monstre fort resoleu d'estre obei en cest affaire : j' at ce bonheur 
que sa Majeste ne m'en a du tout poinct parle. Je vouldrois qu'il 
se peust au mains negotier en sorte que le Jesuite ne feist, comme 
on parle aulx finances, qu' entree et issue. Tom. x. p. 196. 



A. D. 1607.] XVIIlth NATIONAL SYNOD. 83 

XYTIIth National Synod, at which Du ^^^^^^ ^ 
Plsssis appears to have taken much pains 
to promote conciliation. He wrote twice before its 
opening to Tilenus, requesting his assistance in the 
prevention of controversy upon the doctrine which 
Arminius was then propagating in regard to Justifi- 
cation ^ ; and expressing a hope that it would be 
unnecessary for the approaching Synod to renew 
the declaration of that of Gap against Piscator. 
With his usual wisdom and piety, he recommended 
union against the tyranny, the idolatry, and the 
superstition of their common enemy, rather than idle 
disputes upon mysterious points ; whereon, how- 
ever great might be the circumspection employed, 
something would always remain both to be learned 
and to be unlearned. " Treat these doctrines 
soberly, and their teachers discreetly, so long as for 
their part they expound them religiously^." This 
advice produced good effect ; and the answer of 
Piscator to the Letters from the Synod of Gap, was 
commented upon with unusual mildness. His 
arguments, indeed, were pronounced to be weak 
and invalid ; but care was at the same time taken, 
that he should be informed of this opinion, " without 
any vain jangling, and with that devotion as became 
the singular modesty expressed by him in his Let- 
ters, wherein there is not the least bitterness or pro- 
voking expression ; leaving it unto God, who can, 
when He pleaseth, reveal unto him the defects which 



J Tom. X. pp. 182. 193. 

2 Id. ibid. p. 195. See also another very sensible Letter to 
M. de Montigny relating to the Arminian controversy. Ibid. 
p. 216. 

G 2 



84 DISPUTE CONCERNING ANTICHRIST. [cH. XX. 

are in the doctrine of the said Piscator ^" Of two 
books written against him, one was formally dis- 
avowed as composed without any warrant, and from 
" private caprice ;" and the publication of the other, 
(the author of which received thanks for his ortho- 
doxy, labour, and diligence,) was suspended for a 
short time, " for peace and concord's sake, 
till we see what fruits sweet and gentle procedure 
may produce ^." 

With respect to the Article concerning Antichrist, 
the Deputies were less inclined to concede. At 
first, after " weighing and examining it," they de- 
clared that, "it was approved and allow^ed by gene- 
ral consent, both as to its form and substance, for 
very true, and agreeing with Scripture-Prophecies, 
and which in these our days we see most clearly to 
be fulfilled. Whereupon it was resolved that it 
should continue in its place, and that for time 
coming it should be imprinted in all copies which 
should come from the Press ^." This resolution was 
most offensive to the King ; and he formally com- 
municated his displeasure. Du Plessis also wrote 
to like effect ; and he inquired what benefit was 
likely to result from a violent declaration opposed 
to the Royal will, on a matter indifferent in itself ? 
Whether it were discreet to endanger the liberty of 
thinking, speaking, and writing, which they now pos- 
sessed, by needlessly agitating a question in no way 
affecting their profession and doctrine * ? This 
earnest and sensible appeal proved successful ; and 
the Deputies, before their separation, consented to 

1 Ch. ii. 4. 2 lyid, 5, 6. 

3 Ibid. 9. ■* Tom. x. p 198. 



A. D. 1607.] PROJECT OF CHURCH UNION. 85 

that which they termed " a conditional supersedence 
to the Article of Antichrist." *' Whereas since the 
last Resolution taken by us concerning that Article 
of Antichrist, and its insertion into the body of our 
Confession of Faith, and in consequence thereof its 
being printed, his Majesty hath notified unto us by 
our Deputies, as also by Monsieur de Maurepas, that 
the publishing of this Article would exceedingly dis- 
please him : This Assembly ordaineth that the 
printing thereof shall be superseded, unless any 
Member of our Church be molested for it, or be 
brought before the Magistrate for his confession of 
it, or any Minister for preaching, teaching, or writ- 
ing about it ; and his Majesty shall be humbly en- 
treated to interpose his authority that no one be 
disquieted for the impression which is already past, 
or for being possessed of any copies received from 
the Press ^" 

A project often and fruitlessly agitated at later 
periods, appears about this time to have engaged the 
attention of the Court, and a union of the two 
Churches was confidently reported to be at hand. 
Chamier and other leading Huguenot Ministers, 
suspecting collusion, were anxious to interrupt a 
negotiation in which they believed the Reformed 
interests would be treacherously sacrificed. No 
fitter instrument for their purpose could be found 
than the impetuous and sarcastic D'Aubigne ; and 
the narrative which he has left of his course of ac- 
tion is not a little characteristic. Having first ob- 
tained an assurance from the Ministers, that they 
would willingly abide by a restoration of such doc- 

1 V. 42. 



86 d'aubigne and du perron. [ch. XX. 

trine and discipline as could be satisfactorily founded 
on the authority of the first four centuries of the 
Church, he proceeded, with the King's approval, to 
hold a Conference with Du Perron. So gracious 
was the reception which the Bishop of Evreux offered, 
so caressing and so cajoling, as D'Aubigne ex- 
presses himself, was his manner, that not a doubt 
could exist of his intention to deceive. He accepted 
the offer of the Ministers, provided they would allow 
forty years beyond the first four hundred. " I 
see your drift," said D'Aubigne, " you want to pro- 
fit by the Council of Chalcedon \ and it is very 
much at your service." — " Then," rejoined Du 
Perron, " you must consent to the elevation of 
Crosses." — " No doubt," was D'Aubigne's reply," for 
the sake of peace, we will pay Crosses now all the 
honour which they received then ; but will you in 
return venture to reduce the Pope's authority within 
the limits which were assigned to it, if we give you 
even two more centuries to boot ?" The Cardinal, 
who smarted under the recollection of a Decree of 
the Vatican, which had subjected him to imprison- 
ment, shrugged his shoulders, and observed, that if 
that matter could not be settled at Rome it must be 
adjusted in Paris. When the conversation was re- 
ported to the King, he asked D'Aubigne, why he had 
so readily assented to the Council of Chalcedon ? And, 
perhaps, he was not dissatisfied with the answer, that it 
was in order to obtain a tacit confession that the first 
four Centuries were insufficient to support the claims 
of the Romanists. The Prelates and Jesuits who 
were present in the Royal Closet, murmured at this 

^ Held A.D. 451 : but Du Perron used round numbers. 



A. D. 1607.] INTEGRITY OF SULLY. 87 

bold avowal. The Count of Soissons exclaimed, 
more audibly, that such speeches were unsuited to 
the King's ear ; and Henry himself avoided the 
storm which he foresaw was gathering, by turning 
his back, and taking refuge in the Queen's apart- 
ment \ 

All hope of deluding the Reformed into an aban- 
donment of vital doctrines for the attainment of a 
nominal union, having failed, an artful endeavour was 
next made to weaken their ranks, by promoting deser- 
tion. Henry was by no means a niggard Master, and 
it was easy to persuade him that Sully merited far 
greater rewards than had as yet fallen to his share. 
The hand of Catherine de Vendome ^, a portion of 
200,000 crowns in ready payment, of 10,000 more 
in annual pension, the Government of Berry in pos- 
session, that of Bourbonnois and the high dignity of 
Grand Master in reversion, were proposed to Sully's 
eldest son ; for himself was destined the envied sta- 
tion of Constable, soon likely to be vacant by the 
death of Montmorenci ; and the price at which these 
unrivalled distinctions were to be purchased was the 
renunciation of Protestantism. The King was sin- 
cere in his offers ; but it was not any friendly wish 
for Sully's aggrandisement which had prompted the 
Romanist Counsellors to suggest their proposal. If 
he refused, there was a probability of the loss of the 
Royal favour ; if he accepted, the Huguenots would 
be deprived of one of their most important sup- 



^ Hist. Secrette, cxiii. 

2 Henry's daughter by the Duchess of Beaufort, whom he had 
legitimated. She married Charles of Lorraine, Duke of El- 
bceuf, and died in 1663. 



88 INTEGRITY OF SULLY. [cH. XX. 

porters ; and, in either case, it was believed that his 
influence must necessarily be diminished. 

Enough has appeared in our former narrative to ma- 
nifest that Sully was unversed in questions of The- 
ology, and that he had never regarded his Religion 
with the nice scruples of a Divine ; but he was not, on 
that account, the less sincere and upright in his profes- 
sion. He had indeed advised Henry to abjure, be- 
cause he believed the welfare of his Country demanded 
that sacrifice ; but for himself, no allurement of per- 
sonal ambition, no craving of unsatisfied avarice, no 
whisper of importunate vanity could divert him from 
the path approved by Duty and by Conscience. The 
King insisted that he should pause during a month 
before he returned a final answer ; but the period 
afforded for consideration only corroborated his first 
resolve. The Huguenots anxiously awaited his 
reply, and had little confidence in his stability. 
When the appointed day, however, arrived. Sully 
informed the King, with expressions of the deepest 
respect and gratitude, that he was unconvinced, and 
therefore that he remained unchanged ^ 

1608. A Political Assembly at Gergeau, in the 

following autumn, separated without any 

proceeding calculated to excite Royal displeasure. 



^ Mem. torn. vii. liv. xxv. p. 14, &c. Sully requested that 
the answer concerning his Religion might be conveyed to the 
King through Du Perron ; from which desire both Henry and 
the Bishop augured favourably : but, adds the Duke, Je mis 
assez de force, et meme de Theologie dans la reponse qne je ltd 
fis, pour lid faire comprendre qu'il s'etoit hien trompe. {20.) Du 
Plessis makes very honourable mention of this transaction. 
Tom. X. p. 21G. 



A. D. 1609.] XlXth NATIONAL SYNOD. 89 

The XlXth National- Svnod was held at St. ..„ 

" 1609. 

Maixant in the ensuing May ; and, if we ^^^y- 
may accept the trifling which marks its Acts as a 
proof of tranquillity, the Huguenot Church was now 
without disturbance. The examination for Orders 
was more strictly regulated than heretofore ; and 
although not very formidable, was probably suf- 
ficient for its purpose. Seven Pastors were re- 
quired to form a Colloquy, to examine the Tes- 
timonials of the Proposant, and to furnish him 
with texts for the composition of two Exercises, 
one in French, the other in Latin, " in case the 
Colloquy do judge it meet ; and he shall have 
four and twenty hours time to prepare himself for 
each of these Exercises." He was then to be " posed" 
in a Chapter of the Greek Testament, " to know 
whether he does understand that Language and can 
expound it ; and afterwards he shall be examined in 
the Hebrew, whether he can at least read it." An 
Essay upon some of the most needful parts of Phi- 
losophy, and a Confession of his Faith in Latin, 
concluded the discipline of the Candidate ; and the 
whole was " to be managed with great tenderness 
and charity, and without affectation of any thorny 
or unprofitable questions ^" 

The abhorrence with which proficiency in general 
science among those set apart for holy services was 
viewed by the Reformed is strikingly manifested by 
an injunction to all Synods and Colleagues, " to have 
a watchful eye over those Ministers who study Che- 
mistry, and grievously to reprove and censure them^" 
Permission was given to invalid soldiers who received 

1 Ch. iii. 2. 2 Id. 6. 



90 TESTIMONY OF SULLY [cH. XX. 

pensions from the Royal bounty on account of past 
services, to bear the Cross on their cloaks, provided 
that they took especial precaution to avoid giving 
offence to weak Members during Church Meetings ; 
and that they adopted the emblem, not as a badge 
of Superstition, but as a mark and cognizance of 
their afflicted condition \" Notwithstanding the re- 
strictions which the Synod of Montpelier had recently 
imposed upon widows, the period after which a be- 
reaved husband might contract a second marriage 
was left entirely to the prudence of the Consistory 
to which he belonged ^ ; and an application for indul- 
gence to a " great Lord," who had chosen " a 
Popish Lady," was met with a most honest and un- 
compromising regard to equity. " The Canon," said 
the Deputies, " must be exactly and equally observed 
towards all persons, whatever their quality and con- 
dition might be as to the world ^." 

One Act of this Synod occasioned much subse- 
quent trouble. The Synod of La Rochelle had in- 
structed M. Lorgnes de Vignier, a Pastor of Blois, 
to write upon the question of Antichrist ; and the 
Deputies at St. Maixant, on receiving the Theatrum 
Antichristi composed in obedience to that injunction, 
returned thanks to the Author for his great and 
worthy pains, ordered his Work to be perused by the 
University of Saumur, and afterwards to be printed 
with his name *. Du Plessis perceived the impru- 
dence of thus providing new fuel for a controversy 
which had ever been agitated with intemperate heat. 
"But he was delicately circumstanced : he felt that 

1 Ch.vi. 11. 2 ch. iii. 14. 

3 Ch. iii. 12. * Ch. iv. 9. 16. 



A. D. 1609.] IN FAVOUR OF DU PLESSIS. 91 

opposition by an individual to tlie Ordinances of two 
National Synods might be thought presumptuous ; 
and that himself also in particular might be misre- 
presented as envious of the labours of another per- 
son on a matter which had engaged his own atten- 
tion. Nevertheless, he obtained assent to certain 
modifications, which removed all appearance of ag- 
gression ^ Not long after the close of the Synod of 
St. Maixant, the King, however, received a Letter, 
written under a feigned name, denouncing the Acts 
of the Deputies who attended it as contrary to Law, 
and stigmatizing the Treatise of Vignier as scan- 
dalous and seditious ; adding also, that the Ro- 
chellois were busily fortifying their City ; that the 
Huguenots assembled at Marseilles had resolved 
upon compelling the King to summon a Meeting of 
the States- General ; and that Du Plessis was the 
great instigator of this Conspiracy. 

Sully, who possessed irrefragable proofs of the 
innoce ce of the accused and of the general false- 
hood of the statements contained in this Letter, lost 
no time in offering satisfactory testimony to the 
King : and Du Plessis most gratefully acknowledged 
this generous interference in his behalf, by one whom 
he had had little occasion to consider as his friend ^. 
" I might reasonably suppose," are the words of his 
Letter, " that my past life, my age, and the expe- 
rience which the world has had of me, would either 
have exempted me altogether from this malice, or 

1 Tom. X. p. 539. 

2 The feeling of hostility between Du Plessis and Sully was 
reciprocal. Je me cms oblige^ tout mon ennemi qu'il s^etoit mon- 
tre jusqu'alors, de rendre temoignage a son innocence. Mem. 
torn. vii. liv. xxvi. p. 24. 



92 DEFENCE OF [cH. XX. 

would at least have prevented it from obtaining any 
credence. For what, thanks be to God ! have I ever 
done, from which so black a treachery, or so rash a 
folly, could be imputed to me ? I might venture to 
promise myself, at all events, that his Majesty would 
so far do honour to the many proofs of a fidelity 
which has grown grey in his service without re- 
proach, as to guarantee my loyalty both to others 
and to himself. Am I then reduced so low in esti- 
mation, that a lie too apparent to maintain itself 
beyond eight-and-forty hours, can cast a shade upon 
the two-and-thirty years which I have passed in the 
light of the world, under the eyes and in the service 
of the King ? The King has been told that the Hu- 
guenots are arming : I am far too inconsiderable in 
his Majesty's sight, to be accepted by him as their 
surety ; nevertheless, if only one single spark exists 
of the mighty fire which is said to have been kin- 
dled, I am willing to bear the entire guilt. They 
talk of a summons to assemble at Marseilles, in order 
that we may demand a Meeting of the States-Gene- 
ral. If any one has seen or heard of such a docu- 
ment, I am willing to be considered its author." In 
conclusion, he urged the necessity of a full investi- 
gation of this base malignment of his honour ^ 

The King's suspicions, if he ever entertained any, 
were effectually removed ; yet the Jesuits insidiously 
laboured to revive them. The Sermons which Gon- 
thery, a Jesuit already distinguished in a controversy 
with Dumoulin ^ preached in the Royal presence, 

' Tom. X. p. 416. 

2 Gonthery, or Gontier, succeeded in converting the Dame 
de Mezencourt, a Huguenot Lady of rank. An account of his 



A. D. 1609.] DU PLESSIS. 93 

abounded with allusions to the pretended disaffec- 
tion of the Huguenots, and to the facility with which 
their Sect might be wholly extinguished. Pains 
were taken by him to raise an opinion that those who 
affirmed the Pope to be Antichrist, must at the same 
time deny his power to relieve the King from his 
first marriage ; and as a necessary consequence, must 
bastardise the Dauphin. The ordinary terms by 
which Gonthery mentioned the Huguenots from the 
pulpit were " vermin and ragamuffins \" " Should 
not our arms," he exclaimed on one occasion, *' be 
turned against this handful of Heretics, which can 
easily be exterminated, if each of us will but sweep 
the space before him ^." Du Plessis framed some 
Memorials in reply, showing that the Huguenots 
founded their belief in the King's right to the Crown, 
in the validity of his second marriage, and in the 
legitimacy of his issue, on far more stable ground 
than any acknowledgment of the Papal authority ; 
that many of Henry's predecessors, for whom no 
good Frenchman would have hesitated to sacrifice 
his life, had incurred excommunication ; that they 
accepted him as their King, not on account of the 

Conference with Dumoulin for that purpose, may be found in 
Le Mercure Francois, torn. i. p. 335. and also in a Note on the 
Journal de Henri IV. torn. iii. p. 507. Notwithstanding the 
lady's apostasy, victory was claimed for Dumoulin in a publi- 
cation entitled Le veritable narre de la Conference entre les 
Sieurs Dumoulin et Gontier, secondes par Madame de Salignac ; 
which Gontier contradicted in a Letter to the King. Mad. de 
Salignac was a Romanist friend of Mad. de Mezencourt, and 
took an active share in the Disputation. 

' Fermine et canailles. Journal de Henri IV. torn. iii. p. 542. 
Note. 

2 Id ibid. p. 543. Note. 



91 ASSASSINATION OF [cH. XX. 

approval of Rome, but of his hereditary right ; that 
they admitted the legality of his present marriage, 
not because it was sanctioned by a Dispensation 
from the Vatican, but because it was just, necessary, 
and beneficial to his Kingdom ; and because it had 
been visibly approved by the blessing of Heaven, in 
affording it a more promising issue than for many 
centuries had graced a Royal Bed\ The Mare- 
chal D'Omano ^ boldly assured the King, that if 
any Jesuit had ventured to preach before him, in his 
Government of Bourdeaux, matter so inflammatory 
as that which Gonthery had delivered in Paris, he 
would have thrown him into the Garonne on his 
descent from the pulpit ; and Henry, adopting a 
middle course, silenced the murmurs which arose 
on both sides, by signifying his displeasure at Gon- 
thery's violence, and by ordering the suppression of 
Vignier's Treatise ^. 

1610. Within a few months after this transac- 

'^^^ ^^- tion, the fatal blow was struck by Ravaillac 
which covered all France with mourning, and pre- 
luded innumerable calamities to the Huguenots. 
Upon an incident so well known, and so frequently 
related, it is needless that we should dwell ; neither 
is it requisite, that we should attempt to pourtray 
any elaborate character of the murdered King. So 
far as he is connected with our peculiar History, his 
qualities may be most fitly estimated by the influ- 
ence which they exercised over its events ; and after 
every deduction has been made from his fame, on 

1 Tom. X. pp. 503. 531. 

2 A distinguished officer, of Corsican origin, who had ren- 
dered great service to Henry, and was much about his person. 

^ Journal de Henri IV. torn. iii. p. 543. 



A. D. 1610.] HENRY IV. 95 

account of those blemishes which we have by no 
means sought to extenuate, it may be doubted 
whether any other Prince upon whom the same Title 
has been bestowed (unless indeed our own Alfred), 
has equally legitimate claim to the distinction of 
The Great. 



I 



96 ACCESSION OF LOUIS Xlll. [cH. XXI. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Regency of Mary of Medicis — Rise and ascendency of the Mar- 
quis d'Ancre — Intrigues against Sully — He resigns his offices 
and quits the Court — Political Assembly at Saumur — Its dis- 
sensions — History of De Mornay's Mystery of Iniquity — The 
Response of Raymond du Bray — Letter of James I. — XXth 
National Synod — Quarrel between the Court and the Duke of 
Rohan — Excommunication of Jacques Ferrier — Riot at Nismes 
in consequence — His apostasy — Unpopularity of the Jesuits — 
XX 1st National Synod — Project of general comprehension — Its 
futility — Majority of Louis XIII. — Imprisonment of the Pri7ice 
ofConde — D'Ancre at the height of power — Rise of De Luines — 
Assassination of D^Ancre — Savage treatment of his remains — 
Retirement of Mary of Medicis — XXIId National Synod — 
First appearance of Richelieu — Escape of Mary of Medicis 
from Blois — Release of the Prince of Conde — Total ruin of 
the Party of Mary of Medicis — Annexation of Bearne. 

Few periods of French History are more intricate 
and perplexed, than that upon which we are now 
about to enter. The attention is distracted by the 
numerous competitors who struggled for power 
during a turbulent minority and a weak reign ; by 
their rapid entrance and disappearance ; and by the 
variety of petty events to which their intrigues gave 
birth. It is more than ever necessary that we should 
here repeat that we are not farther concerned with 
the general History of the Times, than as it bears 
upon the fortunes of the Reformed Church. 
' 1610. Louis XIIT. was in his ninth year when 

May 14 ^^ murder of his Father raised him unex- 
pectedly to the throne. In the first moments of 



A. D. 1610.] THE CONCINI. 97 

consternation, the Regency was bestowed on the 
Queen Mother, a woman of strong passions and 
narrow understanding, controlled by Italian Fa- 
vourites. Concino Concini, the son of an obscure 
Notary at Florence, had entered France with Mary 
of Medicis, in the subordinate post of a Gentleman 
Usher. His person was handsome ; he was skilled 
in all courtly exercises ; and under a careless ex- 
terior he concealed high and ambitious hopes, which 
were realized by a fortunate connection with a 
woman far superior to him in intellect, although of 
yet more humble parentage. The father of Leonora 
Dori was a Carpenter ; her mother is said to have 
been a Laundress, who having fulfilled the duties of 
Nurse to the Florentine Princess in her infancy, 
secured the appointment of Woman of the Bed-cham- 
ber for her Daughter \ It was not long before the 
ascendency of a strong mind over a weak one," — 
memorable words attributed to Leonora herself, at a 
later season, but which she probably never em- 
ployed ^ — was displayed in the paramount influence 
which the confidante established over her mistress ; 
and much of the domestic unhappiness which dis- 
turbed the intercourse between Henry IV. and his 
Consort, is attributed to the evil and injudicious 
advice which the Queen received from her Dame 
d'Atours. It was, perhaps, on her marriage with 
Concini, that Leonora claimed descent from an 

1 Journal de Henri IV. torn, iv, p. 206. La Chemise sayi- 
glanfe d'Henry le Grand. Id. p. 277. 

2 We have not been able to trace these words, which have 
become almost proverbial, beyond an authority which, if un- 
supported, is nothing worth in Historical matters, Voltaire, 
Ei;sai sur les Mceurs, ch. 175. 

VOL. III. H 



98 THE MARQUIS d'aNCRE. Tch. XXI. 

ancient Florentine House, the Galigai, under whose 
name she is most commonly known. The Fa- 
vourites rapidly accumulated wealth by numerous 
charges which the Queen obtained for them ; but 
Henry himself appears to have regarded Concini 
with dislike, and never to have assisted in his ad- 
vancement to honourable station. On one occasion, 
when either presuming upon the support of the 
Queen, or ignorant of the high privileges of the 
Court of Parliament, the Florentine Mignon entered 
its Hall of Session, booted, jingling his golden spurs, 
and with his head covered, the Clerks in attend- 
ance revenged this violation of respect by hustling 
the intruder. Concini laid his grievance before the 
King ; but a deputation of Counsellors having re- 
presented that long-established custom prescribed 
strict attention to costume, Henry advised the com- 
plainant to stifle his resentment, or he might other- 
wise find to his cost that the sword which he wore 
was far less sharp than the pen of the Advocates 
whom he had offended '. 

The first step which Concini made in his progress 
to rank was by admission to the Council of State, 
in which he took his seat about two months after 
Henry's assassination ^. His great wealth soon en- 
abled him to purchase the office of first Gentleman 
of the Chamber from the Duke de Bouillon ^, and 
the Marquisate of Ancre in Picardy ; and the baton 
of a Marechal of France was bestowed upon him. in 
1615. The Queen surrendered herself entirely to 

' Journal de Henry IV. torn. iv. p. 20. 

2 July 27. Id. p. 186. 

2 Sully, torn. viii. liv. xxix. p. 92. 



A. D. 1610.] INTRIGUES AGAINST SULLY. 99 

his guidance ; and the undisputed sway which he 
exercised, the immensity of his possessions, his 
pride and profuseness, and, above all, his foreign ex- 
traction, rendered him an object of universal jealousy 
from the earliest period of the Regency. 

The Court of the Minor King was split into as 
many discordant factions as there were individuals 
powerful enough to assert any particular interests. 
The Princes of the Blood, the chief Ministers of the 
former reign, Concini and the Duke de Bouillon, 
however essentially differing in their ultimate objects, 
were nevertheless united in one preliminary design ; 
the removal of the Duke of Sully. The Count 
of Soissons regarded him with strong personal 
animosity, as the main instrument by which his 
union with the Princess Catherine had been frus- 
trated. The Prince of Conde, on his first return 
from the expatriation to which he had been com- 
pelled to submit in order to preserve his wife's 
honour from the licentious pursuit of the late King, 
showed some willingness to confide in Sully's 
advice ; but he was diverted from that purpose by 
the secret urgency of Bouillon ^ whose ambition, 
freed from the restraints imposed upon it by Henry's 
superiority, now spurned all controul. Unmindful 
of the claims of his Religion, the Marechal profiered 
his services to the Queen Regent, and promised to 
convert his influence over the Reformed to the fur- 
therance of her political intrigues. The rising hopes 
of Concini demanded the extinction of any rival who 
might interrupt his course ; and the common herd of 
Nobles and Public Officers, irritated by the exact- 

^ Id. torn. viii. liv. xxviii. pp. 69. 74. 79- 
H 2 



100 RETIREMENT OF SULLY. [cH. XXI. 

ness with which Sully had regulated the finances, 
and had preserved the National revenue from exhaus- 
tion by their rapacity, eagerly concurred in the pro 
ject for his overthrow. Sully has indignantly re 
counted some of the demands which were made upon 
the Regent's bounty by the chief Courtiers ; and no 
one can hesitate to admit the conclusion at which he 
arrives from a review of the list, that there was a 
general conspiracy to pillage the Exchequer, and to 
consider its entire contents as the object of legitimate 
plunder \ 

It is unnecessary to pursue, with any closeness of 
detail, the artifices by which Sully's exclusion from 
the Royal confidence was promoted. In a Princess, 
whom foreign birth and limited capacity precluded 
from any intimate knowledge of public affairs ; who 
was jealous of any encroachment upon her power, 
and mistrustful of every hand by which it might be 
invaded, it was an easy task to awaken suspicion ; 
the habits and the temper of the Duke partook of an 
austerity ill calculated to attach a female Sovereign ; 
and the countenance of the Vatican, which was essen- 
tial to her support, was little likely to be afforded to 
any Government in which the helm was regulated 
by a Huguenot. These were motives sufficiently 
powerful to determine the Queen's conduct ^ The 
sagacity of the veteran Statesman quickly perceived 
the approaching danger ; and conscious of inability 
to resist the mighty combination arrayed against him, 
he wisely escaped the disgrace of dismissal by a 
voluntary resignation of his most coveted offices. 

1 Id. 1. xxix. p. 117. 

* Mtmoires du Due de Rohan, liv. i. p. 3. Paris, 1661. 



A. D. 1611.] POLITICAL MEETING AT SAUMUR. 101 

He tendered to the Queen's disposal the Super- 
intendence of the Finances and the Government of 
the B .stile, and retired to his estates at Rosny \ 

Not content with having thus disembarrassed him- 
self from the probable superiority of a rival in the 
Cabinet, Bouillon next endeavoured to supplant 
Sully with his Huguenot brethren. The Regent's 
assent had been obtained for a Political Assembly at 
Chatelherault ; and Bouillon, well aware how much 
the ascendency of Sally must predominate in a town 
belonging to his own Government, succeeded in pro- 
curing a transfer of the Meeting to Sau- jgjj 
mur. By creating a belief in Du Plessis ^^^ 
Mornay, that the interests of the Reformed required, 
on this occasion, a deviation from usual custom ; and 
that, in order to extinguish all chance of jealousy, 
the Presidency ought not to be bestowed upon any 
Seigneur of the highest rank, he effectually excluded 
Sully from that dignity ; but the artifice, contrary to 
his intention, recoiled against himself; and, notwith- 
standing much secret intrigue, ten out of the sixteen 
Provinces persisted in elevating Du Plessis to the 
chair. Bouillon was greatly irritated at this dis- 
appointment, and it was in vain that Du Plessis 
sought to decline the invidious honour. During 



1 We have followed Sully's own account of his retirement 
(liv. xxix.), which is sufficiently minute and particular to justify 
our confidence. His enemies maintained that he was dismissed. 
At all events, his resignation was virtually on compulsion. Un- 
less a Prime Minister had been especially declared, the Super- 
intendent of Finances took precedence in the Council. Hence, 
as we shall perceive by and by, it was necessary for Richelieu on 
his first admission to the Council to cultivate the favour of the 
Duke of Vieuville. 



102 DISSENSIONS AT SAUMUR. [cH. XXI. 

nearly four months of agitated discussion, little was 
done for the public service ; and of the three persons 
who chiefly influenced the Deputies, Bouillon, Lesdi- 
guieres, and Du Plessis, the last is the only one whose 
intentions are admitted by a very competent autho- 
rity to have been sincere ^ The Court insisted that 
the Assembly should break up immediately after it had 
framed its Report ; the Deputies refused to separate 
till the Memorial of their grievances ^ had received an 
answer ; and, after many attempts at evasion, that 
answer was delivered. It was far indeed from con- 
veying satisfaction ; but the Deputies had approached 
the extreme edge of law in this prolongation of their 
Meeting ; and nothing having been gained by their 
appeal to Government, but much injury having 
_ , , been suffered by intestine division, they 

September. _ ♦^ _ ^ j 

agreed to a dissolution ^. 
The chief disagreement regarded the manner in 
which the Edict of Nantes was to be administered — 
whether, as Bouillon and the Judicieux (a name 
coined by the Romanists) were content to admit it, 
according to the Registration; or as Sully, his son- 
in-law the Duke de Rohan, Du Plessis, and others 
of the Zelez or Jffecttonnez maintained, according 
to its original promulgation. The difference involved 



^ Mem. de Rohan, liv. I. p. 8. 

2 Du Plessis. torn. xi. p. 231. 

' The proceedings at this Political Assembly were burlesqued 
in a very poor imitation of the celebrated Work bearing a similar 
title, which we have already fully described ; La Satyre Me- 
nippee sur ce qui s'estjoue a VAssemblee de Saumur, avec la re- 
presentation des Tableaux et enrichissemens des bordeures ; par le 
Sieur de Tantale, Ministre de France, addressee anx Messieurs 
d'Alleniais^ne, 1611. 



A. D. 1611.] THE MYSTERY OF INIQUITY. 103 

some momentous privileges. Among them was the 
right of assembling every two years without renewed 
application for the King's permission, and that also 
of nominating two Deputies to reside at Court, in- 
stead of offering six from whom the King might 
make his selection : the latter point was contested 
by the Regency, and obtained in this Assembly at 
Saumur^ 

While occupied in the troublous superintendence 
of this Assembly, Du Plessis was engaged also in 
the not less thorny path of literary Polemics ; and 
he published both in French and in Latin ^ his 
Mystery of Iniquity — a History of the rise and pro- 
gress of the Pontifical authority. Little as this pon- 
derous folio may now be read, many perhaps are 
acquainted with its illustrative Plates, which at the 
time of their first appearance were visited with severe 
reprobation. In the Frontispiece, the huge pile of 
Babel, typifying the Papal sway, rears its gigantic 
summit to the skies ; but its foundation is a frail 
wooden platform, beneath which the activity of a 
man coarsely habited has already kindled a fire. On 
the opposite side, a Jesuit, in a contemplative atti- 
tude, is regarding the stupendous height of the 



1 Le Mercure Francois, torn. ii. p. 381. 

2 Laval expresses much surprise " to find in some books that 
this of Du Plessis's had been dedicated to King James I. True 
it is that he caused it to be presented to his British Majesty, 
but he dedicated it to Louis XIII." Vol. iv. book viii. p. 566. 
The edition in French is dedicated to Louis XIII. ; if Laval had 
examined the Latin translation which appeared simultaneously, 
he would have found in it a Dedication to James I. ; who 
acknowledged the honour in a Letter to which we shall pre- 
sently have occasion to refer. 



104 THE MYSTERY [cH. XXI. 

tower, of whose approaching downfall he is v/arned 
by the following distich — 

Falleris (Sternam qui suspicis ebrius arcem : 
Subruta succensis mox corruet ima tigillis. 



At the close of the Work is a Plate yet more offen- 
sive to the Romanists ; an architectural elevation, 
surmounted by the Papal arms and devices, bears a 
Portrait of Paul V., copied, together with its accom- 
paniments, as we are told, from the frontispieces of 
many volumes dedicated to the Pontiff at Rome and 
at Bologna. Over the head is written, Vultu porten- 
dehat Imperimn. Crowns and sceptres depend from 
two columns supporting the screen ; the pedestal of 
one being inscribed with the text, Et erunt Reges 
nutricii tui et Regince nutrices luce ; of the other, 
Vultu in terram demisso pulverem pedum tuorum I'ln- 
gent. Isa. xlix.^ Allegorical figures of the Four 
Quarters of the Globe are seated on either side ; an 
Angel, hovering over Europe and Africa, displays a 
scroll, bearing the words. Gens et Regnum quod non 
servient illi, in gladio et in fame et in peste visitabo 
super gentem illam, ait Dominus. Hier. xxvii.^ 
Above Asia and America, a second Heavenly Guar- 
dian unfolds the text, Et dedit ei Dominus potesta- 
tem et regnum, et omnes Populi ipsi servient. Potes- 
tas ejus potestas eterna quce non auferetur et regnum 
ejus quod non corrumpetur. Dan. vii.^ As if this 
last blasphemous application of the power which the 
Ancient of days bestowed in the night visions upon 
the Son of Man, were insufficient gratification for the 



1 V. 23. 2 V. 8. 3 V. 14. 



A. D, 16] 1.] OF INIQUITY. 105 

vanity of the Pontiff, beneath his Portrait is inscribed, 
Paulo V. Vice-Deo, CuRisTiANiE Reipublic^e Mo- 

NARCH.E InVICTISSIMO, ET PoNTlFICI^ OmNIPOTEN- 

TLE Conservatori Acerrimo. a deduction \vhich 
this insame vaunt afforded was hailed as a master- 
piece of Polemical ingenuity. The number of the 
Apocalyptic Beast had long engaged the futile atten- 
tion and exercised the perverse skill of Anagramma- 
tists ; and scarcely any Pagan God, or any Roman 
Emperor, from the Capitoline Jupiter and Juno to 
the beneficent but idolatrous Trajan, had escaped in- 
clusion, at some time or other, within their mystical 
calculations ^ But Du Plessis was now thought to 
be triumphant over the whole commentatorial race 
by the readiness with which he, for the first time, 
referred the Greek numeral symbols x^'^i *o the 



1 AI02 EIMI KAI "flPAS was the x(i9"-yiJ^(^ said to be 
borne on the wrists of those initiated into the Capitoline wor- 
ship ; and its numeral letters, as well as those of Trajan's name 
OYAniOS (provided the latter be concluded with ?■ instead of 
<T, a humouring which it would be fastidious to deny) may be 
converted into the desired numbei-. Irenaeus preferred AATEI- 
NOS ; and it is contended, that he knew much better than his 
later opponents whether that word were rightly spelled with a 
Diphthong. Besides, he might have received his information 
from Polycarp,- to whom in turn it might have been communi- 
cated by St. John himself. Each of the words, EYANOAS, 
TEITAN, AAMHETHS, AMNOS, AAIKGS, ANTEM02, 
FENSHPIKOS, has had its separate advocates ; and, as a 
Huguenot writer yet earlier than Du Plessis has remarked 
" there be well neere as many expositions as there be expositors, 
whereby it appeereth that it is very darke and riddlelike." Mar- 
lorat on the Revelations, fol. 201. b, a Translation imprinted at 
London. 1574. 



106 THE RESPONSE OF [cH. XXI. 

Latin mode of cyphering. Behold, he said, the long- 
sought resolution in the title of the reigning Pope ! 

PAVLO V. VICE DEO. 
5.50. 5. 5.1.100. 500. 

What can be more clear ? It is a plain sum in sim- 
ple addition, and every one must perceiv^e that the 
separate numbers, when combined together, make a 
total of 6QQ ! 

Numerous opponents speedily took the field 
against Du Plessis ; and one, perhaps, deserves 
especial mention, because he retorted the weapons 
which the Protestant Champion had employed. In 
the Frontispiece of a Response \ published in the same 
year, by Raymond du Bray of St. Germain's, the 
Romish Church is figured under the image of the 
House which " Wisdom hath builded," and for which 
" she hath hewn out her seven pillars ^." In an outer 
gallery below, are arranged the Prophets with 
Moses in the centre ; above him is seated St. Peter ; 
rising over whom, in an archway which extends up- 
wards to a second gallery, is arranged the series of 
consecutive Popes, terminated by Paul V., who is 
supported by the Apostles, and overshadowed by 
the Holy Ghost as a Dove. From trumpets blown 
by two of the Apostles, proceed labels with the text 
in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum et injines or bis 
terr(E verba eorum ^ addressed to a Body of Jews 
and Pagans who fill a kind of entresol between the 

1 Response au Tiltre et Preface du Livre, Sfc. par Mr. R. D. B. 
dit de S. G, Ausmonier de Mr. Frere du Roy. Paris, 1611. 

2 Proverbs ix. 1. 
2 Psalm xix. 4. 



A. D. 1611.] RAYMOND DU BRAY. 107 

two Galleries. On the summit, presides God the 
Father, represented as an aged man enveloped in a 
Glory, and having a table spread before Him, on 
which are standing the Holy Cup and Wafer of the 
Eucharist. The seven hewn pillars which represent 
the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, are founded upon 
a rock ; below which a troop of grim-visaged figures, 
" incorrigible mockers, false Prophets, and Heretic 
Servants of Nebuchadnezzar and of Antichrist \" 
are vainly endeavouring to apply torches, the flame 
of which is blown back into their own faces. The 
motto is a slight travestic of that used by Du Plessis 

Falleris eeternam qui despicis ebrius arcem, 
Inclyta suspensis non nititur ilia tigillis. 

Which words the Author informs us may be thus 
rendered into French. 

Tu brusleras, Mornay, ceste Tour eternelle ? 

Ce n'est bois, ains un roc, pour brusler ta cervelle -. 

Of the reasoning with which Du Plessis is com- 
bated, a very brief specimen may suffice. " Scripture," 
says Du Bray, " assigns the Apocalyptic Number to 
but one name, whereas the Heretic writer has ex- 
tended it to three. Neither Scripture nor the Fa- 
thers any where affirm that the name of Antichrist 
shall be changed ; but the original name of Paul 
was Camillo, which he laid aside, according to cus- 
tom, on assuming the tiara." The crowning stroke 
of his victory is husbanded till near the end. " I 
should like to know what Plessis Mornay would 

1 Le Mercure FratK^ois, torn. ii. p. HO. 

2 P. 41. 



108 THE RESPONSE OF RAYMOND DU BRAY. [cH. XXI. 

give me," exclaims Raymond, already conscious of 
success and drunk with the fumes of his glory, " if 
immediately after reading the number of the Beast 
which he has discovered in the name of Paul V., T 
also should discover that same number in his own 
name, repeated no less than five times, lacking ten ? 
Will he not appear five times a greater Beast than 
Behemoth, who has only four feet, whereas Du 
Plessis has five ? Nevertheless I will give him any 
assurance which he may choose to ask, that I never 
will be so dull and stupid as he has shown himself; 
and that I never will esteem him to be Antichrist in 
person, much less the precursor of that monster. 
For besides that Plessis Mornay is already in his 
grand climacteric, and has reigned more than three 
years and a half, he is a gentleman by birth, and we 
know that the Antichrist will be but a sorry rascaP." 

^ II est gentilhomme, et V Antechrist (Antichrist) sera un 
maraut. p. 173. Du Bray shows that Du Plessis is worse than a 
Crab as well as than Behemoth ; but we have omitted the passage 
from a misgiving whether we could offer a correct translation. 
Afin qu'il soi.t cinque fois teste plus que BeJiemot, qui n!a que 
quatre pieds oil il en a citiq ; ou bien chcare (cancre) de mer, qui 
a cinq pieds et de chasque coste, qu'il soit declare pire que qui 
n'en a que quatre. 

We are almost ashamed of having delayed so long upon this 
egregious trifling ; but we cannot part from it without confessing 
our inability to obtain the desired number from Du Bray's com- 
putation. He works out his sum as follows. 

phi L Ipe Mornay CheVa L ler selgneVr D V pLessIs 
150.1. 1000. 100.5.50.1. 1. 5. 500.5. 50. 1. 
MarLy 
1000. 50. 
These numbers added together make a total of 2820. Five 
times the number of the Beast (5 x 606) = 3330, which instead 
of "lacking 10" of 2820, exceeds it by 510. 



A. D. 1611.] LETTER FROM JAMES I. TO DU PLESSIS. 109 

The Sorbonne, as might be expected, passed a 
merciless censure upon the Mystery of Iniquity^; 
which was far more than counterbalanced in the 
judgment of Du Plessis, by a Letter replete with 
compliment from the King of England. James, it 
is true, as he himself admits, had not read above 
four or five pages of the Treatise ; but he appears 
to have possessed the useful and happy art of re- 
turning gracious acknowledgments for a presentation 
copy, and of contenting the expectant author, at the 
least possible sacrifice of his own time. " It is 
easy for me," he said, " to estimate ex ungue leo- 
nem ;'' and he then proceeded to comment upon 
some advice which Du Plessis had offered to him in 
the Preface, that he should exchange the Pen for 
the Sword, in order to dislodge Antichrist from his 
strong hold. The sentiments which James ex- 
pressed are altogether in unison with the title of the 
Pacijic, which he so ardently coveted. He inquired 
from what portion of Scripture, or from what part of 
the doctrine or example of the Primitive Church, 
especially during its greatest purity, Du Plessis 
could furnish sufficient authority to justify him in 
making offensive war for the sake of Religion against 
any other Prince or Potentate, Secular or Eccle- 
siastical ? His single powers, he added, were in- 
adequate to such a struggle ; and in these latter 
times, he had no reason to expect that miracles 
would be worked in his behalf. But if, during the 
course of his life, it should please God, at any 
future moment, to unseal the eyes of other Monarch s 
and Princes, so that they should accomplish the 

' Le Mercure Francois, torn. ii. p. 109. 



110 STRICT EDUCATION OF LOUIS XIII. [cH. XXI. 

Apocalyptic Prophecy of the ten Kings, by a union 
for the destruction of the Beast, then indeed he 
would not show himself last in the holy band. 
Meantime, he would not omit to exhort all those 
Princes and Churches who had already come out of 
Babylon, to a firm mutual confederacy ; so that, 
laying aside useless and injurious controversies, they 
may defend themselves against the machinations of 
Satan and Antichrist his Lieutenant ; a task in 
which he doubted not that he should continue to re- 
ceive co-operation from Du Plessis \ 

In the Autumn of this year occurred 
the demise of the Duke of Mayenne, who 
from the time of his submission had lived in retire- 
ment and tranquillity '. The young King's educa- 
tion was conducted with great severity of discipline 
as to the outward ordinances of Religion. The un- 
happy boy was whipped for having neglected to say 
his prayers ^ : and he was kept so long at Confes- 
sion by Father Cotton, that on quitting the Jesuit's 
Oratory, he was obliged to take to his bed from 
fatigue : yet on the afternoon of the same day, he 
was carried to hear a tedious Sermon, during which 
he fell asleep from sheer exhaustion. His Governor 
awakened him, and sparing the rod on this occasion. 



1 From Theobald's, Oct. 7, 1611. Tom. xi. p. 309. 

2 Le Mercure Francois, torn. ii. p. 155, contains an account 
of his last illness. He died with piety and resignation. 

* Journal de Henri IV. torn iv. p. 97- After his Governor 
had thus punished him, by order of the Queen Mother, he was 
carried to her apartment, where at his entrance she rose up 
ceremoniously. The child observed, readily enough, that he 
would be content with less respect, provided they would give 
him less whipping also. 



A. D. 1612.] XXth NATIONAL SYNOD. Ill 

j contented himself by asking him " why he had for- 
gotten to bring his pillow M" 

The XXth National Synod ^ which as- i6]2. 
• sembled at Privas, in the following May, ^^^ ^*- 
displayed considerable heat in its outset. 
|: The dissensions at Saumur were still fresh 
lin remembrance, and great mutual distrust ap- 
pears to have prevailed. The Court had issued 
I Letters Patent declaratory of pardon to all the 
I Huguenots by whom any Provincial Political Assem- 
blies had been convened since the last National 
■ Assembly at Saumur. This Instrument was rejected 
\ by the Deputies with expressions of surprise and 
indignation. They affirmed their right, as estab- 
i lished by the Edict, to summon and to attend their 
Assemblies at will ; and protesting their loyalty, 
they at the same time refused the Letters of pardon, 
(the acceptance of which would be an admission of 
criminality), and disavowed any of their brethren, 
who might have asked for or consented to their pro- 
mulgation. More than implications were then 
thrown out, that the Dukes de Bouillon and Les- 
diguieres were consulting their private interests and 
particular resentments ; and they were urged to 
hold a firmer correspondence and a sincerer intelli- 
gence with Sully, Rohan, Soubize, La Force, and 
Du Plessis. 

Notwithstanding these exhortations to amity, be- 
fore the lapse of many months from the close of this 
Synod, a feud between the Dukes of Bouillon and of 
Rohan very nearly involved the whole Kingdom in 
open hostilities. The former, careless of the injury 

1 Id. p. 224. 2 Quick, p. 347, &c. 



1 



112 QUARREL WITH THE D. OF ROHAN. [cH. XXI. 

which might accrue to the general weal, provided he 
diminished the power of his rival, lent himself to an 
intrigue by which the Court hoped to wrest the im- 
portant town of St. Jean d'Angely from the Govern- 
ment of Rohan. Rohan, however, forewarned that 
the re-election of a Mayor altogether opposed to his 
interests was contemplated, speedily repaired to the 
town, and frustrated the design. The Queen Re- 
gent, irritated at this disappointment, committed the 
Wife, Mother, and Daughter of Rohan to the Bas- 
tile, proclaimed the Duke himself a rebel, and di- 
rected an armed force against St. Jean. The wisdom 
and moderation of Du Plessis preserved him from 
entanglement in this pernicious broil ; but the Pro- 
vince of Saintonge, alarmed at the menaced occupa- 
tion of one of its strongest cautionary fortresses, 
convoked at La Rochelle a meeting of its Circle or 
Council of the five adjoining Provinces. Hence 
arose a fresh cause for dissatisfaction ; and 
La Rochelle itself became for a while a 
scene of popular tumult, in consequence of a similar 
attempted interference by the Court in the election 
of the City Magistrate ^ When the Queen, who 
had miscalculated her power, showed herself pre- 
pared for concession, the Duke of Rohan, on the 
other hand, unhappily increased his demands ; but 
the Rochellois wisely determined not to become 
abettors of a private quarrel ; and the Duke, fearing 
that their example might affect the remainder of his 
followers, assented to a compromise. The 
Royal authority was formally acknow- 
ledged in St. Jean, by the reception of a Commis- 

^ Le Mercure Frurjfois, torn. ii. p. 476. 



A. D. 1613.] JEREMIE FERRIER. 113 

sioner for a few days, after which its government re- 
verted to the hands of its ancient Seigneur. 

While the ambition of the great thus nearly rekin- 
dled Civil War at St. Jean D'Angely and La Ro- 
chelle, the flagrant misconduct of an humbler indivi- 
dual occasioned fierce commotion at Nismes. Jeremie 
Ferrier, a Minister, and Divinity Professor in that 
City, had long courted distinction with little regard 
to the correctness of the path by which it might be 
attained. In the vexatious dispute concerning An- 
tichrist, he had been especially forward ; maintaining 
in public Theses, that the reigning Pontiff was the 
prophetical Monster foretold by St. John, and being 
the chief instrument through whose pertinacity that 
most offensive tenet was inserted in the Confession 
of Faith. Notwithstanding an express injunction of 
the Synod of St. Maixant \ that Professors of Theo- 
logy should never act as Deputies either in General 
Assemblies or at Court, Ferrier had assumed both 
those characters, in which, by quickness of parts and 
fluency of speech, he had attracted some attention 
from the agents of Government. Ambition rendered 
him easily venal, and it was not long before he sold 
himself to the Court, and excited suspicion among 
his brethren. Frequent absences from his Pastoral 
care and his Theological Chair at Nismes, while he 
was engaged in Political intrigues in the Capital ^, 
had exposed him to Ecclesiastical censure ; and in 

1 Ch. 6. § 7. p. 376. 

2 The Church of Geneva, in a Letter to the Synod of Ton- 
neins, attributes the fall and " deprivation" of Ferrier entirely 
to " his pragmatical intermeddling with mundane affairs ;" on 
which account it takes occasion to enter upon an interminable 
Homily against the secularity of Ministers. 

VOL. III. I 



114 SENTENCE OF THE SYNOD OF PRIVAS [cH. XXI. 

order to escape from a City justly offended with him, 
he accepted a vacant appointment in the Church at 
Paris, where it was thought that his wavering con- 
duct might he more easily observed. The superior 
vigilance of the Ministers among whom he was 
there placed, soon rendered him apprehensive of en- 
tire detection in his treachery ; and abandoning his 
new charge, without any communication with the 
Ecclesiastical Authorities, he returned uninvited to 
his Professorship at Nismes. 

These delinquencies had called down a sharp cen- 
sure from the recent Synod at Privas ; and even if 
we hesitate to approve that despotism which claimed 
the power of permanently restraining a Minister to a 
Cure from which he was anxious to withdraw, it must 
be admitted that there were sufficiently heavy charges 
of another nature against Ferrier to justify the Sen- 
tence which he received. He had not only " quit- 
ted the Church of Paris without leave from it first 
obtained, contrary to the promise made by him at 
his admission into the Ministry there, that he would 
always continue in their service ;" but he had been 
guilty of many " miscarriages and sins," both as 
Pastor and Professor ; and in his management of 
Civil matters ; and had oppropriated to his own pri- 
vate use an undue and very considerable share of the 
moneys of the University ^ On these grounds, he 
was prohibited from attending any Political Assem- 
blies during six years ^; and, " out of kindness to 

1 More than 3000 livres. Quick, p. 358. 

2 From one of the Acts of the Synod of Vitre in 1617, 
(ch. viii. § 5. p. 492.) it appears, that in consequence of " the 
present necessity of the times," the prohibition of the Synod of 
St. Maixant had never been rigidly observed. 



A. D. 1613. J UPON JEREMIE FERRIER. 115 

him, and that the honour of his Ministry may not 
be blasted," he was instructed to remove from 
Nismes to a Cure in some other Province \ 

Ferrier, however, was still warmly supported 
in Nismes ; and a deputation of high Municipal 
Authorities from that City most earnestly and im- 
portunately entreated the Synod to rescind both 
clauses of this Sentence. When the Assembly per- 
sisted in their first determination, the spokesman of 
the Citizens " renewed with great vehemency his 
desires, adding very injurious words full of menaces." 
He was followed by a second orator " with dis- 
courses full of arrogance and threats," with a protes- 
tation of appeal to another Synod, and that " let this 
do what it pleased, they would never part with Mon- 
sieur Ferrier, but that he should continue to exer- 
cise his Ministry both at Nismes and in the Province 
also." The Deputies, justly offended at this con- 
tempt of their authority, decreed that Ferrier should 
be provided with a Church elsewhere, and that if he 
presumed to officiate either at Nismes or within the 
Province, he should from that very instant be sus- 
pended. 

Ferrier undertook a Cure at Montelimar to 
which he was nominated by the Synod, with appa- 
rent willingness, and a show of contrition for his past 
contumacy. Meantime, however, he had privately 
solicited from the Regency the charge of Counsellor 
in the Presidial at Nismes ; and he had procured 
Letters from the Court so peremptory, that the Ma- 
gistrates, in spite of a Protest from the Consistory^ 
felt or feigned themselves compelled to agree to his 

3 Ch. vii. § 16. p. 358. 
I 2 



1 10 EXCOMMUNICATION OF [cil. XXI. 

immediate admission. The Church was not back- 
ward in asserting its violated rights ; and a Synod of 
Ministers and Elders, assembled for the purpose 
from the neighbouring Consistories, pronounced an 
Excommunication, of w^hich we shall notice some of 
the leading clauses, as illustrative of those formulae in 
the Calvinistic Discipline \ 

By this Instrument, Ferrier was declared to have 
neglected all acknowledgment of " God's singular 
mercy and benignity and of the gentleness and cle- 
mency of his judges," to have passed over without 
notice " his great and heinous offences, though God 
saw them, the Church observed them, and the world 
cried out against them" — " Instead of humbling 
himself, he waxed more fierce and fiery, he kicked 
against the pricks, he hardened his heart against the 
voice of God speaking to him. He hath multiplied 
and increased his sins, seeking sanctuaries for his 
rebellion, from the world, and protection by it in his 
enterprizes ; following the train and lure of his own 
lusts, and loving this present world, he would rather 
be a slave to the Mammon of Unrighteousness, than 
serve God and His Church, and betaking himself to 
wicked and unworthy courses, he hath refused to be 
reformed, and hateth discipline and correction, scorn- 
ing and trampling under foot all Church order. He 
hath most licentiously inveighed against, and satiri- 
cally lampooned the Ecclesiastical Assemblies, he hath 
let flie the worst of calumnies against the servants of 



^ Excommunication was regulated by the Vth National 
Synod, the lid of Paris, in 1565, (Quick, p. 57.) and a more 
precise form was promulgated by the XXIIId Synod, of Alex, in 
1G20. eh. X. Id. vol. ii. p. 36. 



',.D. 1613.] JEREMIE FERRIER. 117 

God, generally and particularly, in public and pri- 
vate, by word of mouth, by pen and writing ; He 
threw himself wilfully and wittingly upon tempta- 
tions and into the snares of the Devil ; he became his 
own seducer, and, like the Devil, endeavoured to 
seduce others. He hath, by his ungodly comport- 
ments, scandalized those that are without, and such 
as are within ; he hath attempted to mischief the 
Church of God, for which the Lord Jesus has shed 
His most precious blood" — " He would not be judged 
of God, nor by the Men of God ; he hath cast him- 
self into a contumacious and audacious rebellion, 
into the most injurious and excessive insolences ; he 
hath published himself guilty of a most notorious and 
horrible perjury, totally deserting the Sacred Minis- 
try, having rejected all the summons and invitations 
unto repentance made him for a whole year together, 
by divers Church Assemblies in divers places, and at 
divers times, by many most excellent servants of 
God, who cordially and industriously laboured after 
his conversion and reformation : He hath despised the 
long suffering, patience, and forbearance of the 
Church, and never heeded those public admonitions 
which, according to the Discipline, were used to re- 
claim him, and bring him back again unto his duty. 
But he persists obstinately in his sins, in his disobe- 
diences and rebellions, and hardens himself in his 
impenitency ; insomuch, that we must speak it, 
though not without tears and groans, that he hath lost 
his privilege and right of Burgess-ship in the City and 
Family of God" — For these causes he was denounced 
to be " a scandalous man, a person incorrigible, im- 
penitent, and ungovernable ; and as such, having 
first invocated the Holy Name of the living and true 



118 EXCOMMUNICATION OF FERRIER. [CH. XXI. 

God, and in the name and power of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, by the conduct of the Holy Ghost, and with 
authority from the Church, we have cast, and do 
now cast and throw him out of the Society of the 
Faithful ; that he may be delivered up unto Satan, 
declaring that he ought not to be reckoned, reputed 
nor numbered as a Member of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
nor of His Church ; but that he be counted and 
esteemed as a Publican and Heathen, as a profane 
person and contemptuous despiser of God ; exhort- 
ing all the Faithful, and enjoining them, in the name 
of our Lord and Master, no more to hold any con- 
versation with this son of Belial; but to estrange 
themselves, and be separated from him ; waiting, 
that if in any wise this Judgment and Separation, 
serving for the destruction of his Flesh, may contri- 
bute to the salvation of his soul, and strike into His 
conscience a terror of that great and dreadful day, 
in which the Lord will come, with thousands of his 
Saints, to execute Judgment upon the Ungodly, and 
to convince the wicked of all their impieties, sinful 
designs, and abominable works enterprised by them 
against His Church." 

" Cursed be he ivlio doeth the work of the Lord 
negligently. Amen ! 

" If any one love not the Lord Jesus Christy let 
him he Anathema Maranatha. Amen ! 

" Come, Lord Jesus Christ! Even so come quickly ! 
AmenM" 
,^.. T , ,. Undeterred by this sentence, Ferrier 

1614. July 14. ^ ' 

proceeded to take his seat in the Presi- 
dial. On his return from the Council-House he was 

1 Quick, p. 448. 



A. D. 1614.] RIOT AT NISMKS. 119 

attacked by the Rabble, and took refuge under the 
roof of a Magistrate ; but the tumult, swollen, as 
often happens, by some petty and unforeseen acci- 
dents, did not subside till the house and furniture of 
the ejected Minister had been pillaged and destroyed. 
Three days of agitation elapsed before his retreat 
could be effected from the City ; and the riot, sedu- 
lously magnified by the enemies of the Huguenots, 
was represented to Government, not as a casual 
burst of indignation against a profligate individual, 
but as part of an organized conspiracy against the 
Established Church. The President, Jeannin, remon- 
strated with Du Plessis in terms of strong disappro- 
bation ^. " Your Excommunications," he said, " have 
become too frequent; and, for the most part, they 
have not any other object than to blacken in public 
opinion those who testify aflfection to the King's ser- 
vice." " In our Religion," he added, " we have 
remedies which we can oppose to Ecclesiastical — 
even to Papal censures ; and unless similar weapons 
are provided against your Ministers also, the licen- 
tious abuses which they commit in these matters vidll 
prove injurious to the State ^." 

Du Plessis replied by reprobating the tumult; 
but, at the same time, by defending the principle of 
Excommunication. Upon the particular Instrument 
in question he hesitated to pronounce, because it had 
not reached his hands ; but he was credibly in- 
formed, that it was founded on the commission of 
enormities which rendered any man, and a fortiori 



^ Du Plessis characterizes the Letter as fort aspre. torn. xii. 
p. 337. 

2 Tom. xii. p. 317- 



120 JEREMIE FERRIER. [cH. XXI. 

any Minister, unworthy of Church-fellowship. He 
then argued, that Excommunication in all Ages had 
formed a part of Ecclesiastical Discipline — that the 
power of inflicting it had been confirmed to the Re- 
formed by Edict, and had been frequently exercised 
heretofore; that to curtail that power would infringe 
the liberties of the Church ; that it was too well regu- 
lated and too strongly entrenched by forms to admit 
of abuse ; that Synods had never issued any Eccle- 
siastical censure, unless for the suppression of here- 
sies, schisms, notorious sins, public scandals or pro- 
faneness, having utterly abstained from any cogni- 
zance of Political matters ; and finally, that, on general 
principles, the censurers were more likely to be right 
than the censured, because no confederacy can have 
pleasure in a voluntary diminution of its own mem- 
bers ^ 

The Presidial of Nismes was transferred for a 
short time to Beaucaire, in consequence of this trans- 
action ; but the punishment was soon remitted at the 
earnest petition of the aggrieved. The Synod of 
Tonneins, held in the following year, enrolled Ferrier 
in the List of Deposed and Apostate Ministers, in 
terms brief indeed, but conveying in the few words 
employed a most unfavourable portrait^; and he 
survived for many years in open profession of Ro- 
manism. 



1 Tom. xii. p. 333. 

2 " Jeremie Ferrier, a tall fellow, black and curled hair, of 
an olive-greenish complexion, wide, open nostrils, great lips, 
censured and suspected for his lewd carriage and wicked manner 
of living, he hath since deserted the Ministry, and was excom- 
municated out of the Church, from which also he hath since 
apostatized." — Quick, p. 429. 



A.D. 1G14.] THE JESUITS. 121 

The Jesuits maintained their influence at Court 
during ._the Regency ; but it seems probable, from an 
amusiflg incident, related by one of Du Plessis' Cor- 
respondents, that they by no means increased in gene- 
ral popularity. In the summer of 1613, the Hotel 
de Monnoye at Paris was assigned to their use, not- 
withstanding a vehement opposition on the part of 
its original owners. In the course of some repairs 
necessary to fit this building for their occupation, a 
window which had long been closed up, was opened ; 
and its painted glass was found to contain a bitter 
satire upon their Order. A number of Foxes, habited 
as Jesuits, were represented devouring Crucifixes 
and Images which they had pillaged from an adjoin- 
ing Church ; while others were engaged in mounting 
ladders to an escalade of the sacred building, 
scratching and biting their opponents. Beneath was 
painted the following quatrain — 

" Soutils Renards et grands mangeurs d' Images 
Pour hault vionter contrefont les bigots ; 
Et puis quand sont monies sur leurs ergots, 
Au paitvre monde Us font ung grand dommage." 

The discovery is said to have attracted much atten- 
tion, and the inhabitants of the Capital flocked as in 
procession to see the painting, and to enjoy the con- 
fusion of the Holy Fathers, who had unwittingly 
revealed their own shame ^ 

In some discontents which not long j^^^ 
afterwards occasioned the retirement of 



1 M. Marbault a M. Du Plessis, July 13, 1G13. torn. xii. 
p. 290. 



122 XXiSt NATIONAL SYNOD. [cH. XXI. 

the Princes of the Blood from Court, the Duke of 
Rohan participated, but he was unable to obtain the 
support of the Huguenots as a Body : and his single 
efforts only so far tended to give a formidable appear- 
ance to the party which he espoused, as to hasten 
the Queen's desire for temporary accommodation, 
and to increase her permanent resentment. Almost 
simultaneously with the conclusion of the Treaty of 
St. Menehould, which prevented this dispute from 
ripening into action, the XXIst National Synod was 
assembled at Tonneins. Its Acts were marked with 
an unusual spirit of moderation, but a Project of 
Comprehension which it entertained was perhaps dis- 
tinguished far more by charity and simplicity than 
by any very practical acquaintance with the disposi- 
tion of mankind. 

It seems that in some Letters addressed by 
James I., by the Church of Geneva, and by the Duke 
of Bouillon to the Deputies, particular allusion was 
made to the Controversy on the Hypostatic Union, 
at that time raging between Du Moulin and Tilenus : 
and much hope was expressed that the Synod would 
find an expedient for its peaceable adjustment. The 
King of Great Britain did not avow any opinion on 
the subject in debate. Goulart and Diodati, on the 
part of the Genevese Pastors, were naturally anxious 
for the justification of their brother Du Moulin ; 
nevertheless, they admitted that the quarrel was not 
on a fundamental Doctrine, and they discreetly held 
that it was by no means convenient to redeem the 
honour of a private dispute, " by letting in a swarm 
of perilous and curious questions, together with 
horrible scandals and scruples perplexing and tor- 



A.D. 1614.] DU MOULIN AND TILENUS. 123 

menting conscience '." The Duke de Bouillon, who 
had invited Tilenus to his College in Sedan, and who 
therefore esteemed himself in loco patroni^ regretted 
the " little differences" which he had done all in his 
power to suppress ; hoped that two personages so 
considerable for their profession and merit, would 
hereafter employ the gifts God had bestowed upon 
them more to the profit of the Church, and pledged 
himself that Tilenus should pay the greatest defe- 
rence to the counsels of the Deputies ^. 

Before the Letter of the King of England was read 
to the Assembly, it was wisely determined that a copy 
should be transcribed, and sent to the Deputy-Gene- 
ral resident at Court, in order to prevent any mis- 
apprehension that the communication regarded State 
affairs. It was then resolved that, although " certain 
terms and modes of speech that were uncouth and 
improper, had been imputed unto Du Moulin" (upon 
the justice of which charge the Synod, not having in- 
spected the original papers, refused to offer any opi- 
nion) ; nevertheless, that his Confession of Faith 
was, " for its substance, orthodox, and wide enough 
from all suspicion of Eutychianism, Nestorianism, 
Samosetanism, and Ubiquitism." In the end, as the 
quietest mode of extinguishing the Controversy, the 
Deputies called in and suppressed all the printed 
books, and MSS. which had been issued on either 
side, committing them not to the flames, which might 
have been considered an affront, but to the custody 
of Du Plessis at Saumur ; that " so the remembrance 
of this contention for ever be buried in oblivion." 
How far Du Plessis was gratified at being nominated 

1 Quick, p. 443. 2 /^. p. 448. 



124 PROJECT OF [CH. XXI. 

Guardian of this combustible deposit does not 
appear ; but no fitter agent than that most estimable 
and exemplary man could be found for the execution 
of the ulterior design of effecting an amicable inter- 
view between the disputants \ 

David Hume, a Scotsman and a Pastor in Lower 
Guienne, who had lately visited his native Country, 
was the bearer of the above-named Letter from King 
James ; and he had been instructed moreover to 
urge by word of mouth the earnest desire of the 
Royal Theologian for the establishment of a Gene- 
ral Confederacy among all the Christian Churches 
which had shaken off the Papal yoke. The Synod 
cordially embraced this proposition, and the xviiith 
Chapter of its Acts relates altogether to expedients 
by which the differences already existing, or which 
may hereafter arise, can most fittingly be composed. 
The first step deemed necessary M^as the concurrence 
of all the Protestant Princes, among whom the pri- 
macy was assigned to James, " as being the chiefest 
and most potent Monarch, of a most clear and 
piercing judgment, and most affectionately inclined 
hereunto." It was then proposed, that two Divines 
should be sent respectively from England, the French 
Churches, and the Cantons of Swisserland ; and one 
or two from each of the Protestant German Princes ; 
Zealand being mentioned as the most commodious 

1 In the Acts of the following Synod, at Vitre, in 1617, ch. 5. 
§. 7- P- 482. thanks are voted to Du Plessis for having superin- 
tended this interview, " from which there resulted a good accord 
between the parties, who were mutually reconciled in points of 
doctrine." Quick significantly adds, " however, afterwards, 
Tilenus deserted the Communion of our Church, and died in 
that of the Arminians." 



A. D. 1614.] COMPREHENSION. 125 

spot for their Conference \ On their meeting, they 
were to avoid disputes ; to compare their several 
Confessions ; and out of them to frame one common 
to all, " in which divers points may be omitted, the 
knowledge whereof is not necessary to our everlast- 
ing happiness." The Controversy moved by Pisca- 
tor, and the subtle opinions lately broached by Ar- 
minius about Free Will, the Saints' Perseverance, 
and Predestination, are specifically mentioned, as 
deserving exclusion, " it being a most certain truth, 
that all the errors in Religion have sprung hence, 
that men would either know too much, or have too 
much ; that is to say, either out of curiosity, or from 
avarice and ambition. 'Tis this last sin that hath 
corrupted and ruined the Church of Rome. But yet 
Satan doth use his utmost endeavours by the first to 
corrupt ours. However, could we but gain autho- 
rity and power over ourselves, so as to ignore divers 
matters, and to rest contented with points only ne- 
cessary to salvation, we should have gone a great 
and good part of the way, and made a considerable 
progress in our work of Union ^." 

Excellent no doubt as were the intentions of these 
pious and amiable men, they appear nevertheless to 
have displayed an egregious unacquaintance with 
human nature. As well might it be expected, that 
the inert atoms of Epicurus should jumble them- 
selves together into an orderly and systematic Crea- 
tion, by the mere accident of juxta-position, as that 

^ Because, in the quaint language of Quick, it is, " as it were, 
the foredoor of England, and easily to be aborded by the re- 
spective messengers of the Princes and Churches." p. 434. 

2 Id. ibid. 



126 FUTILE PROJECT [cH. XXI. 

a Creed adapted to all Protestant Christendom should 
arise in consequence of the Deputies of each Reli- 
gious Profession into which it was split, having 
" laid before them on the table the several Confes- 
sions of the Reformed Churches of England, Scot- 
land, Ireland, the Netherlands, Swisserland, and the 
Palatinate." How could points which each ardently- 
cherished, although little in proportion to their real 
value, be omitted in the common Symbol, if debate 
were prohibited ? How were honest conviction and 
sincere agreement ever to be obtained, without a 
discussion of conflicting opinions ? and, if that dis- 
cussion should once begin, which result did general 
principles and ordinary experience foretel, — a quiet 
subsidence into equalised coalition and combination, 
or a violent breaking asunder, caused by heat, effer- 
vescence, and explosion ? 

On Articles of Faith, the Synod anticipated little 
difficulty ; and they next proceeded to consider in 
what manner they might most easily reconcile dif- 
ferences of opinion and practice on " the quillets of 
Ceremonies and Church Government." And here 
agreement was to be obtained by the most un- 
bounded tolerance of disagreement. Each party was 
to be allowed the free usage of its own peculiar 
habits, on condition that it should neither judge nor 
condemn its dissentient brethren. Care was to be 
taken that the Deputies should be men " peaceable, 
grave, fearing God, prudent, and not contentious," 
and vested with the fullest powers by their respec- 
tive constituents. No step, however, was to be 
taken by them till after direct communication with 
the King of Great Britain, and submission to his 
advice and authority ; and so implicit was the defe- 



A. D. 1614.] OF COMPREHENSION. 127 

rence enjoined, that it was recommended that " as 
soon as the Conference shall be ended, the whole 
Body of this Assembly should pass over to England, 
to make tender of their duty to his Majesty, and to 
thank him, and to receive his sage advice about the 
means of reducing into practice their Synodical and 
pacific counsels and conclusions." 

A second Assembly was to be held within the 
same year as the first, to receive a Report of the 
transactions of each Deputy in his own Province, 
and of the good or ill will with which the Project 
had been there accepted : and to this new Meeting 
some Pastors and Doctors " of the Lutheran way" 
should be invited. How summarily the knotty 
points of difference with that Body were dismissed, 
may be collected from some of the following state- 
ments. The Ceremonies of the Lutherans, it is said, 
" may be excused and tolerated, because they be 
matters rather of decency than of necessity ; as also 
some certain opinions about Predestination, concern- 
ing which a special Article may be framed in our 
common Confession ; which all without difficulty 
would approve of, provided always that curiosity 
might be avoided. And this was done in the Con- 
fession of Augsburg, which speaks exceeding so- 
berly, and expressly declines the question." Me- 
lancthon, indeed, with his usual prudent avoidance 
of all stumbling-blocks and causes of offence, wholly 
omitted Predestination in the Confession of Augs- 
burg ; and so also did the wise framers of the Saxon 
Confession : but how, it may be asked, if the Cal- 
vinistic Synod projected " a special Article" concern- 
ing it, could the question be declined ? or what 
reasonable expectation could be entertained, that any 



12S PROJECT OF COMPREHENSION. [cil. XXI. 

Article could ever be constructed upon it, of "which 
all without difficulty would approve ?" 

After a notice of the points touching the Eucharist 
which are common to all the Reformed, and of those 
which are peculiar to the Lutherans, it was suggested 
that a declaration should be obtained from both 
parties that in those matters about which they can- 
not agree, " they do not thereupon condemn and 
damn each other, and that no more books about the 
controversy be hereafter written ;" that a mutual 
participation also of the Sacrament, according to 
each other's usage, should take place at appointed 
seasons. This indeed was to overleap at a single 
bound the tall barriers which had so long separated 
the believers in Christ's ubiquity from the Sacra- 
mentarians. It is almost needless to remark, that 
for the performance of this feat the Deputies must 
have calculated upon a suppleness and flexibility of 
temper, neither before nor since exhibited in the 
course of Ecclesiastical History. Yet, however san- 
guine might be their expectation of thus promoting 
union among themselves, however charitable their 
resolution afterwards to seek peace and to ensue it 
with Rome, their hopes manifestly drooped as to the 
successful result of the latter attempt. " If it 
should please God to bless this holy and laudable 
design with success, which would be a crown of eter- 
nal glory to his Majesty of Great Britain, and to the 
Princes joined with him therein, then would it be a 
convenient time to solicit the Romish Church unto a 
Reconciliation, which, whether it may be really ef- 
fected, or is at all feasible, seems as yet very doubt- 
ful ; because the Pope will admit of no Council or 
Conference at which he may not preside." Strange 



A. D. 1616.] MAJORITY OF LOUIS XIII. 129 

that men should be so blind and so clear-sighted at 
the same moment ; and that similar objects should 
be present to their eyes in forms so dissimilar from 
each other ! 

How futile were all these projects we shall per- 
ceive by and by : and we now return to the con- 
necting links of our History. The King, on attain- 
ing his 1 4th year, assumed the outward privileges of 
Majesty ; solemnly confirmed the Edict of Nantes ; 
and convened a Meeting of the States- _ ^ ,^ 

o ^ Oct. 15. 

Genera], remarkable as being the last as- 
sembly of that distinguished, but most useless Coun- 
cil, till it was summoned by Louis XVI. in 1789, 
as a precursor of the Revolution which deprived him 
of his Crown and life. The Government, however, 
still virtually remained in the hands of the Queen, 
or rather of the Marechal D'Ancre ; and in the 
course of the discontents occasioned by their rule, 
some of the Huguenots, and especially the Deputies 
of a Political Assembly transferred from Grenoble to 
Nismes, hastily concluded a Treaty with the Prince 
of Conde, who was preparing to appear in arms \ 
Sully and Du Plessis laboured to avert the conse- 
quences of this headlong step, and an accommoda- 
tion between all parties, discussed in some previous 
Conferences at Loudun, was finally con- jgig 
firmed by an Edict published at Blois. ^^^y- 

But the jealousy excited by Concini, prevented 
any long continuance of repose ; and the Queen, in 
order to preserve the ascendency of her Favourite, 



1 This Treaty was carried by a majority of only two voices. 
Benoit, torn. ii. p. 200. 

VOL. III. K 



130 ARREST OF THE PRINCE OF COND [cH. XXI. 

resolved upon the bold and unexpected 
measure of arresting Conde. The com- 
mittal of the first Prince of the Blood to the Bastile 
was the signal for a very general movement. During 
three days, the Hotel of D'Ancre in the Capital, was 
exposed to pillage, which the Government was too 
much alarmed to restrain. The Reformed in many 
places exhibited symptoms of revolt, and proceeded 
to the actual occupation of Sancerre ; always, indeed, 
claimed by them as one of the Cautionary Towns, 
but which had hitherto been preserved to the Crown 
by the superior force of its Seigneur. The Queen, 
unwilling to increase the number of her enemies, 
temporised when an appeal was presented to her 
Council, and the Huguenots were authorized for the 
present to retain their garrison. 

D'Ancre, nevertheless, after a time was every- 
where triumphant ; the tumults occasioned by 
Conde's imprisonment were suppressed, and the 
discontented Nobles who had taken arms were 
menaced with destruction. But the Florentine was 
destined to add another name to the list of those 
spoiled Children of Fortune, who have perished after 
attaining the summit of power ; and his career was 
terminated by a deed of blood, planned with not 
less deliberation, and executed with not less treachery, 
than the murder of Guise at Blois. The young 
King, while apparently intent only on boyish pas- 
times, was profoundly chagrined at the thraldom to 
which he had been reduced by his Mother ; and 
although too imbecile and timid to shake away her 
yoke by a manly assertion of his own independent 
Royalty, he lent a willing ear to the promptings of 



A. D. 1616.] RISE OF DE LUINES. 131 

an evil councillor, who showed him darker means of 
extrication. 

Charles Albert de Luines ^ whose claim to gentle 
blood is doubtful, and whose original poverty is 
certain, held some unimportant office about the 
King's person ; and had established himself in the 
young Prince's confidence, by means little likely to 
give umbrage to the jealous eye of the Minister. 
It is said that De Luines presented his Master with 
two Magpies trained to the pursuit of small birds, 
after the manner of Falcons ; and that Louis, en- 
amoured of the gift, passed whole days in this igno- 
ble sport. The Marechal D'Ancre, in order to bind 
De Luines to his interest, had appointed him 
Governor of Amboise ; but the dissembler knew the 
influence which he had acquired, coveted far higher 
power, and resolved to establish himself on the 
overthrow of his Patron. Whether Louis consented 
to the assassination, or designed no more than 
the arrest of Concini, appears uncertain ^ ; but the 

1 Howel, writing from Paris, Dec. 15, 1622, has given a very 
clear account of the rise of De Luines. Familiar Letters, b. i. 
§. 2. lett. 22. p. 111. 

2 D'Estrees, who speaks favourably of D'Ancre, naturellement 
estoit hienfaisant — sa conversation estoit douce et aisee, adds, 
oji a souvent ouy dire au Roy quHl n'avoit pas entendu qu'on le 
deut tuer. Mem. d'Estat, p. 25. De Brienne thinks the King 
was entrapped into a conditional assent. Sa Majeste ne lui 
( Vitry) commanda pas de tuer le Marechal d'Ancre, mats seule- 
ment de s'assurer de sa personne : et sur ce qu'il demanda avec 
Luine ce qiiil y auroit a /aire suppose qu'il se mit en deffense, il 
Jit tomber le Roy dans la piege qu'il lui tendoit, qui estoit de tuer 

ce Marechal si cela arrivoit. Tom. i. p. 71- Nevertheless, 
Du Plessis in a Letter written on the day after the assassina- 
tion, states that Louis on hearing that D'Ancre was killed, so 
K 2 



132 ASSASSINATION OF d'aNCRE. [cH. XXI. 

16] 7_ Agents of De Luines, who were employed 
April 25. |.Q secure their prisoner, pistoled him in 
the Court of the Louvre \ under a pretence that he 
had offered resistance to the Royal order. Vitry, 
Captain of the Body-Guard, and the chief instru- 
ment of this foul murder, was soon afterwards re- 
warded with the high dignity of Marechal of 
France. 

The Rabble of Paris glutted their vengeance on the 
remains of the fallen Minister, by outrages which, 
however disgraceful to human nature, it is to be 
feared have been repeated in our own times, in the 
streets of the same Capital ^. The Legal Tribunals, 
equally to their dishonour, dragged his Widow to 
the scaffold as a Traitress and a Sorceress, and 
burned her headless trunk to ashes, after subjecting 
her to revolting and wanton indignities *. That 
D'Ancre and Galigai were blameless no one will 
affirm ; for what Favourite ever attained a like 
fearful eminence with unsullied hands ? But who 



far from expressing any dissatisfaction, joyfully exclaimed, 
" Maintenant je suis Roy." Mem. et Corresp. 4to. tom. iii. 
p. 1121. 

1 The precise spot is noticed by Dupuy. Cetoit a Vendroit 
du Pont donnant du Louvre du cote de la barriere Septentrionale. 
Hist, des plus illustres Favoris. Tom. ii. p. 159. 

2 More than one instance of cannibalism similar to that which 
outraged the remains of D'Ancre, is authentically recorded dur- 
ing the Massacres of the French Revolution. It may be enough to 
specify the atrocious circumstances accompanying the murder of 
MM. Berthier and Foulon, in 1789. 

2 See, among others, the search for her jewels mentioned by 
Dupin, tom. ii. p. 222. The Arret against her is printed by 
Bernard. Hist, de Louis XIII. liv. iii. p. 83. Vassor, liv. x. 
has many curious particulars relative to the Concini. 



A. D. 1617.] MINISTRY OF DE LUINES. 133 

will venture also to affirm that they received justice. 
The ignorant and vulgar hated them, because they 
bore authority ; the mortified Nobles envied them, 
because they were Favourites ; and a needy and 
profuse Court was little likely to hesitate in admit- 
ting their guilt, when its establishment secured a 
confiscation of property amounting to nearly two 
millions of livres \ 

The fall of Concini, involved that of the whole 
faction of the Queen, who was permitted to retire 
from Court, and transferred in reality as a prisoner 
to the Castle of Blois^ A general amnesty al- 
lowed the insurgents to shelter themselves under 
the pretext that they had risen only against the late 
Minister ; and for a short period, the malcontents 
appear to have forgotten that the wealth and the 
power of the Favourite had, in fact, only changed 
hands, and that De Luines, perhaps the more un- 

^ In generale Vodiavono i popoli e Vahorrivano i grandi, gli 
amici stessi della corona detestavono le sue massime. Nani. 
Hist. Fen. lib. iii. apud Istor. Venez. torn. viii. p. 142. 

2 Appearances were saved in this transaction, as we learn 
from Bentivoglio, at that time Nuncio in France. La Regina, 
con somma prudenza, havendo saputa non meno hora deporre che 
prima sostenere il maneggio del Regno, ha giudicata miglio de 
ritirarsi a Blois, e di stare in qual luogo per alcun tempo. To 
Manfredi, Ambassador at Ferrara, dated Paris, June 8, 1617- 
(Lettere, p. 61.) Bentivoglio, in the same Letter, expresses 
himself with a very right-minded feeling respecting this murder. 
He had foreseen that the arrogance and ambition of the Fa- 
vourite must ultimately lead to his destruction ; but the sorte 
di casi tragici e fieri by which it was accompanied, deeply 
moved him ; et io confesso, he adds, che sentirei troppo horrore 
se in questa Lettera volessi hora fare la relatione ; potendo pur 
troppo bastarmi quello che gid provai quando si atrocamente qui 
ne vidi seguir lo spettacolo. 



134 DU PLESSIS MORNAY. [cH. XXJ. 

worthy of the two, might become equally odious with 
his predecessor. 

The state of public feeling on this point, is 
strongly marked in the Letters of Du Plessis ; and 
for the first time in the whole series of that exem- 
plary man's Correspondence, are we unable to re- 
spond to his language. He congratulates Louis 
himself upon having struck " this blow of his ma- 
jority, which will manifest both abroad and at home, 
that France has in truth a King \" After employ- 
ing similar words to M. de Seaux, he uses ex- 
pressions which seem to imply that he was by no 
means free from the vulgar and unworthy prejudice 
excited by the deceased Minister's foreign birth ; 
and he then continues, — " Assuredly I am not fond 
of blood ; but the insolence exceeded all bounds, 
and the disgrace was insupportable by a Nation like 
ours, which has always surpassed others in nice 
feelings of generous honour." " The King," he 
writes to another friend, " has so demeaned himself 
in this action, as to prove that he has long con- 
cealed manly courage under boyish trifling ^." 
Louis, in reply, was not backward in ascribing the 
murder which he had committed or connived at, to 
a Providential agency. " God," he says, in words 
which we almost fear to transcribe, " who inspired 
me with the resolution which I adopted on this 
occasion, has given it also the consequences which I 
proposed to myself, and which all good men so earn- 
estly desired ^." 

^ Un coup de Majorite. See the Letter to the King in La Vie 
de Du Plessis Mornay, liv. iv. p. 465. To M. de Seaux, ce solenne 
acte de Majorite. Mem. et Corresp. 4to. torn. iii. p. 1125. 

2 Id. p. 1126. 1 Id. p. 1229. 



A. D. 1617.] XXIID NATIONAL SYNOD. 135 

Instructions, stamped with a like cha- ^^ jg 
racter, were offered by Du Plessis to the , *« 

' -^ ^ June 18. 

XXIId National Synod, convened at Vitre ; 
and they were acted upon by the Deputies, who coun- 
tennanded a Fast, " because it had pleased God to 
turn away His wrath, and to give us manifest tokens 
of His goodness \" As soon as the Assembly was 
formed and settled, the first thing they voted was an 
Address unto his Majesty, " to testify the joy of all 
our Churches for those many and wonderful blessings 
which God hath graciously vouchsafed him^." The 
language of this Assembly very ill accords with the 
sentiments which a Christian Synod w^ould be ex- 
pected to entertain respecting a positive murder. 
The Deputies were instructed to testify to the King 
" the extraordinary joy and thankfulness of your 
said subjects both to our God and your Majesty, for 
that the Kingdom is in peace, your authority in great 
splendour, and your sacred person at full liberty; 
and this, by that wise and generous resolution, which 
you have undertook and executed by a just punish- 
ment of the grand disturber of your Kingdom and 
oppressor of your authority ; and which was worst 
of all, of one, who had exposed your sacred person to 
the most imminent and apparent dangers. This 
action of your Majesty was altogether extraordi- 
nary ; it was an enterprise purely divine and mira- 
culous, for it turned in a moment the storm into 
a calm, Wars into Peace, our fright into assur- 
ance, our perils into security, and tyranny into a 
most righteous and rightful government^." How 

1 Ch. ix. § p. 7. 499. 2 ch. ii. § 5. p. 478. 

3 p. 490. 



136 FAILURE OF THE COMPREHENSION. [cH. XXI. 

seldom does Adulation throw its glance half a dozen 
steps onward from the spot on which it happens to 
be standing ^ ! The Synod exhibited but little fore- 
sight when it bestowed its praise thus rashly. 

The other transactions of this Synod w^ere devoid 
of any general interest ^, with the exception of a brief 
notice which implied a failure in the vague scheme 
of Comprehension proposed at Tonneins. All the 
Provinces now " declared what had been done by 
them as to this matter ;" but either what had been 
done was inefficient, or the favour of the King of 
Great Britain had waxed cold; for, in continuation, 
the Assembly did " thereupon judge it expedient 
that we should make a little halt till such time as 



^ A Despatch from Sir William Beecher to James I., undated, 
but, from internal evidence, written not long after the murder 
of D'Ancre, does not present a very favourable picture of the 
condition of the Reformed. Speaking of the new Ministers, he 
says, *' They utterly neglect all the alliances of our Religion 
abroad, and care not how inconsiderately they oppress it at 
home." Cabala, Tp. 118. 

2 Some particulars connected with Typography may be 
learned from a Contract entered into with a Printer at Saumur, 
for undertaking the works of Chamier. They were to be printed 
" on fair and large paper, which will hold ink without washing, 
such as that on which the Lord du Plessis his Book on the 
Eucharist was printed, with as large a margent, and weighing 
fifteen pounds a ream or thereaway ; that the character shall be 
such as that little Cicero printed by Colomies ; that the letter 
shall be new founded with which he begins the Work, and to be 
renewed in the progress thereof, in case occasion do require it, 
and that the Consistory contracting with him do judge it need- 
ful ; that the stamps for the Latine, Greek, and Hebrew quota- 
tions shall be all new and proportionable to the Work." Ch. 
viii. §. 24. p. 495. 



A. D. 1617.] ARNOrX AND DU MOULIN. 137 

those, who had first made their overtures, did prose- 
cute the offer with more vigour ^" 

Soon after the dissolution of this Synod, a Contro- 
versy arose, in which the most eminent character of 
the times now approaching engaged himself; more, as 
it may seem, in order to create a persuasion that he 
was abstracted from Politics, than from any fitness or 
inclination for Theological inquiries. Among the 
changes which De Luines had found it necessary to 
introduce into the Royal Household, in order to dimi- 
nish the influence of the Queen, was the substitution 
of Amoux, another Jesuit, for Cotton the former Con- 
fessor. The new Keeper of the King's Conscience 
made an early display of virulence against the Re- 
formed, by accusing them, in a Sermon preached at 
Court, of having falsely cited Scripture in the margin 
of their Confession of Faith. A list of their pretended 
forgeries was handed to Du Moulin, who, with the 
assistance of his three colleagues at Charenton, pub- 
lished a Defence of the Confession^. This Tract was 
dedicated to the King in a Letter which most un- 
sparingly exposed the Jesuits. After much discus- 
sion in the lower Courts, and gradual appeals till the 
Cause was brought before the Royal Council itself, 
the Jesuits obtained an Edict, suppressing the book 
of their antagonist ; inflicting penalties upon all 
those who should read or even possess it ; and pro- 
hibiting for the future any Dedication to the King 



1 Ch. ix. § 6. p. 499. 

2 In this Defence the Ministers challenged Arnoux to produce 
Scriptural authorities in support of seventeen positions qui font 
le corps de la Papaute. On his refusal, Du Moulin attacked 
him in a Pamphlet, entitled Fuites et Evasions, &c. 1618. 



138 FIRST APPEARANCE OF RICHELIEU. [cH. XXI. 

unless his express license should have been pre- 
viously obtained. The dispute occasioned numerous 
publications ; one of which issued from the pen of 
Armand Jean Du Plessis, at that time Bishop of 
Lu9on. The See held by this ambitious youth had 
been procured for him at an early age by Family in- 
terest ^ ; and the favour of the Marechal D'Ancre had 
soon afterwards introduced him at Court, where, at 
the moment of his Patron's assassination, he held the 
important office of Secretary of State. De Luines 
at first permitted the Ex-M-inister's residence with 
the Queen at Blois ; but, ere long, perceiving his 
commanding talents, and apprehensive of his in- 
trigues, he enjoined his removal to a far more distant 
abode at Avignon. During his retirement, the 
Bishop produced two Works, a Reply to the Pastors 
of Charenton, and a Manual of Christian Principles, 
from neither of which Essays, it is said, would much 
future advancement be augured, if Literary merit had 
been the sole course by which a Prelate of those 
days might attain distinction ^ 

The separate privileges of the Reformed State of 
Bearne had hitherto been respected, notwithstand- 
ing the union of the Crown of Navarre with that of 

^ The future Cardinal de Richelieu was born on the 5th of 
September, 1585, and in his 21st year was nominated to tlie 
Bishopric of Lucon, vacated by the retirement of his elder Bro- 
ther to a Cloister. Vie du Card, de Richelieu, tom, i. 1. i. p, 4. 

2 La Defense des principaux points de notre Creance, contre la 
Lettre des quatre-Ministres de Charenton addressee au Roi. — 
Instruction du Chretien. We have not been able to meet with 
either of the above Tracts, but Auberi speaks more favourably 
of them than does the general opinion which we have given in 
the text. Mem. pour VHist du Card, de Richelieu, tom. ii. 
p. 425. 



A. D. 1619.] ESCAPE OF THE QUEEN. 139 

France ; but one of the earliest projects of the Admi- 
nistration of De Luines was to extinguish that inde- 
pendent Sovereignty ; to confiscate the property 
which Jeanne D'Albret had assigned for the use of the 
Huguenot Church ; and finally to restore the domi- 
nion of the Roman Catholic Faith. The 

1618. 

Clergy strenuously advocated a measure so 
advantageous to their Order ; Edicts were issued for 
its accomplishment ; and the greater part of the year 
1618 ^ was passed in stormy discussions, arising out 
of the resolute opposition of the indignant Bearnois. 

During these contentions, a new embar- J6i9. 
rassment awaited De Luines owing to the ^^^-^i- 
escape of the Queen Mother from Blois. Having 
opened a secret correspondence with the Duke d'Es- 
pernon, who was disgusted with the Court on account 
of the superior influence of the new Favourite, she 
descended a ladder by night from one of the windows 
of the Castle ^ and hastening to Angouleme, soon 
found herself at the head of a very powerful band 
of followers. De Luines, with great dexterity per- 

^ In the autumn of this year, on the 5th of September, died 
the Cardinal Du Perron, who is thus characterized by Benti- 
voglio. Gran perdita habbiamo fatta qui hora con la morte del 
Signor Cardinal de Perrona. Era VAgostino de Francia : era uno 
de' maggiori ornamenti del nostra secolo ; sapeva tutte le cose ; 
e chi Vudiva in una scienza, havrebbe stimato die 7ion havesse fatto 
mai altro studio che in quella sola. Sept. 22, 1618. Lettere, 
p. 75. 

2 A very particular account of the Queen's escape is given by 
Auberi. Tom. i. p. 273. She was accompanied by only one of 
her Bed-chamber women, and was obliged to creep along the 
fosse, carrying a casket of jewels, and a lanthern, without the 
light of which she was afraid to enter the carriage in waiting for 
her. See also Bentivoglio Lettere, p. 139. 



140 FINAL OVERTHROW OF THE QUEEN. [cH. XXI. 

suaded the Bishop of Lu^on to act as Mediator, by 
the promise of using his interest at Rome for a 
Cardinal's hat ^ ; and that wily Prelate, without be- 
traying his intercourse with the Minister, soon pre- 
vailed upon his Mistress to accept terms of accommo- 
dation ^. 

Mary de Medicis might dissemble her resentment 
while Peace was necessary to ripen her projects of 
vengeance; but De Luines felt that she had been 
too deeply wronged to permit any hope of sincere 
and permanent reconciliation. In self-defence, there- 
fore, and in order to counterbalance her party, he 
determined to release the Prince of Conde, who had 
already suffered three years' imprisonment. The 
measure was seasonable; the promptness of Conde ^ 
suggested an expedition into Normandy, in which 
Province the Queen was again assembling troops ; 
and the treachery or the cowardice of her General, in 
an engagement at Pont de Ce^ compelled her at 

^ During the Summer of 1619, an attempt to establish a 
Huguenot College at Charenton, with two Classes, one of Philo- 
sophy and the other of Theology, was frustrated by the Sor- 
bonne. Le Mercure Francois, torn. vi. p. 289. An account of 
this dispute is contained in a Tract, Opposition de V Universite 
de Paris centre V etablissement dii College de Charenton. Paris, 
1619. 

2 BItm. de Rohan. 1. i. p. 87. 

2 The Duke of Rohan assures us, that the Queen had 20,000 
men in Guyenne, Poictou, Saintonge, and Angoulmois. and that 
the King's army did not exceed 6000 or 6000. He attributes 
the abandonment of the entrenchments at Pont de Ce, either to 
une apprehension de peur or un mecontetement imaginaire on the 
part of Mary's Commander, the Duke of Retz. Liv. i. p. 88. 
Many details of the engagement at Pont de Ce are given in Le 
Mercure Francois, tom. vi. p. 331. and in the same volume, 
p. 338. may be found the Articles of the subsequent Peace. 



A. D. 1619.] ANNEXATION OF BEARNE. 141 

once to surrender at discretion, and to abandon all 
hopes of re-establishing her power. 

Thus disengaged from a formidable enemy, the 
King resolved to employ his victorious army in se- 
curing the obedience of the Bearnois. He marched 
rapidly through Bourdeaux on Pau, and there, 
dealing with a people, who, as we are told even by 
one of their friends, knew not how either to submit 
or to resist \ he entirely re-modelled their Constitu- 
tion. The Reformed lost their power and their re- 
venues ; they were compelled to surrender their 
Churches to the Romanists ; a College of Jesuits 
was instituted at Pau; and the Navarrese Huguenots 
instead of maintaining themselves any longer as an 
Established Church, were reduced to the level of a 
merely tolerated Sect. Each party, as may be sup- 
posed, exaggerated this change according to its pe- 
culiar prejudices. The King's Confessor, in a Tract 
entitled Le Roy en Bearne, extolled the justice and 
legality of this triumph of his Faith ; and some 
Huguenots, on the other hand, collected a piteous 
recital of outrages, in a Histoire Tragique de la deso- 
lation de Bearne. The immediate results were de- 
scribed with similar variation. One writer tells us, 
that during the opening Mass performed at Navarrin, 
the Congregation consisted of no other persons except 
the King's Attendants, so that the Catholic Religion 
had been restored, not for the Bearnois, but for the 
walls of their Church ^. The Papal Nuncio, Benti- 

^ N^ayant sceu obeir rHy se deffendre. Mem. de Rohan, liv. ii. 
p. 89. 

2 Vie du Card, de Richelieu, torn. i. p. 74. where we are told 
that Mass was revived at Navarrin on the 19th of October, on 



142 ANNEXATION OF EEARNE. [:H. XXI. 

voglio, on the contrary, exultingly pre laimed how ji 
Truth had succeeded to Error, pure doct ine to p sti- 
lent teaching, Religion to Heresy, and fc.ithful Shep- 
herds to Hirelings ; and he concluded with a decla- 
ration, that Louis XIII. by producing this revolu- 
tion, through his own immediate personal agency, 
had manifested that he possessed not only the glo- 
rious name, but yet more the zeal also of his Sainted 
predecessor \ 

which day, fifty years before, it had been abolished by Jeanne 
d'Albret. The revival in Pau is minutely described in Le 
Mercure Frangois, torn. vi. p. 352. 

* Letter to the Bishops of Lescar and of Oleron. Paris. Oct. 
26, 1620. p. 112. There is another Letter of congratulation to 
the King, of the same date, p. 110. 



A. D. 16J.9.1 i-OLITICAL ASSEMBLY AT SAUMUR. 14G 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Political Assembly at Loudun — Bentivoglio' s Account of the Hu- 
guenots — XXIIId National Synod — Political Assembly at La 
Roehelle — Apostasy of Lesdiguieres — De Luiyies appointed 
Constable — The Assembly refuses to disperse — Treacherous 
Occupation of Saumur — Retirement and Character of Du Pies- 
sis Mornay — Declaration against La Roehelle and St. Jean 
d'Angely — Surrender of St. Jean d'Aiigely — Of Clairac — The 
Siege of Montauban raised — Death of De Luines — Tumults at 
Charenton and Paris — Domijiie a Jesu Maria — Cruelties at 

.' Negrepelisse and St. Arithonin — Unsuccessful Siege of Mont- 
pellier — Peace of Montpellier — Elevation of Richelieu — Arrest 
and Release of the Duke of Rohan — XXIVth National Synod 
— Death of the Duke de Bouillon, and of Du Plessis Mornay — 
Renewal of War by La Roehelle — Heroism of some Peasants 
of Foix — Gallant Naval Exploit — Feelings of the English — 
Pennington' s Expedition — England mediates Peace — XXVth 
National Synod — England declares War — The Duke of Buck- 
itigham's Expedition to the Isle of Rhe — La Roehelle declares 
War — Great Preparations for its Siege — The Mole — Famine 
— Meruault's Jourjial — The tvidow Prosni — Surrender of La 
Roehelle — Violation of the Terms — Destruction of its Inde- 
pendence. 

Several months before this annexation of Bearne, 
but during the period at which it was menaced, a 
Political Assembly which had been allowed to meet 
at Loudun in the preceding autumn, occasioned 
much anxiety to the Government. The Deputies, 
as before at Saumur, refused to disperse till their 
Memorial of grievances had received an answer ; and 
notwithstanding very peremptory and reiterated 



1'44 BENTIVOGLIO'S [cH. XXII. 

commands from the King, they continued their sit- 
tings from September, 1619, till the following April. 
Even in the end, they assented only to a suspension, 
not to a dissolution : and when, yielding to delusive 
promises of the Court, they parted for awhile, it was 
with a distinct understanding, that unless those pro- 
mises were fulfilled, the same Body might re-assem- 
ble without demanding fresh permission ^ The bold 
demeanour of the Huguenots on this occasion ap- 
pears to have induced Bentivogiio to inquire very 
closely into their Constitution ; and he transmitted 
an account of them to his Court, which aifords a 
clear synopsis of their condition. 

Omitting the portions which relate to the general 
Calvinistic Discipline, to the Consistories, Colloquies, 
and Synods, we shall pass at once to his description 
of their Political Ordinances. The whole Kingdom, 
he says, is subdivided by the Huguenots into sixteen 
Provinces, differing from the ordinary distribution. 
1. Isle of France, 2. Burgundy. 3. Normandy. 
4. Britany. 5. Anjou. 6. Berri. 7. Poitou. 
8. Saintonge. 9. La Rochelle. 10. Lower Guy- 
enne. 11. Upper Languedoc and Upper Guyenne. 
12. Lower Languedoc. 13. The Cevennes. 14. 
The Vivarez ; each of the two last-named being a 
portion of Languedoc. 15. Dauphiny. 16. Pro- 
vence. La Rochelle is esteemed a separate Province 
in the General Political Assemblies, but in the Na- 
tional Synods it holds the place of only a single 
Church. Bearne, although in union with some of 
the above-named Provinces, enjoys certain especial 
privileges ; but these, as we have just seen, were 

1 Id. p. 189. to the Duke of Monteleone, June 5, 1620. 



A.D. 1619.] ACCOUNT OF THE HUGUENOTS. 145 

wrested from it very shortly after Bentivoglio had 
framed his Relation. In this division, we are as- 
sured that the Huguenots have been guided by the 
comparative degrees of " corruption" prevalent in 
different parts of the Kingdom. " The most in- 
fected Provinces are beyond the Loire ; and the 
worst among them are Poitou, Saintonge, Guienne, 
Languedoc, and Dauphine. There may be about 
Too Churches altogether throughout France, each 
possessing on an average two Ministers. Assuming 
the population of the whole Kingdom to amount to 
15 millions, rather more than one million are Hu- 
guenots, all of whom, in order to avoid the confusion 
of Sectarianism, are Calvinists by profession." 

Bentivoglio charges the Huguenots with a design 
(of which it is probable the French Government 
never ceased to cherish a very reasonable jealousy) 
of separating themselves from the Monarchy, and of 
establishing a distinct Republic. They had long 
been permitted, he said, to convene a General As- 
sembly once in three years, for the election of Depu- 
ties ; two of whom were to reside at Court, and to 
watch over the execution of the Royal Edicts. But 
since the death of Henry IV. they had profited by 
the weakness of his successor's minority ; they had 
summoned General Councils on their own authority, 
and far more frequently than the Law allowed ; they 
had concentrated their sixteen Provinces on the 
German model, into three Circles, for the benefit of 
mutual co-operation ; and, imitating the Flemings 
also, they had established permanent Councils. 
Each Province now furnished a Council, composed 
of the three Orders, Nobles, Ecclesiastics, and the 

VOL. III. L 



146 BENTIVOGLIO'S [cH. XXII. 

Tiers Etat, who were elected to serve for three 
years. In these Political Meetings, precedence was 
assigned to the Noblesse ; as in all Ecclesiastical, 
Assemblies it was assumed, on the contrary, by thei 
Ministers. Hitherto, it had been customary that 
the King should select the two resident Depu- 
ties out of six persons named by the General 
Assembly ; but the Huguenots now advanced a 
claim to the exclusive nomination of the two. In 
earlier times, the Assembly was dissolved after 
agreeing upon a Report to be presented to the 
throne. It now refused to disperse until its Re- 
port was answered ^ ; and without asking permis- 
sion, it transferred its Sittings from place to place, 
wherever a promise was held forth of greater secu- 
rity. At length " they have selected La Rochelle, 
the imagined future Carthage of France, in which 
they are hoping to found, or rather are tending the 
foundations of their nascent Republic. That City 
is virtually their present chief asylum, in which they 
daily imagine a thousand evil practices against the 
King and the Church, without exposure to chastise- 
ment^." 

The Memoir then proceeds to speak of the Cau- 



1 It must be remembered, that the right on these points was 
disputed. The Huguenots maintained them to be privileges 
confirmed by Edict. 

2 Nani speaks of La Rochelle yet more strongly, and in 
terms suificiently evincing the terror vfhich its power excited 
among the Italians. Si vantava d'essere la metropoli della ribel- 
lione, Vantico nido delV Heresia, I'asilo de' mal contenti, e la 

fucina de' piu pernitiosi consigli. Lib. vi. apud 1st. Venez. 
torn. viii. p. 358. 



A. D. 1G19.] ACCOUNT OF THE HUGUENOTS. 147 

tionary Towns, and of the Towns de Mariage de- 
pendent upon them. " The former are occupied by 
Huguenot garrisons in the Royal pay, under the 
command of a General of the same Religion, ap- 
pointed by the King ; the latter, although not gar- 
risoned, claim privileges similar to those enjoyed by 
their principals. The annual disbursements of the 
Royal Treasury for the Huguenot Military Estab- 
lishment, for the payment of Ministers, and for 
various other expences are estimated at 1,100,000 
francs. La Rochelle is not a Cautionary Town, but 
the ancient immunities are so extensive that it may 
be esteemed almost an independent Government. 
It scarcely acknowledges the Royal authority ; it 
has always been connected with Huguenots, and so 
strongly is it fortified, both by nature and by art, 
that its reduction would be a work of lingering and 
difficult accomplishment. 

" Through La Rochelle, the Huguenots maintain 
communication with England ; through Sedan, a 
strong hold of the Duke De Bouillon, with Ger- 
many and the United Provinces ; through Geneva, 
their strictest Ally, with the Swiss Cantons. Their 
own choicest soldiers are levied among the Moun- 
tains of the Cevennes. Of their Leaders, the 
Duke De Bouillon and Marechal Lesdiguieres are 
mentioned as the most distinguished for valour and 
experience ; the former is described as intriguing 
and faithless, the latter as generous and sincere. 
The chief hof)e of the extinction of the Sect is 
founded on their internal dissensions. Lesdiguieres 
is said to be already decrepit ; Bouillon aged and 
infirm ; and the other Leaders are distracted by 
L 2 



148 xxiiid [cH. XXII. 

mutual jealousy ; ' the insane heat of conscience \' 
which at first burned so fiercely among the Hugue- 
nots, is hourly decreasing ; and the great mass of 
the commonalty, which has hitherto been most egre- 
giously deceived, has begun to discover that Religion 
is employed as a stalking horse for Faction." The 
Memoir concludes with a confident anticipation of 
the speedy downfall of " this Hydra of impiety and 
Rebellion," founded on the youth and good disposi- 
tion of the reigning King, on the general prevalence 
of the Catholic Faith, and on the improvement of the 
Clergy in morals, learning, and discipline ^. 

Succeeding events attested the foresight of Benti- 
voglio ; and many collateral authorities establish 
the fidelity of the portrait which he has here 
sketched, after it has been divested of a certain very 
obvious and not unnatural party-colouring. During 
Qpj. J the King's expedition to Bearne, the 
j^^t^'^g XXIIId National Synod assembled at 
Alez, in the Cevennes. It carefully 
avoided any expression of sentiment as to contempo- 
rary Political occurrences ; and, whatever may have 
been the vehemence which, it is said, prevailed in its 

^ Quell' insnno fervor di conscienza, strange words, which we 
translate literally, not quite knowing the sense which the 
Cardinal Nuncio intended to convey by them. 

2 Breve Relatione degli Ugonotti di Francia ; inviata a Roma 
dal Cardinal Bentivoglio in tempo della sua Nuntiatura appresso 
il Re Christianissimo Luigi XIII. all' Illmo. Signor Cardinal 
Borghese, nipote della Santitd, di Nostra Signore Papa Paolo V. 
sotto livij de Novemhre, 1619, in occasione d'una Assemblea Ge- 
nerate che fecero i medesimi Ugonotti allhora in Ludun. Rel. del 
Card. Bentivoglio, p. 245. 



A. D. 1G19.] NATIONAL SYNOD. 149 

debates, its recorded Acts, after a single allusion to 
the "late doleful change happed to the Churches 
of Bearne" as one of the reasons for enjoining a 
General Fast, proceed to the consideration of nume- 
rous other matters. Among these, was the formal 
reception of the Articles of the Synod of Dort ; and, 
as if the Deputies had intended to satirize the Acts 
of their own peaceful Synod of Tonneins, they cha- 
racterised the fierce Belgic Assembly as " a most 
effectual remedy for the Reformation of the Church, 
and the grubbing up of Heresies in the Article of 
Predestination and its dependencies." Not content 
with this signal mark of approval, the Synod framed 
an Oath declaratory of adherence to the Gomarist 
opinions. This formula was subscribed by all the 
Members present ; and it was at the same time de- 
creed, that no person who refused either the Doc- 
trine avowed by the Ministers at Dort, or the Oath 
now authorised by the Huguenot Deputies, should 
be admitted into any office or employment in their 
Schools and Universities \ 



1 " I N. N. do swear and protest before God and this Holy 
Assembly, that I do receive, approve, and embrace all the Doc- 
trines taught and decided by the Synod of Dort, as perfectly 
agreeing with the Word of God and the Confession of our 
Churches. I swear and promise to persevere in the profession 
of this Doctrine during my whole life, and to defend it with the 
utmost of my power ; and that I will never, neither by Preach- 
ing nor Teachings in the Schools, nor by Writing, depart from 
it. I declare also, and I protest that I reject and condemn the 
Doctrine of the Arminians, because it makes God's Election to 
depend upon the mutable will of Man ; and for that it doth 
extenuate and make null and void the Grace of God : it ex- 
alteth Man, and the power of Free Will to his destruction ; it 
reduceth into the Church of God, old ejected Pelagianisme, and 



150 XXIIld NATIONAL SYNCD. [cH. XXII. 

The Acts of the Synod of Alez, relate, for the 
most part, to incidents of merely local and tempo- 
rary interest. The love of minute legislation npon 
which we have more than once before commented, 
again peeped forth in some restrictions upon ap- 
parel. The wives, children, and families of Minis- 
ters were exhorted to refrain from " bravery ;" it 
was objected to some of them, that they " were ex- 
ceeding vain in their habits, fashioning themselves 
according to the world ;" and in order to check this 
growing and notorious scandal, large encouragement 
was offered to Informers ; and the Moderators of 
Colloquies and Provincial Synods were authorised 
even to suspend refractory Pastors from their Minis- 
try ^ Great precaution also was used to prevent 
the contamination of the gown, by an admixture of 
secular learning. When the Province of Dauphine 
inquired whether " a Minister might, together with 
his Ministry, exercise the Profession of Philosophy ?" 
The Assembly solemnly replied that it judged, 
*' that those two Professions are not convenient to 
be discharged at the same time by one man^." In 
a similar tone, it decreed that " a Minister may at 
the same time be Professor in Divinity and of the 
Hehreiv tongue : but it is not seemly for him to 
profess the Greek tongue also ; because the most of 
his employment will be taken up in the exposition 

is a mask and vizard for Popery to creep in among us, under 
that disguise, and subverteth all assurance of Everlasting Life 
and Happiness. And so may God keep me and be propitious to 
me, as I swear all this, without any ambiguity, equivocation, or 
mental reservation." Quick, ch. xii. vol. ii. p. 38. 

1 Ch. v. § 7. p. 7. 

2 Ch. ix. § 16. p. .35. 



A. D. 1619.] POLITICAL ASSEMBLY AT LA ROCHELLE. 151 

of Pagan and Profane Authors, unless he be dis- 
charged from the Ministry \" Yet it might be 
thought that the vernacular Language of the Better 
Covenant offered peculiar claims to the attention of a 
Christian Divine. A trifling deference to the pre- 
judices, perhaps to the follies of high station, de- 
serves notice, as being little in accordance with the 
customary levelling temper of the Calvinistic Dis- 
cipline. On application being made for the better 
ordering of Bans of Marriage, " which are mostly 
attended with titles full of vanity," the Synod re- 
fused to interfere ; " conceiving that such an Ordi- 
nance would not take with persons of quality ; and 
therefore advising them to keep as much as possibly 
they can, within the bounds of Christian modesty 
and simplicity ^." 

If the Synod of Alez broke up without any formal 
declaration of the wrongs of the Bearnois, such was 
by no means the course pursued by the next Poli- 
tical Assembly. In accordance with their ^^^^ ^^ 
declaration when quitting Loudun, the 
Deputies re-assembled at La Rochelle, without hav- 
ing applied for permission to open any new Meet- 
ing ; asserting their present Session to be no other 
than a continuation of that which had been ad- 
journed on the faith of the Royal promises. The 
violation of those promises ; the lapse of six months, 
during which their grievances, so far from being re- 
dressed, had been left wholly unnoticed ; the Revo- 
lution effected at Bearne ; the frequent infraction of 
almost all their privileges ; and the tyranny of the 

1 Ch. X7. § 4. p. 57. 2 ch. V. § 18. p. 8. 



152 APOSTASY OF LESDIGUIEHES. [cH. XXII. 

Jesuits, formed the chief subjects of their first 
Remonstrance. When they asked the King to allow 
them the privileges which his predecessors Henry III. 
and Henry IV. had confirmed, he replied shortly, 
that the one had acted out of fear, the other out 
of love ; but for his own part, he wished them to 
know, that he neither loved nor feared them \ This 
harsh reply was disregarded ; nor were they shaken in 
their constancy of purpose by the open abandonment 
of one of their most distinguished Leaders. The 
Assembly would have named Lesdiguieres General- 
in-chief of the Reformed, have placed him at the 
head of 20,000 men, and have guaranteed for their 
maintenance a monthly subsidy of 1 00,000 crowns ^ ; 
but the ambitious old man had long cultivated secret 
intercourse with the Court, and cherished hopes of 
attaining the highest dignity in the State. The 
sword of Constable, which had been in abeyance 
during seven years, since the death of Montmorenci, 
was the glittering lure held out for his seduction ; 
and when he had so far im2:>licated himself in the 
toils, that retreat was impossible, means were found 
to compel him not only to decline the proffered dig- 
nity, but even to solicit the King to bestow it on De 

1 Howell b. i. §. 2. p. 108. Benoit, torn. iii. p. 269. ascribes 
this speech to Louis XIV. ; but notwithstanding the frequent 
inaccuracy in the dates of Howell's Letters (so frequent and so 
distinctly proved by the evidence of their contents, as to create 
a suspicion, that in many instances they have been supplied by 
the Editor), it is plain that he reported the words many years 
before the birth of Louis XIV. Voltaire notices it as un tr^s 
pen de chose recorded of Louis XIV. Siecle de Louis XIV. 
ch. xxviii. 

2 Benoit, torn. ii. p. 324. 



A. D. 1620.] DE LUINES CONSTABLE. 153 

Luines \ Never did any renegade receive a meaner 
price for his dishonour ! He accepted the appoint- 
ment of Marechal-General of the Royal camps and 
armies ; and was content to act as Lieutenant to a 
Constable who had never witnessed an engagement, 
and who was incompetent to superintend a battalion 
through its parade evolutions. 

There can be little doubt, that De Luines, thus 
unacquainted vdth the field, would have made many 
sacrifices to avoid the last resort of war, notwith- 
standing his elevation to superior military command, 
and the obstinate disclaimer with which the Assem- 
bly continued to meet the King's commands. But 
there were many fiery spirits in the Court, panting 
for distinction in arms. The Pope and the Clergy 
blindly pressed the extermination of Heresy ; Spain, 
whose influence in the Cabinet was now strong (in 
consequence of the marriage of Louis with the In- 
fanta Anne of Austria, and of his sister Elizabeth 
with the Infant Philip), encouraged the revival of 
Civil dissension in a Kingdom which it had always 
been her policy to weaken ; and the facility with 
which Government had suppressed an insurrection in 
Bearne appeared to promise a similar triumph over 
the other Huguenots. The Citizens of that State, 
impatient under their recent change, and encouraged 
by the demonstrations of the Assembly at La Ro- 
chelle, had shown unequivocal symptoms of revolt. 
But they had miscalculated their powers of resist- 
ance ; and the Duke D'Espernon, who was des- 



^ Le Mercure Frangois, torn. vii. p. 276. Bentivoglio writing 
in 1620, calls Lesdiguieres Ugonotto piu di Stato che di coscienza. 
Letter e, p. 186. 



154 HOSTILITIES [CH. XXII. 

patched for their reduction, within two months over- 
ran the whole Country, almost without bloodshed or 
opposition. 

The Court therefore was well prepared for hostili- 
ties, and unhappily, an equally martial temper in- 
duced the Huguenots to decline accommodation. 
The pacific counsels of Du Plessis were attributed 
to a failure of vigour consequent upon his advanced 
age ; or, yet more falsely and unworthily, to views 
of personal interest. Even when Bearne proved in- 
competent to her own defence ; when Lesdiguieres 
avowed that he would bear arms against the Faith 
which he had not as yet openly deserted ; when 
Bouillon declined the command of their armies ; the 
Deputies rashly persisted in their defiance of the 
Royal authority. One of their measures was a new 
military distribution of the Provinces. The King- 
dom was now parcelled into eight Circles ; each of 
which was placed under the control of a separate 
General : Soubise, La Tremouille, La Force, and 
his sons Rohan and Chatillon, were the efficient 
Chiefs * : the Assembly reserved for itself a para- 
mount authority, and to its Ordinances and Commis- 
sions was appended a Seal, emblematic of independ- 
ence 2. 



^ The constitution of the Circles is fully described in Le 
Mercure Frangois torn. vi. p. 311. 

2 The legend on this Seal is given doubtfully. By some it 
is read Pour Christ et pour son Tropeau ; by others Pour 
Christ et pour le Roy. Notwithstanding the great verbal differ- 
ence, it can scarcely be doubted that the Assembly in either 
case equally intended to disclaim the Royal authority. Nei- 
ther the Ligue in France, nor the Parliament in England, in 
the first instance, avowed Rebellion. 



A. D. 1621.] RENEWED. 155 

The first acquisition of the King was 
obtained by a signal act of perfidy. The 
Duke of Bouillon, although excusing himself from 
participation in actual warfare, under the pretext of 
infirmity, had given some important advice to the 
Assembly. He had little doubt that the Royal 
army would be unwilling to advance upon Saintonge, 
while so strong a hold as Saumur, the most impor- 
tant Pass on the Loire, was in possession of the 
Huguenots in its rear ; and he calculated that, by 
re-inforcing Du Plessis, war might either be altoge- 
ther prevented, or at least might be confined within 
a narrower compass. He recommended therefore 
that 6000 men should be marched at once to Sau- 
mur : but some mistake or some dissension ob- 
structed the movement ; Saumur was left unpro- 
vided with troops, money, and stores ; and when it 
was too late to remedy this great error, the Assem- 
bly discovered that their dilatoriness had been 
fatal. 

The King had quitted Paris early in 
April, and before the close of the month 
he had published from Fontainebleau a new Decla- 
ration against the Assembly, announcing his inten- 
tion of visiting the disturbed Provinces ; and pro- 
mising continued protection to all the Reformed who 
should remain unshaken in their allegiance \ At 
the beginning of May, he proceeded to Tours, in 
order to suppress a sedition occasioned by the pu- 
nishment of some delinquents who had been engaged 
in outrages upon the Reformed^. When in that 

' Benoit, torn. ii. Preuves, p. 53. 

- A particular account of the funeral of the Huguenot Mar- 



156 TREACHEROUS OCCrPATION [cH. XXII. 

City, having received intelligence of the advice given 
by Bouillon (for the Huguenot Assembly was beset 
with spies ^), he advanced with a large force upon 
Saumur ; where Du Plessis made the customary 
preparations for his reception at Chappes, the spot 
which on all former occasions had been occupied by 
the Court. As a matter of form, it was usual that 
the Huguenot garrisons of Cautionary Towns should 
be cantoned without the walls during a Royal visit. 
But the disturbed appearance of the times demanded 
more than ordinary wariness ; and Du Plessis for- 
bore from tendering this mark of respect, till he had 
received distinct and solemn promises from the Con- 
stable, from Lesdeguieres, and from the King him- 
self, that the immunities of Saumur should be pre- 
served inviolate ; and that after a short abode, the 
town should be restored to its Governor, without 
any infringement of its privileges ^. 

No sooner, however, had the troops withdrawn 
from the Castle, than Du Plessis was com- 

May 17. 

manded to admit the Royal Train within 

tin, who seems to have been a very sorry fellow, and even the 
Vaudeville sung by the children in mockery of him, which 
occasioned this tumult, may be found in Le Mercure Francois, 
tom. vi. p. 291. 

^ Le Mercure Francois, tom. vi. p. 304. 

~ The Constable expressed himself respecting the Castle of 
Saumur, quHl rHy seroit non plus touche qu'a la prunelle de Vceil, 
et qu'il donna sa parole, de mesme sa Majeste, de sa propre 
bouche ; ce qui estoit aussi confirme par M. de Lesdiguieres. La 
Vie de Du Plessis Mornay, liv. iv. p. 599. Howell had a clear 
foresight of the intended treachery. " The French King is in 
open war against them of the Religion ; he hath already cleared 
the Loire by taking Jerseau and Saumur, where M. Du Plessis 
sent him the keys, which are promised to be delivered him 
again, but I think ad Grcecas Calcndas." B. i. §. 3. p. 120. 



A. D. 1621.] OF SAUMUR. 157 

its gates, under a pretence that the Court was too 
numerous for any other quarters. Not even a single 
apartment was reserved for the accommodation of 
his own family ; his library was plundered ; his 
cabinets were ransacked in search of papers which 
might compromise his safety ; and after the silver 
clasps had been torn from a splendid series of his 
Works, some of them written with his own hand, the 
rest printed on vellum, and all enriched with copious 
marginal notes, several of the volumes were tossed 
into the Castle ditch \ He was quickly given to 
understand that the King, intending to retain 
military possession of Saumur, was at the same time 
willing to indemnify the Governor for his private 
losses ; and all the arrears wliich were owing to him 
by the Government, 100,000 crowns in addition, 
and the Baton of a Marechal, were the terms pro- 
posed. But he indignantly replied, that he would 
never bargain with his Sovereign, being always pre- 
pared to render him fitting obedience ; all that he 
sought in return, was adherence to the promises 
which it had been the King's pleasure to offer, that 
he would not innovate in Saumur ; a matter not 
less important to the Royal service, than to his own 
private interests ; " Never," he continued, " was I 
assailed by a bribe ; — had I loved money, I might 
have been in possession of millions ; and as for dig- 
nities, I was always more solicitous to deserve than 
importunate to demand them. Neither in honour 
nor in conscience, can I sell the liberty and security 
of others ^" 



^ La Vie de Du Plessis Mornay, liv. iv. p. 614. 

2 Id. liv. iv. p. 606. Mem. et Corresp. 4to. torn. iv. p. 657- 



158 RETIREMENT OF DU PLESSIS. [cH. XXII. 

These remonstrances at the dishonourable breach 
of faith so recently pledged, and at the compromise 
by which it was endeavoured to make the Governor 
a seeming participator in the treacherous outrage 
thus offered to the Reformed, were wholly ineffec- 
tual. Saumur was occupied by a Royal garrison ; 
and Du Plessis was compelled to retire to privacy, 
in which he spent the short remainder of his high- 
minded and spotless career, exposed to unmerited 
obloquy and mortification. Justice, indeed, was 
rendered to his memory, even by those heated spirits 
which had accused him of collusion, when at his 
death it was perceived that so far from having been 
recompensed for any voluntary abandonment of his 
trust, he had in truth become impoverished by the 
large contributions which he had ever readily ad- 
vanced for the public service. No brighter example 
than that which Du Plessis affords, is exhibited to 
us by History. His lot fell upon evil times, and 
was cast in a perverse generation ; and of the pas- 
sions and intrigues which distracted his Country, he 
was seldom permitted to remain a calm and uncon- 
cerned spectator. More than half a century, indeed, 
was spent by him in active collision with turbulent 
events, and in unremitting endeavours to direct and 
guide them to the advantage of his brethren. Dis- 
cretion in the Cabinet ; valour in the field ; a judg- 
ment alike unclouded by prejudice and undazzled by 
ambition ; purity of morals in his own person, and 
a steady, although not a censorious reprobation of 
vice in others, even when it sought shelter in high 
places, have rendered Du Plessis peculiar, and al- 
most alone, in the station which he occupies among 
great public men. Those qualities have evinced 



A. D. 1621.] DECLARATION AGAINST LA ROCHELLE. 159 

moreover, (if, indeed, the fact could ever be doubted, 
unless by the shallowness of the scoffer), that supe- 
riority in Political wisdom is fully compatible with 
strict adherence to the promptings of Religion ; and 
that in order to obtain eminent distinction as a 
sound and practical Statesman, it is by no means 
requisite to surrender the principles of a sincere and 
fervent Christian \ 

On the King's advance, a final Declaration was 
issued from Niort, proclaiming La Rochelle, in 
which the proscribed Assembly still continued its 
Sittings, and St. Jean D'Angely, which was known 
to be preparing for resistance, to be in a state of 
open Rebellion. All their privileges were annulled, 
and all intercourse with them was forbidden. Every 
Huguenot in the Kingdom also, however eminent 
might be his degree and station, was enjoined to 
present himself forthwith before the Magistrates of 
his District, and in their presence to renounce the 
Assembly, to disavow its Acts, and to declare his 
readiness to serve against it at the King's bidding ^. 

Intimidated by menaced punishment, devoid of 

^ Du Plessis Mornay died on Nov. 11, 1623, in the 74th year 
of his age, A very interesting narrative of his last moments is 
given at the end of La Vie, &c. p. 705. In the picture which 
it offers of his constancy and piety, we are forcibly reminded 
of some words employed by himself in a Letter written to M. 
d'Aersens a few years before, (1612). En tout cas,j'ai appris 
en bienfaisant de me remettre en Dieu. Et si je ne scais pas si 
bien Vart de vivre au monde que quelques autres, en recompense 
j'ai estudic a bien mourir. Tom. xi. p. 410. 

2 Benoit, tom. ii. Pretives, p. 56, The final clause was very 
rigidly executed. Subscription was demanded even from the 
Duke of Sully and his Son, the Marquis of Rosny. Id. tom. ii. 
p. 359. 



160 ST. JEAN d'aNGELY CLAIRAC. [CH. XXII. 

power to resist, or bribed into submission, every 
Cautionary Town on the Royal march opened its 
gates on the first summons, and was repaid for this 
cowardice by the destruction of its military defences. 
For a time, no battle was fought, except on paper ; 
and the Apologij of the Assembly inveighing against 
the Jesuits, reciting the Acts of the Deputies, and 
unveiling the artifices of the Court, was answered 
by a Manifesto, bearing the King's name, but not 
stamped with Official marks of authority ; and 
tracing every calamity under which the Kingdom 
had groaned for the last sixty years to the machina- 
tions of the Huguenots. 

St. Jean D'Angely was the first place which op- 
posed the progress of the King. The Duke of Sou- 
bise defended it bravely for nearly a month, and did 
not capitulate till almost every building in the town 
had been ruined by the cannonade of the Besiegers '. 
The terms of surrender, however, were vaguely 
couched, and the Citizens preserved little except 
their lives : their separate privileges were abolished, 
and their fortifications were rased. At Clairac, 
which surrendered at discretion after a brief invest- 
ment, some executions were permitted ^ ; and with 
yet greater cruelty, a part of the garrison was put 
to death in cold blood. To an incident during the 
short siege of that Town is referred one, and per- 
haps not the least probable origin of a name, which 
for awhile prevailed in many parts of France over 
that of Huguenot ; and which appears to have been 

^ Vie du Card, de Richelieu, torn. i. liv. i. p. 87- 
2 A Minister named La Fargue, his Father, and his Father- 
in-law, were among the sufferers. Vie de Du Plessis Mornay, 
liv. iv. p. 630. 



A. D. 1621.] UNSUCCESSFUL SIEGE OF MONTAUBAN. 161 

resented by those upon whom it was fixed, as far the 
more contumelious of the two. In order to recog- 
nize each other during a night-sortie, the garrison 
wore shirts over their armour ; and the besiegers by 
whom they were repulsed called them in derision 
Parpaillots, the Provincial word used in Guyenne 
and Languedoc for Papillons or Butterflies ^ 

Montauban was the next object of attack, and 
there the tide of victory was arrested. La Force, 
who, in conjunction with the Count D'Orval, a Son 
of the Duke of Sully, commanded the garrison, de- 
fended himself with skill and vigour ; and numerous 
assaults directed by the Constable in person, and 
in the presence of the King, were invariably unsuc- 
cessful. After considerable loss of men and of some 
distinguished ofiicers, among whom was the Duke 
of Mayenne ^ the Royal army, unable to prevent 
the Duke of Rohan from throwing in a powerful 
relief, was compelled to abandon the Siege, and to 
withdraw from its lines by night. The watchfires, 

^ Benoit, torn. ii. p. 401. Three other origins of the term 
are there given ; one from the facility with which the Hugue- 
nots allowed themselves to be entrapped during the St. Bartho- 
lomew, fluttering like moths, as it were, round a candle ; another 
from the well known white scarves worn by the adherents of the 
Bourbon Princes ; and a third in ridicule of the dying confi- 
dence of the Protestant Martyrs, that their souls would wing 
their flight to Heaven. The word is used by Rabelais ; but 
Benoit asserts that there is not any proof of its application to 
the Huguenots before the time of Louis XIII. Menage pro- 
poses the Greek (pdWr] as its type. 

2 Killed by a musket shot in the eye. Mem. de De Pontis, 
tom. i. p. 127. Chamier, the Civic Professor of Theology, was 
the chief personage who fell among the besieged. Benoit,, 
tom. ii. p. 376. 

VOL. III. M 



162 DEATH OF DE LUINES. [cH. XXII. 

which had been carefully lighted before the signal 
was given for retreat, deceived the garrison, and they 
stood to arms, expecting an assault, till the enemy 
was beyond pursuit \ Nevertheless, we are told 
that they had augured speedy deliverance on the 
very evening on which the King broke up, from 
hearing the commencement of Psalm Ixviii played 
on the flute by one of their Soldiers ^. The most 
important result of this Siege, was the death of the 
Prime Minister De Luines. Chagrined at the 
failure, which was mainly attributed, and perhaps 
with justice, to his want of Generalship ; and appre- 
hensive of the loss of Royal favour, an event already 
prognosticated by the coldness of his fickle Master, 
he languished under a fever which, before the close 
of the year, terminated his life, and probably saved 
him from the mortification of dismissal ^. 

During the investment of Montauban, the Hugue- 
nots in Paris and its neighbourhood had been me- 
naced with great danger. The name of Guise still 

^ The Siege of Montauban is related at considerable length 
by the Sieur De Pontis, an officer who served during it in the 
Royal army ; and who, at very considerable personal risk, made 
the final reconnoissance which induced the King to retire. 
Voltaire in his preliminary Catalogue of Writers in the Age of 
Louis XIV., discredits the authority of the Memoires of De Pontis 
(upon whose very existence he expresses a doubt), which he 
says were written by Du Fosse of the Port Royal. 

2 Benoit, torn. ii. p. 377- 

2 In Le Mercure Frangois, tom. vii. pp. 884 — 889, may be 
found two justificatory Letters which De Luines printed. The 
first of these, addressed to the Duke of Montbazon, describes in 
strong terms the extreme misery endured by the army ; and 
attributes the failure, partly to the rashness of the Duke of 
Mayenne, partly to the great prevalence of sickness. 



A. D. 1621.] TUMULTS IN PARIS. 163 

possessed unbounded influence in the Capital; and 
when intelligence of the death of Mayenne arrived 
there, the furious rabble prepared to avenge it on the 
peaceable Reformed. Their chief outrages were com- 
mitted at Charenton, in which town they burned 
several private houses and the Huguenot Church 
and Library ; with some loss of lives on both sides \ 
Similar tumults occurred at Paris itself, in the Faux- 
bourg St. Marcel, which was thickly occupied by 
Huguenot Artificers. But the Magistrates and the 
Parliament were not wanting to their duty ; they 
issued an Arret ^, for the especial protection of the 
Reformed ; they condemned to the Galleys two Ring- 
leaders in the tumult of Charenton, and they hast- 
ened the departure of a fanatical Spanish Carmelite, 
Dominic a Jesu Maria, whose preaching had greatly 
contributed to awaken the passions of the rioters. 
That Impostor had arrived a few days before from 
Bavaria, in which Country little short of Divine ho- 
nours had been paid him by the superstitious popu- 
lace. Even the Nobles, sharing in the delusion ex- 
cited by his reputation for miraculous powers, had 
eagerly purloined a shred from his habit, or any rag 
which he had touched, as if it were imbued with heal- 
ing virtue ^. The Reformed were especial objects of 
his virulence; and he denounced them as having 
profanely destroyed the eyes of a figure of the Vir- 
gin, " the Lady of Victory," forming part of a group 
representing the Nativity in a Picture which he bore 
about *. His pretext for visiting Paris was a mis- 

^ Le Mercure Francois, torn. vii. p, 851. 

2 Id. p. 855. 

2 La Vie de Du Plessis Mornay, liv. iv. p. 636. 

* Benoit. torn, ii. p. 379. 

M 2 



164 DOMINIC A JESU MARIA. [ciK XXII. 

sion to the King ; and the Governor of the Capital 
gladly freed himself from so dangerous a resident by- 
expediting his progress to the Royal camp. Sedi- 
tion every where followed in his steps : his entrance 
into Tours was marked by insurrection ; and, had it 
not been for the vigilance of the Authorities, Saumur 
would have been stained with massacre after his 
preaching. Nevertheless, on his arrival in the lines 
before Montauban, he was hailed with enthusiasm ; 
and the rude but superstitious soldiery thronged 
around le Pere bienheureux, as they styled him, when 
he announced a distribution of relics. The Constable 
himself, wearied by his long and unsuccessful enter- 
prise, eagerly applied to him for supernatural aid ; 
and when the Prophet affirmed that the City would 
infallibly yield after 400 rounds of artillery had been 
discharged against the ramparts, both the King and 
De Luines appear to have believed that a miracle, 
not inferior to the fall of Jericho, was about to be 
wrought before their eyes. " His Majesty," says 
Bassompiere, " ordered me to give the requisite fire, 
which I did. But the enemy," he adds, " did not 
surrender for all that^" 

The death of the Constable De Luines placed, as 
it were, in abeyance, the Favouritism by which the 
weak reign of Louis XIII. was in general so con- 
spicuously marked ; and the King, perhaps galled by 
his recent chains, or pleased with an independence 
wholly new to him, acted during a short period, 
through the ordinary channels of Government. The 



2 Mais les etmemis ne se reiidirent pour cela. Mem. torn. ii. 
p. 186. Le Vassor. liv. xvii. 



A. D. 1622.] MASSACRE AT NEGREPELISSE. 165 

counsels of De Relz and Schomberg', to which he 
chiefly listened, were far from being pacific ; and the 
avarice of the Prince of Conde found gratification in 
the numerous forfeitures w'hich accrued to him through 
the continuation of War. The President Jeannin more 
wisely advised Peace ; and he appealed to the expe- 
rience of past reigns for proofs that the Huguenots 
were far more likely to be weakened during a season 
of repose, than by the most vigorous warfare. Peace, 
as he sagaciously observed, made it their interest to 
conform ; in War, on the other hand, advance of for- 
tune was to be obtained only by resistance. The 
representations of the former party, however, pre- 
vailed, and hostilities were renewed early in the fol- 
lowing Spring ; but we need not pursue 
too closely the painful narration of mutual 
bloodshed. The inhabitants of Negre- j^nes. 
pelisse, a small town near Montauban, in 
the course of the w^inter massacred the Royal garri- 
son of 400 men, in a single night, with circumstances 
of great barbarity ^ ; and, on its second capture, the 
entire population was put to the sword in reprisal ^. 

1 Henri Gondi de Retz, created a Cardinal by Paul V. in 
1G18. Henri de Schomberg, Count of Nanteuil, Superintend- 
ant of the Finances. 

2 Le Mercure Francois, torn. viii. p. 444. 

2 Id. p. 637. It is not possible to exceed the horrors here 
described by a contemporary pen. Tout ce qui se rencontra 
d' homines, petit s et grands, et de femmes et filles passerent par le 
fil d'espee - - - Les Meres tenans leurs enfans s'estans sauvees 
an trovers de la riviere, ne peurent obtenir aucune misericorde du 
soldat qui les attendoit a Vautre bord, et les tuoit. En demie 
heure tout fut extermine dans la ville, et les rties estoient si 
pleines de morts et de sang qu'on marchoit avec peine. Ceux qui 
se sauverent dans le chateau furent constraint le lendemain de se 
rerdre a discretion, et furent tous pendus. 



166 SIEGE OF MONTPELLIER. [CH. XXII. 

No palliation of the like kind was offered for a simi- 
lar cruelty perpetrated at St. Anthonin on 

June 22. , . ■^ ^^ / -, . , 

the river Aveiron ; and m that unhappy- 
place, a gallant defence was the only plea advanced 
for the murder of its garrison and the violation of its 
women ^ Success every where accompanied the 
„ , ^ arms of the Kinor till he undertook the 

September. ^ 

Siege of Montpellier ; and when that town 
continued to hold out after six weeks' investment by 
Louis in person, the repulse at Montauban, in the 
last campaign, was too fresh in remembrance not to 
create apprehensions of a similar result. This delay 
inclined the Court to accommodation ; and Lesdi- 
guieres, who by the renouncement of his Faith had 
now secured the sword of Constable ^, was employed 
to treat with the Duke of Rohan. 

1 Id. p. 649. 

2 The Duke of Rohan expresses himself with powerful con- 
tumely respecting this transaction, Vayant harde sa Religion pour 
la Charge de Co7inestahle de France, liv. ii. p. 141. Having 
swapped his Religion, may, perhaps, be equivalent English. Les- 
diguieres pleaded as a serious excuse for his apostasy a promise 
which he had given many years before to Gregory XV. at that time 
Cardinal Lodovisio, that if ever the one became Pope the other 
should turn Romanist. We have before noticed a similar con- 
tingency proposed in jest by Catherine of Navarre to Du Plessis, 
(vol. iii. p. 16.) The ceremonies on the Conversion of Lesdi- 
guieres are fully described in Le Mercure Francois, tom. viii. 
p. 683, and a few pages onward (698) in the same volume may 
be found an Address to him from the Consistory of Grenoble 
beneath which the Apostate must have writhed in every sinew. 
He did not long enjoy his dignity. After his death, which oc- 
curred on Sept. 28, 1626, in his 84th year, and of which a very 
inflated account is given by a Capucin who attended him {Le 
Mercure Francois, tom. xii. p. 476), the office of Constable 
was suppressed, as conferring power greater than ought to be 
confided to any subject. 



A. D. 1622.] PEACE OF MONTPELLIER. 167 

The general ill fortune of the Huguenots made 
them prompt to negotiate ; for, besides other disas- 
ters, La Rochelle was blockaded both by sea and 
land, and the King of England, although strongly so- 
licited by Soubise, who had crossed the Channel for 
the purpose, declined affording any further assist- 
ance than that of mediation. The Conferences, 
therefore, were brief; a Peace was signed ^^^ ^ 
in the Camp at Montpellier ; and, although 
the King assumed a tone justified by victory, the 
terms were far more lenient than the position of his 
enemies could entitle them to expect. The Edict of 
Nantes formed the basis of the Treaty ; the Roman 
Catholic Religion was declared to be the Established 
Faith of the Kingdom. All new fortresses raised by 
the Huguenots, especially those which had been 
erected on the Isles of Rhe and Oleron, were to be 
demolished ; and hostages were required for the ful- 
filment of this condition. Political Assemblies of 
every denomination were forbidden to the Reformed 
under the penalties of Treason, unless the Royal 
consent were previously obtained for their meeting ; 
and the Consistories, Colloquies, and Synods which 
might still be freely convened, were prohibited from 
discussing any matters of State ^ 

The Prince of Conde, having fruitlessly opposed 
this Peace, retired into Italy before its signature ; and 
the Cardinal of Retz died during the early part of 
the siege of Montpellier. Through the influence of 
the Queen Mother, the Ecclesiastical dignity which 
the latter vacated was immediately bestowed by Gre- 

^ Mem. de Rohan, liv. ii. p. 144. Benoit, torn. li. Preuves, 
p. 61. 



168 RICHELIEU NOMINATED CARDINAL. [cH. XKJU 

gory XV. on the Bishop of Lu^on, henceforth to be 
named as the Cardinal de Richelieu. Large as were 
the strides thus made by Richelieu to power, a consi- 
derable interval elapsed before he succeeded in esta- 
blishing himself as a Member of the Royal Council ^ ; 
and even then, Vieuville, who had overthrown the 
influence of Puisieux, was himself to be supplanted 
by his eleve ^, before the Cardinal's ascendency be- 
came paramount, and Louis submitted to a controul 
which was to terminate only with the life of the most 
illustrious and the most imperious of his Favourites. 
The conditions of the late Peace were but 

1623. 

ill observed, and a rash step taken by Va- 
lence, whom the King had left in command at Mont- 
pellier, raised an excitement which well nigh frus- 
trated the Treaty altogether. Under a pretext that 
the Duke of Rohan was infringing its conditions, 
Valence arrested him, and occasioned no slight 
astonishment and embarrassment to his employers by 
this unauthorized exercise of power ^. Soubise 
menaced instant War, unless his brother were re- 
leased ; and it is said that, at first, some hesitation 
was felt by the Government, whether the prisoner 
should be set free, or should be put to death. A 
sense of honour or a fear of vengeance prevailed ; and, 

^ Richelieu was nominated Cardinal, Sept. 5, 1622: it was 
not till April 9, 1624, that he was appointed Counsellor of State. 
Voltaire has noticed this slow progress in the King's favour as 
affording a proof from internal evidence that Richelieu was not 
the author of the Testament Politique falsely attributed to him. 
Sur Les Moeurs, clxxv. 

^ Foila comme tons ces Favoris se servent fidellement les uns les 
autres. Mim. de Rohan, liv. iii, p. 154. 

' Mem. de Rohan, liv. iii. p. 149. 



A. D. 1623.] ARREST & RELEASE OF D. OF ROHAN. 169 

after a short confinement, Rohan was permitted to 
withdraw. The Duke's preservation, however, has 
been attributed to motives unconnected with State 
policy ; and if Secret History were not always sus- 
picious, we might believe that his enjoyment of 
liberty, perhaps of life, depended upon no more im- 
portant a circumstance, than the representation of a 
Court Ballet. The Duchess of Rohan, who was to 
sustain a part in a Masque for which the young 
Queen had been making brilliant preparations, na- 
turally declined all share in the revel, when she re- 
ceived intelligence of her Husband's danger. If 
she had persisted in her refusal, the Gala must have 
been abandoned ; and the Queen, impatient of so 
great a sacrifice, found means to prevail on Louis to 
remove the obstacle, by signing a warrant for the 
Duke of Rohan's freedom \ 

Among other breaches of the Treaty of Mont- 
pellier, must be reckoned an innovation of no slight 
importance, by which the freedom of the Huguenot 
Synods and Colloquies was considerably impaired. 
Instead of their being permitted to meet without in- 
terference, according to a former guarantee, it was 
enacted that for the future a Commissioner appointed 
by the King or by his Lieutenants, should always be 
present in their Assemblies, in order to regulate their 
discussions and to report them to the Government. 

1 Comme qttelques-uns Vont ecrit, is Benoit's introduction to 
this anecdote, Tom. ii. p. 415. Laval, who probably here, as 
in other places, merely translates from Benoit, refers to Bassom- 
piere without any specific guidance. We have not been able 
to find the story in the Memoires of that Writer. In Le Mercure 
Franfois, tom. ix. p. 428, &c. accounts are given of many 
Ballets celebrated at Court about this time. 



170 xxivth [cH. XXII. 

These officers themselves, indeed, were to be Hu- 
guenots ; but it was easy to perceive, that they would 
either be selected on account of their known attach- 
ment to the Court ; or that countless vexatious 
hindrances might be opposed to their nomination, 
and consequently, to the meeting of the Synod. 

Such proved to be the case, when the 
to XXIVth National Synod was gathered at 

Charenton. Many of the Deputies arrived 
long after the day appointed for opening the Session ; 
and their delay had been occasioned by obstacles 
which the Provincial Governors had raised against 
their respective preliminary Meetings \ 

Some debate arose when Augustus Galland, the 
first Commissioner whom the King appointed, had 
read his Letters of Nomination. Against the indi- 
vidual no objection was likely to be advanced ; he 
was a man of learning and of piety, sincerely at- 
tached to his Religion, a Counsellor of State, and 
Attorney-General for Navarre ^ ; but the office which 
he filled was especially invidious. The Deputies 
resolved that the King's Declaration unjustly 
charged the Colloquies and Synods with having 
exceeded the boundaries assigned to them by Law ; 
and that the benefit of former Edicts was greatly 
retrenched by the new enactment ; and it was 

1 Ch. i. pp. 76, 77. 

2 Galland was a profound Antiquary, and he is known 
among his other Works, chiefly for his Mem. pour L'Hist. de 
Navarre et de Flandres, 1618. We have given his character as 
we find it sketched by Quick, who, probably, had examined it ; 
but it must be confessed, that the Duke of Rohan describes the 
Commissioner in widely different terms, as ?m habile homme, 
mats mercenaire, sans honte et sans conscience. Liv. iv. p. 188. 



A. D. 1623.] NATIONAL SYNOD. 171 

determined that a Remonstrance to this effect should 
be presented to the King. Nevertheless, in order to 
give unquestionable evidence of their duty, obe- 
dience, and loyalty, " they admitted the said Lord 
Augustus Galland among them, that he might be an 
eye and ear-witness of the integrity and uprightness 
of their proceedings and deportments ^" 

The King expressed to this Synod his disappro- 
bation of the Oath which had been taken by the 
Deputies at Alez, in support of the Synod of Dort ; 
and the objections which he raised, cannot be deemed 
captious or untenable. He professed that it was 
not in the smallest degree his intention to impair 
or to alter their liberty with reference to their Faith, 
or to the exercises of their Religion ; but that he 
was displeased that a National Council of any 
Church within his Kingdom, should bind its Pastors 
by a doctrine promulgated in a Foreign State ; that 
of the doctrine itself he took not any cognizance ; 
they might judge of it as they pleased ; but that it 
was his determination, *' that no man should be 
obliged to pin his Faith to another man's sleeve, or 
to swear unto the Faith of a Stranger." The De- 
puties replied, that the tenets of the Synod of Dort 
" did most harmoniously agree" with the Confession 
of their own Church, which had been submitted to 
his Majesty's predecessors ; that the only novelty 
consisted in their being collected and applied as a 
fence and a boundary against errors which of late 
had been diligently propagated ; that his subjects 
had never designed to make him Patron and Pro- 
tector of a new and foreign doctrine ; nevertheless, 

1 Ch. iii. p. ^9. 



172 PRIMROSE AND CAMERON. [cH. XXII. 

" to give all possible contentment and satisfaction" to 
his Majesty, they agreed to rescind, not the Oath 
itself, but the reference which it contained to the 
City of Dort, a dependence and member of a foreign 
Commonwealth \ 

Another objection signified by the King, had a 
personal, rather than a general object. He first 
declared it to be his will, " for some private reasons 
which he need not tell them," that no one, unless 
born within his Kingdom, should ofiiciate in their 
Ministry. One of his reasons, however, as he 
needed not to say, was very evident ; " because his 
natural subjects, who are such by their birth, would 
be more true unto his service than any Foreigners." 
The Deputies answered, that the employment of 
Foreigners had always hitherto been permitted ; and 
that their expulsion " would be so far from preserving 
the Churches, that it would leave some of them desti- 
tute and others desolate." That a multitude of Fo- 
reign Ecclesiastics enjoyed the most honourable and 
profitable Benefices of the Gallican Church ; and, there- 
fore, that his Majesty was most earnestly entreated not 
to draw so severe a distinction between his subjects, 
as to permit those of one Religion to use Strangers, 
and to deny it to the other. The King at first, ac- 
cordingly, consented to the retention of such Foreign 
Pastors as were in actual employment ; but he 
declared it to be his pleasure, that no others should 
be received in future. Nevertheless, he afterwards 
issued orders for the deprivation of two Scotchmen, 
the Sieurs Primrose and Cameron, " lately Ministers 
at Bourdeaux, not so much on account of their 



' Ch. xiv. §1, 2. pp. 95. 97. 



A. D. 1623.] DU MOULIN. 173 

birth as Foreigners, as for reasons concerning the 
public service." Both these Ministers had given 
offence to Government, seven years previously, by 
a dispute in v^hich they had engaged v^^ith the Par- 
liament of Bourdeaux ^ ; and the former had more 
recently proposed some searching questions to the 
Royal Confessor, Arnoux, on the doctrine inculcated 
by the Jesuits, concerning the regicide of excom- 
municated Kings, which it was not likely that vin- 
dictive Body would either forget or leave un- 
punished. 

In consequence of this expression of the King's 
displeasure. Primrose sought employment in Eng- 
land, where he filled the office of Pastor to the 
French Church in London, till his death. Less 
severity was exercised in regard to Cameron, who, 
during the short time which he survived, resided at 
Montauban. A third Minister, of more note than 
either of the above-named, Du Moulin, was also 
proscribed, notwithstanding the Remonstrance of the 
Synod. We have already seen him engaged in con- 
troversy not only with Arnoux, but with Richelieu 
himself ; and in a Letter which he had much more 
recently written to James T. in the vain hope of 
rousing him to some vigorous exertion in defence of 
the Palatinate, he had spoken as if all Protestant 
Europe regarded that Prince as its Supreme Head. 
Either by accident or by treachery, that Letter was 
transmitted to the French Court ; and so criminal 
did it appear, that but for timely warning, Du Moulin 
might have atoned for it with his life. He made his 



^ The Arret of the Parliament of Bourdeaux against Cameron 
is given in Le Mercure Francois, torn. v. p. 40. 



J 74 CANONS OF CIIARENTON. [cH. XXII. 

escape after warrants had been issued for his appre- 
hension, and found protection in Sedan, where he 
continued unmolested till 1650, when he closed a 
life protracted to the unwonted term of 90 years. 

To the Acts of the Synod of Charenton is annexed 
a series of Canons and Decrees " inviolably to be 
observed by all the Churches in the Kingdom ;" and 
intended to supersede the Oath prescribed by the 
Synod of Alez. These Canons include a Hyper- 
Calvinistic Exposition of Predestination, Election, 
Reprobation, and Perseverance ; and not only affirm 
'• the Orthodox doctrine" on those dangerous points, 
but continue, in many words, to reject the opinions 
opposed to it. The Assurance and Perseverance of 
real Saints, we are told, are imprinted on the hearts 
of the Faithful, and abundantly revealed by God in 
His word, to the glory of His name, and the conso- 
lation of pious souls ; nevertheless, it is such a doc- 
trine " as no flesh can comprehend, Satan hates, the 
world laugheth at, the ignorant and hypocrite abuse, 
and is opposed by erroneous spirits ^" The first of 
these reasons may be thought of sufficient weight to 
induce a sound discretion not to investigate this doc- 
trine too curiously. 

jg24 In the Spring of 1 624, Richelieu obtained 

admission to the King's Council ; and al- 
though he was not as yet sufficiently confirmed in 
power to develop the whole of his gigantic plans, the 
depression of the Huguenots formed one share of his 
policy, which, even in the outset, he took little pains 
to disguise. The power of the Reformed had been 
greatly diminished by the recent War ; and it was 

1 Id. p. 148. 



D. 1624.] WAR OF LA ROCHELLE. 175 

yet farther impaired by the deaths of the Marechal 
de Bouillon and of Du Plessis. Our past narrative 
sufficiently attests how irreparable was the void oc- 
casioned by the demise of the latter of these great 
men ; and the former, notwithstanding many errors 
into which he had been betrayed by a too ambitious 
temper, was to be esteemed one of the chief supports 
of The Religion, whether on account of his great mi- 
litary experience, his rich and extensive possessions, 
or his unshaken constancy \ 

The Huguenots every where suffered grievously, 
and their privations are described as having been far 
greater during this short nominal Peace, than while 
hostilities were openly raging ^. The two chief in- 
fractions of the late Treaty, and the immediate os- 
tensible causes of renewed War, were the erection of a 
Citadel in Montpellier, and the reparation instead of 
the demolition of Fort Louis, a strong work about a 
mile from La Rochelle, by which that City was 
menaced. Without sufficient preconcertment, and 
without an-anging a general alliance with the other 
Huguenot communities, the Rochellois, anxious for 
their own safety, applied to the Dukes of Rohan and 
of Soubise, the former of whom undertook their de- 
fence by land, the latter by sea. 

The War which succeeded presents little more 
than a series of petty and detached engagements, 
which it would be difficult to render intelligible, and 
to which, even if understood, it would be impossible 
to attach interest. Instead therefore of attempting a 
vague and indeterminate outline of its military oc- 

^ La Vie de Du Plessis Mornay, liv. iv. p. 697- 
2 Mem, de Rohan, liv. iii. p. 151. 



176 THE PEASANTS OF fOIX. [cH. XXII. 

currences, we prefer selecting from the mass of 
events preserved in the Memoires of the Duke of 
Rohan, two striking incidents, which acquaint us- 
with somewhat of the spirit of the times. 

The chief contest on land was waged in Langue- 
doc and in the adjoining districts, where the Mare- 
chal de Themines commanded a Royalist force of 
h'ttle less than 5000 men \ With these troops, he 
spread terror wherever he advanced ; till on one 
occasion he was checked for two whole days, and 
repulsed, with the loss of forty killed, by the valour 
of no more than seven armed peasants of Foix. 
Those intrepid soldiers had barricaded a sorry mud 
hovel called Chambonnet, near Carlat ; in which 
they maintained themselves, till the approach of 
artillery, and the failure of their own ammunition, 
warned them to attempt retreat. One of their party 
undertook to discover the point at which the hostile 
line could most easily be penetrated ; and on his 
return, having been mistaken for an enemy, he re- 
ceived a musket shot in the thigh from a sentinel of 
the little garrison. Reckless however of his own life, 
he did not hesitate to urge his comrades to that escape, 
the possibility of which he had ascertained, but from 
which his wound would no longer allow himself to 
derive benefit. His brother, by whom the fatal shot 
had been fired, refused to abandon the sufferer whom 
he had unwittingly disabled ; and another relative, 
touched by a similar feeling of affection, determined 
to share his kinsmen's fate. Having assisted the 
retreat of their companions in arms, under shelter of 

^ 4000 homines de pied, et 600 maistres et du canon. Id. liv. 
iii. p. 163. 



A. D. 1624.] GALLANT NAVAL EXPLOIT. 177 

night, the three heroes awaited the dawn ; and when 
at its return, the attack on their weakened fortress 
was renewed, they fell sword in hand, selling their 
lives most dearly. " Their names," says the Duke 
of Rohan (although he has omitted to preserve them), 
" merit a place in History ; their self-devotion may 
challenge comparison with the most memorable deeds 
of antiquity *." It is indeed a story which reminds 
us of the best days of Athens or of Sparta, rather 
than of France and of the XVIIth century. 

In the naval campaign, Soubise, after some very 
gallant actions, found his squadron blockaded by a 
superior force in the narrow channel which separates 
the main land from the Isle of Rhe. The greater 
part of his mariners had already disembarked, and 
on board liis largest ship. La Vierge, (one out of 
several prizes which he had captured by boarding ^) 
only five of his crew were remaining. Among them 
was their Captain, Durant, who, hopeless of resist- 
ance when he perceived four of the Royal squadron 
bearing down at once, jumped with a lighted match 
into the powder-magazine, and by blowing up his 
own ship destroyed those of his enemy also, with a 
loss of 736 men. Incredible as it may appear, two 
out of the five who manned La Vierge, escaped this 
hideous carnage. A gentleman of Poitou, who was 
lying wounded on the deck, prevailed upon his son 
to swim to land a few minutes before the vessel was 
fired ; and he himself was saved, by falling unhurt, 
after the explosion, into one of the boats of the 
enemy ^. 

1 Id. liv. iii. p. 168. 2 Id. liv. iii. p. 156. 

3 Id. liv iii. p. 174. 
VOL. III. N 



178 Pennington's [ch. xxii. 

Soubise was compelled to abandon his enterprise ; 
and this disaster in their immediate neighbourhood 
so far intimidated the Rochellois, that they were 
anxious to profit by a Treaty which the Court was 
prepared to grant to the insurgents in Languedoc ; 
but the ill fortune which dispirited them naturally 
also increased the hopes of their enemies. Richelieu 
indeed had already imagined in his heart the over- 
throw of La Rochelle, and the King was at first 
persuaded to exclude that City from the benefit of 
any Treaty which he might accord to the other 
Huguenots. " All else," he said, " who have taken 
up arms against me, may expect clemency ; for La 
Rochelle it is quite another matter \" But there 
were political reasons which ere long modified the 
violence of this resolution. An alliance had been 
formed with England, the United Provinces, Venice, 
and the Duke of Savoy, against Spain ; and the 
Ambassadors of the first-named Power ^ were most 
urgent for the conclusion of a general Peace with the 
Reformed at home, before the commencement of any 
foreign war. 

The feelings of the People of England in regard to 
the Huguenots had been most unequivocally mani- 
fested in a transaction which occurred during this 
naval blockade of La Rochelle. While James I. 
was treating with the French Cabinet for the mar- 
riage between the Prince of Wales and Henrietta 
Maria, he promised to assist Louis in an attack on 
the Genoese with the loan of a ship of war, and of 
seven armed merchant-vessels. On the accession of 



^ Benoit, torn. ii. liv. ix. p. 453. 

2 The Earl of Holland and Sir Dudley Carleton. 



A. D. 1625. J EXPEDITION. 179 

Charles I., and after the completion of his nuptials, 
this squadron was ordered to proceed to France. 
The merchants appear to have suspected the hateful 
service upon which they were to be really employed ; 
and they lingered behind when Admiral Pennington, 
who was appointed to the chief command, sailed in 
the Vanguard for Dieppe. 

On his arrival at that port, he received i625. 
orders from Louis to give possession of his ^^' 
ship to the French Admiral, together with such 
among his own crew as were willing to assist in the 
blockade of La Rochelle. Pennington, who was a 
brave and honourable man, considered the tenor of 
the instructions which he had received from the 
Duke of Buckingham, enjoining him to obey the 
orders of the King of France, but in no wdse to 
abandon his charge. The surrender of his ship, and 
the dismissal of its company, seemed a violation of 
the latter clause ; and resisting both threats and 
bribery, he resolutely declined compliance. His 
crew proceeded yet farther ; they signed a Round 
Robin, explanatory of their reasons, which they 
placed under their Captain's prayer-book ^ ; and then 
weighed anchor, and sailed at once for England ; 
declaring with nautical bluntness, that " they had 
rather be hanged at home for disobedience, than 
either desert their ships, or give themselves up to 
the French, like slaves, to fight against their own 
Religion ^." 



1 Rushworth, Hist Coll. vol. i. p. .325. 

2 Rushworth, vol. i. p. 175. Hume, (vol. vi. p. 209.) who 
refers to this authority, mistakenly assigns the words to Pen- 
nington, and adds, " sailors, who at present are both careless 

N 2 



180 Pennington's expedition, [ch. xxii. 

The rest of "the Captains and companies" avowed 
their determination to act in like manner, and perse- 
vered, notwithstanding " they were tempted with 
chains of gold and other rewards." But peremptory- 
orders were issued to Pennington for his immediate ] 
return to France ; if the merchant-ships continued ij 
to refuse obedience, he was authorised " to use all j 
means to compel them thereunto, even to their sink- 
ing :" and he was to place both them and the Van- 
guard at the absolute disposal of the King of France. 
It was not, however, till he had used coercion, and 
had even fired at the merchantmen as they were 
making away, that they yielded ; and even then one 
of their Captains broke through and returned to 
England ^ Still their personal service was to be 
voluntary ; and this both " man and boy" refused to 
afford, with the exception of a single gunner, who 
differing from his mates, remained behind, and was 
killed while charging a cannon. When the Duke of 
Buckingham was impeached among other high crimes 

and ignorant in all matters of Religion, were at that time only- 
ignorant," Neither of these assertions appears to be well- 
founded. There is frequently a tincture of superstition about 
sailors, but at present we believe that they are very far from 
being either careless or ignorant in matters of Religion ; and 
assuredly their declining to fight against their own Faith is not 
to be cited as a proof of the latter charge. In his next page, 
Hume affirms, that " the Huguenots had no ground of com- 
plaint against the French Court." The War in which they pre- 
cipitately engaged was, no doubt, far from being politic ; but so 
long as palpable breaches of good faith afford a ground of com- 
plaint, we must continue to believe that they had ample reason 
to be dissatisfied. 

^ Sir Ferdinando Gorge, or George, in the Great Neptune. 
Rushworth, vol. i. p. 323. 



A. D. 1623.] Buckingham's impeachment. ISl 

for a guilty knowledge of this transaction with 
France, the fate of the gunner was especially men- 
tioned by Glanville, one of the Managers of the 
Commons, in his Speech aggravating the charge. 
He added moreover, that it had "been said by some 
of the French, that the Vanguard mowed them down 
like grass, to the great dishonour of the Nation, the 
scandal of our Religion, and to the disadvantage of 
this Kingdom and all Christendom ^" The accused 
denied any " practice or consent" to the employment 
of the squadron against La Rochelle ; and appealed 
to his subsequent intercession with the King of 
France in its behalf, as a proof of his good will 
towards that City. The abrupt termination of the 
Impeachment deprives us of that minute evidence by 
which the charge might have been confirmed or dis- 
sipated ; but upon comparing the only testimonies 
which remain, the full detail of circumstances in 
Glanville's Speech, with the Duke's very brief and 
general answer, it seems plain that the Minister, even 
if unacquainted with the intention of the French 
King beforehand, was fully informed of it by Pen- 
nington on his return from Dieppe ; and conse- 
quently, that by ordering him to resume his station, 
and to surrender his ships, he did not, as he averred, 
*' use all fit and honourable means to divert the 
course of their employment against Rochelle." 

1 Rushworth, vol. i. p. 383. Both Hume and Mrs. Macau- 
lay agree in considering the mention of the gunner to be " fri- 
volous ;" but they differ widely in their estimate of his con- 
duct : the former tells us that " he preferred duty towards his 
King to the cause of Religion ;" the latter considers the death 
of " the miscreant" to have been "just and opportune." Vol. i. 
p. 286. 



182 XXVth NATIONAL SYNOD. [cH. XXII. 

Either shamed by the outcry which this dis- 
graceful expedition had occasioned, or really anxious 
to benefit the Reformed, the English Minister in 
the end laboured to obtain a Peace for La Rochelle. 
The chief stipulations on the part of the French 
Court were that the celebration of the Roman Ca- 
tholic worship should be permitted within its cir- 
cuit, and that Fort Louis should remain undisman- 
tled \ The English Ambassadors, through whose 
mediation the Treaty had been negotiated, affix (" 
their signatures and seals to an Instrument expres- 
1626. ing that their Master guaranteed the 

Feb. 16. Treaty ^ ; and that he had received a 
promise from the King of France to raze Fort Louis, 
so soon as its demolition should appear convenient ^ ; 
an engagement purposely worded with vagueness, 
and productive of much future calamity. 

Sept. 16. "^^^ return of Peace allowed the Con- 

Nov.5. vention of the XXVth National Synod, 
which met at Castres early in the Autumn. The 
King signified his pleasure to the Deputies, that none 
of their Pastors should depart the realm, or receive 
employment from any foreign Prince without having 

^ Vie du Cardinal Richelieu, torn. i. liv. ii. p. 265. Richelieu, 
although he strenuously advocated the Peace, quitted the Coun- 
cil-chamber, in company with the Cardinal of Rochefoucault, 
before the Treaty was signed, in order that he might not ap- 
pear to grant any repose to Heretics. 

2 Mem. de Rohan, liv. iii. p. 184. 

^ En terns convenable. See the Instrument drawn up by the 
Earl of Holland and Sir Dudley Carleton. Benoit, torn, ii, 
Preuves, p. 80. In the Treaty of Peace, with the customary 
French negligence as to foreign titles, the former of these 
Envoys is styled Baron de Kingprington (Kensington). Id. Ibid. 
p. 81. 



A. D. 1626.] AVAR WITH ENGLAND. 183 

first obtained the Royal Licence \ A Catalogue of 
all the Reformed Churches in France, distributed 
under their several Provinces and Colloquies, toge- 
ther with the names of their Pastors, is appended to 
the Acts of this Synod ; from which it appears that, 
exclusive of Bearne, there were 623 Churches, 
arranged under 58 Colloquies, and served by 638 
Ministers. Not a few however of the Churches are 
entered as " destitute ^." 

The personal motives which induced Buckingham 
to engage his Country in an unexpected War with 
France have been often explained, and appear to pos- 
sess stronger claims upon our belief than Secret His- 
tory in general is able to advance ^. It is not here 
that they need be discussed : it is enough for our 
purpose to state, that the Duke of Soubise, who con- 
tinued in London, prevailed upon Charles to declare 
himself the Protector of the distressed Huguenots ; 
and to insert in the State Paper which announced 
his reasons for breaking with Louis, a charge of nu- 
merous violations of the recent Treaty. The King 
of England, it was said, had guaranteed that Peace ; 
and the King of France, contrary to its Articles, had 



1 Ch. iii. p. 162, 

2 Ch. viii. p. 166. 

3 The narrative of Clarendon (vol. i. p. 38) and of Madame 
de Motteville {Mem. torn. i. p. 16), from which we chiefly de- 
rive our knowledge of the passion which Buckingham affected to 
entertain for Anne of Austria, are skilfully interwoven with each 
other by Mr. Brodie. Hist, of the British Empire, vol. ii. pp. 139 
— 142. See also. Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 20, and the 
allusion to quelques folks amours. Mem. de Rohan, liv. iv. 
p. 209. 



184 Buckingham's expedition [ch. xxii. 

blocked up the towns, garrisons, and fortresses of 
his Protestant subjects, notwithstanding they had 
preserved his Edicts unbroken '. 
June 27. Invested with extraordinary powers, 
^^^^- both as Admiral of the Fleet and Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Land Forces, Buckingham 
sailed with a hundred ships and seven thousand sol- 
diers, nominally for the relief of the Palatinate, but, 
in the first instance, for the occupation of La Ro- 
chelle. So rashly had this expedition been under- 
taken, that no previous arrangement for its reception 
had been negotiated with the City which it was in- 
tended to relieve ; and on the appearance of this 
large armament off the port, the Rochellois 
closed their gates, and refused admission to 
strangers, concerning whose ultimate object they 
professed themselves doubtful and uninformed. True 
it is that they had been much aggrieved, and that 
in common with all the Huguenots of France they 
groaned under oppression. But no preparation had 
been made for a confederate rising ; any immediate 
declaration of War would be followed by the certain 
loss of their harvest, not yet gathered in ^ ; they 
were overawed by the neighbouring fortresses and 
garrisons ; and the King was known to be at the 
head of a numerous and well-appointed army, which 
might at any moment be directed against their walls. 
Above all, there was a strong party in the town, 
which the Court had found means to influence, and 



^ Rushworth, vol. i. p. 425. 

2 Buckingham to Lord Conway, July 28. Hardwicke State 
Papers, vol. ii. p. 28. 



A. D. 1627.] TO THE ISLE OF RHK. 185 

which skilfully profited by the fears and doubts of 
its fellow Citizens, in order to gain time for commu- 
nication with its employers \ 

While Soubise endeavoured to persuade the Ro- 
chellois to consult their own safety by admitting the 
English as allies ^, Buckingham employed himself in 
a fruitless and unskilful descent on the Isle of Rhe ^. 
Having effected a landing, and chased the Governor 
De Toiras into his Citadel of St. Martin, after a 
severe contest and heavy loss, he permitted its garri- 
son, which it is said ought to have been subdued in 
a few days* , to resist him for three months. Even 
when the exhaustion of provisions, in consequence 
of a long blockade, seemed to ensure surrender, the 
retention of a petty fortress near the landing-place, 
which the English General had unaccountably neg- 
lected, enabled the besieged to receive supplies. 



1 Mem. ^e Rohan, liv. iv. p. 211. 

2 The admission of Soubise and Sir W. Beecher, Bucking- 
ham's Secretary, was postponed for a whole day in consequence 
of a Fast which the Rochellois were keeping at the time of their 
arrival. Id. p. 217- 

' The Isle of Rhe is well described, Id. p. 225. 

* Place a qnatre bastions non encore parfaite, sans aucuns 
ceuvrages de dehors. Mem. de Rohan, liv. iv. p. 223. Nani 
translates these words, and adds, dentro mal munito di viveri e 
con poco presidio. Hist. Tenet, lib. vi. torn. i. p. 357. Apris 
avoir assiege trois mots un Fort qui ne devoif tenir que huit jours. 
Vie du Card. Richelieu, torn. i. liv. ii. p. 348. Buckingham, 
however, in his own Despatch to Lord Conway (July 28), calls 
St. Martin " a place of great strength, invincible if once per- 
fected, and in this imperfect state that it now stands, is so 
strong that the shortest way to take it is by famine." Hard- 
wicke State Papers, vol. ii. p. 28. 



18G Buckingham's disastrous retreat, [ch. xxii. 

The lateness of the season, the failure of Ids 
stores, and the diminution of his forces by sickness 
and casualties, were cogent reasons with Buckingham 
for raising the siege ; and after one more 
unsuccessful assault, in which he lost both 
men and honour, he prepared to re-embark. Under 
cover of the smaller fortress, the enemy had landed 
a considerable force ; and while the English were 
embarrassed on a narrow causeway, (terminated by a 
bridge which connected Rhe with the little Island of 
Oie, whence they were to proceed on shipboard), a 
brisk attack threw their rear into confusion. They 
were destitute of artillery, which had been embarked 
some weeks before ^ ; no defences had been con- 
structed to protect the line of march ; the cavalry 
taking to flight, trampled down the foot which pre- 
ceded it ; and those slain, trodden to death, or 
drowned in the river, and in the saltpans which 
flanked the causeway, amounted to scarcely fewer 
than two thousand souls. Buckingham, to employ 
the language of a writer not inclined to press too 
heavily upon his memory, " returned totally discre- 
dited both as an Admiral and a General, and bring- 
ing no praise with him but the vulgar one of courage 
and personal bravery ^." These, indeed, are but 

^ Expeditio Buckinghamii Ducis in Ream Insulam, p. 94. 
This History was written by Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury 
from Buckingham's own communications, and was chiefly in- 
tended to controvert the statements by Isnard in his Arcis Sam- 
martmiance Obsidio. 

2 Hume, ch. 1. ad fin. Buckingham's retreat is minutely de- 
scribed in a Letter from Denzel Hollis to Sir Thomas Wentworth 
(the Earl of Strafford). Strafford's Letters and Declarations, 



A. D. 1627.] SIEGE OF LA ROCHELLE. 187 

slight extenuations, since the careless and the pre- 
sumptuous are surely bound not to regard their own 
safety more than they do that of others. 

The tardy Declaration which the Rochellois had at 
length issued in Buckingham's favour, seemed framed 
for no other purpose than to heighten the disgrace of 
their abandonment, and to afford the French Court a 
fair pretext for the severity with which it visited 
their revolt. The King, who, during the early part 
of the late invasion had been confined by illness, 
strenuously addressed himself throughout the whole 
follo"wing wnnter to preparations for the conquest of 
La Rochelle. The Dukes of Rohan and of Soubise 
were proclaimed traitors ; and the Parliament of 
Toulouse, exceeding its authority, which did not 
extend over Peers of France, sentenced the former 
to be degraded from his rank, and to be torn asun- 
der by four horses ; offered fifty thousand crowns for 
his head, and promised to ennoble any one M'ho would 
perpetrate his assassination ^ Both the King and 
the Cardinal Richelieu personally superintended the 
lines of circumvallation with w^hich La Rochelle was 
surrounded in a huge circuit of nine miles ; and the 
latter, in common with the other Generals, assumed 
the command of a particular division, and directed 
the movements of his Brigade. But the reduction of 



vol. i. p. 41. Among the Harleian MSS. (6988) are several 
Letters from Charles I. to Buckingham, in which the King 
approves his Minister's conduct, and throws the blame of this 
unfortunate expedition upon the inadequacy of his supplies, and 
the conduct " of them at home." 
^ Mem. de Rohan, liv. iv. p. 227. 



188 THE MOLE AT [CH. XXII. 

the City appeared hopeless while its communications 
remained open by sea ; and the powerful genius of 
Richelieu, equally adapted to the field and to the 
Cabinet, planned and executed a gigantic work, 
which has been fitly compared to the similar opera- 
tion of Alexander before Tyre. The tides or ihe 
tempests had hitherto destroyed every barricade with 
which the ingenuity of professed engineers ^ had en- 
deavoured to obstruct the entrance of the port ; but 
Richelieu, selecting a spot beyond the range of can- 
non from the walls, resolved to bridge the 740 toises 
of channel^ by a solid Mole with a single central 
opening. A framework of huge piles was filled up 
with unhewn and uncemented stones ; about sixty 
hulks laden with similar Cyclopean masonry were 
sunk to answer the purpose of buttresses ; till the 
structure, decreasing pyramidally from a base of 
12 toises to a crest of 4, towered above the highest 
water-mark, and presented a platform continually dry 
for the sentinels by whom it was occupied. One 
arm of this huge dyke overlapped the other, so that 
the entrance, instead of being in front, was lateral. 
Two jettees flanked its channel ; and a stoccade of 
piles (named chandeliers), disposed in advance, and 

^ Pompeo Tragone is mentioned by Nani as having expended 
much time to little purpose on this attempt. He is described 
rather as a clever Theorist than as a practical Engineer, piu 
famoso per V hiventioni die felice per Veffetto, lib. vi. torn. i. 
p. 359. An account of a chain thrown across the harbour is 
given in Le Mercure Francois, tom. viii. p. 783. 

2 Arcere Hist, de la Rochelle, tom. ii. p. 268, note, from actual 
measurement. Arcere (from whom we have borrowed the an- 
nexed cut) gives a very detailed account of the Mole. 



A. D. 1627.] 



LA ROCHELLE. 



18<> 



interlaced with chains, appeared to preclude all pas- 
sage. 




190 INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPT AT RELIEF. [CH. XXII. 

When Louis, fatigued by a seven months' cam- 
1628. paign returned to his Capital, he nominated 
the Cardinal his Lieutenant-General in the 
armies of Poitou, Saintonge, Angoumois, and D'Au- 
nis ^, and instructed all his Marechals to yield as 
full obedience to the militant Ecclesiastic, as they 
would do to himself if present. Much hope was en- 
tertained by the besieged that the spring-tides of the 
vernal Equinox, might sweep away the Mole, now 
gradually attaining its formidable completion ^ ; but 
the labour of a few days repaired the trifling damage 
which it suffered ; and the artillery mounted upon its 
face, the batteries which enfiladed the port from its 
opposite abutments, and the fleet moored at its en- 
trance promised defiance to any attempt which the 
English might hazard for its destruction. 

Richelieu, forewarned that his enemies had sailed, 
urged the Kind's return : and Louis was 

May 11. . 

present when the Earl of Denbigh ^ ap- 
peared in the offing, with a fleet of ninety vessels, 
more than half of them being ships of war. During 
seven days, foul weather prevented the 
English Admiral from commencing his 
operations ; on the eighth, he discovered that his 
ships drew too much water to approach the City ; and 
having discharged a broadside at the French squa- 
dron, he tacked, and sailed away. A single sloop, 
under cover of night, penetrated into the harbour, 
and landed there her pittance of supply, which seemed 

^ Vie du Card. Richelieu, torn. i. p. 365. 

2 Vitt. Siri. Memorie recondite, torn. vi. p. 360. 

2 Le Comte d'Emby, or d'Embey, as the French writers call 
him. Nani incorrectly says, that II Conte d'Embii had the 
command of /a terzafiotta, lib. vii. torn. i. p. 392. 



A. D. 1628.] FIRMNESS OF THE ROCHELLOIS. 191 

rather a mockery than a relief to the starving inha- 
bitants ^ 

Yet neither the bitterness of this disappointment, 
nor the intelligence of Buckingham's assassination at 
the moment in which he M-as preparing a renewed 
attempt for their relief, diminished the constancy of 
the Rochellois. In spite of the ravages of disease and 
famine, they declined all overtures from the Cardi- 
nal, determined to await the chance of succour still 
promised by England, and of the injury which a 
stormy autumn might inflict upon the Mole. The 
Mayor, Guiton, was distinguished by his firmness, 
and he shut his ears to the clamours of a Faction 
which perpetually urged surrender. The Leaders of 
that party, in the hope of exciting a strong sympathy 
among the populace which might compel its Magis- 
trates to their purpose, one night assembled a crowd 
of women, children, and aged persons, of all who 
consumed stores without contributing to defence, 
and drove them beyond the walls. As this wretched 
band approached the lines of the besiegers at dawn, 
they were repulsed by musquetry ; and the King, 
forgetful of the example afforded by his Father under 
similar circumstances during the investment of Paris, 
pursued them even to the Glacis on which they 
sought scanty nourishment from grass and roots, till 
they were re-admitted within the City ^. 

^ A most piteous Letter from the Rochellois to Charles I., 
written after Denbigh's retirement is given by Meruault. Hist, 
de la derniere Siege de la Rochelle, p. 1 72. 

2 Vitt. Siri. Mem. rec. torn. vi. p. 442. Fie du Card. Riche- 
lieu, torn. i. p. 377- Meruault, p. 196, speaks only of some 
stragglers who were driven in ; but he adds, that the besiegers 
violated the women, and then stripped them naked. 



192 MERUAULT S JOURNAL [cH. XXII. 

A lively portraiture of the miseries to which the 
besieged were exposed, is afforded to us in a Journal 
kept by one of the sufferers. Pierre Meruault, a son 
of the chief artillery-officer in the garrison, was a 
youth about twenty years of age at the time of the 
Siege, and from his own Memoranda and his father's 
communications, we obtain as intimate a knowledge 
of the condition of La Rochelle as similar means 
have before afforded us of the calamities of Sancerre, 
So early as the close of June, he tells us in a few 
words which comment would only weaken, " in short 
from this moment the famine began to be horrible ^" 
He then presents an odious Catalogue of the substi- 
tutes for food to which the pangs of hunger com- 
pelled resource ; adding that the prevalent disease 
resembled scurvy, and carried off daily between two 
and three hundred victims ^ In some instances, the 
approach of dissolution was so marked, and yet so 
gradual, that the dying almost predicted the hour in 
which they should cease to exist ; and of two Eng- 
lishmen who are mentioned as having ordered their 
coffins to be ready at a given time, one was already 
a corpse, the other was in his last agony when the 
astonished maker carried his work home^. 

One touching incident is recorded by Meruault 
with great simplicity. He gives the names of the 
parties chiefly concerned, with whom he was per- 
sonally well-acquainted ; and the narrative is marked 
by an air of truth which renders its authenticity 
undoubted. During the height of calamity among 



' Bref dis ce temps la famine commen^a d'estre horrible. 
p. 184. 
3 Id. p. 239. » Id. p. 138. 



A. D. 1628.] THE WIDOW OF PROSNI. 193 

the Rochellois, some charitable individuals who had 
previously formed secret magazines, relieved their 
starving brethren, without blazoning their good 
deeds. The relict of a merchant named Prosni, who 
was left with the charge of four orphan children, 
had liberally distributed her stores, while any thing 
remained, among her less fortunate neighbours ; and 
whenever she was reproached with profusion and 
want of foresight, by a rich Sister-in-law of less 
benevolent temper, she was in the habit of replying, 
*' The Lord will provide for us." At length, when 
her stock of food was utterly exhausted, and she 
was spurned with taunts from the door of her rela- 
tive, she returned home destitute, broken-hearted, 
and prepared to die together with her children. But 
it seemed as if the mercies once displayed at Zare- 
phath were again to be manifested ; and that there 
w^as still a barrel and a cruse in reserve for the 
widow, who, humbly confident in the bounty of 
Heaven, had shared her last morsel with the sup- 
plicant in affliction. Her little ones met her at the 
threshold with cries of joy. During her short ab- 
sence, a Stranger, visiting the house, had deposited 
in it a sack of flour ; and the single bushel which 
it contained, was so husbanded as to preserve their 
lives till the close of the Siege. Their unknown 
benefactor was never revealed ; but the pious 
Mother was able to reply to her unbelieving kins- 
woman, " The Lord hath provided for us ^ !" 

The Summer was at an end before a third Eng- 
lish fleet of more than 100 sail, in two 
divisions, appeared off* the Isle of Rhe. 

1 Id. p. 242. 

VOL. III. O 



194 EARL OF LINDSEY's FAILURE. [cH. XXII. 

The Earl of Lindsey, by whom this powerful force 
was commanded, amused himself for awhile by idle 
reconnoissances and a distant cannonade \ The 
Mole was now complete, and nearly 45,000 men 
were assembled for its defence ; forty pieces of can- 
non on one shore, twenty-live on the other, flanked the 
approaches ; and the narrow passage in its centre, 
scarcely presenting 150 feet in breadth, was guarded 
by a flotilla of innumerable vessels. Some attempts 
were made to destroy the French armament by fire- 
ships, which were directed unskilfully and exploded 

harmlessly ^. Soubise, who led the van, 
Oct. 22. .,, -^ -, , 1 

was ill-supported when he twice endea- 
voured to force an entrance ; and after two days 
wasted rather in demonstrations, than actually de- 
voted to engagement, the English Admiral an- 
chored out of the range of shot. Floating mines 
had been constructed by bricking the holds of three 
vessels charged with huge stones and 12,000lbs. of 
powder ; but to attach them to the Mole was con- 
sidered too hazardous an experiment ; and they 
were left unemployed '. The miserable inhabitants, 



1 En ces deux jours nefut tue un seal Anglois dans leurs vais- 
seaux. Mem. de Rohan, liv, iv. p. 311. 

2 La pluspart des navires a feufurent consommez inutilement 
pour estre mal conduits. Id. p. 314. 

3 Five ships were lost on their return, " which had some of 
those great stones that were brought to build Paul's, for ballast, 
and for other uses, within them ; which could promise no good 
success ; for I never heard of any thing that prospered which 
being once designed for the House of God, was alienated from 
that use." Howell, Familiar Letters, book i. § 5, p. 204 : 
where, as is often the case in the same Work, some mistake 
must have taken place in the date. It is given Sept. 1, and the 



A. D. 1628.] SURRENDER OF LA ROCHELLE. 195 

thus frustrated in their last expectation, reduced from 
15,000 souls, (the population first contained within 
the ramparts) to less than one third of that number ; 
their houses more frequently tenanted by ghastly 
corpses than by living men, since the survivors were 
unable even to bury their dead \ at length 

•^ ^ Oct. 28. 

beat a parley, and submitted to Richelieu's 
terms ; while their allies remained in sight, as pas- 
sive witnesses of the negotiation. 

The very leniency of the conditions which the 
Cardinal subscribed, must have created a suspicion 
that they would not be long observed. The leading 
clauses guaranteed amnesty, the free exercise of the 
Reformed Religion, and the restoration of all their 
property to the citizens. But it was soon evident 
that the Court intended to annex their own inter- 
pretation to these seemingly mild Articles. The 
first evasion affected two helpless women. The 
Sister of the Duke of Rohan, and his Mother, a 
commanding and high-spirited matron^, now passed 
her seventieth year, had shared all the horrors and 
privations of the Siege, sustaining themselves on an 
allotment of food, as scanty and oftentimes as loath- 
some, as was doled out to their fellow sufferers. 
Unwilling to accredit any false belief that the 
Capitulation had resulted from their suggestion, or 

Letter states that news had then arrived of the surrender and 
dismantling of La Rochelle. 

Sir Philip Warwick is the only contemporary writer who 
does not condemn Lindsey ; according to that authority, he 
" made some noble attempts." Memoirs, p. 36. 

^ Vie du Cardinal Richelieu, tom. i. p. 401. 

2 Donna d'altissimo spirito e di grande autorita. Nani. lib. vu 
tom. i. p. 358. 

o2 



196 IMPRISONMENT OF DUCH. OF ROHAN. [cH. XXII. 

out of respect to their rank, these noble Ladies re- 
quested that their names might not be specifically 
mentioned in its Articles ; and this omission, 
prompted by a delicate sense of honour, was pleaded 
by the King as an excuse for retaining them as pri- 
soners. The claims both of their sex and of their 
station, were disregarded ; they were condemned to 
the most rigid seclusion, denied the ordinances of 
Religion, and allowed the attendance of only one 
domestic. They submitted to this harsh usage with 
unshaken fortitude ; and the Duchess found means 
to warn her Son of Rohan, who, during the whole 
Siege had been engaged in desultory operations in 
Guienne and Upper Languedoc, that he must not 
confide in any Letter which he might receive under 
her hand, since she knew not in what terms she 
might be compelled to write ; urging him at the 
same time to lay aside all anxiety for her fate, and 
to persist unceasingly in his former exertions K 

At length, the fatal Edict was promul- 
■ gated, which, in despite of the recent capi- 
tulation, for ever annihilated the independence of 
La Rochelle. - The Roman Catholic Religion was 
declared to be the established Faith of the City and 
of the surrounding territory of Aunis, and the Hu- 
guenot Church was converted into an Episcopal ( 
Cathedral. A spot in the suburbs was assigned to the 
exiled Congregation, upon which they were permitted 
to build, if they so pleased ; and when they ^com- 
plained of the infraction of that Article of the Treaty, 
which promised them the exercise of their Religion 
jvithin the walls, the Commissioners insultingly pointed 

' Mem. de Rohan, liv. iv, p. 316. 



A. D. 1628.] EDICT AGAINST LA ROCHELLE. 197 

to the soldiers employed in the work of demolition, as 
a proof that their new Place of Worship would not be 
without the walls, and consequently, that the letter of 
the conditions was faithfully observed. So utterly were 
the fortifications to be rased (excepting towards the 
coast, on which it was necessary that some defences 
should exist to guard against piratical incursions) 
that every stone was to be levelled ; every ditch to 
be filled ; and not a wall was allowed to remain, 
which secured even the privacy of a garden ^ No 
Foreigner, although naturalised, was permitted 
to fix his residence in the City; and a similar 
prohibition extended to every dissenter from the 
Roman Catholic Faith, who had not been domicili- 
ated before the invasion of the English. As if these 
inflictions were not sufficiently degrading, a Cross 
was erected in the Castle-yard, bearing on its pedes- 
tal an inscription commemorative of the surrender 
of the City ; a solemn Thanksgiving for which event 
was to be celebrated by an anniversary Procession, on 
every returning 21st of November. Finally, the 
Civic Constitution was abolished ; and even the Bell 
was ordered to be melted, which had hitherto sum- 
moned to their Corporate Assemblies, the j\Iayor, 
Sheriffs, and Commoners, the Peers and the Bur- 
gesses ^. When the heroic Guiton was informed of 
the extinction of his dignity, he exclaimed against 
this perfidy with characteristic bitterness. " Had I 
known," he said, " that the King would have failed 
in his promises, he might have entered the City ; 
but not while a single man remained alive within 

* Vie du Card. Richelieu, torn, ii, p. 406. 
' Id. Ibid. 



198 CONSEQUENCES OF [cH. XXII. 

its circuit ^" The possession indeed of supplies for a 
few more days might perhaps have changed the fortune 
of the Siege. The stormy season commenced on the 
very day of the Capitulation, and fifty toises of the 
Mole were washed away. The King himself, -wdth 
whom it was a favourite promenade, was exposed to 
considerable danger by the falling of one of its beams, 
and had he not jumped aside with great activity, he 
must have been swept into the sea^. 

^ Id. p. 399. 

2 Id. p. 400. A violent hurricane from the S.E, shattered the 
Mole on the 6th, 7th, and 8th of November, Meruault, p. 321. 
Richelieu jit une digue, sur la mer, says Voltaire, a Vexemple 
d' Alexandre, et entra dans la Rochelle en conquerant ; mais une 
maree un peu forte ou un peu plus de diligence de la part des An- 
glois, delivraient la Rochelle, et fesaient passer Richelieu pour un 
temeraire. Siecle de Louis XIV. ch. vi. ad fin. 



A.D. 1629.] THE FALL OF LA ROCHELLE. 199 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

The Duke of Rohan obtains a Peace — He engages in the Service 
of Venice — Dismantling of the Cautionary Towns — XXVIth Na- 
tional Synod — Tranquillity under Richelieu — Petty Grievances 
— XXVI Ith National Synod— Regulation of the Slave Trade 
— Richelieu' s supposed Project of Reunion — Death of Richelieu, 
and of Louis XIII. — Administration of Mazarin — XXVIIIth 
National Synod — Excluding Ordinances — Conversions — Dre- 
lincourt and the Convertisseurs — Abjuration of a Jesuit — The 
Huguenots espouse the King' s party during the Fronde — Their 
favour under Mazarin — Massacre of the Vaudois — Energy of 
Cromwell — Louis XIV. disavows participation in it — Provin- 
cial Commissioners — XXIXth and last National Synod — Sup- 
pression of National Synods. 

With the surrender of La Rochelle were extin- 
guished the chief hopes of the Reformed. Never- 
theless, the Duke of Rohan kept the field till the 
middle of the following Summer. A savage 1629. 
military execution on the capture of ^^^• 
Privas by the Royal troops \ greatly contributed to 
increase the terrors of those Huguenots who still re- 
mained in arms, and led to the speedy surrender of 
the strong town of Alez, from which a long resist- 
ance might have been expected. The King of Eng- 
land had already concluded Peace ; and, although 
Spain appeared to court an alliance, little confidence 
could be placed on the offers of so bigoted a Power. 
No small skill was displayed by the Duke of Rohan 

* Mem. de Rohan, liv. iv. p. 345. 



200 THE DUKE OF ROHAN [CH, XXUI. 

in preventing the shattered remnants of his Party 
from treating separately ; and by dint of the most 
unshrinking firmness, he at length obtained for the 
general Body of Huguenots a Treaty, which, al- 
though it sufficiently testified the decline of their 
former power, under all circumstances must be con- 
sidered by no means disadvantageous. 

The Royal Edict of Grace and Pardon, as 
^ ^' it was styled, announced in a wordy preamble 
the triumph of Louis over his rebellious subjects; 
the towns which he had subdued were ostentatiously 
enumerated, and the clemency which he was disposed 
to manifest was sedulously blazoned. The King then 
proceeded to enact, as usual, the general establish- 
ment of the Roman Catholic Religion ; and, for the 
first time, he expressed a strong desire, that the pre- 
tended Reformed, to whom he granted toleration, 
might profit by their tranquillity, and become open 
to conversion. He exhorted them, laying aside all 
passions, to admit the light of Heaven, and to return 
to a Church in which their ancestors had lived for 
1200 years without change or interruption. " What 
greater testimony of paternal affection can I offer," 
he then added, assuming the benevolent tone of a 
Father of his People, " than a wish to see all my 
children treading in the same path of salvation which 
I myself pursue !" 

In order to assist these views of proselytism, care 
was to be taken, that, in the towns restored to the 
Catholic domination, no Monastic Orders should be 
settled but such as were known to live in strict ob- 
servance of their Rule and Discipline. Efficient 
Cures were in like manner to be dispersed through 
the Provinces, with an income which might every 



A. D. 1629.] NEGOTIATES A PEACE. 201 

where enable them to discharge their functions wor- 
thily. The proscription of the Dukes of Rohan and 
Soubise was annulled, and all persons engaged in 
the late Rebellion were fully pardoned. The Edict 
of Nantes was fixed as the standard to which the 
Huguenots might refer for their privileges ; and 
preparatory to certain local and fiscal regulations 
with which the Treaty closed, appeared the weightiest 
of( its clauses, that which enjoined the utter demoli- 
tion of the fortifications in all the Cautionary Towns 
within three months from the registering of this In- 
strument \ 

Great as was the sacrifice which compliance with 
this Article required, the Duke of Rohan perceived 
that he must either assent to it, or provoke the re- 
vocation of every Edict under which any security 
could still be retained. The King had it in his 
power to compel that obedience which he was now 
prepared to ask as a voluntary off'ering ; and the 
lapse of a few weeks, at the utmost of a few months, 
would force from the Huguenots, at the sword's point, 
that consent which they were now asked to grant by 
a stroke of the pen. Having thus discreetly con- 
sulted the public interests, Rohan obtained the re- 
lease of his Mother and Sister, and fixed his abode 
at Venice, in the service of which Power he became 
engaged. In his latter years, by one of those revo- 
lutions with which History abounds, as if to mock 
all human pretensions to consistency, he was em- 
ployed to advance the Protestant cause in Germany, 
under the guidance of the very hand which had in- 

^ The Edict is printed at length by Benoit, torn. ii. Preuves, 
p. 92. 



202 xxvith [cH. XXIII. 

iiicted upon it the deadliest injury in his native 
Country. He died in the 68th year of his 
age, in consequence of wounds received in 
the Battle of Rhinfeld ; and the official Historiogra- 
pher of Venice records with pride, that the arms of a 
Warrior so rich in glory were bequeathed by him, as 
a legacy of affection, to the Republic whose forces 
he had once commanded \ 

The return of Peace allowed the conven- 
Sept. i. tion of the XXVIth National Synod ; but 
little business of any interest was trans- 
acted when it met at Charenton. The King, through 
his Commissioner Gallard, peremptorily signified 
his will, that the recent prohibitions of the en- 
gagement of Foreigners in the Ministry, and of the 
departure of Ministers out of the Realm, without 
permission, should be most precisely observed ; and 
he received an humble assurance of obedience. It 
was plain indeed that the Deputies were spirit- 
broken. In one instance only, and that one of very 
minor importance, do we trace any of the vigour by 
which former Synods had been animated. Great 
indignation was expressed at the " deplorable infir- 
mity" of certain brethren, who yielding to the com- 
mand of the Magistrates, had consented " to light 
their houses and hang out candles on that Festival 
which goes by the name of the Holy Sacrament." 
The Assembly expressed itself as wanting words to 
convey its just grief and resentment at the observation 
of an Ordinance " which obliges conscience to yield 
unto the creature that self-same honour which is due 
unto the Creator ;" and it adjured, with forms of 

^ Nani, lib. x. torn. i. p. 583. 




lIISMIR2,ID)TLJ'n BE m'DM^.F 



J^. 



A. D. 1631.] NATIONAL SYNOD. 203 

peculiar solemnity, all persons who " have fallen 
into sins so repugnant unto true piety," to " revive 
their zeal, and show themselves loyal followers of 
the Faith and constancy of their Fathers, and to tes- 
tify by their perseverance in well-doing, the sincerity 
and soundness of their repentance, and of their affec- 
tion to the service of God \" The undue magnitude 
assigned to this frivolous matter is not among the 
least certain proofs that the Deputies wanted courage 
to address themselves to concerns of weightier im- 
port. 

The only other particular, demanding remark in 
their proceedings, is the sudden respect with which 
they appear to have been inspired for Greek Litera- 
ture. Instead of recommending, as heretofore, the 
suppression of Professorships of that Language, they 
now pronounced acquaintance with it to be " abso- 
lutely necessary for all Proposans who aspire to the 
Sacred Ministry." They wished the knowledge of 
it to be upheld as a singular ornament to their Uni- 
versities ; nevertheless, since their deep poverty 
would not allow them to afford any endowment for 
that purpose, they were content to order that it 
should be diligently taught in the first and second 
Classes ; so that scholars, " when they are promoted 
unto the public Lectures, may be of sufficient capa- 
city to read and understand Authors in their original 
Language, and be able to give a satisfactory account 
of them^''' 

During most of the remainder of Richelieu's active 
and turbulent administration, the Huguenots appear 

1 Ch. xxi. p. 296. 

2 Ch. xxiv. § 3. p. 305. 



204 TRANQUILLITY OF THE HUGUENOTS. [CH. XXIII. 

to have been almost forgotten. The Kingdom, in- 
deed, was incessantly distracted by factions and 
cabals ; and scarcely a year passed without the ex- 
plosion of more than one conspiracy, by which the 
power or even the life of the Cardinal was menaced. 
But, neither abroad nor at home, were the Hugue- 
nots elevated (if that word may be applied without 
abuse) to the dangerous rank of a Political party ; 
and they lived, if not always in the undisturbed en- 
joyment of the privileges assured to them by Law, at 
least in much greater tranquillity than while strug- 
gling for their attainment. Happier as a neglected 
Sect than as a Church which aspired to establish- 
ment, they neither excited fear nor provoked jea- 
lousy ; and Government sometimes voluntarily be- 
stowed its favour on those whom not many years 
before it had been most anxious to degrade. The 
jg34 Duke of Sully, on his retirement from 
September. Court, had been allowed to retain the 
office of Grand Master of the Artillery ; and Louis, 
in 1634, added to that important charge, the dignity 
of a Marechal's baton, which the veteran enjoyed 
during the seven remaining years of his life ^ 

Occasionally, indeed, the Huguenots were exposed 
to some local wrongs. In Poitou especially, they 
had to complain of injurious Arrets, published 
against them by a Tribunal, which had often been 
productive of great good. Commissioners selected 
from one or more Parliaments, and forming a Court, 
named Les Grands Jours, were in the habit of tra- 



^ A very minute and interesting account of Sully's domestic life 
after his retirement may be found in the Supplement to his Me- 
moires, torn. viii. He died in his 82nd year, on Dec. 21, 164L 



A. D. 1634.] THEIR MINOR GRIEVANCES. 205 

versing the Provinces, and of applying judicial reme- 
dies to cases which exceeded the powers 1534 
of the resident Magistracy. In the Autumn September, 
of 1G34, these itinerant Judges addressed themselves 
to a meddling regulation of the Huguenots. That 
their interference was chiefly minute and directed to 
petty matters, was a circumstance which contributed 
to render it the more vexatious, since the grievances 
which it occasioned, however galling to the suiferers, 
were the more likely to be disregarded if an appeal 
were made to superior Authorities. The Reformed 
were prohibited from burying their dead in Roman 
Catholic Cemeteries, under a heavy penalty and a 
threat of disinterment ; they were deprived of the 
use of bells, hitherto rung to notify their hours 
of service ; landed proprietors were enjoined to 
name, with a precision heretofore not required, the 
particular estates which they chose to consider their 
principal residences, and on which alone they were 
allowed the exercise of their worship ; and, lastly, 
the application of the title " Church" to their Assem- 
blies, and the omission of the word " pretended," 
whenever the Reformed Religion was mentioned, 
subjected the incautious speaker or writer to a fine of 
500 livres \ 

These were needless and very troublesome exer- 
cises of power wantoning in its superiority. But 

^ Benoit amusingly adds that he had known Roman Cathohc 
Notaries so scrupulous, that when the Minutes of a Marriage 
contract were brought to them, beginning with the usual form, 
Traitte de Marriage qui sous le hon plaisir de Dieu sera celebre, 
&c., they struck out sous le bon plaisir de Dieu, as doing too 
much honour to Heresy, torn. ii. p. 541. 



206 ROMANIST ORDINANCES. [cH. XXIII. 

some other Ordinances which have been considered 
equally objectionable, admit of a fair defence. It 
would have been most anomalous if, at a season in 
which the States-General were no longer convoked, 
a Sect adverse to the dominant Church had been 
allowed to address the Throne in Political Assem- 
blies \ The demolition of Meeting-houses erected 
on ground already dedicated to the use of another 
Religion, or so constructed as to interrupt its ser- 
vices, may surely be justified. There was little 
hardship in enjoining that the Reformed should either 
withdraw when the tinkling of the bell announced 
that the Procession of the Host was approaching, or 
that, if they remained while it passed, they should 
consent to pay it the ordinary marks of honour ; 
and those provisions were salutary instead of being 
tyrannous, which prohibited the Huguenots from 
frequenting taverns during the hours set apart for 
Romanist devotion, and forbade them from inveigh- 
ing in harsh terms, or as the Law expresses itself, 
from blasphemy, against the mysteries of a Religion 
from which they dissented. The outward ordinances 
of any Faith professed under the authority of a 
Government from which we derive protection are 
entitled to at least our forbearance ; even, if from 
motives of conscience, we refuse conformity to its 
doctrines. 

1636 The Edict which the Clergy obtained 

March 9. against Blasphemers of God, the Virgin, 

and the Saints, was indeed extravagantly severe ; 

^ Rulhiere Eclaircissemens sur les causes de la Revocation de 
VEdit de Nantes. CEtivres, torn. v. p. 11. 



A. D. 1637.] XXVIltll NATIONAL SYNOD. 207 

and if executed by vindictive zeal, might without 
doubt have been most frightfully abused. The first 
four offences were visited by pecuniary mulcts ; the 
fifth exposed the criminal to the pillory ; for the 
sixth his upper, for the seventh his under lip was to 
be slit ; and if he persevered to an eighth violation of 
the law, he was to lose his tongue. But punishments 
thus disproportioned to the offences which they are 
designed to restrain are seldom exacted ; and, how- 
ever much they may disgrace the Statute-book which 
registers them, they remain upon its pages, for the 
most part, as a dead and inoperative letter. 

Either the Court was reluctant to grant, 1637. 
or the Huguenots were careless in request- ^^^ ''' 
ing, a new Ecclesiastical Assembly ; and six years 
elapsed after the Meeting at Charenton, be- j^^ ^ 
fore another National Synod, the XXVIIth, 
was convened at Alen^on. The Royal Commis- 
sioner, the Sieur de St. Mars, opened the Session 
with a Speech declaratory of the King's supremacy, 
and of the necessity of unqualified submission on the 
part of his subjects. " All authority is of God, and 
therefore by consequence, on this immoveable foun- 
dation, you must needs be infallibly obedient." He 
then endeavoured to convince his hearers, that they 
were to be congratulated upon their subjugation ; 
and that their security was much more fixed and 
stable since they had depended upon the sole favour 
of the Crown, than when they possessed " those 
many fortresses and places of surety," whereon they 
reposed " too much confidence ; all of which are now 
reduced to nothing." This lofty exordium was a pre- 
lude to some very despotic enactments. All mutual 
correspondence between their Churches, both foreign 



208 ADULATION OF THE DEPUTIES. [cH. XXIIl. 

and domestic, was forbidden \ A censorship of Reli- 
gious books, whether printed within or without the 
Kingdom, was established. By an Ordinance which 
entirely deprived many places of Spiritual super- 
intendence, Ministers were prohibited from officiat- 
ing any where but in their actual residences; and all 
Preachers who should make excursions to neigh- 
bouring spots, which they termed annexes or Chapels 
of ease, were excluded from the privileges and 
benefits of the Edicts. 

The Reply of the Synod evinced profound humi- 
lity ; and the Speeches which their Deputies were 
instructed to deliver at Court, both to the King and 
to the Cardinal, were marked by very florid and 
very fulsome adulation. " We, Sire," was part of 
their address to the former, " are those very persons 
who believe and teach that the Royal authority is 
not of human but of Divine institution, unto which 
every soul ought to be subjected ; and we are those 
who believe and teach the sovereignty and inde- 
pendency of your Crown ; which, resembling those 
higher mountains, whose lofty heads being exalted 
above the middle region of the air, are never frighted 
with thunders nor lightnings. No, Sire, you hold it 
from God only, and it is solely depending on Him, 
and you are next in power unto Him, the sun of 
this Heaven, the soul of this vast body, the heart of 
this Gallic Monarchy." In similar language they 
assured Richelieu, " The stedfastness of God and 
the King's word are visible in the face of your 
Eminency, you being their most lively portraiture. 
We cannot be ignorant, my Lord, that your Emi- 

1 Ch. iii. §. ii. iii. 



A. D. 1637.] THE SLAVE TRADE. 209 

nency is that Intelligence who moves this admirable 
Monarchy with the greatest regularity ; that assistant 
Spirit of this great body which heretofore was like 
one of the floating Islands ; but now your most ad- 
mired conduct has bound it so fast with the chains 
of the Royal authority, that, in the greatest and most 
astonishing tempests, it abideth firm and immove- 
able ;" and they declared, that " next to God and 
the King he was their surest sanctuary." The Car- 
dinal's answer does not appear ; but from the King 
they gained little by their unworthy prostration. He 
replied, that he would answer their Cahier of griev- 
ances as soon as their Synod should be dissolved. 
" In the meanwhile, 'tis your interest to break up as 
soon as possible, lest your longer sitting in our town 
of Alen^on should be imputed to you as a failure of 
duty to us, and a transgression of our Edicts and 
Declarations '." 

On a subject which had been very little discussed 
in the xviith century, and concerning which just 
principles have been slow in establishing themselves, 
even in our own times, the Calvinistic Divines seem 
to have been considerably in advance of their gene- 
ration. " However men may have a right to buy or 
keep slaves, and this be not condemned by the word 
of God, nor is it abolished by the preaching of the 
Gospel in far the greatest part of Europe ; and 
though there has been insensibly brought in a cus- 
tom 10 the contrary, and that merchants purchase 
and dispose of them as of their proper goods and 
chattels, especially such as traffic on the coasts of 
Africa and the Indies, where this commerce is per- 

* Quick, p. 351. 
VOL. III. p 



210 Richelieu's project of reunion, [ch. xxiii. 

mitted, do buy from the Barbarians, either by way 
of exchange of goods or for ready money, men and ; 
women slaves, who being once in their power and 
possession, they do again openly sell in the market, , 
or truck them away unto others : This Assembly, 
confirming that Canon made on this occasion by the 
Provincial Synod of Normandy, doth exhort the 
Faithful not to abuse this their liberty contrary to 
the rules of Christian chaiity, nor to transfer these 
poor Infidels into other hands besides those of 
Christians, who may deal kindly and humanely with 
them ; and above all, may take special care of their 
precious immortal souls, and see them instructed in 
the Christian Religion \" 

The Synod appears in this instance to have drawn 
its distinction with much sagacity. It perceived, 
that however contrary that most detestable traffic 
which it sought to regulate might be to the spirit of 
Christianity, it was not any where forbidden by the 
letter of our Faith ; and short of its abolition, which 
the Deputies could little be expected to propose, no 
provisions seem better calculated to mitigate the abo- 
mination, than those which they have recommended. 

That Richelieu meditated a yet farther depression, 
perhaps a total extinction of the Huguenots is little 
to be doubted ; for no half measures were ever ad- 
mitted into his policy. But we have already pointed 
to the more cogent interests which absorbed his 
attention, and precluded the furtherance of his design. 
A subtle project of Re-union has been attributed to 
him, which with more correctness might be styled 
Submersion — for every vital Article of the Reformed 

^ Ch. XV. § 4. 



A. D. 1637.] LA MILLETIERE. 211 

Creed was to be gradually abandoned in the process 
of consolidating the Churches. A Capucin, named 
Joseph, deeply in the Minister's confidence, is said 
to have intrigued with the Huguenots, and by ca- 
joling some and corrupting others, to have raised 
strong hopes of ultimate success. Samuel Petit, the 
Theological Professor at Nismes, a most distinguished 
Scholar and amiable man, entered with good faith 
upon the consideration of any scheme which might 
promote charity. La Milletiere, a bustling layman, on* 
the contrary, seduced by ambitious hope, or surrender- 
ing himself to venality, insinuated absolute Romanism 
under the pretext of Reconciliation \ So unfortunate 
was he in his attempts, so inadequate to the great task 
which he had undertaken, that while smarting under 
the refutation of Jean Daille, one of the most cele- 
brated Ministers of Charenton expressly employed 
to extinguish his " new concerted lights ^" he encoun- 
tered also a Censure from the Sorbonne ^. In the 
end, however, after expulsion from the Reformed 
Communion, he openly adhered to that of Rome ; 
and in this restless pursuit of notoriety, he was 
destined to undergo another signal defeat in a con- 
ference which he provoked with Drelincourt, one of 



1 In a Tract entitled Les Moyens de la Paix Chretienne en la 
Reunion des Catholiques et Evangeliques sur les differends de la 
Religion. 

2 Quick, p. 361. The title of Daille's Tract is, Examen de 
Vadvis de M. De la Milletiere sur V accommodement des differends 
de la Religion. 

3 The Censure of the Sorbonne is published in Les (Euvres de 
Rivet, torn. iii. p. 976, but there is a question which may be 
found discussed by Bayle in his notice of La Milletiere, whether 
it is to be esteemed a Censure approved by the Faculty. 

p 2 



212 CARDINAL MAZARIN. [cH. XXIII. 

the most powerful controversialists of the Church 
which the wavering Apostate had abandoned \ 

The death of Richelieu was followed six 

1643. 

months afterwards by that of Louis XIII. ^; 
and the chief power, during the minority of the 
infant King^, passed into hands less imperious, but 
scarcely less adroit than those of the deceased Minis- 
ter. Diplomatic services, conducted with no little 
skill in Italy, had introduced Julio Mazarini, a native 
of Piscina *, to the friendship of Richelieu ; and he 
so far availed himself of that high protection, as to 
obtain a Cardinal's hat during the life of his Patron^, 
and to be nominated successor to his State functions 
at his decease. Mazarin (as he is generally called) 
was, appointed one of his executors by Louis XIII., 
when on his death-bed ; and the influence which 
he had established over Anne of Austria, the Royal 
widow, secured to him the high Post of Chief Minis- 
ter during her Regency. 

Embroiled in war both with Spain and with the 
Emperor, and conscious that as a foreigner he was re- 



1 La Milletiere abjured in 1645, after having been excommuni- 
cated by the Synod of Charenton. Charles Drelincourt, styled 
by Bayle, le fleau des Controvertistes CathoUques, was a Minister 
of Charenton, and died in 1669. His Work, Les consolations de 
VAme contre lesfrayeurs de la Mort, for a long time was univer- 
sally popular, and has been translated into various Languages. 
It is now, perhaps, best known in England from containing in 
its Prefatory matter the " Relation of the Apparition of Mrs. 
Veal," a fiction invented either by the translator, D'Assigny, 
or, as is said, by De Foe. 

2 Richelieu died Dec. 4, 1642. Louis XIII., May 1643. — 

3 Louis XIV., born Sept. 15, 1638. 

4 Born in 1602. 

5 In 1641. 



A. D. 1645.] xxviiitli National SYNOD. 213 

garded with jealousy by the People whom he had 
been invited to govern, Mazarin was little inclined, in 
the outset of his rule, to provoke opposition from the 
Huguenots. He immediately confirmed the privi- 
leges accorded by the Edict of Nantes, in terms simi- 
lar to those employed at the commencement of the 
late reign \ and he licensed the convention of the 
XXVIIIth National Synod, which did not meet till 
the close of the following year. 

Charenton was for the third time selected ^^^ ^e 
as the place of assembly, and the Royal i644, 
Commissioner Cumont, Lord of Boisgrol- Jan. 26, 
lier, opened the debates with a Speech 
displaying the general prosperity of the Kingdom. 
Thence he passed to considerations more special and 
peculiar to the Huguenots. The confirmation of the 
Edicts, the admission of the Reformed to all digni- 
ties and offices ^ in the State, and the assembling of 
the Synod which they were then holding " at the 
very gates of the Metropolis, in the very face and 
view of all France and of this infinite People of 
Paris" (a People who they were warned greatly dif- 
fered from them in manners, humours and inclina- 
tions, and who were therefore likely to be severe wit- 
nesses and judges of all their actions) were cited as so 
many instances of Royal indulgence which demanded 
returns of the warmest gratitude. They were then 
enjoined in somewhat peremptory language, to ab- 
stain from several practices which we have already 
seen forbidden, but in which it may be believed from 

' Benoit, torn. iii. Preuves, p. 3, dated July 8, 1643. 

2 Jean de Gassion, who had served much under Gustavus 
Adolphus, and the Viscount de Turenne, had been nominated 
Marechaux of France since the new accession. 



214 xxviii^h [cH. XXIII. 

this new prohibition that they had continued to abide. 
A veto was imposed upon Geneva, Swisserland, 
Holland, and England, as places of education for 
youth designed for the Ministry ; those Countries 
were stigmatized as Republican, averse from Mo- 
narchy, and likely to imbue the uninformed with cor- 
rupt principles about secular and political affairs. 
In conclusion, certain infractions of the Edicts of 
which they had been guilty, especially in Languedoc, 
were characterised as seditious, contrary to their duty, 
prejudicial to the King and to the public tranquillity ; 
and while they were cautioned that effectual mea- 
sures would be taken to prevent the repetition of 
similar illegal acts, a confident hope was expressed 
that their own circumspection would render it unne- 
cessary to put such measures in execution \ 

The reply of the Moderator commenced with a 
courtly echo of the Speech. It deplored the " most 
sad and black eclipse" which on the late King's death, 
menaced them with " the everlasting darknesses of 
an inconsolable grief and an irremediable confusion;" 
until, to their " incredible joy and admiration," 
the peace and happiness of France shone out again 
in a " new bright star from the East." After due 
anticipations respecting the infant King (" whose 
birth was so long desired, and at last obtained by 
the joynt prayers of his People and more especially 
of the Churches ^,") the speaker proceeded to enco- 
miums on the Regency ; and then, recapitulating the 



» Quick, torn. ii. pp. 428. 432. 

2 Quick's caustic note on these words reminds us of some of 
those by Swift on Burnet. " They need not be proud of it," 
torn. ii. p. 433. 



A. D. 1645.] NATIONAL SYNOD. 215 

benefits which the Huguenots were permitted to 
enjoy, he added that " all these and many other con- 
siderations do inforce our souls with a sw^eet and 
pleasing violence to break forth into enlarged praises 
and inflamed thankfulness unto his Majesty." Not- 
withstanding this adulatory prooemium, he ventured 
afterwards to defend his brethren against many of 
the charges which the Commissioner had advanced. 
He argued, that the open denouncement of the cor- 
ruptions of Rome was coeval with the origin of their 
Church ; and that this avowal of their sentiments 
was far more honest than any ambiguous or equivo- 
cating dissimulation ; that they had not employed 
stronger terms in impugning the Council of Trent 
than had been used by the present King's maternal 
ancestor, the Emperor Charles V., by Henry II., 
and by Charles IX. He extenuated the proceedings 
of their Ministers in Languedoc ; and he protested 
strongly against the restrictions sought to be imposed 
upon education. The Countries from which it was 
intended to exclude them, were, he said, among the 
firmest allies of France, and the existing Pastors who 
had studied in their Universities had never withdrawn 
from legitimate obedience, or manifested dislike to 
Monarchy. 

A very lengthy form of Service for baptising 
Pagans, Jews, Mahometans, and Anabaptists, con- 
verted to the Christian Faith, was added to the Dis- 
cipline by this 'Synod. In consequence of a Report 
from certain Deputies of the Maritime Provinces of 
a great influx of persons styling themselves Indepen- 
dents^, and disclaiming all Church Government, it 

1 Quick professes himself unable to decide whether " the 



216 xxviiitli [cH. xxiii. 

was considered necessary to issue a caution against 
their errors. The duty of refusing tokens of respect 
to the Procession of the Host was strenuously main- 
tained ; and it is impossible not to admire the spirit 
of candour and openness which is mingled with 
much false reasoning against an innocent compliance 
with received customs. To take off the hat as the 
Idol passes by is affirmed to be a rash and inconsi- 
derate oppugning of Truth ; a shameful betrayal of 
conscience ; a vile example, utterly unbecoming that 
worthy name that is called upon them ; a prevari- 
cation in Religion ; and a profanation of God's 
glory. All who obstinately abide in such impious 
resolutions, are to be pursued and prosecuted with 
Church censure, " as being persons utterly unworthy 
of communion with the Saints of God." The outcry 
here may be thought louder than the offence de- 
mands ; but there was considerable manliness in the 
contempt expressed for those " sordid and servile 
spirits," who glossing over their conformity with false 
and flattering excuses, pretended that they rendered 
a civil salutation to the Priest, without any regard to 
the functions in which he was engaged '. 

The delinquency of La Milletiere, to which we 
have already alluded, was fully discussed by this 
Synod ; and after an enumeration of his many of- 
fences, a well-deserved Excommunication was decreed 
and published against him ^ ; both the spirit and the 
language of which are singularly contrasted with 
those of the similar Instrument which we have before 



persons thus qualified by the Synod came from the Old or the 
New England." Vol. ii. p. 467. 

1 Ch. xiv. § 11. 2 ch.xv. art. i. 



A. D. 1645.] NATIONAL SYNOD. 217 

recorded in the case of Ferrier. The mitigated tone 
may perhaps be attributed to a consciousness of de- 
caying strength rather than to a decrease of zeal. 

One grievance of which the Deputies complained, 
in a Letter addressed to the King, appears to have 
been a source of very material injury. " Through 
the rigour of some of your Majesty's officers, those 
of our Religion are excluded from all employments, 
and cannot, though they have served apprenticeships, 
be admitted to set up as Masters for themselves, in 
any one kind of trade whatsoever \" The difficulty 
here objected to was probably the result of private 
combination ; but, in later years, the oppression be- 
came legalised ; and we find abundant Edicts ex- 
pressly closing particular occupations against the 
Reformed. Thus the Parliament of Rouen would 
not permit any Huguenot resident in that City to be 
admitted as a Master Goldsmith, till it was proved 
that there were fourteen Catholics of the same trade 
to counterbalance his Heresy^. The Council of 
State annulled the Diplomas of all Huguenot Apo- 
thecaries practising at Dieppe, and inflicted a penalty 
of 3000 livres upon any Reformed Druggist who 
should presume to open a shop and vend medicines 
within its precincts ^. 

Some excuse might be pleaded for an Ordinance 
issued by the King himself, prohibiting the Reformed 
of either sex from engaging as Midwives. By those 
who believed that the reception of the Viaticum by 



1 Quick, vol. ii. p. 444. 

2 Arret dated July 13, 1665. Benoil, torn. v. Preuves, 
p. 13. 

3 Id. Ibid. p. 164. 



218 THE SEMPSTRESSES OF PARIS. [CH. XXIII. 

the dying Mother, and the administration of Baptism 
to her infant gifted with a few minutes' life, were 
absolutely essential to salvation, it might be urged, 
not without reason, that there was hazard in employ- 
ing, at very critical moments, those who held con- 
trary opinions. A Huguenot accoucheur might not 
think it discreet to increase the danger of his patient 
by warning her of the approach of symptoms which 
rendered her existence precarious ; and those who 
denied the validity of Lay-baptism, or of any Baptism 
unless administered at the Font, would not take 
much pains to save the soul of an expiring child by 
hastily sprinkling it in its last agony \ But there 
is something inexpressibly ludicrous in the jealous 
fear of contamination manifested by another craft, to 
which public opinion was not in the habit of ascrib- 
ing extraordinary purity. The Sempstresses of the 
Capital represented by petition to the Throne that 
their Guild had been originally established by St. 
Louis ; that their rights and privileges had received 
frequent confirmation from his successors ; and that 
their Statutes were authorised by Letters Patent of 
his Majesty himself, registered in the Parliament of 
Paris. The first Article of those Statutes provided, 
that no Maid nor Matron should be admitted as a 
merchant Sempstress, unless she professed the Ca- 
tholic, Apostolic, and Romish Religion ; and the 
Petitioners therefore besought the King to prevent 
the encroachment of Huguenot apprentices, who 
could not learn their trade under any sworn Mistress. 
The King in Council inspected the Documents to 
which appeal had been made, declared his good will 

» Id. Ibid. p. 115. 



A. D. 1645.'! THE MISSIONARIES AND DRELINCOURT. 219 



towards the Sempstresses, and granted their peti- 
tion ' . 

In the war of words, which since the fall of La Ro- 
chelle had succeeded to that of arms, the Romanists 
successfully employed an irregular Militia, if we may 
so term it, for the especial object of conversion. A 
band of Missionaires ^, selected in general from the 
lower classes, and chiefly consisting of petty Shop- 
keepers, who, inflamed by zeal, abandoned the 
Counter for the Pulpit, spread themselves, either as 
resident or as itinerant Preachers, over the w^hole 
face of France. Bold and unscrupulous in their 
course, and pleading the love of Christ .ind the wel- 
fare of souls as an excuse for thrusting their sickles 
into other men's harvests, they every where inter- 
fered between the Reformed Minister and his flock ; 
insinuated themselves into the bosoms of families ; 
and, by a ceaseless and bustling activity, raised 
doubts and controversies among brethren, who had 
hitherto dwelled together in unity. Their want of 
Literature was supplied by shrewdness ; their igno- 
rance of Divinity by hardihood of assertion ; and 
their sophisms, however often rebutted and exploded, 
frequently obtained ultimate credit by unblushing 
repetition. Drelincourt, of whom we have already 
made some honourable mention, was their chief and 
most triumphant opponent. He possessed the rare 
and enviable power of applying very copious Learn- 
ing to that which may be more fittingly called the 



1 Id. Ibid. p. 13. 

2 They were called also Lazaristes, parce qii'elle fit son prin- 
cipal itaUissement dans une maison qu'elle usurpa sar VOrdre de 
St. Lazure. Rulhiere, p. 61. 



220 DRELINCOURT. [cH. XXIII. 

popular humour than the popular taste; and, bring- 
ing forth from his treasure things both new and old, 
he addressed short and striking Sermons to throngs 
of eager listeners, and found numerous admiring 
readers of his familiar but solid Tracts. It was in 
vain that the discomfited Missionaires combated 
their Scourge, as he was termed, by ordinary wea- 
pons ; and in the end, they had recourse to impos- 
ture for his disparagement. Broad sheets, announc- 
ing his conversion, were printed, and hawked about 
the streets of Paris and at the very gates of the 
Chapel in Charenton. But Drelincourt refuted the 
calumny by fresh and yet more energetic labours ; 
and the common people, pleased with a style which 
they understood, committed to memory the strong 
and simple arguments of his Dialogues, and em- 
ployed them as armour of proof against their Ro- 
manist seducers. 

The mortification of the Convertisseurs was sen- 
sibly increased by the desertion of a Member of their 
Church belonging to an Order in which of all others 
an assertion of independence was least to be ex- 
pected. Pierre Jarrige had obtained some reputation 
among the Jesuits for a History of the Indians ^ ; 



' Histoires des choses plus memorables advenues tant en Indes 
Orientales, qu'autres pays de la descouverte des Porhigois, en 
V establissement et progrez de la Foy Chrestienne et Catholique, 
et principalement de ce que les Religieux de la Confrerie de Jesus 
y ontjaict et endure par la mesme fin, depuis qu'il y sont entrez 
jusques a present an 1600, par Pierre de Jarrie (Sicorig.) Tolosain, 
de la mesme Companie. The Isl volume of this Work was printed 
at Bourdeaux in 1608, the 2d in 1610, and the 3d and last in 
the following year. In the Avis aux Lecteurs, which precedes 
the concluding volume, occurs a notice that the chief design of 



A. D. 1647.] ABJURATION OF THE JESUIT JARRIGE. 221 

and it is probable that an ambitious temper, elated 
by praise, and disappointed of some substantial re- 
ward, induced him to renounce his vows. He offered 
his abjuration before the Consistory of La Christmas, 
Rochelle, and anticipating the fury with ^^*'^- 
which his Superiors would pursue the first revolter 
from their despotism, he lost not a moment in re- 
tiring to the Netherlands. Nor was he deceived 
in his estimate of the spirit of the community which 
he had offended. A sentence was obtained against 
him at La Rochelle, by which he was condemned to 
be strangled, and burned in effigy as contumacious ; 
and a Reformed Minister, Vincent, accused of having 
promoted his abjuration, and of having assisted his 
escape, was involved in a long and troublesome law- 
suit. Jarrige avenged himself by a book containing 
fearful revelations, " Les Jesuites mis sur Vechaffaut \'" 
and his disap2oearance, which followed soon after its 
publication, was attributed by the friends of the 
Loyolists to the remorse of the Apostate, who they 
said had buried himself in monastic seclusion, in 
order that he might do penance for his crime ; by 

the author is to show that la vraye loy et Evangelique se plante 
maintenant en ces regions Id non pas avec le fer et la lance, 
comme celle de Mahamet, et la Pretendue Reformee des Hugtie- 
nots. 

1 The Work is most scurrilous, and the charges which it con- 
tains are probably very much exaggerated. The title at length 
is, Les Jesuistes mis sur VEchaffaut pour plusieurs crimes capi- 
taux par eux commis dans la Province de Guienne, par Le Sieur 
Pierre Jarrige, ci-devant Jesuiste, Professeur du quatriesme voeu, 
et Predicateur, 1649. In his Dedication he affirms, Je ne dis 
rien par conjecture, comme estravger, mais de science certaine, 
comme leur domestique. 



222 TRANQUILLITY OF THE HUGUENOTS [CH. XXIII. 

their enemies to a more summary process, examples 
of which were not wanting in the History of their 
Order K 

Notwithstanding innumerable petty squabbles and 
minute grievances, of which we cannot attempt to 
preserve even an outline, the condition of the Hugue- 
nots under Mazarin was far from being unfavourable. 
The surest proofs of their contentment are to be 
found in their gratitude. During the long struggle 
of the Fronde, they invariably adhered to the party of 
the Minister; and the very towns which Louis XIII. 
had dismantled armed their inhabitants to strengthen 
the Royalists. La Rochelle controlled its Governor, 

who inclined towards the rebel Princes ; 

St. Jean D'Angely organized a troop of 
volunteers which did good and gratuitous service in 
the King's army ; at Montauban, when permission 
was granted for rebuilding the fortifications, seven- 
teen bastions were thrown up by the hands of the 
citizens with incredible speed ; and one of them, 
named after the Proposans who constructed it, was 
raised solely by the toil of the young Huguenot stu- 
dents in Theology. Even Clairac, laying aside all 
remembrance of the bloody sack and devastation 
which it had endured in the former reign, closed its 
gates against the insurgent troops, and resisted till 
the arrival of a Royal garrison rendered the King's 
possession secure. 

The Cardinal was not ungrateful for these demon- 
strations of fidelity. In spite of much bigoted re- 
monstrance, he had already profited by the great 

^ Benoit, torn. iii. p, 96. 



A. D. 1652.] UNDER MAZARIN. 223 

commercial talents, and the inexhaustible liberality 
of Bartholomew Hervart S a wealthy Calvinistic 
Banker of Augsbui-g, whom he raised to the envied 
and important station of Comptroller of the Finances. 
The patronage of that high officer was most bounti- 
fully extended to the Huguenots. Collectors and 
Commissioners in his Department were selected 
from their ranks, at a time at which they were de- 
barred from every other similar post ; the allowances 
to the Churches were fully and regularly paid, and 
not a few necessitous Ministers were relieved by 
extraordinary disbursements. The Queen Regent 
and the young King received all deputations from 
the Reformed with distinguished graciousness, and 
Mazarin invariably spoke of the citizens of Montau- 
ban as his " good friends ^." Some local privileges 
were granted to the Provinces ; and a 
general Declaration, which confirmed more 
solemnly than heretofore all the provisions of the 
Edict of Nantes, and revoked any subsequent 
Arrets by which it was contradicted or even limited, 
appeared to betoken the stability of Royal favour. 
In the body of that Ordinance its enactment was 
especially ascribed to the assured proofs of affec- 
tion and fidelity, more particularly under recent 

1 Hervart died in 1676. One of his grand-daughters, Esther, 
daughter and coheiress of Charles de la Tour, Marquis de Gou- 
vernd, married Henry, eldest son of Sir George Savile, who, in 
1688, was created Baron Savile, of Eland, in the county of 
York, and Viscount Halifax. Hence the French writers de- 
scribe the Bridegroom as Milord Eland. 

' Benoit, tom. iii. p. 14. Rulhiere also informs us, that 
Mazarin disait d''eux, " Je n'ai point a me plaindre du petit 
troupeau ; sil broufe des mmtvaises herbes it ne s'ecarte pas." 
p. 12. 



221 MASSACRE OF THE VAUDOIS. [cH. XXIII. 

circumstances, which the Huguenots had manifested, 
to the great satisfaction of their Sovereign ^ 

These pleasing dreams of tranquillity continued 
undisturbed till it was known that a detachment of 
French troops had been employed among the more 
forward agents of the Duke of Savoy's cruelty in the 
Valleys of Piedmont. The Massacre of 
the Vaudois excited terror and indignation 
throughout Protestant Christendom, and it was for 
awhile believed to be the prelude to a general con- 
spiracy of the Romanists for the extermination of the 
Reformed Church^. But the imposing attitude which 
Cromwell promptly assumed, the speaking but tem- 
perate remonstrances, " even almost to supplication^," 
which he directed to the oppressor of the " slaught- 
ered Saints * ;" the invitations which he circulated 
among his allies to combine with him unless the Duke 
of Savoy should peaceably assent to his propositions ; 
and, above all, the conviction felt by the whole of 
Europe, that he had the power not less than the will 



1 May 21, 1652. Benoit, torn. iii. Preuves, p. 38. 

2 " Which though first begun upon the poor and helpless 
people, however, threatens all that profess the same Religion, 
and therefore imposes upon all a greater necessity of providing 
for themselves." Oliver Cromwell to the Prince of Transylva- 
nia. Milton Prose Works by Symmons, vol. iv. p. 381. 

^ Oliver Cromwell to the United Provinces. Id. Ibid. p. 384. 

* Milton Sonnet on the late Massacre at Piemonf. The Pro- 
tector's Letters on this occasion were written by the great 
Poet, and may be found in volume iv. of his Prose Works, 
pp. 378. 391. They are addressed to the Duke of Savoy, to the 
Prince of Transylvania, to the King of Sweden, to the United 
Provinces, to the Evangelic Cities of Swisserland, to the King of 
France, to Cardinal Mazarin, to the Ki'^^ of Denmark, and to the 
Genevese. 



A. D. 1656.] PROVINCIAL COMMISSIONERS. 225 

to arbitrate, soon re-assured the Huguenots. " Their 
eyes," we are told, " were much upon the Protec- 
tor," whom they " privately prayed for in their 
Churches '." Louis disavowed the acts of his troops, 
reprimanded their officers, and admonished the Duke 
of Savoy to forbear ^ 

The Clergy, however, expressed vehement dissatis- 
faction at the Edict of 1652, and, in little more than 
four years after it had been issued, they ob- 

1656. 

tained the promulgation of an explanatory 
Instrument which annulled its favourable clauses. In 
the new Arret, it was avowed that the Edict of Nantes 
had been granted chiefly in the hope that, by gene- 
rating Peace, it would afford greater opportunities 
for conversion ; that it had been necessary afterwards 
at different times to frame additional regulations, all 
of which were now declared to be valid, in spite of 
any belief to the contrary which might be falsely 
derived from the Edict of 1652. It announced more- 
over that, in consequence of complaints, received, as 
was said, from both Churches jointly, of many inno- 
vations which had crept into the exercise of the Re- 
formed Religion, it was the King's intention to send 
into each Province two Commissioners, one of the 
Catholic the other of the Huguenot persuasion, for 
the purpose of restoring good order ^. The temper 
of the Parliament of Paris was strikingly manifested 



^ Letter from Lockhart, the Englisli Ambassador in Paris 

30 

July — . Thurloe State Papers, vol. v. p. 202. 

- Oliver Cromwell to the King of France, Milton Prcse 
Works, vol. iv. p. 384. 
2 July 18, 1656. Benoit, torn. ili. Preuves. p. 39. 

VOL. III. Q 



226 DELAY IN THE APPOINTMENT OF [cH. XXIII. 

on the appearance of this Edict ; the Ordinance of 
1652 had hitherto been left without notice by that 
Tribunal ; but the Act which destroyed its uncon- 
firmed grace to the Reformed was eagerly and care- 
fully registered soon after it had been signed by the 
King. 

Years nevertheless rolled on without the appoint- 
ment of these promised Commissioners. The chief 
privilege which the Huguenots lost during the sequel 
of Mazarin's administration was that of 
holding Colloquies ; Meetings hitherto as- 
sembled preparatory to their Provincial Synods. The 
pretext advanced for their suppression was not with- 
out considerable weight ; it was said that Synods, 
controlled as they were by the presence of a Royal 
Commissioner, could not deviate from the limits 
assigned to their discussions by becoming theatres of 
Political debate; but that abuse might at any time 
prevail in the minor Assemblies upon which no simi- 
lar check was imposed \ Alarmed at this restriction, 
and anxious to prevent further incroachments upon 
their liberties, the Huguenots, when frustrated in an 
attempt to obtain an immediate Synod (the only chan- 
nel through which their grievances could now be re- 
gularly conveyed to the ear of the Monarch), adopted 
an unusual measure. Ten Deputies elected by the 
Provincial Synods drew up a Remonstrance, and 
solicited leave to present it in the Royal Closet. 
After some difficulty, the request was granted ; the 
Petitioners harangued the King at much length, and 
were dismissed with a brief and vague reply, pur- 
porting that he would examine their Memoir, and do 

' July 26. 1657- Benoit, torn. iii. Preuves, p. 48. 



A. D. 1657.] PROVINCIAL COMMISSIONERS. 227 

them justice i. From the Cardinal they obtained a 
most ambiguous response, conveyed indeed in a 
greater number of words. " The King by his mea- 
sures will evince his good will towards you. B.est 
assured that I speak with sincerity^." In the end, 
they quitted the Court, bitterly discontented by an 
official announcement that Louis had read their Me- 
morial ; that he designed to observe the Edict of 
Nantes, provided they should render themselves 
worthy of so much favour by their good conduct, 
their fidelity, and their affection to his service ; and 
that he would forthwith make choice of the promised 
Commissioners. It seemed as if it was now for- 
gotten that they had already and invariably evinced 
good conduct, fidelity, and affection ; and that they 
were to be altogether deprived of the rewards which 
the Edict of 1652 had bestowed after a full acknow- 
ledgment of their deserts. 

A War with Spain by which Louis had been long 
harassed had now terminated successfully ^ ; and 
Cromwell, of whom, notwithstanding his alliance, it 
was but natural that he should entertain jealousy in 
consequence of the influence which he had established 
over the Reformed*, had closed his extraordinary 

1 Id. Ibid. p. 267. 

2 Id. Ibid. p. 268. 

3 By the Treaty of the Pyrenees, signed in the Isle of Phea- 
sants on the Bidassoa, Nov. 7> 1659. 

^ On the renewal of preparations against the Vaudois by the 
Duke of Savoy in 1658, Oliver Cromwell wrote a second time to 
Louis XIV., conjuring him in more vehement terms to interfere 
in their behalf. He at the same time assured Mazarin, in a 
separate Despatch, that " nothing had acquired more good will 
and affection to the French Nation among all the neighbouring 
professors of the Reformed Religion, than that liberty and those 
Q 2 



228 XXIXth AND LAST [CH. XXIII. 

career more than twelve months ; when licence was 
granted for the convention of the XXIXth National 
Synod. Fifteen years had elapsed since a similar 
assemblage at Charenton, when the Huguenot Depu- 
ties now gathered together at Loudun, for the last 
exhibition of their representative authority. 
jjoY ]o^ The Session was opened by a Speech of 
ja!f?o inoi*e than usual length and dulness, in 
1660. which the Sieur de Magdelaine, the Royal 
Commissioner, recapitulated the numerous subjects 
of discussion which were forbidden to the Synod, and 
impressed upon their attention the most servile doc- 
trines of passive obedience. In his eulogy upon the 
Throne, he took occasion to mark the great conde- 
scension of the King, who permitted debates concern- 
ing a Religion of which both himself and the majo- 
rity of his subjects disapproved. " His Majesty," he 
added, " was resolutely determined to enforce the 
Edict of Nantes ; and he would commence by re- 
medying the numerous infractions of which the pre- 
tended Reformed themselves were guilty." In con- 
clusion, he intimated that, in order to prevent great 
and needless expenses, National Synods should here- 
after be suppresed ; that all business relative to Re- 
ligious discipline, the only matter which they were 
permitted to handle, might be treated with equal 
advantage, and less trouble, in their Provincial 
Synods ; and that he was directly and expressly 
commanded to do whatever in him lay for the 

privileges which by public Acts and Edicts are granted in that 
Kingdom to the Protestants. And this, among others, was one 
more reason why this Republic so ardently desired the friend- 
ship and alliance of the French People." Milton Prose JVorhs, 
vol. iv. pp. 446. 451. 



A. D. 1660.] NATIONAL SYNOD. 229 

shortening and speedy ending of the present Assem- 

bly. 

Tlie Moderator Daille, a personage of high and 
deserved repute for Learning, replied by protesting 
the utmost deference to the authority of the Crown, 
and to the general principles of unqualified submis- 
sion which the Commissioner had propounded. Ne- 
vertheless, on proceeding to details, he advanced 
numerous difficulties. Some passages of his Speech 
are amusing from his total blindness to their contra- 
diction of each other. He assured the Sieur de 
Magdelaine, that the Fathers of the Reformation, 
even " in the very midst of fire and faggot, held 
Christian charity in that great esteem and commen- 
dation, that they, by a most plain and express Arti- 
cle, did prohibit the use of any injurious reproachful 
terms, which might in the least exasperate men's 
spirits ;'' and, after arguing that a fortiori, modera- 
tion more exemplary, if possible, would be observed 
in the calm and peaceable times amid which their 
own lot was cast, he affirmed, with the most entire 
simplicity, that nevertheless as for the words " Anti- 
christ," " Idolatry," and " Deceits of Satan," which 
they had always been in the habit of applying to cer- 
tain doctrines of the Romish Church, " they be words 
which they are fully resolved never to abandon, but 
to keep faithfully and inviolably to the last gasp\" 

Daille next admitted that the Huguenots *' have 
no ground nor cause to complain of oppression and 
persecution." Yet, in the paragraph immediately fol- 
lowing, he spake of " great violences" suffered by his 
brethren " in the exercise of their Religion, in their 

1 Quick, p. 613. 



230 XXIXth AND LAST [cH. XXIII. 

families, in their own persons, and in their estates, in 
sundry and divers ways contrary to what is granted by 
The Edict ;" of the injustice of Judges, of " burdens," 
" grievances," and " invaded liberties and proper- 
ties \" What, it may be asked, if the Moderator 
excluded these sufferings from his interpretation, was 
the precise sense assigned by him to the words 
oppression and persecution ? In conclusion, he pro- 
tested reasonably and vehemently against the menaced 
abolition of the National Synods, contending that it 
was "absolutely impossible that their Religion should 
subsist without those Assemblies;" and that the 
expedient of merging them in the Provincial Synods 
would be attended with " a total subversion of Dis- 
cipline." 

The Letters addressed to the Court were couched 
in the ordinary strain of adulation. Louis was 
assured that one of the fundamental maxims of their 
Creed taught that " Kings in this world do, in some 
sense, hold the very place of God, and are His most 
lively portraiture on Earth ; and the steps and de- 
grees of their thrones do not raise them above the 
generality of mankind, but to draw them nearer 
Heaven ^" The Cardinal answered the Address to 
himself with marked, and, it may be believed, with 
sincere urbanity. He protested that the King was 
so persuaded of their inviolable fidelity and zeal for 
his service, that it was quite unnecessary for any one 
to mediate in their behalf ; and that, for his own 
part, he had a very great esteem for them, which 
they richly deserved, being good servants and sub- 
jects. 

1 Id. pp. 516, 517. 2 Id. p. 519. 



A. D. 1660. J NATIONAL SYNOD. 231 

The business transacted during their two months' 
Session, was desultory and of very little general in- 
terest. They wisely restricted controversialists from 
scattering doubts among the ignorant, in order to 
exhibit their own ingenuity in refutation, by enjoin- 
ing, that unless errors had been already " divulged 
among the common people," those who undertook to 
correct them should write in Latin \ They reverted 
to the long-standing subject of complaint that the 
wives and children of many Pastors transgressed an 
important Canon " by their vain conformity to the 
world in the new-fangled fashion of their habits, 
contrary to Christian modesty ^ ;" and they under- 
took the still more difficult task of promoting sump- 
tuary laws among the youths who were being trained 
in their Universities. Grievous representations were 
offered of the " corruption" which had crept in, espe- 
cially among the Students in Divinity. Of their 
" wearing long hair ; clothes, after the new-fangled 
fashion of the world, with wide floating sleeves ; 
gloves stuffed with silk and ribands ; that they fre- 
quented taverns ; haunted the company of women ; 
that they walked abroad with their swords ; that 
their style savoured more of the Romance than of 
God's holy word, and many other vanities and ex- 
cesses of that nature." Severe penalties were de- 
nounced against these juvenile licences ; and suspen- 
sion from the Lord's table, erasure from the Matri- 
cular Book, and rejection from Ordination, were to 
be the lot of refractory Proposans. Two visitors 
were appointed to repair to Saumur for the especial 
enforcement of this Canon, and the Speech in which 

1 Ch. X. §. 17. p. 553. 2 ch. vii. §. 7. p. 527. 



232 SUPPRESSION OF THE NATIONAL SYNODS. [cH. XXIII. 

they addressed the Students (reported at the end of 
the Acts of this Synod) is pious, touching, sensible, 
and eloquent \ Notwithstanding the intimation 
given by the Commissioner that no similar Meetings 
would be permitted in future, the Deputies, before 
they broke up, convoked a National Synod in Nismes 
at the expiration of three years, " with the good 
pleasure of his Majesty ^." 

^ Id. Ibid. p. 584. 

2 Ch. xviii. Upon which appointment Quick observes in his 
peculiar manner, " But when that will be Peloni Palmoni, the 
wonderful numberer, can only and most certainly inform us." 
p. clxiv. 



D. 16G1.] DEATH OF MAZARIN. 233 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Decline of the Huguenots after the Death of Mazarin — Nnmerous 
restraining Edicts — Letter from Louis XIV. to the Elector of 
Brandenburg — Abolition of The Chambers of The Edict — Defi- 
ciency of high rank among the Huguenots — Their Learning — 
Tlie King engages actively in promoting Conversions — Pelisson 
— New Penal Ordinances — Commencement of the Dragonnades 
in Poitou — Marillac — Emigration — Encouraged by Foreign 
Protestant States — Forbidden by Edict — Interference tvith 
Public Worship — Secret Union among the Huguenots — Execu- 
tions — Assembly of the Gallican Church — Abolition of the 
Reformed Church at Bearne — Troops spread over the Southern 
Provinces — Forced and pretended Conversions — Enormities of 
the Soldiery — Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. 

The death of Mazarin, which occurred March 15. 
about fifteen months after the close of the ^^^^' 
Synod of Loudun, may be considered as the epoch 
from which the Huguenot Church, long verging to 
decline, began its course of positive fall. Even if 
the general policy of the late Minister had not been 
characterised by a mildness strongly contrasted with 
the haughty sway of Richelieu, the Huguenots had 
deserved his protection by their fidelity ; and al- 
though it may be too much to pronounce that he was 
their friend, it is by no means likely that he would 
ever have appeared their enemy. With the young 
King, who now undertook to direct the helm of his 
own Government, ambition, a love of pleasure and 
of military glory, for many years postponed any close 



234 DECLINE OF THE HUGUENOTS. [CH. XXIV. 

attention to Ecclesiastical affairs ; and it was not 
until, in maturer life, when gusts of devotion began to 
alternate with those of more earthly passion, that he 
thought he might atone for his vices by an endea- 
vour to compel his subjects to an impossible unity 
of Faith. Colbert, indeed, the Comptroller-General 
of Finance, upon whom the King's confidence chiefly 
devolved after the death of Mazarin, had sufficient 
penetration to discover, that the Huguenots were 
useful servants ; and he employed them largely in 
the Marine and in Manufactures. But his counte- 
nance was little able to protect them from a gradual 
diminution of their privileges ; and we shall perceive 
their rights torn away one by one, till Louvois, in 
order to ensure continuance in power, took advan- 
tage of his Masters weakness, and stimulated him 
to a disastrous act, occasioning immeasurable mi- 
sery, and stained with dishonour never to be wiped 
away. 

To pursue any detail of the encroachments made 
upon the Reformed Church of France during the 
quarter of a century ensuing upon the death of Ma- 
zarin, would be equally tedious and unprofitable ; 
and we must be content with a very limited selection 
from the huge chaos of minute events, which the bit- 
terness of remembered suffering has frequently in- 
vested with disproportionate value, and related 
with unreasonable prolixity. Almost immediately 
on the Cardinal's decease, the Provincial Com- 
missioners were nominated, and set forward to the 
performance of their functions. Their chief in- 
quiries were directed to the titles by virtue of 
which the Huguenots claimed the exercise of wor- 
ship in different localities. At first, the decisions 



A. D. 1661.] RESTRAINING EDICTS. 235 

framed upon these Reports were by no means inequi- 
table ; but as the tide of opinion against the Re- 
formed increased to the flood, the testimony of the 
Huguenot Commissioner was every where borne 
down by that of his Romanist assessor ; and Chapel 
after Chapel was demolished, without regard to lega- 
lity of tenure. Amid the great variety of restraining 
Edicts issued from time to time, we meet with some, 
framed chiefly, as it seems, to mortify the Sectarians, 
by showing the supremacy of the Establishment in 
petty privileges ; others again which wrested from 
them substantial benefits. At the same moment in 
which, in consequence of an idle squabble between 
the Magistrates and the Students of Montauban, the 
Huguenot College in that City was suppressed, and 
its property transferred to the Jesuits, we read an- 
other Arret forbidding the Reformed from singing 
Psalms in the streets or public walks, or even within 
their own houses, in a tone sufiiciently loud to be 
heard by passengers \ This exercise of devotion 
was afterwards forbidden even in their Chapels, dur- 
ing the times at which the Procession of the Host 
happened to be passing by ; and if the Congregation 
were in the middle of their Psalm, they were enjoined 
to discontinue so long as the Catholics remained 
within ear-shot. The large fine of 1000 livres was 
annexed to disobedience of this Arret, and those 
who violated it were declared guilty of a breach of 
The Edict, and of disturbing the public repose ^. 

1 March 17, 1661. Benoit, iii. Preuves, p. 65. Psalm- 
singing is an offence very repeatedly prohibited. A penalty of 
500 livres is annexed to it on Dec. 16, of the same year. Id. 
Ibid. pp. 90. 105. 130. 

2 June 17, 1664. Id. Ibid. p. 182. 



236 



RESTRAINING EDICTS. [cil. XXIV. 



The Reformed Clergy were not allowed to assume 
the title of Mmisters of God's word ; and the reason 
assigned for this prohibition was eminently offensive : 
" because the word of God is pure, true, and holy, 
whereas that taught by the pretended Reformed Mi- 
nisters is false, profane, and corrupt \" The hours 
at which Funeral Rites might be performed, were'*so 
regulated, as to deprive them of publicity.; and only 
a limited number of persons were permitted to assist 
at their celebration ^. 

The interference with the rites of Burial was in- 
deed eminently vexatious ; and all those tributes of 
respect to the deceased by which the grief of the 
survivors pardonably, even if unreasonably, seeks to 
promote its own alleviation, were sternly forbidden. 
A Huguenot at Caen had thrown over the bier of a 
loved wife, a white pall, embroidered with garlands 
of rosemary, " for remembrance ; " and had placed 
branches of the same shrub in the hands of four 
maidens who attended as bearers. For this harm- 
less act of affection, he was subjected to a fine, and 
declared to be refractory ; and the language in which 
the pleadings against him were conducted, was calcu- 
lated to increase the irritation excited by his arraign- 
ment. He was accused of having given offence and 
scandal to the eyes of the Public : Funeral proces- 
sions and ceremonies, it was said, were altogether 
out of character with the pretended Reformed Reli- 
gion : such honours were fitly appropriated to those 
only who professed the same Faith with their Prince. 
It was impossible that either equality or communion 

1 Feb. 26, 16G3. Id. Ibid. p. 131. 

2 March 19, 1GG3. Id. Ibid. p. 134. 



A.D. 1666.] LETTER TO ELECTOR OF BRANDENBURG. 237 

could exist between the two Religions ; all dignities 
and advantages must be reserved for the dominant 
Catholic, and the pretended Reformed must be con- 
tent to remain in humiliation, in silence, and in ob- 
scurity '. 

Even the dress of the Huguenot Ministers was not 
thought beneath the regulation of Government ; and 
the " insufferable presumption" was severely re- 
buked, which induced them to appear in public 
wearing cassocks and sleeved gowns. Any Pastor 
who should w^ear a gown, unless in his Chapel, was 
condemned to a fine of 300 livres for the first offence, 
and to a yet heavier punishment for the second ^. 
That the Ministers in general had graduated, and 
were therefore entitled to the costume of their De- 
grees, w'as a plea advanced in vain, and the prohibi- 
tion v/as strictly enforced. 

The German Protestants were naturally alarmed 
at this usage of their French brethren ; and the 
Elector of Brandenburg addressed a Re- 
monstrance to the King, which ,was an- 
swered in terms expressive of much courtesy and 
calculated to disarm, apprehension. To no other 
Prince, as Louis impressed upon the Elector, would 
he have vouchsafed an explanation ; but as a mark 
of his especial esteem, he informed Frederic, that the 
reports which he had heard of breaches in the pro- 
tecting Edicts, were void of truth, and circulated 
abroad by ill-affected persons. Every care was 
taken to maintain the Reformed in all the privileges 

^ Many more similarly insulting expressions are contained in 
this Arret, Feb. 20, 1664. Id. Ibid. p. 173. 
2 June 30, 16G4. Id. Ibid. p. 190. 



238 SUPPRESSION OF [CH. XXIV 

which had been conceded to them, and to place them 
on an equal level with the rest of their Countrymen. 
" I am pledged to that effect," concluded this memo- 
rable Letter, " by my Royal word, and by the gra- 
titude which I feel for the proofs of fidelity given 
me during the late commotions, in which they took 
up arms for my service, and vigorously and success- 
fully opposed the evil designs entertained against 
my authority by a rebellious Faction '." 

Within two years from the date of this most posi- 
tive assurance of the inviolability of their 

1668. . ., , / , 

privileges, great alarm was excited among 
the Reformed, when they learned that the Clergy had 
obtained an Ordinance, long ago prepared in secret, 
and now on the eve of appearance, enjoining the 
suppression of the Chambers of The Edict, in the 
Parliaments of Paris and of Rouen. It was spe- 
ciously argued, that, as only one Huguenot was ad- 
mitted to be a Member in either of those Chambers, 
the Reformed would not really be losers by the 
abolition '. But the Huguenots felt justly that this 
attack upon an outwork was a weakening of their 
citadel ; that the very name of Chamber of The 
Edict was in a degree identified with The Edict itself; 
that not less than 38 Articles in the body of The 
Edict were connected with the existence of the 
Chambers ; and that by an aggression upon the one 
the public mind would become familiarised with any 

1 Sept. 6, 166G. Id. torn. v. Preuves, p. 7. 

2 By the Edict of Nantes, the Chamber of The Edict in the 
Parliament of Paris ought to have consisted of ten Roman Ca- 
tholics and six Reformed ; but five of the latter were distributed 
through inferior Courts, Les Enqnetes. Renault, Abrege Chron. 
torn. iii. p. 8G9. 



A. D. 1669.] THE CHAMBERS OF THE EDICT. 2^9 

violence which it might be designed to offer here- 
after to the other. Moreover, the Chambers had in 
fact proved beneficial to their interests. It was no 
slight privilege to be allowed Courts especially ap- 
propriated to the relief of their particular grievances : 
and the decisions of those Courts had invariably been 
just and impartial. 

It was in vain that the Huguenots requested and 
obtained an audience in the Louvre, and that De 
Bosc, the Minister deputed to urge reasons for the 
maintenance of the Chambers, addressed the King in 
a forcible and eloquent Speech, which aroused his 
attention, and even extorted his applause \ The 
exordium of this harangue is couched in terms which 
grate harshly on the pious ear, by too closely assi- 
milating the earthly Prince to whom it was directed, 
to the Almighty Father of whom he is declared to 
be the express image and representation, and to the 
King of Kings, His eternal Son, who ever invited 
those who were heavy-laden to offer their petitions, 
in order that He might relieve them ; and there is 
one passage, alluding to the " miraculous birth" of 
Louis, which good taste would have retrenched. 
But the oration, on the whole, is highly creditable to 
its author, and unites in a very limited compass 
much effective argument with much powerful decla- 
mation. It is almost superfluous to add, that it 
failed in its object. The Chambers were jan. 
annulled by an Ordinance which, in strange 
contradiction to its purport, affirmed, that it was the 
Royal intention punctually to maintain the Reformed 

1 It is printed at length by Benoit, torn. v. Preuves, p. 27. 



240 DEFICIENCY OF HIGH RANK [cH. XXIV. 

in all the advantages granted to them by former 
Edicts, without any let or hindrance \ 

A few years of depression had materially weak- 
ened the connexion which once linked the Hugue- 
nots, as a Body, to persons eminent in rank. Some 
most illustrious names were still numbered among 
them, but their list was no longer thronged, as here- 
tofore, with Princes and Nobles, with Statesmen and 
Warriors. Wealth, indeed, they largely possessed ; 
for the lucrative pursuits of Commerce had never 
been closed against their speculation ; but wealth 
unallied to birth and station, was a lure to invite, not 
a shield to avert rapacity. The male line of Rohan, 
their last distinguished Chief, had become extinct, 
notwithstanding the bold and singular attempt of 
the widowed Duchess to revive it in a supposititious 
heir, whose claim could have been established no 
otherwise than on the wreck of his Mother's honour^. 
The abjuration of the Marechal de Turenne, which 
occurred about the time at which we are now arrived, 
was severely felt by the Party which he abandoned, 
and the disinterestedness with which that great man 
had more than once before rejected offers of splendid 
promotion, when they required a renunciation of his 
Faith, and the undisputed sincerity of purpose by 
which he was always characterised, increased the 
evil influence of his conversion ^. Among the few 

1 Jan. 1669. Id. Ibid. p. 31. 

2 This remarkable history is very fully and distinctly related 
by Benoit, torn. iii. p. 54, &c. 

^ Turenne's conversion is attributed by Rulhiere (p. 64.) to 
a perusal of Bossuet's Exposition de la Doctrine de V Eglise 
CalJioIiqiie. He had declined to conform, when Mazarin, after 



A. D. 1669.] AMONG THE HUGUENOTS. 241 

most distinguished laymen who remained unchanged 
we may reckon the Duke of Schomberg, whose mili- 
tary skill placed him successively in the command of 
the armies of France, Portugal, Prussia, and Eng- 
land ; the Members of the House of La Force ; and 
of a branch of La Rochefoucault ; Ruvigny, the 
father and son, the former now Plenipotentiary in 
London \ the latter successor to his father as Deputy- 
General of the Huguenots at his native Court, and 
afterwards well known in English History, under the 
title of Earl of Galway ^ ; and the conq-^eror of De 
Ruyter, Abraham Duquesne, whose sole monument 

the birth of the Dauphin (Louis XIV.) signified to him that by 
so doing he might be appointed Governor to the young Prince ; 
and even so late as in 1G67, he had resisted the personal solici- 
tations and promises of the King. A pubhc Thanksgiving, in 
which however Turenne's name was not openly mentioned, was 
offered at Charenton for this example of firmness. Benoit, 
tom. iv. p. 1.30. 

^ Burnet has reported, from an account given him by the 
elder Ruvigny, the particulars of an audience which that Minis- 
ter obtained from Louis XIV., after the Peace of Nimeguen, 
when he was alarmed at the precipitate measures adopted to- 
wards the Protestants. The King listened very patiently to the 
representations of the Deputy-General ; but told him, in conclu- 
sion, " that he considered himself as so indispensably bound to 
endeavour the conversion of all his subjects and the extirpation 
of Heresy, that if the doing it should require that, with one 
hand, he should cut off the other, he would submit to that." 
Ruvigny foresaw the approaching danger, and warned his 
friends : but at the same time protested against any open rising, 
well knowing their own internal weakness, and the lukewarm- 
ness of their reputed foreign allies. Own Times^ i. 656, 7> folio. 

2 He was created after the surrender of Limerick and the 
close of the Irish war in 169L Burnet speaks of him in very 
high terms. Ibid. ii. 82. 

VOL. III. R 



242 BOCHART J. BASNAGE [cH. XXIV. J 

in the ungrateful Country which denied honour to his ! I 
remains, is the undying remembrance of his victo- 1 1 
lies ^ , I 

However deficient in adventitious rank the Hugue- ' 
not Church might be at this period, it nevertheless 
boasted several Ministers of great Learning and abi- 
lity. Death, indeed, had recently terminated the 
laborious speculations and curious researches of 
Bochart ^ ; and Jaques Basnage was only preparing 
for those Works which have compelled one little in- 
clined to exaggerate the intellectual powers of a 
faithful servant of Christ, to pronounce him more fit 
to govern an Empire than a Parish ^. But we may 
notice that the Church at Charenton was served by 



1 His son, compelled to expatriate after the Revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes, purchased an estate at Eaubonne in Swisser- 
land, and engraved on a Cenotaph to his Father the following 
words : Ce tombeau attend les restes de Dtiquesne. Son nom est 
connu sur toutes les mers. Passant, si tii demandes pourquoi les 
Hollandois ont eleve un superbe monument a Ruyter vaincu, et 
pourquoi les Frangois ont refuse une sepulture honorable au vain- 
queur de Ruyter, ce qui est du de crainte et de respect a un Mo- 
narque dont la puissance s'etend au loin, me defend toute response. 
Louis XVI. in some measure obliterated this disgrace by erect- 
ing a statue of Duquesne in his Palace. Rulhiere, p. 356. 

2 Samuel Bochart, the most learned Orientalist and Biblical 
Scholar of his time, was born at Rouen in 1599, and died in 
1677- He studied at Oxford, and was afterwards Tutor to the 
Earl of Roscommon, and officiated as Minister at Caen. 

3 Voltaire. Ecrivains du Steele de Louis XIV. Basnage was 
born in 1653. After the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, he 
became Pastor of the Walloon Church, first at Rotterdam, and 
afterwards at the Hague. During the latter part of his life, he 
was employed frequently, and much to his reputation, in Diplo- 
macy. He died in 1722. 



A. D. 1671.] ALLIX — CLAUDE. 243 

Peter Allix, distinguished both as an English and as 
a French Divine ^ ; and by Claude ^, of whom it is 
enough to remark, that he is admitted, even by the 
Romanists, to have been not an unequal antagonist 
of Pascal and of Arnaud. The Controversy in 
which he was engaged with the latter on the Perpe- 
tuity of the belief in the Real Presence, gave rise to a 
very nice, and, as it may seem, a very futile distinc- 
tion. One of Claude's Works on this question having 
been submitted to the previous inspection of his Col- 
leagues, Daille and Allix, was published by him, 
accompanied by their approbation, a form at that 
time much in literary use. The Jansenists appealed 
to the Parliament of Paris to reprove this 
presumption of the Reformed Ministers ; 
and the Parliament, after hearing a solemn argument, 
decreed that the testimony should be suppressed in 
all copies exposed for sale ; and that if the Ministers 
of the pretended Reformed Religion should in fu- 
ture think fit to grant an imprimatur, they must 
style it not an approbation, but an attestation that 
the book which they had read did not contain any 
thing repugnant to their doctrine ^. 

Hitherto, the only course pursued with the Elugue- 
nots had been that of severity, and those who sought 
their extinction had impressed the King with a belief 
that penal laws were his most efficacious weapons. 



^ Allix, on settling in England, was preferred to the Trea- 
surership of Salisbury Cathedral in 1690. He died in London 
in 1717. 

2 Claude, born in 1619, was Minister of Charenton, in 1666. 
He afterwards settled at the Hague, and died in 1687- 

^ Benoit, torn. iv. p. 194. 

R 2 



244 PELISSON [CH. XXIV. 

jgj,g The return of the year of Jubilee brought 
Avith it an access of that species of devo- 
tion to which the temperament of Louis appears 
to have been periodically subject ; and, resolving to 
make an experiment by gentle means conjointly with 
force, he secretly appropriated the incomes of two 
Abbeys ', and a third of the economats or revenue of 
vacant Benefices ^, to the express object of procuring 
conversions. A special agent was charged with this 
branch of administration ; and the task of watching 
over the conversions of his late brethren was in- 
trusted to one who himself was a Convert. Pelisson, 
many years back, had been Chief Secretary to Fou- 
quet, the last Superintendant of Finances under 
]Mazarin, and he was the only one of Fouquet's ad- 
herents who remained faithful to him in his dis- 
grace ^. Four years and a half of imprisonment in 
the Bastile tended, however, to break a spirit, which, 
if it had not originally possessed firmness, would 
never have encountered that punishment; and Pelis- 
son consented to purchase his release by changing 
his Religion*. Useful talents and agreeable qualities 
again opened his road to fortune ; and obtained for 

^ St. Germain's and Cluny. Lettre de Pelisson. Benoit, 
torn. V. Preuves, p. 99. 

2 Le tiers des ceconomats, c'est a dire du Revenu des Benefices 
qui tomboient en Regale, et dont le Roi jouissoit pendant la va- 
cance. Benoit, torn. iv. p. 351. The Broit Regale, so long con- 
tested by the. Kings of France, and at last confirmed to Louis 
XIV., is fully explained by Rulhiere, p. 97- See also Voltaire, 
Steele de Louis XIV., ch. 35. 

3 Fouquet was disgraced in 1661. 

•* Rulhiere informs us, however, that toutes les apparences 
sont que ce fameux Converti est mort daris la Foiqu'il avoit aban- 
donne. p. 29. 




ip^Aui JL P jE :if.]i s s ®m. 



A. D. 1676.] AGENT FOR CONVERSIONS. 245 

him the intimate confidence of the King, who employed 
him as redacteur (to the honour of English Litera- 
ture, we do not possess any equivalent term) of the 
Memoires of the first ten years after his personal 
assumption of the Government, which Louis has be- 
queathed to Posterity. 

In his Correspondence with the Bishops, Pelisson 
charged them to send him papers, framed with com- 
mercial exactness, respecting \he fetites gratificaUons 
which they were authorised to dispense. In order to 
please the King, he contracted^ that no conversions 
were to be named which had occurred before I676 ^ 
Their lists were to contain the names of the Converts, 
the sums paid to each, the receipt for that payment, 
and a copy of the abjuration. The average price 
paid per head was six livres ; some changelings were 
purchased at a still lower rate, and the largest dis- 
bursement which has been found entered on the 
books of his office amounts to thirty-two livres for a 
numerous family^. The " miracles" of Pelisson 
soon became an object of Court raillery, and his doc- 
trine was said to be less learned, perhaps, than that of 
Bossuet, but greatly more persuasive. Every year 
augmented the sums placed at his disposal ; and 
while the indignant Huguenots stigmatised the 
cofier from which he drew as the box of Pandora ^, 
Pelisson, comparing its marvellous effects ^vith its 
original scantiness, assimilated it to the inexhaustible 
meal and oil of the widow, or to the five loaves so 
multiplied by Divine power as to provide for the 
sustenance of five thousand*. It seems that 700 or 

^ Lettre de Pelisson, tit sup. 

2 Rulhiere searched these books for the entries given above, 
pp. 96. 99. 3 jj^ p^ 99, 4 i^ffj.g dg Pelisson, ut cup. 



246 VEXATIOUS [CH. XXIV. 

800 renegades, duly certified, were bought for about 
2000 crowns ; and the Arch-Converter was earnest 
in his warnings, that the " holy dew" (as he called it) 
should be so discreetly husbanded as to allow the 
sprinkling of the greatest possible number of per- 
sons \ 

The Chambers of The Edict at Paris and at Rouen 
had disappeared ; but the Parliaments of Toulouse, 
of Bourdeaux, and of Gtenoble, still retained their 
Chambres my-parties, before which all Civil and Cri- 
minal charges affecting the Reformed were presented. 
These Institutions, so favourable to justice, 
were now to be abolished ; and the para- 
doxical reason assigned for this fresh curtailment of 
privilege was the tranquil behaviour of the parties 
from whom it was to be wrested. Fifty years have 
now elapsed, says the Preamble of the Edict notify- 
ing the cessation of these Chambers, since any new 
trouble has been occasioned by those professing The 
Religion ; on which account we cannot do better than 
deprive them of their peculiar Tribunals, both utterly 
to extinguish the remembrance of past animosities, 
and also to facilitate the execution of the Law^ 
During the same year, another violent innovation in- 
flicted a deathblow on the freedom of Provincial 
Synods. Under the pretext, that the Huguenot 
Royal Commissioners, hitherto appointed for their 
superintendence, had, in very many instances, been 
guilty of collusion, and with culpable indulgence to 
their brethren had omitted to report the entire pro- 
ceedings, the King assumed to himself the rights if 

' Lettre et Memoire de Pelisson, ut sup. 

2 July, 1679. Benoit, torn. v. Freuves, p. 109. 



A. D. 1679.] ORDINANCES. 247 

he so pleased, (and there could be little doubt of the 
future nature of his pleasure) of nominating a Com- 
missioner of the Romanist persuasion ^ 

Almost every succeeding day now produced some 
fresh vexatious Ordinance. The conversions did not 
proceed rapidly enough to satisfy the Royal appetite ; 
and as an additional stimulus to apostasy, it was de- 
creed, that all persons who had abandoned The Reli- 
gion should be exempt from processes for debt till 
the close of three years from the day of their abjura- 
tion^. The dying Huguenots were tormented on 
their sick beds by visits from the neighbouring Ma- 
gistrates ; authorised to administer interrogatories 
respecting Faith, in the presence of official witnesses, 
and ever ready to profit by any imbecility resulting 
either from the irritation of bodily anguish, or the 
failure of mental power. Priests were then always 
at hand to offer instruction, and to vaunt a recanta- 
tion, quivering perhaps on the last-drawn sigh ^. 

Intermarriage, than which no band more closely 
links together the various Orders in a State, was pe- 
remptorily forbidden. That a Catholic should enter 
into the nuptial contract with a Heretic was pro- 
nounced to be a desecration of the Sacrament ; the 
issue of a conjunction so portentous and so profane 
was bastardized and declared incapable of inherit- 
ance ; and no plea, either of attachment or of conve- 
nience, was allowed to invalidate this most dissociat- 
ino; Ordinance *. One blow more was to be levelled 



1 Oct. 10, 1679. Id. Ibid. p. 107. 

2 Nov. 18, 1680. Id. Ibid. p. 118. 

3 Id. Ibid. pp. 120, 121, 122. 

4 Nov. 1680. Id.Jbid. p. 119. 



218 CHILDREN INVITED TO ABJURE. [CH. XXIV. 

against the rights of Nature, and the union of fami- 
lies was effectually dissolved by withdrawing children 
from the salutary influence of parental control. " The 
great success which it has pleased the Almighty to 
bestow on the Spiritual excitements and other reason- 
able means, which we have been employing for the 
conversion of our subjects of the pretended Reformed 
Faith" (thus commenced a Royal Declaration pro- 
mulgated in 1681) " induces us to second the move- 
ments which God has awakened, in order that yet 
more of our aforesaid subjects may perceive the 
error of their way." It then proceeded to enact, that 
infants at the age of seven years were fully capable of 
reasoning, and of fixing their choice in matters so 
important as those concerning their salvation. At 
that age, therefore, the inmates of the Huguenot 
Nurseries were invited, be the reluctance of their 
Parents what it might, to offer abjuration ; and they 
were permitted, at their pleasure, either to remain 
under the roof of their birth, or to select some other 
residence, in which the father, whom they abandoned, 
was compelled to defray the charges of their support \ 
No law could be invented more poisonous to domes- 
tic happiness, nor which more rankly embittered the 
sweet waters of affection at their very fountain-head. 
No barrier short of entire seclusion could be raised 
against the hourly danger of unripe proselytism ; and 
who, even in the most sequestered retirement, could 
feel secure that the caress or the menace of some venal 
nurse or treacherous friend, — the terrors of a rod, 
or the temptations of an apple 2, — might not wrest 



1 June 17, 1681. Id. Ibid. p. 128. 

2 Par les menaces on par les caresses, par le fouet ou par line 



A. D. 16S1.] LETTER TO MAllILLAC. 249 

his innocent and unsuspicious offspring from the 
charities of Home and the Religion of his kins- 
men ? 

Claude, at the desire, and in the name of his bre- 
thren, drew up an eloquent Remonstrance against 
this most odious enactment ; but the King declined 
to grant an audience, and paid but little attention to 
the Memorial, when it was delivered to him by the 
Deputy-General, Ruvigny. A few months before 
the appearance of this Edict, we discover traces 
of the first employment of military agency in the 
projected conversions ; and a Letter has been pre- 
served, written by Louvois, at that time Minister of 
War, and all-powerful in the Royal Councils, in- 
structing Marillac, the Intendant^ of Poitou, in the 
use which he was to make of a regiment of Dra- 
goons about to be despatched into that Province^. 

Marillac had already shown abundant zeal in the 
execution of his insidious duties, and he was conse- 
quently assured of the great satisfaction with which 
the King had perused his late Reports. The sol- 
diers, he was told, were to be distributed in quarters 
according to his discretion ; but so that the greatest 
burden should always fall upon the Protestants. 

pomme. Factum d'zin Missionnalre qui travaille a la Conversion 
des Heretiques, pour etre consulte a Messieurs de Sorbonne, cited 
by Benoit, torn. iv. p. 574. 

^ The Intendants of Provinces were originally Delegates sent 
annually through the Kingdom {qui fissent des chevauchees dans 
les Provinces) to inspect the execution of justice, to receive com- 
plaints, and to make Reports accordingly to the Chancellor. 
Under Richelieu's Administration, they became stationary in 
most large towns, and gradually usurped almost all authority 
from the Governors. Rulhiere, p. 28. 

2 March 18, 1681. Rulhiere, p. 13C. 



250 DRAGONNADES IN POITOU. [cH. XXIV. 

" I would not have you quarter them all upon the 
Reformed," continued Louvois ; " but, for instance, 
if ten privates out of the twenty -six of which each 
troop of horse consists, should be the equitable share 
of the Huguenots in any village, you may quarter 
twenty upon them \" These secret instructions were 
speedily followed up by a public Ordinance from the 
War department ; not indeed directly enjoining that 
the Huguenots should afford lodging to the Military, 
but apparently as a matter of favour, granting two 
years' exemption from that impost to the new Con- 
verts ^. 

None of the infinite abuses which might arise from 
this Mission bottee, (as the rude and fierce Body of In- 
structors were called, either in bitter sportiveness or in 
contempt), was likely to be diminished by the temper 
of the officer to whom its direction was intrusted ; 
and accordingly every Huguenot family in Poitou 
was exposed to the unbridled license of a brutal sol- 
diery. At length, the groans of his oppressed sub- 
jects reached the ears of the King, hitherto saturated 
by reports of conversions which he too easily be- 
lieved were the result of free-will ; and Louvois was 
ordered to repress the indiscreet ardour of his 
subalterns. Marillac was then warned to abstain 
from threatening such Huguenots as refused abjura- 
tion ; to avoid furnishing them with pretexts for 
complaint ; nqt to appear as if ostentatiously over- 



^ Elle utestime pas qu'il les y faille loger tons ; c'est-d-dire 
que de vingt-six maitres, dont une compagnie est composee, si, sui- 
vant une repartition juste les Religionnaires en devaient piorter dix 
vous pouvez leur /aire donner vingt. Id. p. 137. 

2 April 11, 1681. Benoit, torn. v. Preuves, p. 128. 



A. D. 1681.] EMIGRATION. 251 

loading them with burdensome impositions ^ ; and to 
take care that the Dragoons when in their houses 
did not perpetrate any considerable disorders ^, so that 
the Reformed might not assert that they were aban^ 
doned to the discretion of the Military. 

It might be supposed that enough gratification for 
a zealous hatred of Sectarianism was allowed even 
after a restraint thus qualified ; but Marillac, had he 
been so willing, was unable, (as Louvois must have 
well foreseen), to divest military occupation of vio- 
lence, and to promote forcible conversions otherwise 
than by oppression. Despairing of repose around 
their native hearths, whole families in Poitou sought 
foreign asylums ; and emigration was encouraged by 
the sympathy of other Protestant States. England 
took the lead in this work of charity. Charles II. 
granted letters of Denization, issued in juiy28. 
Council under the Great Seal; assured the ^^^^* 
Exiles that, at the next assemblage of a Parliament, 
he would introduce a Bill by which they should be 
naturalized ; relieved them at the moment from im- 
portation duties and the customary fees for passports ; 
and encouraged voluntary contributions for their 
support ^. The ferment of the Popish Plot had not 

^ Qu'il rHy paraisse point d'affectation d^accabler les Reli' 
gionnaires. Cited by Rulhiere, p. 147. 

2 Qu'ils ne fassent point de desordres considerables chez lesdits 
Religionnaires . Id. Ibid. 

3 July 28, 1681. This Order is published at length in the 
London Gazette of Sept. 16, 1681, and is there erroneously stated 
to have been issued " on the 28th of last month." By Minutes 
in the Council Office, it appears to have been framed in July, 
and so the date is given in the Advertisement which we are 
immediately about to notice in a subsequent Gazette of October 
19, 1681. 



252 EMIGRATION [cH. XXIV. 

subsided at the time at which he made these benevo- 
lent declarations, and pains were taken by the fac- 
tious to misrepresent their object. The Ministers of 
the French Churches in the City of London and in 
the Savoy were obliged to rebut the calumny that 
their fugitive brethren were Papists in disguise ; by 
advertising in the Gazette that no persons were ad- 
mitted to their Congregations, or allowed to share 
in the charity which had been so freely bestowed, 
unless they presented satisfactory Testimonials that 
they professed the Reformed Faith, and that they 
had partaken in the Sacrament of the Lord's Sup- 
per ^ The example of England was followed by the 
King of Denmark, and by the Burgomasters of Am- 
sterdam ; and the contagion of Marillac's tyranny 
having spread into the adjoining Provinces of Aunix 
and Saintonge, the number of Emigrants hourly 
increased ^. The Court took alarm at this threatened 
depopulation of the most important maritime district 
in the Kingdom ; and the retreat of a large Body of 
seafaring men produced an outcry which occasioned 
the temporary disgrace and dismissal of Marillac. 

It was not, however, by any permanent change in 
domestic policy that the Government endeavoured to 
stem the tide of emigration; nor were gentle mea- 
sures employed to retain those whom terror was in- 
ducing to abandon all the ties of Home and Country. 
Recourse was had to a new penal Edict. After an 

^ Benoit, torn. v. p. 491, mistakenly calls this Advertisement, 
(in which a reference is offered to the Bishop of London), a re- 
turn of thanks to the King for having assisted to dissipate the false 
report. 

2 Benoit says, that he had seen Memoires, stating that more 
than 3000 Families left the Kingdom at this time, tom. iv. p. 500. 



A.D. 1683.] PROHIBITED. 253 

announcement that God's blessing had been signally- 
vouchsafed upon the King's exertions in behalf of 
the Catholic, Apostolic and Romish Faith, by an 
infinite number of conversions, Louis proceeded to 
express regret that certain obstinate persons were 
still to be found among the great multitude of his 
subjects, who not only refused Spiritual succour 
when offered to them, but, blinding others also by 
their contagious malignity, encouraged a cabal by 
which many families had been persuaded to quit the 
Kingdom, contrary to their interests, their salva- 
tion, and their allegiance. Henceforward, therefore, 
all Mariners and Manufacturers were forbidden from 
settling in foreign Countries, under the penalty of 
condemnation to the Galleys for life. Any instiga- 
tor or abettor of emigration was to be fined not less 
than 3000 livres, and to be subjected to corporal 
punishment in case of a second offence ^ 

Early in the succeeding year, it was de- 
clared penal for any Reformed Minister to 
undertake the conversion of a Mohammedan or a 
Pagan to Christianity ; and the strait gate of sal- 
vation was thus rendered still more difiicult of access, 
by barring all approach to it unless by a single 
wicket. The violation of this Edict was to be 
punished by a fine of not less than 500 livres, by 
incapacity for ever from the performance of any 
Religious duties within the Kingdom, and by the 
interdiction of Divine Worship in all places to which 
such Converts had been admitted ^. 

This Edict was calculated to irritate ; that wliicli 



1 May 18, 1682, Id. torn. v. Preuves, p. 135. 

2 Jan. 25, 1683. Id. Ibid. p. 143. 



254 INTERFERENCE WITH [cH. XXIV. 

followed was designed to entrap. The punishments 
hitherto annexed to Huguenot proselytism were de- 
clared to be far too gentle, and it was announced 
that, in future, they would be harder and more 
severe. To receive the abjuration of any Catholic, 
or even to admit such a person or a relapsed Hugue- 
not to be present at a Prayer-Meeting or a Sermon, 
was now proclaimed a crime, exposing the offender 
to the amende honourable, to perpetual banishment, 
and to confiscation of all his property \ The con- 
sternation excited by this Statute was deep and uni- 
versal. How could a Minister guard against the 
intermixture of some pretended Convert with his 
Flock ? Who could detect the Wolf if he clothed 
himself in the garb of the Sheep whom he was seek- 
ing to devour, and found his M'ay into the fold ? An 
informer might easily be suborned, and it was idle to 
suppose that any Huguenot would be permitted to 
escape on a plea of ignorance. In some places, there- 
fore, public Worship was entirely suspended ; in 
others, every avenue to the Meeting-house was 
placed under the Wardenship of the Elders, who 
scrutinized each face as it approached, and jealously 
rejected strangers. The Members of the Congrega- 
tion were frequently admonished, before the com- 
mencement of Service, to look around them, and to 
give notice if they perceived any suspicious person ; 
and Catholics and Relapsed, if they chanced to be 
present, were warned to retire : the responsibility, it 
was said, must be with themselves, and not with the 
Ministers. 

These precautions disconcerted the Romanists ; 

» March, 1683. Id. Ibid. p. 146. 






A. D. 1683.] PUBLIC WORSHIP. 255 

and the Clergy represented that their entire exclusion 
from the Calvinistic Worship, enabled the Reformed 
Preachers to inveigh at pleasure against the doctrines 
of the Establishment, adding a dexterous insinua- 
tion that they might teach Sedition also. A fresh 
enactment, therefore, was promulgated, stating, that 
it was advantageous to the Roman Catholic Religion, 
that men of Learning of that persuasion should attend 
the Reformed Meeting-houses ; not only that they 
might, if it were necessary, refute the Sermons of 
the Ministers ; but that by their presence they might 
restrain them from advancing any matter disrespect- 
ful to the Catholic Faith, or prejudicial to the State. 
Seats were, therefore, to be especially set apart in 
every Meeting-house for Catholic visitors ; and their 
admission to those privileged quarters was not to 
expose any Huguenot Minister to the penalties of 
the former Edict \ 

This Statute, which affected to give relief, produced 
in its execution much fresh grievance. The spots 
selected in the Meeting-houses were either purposely 
chosen with a view of offence, so as to exclude the 
faithful worshippers from convenient seats ; or else 
i badges of honour and distinction, heraldic blazonry 
J and painted devices, were claimed for the seats of 
\ the intruders, ill according with the naked simplicity 
of a Calvinistic Chapel. Not only did men of Learn- 
ing profit by the licence to attend, but the rabble, 
prompted, in the first instance, by a love of novelty, 
and afterwards infected by the contagion of example, 
flocked in troops to the celebration of Service, and 
committed outrages and indecencies during its per- 

1 May 22, 1G83. Id. Ibid.]). 147. 



256 SECRET UNION. [cH. XXIV. 

formance. To suppress these gatherings, from which 
it was foreseen that political danger might result, a 
Proclamation appeared, sufficiently betokening ths 
extent which the mischief had attained. Whereas, 
said the Preamble, it has been represented to us that 
an infinite number of the dregs of the People, great 
bodies of young men of all descriptions, students and 
lacqueys, sometimes to the amount of three or four 
thousand persons, assemble in the Meeting-houses 
of the pretended Reformed, so as to occupy almost 
all the sittings, and to create difficulty for the recep- 
tion of the Members of the legitimate Congregation ; 
all persons, therefore, unless jDOssessed of capacity to 
dispute on Religious subjects with the pretended 
Reformed, or of authority sufficient to restrain them 
within the bounds of duty, are forbidden from attend- 
ing their Chapels, under the penalty of a fine of 100 
livres for the first offence, and of yet greater punish- 
ment upon repetition \ 

Hitherto the conduct of the Huguenots had exhi- 
bited the most unresisting patience ; and want of 
Leaders, of money, and of political influence, had 
prevented any attempt at combination, in order to 
oppose the encroachments of their persecutors. The 
first project of confederacy occurred in the Summer of 
this year ; when sixteen Delegates representing Lan- 
guedoc, Cevennes, Vivarez, and Dauphine, having 
secretly assembled at Toulouse, resolved that every 
means short of open Insurrection should be employed 
to evince the constancy of their profession ; and to 
undeceive the Government which, misled by the Pro- 
vincial Intendants, registered as converts those whom 

i July 23, 1683. Id. Ibid. 



A. D. 1683. J OF THE HUGUENOTS. 257 

upon experiment, they would find ready to encounter 
Martyrdom. It was agreed that, on one and the 
same appointed day, all the Meeting-houses which 
had been closed by authority should be re-opened, 
and that Congregations should assemble for Public 
Worship, both in them, and on the sites and amid the 
ruins of others which had been destroyed. In re- 
mote places, less exposed to public gaze, were to be 
gathered together those brethren who had signed 
compulsory abjurations ; so that the Church might 
partake the benefit of their prayers, without ex- 
posing them to the heavy penalties which awaited 
Relapse. 

The first arrangements for this union were con- 
ducted with a mystery so profound as to escape the 
vigilance of Government, and it was with no small 
surprise that the believers in the approaching extinc- 
tion of the Reformed doctrine received intelligence 
that, in the course of July, numerous Congregations 
in the South had renewed their suspended Worship. 
But the want of concert among the Huguenots, which 
was manifest in the very outset by their appearance 
on separate days, instead of simultaneously, betrayed 
their weakness, and encouraged their oppressors. 
Troops were rapidly put in motion ; the offending 
Provinces were denounced as in a state of Rebellion ; 
and unless, in a few instances, in which despair re- 
solved that life, although forfeited, should not be 
abandoned quite passively, the Dragoons advanced, 
not to combat, but to slaughter. To the Duke of 
Noailles, whom he had entrusted with the military 
command of the Vivarez, Louvois wrote in terms 
undisguisedly declaring his sanguinary intentions. 
" Amnesty," he said, " has no longer any place for 

VOL. III. s 



258 SAVAGE EXECUTIONS. [cH. XXIV. 

the Vivarrois, who insolently continue in Rebellion 
after they have been informed of the King's gracious 
designs." He then instructed him to subsist his 
troops at the expence of the insurgent districts ; to 
seize oiFenders, and place them at the disposal of the 
Magistrates ; to raze to the ground the houses of all 
who should be taken with arms in their hands, or 
who postponed their return home after the issue of a 
single Proclamation ; and utterly to destroy nine or 
ten of the principal Meeting-houses. " In one 
word," concludes this bloody Despatch, " you are to 
cause such a desolation in that Country, that its 
example may restrain all the other Huguenots, and 
may teach them how dangerous it is to rebel against 
the King^" 

To the terrors of the sword were added those of 
the Scaffold. In a rencontre near Bour- 
deaux, the troops, although greatly supe- 
rior in force, had been rudely handled, before they 
succeeded in dispersing a Body of the Reformed, less 
than 300 in number, who defended themselves with 
bravery. Among the prisoners was an Advocate of 
Montelimar, a grandson of the distinguished Minis- 
ter, Chamier, a name which there can be little doubt 
accelerated his death-warrant. He was broken alive 
upon the Wheel before his Father's House, and en- 
dured his tortures with fortitude, after having refused 
a mitigation of his sentence on condition that he 
would abjure. A similar cruel punishment was in- 
flicted at Tournon, upon Homel, the Pastor 
of Vivaretz in Cevennes. He was accused 
of having preached to armed Congregations, and of 

^ Rulhiere, p. 170. 



A.D. 1684.] PROHIBITION OF RESIDENT MINISTERS. 259 

having openly stimulated his auditors to Rebellion. 
Yet his advanced age, it may be thought, might have 
pleaded for mercy ; and one who had completed more 
than seventy years might, without danger to the 
State, have been left to the sure inroads of time. 
The drunkenness of the wretch employed to exact 
the savage vengeance of the Law, the grey hairs, the 
protracted agonies, and the unbending constancy of 
the sufferer, produced a feeling which it was little the 
intention of his Judges to excite ; and exalted to the 
dignity of a Martyr one who, if he had been less 
rigorously treated, might, perhaps, have been disre- 
garded and forgotten as a turbulent intriguer \ 

In those parts of the Kingdom which, from their 
still unbroken tranquillity, refuted every pretext for 
the employment of direct force, the process of oppres- 
sion was advanced by new Penal Edicts. ]684. 
In order to prevent the establishment of ^^S"*^- 
any dangerous personal influence by the continued 
association of Pastors with their flocks, no Reformed 
Minister was permitted to officiate in the same Cure 
for a longer period than three successive years. At 
the expiration of that term, the Exile was bound to 
remove to some other spot not less than twenty 
leagues from the Church which he had last served, 
to which he was forbidden to return till after a lapse 
of twelve years. Even if he resigned his functions, 
and, abandoning his profession, retired into private 
life, he must not approach within six leagues of the 
place in which he had exercised his Spiritual duties^. 
This Ordinance, condemning the Ministers to perpe- 



^ Benoit, torn, v. p. 667- Quick, p. cxxxv. 
* Benoit, torn. v. Preuves, p. 158» 
s 2 



2G0 ASSEMBLY OF THE GALLICAN CHURCH. [cH.XXIV. 

tually-renewed itinerancy, was followed by a second, 
which affected to make permanent abiding of another 
kind a requisite tenure for the very existence of a 
Church. In past times, numerous Meeting-houses 
had been built and licensed on sites purposely chosen 
at a considerable distance from inhabited towns. 
The object of this selection was at once evident and 
praiseworthy, and much collision with the Romanists 
had doubtless been avoided by its observance. It 
w^as now however decreed, that unless at least ten 
Huguenot families, exclusive of that belonging to the 
Minister, were gathered round a Chapel as a nu- 
cleus, it should peremptorily be destroyed. It mat- 
tered not how many thousand worshippers attended 
Service within the walls on the Lord's day, nor how 
large a surrounding territory w^ould be deprived of 
the word of life by their overthrow. The sole 
favour, in some instances, allowed, in order to dimi- 
nish expence, was permission to the Huguenots to 
level their own Temple with their own hands, and 
at their own charge \ 

1685. The quinquennial General Assembly of 

^^' the Galilean Church occurred early in the 
following summer, and the Speeches of the chief 
Ecclesiastics tended both to inflame the King's zeal, 
and to augment his delusion. Christian History was 
declared insufficient to furnish any parallel to his 
saintly achievements, and the glory of his peaceable 
subjugation of Heresy was extolled far above his 
mightiest conquests in the field. The Bishop of 
Valence averred that every rational person in the 
Kingdom had voluntarily abandoned dissent from 

1 Id. Ibid. p. 729. 



A. D. 1G85.] NEW VEXATIOUS ORDINANCES. 261 

the Establislied Faith ; and the Coadjutor of Rouen, 
with equal truth, lavished praise on the path strewed 
with flowers, which had been opened for re-entrance 
to the Apostolic Church ^ To what extent the Gal- 
leys, the Gibbet, and the Wheel, had been employed 
as instruments of conversion, was forgotten ; nor 
were the footsteps of those unnumbered confessors 
tracked who had shunned the flowery path, although 
the course which they preferred led through unknown 
regions to expatriation, or through darkness, terror, 
and agony, to the valley of the shadow of death. 

The exclusion of the Reformed from all trades 
connected with Literature, which followed soon after 
the Assembly of the Church, was intended to sup- 
press the books of Devotion and Instruction, which 
were circulated by their Printers and Publishers -. 
The Edict, which forbade any Huguenot from retain- 
ing a Catholic in his domestic service was especially 
directed against the higher and middle Orders, in 
the hope that, as intimidation was likely to produce 
its fullest effect among the inferior classes, those in 
more exalted stations would find difficulty in pro- 
curing menial attendants ^. How deep a jealousy of 
private influence over opinion was entertained, may 
be inferred from the perusal of a Declaration, prohi- 
biting all Catholic Magistrates who had the misfor- 
tune to be united to Huguenot wives from interfer- 
ence in Ecclesiastical Suits *. The Reformed Wor- 
ship was abolished in all Episcopal Cities, on a plea 



1 Id. Ibid. p. 794. 

2 July 9, 1G85. Id. Ibid. p. 171. 

3 Eddem die. Id. Ibid. p. 173, 

* July II, 1685. Id. Ibid. p. 174. 



262 DRAGONNADES AT BEARNE. [CH. XXIV. 

of singular effrontery, when we call to mind the well- 
known crying sin of the Galilean Church as to resi- 
dence. In many, perhaps in the far greater number 
of Dioceses, the Bishop had never visited his See, 
except for the purpose of Consecration. Neverthe- 
less, it was gravely declared, that since the Bishop 
must be supposed always present in the chief town 
of his Spiritual jurisdiction, it was but just that he 
should be protected from the chances of an offensive 
collision \ 

The consummate political foresight of Louis had 
prevented the outbreak of a dangerous project, se- 
cretly meditated against him by the Court of Madrid ; 
and the rapid assembly of a numerous 
army upon the Spanish frontier, had hum- 
bled the pride and disconcerted the treachery of his 
enemies. While Bearne was the head-quarters of 
this force, the Intendant Foucault, a grandson of the 
Engineer who had executed the Mole at La Ro- 
chelle, employed the Military as agents in procuring 
conversion ; and horrors, even greater than those 
committed by the detestable Marillac in Poitou, are 
recorded of that zealot's administration. It is little 
our intention to rake into the mass of things hideous 
and abominable, the bare recital of which is abhor- 
rent from humanity, and which, alas ! it is esta- 
blished upon too distinct evidence were inflicted and 
endured during the Dragonnades, which now recom- 
menced at Bearne. Their barbarity is avouched by 
their results, and to them we shall chiefly confine 
ourselves ^. 

1 July 30, 1685. Id. Ibid. p. 177- 

^ The reader, who has any morbid curiosity to sup full with 



A. D. 1685.] SPEECH OF DE VIDAL. 263 

The " Capitulation," as it was termed, of a Pro- 
vince wliich had cherished the Reformed doctrine 
from its earliest birth ; in which Jeanne D'Albret 
had lived a nursing-mother of the infant Church ; 
and which had maintained its purity of Faith, even 
after abandonment by its most beloved and native 
Sovereign, was at length extorted by extremity of 
suffering. The majority of the Huguenots of Bearne 
consented to a formal surrender ; and when this 
triumph of the Romish Hierarchy was celebrated at 
Pau by a Religious Procession, by a Grand Mass, 
and by the more boisterous accomj)animents of popu- 
lar joy, a leading Member of the defeated Sect was 
appointed to notify the submission of his brethren in 
a set Speech. The words employed on this occasion 
by De Vidal, an Advocate of the Parliament of 
Paris, are reported by Benoit^ as if they had been 
spoken seriously, and had conveyed the sincere and 
genuine sentiments of the Orator. When transmitted 
to the Court, they gave offence, for they too plainly 
implied the fact which it had been the chief object of 
Louvois to conceal ; that the conversions had been 
effected by violence, and were in truth, therefore, no 
more than nominal ^ But, unless we are greatly 
mistaken, the terms which Vidal used were purposely 
selected in grave and solemn irony ; and he obtained, 

the horrors which we purposely avoid, may turn to the pages of 
Benoit ; whose details indeed are too often needlessly loathsome. 
The great mass of official documents which he has collected, 
imparts considerable value to his Work : but he writes too 
much in the spirit of partizanship (a spirit excuseable from his 
sufferings) to permit implicit reliance upon himself. 
1 Tom. V. p. 840. 



264 DE VIDAL. [CH. XXIV. 

by their utterance, some slight relief (the only relief 
to which he durst resort) for the indignation of his 
swelling spirit. " Our Church," he said, addressing 
Foucault, " if I may still call it by that name, has 
deputed me to testify its respect. The King is about 
to range us under his own laws, and to submit us to 
his own discipline. To-day he places us under his 
easy yoke, and imposes upon us those salutary 
fetters which our Fathers so unhappily rejected. No 
hands less powerful than his, could have availed to 
open the eyes of those who were born in blindness, 
and to transport us at once from darkness to the 
light. No Prince less devout than our's could have 
extinguished in our hearts attachment to a Religion 
which we have received from our illustrious Queen. 
To ensure our re-entrance into the bosom of the 
Church, that self-same force was demanded which 
has been able to unite two far-removed oceans, and 
to humble the arrogance even of Spain *." Sure we 
are that if these sentences were spoken without a 
covert meaning, their author must have been a man 
of rare simplicity, and wholly unconscious of the am- 
biguities of which Language is susceptible. 

By the commencement of August, the continuance 
of the army of observation on the Spanish Frontier 
had ceased to be necessary ; and Louvois deter- 
mined to employ it in extending the conversions 
which it had effected at Bearne. The Marquis de 
Boufiiers, its commander, received orders to dispose 
his troops, in the first instance, over the neighbour- 
hood of Bourdeaux and Montauban, and to take 

^ Id. Ibid. Preuves, p. 181. 



A. D. 1685.] DRAGONNADES. 265 

such measures with the Reformed " that, in case his 
Majesty should hereafter determine to prohibit all 
exercise of their Religion within his Kingdom, their 
numbers may be so far diminished as to preclude any 
apprehensions from a rising ^" In subsequent De- 
spatches, the General was advised to allow facilities 
for the emigration of Ministers, as an important step 
in promoting conversions " ; and to use considerable 
discretion in the treatment of the higher Orders ; 
since it was of little importance that a few Provincial 
Gentry, more or less, should remain upon their 
estates, provided they were destitute of followers ; a 
result which must occur as soon as they were 
deprived of Places for Worship and surrounded by 
Catholics ^. 

Thus instructed for their mighty hunting*, the 
troops began to spread themselves over the face of 
Guyenne, Languedoc, Angoumois, Saintonge, Poi- 
tou, and the adjoining Provinces. On their ap- 
proach to any great town, the Huguenots were 
assembled by the Intendant, informed of the King's 
abhorrence of their Faith, and his wish for unifor- 
mity ; and then desired to make a speedy choice 
between the good and the evil which it was his ge- 
nerous pleasure to set before them. So appalling 
was the desolation which followed in the rear of 
the booted Missionaries who were at hand, so slight 
was the form of abjuration with which in the first 
instance the Romanists were contented, that crowds 

1 July 31. Rulhiere, p. 204. 

2 Aug. 24. Id. p. 205. 

3 Beginning of September. Id. p. 209. 

* C'etait une espece de chasse qii'on fesait dans une grande 
enceinte. Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. ch. 36. 



266 f ALSE REPORTS OF CONVERSION. [CH. XXIV. 

of terrified peasants, sheltering themselves under 
some equivocal expression, became enrolled as Con- 
verts. Fearful indeed was the lot of those who 
with greater firmness persevered for conscience' sake. 
No cruelty short of some act which would produce 
immediate death was forbidden to the soldiery, and 
death in most cases would have been received by 
their miserable victims as a boon of mercy. 

If thousands thus nominally conformed, tens of 
thousands were hourly reported to the King as hav- 
ing accepted his proffers. The Duke de Noailles 
required not quite a month, as sufficient time to 
bring over to the true Faith the 240,000 Huguenots 
whom he counted in Languedoc ^ ; and whenever 
any doubt as to the substance of this goodly show 
of conversion overclouded the joy of Louis, it was 
speedily removed by a conviction, that the full har- 
vest of his pious work, if denied to himself, would 
be reaped by his successors. " I am by no means 
sure," are the words of Madame de Maintenon at 
this remarkable season, " that all these conversions 
are sincere ; but God employs innumerable means to 
win the Heretics to Himself. Even if the Fathers 
are hypocrites, at least the Children will be Catho- 
lics ; and outward union brings them somewhat 
more close to Truth. They bear about them the 
same mark with the Faithful. Pray God to en- 
lighten us all ; for the King has nothing more at 
heart M" 

Fed by these hopes, and assured by his Confessor, 
the Pere de la Chaise, and by his confidential Mi- 
nister Louvois, that he might re-unite every Heretic 

1 Id. p. 216. 2 /^. p. 218. 



A.D.1685.] REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 267 

in his dominions to the Apostolic Church, without 
the expenditure of a single drop of blood \ Louis 
consented to promulgate that Edict which 
was to cover all France with dismay, and 
to deprive him of half a riiillion of his best sub- 
jects. To Balthasar Phelypeaux, Marquis of Cha- 
teauneuf, at that time Secretary of State, belongs the 
disgrace of having framed the provisions of this most 
unhappy Ordinance ^ ; and so blinded by the fury of 
dogmatism was the aged Chancellor Le Tellier (the 
father of Louvois), that having affixed to it his seal 
of office, while labouring under that malady which 
in a few days brought him to the grave, he refused 
to execute any other magisterial act, and exclaimed, 
in the words of Simeon, that he was " now ready to 
depart in peace ^." 

In the Preamble of the Declaration which revoked 
the Edict of Nantes, the King was made to affirm, 
that Henry IV. when granting immunities to the 
Huguenots, had only temporised, in order that at a 
fitting season he might accomplish the grand object 
of general Church Union, which was ever in his 
contemplation. His unexpected death, and the 
many troubles which agitated the reign of his suc- 
cessor, had prevented much advance towards the 
attainment of that most desirable end ; and even 
under the sway of the present King, so great had 

1 Id. p. 220. 

2 Id. p. 230. Benoit, torn. v. p. 865. 

^ Id. Ibid, p, 866. The pious ejaculation of Simeon has 
been frequently abused. It was employed by Hugh Peters, and 
afterwards by Dr. Price, when treading in the steps of that 
Apostle of Rebellion. See Burke On the French Revolution. 
Works. (8vo.) vol. V. p. 132. 



268 REVOCATION OF [cH. XXIV. 

been the convulsions of Europe, that until the recent 
Peace of 1684, little could be effected beyond the 
abolition of the Chambres my-parties, which were 
never intended to be more than provisional, and the 
suppression of the Reformed Worship in a few places 
in which it had been established to the prejudice of 
the Edicts. Now however that, by God's blessing, 
his people were in the enjoyment of profound repose, 
the King resolved to perfect those designs of his 
Royal Father and Grandfather, which he had never 
ceased to foster in his own bosom. He acknow- 
ledged, with all humility, that Heaven had vouch- 
safed a blessing on his efforts, since the better and 
greater part of his subjects, who had once professed 
the pretended Reformed Faith, had already em- 
braced the Catholic Religion. Thus, then, since the 
Edict of Nantes, and all other favours granted to 
the Huguenots, had ceased to be of any utility, 
he thought it right, — in order entirely to efface the 
remembrance of past troubles, of the many evils and 
the confusion which the progress of the false Religion 
had caused, by giving birth to that and other dis- 
pensing Edicts, — utterly to revoke the Edict of 
Nantes, and every other Ordinance which had sub- 
sequently been enacted in favour of the Huguenots. 
Upon the enormous falsehoods contained in this 
Preamble, it is little necessary to dilate. What 
proof is there that Henry IV. designed as a mere 
temporary device, as a fleeting and unsubstantial 
Political phantom, an Edict which, in express terms 
on the face of the Document itself, he announced to 
all Christendom as " perpetual and irrevocable ?" 
In what manner did Louis XIII. testify his inten- 
tion of extinguishing Huguenotism, when he con- 



A. D. 1685.] THE EDICT OF NANTES. 269 

firmed and ratified the Edict of Nantes by the pro- 
visions of his own Edict of Nismes ? But, above all, 
if the greater and better part of the French Hugue- 
nots were already converted, what must have been 
the original number of Believers, the remnant of 
whose minority, at a time when the Sect was de- 
clared to be almost exhausted, made the dungeons 
and the Galleys of its native Country overflow, 
after having enriched and fertilized whole foreign 
regions by the outpourings of its emigration ? 

It was then enacted, that every Place of Worship 
belonging to the Reformed within the dominions of 
France should be demolished ; that no Assembly for 
the celebration of Service should be permitted in 
private houses or elsewhere, on any pretext what- 
soever ; that no Fief, whatever might be the quality 
of 'its tenure, should entitle its Seigneur to the use of 
the Reformed Ritual in any of his Chateaux ; that all 
Huguenot Ministers, continuing to refuse conformity, 
should quit the Kingdom within fifteen days after 
the publication of this Edict, without presuming in 
the intermediate time to exercise any of their Spiri- 
tual Functions, on pain of the Galleys ; that all 
Huguenot Schools should be utterly suppressed ; 
that all children hereafter bom from Reformed 
parents should be baptised and educated as Ca- 
tholics ; that no emigration or transfer of property 
should be attempted by lay persons, under pain of 
the Galleys for the men, and of immurement in 
Convents for the women. 

These were the comminations of the Edict, but 
there were portions of it designed to allure and cap- 
tivate : a mess of pottage was offered to such as 
would traffic for it with their birthright. To Minis- 



270 REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. [cH. XXIV. 

ters, who would conform and to their widows, were 
promised the same exemptions from particular im- 
posts and from the lodgment of troops, which they 
had hitherto heen accustomed to possess in right of 
their sacred office. A pension, moreover, was assigned 
for their subsistence, exceeding their present Bene- 
fices by one-third, and half of that allowance was to 
be enjoyed by their Widows. Should they choose to 
adopt the Profession of Advocates, they were dis- 
pensed from the three years of previous study ordi- 
narily required ; and, after due examination as to 
their competency, they were to be admitted Doctors 
of Law upon payment of half the customary fees. A 
term of four months' grace was allowed to all persons 
who had already emigrated ; who, if they should 
return home within that period, were to regain all 
their lost privileges, and to re-enter upon their con- 
fiscated property. Finally, as a crowning and signal 
instance of clemency, the King gave permission to all 
his lay subjects of the Reformed Faith, to abide 
within his territories, to exercise their trades, and 
to retain their property (in the hope that it might 
please Heaven at length to illuminate them), pro- 
vided they consented to abstain from every exercise 
of their Worship, to live without any acknowledgment 
of God, or any profession of Religion \ 

1 See the Edict of Revocation. Benoit, torn. v. Preuves, 
p. 184. 



A.D.1685.1 DISPERSION OF THE HUGUENOT CLERGY. 271 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Dispersion of the Huguenot Ministers — Consequent Emigration — 
Sufferings of the Fugitives — Bishop Burnet's Account — Their 
reception in Foreign Countries — In England — Great Commer- 
cial Injury to France — The Galleys — Louis de Marolles — 
Transportation to America — De Serres — Modification of the 
Edict against the dead bodies of the Relapsed — Tacit Indul- 
gence — Rebellion in the Cevennes — The Prophets — Murder of 
the Abbe Chayla — The Marquis de Guiscard — Cavallier — Ori- 
gin of the name Camisards — Their successes — Villars commands 
against them — He negotiates with Cavallier — Sequel of Ca- 
vallier' s History — Termination of the Rebellion — Fanaticism of 
the French Prophets in England — Latter years, and Death of 
Louis XIV. — The Regent Orleans — The Duke of Bourbon — 
The Cardinal of Fleury — Renewed Persecution at his Death — 
Synod of Nismes — Assemblies of the Desert — Severities — Fresh 
Emigration — Benevolent inteyitions of Louis XVI. — Frustrated 
by the Revolution — Napoleon — The Restoration — The Revolu- 
tion 0/1830 — Conclusion. 

The provisions of the Edict of Revocation were exe- 
cuted without delay ; and in the outset, the Minis- 
ters of Charenton were visited with especial severity, 
being enjoined to quit Paris in forty-eight hours. 
To Claude, as to the one most obnoxious among 
them, only half that period was afforded, and he was 
escorted to Brussels in the immediate custody of a 
menial of the Palace. Yet, in many instances, vexa- 
tious obstacles were thrown in the way of the pro- 
scribed Ecclesiastics on their arrival at the frontiers ; 
where they were detained either by a refusal of 



272 RECEPTION IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES. [cH. XXV. 

passports altogether, or by a dispute respecting those 
which they had secured. If this delay, however 
contrary to their own desire, were extended so long 
as to make them amenable to the Edict, its penalties 
were rigorously exacted. In a few cases, the bitter- 
ness of separation from Home and Country, was a 
trial under which human nature yielded ; and the 
detention of a beloved wife and children occasionally 
extorted a forced conversion from the agonized hus- 
band and father, at the very eve of his departure. 
Such triumphs were of rare occurrence, but they were 
ostentatiously blazoned abroad. All the Reformed 
States of Europe offered asylums to the Exiles ; and 
Swisserland, the Palatinate, Brandenburg, the United 
Provinces, England, and even the Lutheran King- 
doms of Denmark and Sweden, afforded refuge and 
means of subsistence to the banished Huguenot 
Pastors. Among ourselves, those who did not object 
to receive fresh Ordination, and to submit to Episco- 
pal Discipline, were freely admitted to the Established 
Priesthood; the others either formed separate Pres- 
byterian Congregations, or annexed themselves to 
some Church, which they found already instituted \ 

^ The chief French Reformed Church at present existing 
in London is in Threadneedle-street. It was founded by Ed- 
ward VI. in 1550, on the site of an Hospital of St. Anthony, 
for the use of the Walloons, who had fled from Germany. It was 
destroyed in the Fire of London, and re-opened after that great 
calamity, as L'Eglise des Etrangers Protestans parlaiis Fran^ais, 
de quelque Nation qii'ils soient. It has united with itself the 
Congregation of a Chapel of Ease, erected in Spital-fields soon 
after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The Pastors are 
elected by a Consistory, but must receive confirmation under the 
King's Sign Manual. A New Liturgy was framed for this 
Church in 1809, in which great licence is permitted to the dis- 



A. D. 1685.] IMMEDIATE EVILS OF THE REVOCATION. 273 

Few maxims are more amply verified b)-- expe- 
rience tlian that every Government which perpetrates 
a great Moral crime, at the same time commits a 
great Political blunder ; however much appearances 
for a season may imply the contrary. But the re- 
sults of human action are often so far distant from 
their causes, that no ordinary sagacity is demanded 
to unravel the full connection between the two. In 
that science, which (less, as it would seem, out of 
regard to precision of terms, than in order to obtain 
a compendious phrase) is called the Philosophy of 
History, and which might, perhaps, be more appro- 
priately named an Estimate of the operation of Facts 
on the Moral interests of mankind, almost every step 
is hazardous, and almost every deduction is exposed 
to manifest danger of error, because we see but in 
part. But, in the case before us, the mischief pro- 
duced was so immediately consecutive upon the 
measure which occasioned it, and so strikingly and 
manifestly referrible to its cause, as ere long to coni- 



cretion of the Ministers. They, indeed, read the Lessons which 
formerly were read by Laymen ; but. instead of the portions of 
Scripture for the day being regulated by a Table, as in the Litur- 
gies of Geneva and of Neufchatel, they are selected at the Minis- 
ter's pleasure. Again, in the administration of the Sacrament, 
the Minister delivers the Elements according to a prescribed 
formula, ou quelque parole semhlable ; and it is added, that tons 
ces petits details qui dependent en grande partie des circonstances, 
et du degre de fatigue du Ministre officiant, sont laisses a sa dis- 
cretion. 

The Congregations of the Chapel of the French Hospital in 
St. Luke's, and of Dean-street and of Edward-street, Soho (the 
only other French Reformed Meeting-houses in London), have 
adopted a translation of the Liturgy of the Church of England. 

VOL. iir. T 



274 EMIGRATION OF THE LAITY. [CH. XXV. 

pel an unwilling acknowledgment from its authors 
themselves. 

Scarcely any blindness, indeed, short of that pro- 
duced by the fever of Bigotry, could have prevented 
the French Government from foreseeing the neces- 
sary consequences of the heedless course which it 
was pursuing. It was but natural that the sheep 
should follow in the path of the shepherds ; that the 
flock hungering after food should eagerly turn for it 
to those hands by which it had been accustomed to 
be fed. No vigilance could be sufficiently alert, no 
cordon of gaolers sufficiently numerous to close every 
outlet from so extensive a frontier as that which 
bounded France ; and, notwithstanding the fearful 
penalties annexed to detection, an almost general 
emigration of the Lay Huguenots succeeded the ex- 
pulsion of their Ministers. The movement com- 
menced in the South; whole parishes in Lower Lan- 
guedoc were deserted, and it is said that not fewer 
than 800 persons at once retreated from a single 
village in Dauphine. The fears of the Government 
were excited by this perilous and rapid depopulation, 
and force and artifice were equally employed in order 
to prevent its continuance. Armed peasants scoured 
the roads, and guarded the most obvious passes ; 
and in remoter districts, gold was lavishly scattered 
to corrupt the fidelity of the Guides to whom the 
fugitives intrusted themselves. In little more 
than fifteen months from the date of the Revo- 
cation, 700 prisoners, arrested in the immediate 
neighbourhood, were committed to the dungeons of 
Touraine alone ; and there does not appear any 
reason upon which we should found a belief that 



A. D. 1685.] DISASTERS AT SEA. 275 

the numbers detained exceeded those which es- 
caped \ 

It was by sea, however, that the most frequent, 
and probably the most successful attempts at escape 
occurred ; and scarcely a vessel quitted any port in 
France, without some contraband lading of Emi- 
grants. When other places of concealment failed, 
the miserable Exiles secreted themselves under bales 
of merchandise, in empty casks, or amid heaps of 
stores ; and if securer means of transport were not 
at hand, an open boat, or the skiff of a fisherman 
was eagerly coveted for the performance of some 
hazardous voyage. The Count of Marance and his 
lady, personages of distinction in Lower Normandy, 
formed part of a crew of forty souls, among which 
were several women with children at the breast, who 
entered a vessel of seven tons burthen, in the very 
depth of winter, wholly without provisions, and ex- 
posed to a stormy sea ; their sole refreshment during 
a long passage to the English coast was a little 
melted snow, with which, from time to time, they 
moistened their fevered lips ; until after sufferings 
which appeared to debar hope, this piteous company 
gained the opposite shore, and found a hospitable 
reception ^. 

Not all, however, who attempted similar enter- 
prises were equally fortunate in the result. Many 
encountered shipwreck ; the fate of others was 
wholly unknown. Some, from the more western 
Provinces, were made prizes by corsairs, and en- 
dured years of slavery in Africa. Some were thrown 

J Benoit, torn. v. p. 946. - Id. Ibid. p. 948 

t2 



276 BISHOP Burnet's [ch. xxv. 

upon the coast of Spain, and did but exchange per- 
secution at home for an equal measure of severity 
from the Inquisition. The greater number, however, 
by daring courage, by the sacrifice of their little 
remaining property in order to bribe those appointed 
to hem them in, or by the adoption of some skilful 
disguise, effected their retreat ; and there was 
scarcely any labour too heavy, any service too 
menial, any privation too acute, to which even 
women of condition refused to submit, in order to 
escape the yet more hateful Spiritual bondage and 
degradation which awaited them if they remained in 
France. 

A few endeavours made in diiFerent quarters to 
force an armed passage, for the most part failed, as 
might be expected. The Huguenots were generally 
overpowered after a desperate struggle, and those 
who escaped the sword in the Field were hurried 
almost instantly to the Scaffold. Burnet, who at 
that time had withdrawn from England, in order to 
avoid the hazardous intrigues consequent upon the 
accession of James II. has given in his homely but 
strong manner, a vivid description of the miseries 
which he personally witnessed a few months after 
the Revocation. " Men and women of all ages, who 
would not yield, were not only stripped of all they 
had, but kept long from sleep, driven about from 
place to place, and hunted out of their retirements. 
The women were carried into Nunneries, in many of 
which they were almost starved, whipped, and bar-, 
barously treated." " Here was one of the most] 
violent Persecutions that is to be found in History. 
In many respects, it exceeded them all both in the] 



A. D. 1685.] NARRATIVE. 277 

several inventions of cruelty, and in its long conti- 
nuance. I went over the greatest part of France 
while it was in its hottest rage, from Marseilles to 
Montpellier, and from thence to Lyons, and so on 
to Geneva. I saw and knew so many instances of 
their injustice and violence, that it exceeded even 
w^hat could have been well imagined ; for all men set 
their thoughts on work to invent new methods of 
cruelty. In all the towns through which I passed, 
I heard the most dismal accounts of those things 
possible ; but chiefly at Valence, where one Dhera- 
pine seemed to exceed even the furies of Inquisitors. 
One in the streets could have known the New Con- 
verts as they were passing by them, by a cloudy 
dejection which appeared in their looks and deport- 
ment. Such as endeavoured to make their escape, 
and were seized (for guards and secret agents were 
spread along the whole roads and frontiers of France), 
were, if men, condemned to the Galleys ; if women, 
to Monasteries. To complete this cruelty, orders 
were given, that such of the new Converts as did 
not at their death receive the Sacrament, should be 
denied burial, and that their bodies should be left 
where other dead carcases were cast out, to be de- 
voured by wolves or dogs *. This was executed in 
several places with the utmost barbarity, and it gave 
all people so much horror, that finding the ill effect 
of it, it was let fall. This hurt no one, but struck 
all that saw it with more horror than those suffer- 
ings that were more felt. The fury that appeared 



^ This Edict authorizing posthumous disgrace to the Re- 
lapsed, may be found in Benoit, torn. v. Preuves, p. ]9G. It 
bears date April 29, 1686. 



278 BISHOP Burnet's narrative, [ch. xxv. 

on this occasion, did spread itself with a sort of con- 
tagion ; for the Intendants and other officers, that had 
been mild and gentle in the former parts of their 
lives, seemed now to have laid aside the compassion 
of Christians, the breeding of Gentlemen, and the 
common impressions of humanity \" And, again, 
in his Letters, written more freshly while on the spot 
in which he had received these convictions, Bumet 
informs his Correspondent, " Of the Persecution 
which I saw in its rage and utmost fury, I could give 
you many instances that are so far beyond all the 
common measures of barbarity and cruelty, that I 
confess they ought not to be believed, unless I could 
give more positive proofs of them than are fitting now 
to be brought forth ; and the particulars I could tell 
are such, that if I should relate them with the neces- 
sary circumstances of time, place, and person, that 
might be so fatal to many that are yet in the power 
of their enemies, that my regard to them restrains 
me. In short, I do not think that in any Age there 
ever was such a violation of all that is sacred, either 
with relation to God or Man^" 

Nevertheless, in spite of every precaution, myriads 
continued to emigrate ; and the spirit of charity 
before manifested in the hospitable lands which had 
admitted the banished Ministers, appeared to increase 
in proportion to the increasing number by which its 
assistance was intreated. The Swiss either afforded 
means for further passage, or assigned pensions to 
those who chose to remain among them, with un- 
bounded generosity, and to an extent little to be 



1 History of his own Times. Vol. i. pp. 659. C60, (Folio). 

2 p. 254. Ed. Rotterdam, 1686. 



A. D. 1685.] HOSPITALITY OF FOREIGN STATES. 279 

expected from the scantiness of their national re- 
sources. Geneva was too closely in the neighbour- 
hood, and therefore too openly exposed to the ven- 
geance of France, to venture upon giving a fixed 
residence to any of the fugitives ; but she assisted 
their progress, and observed to them a scrupulous 
fidelity. Among the German Princes, the Elector of 
Brandenburg was pre-eminent in his benefactions. 
He invited the Refugees to settle in his dominions ; 
he assigned two Churches in his Capital to their use ; 
classed them in various trades and professions ; and 
regulated the new Colony by a separate Code of 
Jurisprudence, framed according to their native 
habits, in their native language, and administered by 
Judges selected from among themselves'. In the 
United Provinces, large sums were contributed both 
by public and private bounty for the immediate 
relief and the permanent establishment of the suf- 
ferers ; and the Prince and Princess of Orange, 
taking that chief part which became their station, 
munificently enlarged the funds, and actively and 
usefully superintended their distribution. 

The conduct of England, rapidly approaching the 
great crisis of her own struggle for Religious Liberty, 
naturally excites peculiar attention *. It is believed 



^ Ancillon. Histoire de V etahlissement des Frangois Refu- 
giez dans les Etats de son Altesse Electorale de Brandebourg. 
Berlin, I7IO. The author, son of a Huguenot Minister at Metz, 
was a Refugee ; and although he writes pedantically, his narra- 
tive is distinct. 

^ Dragoons were at first quartered upon the English Protes- 
tant merchants resident in France ; till upon a complaint made by 
the Ambassador, Sir William Trumbull, those who had not been 
naturalized, were left unmolested. Even then, however, if they 



280 CONDUCT OF [CH. XXV. 

that nearly 50,000 Huguenots passed over to our 
shores ^ and of their reception by the Protestant ma- 
jority of the Nation, not a doubt could be enter- 
tained. But how was the Court likely to proceed ? 
in what manner might the King be expected to act, 
whose designs for the establishment of Popery in 
his own dominions could not even at that moment be 
doubted ? It has been charitably said, that where 
the benefit is real, it is a kind of ingratitude to in- 
quire too nicely into the motives upon which it has 
been conferred ; and we therefore forbear from ask- 
ing, whether James sought popularity by a pretended 
Toleration ? or whether he wished to support that 
plea for general liberty of conscience which it was 
then his policy to assert ? Be this as it may, he 
granted Briefs^, which authorized subscriptions 
throughout the Kingdom, and he gave large sums in 
addition from his Privy Purse. So virulent, how- 
ever, was the suspicion of his ulterior plans, that not 
only was this bounty unfavourably interpreted, but 



had married Frenchwomen, their wives and children were im- 
prisoned or secluded in Convents. Some French Fishermen 
settled in England were carried off and imprisoned under a pre- 
tence that they had assisted in the illegal transport of English- 
men flying from France ; and Sir William Trumbull, unable to 
obtain redress for these and many other aggressions, resigned ; 
after which his Court desisted from any further remonstrances. 
Dalrymple Memoirs, vol. ii. b. v. p. 5 ; where Sir "William Trum- 
bull's Correspondence with Lord Sunderland, in the State-Paper 
Office, is referred to for vouchers. 

^ Hume, vol. viii. p. 243. 

2 In the London Gazette of April 18, 1687 is an Order from 
Whitehall, dated three days preceding, renewing Letters Pa- 
tent, issued on March 5, 1685, for the collection of money by 
Briefs for the relief of the Huguenots. 



A. D. 1685.] ENGLAND. 281 

it prevented many zealous spirits from joining in the 
subscription. A rumour was circulated similar to 
that unfounded charge which had prevailed during the 
late reign, that the' sums when raised were to be 
diverted to the maintenance of Papists, who had been 
invited over to assist the King's plot against the 
Established Church. 

One incident, which materially strengthened a belief 
in the King's insincerity, was his readiness in listen- 
ing to a Memorial, presented by the French Am- 
bassador, against a Tract relative to the sufferings of 
the Huguenots, which Claude had found leisure to 
compose and to publish since his retreat into Hol- 
land. The London Gazette officially announced 
from Whitehall that, in consequence of the many 
falsities and scandalous reflections upon his most 
Christian Majesty, contained in that volume, which 
had been translated into English, the King had 
been pleased to order that diligent inquiry should be 
made after both the Translator and the Printer, that 
they might be prosecuted according to Law ; and 
that a copy of the original Work, and another of the 
English version, had been burned by the common 
hangman, in front of the Royal Exchange \ 

The loss of population in itself was a severe injury 
to France, but there were yet other and more lasting 
evils connected with the retreat of her numerous citi- 
zens. Many of them possessed commercial secrets 
of great importance hitherto unknown to the People 
among whom they fixed their abode ; and Countries 
which had been dependent upon France for several 



^ May 8, 1G86. Claude's Work is entitled, Les Plaintes des 
Protestants cruellement opjprimcs dans le Royaume de France. 



282 COMMERCIAL LOSSES. [cH. XXV. 

costly manufactures, for articles both of necessity 
and of luxury, for the future obtained establishments 
of their own. The North of Germany swarmed with a 
busy hive, engaged in dyeing alF varieties of colours, 
and in producing cloths, serges, crapes, druggets, 
hats, stuffs, galloons, and stockings. Berlin obtained 
goldsmiths, jewellers, watchmakers, and carvers. In 
London, the suburbs of Soho and St. Giles's were 
largely increased, and Spitalfields were entirely peo- 
pled with silk-weavers ; and the mystery of glass- 
working, in which the French stood nearly alone, 
was not only transferred to others by the desertion 
of most of the artisans engaged in it, but became 
deteriorated among themselves \ The Members of 
the higher classes who had been trained to arms, 
engaged in foreign service ; and exclusively of many 
detached officers of singular skill and bravery, whole 
regiments of well-born Frenchmen were enrolled in 
Savoy, in Holland, and in Germany. 

Two of the most distinguished sufferers among 
those who encountered severe punishment in conse- 
quence of arrest while endeavouring to escape, were 
Le Fevre, a Counsellor of Chatelchinon, a young 
man of ancient birth and of commanding talent, and 
Louis de Marolles, who filled a similar honourable 
station at St. Menehaud in Champagne. Both of 
them were sentenced for life to the Galleys ; and the 
wrongs of the latter are recorded in a Narrative which 
has been more than once reprinted in England. 
After many months' confinement in La Tournelle, 
(the misery of which may be estimated, when we 
learn, that during night and day, 53 prisoners occu- 

^ Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 617- 



A.D. 1685.] SUFFERINGS OF L. DE MAROLLES. 283 

pied a gallery measuring 30 feet by 9) and when re- 
peated attempts to seduce his constancy had proved 
unavailing, Marolles was fastened to the chain, 
with more than 100 other convicts, many of them 
wretches who had narrowly escaped the Wheel or the 
Gibbet for crimes of the deepest atrocity, and pro- 
ceeded on foot to iMarseilles. The iron ring which 
he carried on his neck weighed 30lbs. ; and the sole 
indulgence which appears to have been extended to 
him, on his arrival at his destination, was occasional 
permission to pay an exorbitant price for a very 
scanty meal, which sometimes varied the rations of 
beans boiled in oil, usually allotted to the criminals. 
In the end, he was transferred, probably on account 
of his advanced age, from the Galleys to the Citadel 
of Marseilles ; in the dungeon of which fortress he 
lingered more than six years, enduring bitter priva- 
tions from cold, darkness, hunger, solitude, and in- 
sufficient clothing ; till death terminated his mourn- 
ful history, without obtaining for him the rites of 
Christian sepulture. He was thrown by the hands 
of Turks, shrinking from the uncleanness to which 
they were forced to submit, into a grave in the burial- 
ground set apart for the interment of Infidels. 

The three prisons of most fearful celebrity in 
France were the Tower of Constance at Aigues- 
mortes, and the Hospitals of the Formats, or Galley 
Slaves, at Marseilles and at Valence ; and these 
were especially prepared for the confinement of Hu- 
guenots. The cruelties of D'Herapine, the Superin- 
tendent of the last-named establishment, to whom 
Burnet has alluded, are frequently mentioned by 
others in terms of horror, which after every allow- 
ance for natural exaggeration, it is too probable, are 



284 SHIPWRECK OF DE SERRES. [cH. XXV. 

well-deserved. One expedient yet remained, by 
which it was believed that the firmness which the 
apprehension neither of the Galleys nor of imprison- 
ment could subdue, would be effectually shattered ; 
and transports were engaged for the purpose of con- 
veying the more obstinate recusants to perpetual sla- 
very in the Islands of America. 

Out of a complement of 224 Huguenots, of both 
sexes, shipped in two vessels for Martinique, 95 died 
on board of one of them only, during a lingering 
and hazardous voyage of three months. Another 
transport, with the same destination, was wreck- 
ed on a sand-bank off the coast of the Island, 
through the negligence of her Captain. M. de 
Serres, a Huguenot of Montpellier, who has pub- 
lished a Narrative of this disaster, had endured seve- 
ral months' imprisonment in the squalid dungeon of 
La Reine, at Aiguesmortes, before his embarkation, 
and had suffered greatly on the passage from heat, 
filth, and sickness. When the vessel struck, one of 
the chief horrors of the scene arose from the terrific 
yells of more than 100 Galley-slaves, who, being 
chained together by sevens, saw death approaching 
without the possibility of making an effort to escape. 
An officer, touched with compassion, released some 
of those nearest to the deck ; but he was speedily 
compelled to desist, for the first act of the frenzied 
wretches was an attempt upon the life of their deli- 
verer. Two boats put off, with as many hands as 
they could carry ; and the Captain, who swam to one 
of them, was picked up, and saved. Most of the 
women on board, and fifteen of the Huguenot men 
were drowned ; and when De Serres, after remaining 
two days and a night on the wreck, confided himself 



A. D. 1685.] THE DEAD RELAPSED. 285 

to a plaiik, and was washed on shore, the Governor 
threatened to hang him unless he would renounce 
Calvinism. He was treated with great cruelty during 
a subsequent imprisonment ; and obtained his liberty 
by an act for which he afterwards submitted himself 
to Ecclesiastical Censure, and which is described by 
him with rather a subtle distinction, as '' signing a 
writing against his Religion, without abjuring on 
Oath." After the endurance of much more hardship 
and a second imprisonment, he concealed himself in 
a Dutch ship, and found an asylum at Curacoa\ 

In spite of all these tyrannical inflictions, it soon 
became evident to the Government, that the boasted 
progress of conversion was delusive. The new pro- 
selytes every where resorted to subterfuges, by which 
they might evade participation in the Ordinances of 
the Romish Church ; and force was employed to 
compel them to attend Mass, and to receive the 
Eucharist. " It is your obedience, not your salva- 
tion, which is my concern," was the reply of an In- 
tendant to one who pleaded that he should be guilty 
of a mortal sin, if he were to be an unwilling commu- 
nicant '\ The savage Edict, which annexed public 
dishonour to the remains of those who refused the 
Host in their parting moments was rigorously exe- 
cuted. Frightful abuses resulted from this unseemly 
" trampling on the dead;" and humanity was out- 
raged by many a fierce display of popular frenzy. 
It is related, that the Keeper of one of the Provincial 



* Popish cruelty exemplified in the various Sufferings of M. 
Serves and several other French Gentlemen, for the sake of Con- 
science ; done into English by Claude d'Assas, 1723. 

2 Benoit, torn, v. p. 983. 



286 MODIFICATION OF THE EDICT [CH. XXV. 

Gaols \ before he placed upon the hurdle which was 
to drag it to the next laystall, the body of a woman 
who had died in his custody unconfessed and unshri- 
ven, thriftily bethought himself of exhibiting it to the 
neighbouring peasantry at a trifling price for admis- 
sion. The experiment thus practised by avarice 
upon curiosity terminated altogether to his satisfac- 
tion ; for not fewer than 700 visitors flocked to gaze 
upon the disgusting sight which was presented to 
them under the title of " The Corpse of one of the 
Damned ^" 

The Court, however, was soon awakened to more 
than one inconvenience resulting from the avidity 
with which this Ordinance had been received and 
executed. In many cases, the rabble had constituted 
themselves both judges and executioners, had decided 
upon the guilt of the parties, and had inflicted the 
penalty without the intervention of any other autho- 
rity ; and Policy demanded the repression of this 
most dangerous licence. The punishment itself rather 
inflamed the hatred than excited the fears of those 
whose friends or kinsfolk had been made its object ; 
and the frequency of the occurrence afforded evidence 
not to be disputed, that the much-vaunted conver- 
sions were too often only nominal. The Intendants, 
therefore, were warned not over-officiously to scruti- 
nize death-bed avowals. It was admitted that the 
Ordinance had not produced quite so much success 
as had been anticipated. If a New Convert, when 
dying, should ostentatiously insist upon publishing 
his Relapse, and if his family should appear to glory 

1 At Cani, in the District of Caux. 

2 Benoit, torn. v. p. 987. 



A. D. 1G85.] AGAINST THE DEAD RELAPSED. 287 

in the Heretical declaration, then the Law was to 
take its course in all its rigour ; but if those nearest 
in blood to the deceased should testify disapproba- 
tion of his individual obstinacy, then it would be 
better not to follow up the matter by any further 
procedure. The Priests, therefore, were to be cau- 
tious how they summoned the Civil Magistrates as 
witnesses ; lest they might be compelled to action 
on occasions in which it would be more prudent that 
the provisions of the Edict should be allowed to 
slumber \ 

In the Provinces most remote from the Capital, 
in Languedoc, for instance, and yet more in the 
almost unapproachable fastnesses of the Cevennes, 
the expulsion of the Ministers, greatly as it impeded 
Religious Service, by no means secured its abolition. 
The Military Commandants, it is true, had insisted 
upon the surrender of all books directing the Eccle- 
siastical Offices, or inculcating the doctrines of the 
Reformed ; and so great was the number delivered, 
that on one occasion, at Metz, the burning of Bibles 
and of New Testaments in the vulgar tongue occu- 
pied twelve hours ^. Copies enough, however, had 
been secreted to supply all the purposes of Family 
Worship ; and the meeting of a few Relations and 
Friends, to join in prayer, and to hear a Sermon, in- 
sensibly extended to the assembling of large Congre- 
gations. Among the uneducated and but half-civi- 
lized Mountaineers of the Cevennes, deprived of the 
wise guidance of their legitimate Pastors, arose a 
race of ignorant, presumptuous, and self- authorised 



J Lettre de Fev. 8, 1687, cited by Rulhiere, p. 241. 
- Benoit, torn, v, p. 981, and Prenves, p. 196. 



288 PUNISHMENT OF RETURNED EMIGRANTS [cH.XXV. 

teachers. The seeds of fanaticism which they scat- 
tered abroad became deeply imbedded ; the sickly 
plant shot up and ripened amid gross surrounding 
darkness ; and its produce, in due season, was, as we 
shall perceive by and by, a luxuriant harvest of most 
pestilent and widely-spread error. 

In other and more fortunate spots a few Ministers 
were found bold enough to venture upon return ; 

July 1, ^^^ the Government, in its alarm, issued a 
1686. fresh penal Declaration against the offend- 
ers. By this Statute, every Minister of the Reformed 
Religion, whether he were native or foreign, who 
should be discovered in France, without express per- 
mission from the King in writing, was punishable 
with death. Men, who assisted or concealed them, 
were condemned to the Galleys ; Women to Nunne- 
ries. A reward of 5500 livres was offered for the 
capture of each proscribed Ecclesiastic ; and all lay- 
persons who assembled for the exercise of any other 
Religion than that of Rome were exposed to capital 
punishment upon detection *. 

The attention of the French Government was di- 
verted from the regulation of Ecclesiastical polity by 
the powerful League which the genius of William of 
1689. Orange consolidated against it, soon after 
his successful attempt upon the Crown of 
England ; and Louis was too deeply engrossed by 
the joint hostilities of Spain, Holland, Britain, and 
the Empire, to promote fresh measures of domestic 
Persecution. Yet the existence of the Huguenot 
Church may be considered as terminated by the Re- 
vocation of the Edict of Nantes. The Party which, 

1 
1 Id. Ibid. Preuves, p. 197- 



A. D. 1697.] RENEWED ATTEMPTS AT CONVERSION. 289 

for a century and a half had maintained itself, with 
greater or less ascendency, through the varied train of 
events which has contributed to form our past narra- 
tive, was at length shattered and dissolved. 

The materials for a History of the fragments into 
which it was then broken, are scattered as widely 
abroad as were those fragments themselves, and they 
must be sought among the Biographies of the most 
distinguished Ministers who were exiled ^ To ga- 
ther them at all would be difficult, to concentrate 
them within our limits is wholly impossible ; and as 
we professed in the outset to write the History of 
the Reformed Religion in France, instead of now fol- 
lowing the refugee branches of the Huguenot Church 
into the separate Countries in which they found asy- 
lums, we must content ourselves, for the most part, 
with presenting a rapid summary of the little which is 
authentically known of their brethren who remained 
behind, or who returned to their native Country. 

It was not until weariness of conquest induced 
Louis to conclude the Peace of Ryswick, that ^^^^ 
he renewed the idle and long-suspended pro- 
ject of compelling all his subjects to Religious Unity. 
Great, no doubt, was his surprise, when he learned 
from Reports transmitted by the Provincial Inten- 
dants, that Calvinism, although suppressed by Law, 
still existed in their several jurisdictions ; that al- 
though its IMeeting-houses had every where been 
levelled to the dust, its Ministers had been driven 

' Le Long has noticed many of these Biographies, in order 

to assist any future writer who might undertake such a History; 

of which he perceived both the want and the difficulty. See a 

Note in his Bihliotheque Historique de la France, torn. i. p. 40i). 

VOL. III. U 



290 TACIT [CH. XXV. 

into exile, and its assemblies for Worship had been 
prohibited under penalty of death, the spirit of the 
proscribed Religion subsisted in its ancient vigour, 
and the conversion of the New Converts was a work 
still to be achieved. Thirteen years had elapsed 
since the experiment of the Revocation had been 
tried, when Basville, the Intendant of Languedoc, one 
of those who had rendered themselves the most evilly 
notorious by aiding in Persecution \ thus described 
the condition of his Government in a Letter to the 
King. " There are Districts, comprising more than 
20 or 30 Parishes, in which the Cure is at once the 
most wretched and the most useless among its inha- 
bitants. Do what he will, he can neither make a 
single Catholic proselyte among the residents, nor 
induce any one already professed to settle within his 
Ministry." In another place, he speaks of " those 
ex- Huguenots, who, yielding to violence, had pre- 
tended conversion, as a sort of Body living within 
the State in a singular manner, wholly devoid of any 
external profession of Religion ^" 

Opinions were divided in the Royal Council, as to 
the remedy which this state of affairs demanded. 



^ Basville succeeded the atrocious Marillac in his Intendancy. 
At first, greater mildness was expected from him than had been 
shown by his predecessor ; but he proved equally severe, and 
more cunning. Benoit describes him as im homme mal-inten- 
tionnt, capable cf achever par la ruse ce que Marillac avoit conduit 
si avant par la violence. Tom. iv. p. 549. And Rulhiere, in 
like manner, after stating that he passed dans ce temps-la pour 
un homme doux et modere, adds in explanation, that sa douceur 
consistoit a employer la terreur plus que les supplices. p. 153. 

2 Cited by M. Le Baron Breteuil in a Memoire on the state 
of the Protestants offered to Louis XVI. Rulhiere, p. 275. 



A. D. 1697.] INDULGENCE. 291 

Louvois, the original Persecutor, was no longer 
alive, but the Chancellor Ponchartrain advised seve- 
rity. The Cardinal de Noailles, chief of the Janse- 
nists, recently nominated to the Archbishopric of 
Paris, on the other hand, strongly urged the advan- 
tages of Tolerance ; and, notwithstanding that he 
was opposed by the great Body of the Gallican 
Church, his influence for awhile prevailed with the 
King, and he was authorized to pursue measures of 
conciliation. The execution of this duty, however, was 
obstructed by infinite difficulties ; for it was thought 
that to revoke the Edict of Revocation would be, in 
a certain degree, to compromise the King's honour ; 
D'Aguesseau, who, many years before, at the com- 
mencement of the Persecution, had resigned the In- 
tendancy of Languedoc, in order that he might avoid 
participation in cruelties which he abhorred ; and 
who ever since, while occupying various Ministerial 
posts, had continued the advocate of a gentle policy, 
was intrusted with the fulfilment of the delicate task ; 
and, content with the attainment of solid advantages 
for the Huguenots, he recommended the avoidance of 
any display of change. It would be enough, he 
thought, if the Penal Laws were permitted to slumber 
without formal erasure from the Statute Book. All 
occasion of mortification on the one side, and of 
unseasonable triumph on the other, v/ould thus 
be escaped ; the fears of the Romanists would not 
be awakened to any meditated diminution of their 
ascendency, the hopes of the Reformed would not be 
elevated to the prospect of any impossible emancipa- 
tion. So difficult is it for Power to retrace its steps, ^ 
if they have once deviated into a mistaken path! 
The injustice and tyranny which deprived the Hugue- 
u2 



292 RISE OF FANATICISM [cH. XXV. 

nots of Natural and Civil immunities were officially 
registered in the standing Laws of the Kingdom. 
The equity and clemency which prompted a revival 
of their freedom was to be dispensed with stealthy 
cunning, and to be shrouded under the mysteries of 
State-craft \ 

But when a dark cloud, which had long been 
gathering among the mountains of the South, burst 
and discharged its collected tempest, the troubles of a 
fierce and protracted Civil War in the Vivarez and 
the Cevennes forbade the exercise of gentleness even 
in secret. The Fanaticism which excited the rude 
and ignorant inhabitants of that savage District to 
open Rebellion, is usually traced, in the first instance, 
to the prevalence of reveries disseminated by Pierre 
Jurieu ; a French Minister of the Walloon Church 
at Rotterdam, who unhappily addicting himself to 
interpretation of the Apocalypse, applied the mysti- 
cal announcements of that sealed Book to his own 
Times and Country. Fully persuaded that an ex- 
press Inspiration had been vouchsafed to him by 
which he was enabled to penetrate the true meaning 
of the Prophecies relative to Babylon and Antichrist, 
he declared that France was the place of the Great 
City, v/herein the Witnesses mentioned by St. John^ 
lay dead, but not buried ; and that, after three years 
and a half, a period which brought his computation 
to the year 1689, they would rise again to life. 
These speculations, which in Jurieu might be no 
more than the harmless fumes of an effervescing 
fancy, were directed by others to serious Political 
objects; and it was not difficult to persuade the 

^ Rulhiere, p. 442. 2 Revelations, ch. xi. 



A.D. 1689.] IN THE CEVENNES. 293 

Mountaineers of the South of France, smarting under 
the scourge of INIilitary Law, and deprived of their 
Pastors and of their hereditary Worship, that the 
Spirit of the Lord, instead of abandoning them alto- 
gether, would speak by the mouths of their Women 
and Children. 

No very distinct accounts are left to us of the first 
growth of these wild notions, which in their outset 
indeed were little likely to attract serious attention ; 
but a School appears to have been opened in a Glass- 
house at Mount Peyra, in Dauphine, under the 
direction of one Du Serre, who, as there can be little 
doubt, was an adroit knave, actuated by motives of 
ambition, and seeking only to elevate himself to the 
headship of a Party. Children of both sexes were 
disciplined in this Academy of the Prophets by fast- 
ing which disordered the bodily functions, and by a 
course of reading and lecturing which kindled their 
Imaginations, till they fancied themselves chosen 
Messengers, and organs through which the Divine 
AVill was to be communicated to their fellow-coun- 
trymen. The first two promising disciples of whom 
we hear any tidings were Gabriel Astier in the Viva- 
rez, and La Belle Isabeau, a maiden, who was exhi- 
bited at Grenoble. Convulsed, foaming at the mouth, 
and rapt in epileptic ecstasy, they poured out broken 
sentences, which were eagerly caught up by the 
gaping Peasants as holy dews of Prophecy ; and their 
examples proving infectious, as frequently happens 
in nervous cases, were followed by many imitators. 
The Ministry of Isabeau was but short : she was 
arrested and imprisoned, and after a few months of 
separation from her employers, admitted that she had 
been labouring under delusion. Astier was less for- 



294 FRAN9OIS VIVANS. [CH. XXV. 

tunate ; he fought bravely at the head of some enthu- ' 
siasts, who rushed upon the troops sent to disperse 
them, exposing their naked bosoms to the soldiers' 
pikes and musquets ; and endeavouring to strike 
terror into their assailants by repeated shouts of, 
" Tartara ! Tartara !" When this mystic cry failed 
to produce effect, and most of the zealots were either 
killed or put to flight, Astier disguised himself, 
and enlisted as a trooper in the Royal Army ; but 
the vigilance of the Intendant Basville detected 
1689. him, and on recognition he was exe- 

Apru 2. cuted *. 

The impenetrable nature of their country, and the 
paucity of troops which were destined for its observa- 
tion, enabled the Mountaineers, who rarely exceeded 
a few hundreds in number, to maintain themselves in 
their fastnesses. The next Leaders of any eminence 
by whom they were conducted were two Pastors not 
trained to their Ministry in a course altogether regu- 
lar. Fran9ois Vivans had filled the humble occupa- 
tion of a woolcomber. Claude Brousson was origi- 
nally an Advocate at Nismes. These zealots having 
assumed Spiritual functions, joined themselves to 
the Prophets, and engaged in negotiation with the 
Duke of Savoy for the assistance of an armed force. 
The assemblies of their followers were held by night, 
and their days were passed amid perpetually-renewed 

* Brueys Hist, de Fanatisme. dans les Cevennes, torn. i. p. 182. 
This writer was himself originally a Huguenot. His statements 
must be accepted with hesitation, and they are often corrected 
by the Author of a Hist, des Camisards, bearing date Londres 
1754. These two Works may be considered as Manifestoes of 
the opposing Parties, and the truth may probably be ascertained 
in many instances by balancing their representations. 



A. D. 1702.] CLAUDE BROUSSON. 295 

changes of anxiety. Vivans at length was treacher- 
ously betrayed in a cavern into which he resorted 
for concealment ; and even while he was at bay, and 
certain of ultimate death, so unapproachable was his 
lair, that he took deliberate aim and shot several of his 
assailants, before he received the bullet which termi- 
nated his own existence \ Brousson pursued a 
life of peril and wandering for three years longer. 
From, a MS. Relation des Prodiges de Vivarez, which 
was discovered upon him at the time of his arrest, it 
is probable that he was deranged by enthusiasm ; 
for he recorded visions of angels and of celestial 
lights, and wrote as one overpowered by ravishing 
harmonies which for ever echoed in his ears. He 
was at length captured by Basville, and on clear evi- 
dence that he had planned the introduction 

1698 

of Schomberg's army, he was broken on 
the Wheel as a Traitor. 

During the four years which elapsed from the con- 
clusion of the Peace of Ryswick to the breaking out 
of the War of the Succession, if tranquillity were not 
entirely restored in the Cevennes, no flagrant out- 
rages were committed ; but no sooner was 
the French Government involved once 
more in hostilities with Foreign Powers, than the 
conjuncture appeared favourable for the renewal of 
internal violence. The immediate cause of Insur- 
rection was the exercise of an odious act of power, 
in itself sufficiently oppressive, even when cleared 
from the detestable motives, to which, perhaps with- 
out enough evidence, it has sometimes been as- 
cribed. The Abbe Chayla, Superintendent of the 

* Brueys, torn. i. p. 261. 



296 THE MARQUIS DE GUISCARD. [cH. XXV. 

Missions, had secreted in his own house two daugh- 
ters of a New Convert whom he was authorised by 
Government to remove from their family for edu- 
cation in a Nunnery. The Peasants, headed by La 
Porte, a Minister who bore the strange title of 
Colonel de Remment des Enfans de Dieu \ 

July 24. o t/ ' 

surrounded the Priest's abode, offered him 
life if he would consent to abjure, and massacred 
him upon his refusal. La Porte was soon after- 
wards killed, but a nephew, Roland, supplied his 
place ; under whose guidance the nocturnal meet- 
ings were renewed, and many extravagances were 
practised by the zealots. Their chief resort was 
Calignon, a small village in the centre of the Yau- 
nage, a valley on the Southern borders of the moun- 
tains of the Cevennes. That spot was endeared by 
numerous recollections, for before the Edict of 
Nantes had been revoked, it counted not fewer than 
thirty Churches within its precincts, and was known 
by the distinguished title of La petite Canaan. 

During the Winter of 1702-3, the number of In- 
surgents greatly increased ; and in the following 
Spring, their movements, which had as yet been 
desultory, assumed much of the character of regular 
warfare. The Abbe de la Bouillie, a profligate ad- 
venturer of ancient family in the neighbourhood, 
having discarded his frock without abjuring Popery, 
embraced their cause, assumed the title of Marquis 
de Guiscard, and employed himself in negotiating 
alliances with foreign Courts. The remaining his- 
tory of this unhappy man is too well known in Eng- 
land. He was received favourably by the Godolphin 

1 Id torn. i. p. 331. 



A. D. 1703.] CAVALLIER. 297 

Administration, intrusted with the command of a 
foreign regiment, pensioned, and consulted upon the 
best means of effecting a descent upon France after 
the Battle of Raraillies. But his expenditure far 
exceeded his resources ; and while thus confidentially 
employed by the British Government, he opened a 
treacherous correspondence with that of France. 
On his detection and examination before the Council, 
he stabbed Mr. Harley, at that time Chancellor of 
the Exchequer, and died ten days afterwards in 
Newgate, from the consequences of the wounds 
which he had received from the by- slanders \ 

The Count Broglio, upon whom the command of 
! the Southern Districts had hitherto been imposed, 
was called to a different service in the Spring of 
1703 ; and the task of subduing the Insurgents 
devolved upon another General of high i^qj 
military repute, the Sieur de Montrevel. ^^^' ^^' 
A new Leader had arisen among the Prophets also, 
and a youth named Cavallier, the son of a Peasant 



^ Antoine de Guiscard, who assumed the title of Marquis, 
was younger brother of the Comte de Guiscard, a Nobleman of 
ancient race and high character, who held the Government of 
Namur, when that City was captured by William III. Antoine 
first came to England in 1704 ; his attempt upon Harley's life 
was made in the Cockpit, on March 8, 1710 ; and the assassin, 
who was believed to have contemplated the murder of the 
Queen also, died miserably on the 17th of the same month. 
Swift has given an account of the event in his Journal to Stella, 
and also in a Letter to Archbishop King ; and he likewise fur- 
nished Mrs. Manley, who wrote The New Jtalantis, with very 
full particulars, out of which she framed a Pamphlet, reprinted 
in Sir Walter Scott's Edition of Swift's Works, vol. vi. p. 77. 
A true Narrative of what passed at the Examination of the Mar- 
quis de Guiscard. 



298 REBELLION [CH. XXV. 

near Alaix, was associated in command with Roland. 
Neither the training nor the personal endowments 
of this remarkable man appeared to qualify him for 
the extraordinary part which he afterwards acted in 
these troubles. In extreme boyhood, he had been 
employed in tending pigs and sheep upon their wild 
pastures, and he next engaged as apprentice to a 
Baker ; his stature was diminutive, and his physical 
nature very little betokened heroism ; but in addi- 
tion to the unquenchable courage which he shared 
in common with his fellow-mountaineers, he pos- 
sessed a cooler judgment, which enabled him to re- 
gulate their enthusiasm, and to elevate himself, at 
little more than 20 years of age, to deserved supre- 
macy. 

Montrevel commenced his operations by acts of 
increased severity ; and thinking to strike terror 
into the Rebels, he arrested, through a wide range of 
four-and- twenty Parishes, all " dangerous and sus- 
pected persons" of both sexes, who were transferred 
to the dungeons of Rousillon. We hear of 300 
young men who were included in this proscription ; 
of whole families committed to imprisonment, to 
whom no other offence was imputed, than that they 
had failed to withdraw some of their Members from 
the insurgent ranks \ In the engagements which 
occurred from time to time, quarter appears to have 
been reciprocally denied, and never indeed to have 
been asked by the Mountaineers. A Prophetess, 
La grande Marie, who followed in Cavallier's train, 
and to whose support he attributed much of his own 
stability, was taken and executed. She had been 

^ Brueys, torn. ii. p. 142. 



A. D. 1703.] IN THE CEVENNES. 299 

appealed to on all occasions as the arbitress of life 
and death, and her decisions, pronounced as if under 
Inspiration, were esteemed to be oracular, and were 
instantaneously obeyed. Punishments the most 
abhorrent from humanity, in many instances, awaited 
those who were convicted before the Tribunals ; they 
were first broken on the Wheel, and then thrown, 
while yet alive, into flames kindled at the foot of the 
Scaffold ^ At Nismes, at Alaix, and at St. Hypo- 
lite, the gallows, we are told, was always standing, 
and the executioner was within call at the arrival of 
his victims ^. 

Notwithstanding a disastrous overthrow inflicted 
on the Rebels at the Tour de Belot, they carried on 
their warfare with eminent success towards the close 
of the first year of Montrevel's command, and num- 
bered 6000 men in their band. Their confidence 
naturally increased in like proportion with their 
strength, and they had boldness enough even to 
hazard a night-attack upon Montpellier. They were 
unsuccessful, as might be expected, against that regu- 
larly-fortified town ; but so great was the panic 
which they excited, that the inhabitants enrolled 
themselves in a Voluntary Association for the assist- 
ance of the regular military force. For some one of 



' Brueys was present at the trial and condemnation of one 
of these miserable victims, a Miller of St. Cristol. torn. ii. p. 207- 

2 Tons ceux qu'on rencontroit etoient aussitot ou tues par nos 
soldats, ou pris et envoyes aux prisons d'Alais, de St. Hypolite et de 
Ntmes ; ou les Gihets et les ecliaffaiix Etoient toujours dresses, afin 
que les exemples de la Justice suivissent les expeditions militaires ; 
et que tandis qu'on les exterminoit d'un cote par la force des armes, 
on fit trembler de V autre tout le pays par les differ ens supplices 
qu'on faisoit sovffrir a ces malheureux. Id. torn. ii. p. 304. 



300 THE CAMISARDS. [cH. XXV. 

the many reasons which have been assigned for its 
origin, the Fanatics were commonly distinguished 
by the name of Camisards ^ ; most probably on ac- 
count of their customary dress, the chemise (provin- 



' The reasons assigned for this name are endless. Some 
attribute it to a succour despatched, during the Wars of Louis 
XIIT., to Montauban by the Duke of Rohan, in which the Moun- 
taineers, in order that they might distinguish each other, wore 
their shirts outermost. Cavallier writes as follows, when speak- 
ing of the first success of his adherents : — " It was then that the 
name of Camizars got its beginning, or revived itself; and the 
reason was, our men commonly carried but two shirts; one on 
their backs, the other in their knapsacks, so that when they would 
pass by their friends they'd leave the dirty, and take clean in 
lieu thereof, not having time to spare to wash their linen. But 
having disarmed the Citizens, they also took clean linen from 
them, and left their dirty." Memoirs of the Wars of the Ce- 
vennes, translated from the French of J. Cavallier. Dublin, 1726, 
p. 157- A little onward he continues, " Some, who pretend to 
be more learned than I, say that this name is derived from the 
Hebrew or the Greek ; but, in my opinion, it has more reference 
to their wearing their shirts after this manner than dependent 
on those Languages." 

The learned derivations to which Cavallier here alludes are 
explained in a Tract, Meslange de Literature Historique et Cri- 
tique sur tout ce qui regarde Vetat extraordinaire des Cevennois 
appellez Camisars. Londres 1707j in which the writer, after 
observing that lis se contentoient de changer leurs chemises sales 
pour les blanches quand ils en trouvoient, adds, that others have 
suggested Camis, the name of a Japanese Idol, and the verb 
ardre to burn — ardre les Camis, metonymically Camis-ards, Idol- 
burners. Or it may be traced to the Greek Kaixa (icafiaTog) 
labor, Iq vis and dp an expletive syllable, and thus may signify a 
hard-working man. Or, stretching at once to the height of ety- 
mological absurdity, it may be deduced from Cham, the son of 
Noah, who possessed Mitzraim, in Egypt. Phoenicia was colo- 
nized from Egypt, and Gaul from Phoenicia ; therefore, Cham- 
mitzrahn, &c. &c. p. 46. 



A. D. 1703.] SEVERITIES OF MONTREVEL. 301 

cially spelled camise) or smock-frock of the Peasantry ; 
and some Brigands, who pretended connexion with 
them, but whom Cavallier frequently disavowed, 
and even executed, when they fell into his hands, 
were known, on account of the extraordinary atroci- 
ties which they perpetrated, as Les Camisards Noirs. 
The Citizens of Montpellier named themselves in 
opposition, Les Camisards Blancs, or, from a Cross 
which they wore in their hats, Les Cadets de la Croix. 
Like most other self-organized Bodies, this Union, 
which spread widely over the neighbourhood, soon 
learned to act independently of the very authority 
which it professed to support ; and Montrevel, alarmed 
at its excesses, found it necessary to concert mea- 
sures for their restraint \ 

Fearful indeed must have been the cruelties which 
he thought it politic to forbid ; for at the very com- 
mencement of a severe Winter, he issued orders for 
the entire devastation of a district covering forty 
leagues ; and when the process of pulling down cot- 
tages was found to work too slowly, fire was em- 
ployed to scare the reluctant peasants from the roofs 
under which they continued to linger. The country, 
thus depopulated, became a vast Desart and a fright- 
ful solitude, upon which the eye could not dwell 
without horror ^ ; and famine was the necessary result 
in the ensuing Spring. The Camisards, stung to 
desperation by their increased sufferings, and pre- 
ferring death by the sword to that which awaited 
them under the slower process of hunger, incessantly 



* Brueys, torn. ii. p. 229. Hist, des Camisards, torn. ii. p. 114. 
2 Lepays etoit devenu un vaste Desert, et une solitude affreuse 
quils ne pouvoient plus regarder sans horreur. Brueys. 



302 THE MARECHAL VILLARS [cH. XXV. 

provoked the Royal troops to combat ; and in some 
instances, owing to the negligent confidence of their 
antagonists, and to their own superior local know- 
ledge, they obtained signal triumphs. In an en- 
gagement near Martinargues, they surprised and cut 
off to a man a very large detachment, and the recall 
of Montrevel was the consequence of this defeat. 
Before retiring, he avenged himself by a victory, 
which, if it had been obtained earlier, might have 
changed the fortune of the War. 

The choice of his successor evinced the 

1704. 

importance which Government at length 
attached to the troubles of the Cevennes, and the 
Marechal Villars, who ere long was to save his 
Country from the ruin apparently impending over it 
after the great disaster at Blenheim, was summoned 
to put an end to the Rebellion. Villars at once 
perceived the full difficulty of his task. The enemies 
to whom he was opposed might challenge or decline 
battle at their own pleasure : every mountain af- 
forded them an impregnable fortress, every cavern a 
sure retreat ; they might be beaten indeed daily and 
hourly, but on each fresh day and hour they were 
again prepared to renew combat ; till they should be 
exterminated. Peace was hopeless ; and their exter- 
mination would probably be the work of many years, 
purchased by a large sacrifice of life. Villars there- 
fore resolved to attempt conciliation, and after the 
lapse of a few months, he found Cavallier equally 
sensible with himself of the advantages of an amicable 
Treaty. In the first conference which Lalande, an 
officer of high rank, was instructed to hold with the 
Insurgents, a purse which he offered to Cavallier 
was rejected with firmness, but without scorn. 



A. D. 1704.] NEGOTIATES WITH CAVALLIER. 303 

Lalande scattered its contents, a hundred Louis, 
before the rudely-accoutred band which formed the 
body-guard of their mountain Chief. Wistfully as 
they might eye the treasure, not a man stirred 
from his rank, till Cavallier notified permission by a 
private sign. " Peace," he said, " is concluded ; 
and you may accept the coins to drink the King's 
health \" 

The negotiation was conducted on each side with 
strict regard to honour ; and Villars, himself a great 
and generous spirit, recognising in the untutored 
Peasant a kindred greatness, soon excited the confi- 
dence which he entertained. In a personal inter- 
view, held by appointment in the Garden of the 
Recolets at St. Cesaire, a village about a league 
distant from Nismes, he secured the attach- 

May 6. 

ment of Cavallier, not by tendering a bribe, 
but by freely releasing his brother ; a stripling barely 
fifteen, who had been taken with arms in his hands, 
and who, at an earlier period of this ferocious strug- 
gle, would have been immediately and unrelentingly 
executed. Cavallier stipulated, that himself, and 
all who wdth him were prepared to renew their alle- 
giance, (he stated their numbers to be ten thousand) 
should receive unconditional amnesty, and be per- 
mitted the exercise of their Religion. On those 
te ms, he undertook to organize four Regiments for 
the King's service, which should immediately be 
marched into Spain. 

These conditions were accorded, and many Cami- 
sards assembled at Calvisson, the chief town of the 
neighbourhood, preparatory to their military distribu- 

^ Brueys, torn, ii. p. 315. 



304 SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF CAVALLIER. [cH. XXV. 

tion. " It was a strange sight," says the Romanist 
Historian of the Insurrection, *' to behold so many- 
Heretics, preaching, praying, prophesying, and sing- 
ing, by day and by night, uninterruptedly and to the 
full content of their hearts ; but it was all submitted 
to for reasons which Kings are sometimes obliged to 
obey '." The general tranquillity which Cavallier 
had hoped to restore by this negotiation, was inter- 
rupted by the withdrawal of his Lieutenant Ravanel, 
with the majority of his followers, on a suspicion of 
treachery, which some Dutch Emissaries succeeded 
in exciting. But Cavallier himself, abiding by his 
engagement, and having convinced Villars of his 
integrity, received a Brevet of Colonel, with a pen- 
sion of 1500 livres annexed to the Commission. 
His reception at Versailles was cold. He was un- 
courteously introduced to the King as " the Chief of 
the Rebels, who was come to implore his Majesty's 
clemency ;" and when, having recovered from the 
confusion which this announcement had occasioned, 
he was proceeding to remark on his Treaty with 
Villars, Louis peremptorily and indignantly forbade 
the employment of that term^. Finding himself 
more closely observed by the Ministry than the sin- 
cerity of his intentions deserved, and receiving inti- 
mation that his imprisonment was meditated, he 
escaped to Savoy, and thence retired first to Holland, 
and afterwards to the British Islands. In the last- 
named Country he published his Memoires, and was 
confidentially employed. At the Battle of Almanza, 

^ Par les raisons que les Rois sont quelquefois obliges de suivre. 
Brueys, tom. ii. p. 340. 

2 Memoir of the War in the Cevennes. p. 303. 



A. D. 1705.] SUPPRESSION OF THE CAMISARDS. 305 

he commanded a Regiment of Huguenot Refugees ; 
and Voltaire relates, on the authority of the Duke 
of Berwick from whom he had frequently heard the 
narrative, the desperate fury with which that Regi- 
ment encountered a Body of its Countrymen in the 
hostile army. Without firing a single shot, they at- 
tacked each other with the bayonet ; and when they 
parted combat, not 300 men among them were left 
alive on both sides ^ Cavallier was afterwards ap- 
pointed to the Government of Jersey, which honour- 
able post he enjoyed till his death. 

After the secession of this their only Leader who 
ever claimed any higher title to notice than is af- 
forded by mere physical bravery, the Camisards 
gradually declined. One by one their Chiefs were 
killed or taken prisoners ; the project of Guiscard, 
as we have before shown, proved abortive ; Roland 
was betrayed, surprised, and shot, during 1704 
an assignation with a peasant girl of whom ^^^' ^*' 
he was enamoured ; and when Villars was needed 
for more important service in Germany, 1705. 
not more than two Insurgents of note 
remained to be subdued by the Duke of Berwick his 
successor. Of these, Ravanel was arrested at the 
very moment in which a vaunting Prophecy of secu- 
rity w^as fresh upon his lips. " Serve Dieu," he 
exclaimed in ecstasy, using his wonted assevera- 
tion, " I will answer for it, that in less than three 
weeks, the King shall no longer be master in 
Languedoc or Dauphine. They are every where 
searching for me, but here I am, and I defy 

1 Siecle de Louis XIV. cap. 36. 
VOL. III. X 



306 FRENCH PROPHETS [cH. 



them M" When Catinat, the last of the Fanatics, 
was seized after a desperate resistance, he dared his 
captors to use him with severity ; affirming, that the 
English, would be sure to avenge any violence offered 
to himself, by prompt reprisals on the Marechal 1 
Tallard, who was at that time their prisoner. Both 
the prophecy of the former and the menace of the 
latter were received with incredulity. Ravanel and 
Catinat were burned alive at Nismes ; and with 
them the Rebellion may be considered to have ter- 
minated ; although more than one effort at partial 
rising was afterwards attempted, and an expedition 
was despatched from England to awaken the embers 
of Insurrection, so late as the summer of 1710. The 
Duke de Noailles, who at that time commanded in 
the South, repulsed the attempt, and captured the 
few troops who had effected a landing. 

On the first dispersion of the Camisards in the 
Cevennes, three vagabonds, who appear to have been 
held in little esteem in their own Country, 
took refuge in England. For a while, 
Elie Marion, Jean Cavallier, who claimed kinsman- 
ship with the ex-Leader ^, and Durand Fage, pro- 
duced considerable and very mischievous excitement. 

^ Brueys, torn. ii. p. 463. 

2 A relationship which the Colonel always denied. See his 
affidavit, cited by Edmund Calamy, in his Caveat against the New 
Prophets, p. 52. and also in the Enthusiastic Impostors no divinely 
inspired Prophets, p. 4. The original Certificate may be found 
in Nouveaux Memoires pour servir a VHistoire des trois Camisars. 
Londres, 1708. which Tract contains also two other Declara- 
tions from the same hand ; and all three papers present a very 
sorry account of the Prophets. 



A. D. 1707.] IN LONDON. 307 

The sober Huguenots, already long established under 
the British Government, were greatly scandalised by 
the extravagant pretensions of these Impostors ; and 
the Elders of the Savoy Congregation, sanctioned by 
the authority of the Bishop of London, whom they 
acknowledged as their Ecclesiastical Head, sum- 
moned them to render an account of their mission. 
Fage alone obeyed the mandate ; and hav- 1707. 
ing boldly asserted Inspiration, was de- ^^'^' 
clared to be a cheat and a counterfeit ^ 

So far as an insight can now be obtained into the 
strange doctrines which they professed, they appear to 
have distributed the Prophetical endowment into four 
subdivisions. The lowest degree, U Avertissement, 
was but slightly regarded ; and was indeed no more 
than a mere inward feeling that the individual 
was about to become a recipient of the Spirit, 
which descended upon him in the second stage, Le 
Souffle. Thus inspired, he was not entitled to pro- 
nounce decisions till admitted to the privileges con- 
ferred by La Prophetie, which at once rendered him 
a judge without appeal. In the ultimate height of 
perfection, Le Don, he was, for the most part, too 
elevated and abstracted to mingle with earthly af- 
fairs ; but the gift of healing and of working other 
miracles rested upon the few to whom this high 

^ " By an authentic Act of the said Church some weeks ago 
published in the Postboy." The Honest Quaker, or the Forgeries 
and Impostures of the pretended French Prophets and their abet- 
tors exposed. 1707- Preface. In the Nouveaux Memoires, &c. 
is a Lettre ecrite par ordre et au nom de VEglise Frangaise de 
Threadneedle Street a My Lord Eveque de Londres, stating that 
certain Ministers and Elders who had been deputed to examine 
the Prophets were convinced of their imposture. 
X 2 



308 FRENCH PROPHETS [cH. XXV. 

calling was vouchsafed \ Like every race of igno- 
rant Enthusiasts on record, they declaimed loudly 
against human Learning -. During their " agita- 
tions," they delivered predictions and blessings, and 
frequently expressed themselves either in a Lan- 
guage of which they were not masters in their mo- 
ments of self-possession ; or, with a resemblance 
strikingly worthy of remark to Enthusiasts of a 
more recent date^, in a Tongue wholly unknown, 

1 This fourfold division is related by Brueys, torn. i. p. 377' 
A long list of miraculous cures is given in A Relation of the 
dealings of God to Jus unworthy servant, John Lacy, since the 
time of his believing and professing himself inspired. 1 708 ; and 
in Sir Richard Bulkeley's Answer to several Treatises lately pub- 
lished on the subject of the Prophets. 1708. A key to these and 
similar cures, in which Imagination is the chief sanative agent, 
is furnished by Bp. Douglas in his Criterion, p. 139. Ed. 1832. 

- " 'Tis not by University learning that thou shalt be quali- 
fied for the work I design thee to be engaged in ; therefore, 
depend not upon it, for it will be of no use to thee in this parti- 
cular. But depend thou alone upon the leading of the Holy 
Spirit, and thou shalt find that by the same thou wilt be better 
qualified for my work than thou couldst be by all the learning 
of both the Universities of the land." Blessing pronounced 
July 18, I7O8. Falsehood of the New Prophets manifested, p. 17- 
The writer of this Tract, Henry Nicholson, of Trinity College, 
Dublin, had been thrown into frightful convulsions, during some 
of the Prophetic Meetings which he at first attended with an 
inclination to credulity. 

^ The parallel is distinctly and temperately drawn in a late 
publication by the Rev. William Goode. The modern Claims to 
the possession of the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit stated arid 
examined. 1833. pp. 160 — 187- ; where may be found nume- 
rous illustrative extracts. Mr. Goode speaks, however, far too 
favourably of the contemporary reputation of the three leading 
Prophets. The charges imputed against them may be false, but 
they are accused of very revolting atrocities in the Nouveaux 
Memoires. 



A. D. 1707.] IN LONDON. 309 

and therefore admitting only conjectural interpreta- 



^ Fage, on one occasion, delivered himself in the following words. 
" Mon enfant, Jerri' en vaie repandre sur les ennernis mes jugemens 
terribles, et ma derniere sentence sera, Tring trang, swing sivang, 
king hang ! which unintelligible jargon so stumbled Mr. Facio 
(one of the Scribes who wrote down the words pronounced by the 
Prophets while under Inspiration), that had been conversant in 
52 Languages, that he returned home under the greatest concern 
imaginable, being under apprehension, that hitherto he and his 
friends had been scandalously mocked and imposed on. Here 
he paused, and gave me room to ask him how he surmounted 
this difficulty ; which he said was by applying himself to prayer, 
in which he was directed not to reject the Prophet. Besides 
which solution, he thought the words, or rather inarticulate 
sounds, might allude to the law among the Jews, not to exceed 
forty stripes in punishing some offences ; and though he did 
not count the blows which Fage gave himself, yet he believes 
they were about that number, and that the Holy Spirit conde- 
scended to express himself by the sound of blows, as a man, 
driving a wedge, cries ' Ha ! ha !' " Enthusiastic Impostors, &c. 
p. 22. Mr. R. Baxter might have written some passages in his 
Narrative of Facts (relative to Mr. Irving' s Congregation. 1833.) 
with this account before his eyes. 

Sir Richard Bulkeley, a witness on the part of the claimants, 
assures us, that Mr. Lacy, who had " not read a Latin book for 
twenty years last past," when under " the Latin impression," 
spake that Language fluently, without being able to construe his 
speeches. Mr. Dutton, " a young gentleman, an attorney in 
the Middle Temple, who has no more Latin than is just neces- 
sary for his profession, but knows not one Hebrew letter from 
another, nor hardly a Greek one," would " utter with great 
readiness and freedom complete discourses in Hebrew for near 
a quarter of an hour together, and sometimes much longer." 
Sir R. Bulkeley, it is true, could not " talk Hebrew," as he 
very ingenuously confesses ; but nevertheless, as he also tells 
us, ** I catched at several words here and there, as he went on, 
which I knew to be Hebrew — of all which he understood not 
one, but had an impression upon his mind that it was a hymn of 



310 SIR R. BULKELEY J. LACY. [CH. XXV. 

Their followers in London were numerous ; and 
among them were two gentlemen of some mark and 
notoriety ; Sir Rich. Bulkeley, a Baronet apparently 
not devoid of letters, although slenderly provided with 
judgment, and John Lacy, Esq., or, as he afterwards 
wrote himself, " John, surnamed Lacy." Both 
these proselytes possessed wealth, which they were 
not backward in dispensing, and both of them also 
wielded the pen in behalf of their favourite doc- 
trines \ The French Churches in London prose- 
cuted Marion and two of his Scribes for their blas- 
phemous publications ; and they were sentenced to \ 
pay a fine of twenty marks each, to give security for i 
good behaviour for a year, and to stand in the Pillory 
at Charing Cross and the Royal Ex- 
change^. 

praise to God for the calling of Israel, And afterwards, under 
Inspiration, it was declared to him in my hearing, ' Thou shalt 
speak the Hebrew Language better than any that does now speak 
it.' " Answer to several Treatises, &c. pp. 92 — 94. 

^ Lacy's most notorious Work was entitled J Cry from the 
Desert ; it was for the greater part translated from Le Theatre 
sacre des Cevennes, par Maximilian Misson, 

2 A paper with the words following was affixed to Marion's 
forehead : " Elias Marion, convicted for falsely and profanely 
pretending himself to be a true prophet, and printing and utter- 
ing many things as dictated and revealed to him by the Spirit 
of God, to terrific the Queen's People." His accomplices were 
similarly denoted ; " John Daude and Nicholas Facio, convicted 
for abetting and favouring Elias Marion in his wicked and 
counterfeit prophecies, and causing them to be printed and pub- 
lished to terrific the Queen's People." Appendix to a Sermon 
by Edmund Chishull. The great danger and mistake of all New 
uninspired Prophecies relative to the end of the World. 1 708. 
p. 42. Among other judgments which Marion had threatened 
in his Prophetical Warnings published in 1707* was the speedy 



A. D. I7O8.] RESURRECTION OF DR. EMES. 311 

In spite, or perhaps in consequence, of this Trial 
and punishment, the reputation of the Prophets in- 
creased, till they ventured upon an experiment of 
unparalleled daring ; and being prudently left un- 
disturbed in its progress, they at length completed 
their own discomfiture. Lacy, and after him many 
of his fellow-believers, consoled one Dr. Emes, a 
practitioner of medicine, while lying on his death- 
bed, by an assurance of a speedy resurrection ; and 
the 25th of May, 1708, when five months should be 
completed from his burial, was announced as the 
day on which this stupendous miracle was to be ex- 
hibited. " Know ye the day on which my servant 
was interred ? Five months from that day, the 25th 
of May, you shall behold him rise again. One 
month above the number of days that Lazarus was 
in his grave — the very hour he was put into the 
earth shall he rise .... I say you shall see him who 
is now dead^" 



burning of London ; (p. 117- ) a mischievous prediction very 
likely to have been verified through the madness of some of his 
followers. 

^ Appendix II. to STp'mckes's New Pretenders to Prophecy re-exa- 
mined. 1710. " The predictions concerning the raising the dead 
body of Mr. Thomas Emes, commonly called Dr. Emes, late of Old 
street-square, in the parish of St. Giles by Cripplegate, London ; 
who, on or about the 4th day of December, 1707. was taken 
with a most violent head-ache or megrim, and died on the 22d 
day of December, 1707) and was buried on the 25th of the same 
month, being Christmas-day, in the Burying-groundin Bunhill- 
Fields, near Moor Fields." AH these predictions, seventeen in 
number, were delivered between December 5, 1707, and the 
following Jan 1. Two of tliem were spoken by " A. M. K. a 
child of 12 years old, in a public assembly under the inspiration 
of the Spirit." The condition of another Prophet is thus fear- 



312 RESURRECTfON OF DR. EMES. [cH. XXV. 

On the appointed day, a multitude of believers 
accordingly resorted to the Burial-ground in Bun- 
hill Fields, from twelve at noon to six in the evening ; 
the hours named for the performance of the mighty, 
■work which it was thus blasphemously vaunted was 
to exceed our Saviour's crowning miracle, in that 
proportion which months bear to days. The Pro- 
phets were warned that they should be guarded by 
an Angelic host, that the dead man should rise 
without any disturbance of his grave, and that he 
should walk naked, but without shame or indecency, 
to his own habitation ^ The ridicule which attended 
their expectation and their disappointment ^, was 



fully described. " J. P. was for a long time under violent agi- 
tation, and laboured greatly with great struggles in his throat 
and organs of speech, almost as if he were choking, and uttered 
some inarticulate sounds. Here the Spirit violently threw him 
upon the floor, where he lay stretched out as dead, without 
motion or breathing. After some time, there came a trembling 
motion into every part of him at once, his feet, legs, arms, and 
shoulders; after which there appeared some breathing, which 
grew still louder and stronger in him. After he had been some 
time in that manner, he said," &c. 

1 Id. p. 49. 

2 A Warwickshire booby, Stephen Halford, prophesied in a 
similar manner, that he would die at a particular hour, and rise 
again after a certain number of days. His friends prudently 
committed him to safe custody at Birmingham, till the predicted 
season had passed ; and he then admitted his delusion, adding, 
that if he had continued with the Prophets, he verily believed 
that he should have died. Spinckes, Appendix I. A Letter 
from Stephen Halford's Brother. — The shortest way with the 
French Prophets, or an Impartial Relation of the Rise, Progress, 
and total Suppression of those Seducers, who attempted lately to 
pervert several inhabitants in the Town of Birmingham, in War- 
wickshire. In a Letter from thence to an eminsnt Tradesman in 



A. D. 1708.] DECLINE OF THE PROPHETS. 313 

kept alive in numerous Pamphlets, and had a sensi- 
ble effect in diminishing their numbers ; although it 
does not seem to have abashed their Leaders : for 
Sir Richard Bulkeley refused the test of Sense as 
conclusive in a matter so highly Spiritual ^ ; and 
Lacy did not openly abandon the expiring Heresy, 
notwithstanding many avowed declarations before- 
hand that his Faith depended upon the fulfilment of 
the prediction in which he had so signally failed ^. 

It was perhaps owing to a natural suspicion en- 
gendered in Government by the conduct of these 
Knaves and Fanatics, that an important privilege 
which had been granted to the Exiles was rescinded. 

London. 1708. [ — Hutchinson, Sliort View of the Pretended 
Spirit of Prophecy. 1708. p. 37. 

^ " If I should ask these men how they knew that Mr. Ernes 
was not raised at the time predicted, they must not own it to 
be a sufficient answer (even if they had been then in the Bury- 
ing-place) that they did not see him ; for I have shown out of 
the Scriptures, that the eyes of unbelievers are holden, they are 
too dim to perceive a raised body." Preface to Whitro's Warn- 
ings, p. 19. Abraham and Deborah Whitro were two of the 
Prophetical Congregation, who, in a schism which divided it, 
were accused of " speaking their own words in the person of 
God." Sir R. Bulkeley espoused their cause. Nevertheless, we 
are assured by Dr. Woodward, a Clergyman engaged in contro- 
versy with Lacy, that " A. W. was always drunk," and that he 
" beat his wife so grievously since he was inspired, that she 
was in danger of her life." 

2 Spinckes writes as follows of Lacy, about two years after 
Dr. Emes's death. *' I am desirous to say all I can for him, 
and therefore testify on his behalf, that he now lives orderly and 
frequents his Parish Church ; and though I have reason to be- 
lieve he does secretly abet and encourage his former compa- 
nions, he does not publish any farther Warnings or Relations of 
God's dealings ; nor can I learn that he pretends to any new 
revelations." p. 7- 



314 LATTER YEARS OF LOUIS XIV. [cH. XXV. 

A Bill, often before proposed and rejected, had been 
carried through both Houses of Parliament in 1709, 
by which all Foreign Protestants were naturalised, 
upon taking the oath of allegiance and receiving the 
Sacrament in any Reformed Congregation. The 
Commons passed this measure by large majorities. 
Burnet supported it on its arrival in the Lords, 
where it was vehemently opposed by Sir William 
Dawes, Bishop of Chester ; and, after occasioning 
great obloquy to its advocates ^ it was repealed 
within three years ^. During the Conferences which 
preceded the Peace of Utrecht, Queen Anne 
appointed two Commissioners, to whose I 
charge the interests of the Refugees were especially 
committed. Nothing, however, appears to have been 
effected by their diplomacy ; and we learn no more 
than the appalling fact, that 185 Huguenots, even at 
that moment, languished in the Galleys ^. 

Little indeed had occurred in France, which could 

^ History of His Own Times, (foL) vol. ii. p. 525. 

2 10 Anne, c. 5. 

3 Tindal Continuation of Rapin. vol. iii. p. 329. (fol.) Unless 
some later attempts (of which we are not aware) were made to 
renew the miracles of the Prophets, their memory long remained 
green, at least among the Non-Conformists. Ralph Thoresby, 
a weak and credulous, although a good and devout man, was 
educated among the Dissenters, with whom, even after his ac- 
cession to the Establishment, he continued to hold familiar com- 
munication. In one of his visits to London, so late as the year 
1723, the following entry occurs in his Diary. " In Bishops- 
gate we called upon Mrs. Mary Maillard, who was so miracu- 
lously cured by Faith in Jesus Christ, when reading the lid of 
St. Mark. I had the relation of all the circumstances from her 
own mouth, and the attestation by her husband, who is a 
Minister of the Reformed French Church, and subscribed ahn 
by herself in my Album." Vol. ii. p. 373. 



A. D. 1715.] THE REGENT ORLEANS. 315 

induce Louis XIV. to relax from severity ; for his 
declining years were embittered by severe domestic 
losses, which swept away the most cherished hopes 
of his family, and by the disappointment of many 
favourite dreams of ambition. Broken by sorrow 
and infirmity, he surrendered himself almost pas- 
sively to the influence of the Jesuits, and obeyed the 
dictation of Le Tellier, a yet more dangerous Con- 
fessor than his predecessor La Chaise. That Pro- 
testantism had ceased to exist in France was the 
unceasing assertion which that Spiritual Director 
sounded in the ears of his Royal Penitent ; and his 
counsels invariably tended to prevent the revival of 
the Heresy which he falsely pronounced to be ex- 
tinct. The measures of Government, therefore, al- 
though fluctuating, were never characterised by any 
symptom of Tolerance ; and even after the death of 
Louis, when the reins of power devolved 
upon the " Godless Regent," the Hugue- 
nots were indebted for the short repose which they 
enjoyed to the carelessness of their Ruler, not to his 
compassion or his conviction. Persecution would 
have demanded activity ; and no tones would more 
harshly have interrupted the orgies of the Palais 
Royal than those of Polemical disputation. If a 
stroke of his pen, by subscribing a single Lettre de 
Cachet, could at once have immured all Protestant- 
ism in the B as tile, so far perhaps the Duke of Or- 
leans might have exerted himself for its suppression ; 
but first to subdue, and afterwards to legislate for 
myriads of a recusant Sect, were labours from which 
he recoiled even in contemplation. 

The Regent, however, was wise enough in his 
generation to assume merit for this inaction ; and 



316 THE DUKE OF BOURBON. [cH. XXV. 

the love of pleasure, which occasioned his sluggish- 
ness, was transformed into a virtue and extolled as 
clemency. When Lord Stair, the British Ambas- 
sador, asked permission to address his Highness int 
behalf of the Protestants serving in the Galleys, thei 
Duke peremptorily refused the application ; stating, 
that of his own free motion he intended to set them 
at liberty, and to open the prison-doors to every man 
confined on account of Religion. Those, he said, 
who in the late reign had misrepresented the Hu- 
guenots as a factious Body, had been equally false 
in the portraiture which they had drawn of himself ; 
and he knew therefore experimentally how little 
dependence was to be placed upon their descriptions. 
Lord Stair kept an open Chapel at Paris, in which 
Service was performed in both French and English ; 
and the Government readily connived at the great 
resort to it on Sundays ^ Other Assemblies indeed 
continued to be forbidden by Law ; but pardon 
was extended to the few cases of disobedience 
brought before the Tribunals ; and emigration 
ceased almost so soon as the restriction upon it was 
suspended. 

The facile Resjent, however, was suc- 

1723. . . 

ceeded by a Minister of difl^erent temper ; 

and under the brief rule of the Duke of Bourbon, a 

Grandson of the Great Conde, preparations -were 

made for the renewal of severity. Nine years of 

comparative liberty had evinced how large was the 

number of the remnant of Huguenots which still 

inhabited France : they had assembled for Worship 

1 Letter from Henry Newman, Esq. Oct. 13, 1715- Corre- 
spondence with Ralph Thoresby, vol. ii. p. 315. 



A. D. 1744.] CARDINAL OF FLEURY. 317 

almost without attempting concealment ; they had 
educated their own children in their own Profession 
of Faith ; they had been permitted without moles- 
tation to fill various Civil offices ; and, above all, 
their marriages had been celebrated without inter- 
ruption, and had been tacitly recognised. Never- 
theless, the old fiction, by which heretofore so great 
misery had been occasioned, was diligently revived ; 
and in spite of countless proofs to the contrary, 
Protestantism was declared not to exist in France. 
The New Converts, as they were again termed, were 
compelled, under menaces of grievous penalties, to 
attend Mass, however great might be their repug- 
nance ; and yet, by a strange contradiction, a Certifi- 
cate of Faith, not granted until after the strictest and 
most scrupulous examination, was in all instances 
demanded as a necessary preliminary to the marriage- 
contract \ 

The short-lived despotism of Bourbon 
was succeeded by the gentler sway of the 
Cardinal of Fleury, during which the Penal Code, 
although not annulled, was allowed to slumber. 
That period, so happy for France, passed away too 
rapidly ; and on the death of the wise, fortunate, 
and beloved old Man, to whom his Country was in- 
debted for her unwonted repose and prosperity, the 
policy by which those blessings had been generated 
was hastily abandoned. Dormant laws ^^^ 
were called into new action ; the Priests 
denied the Sacraments afresh ; and the Magistrates 
punished the Calvinists for not partaking in Ordi- 

1 Rulhidre, p. 327- 



318 ASSEMBLIES OF THE DESART. [cH. XXV. 

nances which the Church refused to administer. 
The Huguenots, thus excluded from Baptism and 
Burial, rites which form as it were the two portals 
of human existence ; and from the Nuptial bene- 
diction, a solemnity upon which depends so large a 
portion of happiness at the season in which it can 
be most vividly enjoyed, re-organised their own 
Church ; and professing obedience to the Govern- 
ment, virtually defied its Ordinances. A National 
Synod was convened at Nismes, and one of its chief 
Acts was the regulation of Meetings for Worship, — 
Meetings which, for lack of roofs under which they 
could be celebrated, were held in the open air, and 
which in consequence received the appropriate name 
of Les Assemhlees du Desert. 

In order to dissipate the suspicions of Govern- 
ment, all frequenters of these Assemblies were for- 
bidden to resort to them with arms ; and Ministers 
were enjoined to preach, at least once in each year, 
on the duties of submission to the Powers that be. 
Throughout the Provinces, in full day, and chiefly 
in the vicinity of large Towns, throngs, sometimes 
amounting to 20,000 persons, of both sexes and of 
all ages and conditions, flocked together to perform 
acts of devotion ; to join in prayer, to receive Spi- 
ritual instruction, to dedicate children to their here- 
ditary Faith, or to sanctify a legitimate union by 
the authority of Religion. No Statute indeed could 
be devised, more keenly oppressive and more uni- 
versally demoralising, than one which, while it em- 
bittered present happiness, destroyed the natural 
rights of generations yet to be ; which dishonoured 
wives, and bastardised issue, in many thousand 



A. D. 1746,] RENEWED SEVERITIES. 319 

families ; and which, so far as human Law was 
concerned, reduced a virtuous and civilised commu- 
nity to a state of barbarous concubinage. 

Notwithstanding the pacific temper of the Hu- 
guenots, measures of violence were adopted for their 
suppression ; and the scenes of horror which have 
rendered the Dragonnades a by-word, were too fre- 
quently renewed. The prisons overflowed with 
New Converts, whose sole offence was attendance 
upon their forbidden worship ; and in some dis- 
tricts, so great was the number of culprits, that Jus- 
tice (if we may so far abuse her name) was obliged 
to adjust the punishment which she inflicted, not 
according to the proportion of imputed crime, but 
according to the tale of criminals. Thus in Lan- 
guedoc, one fourth of whose population was accused 
of Heresy, some indulgence became compulson^ ; 
and what was then esteemed indulgence may be 
determined, when we add, that in the single year 
1746, eight-and-twenty Huguenots of that Province 
were condemned to the Galleys ; among whom were 
a Physician, two Military Officers, and the entire 
family of the Lord of Lasterne. In Dauphine, on 
the contrary, extreme severity was employed ; and 
one sentence of the Intendant of Anet in Gascony, 
awarded the oar for life to five-and-forty Gentle- 
m.en, convicted of having been present at Assem- 
blies. The troops despatched on this most odious 
service were instructed to disperse unarmed Congre- 
gations by the point of the bayonet ; and that Com- 
mander was deemed especially merciful, who ordered 
his men to reserve their fire to the latest moment, 
in all cases in which defence was not attempted \ 
^ Rulhiere, p. 485. 



320 TOLERANCE OF LOUIS XVI. [cH. XXV, 

A new and most ruinous emigration recommenced 
wherever escape was possible ; and much valuable 
property was exported by the Refugees. Five per- 
sons carried with them from the single Diocese of 
Montpellier 480,000 livres in ready money ; and the 
Intendant who made this Report of a fact concerning 
which he could not be mistaken, was an active and 
vigilant partizan of Government*. But the spirit 
of the times had improved, and the feelings of the 
Nation were no longer in accord with those of its 
Rulers, when they sought to arouse the yell of Per- 
secution. The Huguenots were pitied, concealed, and 
assisted ; and the other and more urgent public cares 
with which the close of the disgraceful reign of Louis 
XV. was distracted, contributed to their relief. - 

The benevolent projects of Louis XVI. were 
denied opportunity for development; but they may 
be augured, not only from the general temper which 
actuated his too gentle policy, but from a memorable 
reply by which he silenced an objection offered to 
the appointment of a Minister of Finance. "He 
cannot fill the post, he is a Protestant," was the re- 
mark of some bigoted opponent. " Sully rStoit aussi," 
was the mild answer of the more enlightened King \ 
The Work of Rulhiere, to which our latter pages 
owe very considerable acknowledgment, is no other 
than a perpetual commentary on a Memoire concern- 
ing the Huguenots, their actual situation in France, 
the causes of that situation, and the remedies which 
might be applied to it, drawn up by the Baron de 
Breteuil, at that time one of the Secretaries of State, 



1 Rulhiere, p. 488. 

2 Le Mercier, Hist, de France, torn. vi. p. 39. 



A. D. 1799.] CONSULAR GOVERNMENT. 321 

and submitted to the King in 1786 ; — a State-Paper 
sufficiently evincing the profound attention which 
Louis XVI. would have devoted to Ecclesiastical 
peace, if the hurricane of the Revolution had not 
swept away all Ordinances Divine and Civil. 

For a season, as is too well known, the French 
rejected the acknowledgment of a God ; and it was 
not until the establishment of the Consular Go- 
vernment, upon the ruins of the many shadowy fac- 
tions which had preceded it, had restored some sem- 
blance of order, that even the outward forms of 
Christianity were considered to be a public care. 
Napoleon was far too wise a Statesman not to per- 
ceive that a Constitution unconnected with Religion 
must want stability ; and he filled up the crevices and 
junctures of his new Polity with the only ce- 
ment by which it could obtain consolidation 
and coherence. When the Roman Catholic Faith was 
again declared to be the Religion of the State, a very 
full Toleration was extended to all other Professions. 
The Reformed were permitted to assemble in Con- 
sistories and Synods. A population of 6000 souls 
in the same Commune entitled a Church to the pos- 
session of a Consistory ; and five Consistories com- 
pleted the Arrondissement demanded for a Synod. 
The Meetings of these Synods, however, were far 
more rigidly controlled by the Consular Govern- 
ment than they had been during any period of the 
abolished Monarchy. No Assembly might be con- 
vened without express permission from the Execu- 
tive, nor could it protract its Sittings beyond the 
short term of six days. All the matters proposed 
for discussion were to be submitted beforehand to 
the approbation of the Counsellor of State charged 

VOL. III. Y 



322 NAPOLEON THE RESTORATION. [cH. XXV. 

with the general superintendence of Public Worship ; 
and they were to be debated in the hearing of a Pre- 
fect or a Sub-prefect, who without delay was to com- 
municate to Government a proces-verbal '. We 
believe that similar regulations subsisted after Na- 
poleon assumed the Imperial Title; but it is remark- 
able that not one line of the C'mque Codes which bear 
his name, and by which doubtless he wished that 
Posterity should chiefly recognise his jurisprudence, 
is directed to Ecclesiastical regulation. 

At the Restoration of the Bourbons, the Protes- 
tants in the South of France were exposed to several 
vexatious grievances, which have been dignified with 
the title of a Persecution. The reader, however, 
who has acquainted himself with the times of 
Charles IX., of the League, and of Louis XIV., will 
at once dismiss that name as an exaggeration. The 
Charter of 1814 proclaimed the Catholic, 
Apostolic and Romish Religion to be the 
Religion of the State ^, but it contained two express 
clauses, by one of which all Frenchmen were declared 
equally admissible to Civil and Military employ- 
ments ^ ; by the other, every man was authorised to 
profess his Religion with equal liberty, and was 
assured of protection for his Worship *. The same 
words were repeated in the Charter sworn 

1830. ^ 

to in 1830, by Louis Philippe, in which, 
however, instead of the Romish Religion being de- 
clared the Religion of the State, it is only charac- 
terised as the Faith professed by the majority of 
Frenchmen ^ 

On the existing state of the Reformed Religion in 

^ Herbin, Siatistlque de la France, torn. iii. p. 340. 

2 Art. G. 3 Art. 3. * Art. 5. ^ Art. 6. 



A. D. 1834.] PRESENT STATE OF THE HUGUENOTS. 323 

France we are purposely silent, because, after the 
most diligent inquiry, we are unable to affirm any 
thing respecting it with certainty. We are assured 
from authority not admitting of dispute, that what- 
ever statistical returns have appeared, even under 
official guarantee, are little to be trusted ; and that 
the general opinion, which estimates the number of 
Reformed at about one million, is founded only upon 
conjecture \ In some quarters, indeed, a parade of 
conversion and a bustling show of proselytism have 
occasionally been exhibited ; but it may be feared, 
that the harvest has in most instances been counted 
before even the green blade has appeared ; that the 
seed has been loosely scattered, not in well-ploughed 
furrows, but in a soil rank with weeds, choked 
with its own fatness, and unprepared to produce 
salutary increase. The recent opening of a Chapel 
for the celebration of the Anglican Service in the 
very heart of Paris, is amongst the most favourable 
signs of the progress of light ; and Providence may 
yet intend to raise up for the French, a Reformer, 
who, mth piety, with learning, with eloquence, with 
discretion, and with courage, shall prune from Rome 
her corruptions, without injury to those portions of 
her discipline and her doctrine, which germinate from 
the stock of Scripture, and which ought therefore to 
be grafted upon every true branch of the Church of 
Christ. 

1 Even Soulier has been driven by conviction to adopt this 
opinion. After shovi^ing an error of 459, in a computation 
which made the Protestants of a particular Consistory amount to 
2651, he continues, D'apres cette experience, je me siiis assure 
que les Tableaux connus etaient Men loin d'etre exacts, et que pour 
les rectifier, il faudrait entreprendre un travail long et difficile. 
Statistique des Eglises Reformees de France. Preface vii. 
Y 2 



324 



SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE 

TO PAGE 105. 



The merit of this discovery does not belong to Du Plessis ; nor, 
indeed, as should in justice be added, does it appear to have been 
claimed by him. The controversy which he encountered was the 
result, not of its invention, but of its adoption. Since the above 
narrative was printed, our attention has been drawn to a passage 
in Bishop Burnet's Life of Bishop Bedell, from which it is plain 
that the latter Prelate was the first person who remarked that 
the number of the Beast was to be traced in the Pontiff's Latin 
Title. Bedell was Chaplain to Sir Henry Wotton, English 
Ambassador at Venice during the period of the Interdict; and 
the following account relates to the year 1608. 

" A passage fell out during the Interdict that made greater 
noise than perhaps the importance of it could well amount to : 
but it was suited to the Italian Genius. There came a Jesuit to 
Venice, Thomas Martin Caraffa, who printed a thousand Theses 
of Philosophy and Divinity, which he dedicated to the Pope w ith 
this extravagant Inscription : Paulo V. Vice-Deo Christiana: 
ReipuhliccB Monarchce invictissimo, et Pontificice Omtiipotentice 
Conservatori acerrimo. To Paul V. the Vice- God, the most 
invincible Monarch of the Christian Commonwealth, and the 
most zealous asserter of the Papal Omnipotency. 

"All people were amazed at the impudence of this Title; but 
when Mr. Bedell observed that the numeral Letters of the first 
words Paulo. V. Vice-Deo, beingput together, made exactly 666, 
the number of the Beast in the Revelation, he communicated this to 
P. Paulo and the Seven Divines, and they carried it to the Duke 
and Senate : it was entertained almost as if it had come from 
Heaven, and it was publicly preached over all their Territories, 
that here was a certain evidence that the Pope was Antichrist : 



SUPrLEMENTARY NOTE. 325 

and it is like this was promoted by them more because they 
found it took with the Italians, than that they could build much 
upon it ; though it was as strong as the like computation from 
the Greek word, XaTtivog, upon which some of the Anc ents 
laid some weight. This flew so over Italy, that lest it should 
take too much among the people, the Pope caused his Emissa- 
ries to give out every where, that Antichrist was new-born in 
Babylon, and was descended of the Tribe of Dan, and that he 
was gathering a vast army, with which he intended to come and 
destroy Christendom ; and therefore all Christian Princes were 
exhorted to prepare all their forces for resisting so great an inva- 
sion. And with this piece of false news that was given out very 
confidently, the other conceit was choaked. But though Mr. Be- 
dell makes use of it in his Book against Wodesworth, yet he was 
too modest a man to claim the discovery to himself; but Sir 
Henry Wotton assured King James that he first observed it." — 
Life o/William Bedell, D.D. Lord Bishop of Kilmore, in Ireland ; 
written hy Gilbert Burnet, D.D., now Lord Bishop of Sarum, 
p. 10, 12th edit. 1692. 

In the 4th of some Letters written during this residence in 
Venice, and addressed to Mr. Adam Newton, Preceptor to 
Prince Henry, and Dean of Durham, which were published in 
1742, from the originals preserved among Primate Usher's MSS. 
in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, Bedell writes as fol- 
lows : " The Lord seems to encourage us by permitting the 
adversaries to fall into such errors as are proper to show their 
madness to the world. Besides that proud and blasphemous 
Inscription of Fryer Caraffa, his Theses (whereof a Retract was 
sent by his Lordship to his Majesty), where the Pope is thus 
styled 5.50 5 5.1.100 500 

PAU LO V. VI C E D EO. 
and the numeral letters whereof (as I remember I showed to 
Fulgentio) contain the just number of the Beast, 666," &c. p. 77- 

A fuller Account of the Plate accompanying the Theses of 
Caraffa (which Du Plessis appears to have copied most exactly, 
but with which we have not been able to meet), and of the in- 
terpretation given to the Inscription, may be found in the iid 
chapter of Bedell's Observations on the Letters between Master 
James Wodesworth, a late Pensioner of the Holy Liquisition in 
Seville, and W. Bedell, a Minister of the Gospell of Jesus Christ 
in Suffolke. (1624.) p. 77- or in Burnet's Life, 358. Bedell 



326 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE. 

does not here claim the discovery to himself; he speaks of it as 
" what I saw while I was in Venice." He adds also, that " the 
matter being come to the knowledge of the Protestants in France 
and England, made them talk and write of it broadly, namely, 
the Lord of Plessis, in his Mysterium Iniquitatis, and the Bishop 
of Chichester, in his Tortura Torti." 

Bishop Andrewes expresses himself as follows in the last- 
named Work. Quo ipso in titulo nescio an id advertit Papa, fac 
tu ergo ilium admoneas, implevisse eum jam mensuram suam. 
Computari enim ibi posse ah eo numerum BesticE. Est enim (vLv 
fausto id quidem omine) sed est tamen in nova ilia illius inscrip- 
tione nota ipsa et numerus Antichristi. — Ad Matthcei Torti Li- 
brum Responsio, qui nuper editus contra Apologiam Serenissimi 
Potentissimique Priyicipis Jacobi, Dei Gratia MagncB Britannice, 
Franci(B, et HibernicB Regis, pro Juramento Fidelitatis. (1609.) 
p. 361. 

Wodesworth had been a College chum to Bedell ; " his fellow 
student and chamber-fellow," and was afterwards preferred, 
together with him, in the same Diocese. He was sent to Spain, 
in order to teach the English Language to the Infanta, at the 
time at which the marriage was projected between that Princess 
and the Prince of Wales ; and while in that Country he aposta- 
tized. The attention of the Venetians had been particularly 
drawn to CarafFa's Plate by the insertion of the Corno of their 
Doge, among the other trophies of Pontifical Supremacy depen- 
dent from the screen. 



INDEX. 



Abjuration of Huguenot children invited, iii. 248. 

Adrets, Des, Francois de Beaumont, Baron, cruelties of, i. 240. 

Aguesseau, D', recommends tacit indulgence of the Hugue- 
nots, iii. 291. 

ALENf ON, D', Francis, Duke of, his intrigues, ii. 81 ; his coward- 
ice after the Mardi-gras, 101 ; withdraws from Court, 126 ; his 
treachery, 128; much benefited by the Peace of Valery, 138 ; 
assumes the title oi Duke o/Anjou, q. v. ib. 

Alessandrino, The Cardinal, i. 359; his conversation with 
Charles IX., 361. 

Allix, Pierre, iii. 243. 

Almoner, Grand, of France, 359. 

Amboise, Conspiracy of, i. 115, et seq. ; different accounts of, 
125 ; Peace of, 272. 

Amiens taken by the Spaniards, iii. 37 ; recaptured, 38. 

Amours, D', a Huguenot Minister, distinguished in the Battle 
of Coutras, ii. 221 . 224. 

Ancre, D', Cojicini Concino, Marquis, his rise, iii. 97 ; his 
squabble with the Parliament of Paris, 98 ; his influence, ibid., 
130; assassination, 132. 

Andre, St., the Marechal, character of, 154 ; unites with the 
Duke of Guise and with Montmorency in the Triumvirate, 
155; killed at the Battle of Dreux, 255; intrigue of his 
Widow wath the Prince ofConde, 275. 

Andreas, Jacques, his dispute with Beza, ii. 211. 

Andrewes, Bishop, iii. 326. 

Angely, aS"^. Jean d', Siege and capture of, iii. 160. 

Anjou, Francis, Duke of, his personal defects, ii. 169 ; escapes 
from the Louvre, 170; his proposal of marriage to Queen 
Elizabeth, 183; his illness, 192 ; and death, 193— See Alen- 
90 N, Duke of. 



328 INDEX. 

Anjou, Henry, Dulce of, appointed Lieu tenant- General of France, 
i. 305 ; probably the instigator of the Prince of Conde's mur- 
der, 323 ; gains the Battle of Moncontour, 334 ; besieges and 
captures St. Jean d'Angely, 337 ; plans the assassination ot 
the Admiral Coligny, 386 ; his narrative of the St. Bartholo- 
mew, 390 ; assumes the command before La Rochelle, ii. 70 ; 
elected King of Poland, 90; quits France reluctantly, 91 ; his 
treatment by the Elector Palatine, 92. See Henry IIL 

Anthonin, St., Massacre at, iii. 160. 

Antichrist, the Pope condemned as, by the Synod of Gap, 
iii. 70 ; the Article superseded, 84 

Archange, the Capucin, his judgment on St. John, iii. 58. 

Arnaud, Antoine, his Plaidoyer against the Jesuits, iii. 24. 

Arnoux, Confessor to Louis XIF. ; his Controversy with Du 
Moulin, iii. 137. 

Arques, Battle of, ii. 283 ; Letter from Henry IV. to Crillon 
concerning, ib. 

AsTiEN, Gabriel, iii. 293. 

AuBRAY, Claude D', Speech in the Satyre Menippee, ii. 335. 

AuBRY, Nicole, a pretended Daemoniac, iii. 54. 

AuMALE, D', Claude de Lorraine, Duke, shares in the murder of 
the Admiral Coligny, ii. 3; killed at the Siege of La Rochelle, 
72. 

AuMALE, Skirmish at, ii. 320. 



B. 

Bar, Charles, Duke of, marriage with Catherine of Navarre, 

iii. 48. 
Barriere, Pierre, attempts to assassinate Henry IV., iii. 24. 
Barricades, The, ii. 239 ; their resemblance to the Revolution 

in 1830. 241. 
Bartholomew, St., Massacre of, evidences of its preconcert- 

ment, i. 359, et seq. ; Henry Ill's, narrative of, .391 ; ii. 22. 

44, et seq. ; account of, 1, et seq. ; German narrative of, 7" 10; 

number of victims, 32, 33 : Papal Medal in Commemoration 

of, 35. 
Basnage, Jacques, iii. 242. 
Basville, Intendant of Languedoc, his account of the Religious 

state of that Province, iii. 290. 
Bassac, Battle of, i. 321, 
Bayonne, Conferences at, i. 286. 
Bearne, Annexation of, iii. 141 ; insurrection in, suppressed, 

153; capitulation of, 263. 
Beaune, De, Renaud, Archbishop of Bourges, his Speech at the 

Conference at Surenne, ii. 338 ; his Replies to the Archbishop 

of Lyons, 341.344. 
Bedell, Bishop, iii. 324, et seq. 



INDEX. 329 

Bellay, De, Cardinal, his Mission to Smalcalde, i. 33 ; his 
Report of the Vaudois, 47- 

Bentivoglio, Cardinal, his account of the Castle of Blois, ii. 
256 ; of the Fall of the Marquis D'Ancre, iii. 133 ; his Rela- 
tione of the Huguenots, 144, et seq. 

Berault succeeds Rotan in the Disputation at Mantes, iii. 9; 
Moderator at the Synod of Montauban, 10. 

Bergerac, Peace of, ii. 161. 

Berquin, Louis, his character and martyrdom, i. 18, et seq. 

Besme, the assassin of the Admiral Coligny, ii. 5; proposed 
exchange of, for Montbrun, 125. 

Beza, his advice on Calvin's death, i. 40 ; completes Marot's 
Psalmody, 45 ; his history, 165 ; his conversation with the 
Cardinal of Lorraine before the Colloquy at Poissy, 166, et 
seq.; his first Speech, 176, et seq.; his second Speech, 185; 
his Reply to De Xaintes, 187 ; defeats the Cardinal of Lor- 
raine's stratagem, 191 ; his Reply to Lainez, 193; his expla- 
nation of the Eucharist, 194 ; preaches in Paris after the 
Colloquy at Poissy, 197 i his conduct during the Tumult at 
St. Medard, 199; detects the King of Navarre's veavering, 
208 ; his Dispute concerning Images, 209, et seq. ; his bold 
interview with the King of Navarre after the Massacre at 
Vassy, 225 ; exculpates himself from participation in the mur- 
der of the Duke of Guise, 266 ; remonstrates against the pro- 
posed Treaty of Bergerac, ii. 159 ; rouses the German Princes, 
210 ; disputes at the Conference of Monbelliard, 211. 

BiGNE, La, Secretary of La Kenaudie, denounces the Prince of 
Conde, i. 118. 

BiRON, Armand de Gontault, Baron de, besieges La Rochelle, 
ii. 61 ; iii. 240; declares for Henry IV., 279 ; his speech to 
Henry after the Battle of Yvry, 290 ; his death and charac- 
} ter, 326. 

L Blois, First States-General, ii. 152; Second States-General, 
250. 

BocHART, iii. 242. 

Boucher, his violent Sermon, ii. 345. 

Bouillon, Duke of. See Turenne. 
) Bosc, his audience with Louis XIV., iii. 239. 

Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal of assumes the title of Heir Pre- 
sumptive to the Crown, ii. 195 ; Manifesto in his name, 200 ; 
declared first Prince of the Blood, 249 ; imprisoned, 254 ; 
proclaimed King as Charles X., 282; his death, 291. 

Bourbon, Charles of Vendome, Cardinal of urges Henry of 
Navarre to conversion, ii. 185; assumes his deceased Uncle's 
claim, 299; his conduct at the Council of Mantes, 303. 

Bourbon, Duke of, severities under his Regency, iii. 317- 

BouRGOiNG, Prior of Dominicans, encourages the Fanaticism 
of Jacques Clementj ii. 274 ; execution, 284. 



330 INDEX. 

Brandenburg, Elector of, Letter to, from Louis XIV., iii. 237; 

his reception of the Huguenot emigrants, 279. 
Brantome, his inaccuracy, i. 221. 323 ; ii. 34. 107. 
Bray Du, Raymond, account of his Response to The Mystery of 

Iniquity, iii. 106. 
Breteuil, the Baroti de, his Memoire on the Huguenots, 

iii. 320. 
BRifONNET, Bishop of Meaux, encourages the Reformation, 

i. 10. 
Bris, St., Conferences at, ii. 214. 
Briquemart, trial and execution, ii. 52. 
Brisson, the President, strangled by order of the Seize, ii. 307- 
Brossier, Martha, a pretended Daernoniac, iii. 52, et seq. 
Brousson, Claude, iii. 294. 
Buckingham, Duke of, probably well acquainted with thei 

designs on La Rochelle, iii. 181 ; his reasons for engaging in 

war with France, 183; his expedition to the Isle of Rhe, 184: 

disastrous retreat, 186. 
BuLKELEY, Sir Richard, an advocate of the French Prophets, 

iii. 309, et seq. 
Burnet, Bishop, his account of the Persecution after the Revo- 
cation of the Edict of Nantes, iii. 276, et seq. ; his account 

of Bishop Bedell, 324, et seq. 



C. 

Cabrieres, Massacre at, i. 51. 

Caietano, Cardinal, Legate from Sixtus V., his Instructions, 
ii. 285 ; his alarm on entering Paris, 286 ; his danger during 
the Procession of the Ecclesiastics, 293. 

Calignon, a resort of the Prophets of the Cevennes, iii. 296. 

Calvin, his early history, i. 35 ; his Institutes, ib. 39. 110; 
settles in Geneva, 36 ; is banished to Strasburg, 37 ; returns, 
38 ; his Spiritual supremacy, ib. ; his Church polity, 40, 41 ; 
not hostile to Episcopacy, ib. ; his Doctrine of Passive Obe- 
dience, 110; playful Letter from, to Beza, 166. 

Cameron, a Scotch Minister, ejected from Bordeaux, iii. 172. 

Camisards, derivation of, iii. 300. 

Capilupi, Camillo, author of Lo Stratagema di Carlo IX., 
i. 360 ; ii. 37- 

Casaubon, iii. 60. 68. 

Casimir, Prince, commands the Palatine Auxiliaries, i. 306. 

Castelnau, the Baron de, engaged in the Conspiracy of Am- 
boise, i. 119; is treacherously brought to trial, 120; his 
firmness, 121 ; and execution, 122. 

Catena, Secretary to the Cardinal Alessandrino, i. 360. 

Catherine de Medicis appealed to on behalf of Dubourg, i. 94. 
97 ; mediates between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of 



INDEX. 331 

Guise, 160 ; her Letter to Pius IV. relative to the Colloquy at 
Poissy, 162 ; besieges Rouen in person, 246 ; her conduct before 
the Battle of Dreux, 252. 257; her Conferences with the 
Duke d'Alva at Bayonne, 286, et seq. ; inspects the dead 
bodies after the St. Bartholomew, ii. 16 ; her belief in Astro- 
logy, 97. 99 ; Regent on the death of Charles IX., 108 ; her 
superstition, 118; her artifices at Nerac, 170; courts the 
Huguenot Ministers, 172; her fearlessness during The Barri- 
cades, 192; her death, 254 ; and burial, 255. 

Cavagne, trial and execution of, ii. 52. 

Cavallieu, Jean, commands the Insurgents in the Cevennes, 
iii. 297 ; his explanation of the name Camisards, 300 ; his 
Treaty with the Marechal Villars, 302 ; receives the Brevet of 
Colonel, 304; his audience with Louis XIV., ib. ; and subse- 
quent history, ib. 

Cavallier, Jean, one of the French Prophets in London, 
, iii. 306. 

Cause, The, the Huguenot interest, when so named, i. 318. 

Cayet, Pierre Victor, ii. 252. 253 ; account of, iii. 5 ; his deposi- 
tion from the r^Iinistry, 36. 

Cenalis, Bishop of Avranches, his signs of true and false 
Churches, i. 69. 

Cevennes, origin of fanaticism in, iii. 287- 292. 

Chambers of The Edict, Suppression of, iii. 238. 

Chamier, execution of, iii. 258. 

Chandieu, De, Antomj, applied to by Catherine de Medicis, 
i. 96; his poetry, 98. 

Charenton, Reformed Service established at, iii. 81 ; tumults 
in, 163 ; Canons and Decrees of, 174- 

Charles IX. accession of, i. 148 ; majority of, 277 ; protests 
against the Queen of Navarre's Citation to Rome, 281 ; his 
flight from Meaux to Paris, 298 ; his marriage, 346 ; visits the 
x\dmiral Coligny when wounded, 390 ; personally assists in 
the St. Bartholomew, ii. 14; his first Declaration concerning 
the Massacre, 16 ; his avowal of it, 21 ; visits the Admiral's 
gibbet, 25 ; orders a Thanksgiving for the suppression of the 
pretended Huguenot Conspiracy, 27 ; brutality at the execu- 
tion of Cavagne and Briquemart, 54 ; his sickness, 98 ; and 
death, 103, et seq. ; examination of the report that he was 
poisoned, 105, et seq. ; his continence, 106. 

Charles II. of England, protects the fugitive Huguenots, 
iii. 251. 

Chasteigneraye, Massacre at, iii. 34. 

Chastel, Jean, attempts to assassinate Henry IV., iii. 20 ; his 
execution, 23 ; Pyramid recording his sentence, ib. ; removed, 
78. 

Chateaubriand, Edict of, i. 56. 

Chateauneuf, De Renee, a mistress of Henry III., her mar- 
riage, ii. 120. 



332 INDEX. i 

Chatillon, Cardinal of, Odet., i. 314. 

Chausonnee, First Presidi'nt of the Parliament of Paris, hi.' 
advocacy for the Rats of Autun, i. 48. 

Chayla, the Ahhe, murder of, iii, 295. 

Chretien, Florent, one of the Authors of the Satyre Menippee. 
ii. 333. 

CiviLLE, De, Francois, his narrow escape at Rouen, i. 248. 

Clairac, capture of, iii. 160. 

Claude, iii. 243; his Remonstrance, 2^Q ; ordered to quit Paris 
in twenty-four hours, 271 ; his Plaintes des Protestants burned 
in London, 281. 

Clerc, De, Jean, burned alive, i. 12 

Clerc, Le, Bussy, a tool of the Seize, ii. 306 ; his arrest, escape, 
and latter years, 308. 

Clement, Jacques, his fanaticism, ii. 274; assassinates Henrv 
III., 277 ; and is killed, ib. 

CocoNNAS, De, Count, execution of, ii. 98. 

Colas, a Ballad named, iii. 80. 

Colbert, Comptroller-General of Finance, employs the Hugue- 
nots, iii, 234. 

CoLiGNY, Francois de, Sieur d'Andelot, avows the Reformed 
Doctrine before Henry II. i. 72 ; imprisoned, 74 ; released, 
76; his death, 332. 

CoLiGNY, Gaspard de, Admiral of France, patronizes Durand, 
i. 64 ; not openly engaged in the Conspiracy of Amboise, \\(i ; 
presents a Memorial from the Reformed to the Council at 
Fontainebleau, 130; extent of his connexion with Poltrot, 
261 ; his exculpation, 265 ; disapproves the Peace of Am- 
boise, 273 ; reconciled to the Guises, 289; attempted assassi- 
nation of, 334 ; his dangerous illness, 341 ; well received at 
Court, 357 ; warned not to trust himself in Paris, 375 ; shot 
by Maurevel, 383 ; his fortitude, 388 ; his murder, ii. 4. et 
seq. ; brutal treatment of his remains, 24 ; his head sent to 
Rome, 26 ; burial, 27 ; posthumous condemnation, 50. 

CoMMENDAM, abuses of, in the Galilean Church, i. 60. 

Commercial losses in consequence of the Revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes, iii. 282. 

Comprehension, futile project of, iii. 124, et seq. ; proof of its 
failure, 136. 

Concordat of Bologna, i. 4. 

Conde', Louis, Pri7ice of, i. 70 ; attends a Procession of the Re- 
formed, 71 ; liis character, 107 ; openly professes the Re- 
formed doctrine, 108 ; elected Chief of the Reformed, 112 ; 
engages in the Conspiracy of Amboise, 117; denounced by 
La Eigne, 118; demands inquiry, 119; attends the States- 
General at Orleans, 139 ; arrested and imprisoned, 141 ; tried 
and condemned to death, 143 ; his fortitude, 145 ; released in 
consequence of the death of Francis II. 153; demands from 
the Parliament of Paris an arret proving his innocence, ib. ; 



INDEX. 333 

reconciled with the Duke of Guise, 160 ; retires from Paris 
after the Massacre at Vassy, 228 ; takes Orleans by surprise, 
230; his alliance with Queen Elizabeth, 242; his omens be- 
fore the Battle of Dreux, 2-53 ; taken prisoner, 256 ; his re- 
ception by the Duke of Guise, ib. ; negotiates the Peace of 
Amboise against the wishes of the Huguenots, 269 ; remon- 
strates on the treatment of the Huguenots, 285; plot to seize, 
311; retires to La Rochelle, 312; his Manifesto from that 
city, 318; his gallantry, 321; and death at the Battle of 
Jarnac, 322; ungenerous treatment of his remains, 324 j his 
character, 325 ; forged coin of, 326. 

CoNDE, Henry, Prince of, his firmness during the St. Bartholo- 
mew, ii. 41 ; deceived into recantation, 42; renews his pro- 
fession of Calvinism, 101 ; his dispute with the Consistory of 
La Rochelle, 165; excommunicated, 205; visits England, 
209 ; his death, 231 ; and character, 233. 

CoNDE, Henry, Prince of, imprisoned, iii. 130. 

CoNDE, Princess of, Charlotte Catherine de la Tremouille, con- 
demned for poisoning her husband, ii. 232; conforms to the 
Romish Faith, iii. 35. 

Confession of the French Reformed Church, i. 77- 

CoNsisTORiAL Language affected by Catherine de Medicis, ii. 
172 ; termed by her suite the Language of Canaan, 173. 

CossE, De, Marechal, imprisoned after the Mardi-gras, ii. 1 02 ; 
released, 128. 

CossEiNS, De, commands the guard on the Admiral Coligny's 
hotel, i. 396 ; leads the attack on it, ii. 3 ; killed at the Siege 
of La Rochelle, 79. 

Cotton, the Jesuit, Confessor to Henry IV., his character, iii. 
75 ; his adventure with the Daemoniac Adrienne de Fresnes, 
76, et seq. 

CouTRAS, Battle of, ii. 17, et seq. 

Crillon, Letter from Henry IV. to, after the Battle of Arques, 
ii. 283; his remarks on the Duchess of Montpensier, iii. 12. 

Cromwell, Oliver, his prompt interference in behalf of the 
Vaudois, iii. 224. 227 ; his death, 228. 

Cross, the true, pawned by Henry III. ii. 132. 

CuREE, De La, assassinated, i. 285. 

Cumart, Royal Commissioner at the XXVIIIth National 
Synod, iii. 213. 

D. 

D'Alva, Duke of, his Conferences with Catherine de Medicis at 
Bayonne, i. 286 ; enters the Spanish Netherlands, 290. 

D'Aille, Jean, iii. 211. 229. 

D'Amville, the Marechal, head of the Politiques, ii. Ill ; unites 
with the Huguenots, 112; abandons the Huguenots, 159. 

Dancing, abominated by the Huguenots, i. 152. 



334 INDEX. 

D'AuBiGNE, Theodore Agrippa, humorous account of the flight 
of the Court from St. Germains, ii. 97 ; his Tragedy of Circe, 
217; his remark on Jean Chastel's attempted assassination, 
iii. 26 ; chosen to educate the Duke of Vendome, 28 ; consulted 
by Henry IV. when he thought himself to be dying, 29 ; his 
Confession de Sanc^j, 38 ; furnished materials for Huguenot 
History, 71 ; his Conference with Du Perron, 80. 

David, Nicolas, his Memoir, ii. 145. 

Davila, misled by fondness for secret history, i. 129. 297- ii. 
252. 

Denbigh, Earl of, attempts the relief of La Rochelle, iii. 190. 

Denis, St., doubt concerning, i. 210. 

Denis, St., Battle of, i. 301. 

Desert, Assemblies of the, iii. 318. 

Desire Artus, i. 211. 

Despence, Speech at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. 186. 

D'Herapine, his cruelties, iii. 277- 283. 

Dispensation for the Marriage of Henry of Navarre with Mar- 
garet of Valois forged, i. 378. 

Dole, Louis, his Plaidoyers against the Jesuits, iii. 24. 

Dominic a Jesu Maria, iii. 163. 

Dort, Synod of, approved by the Huguenots, iii. 149; discus- 
sion respecting that approval, 171. 

Dragonnades in Poitou, iii. 250 ; at Bearne, 262. 265. 

Dream of the Prince of Conde before the Battle of Dreux, i. 
254 ; of Henry III. concerning his menagerie, ii. 252. 

Drelincourt, iii. 211; his controversy with the Missionaires, 
219. 

Dress, Huguenot regulations concerning, ii. 165. 189, 190, 191. 

Dreux, Battle of, i. 255, et seq. ; town of, captured bv Henry 
IV., ii. 348. 

DuBOURG, Anne, his Speech at the Mercuriales, i. 88 ; arrested, 
and condemned, 90 ; confirmation of his sentence, 93 ; his 
appeal, 95 ; he disavows his Advocate's defence, 96 ; his mar- 
tyrdom, 104. 

DuFAUR, Louis, his Speech at the Mercuriales, i. 87; arrested, 
90. 

Duquesne, Abraham, iii. 241 ; inscription on his cenotaph in 
Swisserland, 242. 

DuRAND, Nicolas, of Villegagnon, attempts to establish a Pro- 
testant Colony at Rio de Janeiro, i. 64 ; his treachery, 65 ; 
and failure, 66. 

DuRANT, gallant naval exploit of, iii. 177^ 

Duval, appointed as disputant before the Princess Catherine of 
Navarre, iii. 49. 



INDEX. 335 



Elizabeth, Queen, Manifesto of, on her alliance with the Printe 
of Conde, i. 243 ; makes Peace after the Treaty of Amboise, 
276 ; declines the propositions of De Segur, ii. 183 ; assists 
Henry IV. 311 ; negotiation of Du Plessis with, 313; her 
Letter to Henry IV. on his abjuration, 362 ; demands Calais, 
iii. 37. 

Emes, Dr. Thomas, his resurrection predicted, iii. 311, et seq. 

Emigrants, Huguenot, their reception in foreign Countries, iii. 
272. 278, 279. 

Emigration, iii. 251 ; prohibited, 253; renewed, 274, et seq. 

England, reception of Huguenot emigrants by, iii. 280. 

EsPERNON, Duke of, his Gests, ii. 228; refuses to acknowledge 
Henry IV. 279 ; Henry's Letter to, iii. 65. 

Erasmus, part assigned to him in a Dramatic Satire, i. 14 ; his 
account of Berquin's martyrdom, 19, et seq. 

EsPiNAC, ArchUsJiop of Lyons, arrested at Blois, ii. 253; ex- 
posed in the Satrjre Menippee, 335 : his Speeches at the Con- 
ference at Surenne, 339. 344. 

Essex, Earl of, besieges Rouen, ii. 311 ; challenges its Governor 
Villars, 312 ; proofs of the tenderness with which he was 
regarded by Queen Elizabeth, 318, et seq. 

Estrees, Gahrielle d\ Duchess of Beaufort, ii. 356. iii. 27, 28; 
her death, 55. 

Eucharist, Declaration concerning at Poissy, i. 195. 

Eveques, Laiz. Portatives. Volans, i. 61. 

Excommunication, Huguenot form of, iii. 116. 216. 



F. 

Faber retires from France to Nerac, i. 11. 

Page, Durand, one of the French Prophets in London, iii. 306 ; 
cited before the Elders of the Savoy, 307 ; employs an un- 
known tongue, 309. 

Farel retires from France to Geneva, i. 11; connexion with 
Calvin, 36 ; nearly killed by some women, 37- 

Fatality, expected, of the year 1588, ii. 228, et seq. 

Feria, Duke de, Plenipotentiary from Spain to the League, ii. 
337. 346. 348. 

Ferrara, Cardinal of, Legate at Poissy, i. 183. 206. 

Ferrier, Jeremie, a Minister of Nismes, his misconduct, iii. 
113 ; his sentence by the Synod of Privas, 114 ; his excom- 
munication, 116. 

Ferte, La, Conference at, i. 109. 

Feuillant, Le petit, ii. 292. 

Flagellants, confraternities of, ii. 115. 



336 INDEX. 

Fleix, Peace of, ii. I77. 

Fleury, Cardinal of , mildness of his administration, iii. 317. 

Foix, bravery of some Peasants of, iii. 176. 

FoNTAlNEBLEAU, Council at, i. 129 ; Conference at, iii. 59, et 
seq. 

Fontaine Fran? aise, Victory gained by Henry IV. at, iii. 30. 

Forty, the Council of, its origin, ii. 262 ; augmented by thr 
Duke of Mayenne, 263. 

Fouc AUD, the daughters of, burned, ii. 249. 

Foucault, Intendant of Bearne, iii. 262. 

France, Antarctic, i. 65. 

Francis I. abolishes the Pragmatic Sanction, i. 4 ; present at a 
Satirical Stage Play, 13; his reply to the German Protestants, 
22 ; assists at an expiatory Procession and cruel executions in 
Paris, 29, et seq. ; his apology, 33 ; proscribes Cabrieres and 
Merindol, 46 ; his death, 53 ; answer to his remark on Jean 
de Montagu, 144. 

Francis II. accession of, i. 92 ; false reports concerning his 
health, 113; death of, 147- 

Fresnes, Adrienne de, a pretended Daemoniac, iii= 76, et seq. 

Fronde, conduct of the Huguenots during the, iii. 222. 

Funerals, restraint on, iii. 236. 



Gabaston, Captain of the Watch in Paris, hanged, i. 199. 
Galigai, Leonora, Marchioness d' Ancre, speech imputed to, 

iii. 97 ; unjust treatment and execution of, 132. 
Galland, Augustus, first Royal Commissioner at the Synod of 

Charenton, iii. 173. 
Garde, De La, Baron, ii. 58. 

Garter, Order of, worn at the Court of Charles IX. i. 154. 
Gastines, the Cross of, i. 351. 

Gaucherie, La, Tutor to Henry, King of Navarre, i. 284. 
Gelosi, I. ii. 156. 
German Protestants, their embassy to Francis I., i. 21 ; their 

indignation at his cruelty, 32; mission of Cardinal Bellay 

to, 33. 
Germain, St., Peace of, i. 342 ; witticism on, 345. 
Germain, St., Fauxbourg, Persecution in, i. 100. 
Germain, St., flight of the Court from, ii. 97 ; why avoided by 

Catherine de Medicis, ib. : anecdote respecting its tapestry, 

iii. 45. 
GiLLOT, one of the authors of the Satijre Menippee, ii. 333. 

iii. 78. 
Gonthery the Jesuit, his violent sermons, iii. 92; his Confer- 
ence wath Dumoulin, 93. 
Greek avoided by the Huguenots, iii. 150. 



INDEX. 337 

Gregory XIV. supports the Spanish interests, ii. 296 ; de- 
spatches troops to assist the Seize, under his nephew, the 
Duke of Montemarciano, 297. 

GuADiMEL, Louis, composes music for Marot's Psalms, i. 44. 

GuESLE, De La, his account of Jacques Clement, ii. 277' 

GuiGNARD, Librarian of the Jesuits, his treasonable writings, iii. 
22; hanged for having encouraged Jean Chastel to assassi- 
nation, 23. 

GuiscARD, Marquis de, iii. 296, 297- 

Guise, early history of the House of, i. 53. 

Guise, Francis, Duke of, avows his conviction of the Prince of 
Conde's innocence, i. 119; unites with Montmorency and 
St. Andre in the Triumvirate, 155 ; reconciled with the Prince 
of Conde, 160 ; wounded in the Tumult at Vassy, 222 ; 
enters Paris notwithstanding the complaint of the Huguenots, 
226 ; gains the Battle of Dreux, 255 ; his interview with the 
Prince of Conde after it, 256 ; appointed Lieutenant-General 
of France, 258 ; besieges Orleans, ib. ; assassinated by Pol- 
trot, 259. 

Guise, Henry, Duke of, reconciled to the Admiral Coligny, i. 
289; pretends to the hand of Margaret of Valois, 346; mar- 
ries the widowed Princess of Porcean, ib. ; his conduct during 
the St. Bartholomew, ii. 3. 7, 8. 14, 15; whence called Le 
Balafre, 128 ; declines the King of Navarre's challenge, 202 ; 
his connexion with the Seize, 236 ; he enters Paris, 238 ; his 
conduct during The Barricades, 241 ; appointed Lieutenant- 
General of France, 249 ; assassinated at Blois, 252. 

Guise, Louis, Cardinal of, arrested at Blois, ii. 253 ; murdered, 
255. 

Guise, Henry, Duke of, escapes from prison at Tours, ii. 304 ; 
opposed by the Seize to the Duke of Mayenne, 305 ; proposed 
as King, and husband to the Infanta of Spain, 349. 

GuiTON, Mayor of La Rochelle, iii. 191. 197. 



H. 



Halford, Stephen, predicts his own resurrection, iii. .312. 

Havre, gallant defence of, by the English, i. 276. 

Henry II. joy on his accession, i. 53; his entrance into Paris, 

55 ; and presence at some executions of Heretics, 56 ; appears 

unexpectedly at a Sitting of the Mercuriales, 87 ; killed in a 

tournament by Montgomery, 92. 
Henry III. quits Poland secretly, ii. 112; resides for two 

months at Lyons, 114 ; his effeminacy and superstition, 115 ; 

his marriage, 119; declares himself Chief of the League, 154; 

depravityof his tastes, 167; his indecision, 198; his frivolity, 

212 ; his flight from Paris after The Barricades, 242 ; accused 
VOL, III. Z 



338 INDEX. 

of sorcery, 260 ; unites with the King of Navarre, 268 ; excoiii - 
municated, 273 ; stabbed by Jacques Clement, 277 ; his deatl), 
278. See Anjou, Henry, Duke of. 

Henry IV. first measures on his accession, ii. 278 ; wounded at 
Aumale, 322 ; state of his Religious opinions, 328 : instruc- 
tion, 356; abjuration, 359; his apology for it to the English 
Ambassador, 364 ; reflections upon it, 365, et seq. ; his Sucre, 
iii. 12 ; and entrance of Paris, ib ; wounded by Jean Chastel, 
21 ; absolved by the Pope, 32 ; accident at La Fere, 36 ; his 
remark when Queen Elizabeth demands Calais, 37 ; on Do 
Sancy's apostasy, 38 ; his divorce and second marriage, 56 ; 
his ill-usage of Du Plessis, 63; his Letter to the Duke d'Es- 
pernon, 65 ; assassinated, 94. See Navarre, He7iry, King of. 

Hervart, Barthelemi, Comptroller of the Finances, iii, 223. 

HoMEL, execution of, iii. 258. 

Hopital, L', de, the Chancellor, his character, i. 123 ; refuses 
to seal the Legate's Faculty, 184; suggests the adoption of a 
New Style, 283 ; his dismissal, 310. 

Howell's Letters, incorrectness of dates in, iii. 152. 

Huguenots, origin of the name, i. 36. 114. 127, 128; their 
Memorial to Charles IX., 150; numbers in 1562, 203; their 
Association and Manifesto from Orleans, 231 ; discipline in 
their army, 245, ii. 120 ; remonstrate with the Prince of 
Conde against his proposed negotiation, i. 270; much out- 
raged after the Peace of Longjumeau, 309 ; exposition of 
their resources by Du Plessis, ii, 179 ; their Remonstrance to 
Henry IV., iii. 39 ; their condition at the Restoration of the 
Bourbons, 322 ; at present, 323. 

HuTTEN, Ulric, part assigned to him in a Dramatic Satire, 
i. 14 ; one of the authors of the Epistolce Obscurorum Firo- 
rum, ib. 

I. & J. 

James I. of England remonstrates with the Synod of Gap, iii. 72 ; 

writes to Du Plessis on The Mystery of Iniquity, 109 ; his 

Letter concerning Du Moulin, 123; solicited to take the lead 

in the Project of Comprehension, 124. 
James II., his probable motives for hospitality to the Huguenot 

Emigrants, iii. 280, 281. 
January, Edict of, i. 201. 
Jarnac, or Bassac, Battle of, i. 321, et seq. 
Jarrige, Pierre, his abjuration, iii. 221. 
Jesuits preach inflammatory Sermons, i. 309 ; create popular 

excitement, ii. 197; their connexion with Jean Chastel, iii. 

21 ; and consequent expulsion, 25 ; their restoration, 78 ; 

attempt to establish themselves in La Rochelle frustrated, 82; 

their unpopularity in Paris, 121. 
Independents, iii. 213. 
Indulgences nrotested aTain^jt bv the Sorbonne, i. 5. 



INDEX. 339 

Infantado, D', Duke, his question concerning the St. Bartholo- 
mew, ii. 40. 

Intermarriage of Huguenots with Roman Catholics forbidden, 
iii. 247. 

Jours, Les Grands, the Court so called, iii. 204. 

JoYEUSE, Anne,Buke of, commands in Poitou, ii. 215 ; history of 
his rise, 216 ; defeated and killed at the Battle of Coutras, 243. 

IsABEAU, La belle, iii. 293. 

July, Edict of, i. 158. 

JuRiEU, Pierre, his interpretation of the Apocalypse, iii. 292, 

Justification, controversy respecting, iii. 72. 83. 



Lacy, John, an advocate of the French Prophets, iii. 309, 

et seq. 
Lainez, Jacques, Speech at the Colloquy at Poissy, i. 193. 
Laval, a prejudiced writer, i. 304, ii. 34 ; an inaccuracy of, 

iii. 103. 
League, The, origin of, ii. 142; earliest Act of Association, 

143 ; Henry III. declares himself Chief of, 154 ; circulates a 

.Manifesto from Peronne, 200 ; seal of, 263 ; venality of, 325, 
Lery, Jean de, his narrative of Durand's expedition, i. GG ; of 

the Siege and Famine at Sancerre, ii. 85, et seq. 
Lesdiguieres, his apostasy, iii. 152; and disappointment, 153 ; 

Constable, 166. 
Lignerolles, Count de, assassination of, i. 356. 
LiNCESTRE, or Guincestre, preaches against Henry III. as a sor- 
cerer, ii. 261. 
Lindsey, Earl of, ineffectually attempts to relieve La Rocheile 

iii. 194. 
LiNGARD, Dr., examination of his account of the Massacre at 

Vassy, i. 222 ; of his inferences from the anecdotes of the 

Cardinal Alessandrino, 359. 363. 
London, French Reformed Church in, iii. 272; Service of the 

Meeting-houses in, 272, 273. 
LoNGJUMEAU, Peace of, i. 308. 
Lorraine, Charles, Cardinal of, his Speech at the Council of 

Fontainebleau, i. 134; proposes the Colloquy at Poissy, 156 ; 

his conversation with Beza, 166, et seq. ; his duplicity, 174 ; 

his Speech in reply to Beza, 181 ; his fraudulent proposition, 

189; frustrated by Beza, 191 ; his joy on hearing of the St. 

Bartholomew, ii. 36; his death, 116 ; great storm on the night 

of it, 117. 
Louis XII. refuses to persecute the Vaudois, i. 3; his anti- 
papal medal, ib. 
Louis XIII. , accession of, iii. 96; strictness of his education, 

110 ; his iTiajority, 129 ; nearly killed on the Mole at La Kc- 

chelle, 198: his death, 212. 

z 2 



340 INDEX. 

Louis XIV., his Letter to the Elector of Brandenburg, iii. 237 

his Memoires, 245 ; his latter years, 315. 
Louis XV., treats the Huguenots severely, iii. 319. 
Louis XVL, his Tolerance, iii. 320. 
Louvois, Minister of War, instigator of the Revocation of the 

Edict of Nantes, iii. 234; his Letter to Marillac, 249; h\> 

sanguinary declaration, 258. 
LuiNEs, De, rise of, iii. 131 ; Ministry of, 133; Constable, 15,'>: 

Death of, 162. 
Luther appeals to the Sorbonne, i. 7; decree against, 8; part 

assigned to him in a Dramatic Satire, 15. 
Lyons, Massacre at, ii. 30. 

M. 

Madaron, plans the surprise of Nismes, i. 339. 

Maillard, Mrs. Mary, iii. 314. 

Maimbourg, his account of the Battle of Coutras, ii. 219. 

Maligni, Ferriere, establishes the first Reformed French Church 
at Paris, i. 62. 

Mandelot, Governor of Lyons, Despatch to, from Charles IX., 
ii. 16 ; his Letter concerning the Admiral Coligny's head, 
26; his rapacity during the Massacre at Lyons, 30. 

Mantes, Council at, ii. 300; tolerating Edict issued by, 303; 
Disputation at, iii. 6, et seq. 

Mardi-gras, Enterprize of, ii. 96. 

Margaret of Valois, her proposed marriage with Henry of 
Navarre, i. 354 ; described by the Queen of Navan-e, 366, 
367 ; her marriage, 379 ; her terrors during the St. Bartholo- 
mew^, ii. 10 ; assists the Duke of Anjou in his escape from the 
Louvre, 170 ; occasions the Guerre des Amoreux, 175 ; out- 
rage upon her by order of Henry III., 186; divorced, iii. 56. 

Marillac, Intendant of Poitou, intrusted with the management 
of the Dragonnades, iii. 250; his temporary disgrace, 251. 

Marion, Elie, one of the French Prophets in London, iii. 306; 
pilloried, 310. 

Marlorat, Augustin, a Minister, hanged at Rouen, i. 247 ; 
his opinion concerning the number of the Beast, iii. 105. 

Marolles, Louis de, his sufferings, iii. 282. 

Marot, Clement, his Psalmody, i. 43. 

Marriage, Huguenot regulations concerning, i. 288. 291, iii. 
45. 90. 

Marsac, Louis de, burned alive at Lyons, i. 69. 

Martyr, Peter, his history, i. 164; his Speech at the Colloquv 
at Poissy, i. 164. 193. 

Mary of Medicis, Regent during the minority of Louis XIII., 
iii. 97 ; swayed by the Galigai, 98 ; imprisoned at Blois, 133; 
her escape, 139 ; and final overthrow, 140. 



INDEX. 341 

Masque at the marriage of Henry of Navarre with Margaret of 
Valois, i. 380. 

Maurevel, the assassin of the Admiral Coligny, i. 384, et seq. 

Mayenne, Charles, Duke of, appointed Lieutenant of the State 
and Crown of France, ii. 262 ; abandoned by the Seize, 305 ; 
avenges the murder of Brisson, 308 ; and depresses the Seize, 
30D ; his submission to Henry IV., iii. 31 ; killed at Mon- 
tauban, 161. 

M AZARiN, Cardinal, hi?, early history, iii. 212 ; favours the Hugue- 
nots, 222 ; his death, 233. 

Meaux, Persecution at, i. 11, et seq. ; execution at, 53 ; States- 
General summoned to, 137; design of the Huguenots to sur- 
prise, 296 ; flight of the Court from, 29?. 

Medard, St., Tumult at, i. 199. 

Melancthon, his Apology for Luther, i. 9. 
1 Mendicants, part assigned to, in a Dramatic Satire, i. 16. 
i|l Mercuriales, their constitution, i. 86 ; unexpected presence 
r of Henry 11. at, 87 ; fierce debate, 89. 

Merillac, Advocate for Dubourg, i. 96. 

Merindol, Massacre at, i. 51. 

Merlin, Chaplain to Coligny, his escape during the St. Bartho- 
lomew, ii. 5. 
I Meruault, Pierre, his Journal of the Siege of La Rochelle, 
iii. 192. 

MiGNONS, applied to the Favourites of Henry 111,, ii. 114 ; their 
violent deaths, 168. 

MiLHAUD, Conference at, ii. 111. 

MiLi.ETiERE, La, iii. 211. 216. 

MiNART, assassination of, i. 102. 

Miracle, pretended, of the White Thorn, ii. 18. 
; Miron, Carl, Bishop of Angers, his shrewdness, iii. 52. 
I Mission bottee, iii. 250. 

Missionaires, iii. 219. 

MoLLE, La, execution of, ii. 98. 
; MoN contour, Battle of, i. 334, 

I Montauban, supposed Mint of the Huguenots at, i, 338 ; the 
Consistory of, objects to Madame Du Plessis's dress, ii. 191 ; 
Siege of, iii. 161 ; raised, 162, 

Montbelliard, Conference at, ii. 211. 

Montbrun, Louis de, his gallant exploits, ii, 122; capture, 124 ; 
and execution, 125. 

Montesquieu, Baron de, kills the Prince of Conde, i. 322. 

Montgomery, Gabriel, Count of, Captain of the Scotch Guards, 
i. 90 ; kills Henry II., 91 ; joins the Prince of Conde, 231 ; 
commands at Rouen during the Siege, 246 ; his escape during 
the St, Bartholomew, ii. 13; ineffectual attempt to succour 
La Rochelle, 80; taken prisoner, 102; executed, 109. 

Montluc, Bishop of Valence, his Speech at the Council of Fon- 
tainebleau, i. 131, et seq,; his Dispute with Beza concerning 



342 INDEX. 

Images, 211 ; negotiates during the election of the Duke of 
Anjou to the Crown of Poland, ii. 90. 

MoNTLUC, Blaise de, cruelties of, i. 237 ; his opinion of the 
St. Bartholomew, ii. 22. 

Montmorency, Amie, The CoyistaUe, i. 70; unites with the 
Duke of Guise and the Marechal de St. Andre in the Trium- 
virate. 154; nicknamed Captain £m/e-ic«c, 229 ; wounded 
and taken prisoner at the Battle of Dreux, 2.36 ; mortally 
wounded at the Battle of St. Denis, 303 ; noble answer of, on 
his death-bed, 304. 

Montmorency, Duke of, imprisoned after the Mardi-gras, ii. 
102; Catherine de Medicis orders his assassination, but he is 
released, 129. 

Montpellier, Siege of, iii. 166; Peace of, 167; attacked by 
the Fanatics in the Cevennes, 299 ; Les Camisards Blcincs, 
301. 

MoNTPENSTRR, Ducliess o/, La Tableau de, ii. 197; her con- 
nexion with Jacques Clement, 273 ; her lameness, ib. ; distri- 
butes green scarves as mock mourning for Henry III., 282; 
her golden scissors, iii. 12 ; and servility, ib. et seq. 

MoNTREVEL, Sieur de, appointed to command against the In- 
surgents in the Cevennes, iii. 297; his severities, 298. 301. 

MoRNAY, Du Plessis, his early history, ii. 95 ; dissuades La 
Noue from uniting with the Politiques, ib. ; his exposition of 
the Huguenot resources, 179, et seq. ; his Letter in the name 
of the King of Navarre to the Cardinal of Vendome, 185 ; his 
audience with Henry III., 186; dispute respecting his wife's 
dress with the Consistory of Montauban, 1 91 ; his Letters 
after the assassination of the Duke of Guise, 264 ; saves the 
life of Henry of Navarre, 266 ; his Letters on the accession of 
Henry IV., 280, et seq. ; his Remonstrance at the Council of 
Mantes, 302; his negotiation with Queen Elizabeth, 313; 
Letter to Henry IV. after the Skirmish at Aumale, 322 ; his 
Letter before Henry IV.'s abjuration, 350, et seq. ; his fear- 
less sincerity, iii. 2, et seq. 26 ; his Treatise on the Eucharist, 
.37 ; disputes at Fontainebleau with Du Perron, 58, et seq. ; 
his unjust usage, 63; his undiminished influence, 65 ; his Letter 
to Henry on the birth of a Dauphin, 68 ; his description of 
the favourable condition of the Huguenots, 74 ; objects to a 
renewal of the Dispute on Antichrist, 84 ; generously defended 
by Sully, 91 ; his own defence of himself, 92, 93; account of 
his Mystery of Iniquity, 103, et seq.; defends the excommuni- 
cation of Ferrier, 120 ; reconciles Tilenus and Du Moulin, 124 ; 
his approval of the murder of D'Ancre reprobated, 134: 
treacherously deprived of Saumur, 156 ; his retirement and 
character, 158 ; death of, 159. 

Moulin, Du, Conference with Gontier, iii. 93; his contro- 
versy with Arnoux, J 37; proscription of, 173. 



INDEX. 343 

MusNiER, conducts an accusation against the Huguenots, i. 68 ; 

is condemned to the pillory, and rescued by a mob at Paris, 

76. 
Mystery of Iniquity, iii. 102, et seq. ; and Supplementary 

Note, 324. 

N. 

Nancy, Articles of, ii. 230. 

Nantes, Edict of, by whom prepared, iii. 41 ; its Articles, ibid. ; 
delay in registration of, 43, et seq. ; dispute concerning its 
administration, 102; revoked, 267- 

Napoleon, constitution of the Huguenots under, iii. 321. 

Navarre, Antony, King of, i. 70; attends a Procession of the 
Reformed, 71 ; his cold reception at Court, 107 ; sets out to 
attend the States-General at Orleans, 139 ; his irresolution, 
ib. ; insulted on his arrival, 141 ; designs upon his life, 145 ; 
renounces his claim to the sole Regency before the death of 
Francis II., 147 ; rejects a proposition for divorce from Jeanne 
D'Albret, 207 ; declares his apostasy, 218 ; wounded at 
Rouen, 247 ; his death, 251. 

Navarre, Henry, King of, present at the Conferences at Bay- 
onne, i. 287 ; his Speech to the citizens of La Rochelle, 
313 ; declared Protector of the Huguenots, 331 ; shows mili- 
tary sagacity at the Battle of Moncontour, 336 ; his marriage, 
379 ; abjures after the St. Bartholomew, ii. 41 ; his firmness 
after the Mardi-gras, 100 ; escapes from Paris, 133 ; re- 
news his profession of Calvinism, 134; declared Protector a 
second time, 155; surprises Fleurange, 171: challenges the 
Duke of Guise, 201 ; excommunicated, 205 ; his Letter to 
Queen Elizabeth, 209 ; submits to a penance before the Battle 
of Coutras, 220 ; his dangerous illness, 266 ; interview 
with Henry III. at Plessis les Tours, 267. See Henry IV. 

Navarre, Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of, conduct of, on her hus- 
band's apostasy, i. 218 ; cited to Rome, 280 ; plot for her 
abduction, 283 ; joins the Prince of Conde at La Rochelle, 
312; her firmness after the Battle of Jarnac, 331 ; her reply 
to the proposed marriage between her son and Margaret of 
Valois, 355 ; repairs to the Court at Blois, 363 ; her account 
of its intrigues, 366 ; her death in Paris, 368 ; character, 370 ; 
and Will, 372. 

Navarre, Margaret, Qtieen of, encourages the Reformed, i. 11. 

Navarre, Catherine of, patroness of the Huguenots, iii. 15, et 
seq. ; her suitors, 47 ; her marriage, iii. 48 ; disputation 
before, 49, et seq. ; her death, 51. 

Negrepelisse, Massacre at, iii. 165. 

Nemours, Edict of, ii. 203. 

Nerac, Conferences at, ii. I7O; Treaty of, 173. 



344 INDEX. 

Nevers, Duke of, his Journal of the First States-General at 
Blois, ii. 152 ; suspected by Henry, iii. 19!) ; his interview 
with Sixtus v., 204 ; retort of Henry of Navarre to, 215. 

NisMES, surprised by the Huguenots, i. 338 ; riot at, iii. 119. 

NoRMAND, Le Capitahie, defends Rouen, ii. 68; his stratagem 
during the Siege of La Rochelle, 69, 70. 

Notables, constitution of, i. 128; assemble at Moulins, 289. 

NouE, La, his account of the Conference at Thuri, i. 244 ; his 
anecdote of the Battle of Dreux, 255 ; why named Bras-de-fer, 
327 ; returns from the Netherlands, ii. 62 ; employed to ne- 
gotiate with the Rochellois, 64, et seq. ; accepts the command 
of their garrison, 66 ; urges pacific measures, 74 ; is opposed 
by the Huguenot Ministers, 75 ; his self-restraint, 77 ; he 
abandons the command and withdraws, 78 ; his wise advice to 
the Politiques, 82 ; escapes assassination, 102 ; his temper- 
ance, 135; his q\iarrel with the Marquis de Lavardin, 157; 
prevents a Battle, 162 ; killed at the Siege of Noyon, 304. 

Nurse of Charles IX., i. 232. 



O', Francois D\ iii. 16, 18. 

Olivier, the Chancellor, want of firmness during the trial of the 

Baron de Castelnau, i. 120; his death from remorse, 122. 
Oppeda, D', Meinier, Baron, cruelties of, at Cabrieres and Me- 

rindol, i. 51. 
Orders, Huguenot examination for, iii. 89. 
Orleans, pretended ghost at, i. 23, et seq. ; States-General at, 

139; surprised by the Prince of Conde, 230; Manifesto of 

Huguenots from, 231 ; Siege of, by the Duke of Guise, 258. 
Orleans, The Regent, tolerant of the Huguenots, 315, et seq. 
Ornano, D', the Marechal, bold speech of, iii. 94. 
OssAT, D', the Cardinal, his anecdote of the Cardinal Alessan- 

drino, i. 361. 

P. 

Palatine, Elector, Frederic III., his reception of Henry III., 

ii. 91. 
Parliament of Paris, its constitution, i. 83; remonstrates 

against the Edict of January, 204; its conduct after the St. 

Bartholomew, ii. 21. 23: all its documents concerning that 

event have disappeared, 24. 
Parma, Prince of, relieves Paris, ii. 295 ; returns to Flanders, 

297 ; advances again, 313. 320 ; his opinion of Henry IVth's. 

conduct at Aumale, 323 ; his skilful retreat, 324 ; death of, 

327. 
Paris, tumults in, i. 105; alarm in, during the Battle of Dreux, 

257 ; blockaded, 300 ; Remonstrance to Henry III., ii. 131 ; 



INDEX. 345 

excitement in, after the murdei- of the Duke of Guise, 236 ; 
joy in, after the assassination of Henry III., 282; the Faux- 
bourgs captured, 284 ; blockaded after the Battle of Yvry, 
290; famine, 294; relieved by the Prince of Parma, 295; 
tumults in, iii. 163. 

Parpaillots, origin of the name, iii. 161. 

Pasquier, his sagacity, i. 130. 206. 236. 374, ii. 61 ; his Plai- 
doijers against the Jesuits, iii. 25. 

Passive Obedience, the doctrine of, evaded by the French 
Reformed, i. 109, et seq. 

Pelisson, agent for conversion, iii. 244, et seq. 

Pelleve, Cardinal of, his Speech at the States-General of 
Paris, as given in the Satyre Menippee, ii. 333, 334 ; his 
death, iii. 12. 

Pennington, Admiral, his expedition to La Rochelle, iii, 178, 
et seq. 

Peronne, League of, ii. 143; Manifesto of, 200. 

Perron, Du, Cardinal, his early history, ii. 299 ; gained by 
Henry IV., 300; his Disputation with Rotan, iii. 6, et seq. ; 
disputes at Fontainebleau with Du Plessis, 58, et seq. ; 
Conference with D'Aubigne, 86. 

Pkelypeaux, Balthasar, Marquis of Chdteauneuf, framed the 
Edict revoking the Edict of Nantes, iii. 267- 

Pille-Baudaud, a fortress near Paris so called, ii. 327- 

Piscator, iii. 72. 83. 

PiTHOU, one of the authors of the Satyre Menippee, ii. 336 

Pius V. promotes a confederacy against the Huguenots, i. 299 ; 
his Letters after the Battle of Jarnac, 328, et seq. ; endeavours 
to prevent the Peace of St. Germain, 342 ; opposes the mar- 
riage of Henry of Navarre with Margaret of Valois, 357, 

Placards, the year of, i. 27- 

Place, La, his intemperate conduct to La Noue, ii. 77- 

Plessis-les-Tours, interview of Henry III. and Henry of 
Navarre at, ii. 268. 

PoissY, Colloquy at, i. 161, et seq.; breaking up of, 196. 

Politiques, i. 310, ii. 81. 95 ; their union with the Hugue- 
nots, 121. 

PoLTROT, Jean de, assassinates the Duke of Guise, i. 260, et 
seq. ; is taken, 263 ; and executed, 264. 

Porcean, Prince of, Antoine de Croy, i. 230. 

Ponge, De la, his sermon, i. 159. 

PoNTis, De, doubts respecting his Memoires, iii. 162. 

Porte, La, Leader in the Cevennes, iii. 296. 

Povent, Jaques, burned alive, i. 11 ; his Theses, 12. 

PouLAiN, Nicolas, betrays the designs of the Seize, ii. 237- 

Primrose, a Scottish minister, ejected from Bordeaux, iii. 172. 

Prophets, Academy of, in the Cevennes, iii. 293 ; their fanati- 
cism in London, 306 ; account of their pretensions, 307 J re- 
semblance to later enthusiasts, 308. 



346 INDEX. 

Procession in the reign of Francis I., i. 29 ; of the Reformed, 
71 ; of the children in Paris after the murder of the Guises, 
ii. 257; of the Ecclesiastics, 292; of the League, 345. 

Prosni, story of the Widow, iii. 193. 

Provincial Commissioners, Edict appointing, iii. 225 ; Remon- 
strance on their delay, 226 ; their appointment, and mode of 
acting, 234. 

Psalmody of Clement Marot, i. 43 ; popular in the Court of 
France, 44 ; of Beza, 45 ; restrictions upon, iii. 235. 

Q.. 

QuENTiN, Speech of, at the States-General at Orleans, i. 149. 



Rapin, McoZas, one of the authors of the Satyre Menippee, ii. 335. 

Ravaillac assassinates Henry IV., iii. 94. 

Ravanel, a Leader in the Ctvennes, induces some of Cavallier's 
followers to violate their Treaty, iii. 304 ; taken, 305 ; burned 
at Nismes, 306, 

Reclamation of the Bourbon Princes affixed at Rome, ii. 207- 

Relapsed, Edict forbidding the Burial of, iii. 277- 286 ; modi- 
fied, 287. 

Renaudie, La, employed in the Conspiracy of Amboise, i. 
112. 115; killed, II7'. 

Rene Maitre, a reputed poisoner, i- 368. 

Reolle, La, betrayed by its Governor, ii. 171- 

Retz, De, the Marechal, teaches Charles IX. to swear, i, 376. 

Reuchlin, part assigned to him in a Dramatic Satire, i. 14 ; 
one of the authors of the Epistolce Obscurorum Virorum, ib. 

Re-union, Edict of, ii. 248 ; Richelieu's project of, iii. 210. 

Richelieu, Armand Jean Du Plessis, Cardinal of, his early his- 
tory and writings, iii. 138 ; mediates a Peace for Mary of 
Medicis, 140: nominated Cardinal, 168; not the author of 
the Testament Politique, ib. ; besieges La Rochelle, 186; 
appointed Lieutenant-General, 190 ; his project of Re-union, 
210 ; his death, 212. 

Rochefoucault, Francois, Comte de la, i. 230; accused of 
participation in the murder of the Duke of Guise, 266 ; cir- 
cumstances attending his murder in the St. Bartholomew, 
ii. 1 2. 

Rochelle, La, Satirical Comedy represented at, i. 315; be- 
comes the chief hold of the Huguenots, 317; declaration 
from, after the St. Bartholomew, ii. 59 ; besieged by Biron, 
61 ; La Noue commands in it, 67 ; its site and means of de- 
fence, 68 ; attack on its mills, 70 ; assaults repulsed, 79. 82 ; 
obtains an advantageous Peace, 83 ; remarkable occurrence 
during the Siege, 84 ; Political Assembly at, 263 ; the Jesuits 



INDEX. 347 

repulsed from, iii. 82; importance of, 146; Political Assem- 
bly at, 151 ; seal of, 154; by refusing to disperse, occasions 
war, ib. ; Royal declaration against, 159; War of, 175; 
Blockade of, 1775 et seq. ; preparations for siege, 187 ; Mole, 
188; sufferings of the garrison, 191, et seq.; surrender of, 
195; Edict destroying its independence, 19G. 

Rohan, Henri, Duke of, his quarrel with the Duke of Bouillon, 
iii. 112; arrested, 168; released, 169; proscribed, 187; ob- 
tains a Peace for the Huguenots after the fall of La Rochelle, 
200 ; commands the Venetian forces, 201 ; assists the Ger- 
man Protestants, ib. ; dies of wounds received in the Battle 
of Rhinfeld, 202 ; bequeaths his arms to Venice, ib. 

Rohan, Duchess of , committed to the Bastile, iii. 112; impri- 
soned, 196 ; released, 201. 

Roland, a Leader in the Cevennes, iii. 296 ; captured, 305 ; 
burned at Nismes, 306. 

Romorantin, Edict of, i. 123. 

Rosier, Sureau de, employed to deceive the Prince of Conde 
into recantation, ii. 42 ; his remorse and miserable end, 43. 

Rotan, Jean Baptiste, his disputation with Du Perron, iii. 6, et 
seq. ; his remarks on Henry's abjuration, ib. ; examination of 
liis conduct in the Disputation at Mantes, 10. 

Rouen besieged and stormed, i. 246 ; besieged by the Earl of 
Essex, ii. 311. 

Rouet. Louise de la, a mistress of Antony King of Navarre, 
i. 225. 250. 

RousiLLON, Edict of, i. 284. 

Roy, Le, Pierre, one of the authors of the Satyre Menippee, ii. 
333. 

RozE, Bp. of Senlis, exposed in the Satyre Menippee, ii. 335 ; 
his unseasonable sally, 346. 

RuGGiERi, Cosmo, an astrologer protected by Catherine de 
Medicis, ii. 99. 

RuviGNY, Earl of Galway, iii. 241. 



S. 

Sacramentarians, the French Reformed so called at first, 
i. 11. 

St. Luc, his conduct at the Battle of Coutras, ii. 223. 

Sancerre, Louis Comte de, protests against the condemnation 
of the Prince of Conde, i. 144. 

Sancerre, Siege and famine at, ii. 85, et seq. ; surrender of, 89. 

Sancy, De, Nicolas Harlay, declares for Henry IV. on his ac- 
cession, ii. 279 ; his apostasy, iii. 38. 

Saravia, his Works objected to by the Synod of Montpellier, 
iii. 47. 

Satyre Menippee, ii. 294. 331, et seq. 



348 INDEX. 

Saumur, Political Meeting at, iii. 101 ; treacherous seizure of, 
156. 

ScHOMBERG, Diike of, iii. 241. 

Seal, of the National Synods, ii. 190 ; of the Political Assem- 
bly at La Rochelle, iii. 154. 

Sega, Cardinal of Placenlia, Legate, ii. 327- 333. 

Segur, De, his mission to Queen Elizabeth, ii. 181. 

Seize, the origin of, ii. 235; oppose the Duke of Guise to his 
uncle the Duke of Mayenne, 305 ; their depression, 309. 

Sempstresses of Paris, Petition of, iii. 218. 

Senlis, Battle of, ii. 271 ; long spurs of the Leaguers at, ib. 

Serres, De, his shipwreck and sufferings, iii. 284. 

SiXTUS V. contrasts himself with Henry III. ii. 135; disap- 
proves the League, 204 ; excommunicates the Bourbon 
Princes, 205 ; his remark on The Barricades, 244 ; excommu- 
nicates Henry III. 273 ; death of, 296. 

Slave-Trade, wise provisions of the Huguenots respecting, 
iii. 209. 

Smith, Sir Thomas, Queen Elizabeth's Secretary, Letters of, re- 
lative to the St. Bartholomew, ii. 55. 

SoRBONNE, The, protests against Indulgences, i. 5 ; appealed to 
by Luther, 7 ; its decree against him, 8 ; condemns the decla- 
ration at Poissy concerning the Eucharist, 196 ; its decree 
sanctioning insurrection after the murder of the Duke of 
Guise, ii. 239 ; violent decree against Henry IV. 287 ; cen- 
sures The Mystery of Iniqiiity, iii. 109. 

SouBisE, Duke of, commands the Huguenot fleet at La Rochelle, 
iii. 178; proscribed, 187. 

Stafford, Sir Edward, English Ambassador to France, his firm- 
ness during The Barricades, ii. 244, et seq. ; his despatches, 
246 ; his lady, 248. 

States-General, their constitution, i. 136; summoned to 
assemble at Meaux, 137 ; transferred to Orleans, 139 ; 1st at 
Blois, ii. 152; lid at Blois, 250; at Paris, 331, et seq.; 
last before the Revolution convened by Louis XIII., iii. 129. 

Stuart, Robert, suspected of assassinating the President Mi- 
nart, i. 103 ; kills the Constable Montmorency, 303 ; his his- 
tory, ib. ; and death, 327. 

Surenne, Conference at, ii. 337. 

SuTCLiFFE, Dr., his Works objected to by the Synod of Mont- 
pellier, iii. 47. 

Sully, Maximilien de Bethune, Duke de, his great danger at the 
Battle of Yvry, ii. 289 ; consulted by Henry IV. on his pro- 
posed abjuration, 330 ; pays court to Gabrielle d'Estrees, iii. 
27 ; asked to arbitrate in a Religious Disputation, 50 ; sarcasm 
on Du Plessis, 64 ; created Duke, 79 ; refuses splendid offers 
as the price of abjuration, 87 ; generously defends Du Plessis, 
91 ; intrigue against, 99 ; his retirement, 100 ; appointed 
Marechal of France, 204 ; his latter years and death, ib. 



INDEX. 349 

Synods, National Reformed, 1st at Paris, i. 76; lid at Poi- 
tiers, 151; Hid at Orleans, 242; IVth at Lyons, 279; 
Vth at Paris, 288; Vlth at Verteuil, 291 ; Vllth'at La Ro- 
chelle, 34G; Vlllth at Nismes, 364; IXth at St. Foy, ii. 
163; Xth at Figeac, 173; Xlth at La Rochelle, 189; Xllth 
at Vitre, 190; seal of, ib. ; Xlllth at Montauban, iii. 14; 
XlVth at Saumur, 36; XVth at Montpellier, 45; XVIth 
at Gorgeau, 67 ; XVIIth at Gap, 69 ; XVlIIth at La Rochelle, 
83; XlXth at St. Maixant, 89; XXth at Privas, 111; 
XXIst at Tonneins, 122; XXlId at Vitre, 135; XXIIId 
at Alez, 148 ; XXIVth at Charenton, 170 ; XXVth at Cas- 
tres, 182; XXVIth at Charenton, 202; XXVIIth at Alen- 
fon, 207; XXVIIIth at Charenton, 213; XXIXth and last 
at Loudun, 228. 

Swiss, their massacre during The Barricades, ii. 240. 

T. 

Tavannes, Marechal de, his design upon the Prince of Conde, 
i. 311 ; advice to Catherine de Medicis relative to the Queen 
of Navarre, 369 ; his cruelty during the St. Bartholomew, ii. 
8 ; his vain boasting, 71 ; and death, 72. 

Teligny, his assassination, ii. 11. 

Tellier, Le, the Chancellor, his ejaculation, iii. 267. 

Tellier, Le, Confessor to Louis XIV., iii. 315. 

Tetzel, his Diplomata for Indulgences, i. 5. 

Thoresby, Ralph, iii. 314. 

Thou, De, proof of his veracity, ii. 23. 

Thuri, Conference at, i. 244. 

Tiers-parti, rise of, ii. 299. 

TiLENUs appointed as disputant before the Princess Catherine 
of Navarre, iii. 49 ; his controversy w^ith Du Moulin, 121. 

TouRNON, Cardinal de, i. 162. 211. ' 

Tours, the baker of, i. 127 ; attack on, ii. 270. 

Trent, Council of, closes, i. 279. 

Triumvirate of Guise, Montmorency, and St. Andre, i. 155 
its great power, 228. 

Trumbull, Sir William, English Ambassador to France, iii. 
280. 

Turenne, Fico7nte de, his early influence, ii. 81 ; his marriage, 
310; and assumption of the title of Duke of Bouillon, 311 ; 
his capture of Stenay on his wedding-day, ib. ; delay in re- 
gistering his appointment as Marechal, iii. 18; occupies Sedan, 
69 ; Henry's lenity to, ib. ; quarrels with the Duke of Rohan, 
] 12 ; patronizes Tilenus, 123; his abjuration, 240. 

Typography, particulars relative to, in a.d. 1617, iii. 136. 

V. 

Vagrants, Roll of, i. 293; ii. 163. 



350 INDEX. 

Valery, Peace of, ii. 136. 

Vassy, Massacre at, i. 220, et seq. 

Vaudois, the slight influence of, on the Reformation in France, 

i. 2, 3 ; publish a Confession, 43 ; character of, reported by 

Cardinal Bellay, 47 ; Acland's History of the Recovery of, 48 ; 

massacre of, iii. 224 ; disavowed by Louis XIV., 225. 
Vendome, CtBsar, Duke of, son of Henry IV. by Gabrielle 

D'Estrees, iii. 28 ; his marriage, 38. 
Ventre St, Gris, the favourite oath of Henry IV., explained, 

ii. 311. 
Vervins, Peace of, iii. 43. 
ViDAL, Du, Speech of, iii. 263. 

Vignier, Lorgnes de, his Theatrum Antichristi, iii. 90. 
ViLLARS, the Marechal, negotiates with Cavallier, iii. 302. 
ViTRY assassinates the Marquis d'Ancre, iii. ] 32 ; appointed 

Marechal of France, ibid. 
VivANS, Fran<^ois, iii. 294. 
Voltaire, inaccuracy of, ii. 15. 

U. 

Union between the Romanists and Reformed, Project of, iii. 85. 

W. 

Walsingham, Sir Francis, Queen Elizabeth's Ambassador to 

France, his despatches, ii. 44, et seq. 105. 
War, des Amoreux, ii. 176 ; of the three Henries, 208. 

X. 

Xaintes, De, his reply to Beza at the Colloquy at Poissy, i. 186. 

Y. 

YvRY, Battle of, ii. 288, et seq. 



THE END. 



UlLliERT AND RIVINGTON, PRJNTEKS, 

St. John's Square.