to
of
The University of Oxford
Sept. 29th, 1890
BISHOP BURNET'S HISTORY OF THE
REIGN OF KING JAMES THE SECOND.
NOTES BY THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH,
SPEAKER ONSLOW, AND DEAN
SWIFT.
ADDITIONAL OBSERVATIONS NOW
ENLARGED.
OXFOED:
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
M.DCCC.LII.
fe
450
PREFACE.
AMONG the motives which have occa-
sioned a republication of a History of
James the Second's reign, has been a wish
to communicate to the public some in-
teresting Documents, illustrative of the
events of this period. With the exception
of two printed in the Appendix, they are
interspersed among the additional Observa-
tions; in which the whole truth, when
known to us, is always brought forward ;
and so stated, we should hope, as to enable
the reader to form a right judgment of
men and measures. The Text of Burnet,
to which these, and the Contemporary
Notes formerly published by us, are sub-
joined, has been in some instances re-
stored by means of the Autograph now
in the possession of the university. In
iv PREFACE.
conclusion, we may be permitted to re-
mark, that as the restoration of the legal
monarchy after the death of Cromwell was
preceded, first by military, and then by
republican rule ; so its fall, although con-
nected with other causes, was accelerated
by the violent and arbitrary measures of
this reign ; and finally effected by legislative
bodies carrying on the executive govern-
ment themselves, or by their avowed nomi-
nees. Still under all our changes the public
press by its disclosure and powerful advo-
cacy of the truth, has been found pro-
tecting right against wrong, and main-
taining real liberty.
THE HISTORY 617
OF
THE REIGN
OF
KING JAMES THE SECOND.
AM now to prosecute this work, and to give 1685.
the relation of an inglorious and unprosperousAreign
reign, that was begun with great advantages : but
these were so poorly managed, and so ill improved, jjf ^r
that bad designs were ill laid, and worse conducted;
and all came, in conclusion, under one of the
strangest catastrophes that is in any history. A
great king, with strong armies and mighty fleets,
a vast treasure and powerful allies, fell a all at
once : and his whole strength, like a spider's web,
was so irrecoverably broken with a touch, that he
was never able to retrieve, what for want both of
judgment and heart he threw up in a day. Such 618
an unexpected revolution deserves to be well
opened : I will do it as fully as I can. But, having
been beyond sea almost all this reign, many small
particulars, that may well deserve to be remem-
a He fell by the knavery of false and treacherous servants.
Cole's MS. Note.
' B
2 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. bered, may have escaped me: yet as I had good
~ opportunities to be well informed, I will pass over
nothing that seems of any importance to the open-
ing such great and unusual transactions. I will
endeavour to watch over my pen with more than
ordinary caution, that I may let no sharpness, from
any ill usage I my self met with, any way possess
my thoughts, or bias my mind : on the contrary,
the sad fate of this unfortunate prince will make
me the more tender in not aggravating the errors
of his reign. As to my own particular, I will re-
member how much I was once in his favour, and
how highly I was obliged to him. And as I must
let his designs and miscarriages be seen, so I will
open things as fully as I can, that it may appear
on whom we ought to lay the chief load of them :
which indeed ought to be chiefly charged on his
religion b , and on those who had the management
b And as much on the ar- his politics were partly the
bitrariness of his own na- cause of each other, and in-
ture, with some disposition to deed they cannot easily be se-
cruelty. It has been said, that parated. The protestant faith
this temper of his inclined him is founded upon inquiry and
to popery, as strongly as his knowledge, the popish upon |
convictions, and that the pro- submission and ignorance. And
testant religion was, in this nothing leads more to slavery
country at least, according to in the state, than blind obe-
his opinion, the source of fac- dience in matters of religion ;
tion and rebellion, and what as nothing tends more to civil
ruined his father. He loved liberty, than that spirit of free
and aimed at absolute power, inquiry, which is the life of
and believed that nothing could protestantism. So that king
introduce and support it but James's system was consistent
the catholic religion, as the enough in itself ; but he either
Romanists call theirs ; and this was mistaken in the applica-
increased his zeal for it, and tion of it to this country, or
that zeal increased his dispo- wanted skill to conduct it.
sition to arbitrary power : so This last did, undoubtedly, pre-
that in truth, his religion and cipitate his ruin ; but how far
OF KING JAMES II.
of his conscience, his priests, and his Italian queen ; 1685.
which last had hitherto acted a popular part with ~
great artifice and skill, but came now to take off
the mask, and to discover her self.
This prince was much neglected in his chi Id- The king's
first educa-
hood, during the time he was under his father's turn.
care. The parliament, getting him into their
hands, put him under the earl of Northumber-
land's government, who, as the duke himself told
me, treated him with great respect, and a very
tender regard. When he escaped out of their
hands, by the means of colonel Bamfield, his father
writ to him a letter in cipher, concluding in these
plain words, Do this as you expect the blessing of
your loving father. This was sent to William duke
of Hamilton, but came after he had made his
the other was true or not, that
he was mistaken in his gene-
ral design, is a matter of more
difficulty. Happily for these
nations, the age produced a
prince formed and circum-
stanced as the prince of Orange
was, and that the then state
of Europe made his enterprise
for us to be critical for them
who dreaded the power of
France. With this, it was not
unhappy too for this country,
that the introduction of po-
pery was the chief part of the
king's scheme. That engaged
the clergy and the body of the
church laity against him ; but
if he had not made it a quarrel
of religion, and had designed
only to make his power abso-
lute, (which he was much in-
clined to,) it was as much to
be feared, that, considering the
state of the kingdom at that
time, he would have been too
well able to have established
that part of his work. The high
principles in governmentwhich
the clergy professed, would
certainly have carried them so
far with him, and they large
numbers of church laymen of
the same high notions. He
would have had besides all his
courtiers, and the expectants
to be such, and in all proba-
bility in this he would have
had his army too. By this
force he might, for a time at
least, have suppressed the civil
rights of his people, and sub-
dued the true protestant spirit
of liberty, (that has always
been the best guard of the
other,) and only suffered the
name and shadow of it to re-
main. ONSLOW.
B 2
4 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. escape: and so I found it among his papers: and
~I gave it to the duke of York in the year 1674.
He said to me, he believed he had his father's
cipher among his papers, and that he would try to
decipher the letter: but I believe he never did
it. I told him I was confident, that as the letter
was writ when his escape was under consideration,
so it contained an order to go to the queen, and
to be obedient to her in all things, except in mat-
ters of religion. The king appointed sir John
Berkeley, afterwards lord Berkeley, to be his go-
vernor. It was a strange choice, if it was not
that, in such a want of men who stuck to the
61 9 king as was then, there were few capable in any
sort of such a trust. Berkeley was bold and inso-
lent, and seemed to lean to popery : he was cer-
tainly very arbitrary, botli in his temper and no-
tions. The queen took such a particular care of
this prince, that he was soon observed to have more
of her favour than either of his two brothers : and
she was so set on making proselytes, hoping that
to save a soul would cover a multitude of sins,
that it is not to be doubted but she used more
than ordinary arts to draw him over to her reli-
gion. Yet, as he himself told me, he stood out
against her practices.
He learned During his stay in France he made some cam-
war under .
Turenne. paigns under Mr. de rurenne, who took him so
particularly under his care, that he instructed him
in all that he undertook, and shewed him the
reasons of every thing he did so minutely, that
he had great advantages by being formed under
the greatest general of the age. Turenne was so
OF KING JAMES II. 5
much taken with his application, and the heat 1685.
that he shewed, that he recommended him out of
measure. He said often of him, There was the
greatest prince, and like to be the best general of
his time. This raised his character so much, that
the king was not a little eclipsed by him. Yet he
quickly ran into amours and vice. And that by
degrees wore out any courage that had appeared
in his youth. And in the end of his life he came
to lose the reputation of a brave man and a good
captain so entirely, that either he was never that
which flatterers gave out concerning him, or his
age and affairs wrought a very unusual change on
him.
He seemed to follow his mother's maxims all
the while he was beyond sea. He was the head
of a party that was formed in the king's small
court against lord Clarendon. And it was believed
that his applications to lord Clarendon's daughter
were made at first on design to dishonour his
family, though she had the address to turn it an-
other way.
After his brother's restoration, he applied him- He was
self much to the marine, in which he arrived at England.
great skill, and brought the fleet so entirely into
his dependance, that even after he laid down the
command he was still the master of our whole sea
force. He had now for these last three years
directed all our counsels with so absolute an au-
thority, that the king seemed to have left the
government wholly in his hands : only the un-
looked-for bringing in the duke of Monmouth put
him under no small apprehensions, that at some
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685.
620
He was
proclaimed
king.
time or other the king might slip out of his hands :
now that fear was over.
The king was dead : and so all the court went
immediately and paid their duty to him. Orders
were presently given for proclaiming him king. It
was a heavy solemnity : few tears were shed for
the former, nor were there any shouts of joy for
the present king. A dead silence, but without any
disorder or tumult, followed it through the streets c .
When the privy counsellors came back from the
proclamation, and waited on the new king, he
made a short speech to them; which it seems
was well considered, and much liked by him, for
he repeated it to his parliament, and upon several
other occasions.
c This is so far from the
truth, that the death of no
prince was ever so universally
lamented ; especially by the
common people, who had en-
joyed more ease and plenty
during his reign, than ever
they had done before, or ex-
pected after. DARTMOUTH.
(A zealous revolutionist, sir
Patrick Hume, in his Narrative
of the Earl of Argyles Ex-
pedition, admits the ease of the
people of England from war
and taxes, and the free course
of their traffic and trade during
the latter years of king Charles's
reign. P. 4. And the sorrow
occasioned by the death of
Charles is spoken of by Gib-
ber, the poet laureat, avow-
edly no friend of the house of
Stuart, in the beginning of the
History of his own life. See
also sir John Reseby's Me-
moirs, p. 107. and North's
Examen of Kennett's Critical
History of England, III. c. 9.
p. 647. As to the new king's
unpopularity, Welwood, whom
no one can suspect of being
partial to him, for he is known
to have answered one of the
king's declarations after his
dethronement, says in his Me-
moirs, p. 154. "All the for-
" mer animosities seemed to
" be forgotten amidst the loud
" acclamations of his people
" on his accession to the
" throne." Dr. Calamy also,
who was a non-conformist, de-
clares that his heart ached
within him at the acclama-
tions made on this occasion,
expressing at the same time
his wonder at bishop Burnet's
contrary assertion. Account
of his own Life, lately pub-
lished, vol. I. p. 1 16.)
OF KING JAMES II. 7
He began with an expostulation for the ill 1685.
character that had been entertained of him. He Hisfirst
told them, in very positive words, that he would s P eech
never depart from any branch of his prerogative :
but with that he promised, that he would maintain
the liberty and property of the subject. He ex-
pressed his good opinion of the church of Eng-
land, as a friend to monarchy. Therefore, he said,
he would defend and maintain the church, and
would preserve the government in church and
state, as it was established by law.
This speech was soon printed, and gave great well re-
content to those who believed that he would stick
to the promises made in it d . And those few who
did not believe it, yet durst not seem to doubt of
it. The pulpits of England were full of it, and of
thanksgivings for it. It was magnified as a secu-
rity far greater than any that laws could give.
The common phrase was, We have now the word
of a king, and a word never yet broken.
Upon this a new set of addresses went round Addresses
England, in which the highest commendations him.
that flattery could invent were given to the late
king ; and assurances of loyalty and fidelity were
renewed to the king, in terms that shewed there
d [It is said in a contem-
porary letter, that archbishop
Bancroft made a very eloquent
speech in the name of the
whole clergy, thanking the
king in his closet for the last
night's declaration. " His ma-
" jesty," it is added, " again re-
' he would never give any sort
' of countenance to dissenters;
' knowing how it must needs
* be faction and not religion, if
' men could not bee content
' to meet five besides their
' own familie, which the law
dispenses with." Ellis' s Ori-
" peated what he had before ginal Letters, vol. III. Let.
" declared, and said moreover, 382. p. 339.]
8 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. were no jealousies nor fears left. The university
~ of Oxford in their address promised to obey the
king without limitations or restrictions. The king's
promise passed for a thing so sacred, that they
were looked on as ill bred that put in their ad-
dress, our religion established by law ; which looked
like a tie on the king to maintain it : whereas the
style of the more courtly was to put all our se-
curity upon the king's promise. The clergy of
London added a word to this in their address,
our religion established by law, dearer to us than
our lives. This had such an insinuation in it, as
made it very unacceptable. Some followed their
621 pattern. But this was marked to be remembered
against those that used so menacing a form.
All employments were ended of course with
the life of the former king. But the king con-
tinued all in their places : only the posts in the
household were given to those who had served
the king, while he was duke of York. The mar-
quis of Halifax had reason to look on himself as
in ill terms with the king : so in a private audi-
ence he made the best excuses he could for his
conduct of late. The king diverted the discourse ;
and said, he would forget every thing that was
past, except his behaviour in the business of the
exclusion. The king also added, that he would
expect no other service of him than what was
The eari consistent with law. He prepared him for the
exaltation of the earl of Rochester. He said, he
had served him well and nad suffered on his ac-
count, and therefore he would now shew favour
to him : and the next day he declared him lord
OF KING JAMES II. 9
treasurer. His brother the earl of Clarendon was 1685.
made lord privy seal : and the marquis of Halifax ~~
was made lord president of the council. The earl
of Sunderland was looked on as a man lost at
court: and so was lord Godolphin. But the for-
mer of these insinuated himself so into the queen's
confidence, that he was, beyond all people's ex-
pectation, not only maintained in his posts, but
grew into great degrees of favour.
The queen was made to consider the earl of Theearl
of Sunder-
Rochester as a person that would be in the in- land m
terest of the king's daughters, and united to the a
church party. So she saw it was necessary to
have one in a high post, who should depend wholly
on her, and be entirely hers. And the earl of
Sunderland was the only person capable of that.
The earl of Rochester did upon his advancement
become so violent and boisterous, that the whole
court joined to support the earl of Sunderland, as
the proper balance to the other. Lord Godolphin
was put in a great post in the queen's household 6 .
But before the earl of Rochester had the white Customs
staff, the court engaged the lord Godolphin, and ^viedT- 86
the other lords of the treasury, to send orders to gainstlaw *
the commissioners of the customs to continue to
levy the customs, though the act that granted
them to the late king was only for his life, and
e He was made lord cham- was managed by the countess
berlaintothe queen, and more ofLichfield :) notwithstanding
esteemed and trusted by her Mr. Caesar of Hartfordshire
than any man in England, was sent to the tower for say-
After the revolution, he kept a ing so in the house of corn-
constant correspondence with mons, in the reign of queen
her to his dying day : (which Ann. D.
10 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. 8O wa8 now determined with it. It is known how
" much this matter was contested in king Charles
the first's time, and what had passed upon it.
The legal method f was to have made entries, and
to have taken bonds for those duties, to be paid
622 when the parliament should meet, and renew the
grant. Yet the king declared, that he would levy
the customs, and not stay for the new grant. But,
though this did not agree well with the king's
promise of maintaining liberty and property, yet
it was said in excuse for it, that, if the customs
should not be levied in this interval, great impor-
tations would be made, and the markets would
be so stocked, that this would very much spoil
the king's customs?. But in answer to this it was
said again, entries were to be made, and bonds
taken, to be sued when the act granting them
should pass. Endeavours were used with some of
the merchants to refuse to pay those duties, and
f The least illegal and the ence, neither the money nor
only justifiable, he should have bonds for money could be le-
said. O. (It was the proposal gaily required. Hist, of Eng-
of lord keeper North, whilst land, vol. X. c. 2. p. 119.
the other which was adopted note.)
was suggested by Jeffries. See (Macpherson follows North
North's Life of the LordKeep- in his account of the measure,
er, p. 255. Dr. Lingard rightly and adds to the plea just
observes, that, although some named, " that the merchants,
thought the duties should be " who had their warehouses
paid into the exchequer, and " full of goods, for which cus-
remain there, to be disposed of " torn had been paid, would
by parliament, others that no "be undersold in all the
money, but bonds for subse- " markets by those who now
quent payment should be taken, "should pay no duties."
yet that both expedients were Vol. I. Hist, of Great Britain,
contrary to law; and that as p. 428.)
the duties were not in exist-
OF KING JAMES II. 11
to dispute the matter in Westminster hall : but 1685.
none would venture on so bold a thing. He who ~
should begin any such opposition would probably
be ruined by it : so none would run that hazard.
The earl of Rochester got this to be done before
he came into the treasury : so he pretended, that
he only held on in the course that was begun by
others.
The additional excise had been given to the
late king only for life. But there was a clause
in the act that empowered the treasury to make
a farm of it for three years, without adding a
limiting clause, in case it should be so long due.
And it was thought a great stretch of the clause,
to make a fraudulent farm, by which it should
continue to be levied three years after it was de-
termined, according to the letter and intendment
of the act. A farm was now brought out, as made
during the king's life, though it was well known
that no such farm had been made ; for it was
made after his death, but a false date was put to
it. This matter seemed doubtful. It was laid
before the judges. And they all, except two,
were of opinion that it was good in law h . So
h (" The lease was made but
' the day before the king died.
' The major part of the judges,
' but, as some think, not the
' best lawyers, pronounced it
' legal, but four dissented."
Evelyn's Memoirs, vol. I. page
5^0. Lingard says, "One por-
" tion of the duties, the addi-
" tional excise amounting to
ment.be farmed for the space
of three years, and remain in
force till the expiration of
that term. James was care-
ful to have the lease renewed
and signed by his brother the
day before his death. Ga-
zette, 2009. Fox's App. 39.
This portion therefore he
could levy by law." History
" 55 000 ^ a vear > might, ac- of England, vol. X. c. 2. page
" cording to the act of parlia- 1 18. note.)
12 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. two proclamations were ordered, the one for levy-
~ ing the customs, and the other for the excise.
These came out in the first week of the reign,
and gave a melancholy prospect. Such begin-
nings did not promise well, and raised just fears
in the minds of those who considered the conse-
quences of such proceedings. They saw, that by
violence and fraud duties were now to be levied
without law. But all people were under the
power of fear or flattery to such a degree, that
none durst complain, and few would venture to
talk of those matters.
The king's Persons of all ranks went in such crowds to
coldness to ,1-1 , i * .1 , .
those who pay their duty to the king, that it was not easy
fof theTx- t0 admit them a11 ' Most f tlie wlli g S tliat Were
elusion, admitted were received coldly at best. Some
were sharply reproached for their past behaviour.
Others were denied access. The king began like-
wise to say, that he would not be served as his
brother had been : he would have all about him
serve him without reserve, and go thorough in \
his business. Many were amazed to see such if
steps made at first. The second Sunday after he
came to the throne, he, to the surprise of the
whole court, went openly to mass, and sent Caryl J'
to Rome with letters to the pope, but without a
character.
He seemed In one thing only the king seemed to comply
equal terms w ^h the genius of the nation, though it proved
m the end to be only a show. He seemed re-
solved not to be governed by French counsels,
but to act on an equality with that haughty mo-
narch in all things. And, as he entertained all
OF KING JAMES II. 13
the other foreign ministers with assurances that 1685.
he would maintain the balance of Europe with a
more steady hand than had been done formerly ;
so, when he sent over the lord Churchil to the
court of France with the notice of his brother's
death, he ordered him to observe exactly the ce-
remony and state with which he was received,
that he might treat him, who should be sent over
with the compliment in return to that, in the
same manner. And this he observed very punc-
tually, when the marshal de Lorge came over.
This was set about by the courtiers as a sign of
another spirit, that might be looked for in a reign
so begun. And this made some impression on the
court of France, and put them to a stand. But,
not long after this, the French king said to the
duke of Villeroy, (who told it to young Rouvigny,
now earl of Galway, from whom I had it,) that
the king of England, after all the high things
given out in his name, was willing to take his
money, as well as his brother had done 1 .
The king did also give out, that he would live
in a particular confidence with the prince of
Orange, and the States of Holland. And, be-
cause Chudleigh, the envoy there, had openly
broken with the prince, (for he not only waited
no more on him, but acted openly against him ;
and once in the Vorhaut had affronted him, while
he was driving the princess upon the snow in a
i (From the now ascertain- cannot, as Mr. Fox observes,
ed fact of James's receiving be doubted. See Fox's Hist,
money from France, the truth of the Reign of James II.
of the anecdote here related p. 106.) ,1
/ | . ft \
14
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. trainau, according to the German manner; and
""pretending they were masked, and that he did not
know them, had ordered his coachman to keep
his way, as they were coming towards the place
where he drove k ;) the king recalled him, and
sent Shelton in his room, who was the haugh-
tiest, but withal the weakest man, that he could
624 have found out. He talked out all secrets, and
made himself the scorn of all Holland. The
courtiers now said every where, that we had a
martial prince who loved glory, who would bring
France into as humble a dependance on us, as we
had been formerly on that court.
The king did, some days after his coming to
the crown, promise the queen and his priests,
that he would see Mrs. Sidley no more, by whom
he had some children. And he spoke openly
against lewdness, and expressed a detestation of
The king's
course of
life.
k A pretty parenthesis.
SWIFT. (See p. 594 of the
folio edition of Burnet's His-
tory, where it is related, that
Chudleigh personally affronted
the prince, but was not recall-
ed ; but D'Orleans, in his His-
tory of the Revolutions in Eng-
land, which was written, ac-
cording to lord Bolingbroke in
his Dissertation on Parties, p.
28. on materials furnished him
by James II. gives the follow-
ing account of the difference
between the prince of Orange
and Chudleigh : " The prince
" of Orange still did the duke
" of Monmouth much honour,
" and ordered his troops to
" salute him at reviews when
" he happened to be present.
" The king (Charles) had for-
bid it to those he had in the
service of the States, by Mr.
Chudley, then minister at
the Hague, which the prince
took so ill, that he was in a
passion with Chudley, who
had given those orders to
the officers, without ac-
quainting him, and threat-
ened him, lifting up his
hand. The minister com-
plained to his master, who
was so highly offended at
it, that he forbad him see-
ing the prince." p. 276.
OF KING JAMES II. 15
drunkenness. He sat many hours a day about 1685.
business with the council, the treasury, and the""
admiralty. It was upon this said, that now we
should have a reign of action and business, and
not of sloth and luxury, as the last was. Mrs.
Sidley had lodgings in Whitehall : orders were
sent to her to leave them. This was done to
mortify her; for [as she was naturally bold and
insolent] she pretended that she should now
govern as absolutely as the duchess of Ports-
mouth had done : yet the king still continued
a secret commerce with her. And thus he began
his reign with some fair appearances. A long
and great frost had so shut up the Dutch ports,
that for some weeks they had no letters from
England : so the news of the king's sickness and
death, and of the beginnings of the new reign,
came to them all at once.
The first difficulty the prince of Orange was The prince
of Orange
in, was with relation to the duke of Monmouth. sent away
He knew the king would immediately, after
first compliments were over, ask him to dismiss mouth -
him, if not to deliver him up. And as it was no
way decent for him to break with the king upon
such a point, so he knew the states would never
bear it. He thought it better to dismiss him im-
mediately, as of himself. The duke of Monmouth
seemed surprised at this. Yet at parting he made
great protestations both to the prince and princess
of an inviolable fidelity to their interests. So he
retired to Brussels, where he knew he could be
suffered to stay no longer than till a return should
come from Spain, upon the notice of king Charles's
16 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. death, and of the declarations that the king was
"making of maintaining the balance of Europe 1 .
The duke was upon that thinking to go to Vienna,
or to some court in Germany. But those about
him studied to inflame him both against the king
and the prince of Orange. They told him, the
prince by casting him off had cancelled all former
obligations, and set him free from them : he was
now to look to himself : and instead of wandering
about as a vagabond, he was to set himself to de-
liver his country, and to raise his party and his
625 friends, who were now like to be used very ill for
their adhering to him and to his interest.
Some m They sent one over to England to try men's
P u ^ ses an d to see if it was yet a proper time to
move for make an attempt. Wildman, Charlton, and some
him.
others, went about trying if men were in a dis-
position to encourage an invasion. They talked
of this in so remote a way of speculation, that
though one could not but see what lay at bottom,
yet they did not run into treasonable discourse.
I was in general sounded by them : yet nothing
was proposed that ran me into any danger from
concealing it. I did not think fears and dangers,
nor some illegal acts in the administration, could
justify an insurrection, as lawful in itself: and I
was confident an insurrection undertaken on such
1 (On the back of a paper of " Monmouth's stay in Flan-
instructions for the release of " ders." These instructions
persons imprisoned for refus- were among the Melfort
ing the oaths of supremacy papers, lately sold, and are
and allegiance, king James has now in Magdalen college
written, " to advise, whether Oxford.)
" to connive at the duke of
OF KING JAMES II. 17
grounds would be so ill seconded, and so weakly 1685.
supported, that it would not only come to no-~~
thing, but it would precipitate our ruin. There-
fore I did all I could to divert all persons with
whom I had any credit from engaging in such de-
signs. These were for some time carried on in the
dark. The king, after he had put his affairs in a
method, resolved to hasten his coronation, and to
have it performed with great magnificence : and
for some weeks he was so entirely possessed with
the preparations for that solemnity, that all busi-
ness was laid aside, and nothing but ceremony
was thought on.
At the same time a parliament was summoned : strange
and all arts were used to manage elections so, Sections of
that the king should have a parliament to h
mind. Complaints came up from all the parts
of England of the injustice and violence used in
elections, beyond what had ever been practised
in former times. And this was so universal over
the whole nation, that no corner of it was neg-
lected. In the new charters that had been
granted, the election of the members was taken
out of the hands of the inhabitants, and restrained
to the corporation-men, all those being left out
who were not acceptable at court. In some bo-
roughs they could not find a number of men to
be depended on : so the neighbouring gentlemen
were made the corporation-men : and, in some of
these, persons of other counties, not so much as
known in the borough, were named. This was
practised in the most avowed manner in Cornwall
by the earl of Bath ; who to secure himself the
c
18 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. groom of the stole's place, which he held all
king Charles's time, put the officers of the guards'
626 names in almost all the charters of that county;
which sending up forty-four members, they were
for most part so chosen, that the king was sure of
their votes on all occasions.
These methods were so successful over England,
that when the elections were all returned, the king
said, there were not above forty members, but such
as he himself wished for. They were neither men
of parts nor estates m : so there was no hope left,
either of working on their understandings, or of
making them see their interest, in not giving the
king all at once. Most of them were furious and
violent, and seemed resolved to recommend them-
selves to the king by putting every thing in his
power, and by ruining all those who had been for
the exclusion. Some few had designed to give the
m That was not so, for al- amine what the bishop hira-
though very bad practices self relates afterwards at p.
were used in the elections, yet 667. concerning the conduct
the returns shew, they were in of these gentlemen, and the
general men of fashion and candid character given of them
fortune in the countries they by the continuator of Rapin's
were chosen for, but most of History of England. See also
them indeed very high tories. Echard's Hist, of England,
ONSLOW. (Bevill Higgons p. 1056. and his Hist, of the
says, that in regard to their Revolution, p. 630 ; andTrea-
estates and circumstances, he tise on the Danger of Merce-
must refer the reader to the nary Parliaments, written by
printed list, supposing him to an adversary of king James,
know the gentlemen of fortune p. 3. Evelyn, however, in his
and quality in the respective Memoirs, vol.1, pp. 55 8, 561,
counties of England ; and adds, speaks of very mean and slight
that they were both good sub- persons having been set up as
jects and good patriots ; the candidates for seats in this
last shewn by their being af- parliament, and of their hav-
terwards dissolved in anger, ing obtained them.)
p. 301. of his Remarks. Ex-
OF KING JAMES II. 19
king the revenue only from three years to three 1085.
years . The earl of Rochester told me, that was"
what he looked for, though the post he was in
made it not so proper for him to move in it. But
there was no prospect of any strength in opposing
any thing that the king should ask of them.
This gave all thinking men a melancholy pro- Evil pro-
spect. England now seemed lost, unless some a bad par-
happy accident should save it. All people saw
the way for packing a parliament now laid open .
A new set of charters and corporation-men, if those
now named should not continue to be still as
compliant as they were at present, was a certain
remedy, to which recourse might be easily had.
The boroughs of England saw their privileges now
wrested out of their hands, and that their elec-
tions, which had made them so considerable be-
fore, were hereafter to be made as the court should
direct : so that from henceforth little regard would
be had to them ; and the usual practices in court-
ing, or rather in corrupting them, would be no
longer pursued. Thus all people were alarmed :
but few durst speak out, or complain openly. Only
the duke of Monmouth's agents made great use of
this to inflame their party. It was said, here was
a parliament to meet, that was not the choice and
representative of the nation, and therefore was no
parliament. So they upon this possessed all peo-
ple with dreadful apprehensions ; a blow was now
n Might not these persons much to the dissatisfaction of
have suggested the giving of the king. See vol. II. pp. 12,
king William the principal re- 13,14. O.
venues but from year to year ? Just our case at the
which subsisted for some time, queen's death, S.
20
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. given to the constitution, which could not be re-
~ medied but by an insurrection. It was resolved
to bring up petitions against some elections, that
were so indecently managed, that it seemed scarce
possible to excuse them : but these were to be
judged by a majority of men, who knew their own
627 elections to be so faulty, that to secure themselves
they would justify the rest : and fair dealing was
not to be expected from those, who were so deeply
engaged in the like injustice.
All that was offered on the other hand to lay
those fears, which so ill an appearance did raise,
was, that it was probable the king would go into
measures against France. All the offers of sub-
mission possible were made him by Spain, the
empire, and the States i>.
P This was a crisis that
might have made this country
as great in Europe, or greater,
than it had been in any age,
and put the king at the head
of all foreign transactions, to
have engaged in them more
or less, as it suited either his
interest or his honour : and
had he but have kept his reli-
gion to his own practice of it,
and governed by parliaments,
he would have been the hap-
piest and greatest king at the
same time, both at home and
abroad, that this nation had
almost ever seen. There never
happened before such a con-
currence of incidents to pro-
duce all this : but the family
was not made to govern this
country. A false policy run
through their four reigns, and
they either did not know, or
did not know how to make
use of, the true genius and
greatness of their people. The
British nation, in its freedom,
may be the first power of Eu-
rope ; and a king who shews
them he means their interest
only, be the best obeyed.
When they see him their king,
they will be his subjects. O.
Within six months after his
accession James concluded
a treaty with the States-
General, which renewed the
former treaties between the
two powers, and in particu-
lar the defensive alliance of
1678. On the receipt of
the intelligence Louis re-
primanded the ambassador
for his want of vigilance or
of foresight. It hap-
pened that the very circum-
stance which alarmed Louis
OF KING JAMES II.
21
The king had begun with the prince of Orange 1685.
upon a hard point. He was not satisfied with his The prince
dismissing the duke of Monmouth, but wrote to
him to break all those officers who had waited on evei 7 V^s
to the king.
him while he was in Holland. In this they had
only followed the prince's example : so it was
hard to punish them for that which he himself
had encouraged. They had indeed shewed their
affections to him so evidently, that the king wrote
to the prince, that he could not trust to him, nor
depend on his friendship, as long as such men
served under him. This was of a hard digestion.
Yet, since the breaking them could be easily
made up by employing them afterwards, and by
' encouraged the Spanish am-
' bassador to propose not only
' a renewal of the last treaty
' with Spain, but also of the
' triple alliance against France.
' All the agents of friendly
' powers at the British court
' came forward to his assist-
' ance ; the adherents of the
' prince of Orange, the mor-
' tal foe of Louis, added their
' endeavours ; and Rochester
' with his dependants advised
' and entreated the king to
' assent. But Barillon was
' on the watch : against this
' formidable host he arrayed
' Sunderland and the ultra-
' Catholics ; and James, after
' some hesitation, declared his
' resolution not to enter into
' any engagement which in
' its consequences might pro-
' bably draw him into hosti-
' lities. Louis was not un-
' grateful on this occasion.
" He granted to Sunderland
" an annual pension of sixty
" thousand livres (four thou-
" sand five hundred pounds) :
" then, on the representation
" of that wily statesman, he
" consented to pay it half-
" yearly in advance ; andafter-
" wards, on more than on one
" occasion, he doubled the
" amount, to mark his sense
" of the distinguished services
" rendered to him by the Eng-
" lish minister. (Barillon, 26
" Nov. 6 Dec. i8Fe"v.) Never,
" perhaps, was the French
" monarch more egregiously
" deceived. He persuaded
" himself that he had made
" an advantageous purchase,
" but in three years the whole
" profit was reaped by his
" most formidable enemy, the
" prince of Orange." Lin-
gard's History of England,
vol. x. ch. 2. p. 201.
22 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. continuing their appointments to them, the prince
complied in this likewise. And the king was so
well pleased with it, that when bishop Turner
complained of some things relating to the prince
and princess, and proposed rougher methods, the
king told him, it was absolutely necessary that
the prince and he should continue in good corre-
spondence. Of this Turner gave an account to the
other bishops, and told them very solemnly, that
the church would be in no hazard during the pre-
sent reign ; but that they must take care to secure
themselves against the prince of Orange, other-
wise they would be then in great danger 9.
The submission of the prince and the States to
the king made some fancy that this would over-
come him. All people concluded, that it would
soon appear, whether bigotry or a desire of glory
was the prevailing passion ; since if he did not
strike in with an alliance that was then projected
against France, it might be concluded that he was
resolved to deliver himself up to his priests, and
to sacrifice all to their ends. The season of the
year made it to be hoped, that the first session of
parliament would be so short, that much could
not be done in it, but that when the revenue
should be granted, other matters might be put off
to a winter session. So that, if the parliament
should not deliver up the nation in a heat all at
once, but should leave half their work to another
628 session, they might come under some manage-
ment, and either see the interest of the nation in
q (Compare what follows at page 691 of the folio edition,
and the note there.)
OF KING JAMES II. 23
general, or their own in particular ; and so manage 1685.
was crown-
their favours to the court in such a manner as to
make themselves necessary, and not to give away
too much at once, but be sparing in their bounty ;
which they had learned so well in king Charles's
time, that it was to be hoped they would soon
fall into it, if they made not too much haste at
their first setting out. So it was resolved not to
put them on too hastily in their first session to
judge of any election, but to keep that matter
entire for some time, till they should break into
parties.
The coronation was set for St. George's day. The king
Turner was ordered to preach the sermon : and
both king and queen resolved to have all done
in the protestant form, and to assist at all the
prayers : only the king would not receive the
sacrament, which is always a part of the cere-
mony. In this certainly his priests dispensed with
him, and he had such senses given him of the
oath, that he either took it as a sin with a resolu-
tion not to keep it, or he had a reserved meaning
in his own mind. The crown was not well fitted
for the king's head : it came down too far, and
covered the upper part of his face. The canopy
carried over him did also break. Some other
smaller things happened that were looked on as
ill omens : and his son by Mrs. Sidley died that
day r . The queen with the peeresses made a more
r At the coronation of the and very feeble, in bringing
present king, (George the se- the crown from the commu-
cond,) and the queen, the nion table, tottered with it in
dean of Westminster, (bishop coming down the steps, and
Bradford,) who was then old had much ado to save it from
24 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
lf>85. graceful figure. The best thing in Turner's ser-
mon was, that he set forth that part of Constan-
tius Chlorus's history very handsomely, in which
he tried who would be true in their religion, and
reckoned that those would be faithfullest to him-
self who were truest to their God.
i went out I must now say somewhat concerning myself.
' At this time I went out of England. Upon king
Charles's death, I had desired leave to come and
pay my duty to the king by the marquis of Hali-
fax. The king would not see me. So, since I
was at that time in no sort of employment, not so
much as allowed to preach any where, I resolved
to go abroad. I saw we were like to fall into
great confusion ; and were either to be rescued,
in a way that I could not approve of, by the duke
of Monmouth's means, or to be delivered up by a
meeting that had the face and name of a parlia-
ment. I thought the best thing for me was to go
out of the way. The king approved of this, and
consented to my going : but still refused to see
me. So I was to go beyond sea, as to a voluntary
629 exile. This gave me great credit with all the
malecontents : and I made the best use of it I
could. I spoke very earnestly to the lord de la
Meer, to Mr. Hambden, and such others as I
could meet with, who I feared might be drawn in
by the agents of the duke of Monmouth. The
falling ; upon which I saw of the ceremonial was per-
the queen, who discerned it, formed. The author should
change countenance and turn not have taken notice of these
pale. I was then in an upper superstitious observations upon
gallery of the church, just accidents that may happen
over the place where this part alike to all. O.
OF KING JAMES II. 25
king had not yet done that which would justify 1685.
extreme counsels. A raw rebellion would be soon
crashed, and give a colour for keeping up a stand-
ing army, or for bringing over a force from France.
I perceived, many thought the constitution was
so broken into by the elections of the house of
commons, that they were disposed to put all to
hazard. Yet most people thought the crisis was
not so near as it proved to be.
The deliberations in Holland, among the English Argiie de-
and Scotch that fled thither, came to ripen faster invade
than was expected. Lord Argiie had been quiet Scotland '
ever since the disappointment in the year eighty-
three. He had lived for most part in Frizeland,
but came oft to Amsterdam, and met with the
rest of his countrymen that lay concealed there :
the chief of whom were the lord Melvill, sir Pa-
trick Hume, and sir John Cochran 8 . With these
lord Argiie communicated all the advices that were
sent him. He went on still with his first project.
He said, he wanted only a sum of money to buy
arms, and reckoned, that as soon as he was fur-
nished with these, he might venture on Scotland.
He resolved to go to his own country, where he
hoped he could bring five thousand men together.
8 The first of these (Melvill) the modelling of matters, when
was a fearful and mean-spirited they should prevail; in which
man, a zealous presbyterian, he was so earnest, that he fell
but more zealous in preserving into perpetual disputes and
his person and estate. Hume quarrels about it : Cochran
was a hot and eager man, full was more tractable. (This is
of passion and resentment, and one of the alleged Suppressed
instead of minding the busi- Passages. It appears in the
ness then in hand, he was al- author's autograph, but is de-
ways forming schemes about leted in the transcript.)
26 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. And he reckoned that the western and southern
counties were under such apprehensions, that with-
out laying of matters, or having correspondence
among them, they would all at once come about
him, when he had gathered a good force together
in his own country. There was a rich widow in
Amsterdam, who was full of zeal : so she, hearing
at what his designs stuck, sent to him, and fur-
nished him with ten thousand pounds. With this
money he bought a stock of arms and ammuni-
tion, which was very dexterously managed by one
that traded to Venice, as intended for the service
of that republic. All was performed with great
secrecy, and put on board 8 . They had sharp de-
bates among them about the course they were to
hold. He was for sailing round Scotland to his
own country. Hume was for the shorter passage :
the other was a long navigation, and subject to
great accidents. Argile said, the fastnesses of his
own country made that to be the safer place to
gather men together. He presumed so far on his
630 own power, and on his management hitherto, that
he took much upon him : so that the rest were
often on the point of breaking with him.
JfMon ke ^ ie ^ u ^ e ^ Monmouth came secretly to them,
8 It is said, in lord Grey's
papers before mentioned, that
the famous Mr. Lock, then in
Holland, advanced a thousand
pounds on this occasion. See
that paper for the whole of
this enterprise, by Monmouth
and Argyle. O. (Macaulay
in his recent History of Eng-
land remarks on this note by 546.)
Speaker Onslow, "that Locke
must not be confounded
with the anabaptist Nicholas
Look, whose name is spelt
Locke in Grey's Confession,
and who is mentioned in
the Lansdown MS. 1152,
and in the Buccleuch Narra-
tive appended to Mr. Rose's
Dissertation." Vol. I. p.
OF KING JAMES II. 27
and made up all their quarrels. He would will- 1685.
invasion.
ingly have gone with them himself: but Argile mouth
did not offer him the command : on the contrary
he pressed him to make an impression on Eng-
land at the same time. This was not possible:
for the duke of Monmouth had yet made no pre-
parations. So he was hurried into a fatal under-
taking, before things were in any sort ready for it.
He had been indeed much pressed to the same
thing by Wade, Ferguson, and some others about
him, but chiefly by the lord Grey, and the lady
Wentworth, who followed him to Brussels despe-
rately in love with him. And both he and she
came to fancy, that he being married to his duchess
while he was indeed of the age of consent, but
not capable of a free one, the marriage was null :
so they lived together : and she had heated both
herself and him with such enthusiastical conceits,
that they fancied what they did was approved of
God. With this small council he took his mea-
sures. Fletcher 1 , a Scotch gentleman of great
parts, and many virtues, but a most violent repub-
lican, and extravagantly passionate, did not like
Argile's scheme : so he resolved to run fortunes
with the duke of Monmouth. He told me, that
all the English among them were still pressing
the duke of Monmouth to venture. They said,
t He of Salton, so well angry next day for any body's
known afterwards in Scotland being of an opinion that he
and England. O. He was very was of himself the night be-
brave, and a man of great in- fore, but very constant in
tegrity, but had strange chi- his dislikes of bishop Burnet,
merical notions of govern- whom he always spoke of
ment, which were so unset- with the utmost contempt,
tied, that he would be very D.
28 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. all the west of England would come about him,
as soon as he appeared, as they had done five or
six years ago. They reckoned there would be no
fighting, but that the guards, and others who ad-
hered to the king, would melt to nothing before
him. They fancied, the city of London would be
in such a disposition to revolt, that if he should
land in the west the king would be in great per-
plexity. He could not have two armies : and his
fear of tumults near his person would oblige him
to keep such a force about him, that he would
not be able to send any against him. So they
reckoned he would have time to form an army,
and in a little while be in a condition to seek out
the king, and fight him on equal terms.
This appeared a mad and desperate undertak-
ing to the duke of Monmouth himself. He knew
what a weak body a rabble was, and how unable
to deal with troops long trained. He had neither
money nor officers, and no encouragement from
the men of estates and interest in the country.
It seemed too early yet to venture. It was the
throwing away all his hopes in one day. Fletcher,
how vehemently soever he was set on the design
in general, yet saw nothing in this scheme that
gave any hopes : so he argued much against it.
And he said to me, that the duke of Monmouth
631 was pushed on to it against his own sense and
reason : but he could not refuse to hazard his
person, when others were so forward". Lord
u (But Lingard observes,, in the expedition through im-
that, if any credit be due to portunity and against his judg-
sir Patrick Hume's Narrative, ment, as is sometimes said, on
Monmouth, instead of joining the contrary promoted it with
OF KING JAMES II.
Grey said, that Henry the seventh landed with
a smaller number, and succeeded. Fletcher an-
swered, he was sure of several of the nobility, who
were little princes in those days x . Ferguson, in
1685.
all his might. History of Eng-
land, vol. X. c. i. From this
Narrative, although profes-
sedly written with great cau-
tion, it may be collected, that
promises of assistance had
been made in a certain quarter
to the Scotish invaders. See
PP- 13-330
x Fletcher told me he had
good grounds to suspect that
the prince of Orange under-
hand encouraged the expedi-
tion, with design to ruin the
duke of Momnouth. D. (Sir
John Dalrymple, who has pub-
lished this note by lord Dart-
mouth in the second volume
of his Memoirs, p. 137, ob-
serves, that the authority is
high, because that Fletcher
was in a situation to know,
and was incapable of lying.
D'Orleans, in his Revolutions
of England, p. 276, relates,
that certain proofs of the in-
telligence kept up between
Bentinck, the prince's ambas-
sador, and Monmouth, were
found by Skelton, who suc-
ceeded Chudleigh as minister
at the Hague, in the duke of
Monmouth's house. And in
Macpherson's Extracts from
the Life of King James, p. 14 7,
it is stated, that Bentinck, the
prince of Orange's ambassa-
dor, though, he found that
Monmouth had said nothing
of his master, was never quiet
till Monmouth's head was off.
That many people in those
times considered the prince,
who was in their estimation
Monmouth's rival for the crown
of England, to be eager for
the immediate possession of it,
even during the reigns of both
his uncles, is certain ; but that
the opinion was well founded,
depends principally on the au-
thority of D'Avaux's Negotia-
tions, year 1 679, &c. His ad-
vocacy of the bill for the ex-
clusion of James is well known ;
and what his intention was,
when he finally determined on
his expedition to this country,
cannot reasonably be doubted,
and is perhaps actually implied
in one of the clauses of his
famous Declaration, where he
promises to send home his
foreign troops. Since this
note was first printed, it has
been found that the above ex-
pression did not escape obser-
vation at the time. See Ralph's
Hist, of England,vol. I. p. 1 03 6.
In the Life of Carstares, pri-
vate secretary to king William,
prefixed to his State Papers
by Dr. M'Cormick, the follow-
ing curious fact is mentioned :
" In a paper of accounts of
" money disbursed by Car-
" stares for the prince's ser-
" vice, he informs his high-
" ness, that such and such
" sums he had disposed of in
" concert with my lord Mel-
"vil; but others,,, he at the
30
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. his spiteful enthusiastical way, said, it was a good
~~ cause, and that God would not leave them unless
they left him. And though the duke of Mon-
mouth's course of life gave him no great reason
to hope that God would appear signally for him,
yet even he came to talk enthusiastically on the
subject. But Argile's going, and the promise he
had made of coming to England with all possible
haste, had so fixed him, that, all further delibe-
rations being laid aside, he pawned a parcel of
jewels, and bought up arms ; and they were put
aboard a ship freighted for Spain.
These de- King James was so intent upon the pomp of his
carried on coronation, that for some weeks more important
secre?y. eat matters were not thought on?. Both Argile and
self in a letter to the earl of
Rochester. See the Clarendon
Correspondence, published by
Mr. Singer in 1828, vol. I.
p. 127. Sir John Mackin-
tosh likewise, in his History
of the Revolution in England
edited in 1834, relates, citing
the authority of the Fox MSS.,
that before the duke of Mon-
mouth quitted Holland, he
wrote a letter of thanks to the
magistrates of Amsterdam for
their favour to himself and his
adherents, and expressed him-
self in terms of anger and
even of revenge against the
prince of Orange for having
sacrificed his friendship to re-
gain that of James, ch. xi.
P-372-)
Y (Compare Ralph's Hist,
of England, I. pp. 856, 859.
who states, that in consequence
of Skelton's information, a pro-
clamation had been issued in
' same time tells him, were
' privy to none but himself.
' Among other particulars, in
' the paper of disbursements,
' I find one sum stated to a
' captain Wishart, who was
' master of the vessel in
' which lord Argyle went
' home, of whose honesty and
' willingness, Mr. Carstares
' says, to serve his highness,
' I am fully assured. This is
' the only instance I have
ever met with, that Mon-
' mouth and Argile were coun-
' tenanced in their undertak-
' ing bythe prince of Orange."
P. 35. It ought, however, to
be recollected, that the duke
of Monmouth, in his letter to
the king after the battle of
Sedgemore, says, that he told
the prince and princess of
Orange he would never stir
against the king; which is
confirmed by the prince him-
OF KING JAMES II. 31
Monmouth's people were so true to them, that 1685.
nothing was discovered by any of them. Yet~
some days after Argile had sailed, the king knew
of it : for the night before I left London, the earl
of Arran came to me, and told me, the king had
an advertisement of it that very day. I saw it
was fit for me to make haste : otherwise I should
have been seized on, if it had been only to put
the affront on me, of being suspected of holding
correspondence with traitors.
Argile had a very prosperous voyage. He sent Argiie
out a boat at Orkney to get intelligence, and to Scotland!
take prisoners. This had no other effect, but that
it gave intelligence where he was : and the wind
chopping, he was obliged to sail away, and leave
his men to mercy. The winds were very favour-
able, and turned as his occasions required : so
that in a very few days he arrived in Argileshire.
The misunderstandings between him and Hume
grew very high ; for he carried all things with an
air of authority, that was not easy to those who
were setting up for liberty. At his landing he
found, that the early notice the council had of his
designs had spoiled his whole scheme ; for they
had brought in all the gentlemen of his country
to Edenburgh, which saved them, though it helped
on his ruin. Yet he got above five and twenty 632!
hundred men to come to him. If with these he
had immediately gone over to the western coun-
Scotland, requiring the king's May 2. But on the bishop's
subjects to repel any invasion part it may be observed,
from abroad, and this so early that the king's coronation had
as April 28, the earl of Argyle taken place before, on April 23.
setting sail from Holland on St. George's day.)
32 HISTORY OF THE KEIGN
1685 ties of Air and Renfrew, he might have given the
government much trouble. But he lingered too
long, hoping still to have brought more of his
Highlanders together. He reckoned these were
sure to him, and would obey him blindfold:
whereas, if he had gone out of his own country
with a small force, those who might have come
in to his assistance might also have disputed his
authority : and he could not bear contradiction.
Much time was by this means lost : and all the
country was summoned to come out against him.
At last he crossed an arm of the sea, and landed
in the isle of Bute ; where he spent twelve days
more, till he had eat up that island, pretending
still that he hoped to be joined by more of his
Highlanders.
e- He had left his arms in a castle, with such a
taken dand guard as he could spare: but they were routed
by a party of the king's forces. And with this he
lost both heart and hope. And then, apprehend-
ing that all was gone, he put himself in a dis-
guise, and had almost escaped : but he was taken.
A body of gentlemen that had followed him stood
better to it, and forced their way through : so
that the greater part of them escaped. Some of
these were taken : the chief of them were Sir
John Cochran, Ailoffe, and Rumbold. These two
last were Englishmen : but I knew not upon what
motive it was, that they chose rather to run for-
tunes with Argile, than with the duke of Mon-
mouth. Thus was this rebellion brought to a
speedy end, with the effusion of very little blood.
Nor was there much shed in the way of justice ;
OF KING JAMES II. 33
for it was considered, that the Highlanders were 1685.
under such ties by their tenures, that it was
somewhat excusable in them to follow their lord.
Most of the gentlemen were brought in by order
of council to Edenburgh, which preserved them.
One of those that were with Argile, by a great
presence of mind, got to Carlyle, where he called
for post horses, and said, he was sent by the gene-
ral to carry the good news by word of mouth to
the king. And so he got to London : and there
he found a way to get beyond sea.
Argile was brought in to Edenburgh. He ex- Argile' s ex.
pressed even a cheerful calm under all his misfor-
tunes. He justified all he had done : for he said,
he was unjustly attainted : that had dissolved his
allegiance : so it was justice to himself and his
family, to endeavour to recover what was so
wrongfully taken from him. He also thought,
that no allegiance was due to the king, till he
had taken the oath which the law prescribed to 633
be taken by our kings at their coronation, on the
receipt of their princely dignity. He desired that
Mr. Charteris might be ordered to attend upon
him ; which was granted 2 . When he came to
him, he told him he was satisfied in conscience
with the lawfulness of what he had done, and
therefore desired he would not disturb him with
z Dr. Bliss has favoured us desired the dean to begin
with this remark, that accord- some good discourse on the
ing to the account of sir Alex- occasion, which he did, and
ander Brand, then sheriff, An- the earl seemed pleased with
nan, the dean of Edenburgh, it. Sir Alexander Brand's
attended the earl of Argyle Specimen of Bishop Burnet's
from the castle to the council Behaviour towards him, p. 3 i .
house ; who was chearful, and 2nd edit.
D
34 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. any discourse on that subject. The other, after
" he had told him his sense of the matter, complied
easily with this. So all that remained was to pre-
pare him to die, in which he expressed an un-
shaken firmness. The duke of Queensbury ex-
amined him in private. He said, he had not laid
his business with any in Scotland. He had only
found credit with a person that lent him money ;
upon which he had trusted, perhaps too much, to
the dispositions of the people, sharpened by their
administration. When the day of his execution
came, Mr. Charteris happened to come to him as
he was ending dinner : he said to him pleasantly,
Serb venientibus ossa. He prayed often with him,
and by himself, and went to the scaffold with
great serenity. He had complained of the duke
of Monmouth much, for delaying his coming so
long after him, and for assuming the name of
king ; both which, he said, were contrary to their
agreement at parting. Thus he died, pitied by
all. His death, being pursuant to the sentence
passed three years before, was looked on as no
better than murder. But his conduct in this
matter was made up of so many errors, that it
appeared he was not made for designs of this
kind a .
Ailoffe had a mind to prevent the course of
justice, and having got a penknife into his hands
gave himself several stabs. And thinking he was
certainly a dead man, he cried out, and said, now
a (Evelyn says of this noble- ed a man of parts. Memoirs,
man, who came to visit his vol. I p 2*4. \
curious garden, that he seem-
OF KING JAMES II. 35
he defied his enemies. Yet he had not pierced 1685.
his guts : so his wounds were not mortal. And,
it being believed that he could make great dis-
coveries, he was brought up to London.
Rumbold was he that dwelt in Rye-house, where Rumboidat
it was pretended the plot was laid for murdering denied* the
the late and the present king. He denied the Ryeplot *
truth of that conspiracy. He owned, he thought
the prince was as much tied to the people, as the
people were to the prince ; and that, when a king
departed from the legal measures of government,
the people had a right to assert their liberties, and
to restrain him. He did not deny, but that he
had heard many propositions at West's chambers
about killing the two brothers, and upon that he
had said, it could have been easily executed near
his house; upon which some discourse had fol-634
lowed, how it might have been managed. But,
he said, it was only talk, and that nothing was
either laid, or so much as resolved on. He said,
he was not for a commonwealth, but for kingly
government according to the laws of England :
but he did not think that the king had his au-
thority by any divine right, which he expressed in
rough but significant words. He said, he did not
believe that God had made the greater part of
mankind with saddles on their backs, and bridles
in their mouths, and some few booted and spurred
to ride the rest.
Cochran had a rich father, the earl of Dun-
dona Id : and he offered the priests 5,000/. to save
his son. They wanted a stock of money for
managing their designs: so they interposed so
36 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. effectually, that the bargain was made. But, to
"cover it, Cochran petitioned the council that he
might be sent to the king : for he had some secrets
of great importance, which were not tit to be com-
municated to any but to the king himself. He
was upon that brought up to London : and, after
he had been for some time in private with the
king, the matters he had discovered were said to
be of such importance, that in consideration of
that the king pardoned him. It was said, he had
discovered all their negociations with the elector
of Brandenburg and the prince of Orange. But
this was a pretence only given out to conceal the
bargain; for the prince told me, he had never
once seen him c . The secret of this came to be
known soon after.
When Ailoffe was brought up to London, the
king examined him, but could draw nothing from
him, but one severe repartee. He being sullen,
and refusing to discover any thing, the king said
to him ; Mr. Ailoffe, you know it is in my power
to pardon you ; therefore say that which may de-
serve it. It was said that he answered, that
though it was in his power, yet it was not in his
nature to pardon. He was nephew to the old
earl of Clarendon by marriage ; for Ailoffe's aunt
was his first wife, but she had no children. It
was thought, that the nearness of his relation to
the king's children might have moved him to
pardon him, which would have been the most
c (Ralph, the historian, re- seen Cochran, not that there
marks, that the prince only had been no such negociations.
told Burnet that he had never Hist. vol. I. p. 871.)
OF KING JAMES II. 37
effectual confutation of his bold repartee: but he 1685.
suffered with the rest d .
Immediately after Argile's execution, a parlia- A parlia-
ment was held in Scotland. Upon king Charles's s^and.
death, the marquis of Queensbury, soon after made
a duke, and the earl of Perth, came to court. The
duke of Queensbury told the king, that if he had 635
any thoughts of changing the established religion,
he could not make any one step with him in that
matter. The king seemed to receive this very
kindly from him ; and assured him, he had no
such intention, but that he would have a parlia-
ment called, to which he should go his commis-
sioner, and give all possible assurances in the
matter of religion, and get the revenue to be
settled, and such other laws to be passed as might
be necessary for the common safety. The duke
of Queensbury pressed the earl of Perth to speak
in the same strain to the king. But, though he
pretended to be still a protestant, yet he could
not prevail on him to speak in so positive a style.
I had not then left London : so the duke sent me
word of this, and seemed so fully satisfied with it,
that he thought all would be safe. So he pre-
pared instructions by which both the revenue and
d As the bishop has stated expected to live under. D.
the case, he had no relation (He did not expect to live
to the king's children ; but under him ; and this bitter
Ailoffe's having stabbed him- and inveterate enemy of the
self at first, and the insolence Stuarts appears, if the story
of what the bishop calls a bold is true, to have uttered what
repartee, inclines me to believe, he was persuaded of, either
he was resolved not to accept from his own knowledge of
of a pardon ; for certainly no the king's disposition, or by
man in his senses would have what he had heard of it from
said such a thing to a king he others.)
38 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. the king's authority were to be carried very high.
~ He has often since that time told me, that the
king made those promises to him in so frank and
hearty a manner, that he concluded it was impos-
sible for him to be acting a part. Therefore he
always believed, that the priests gave him leave
to promise every thing, and that he did it very
sincerely; but that afterwards they pretended,
they had a power to dissolve the obligation of all
oaths and promises ; since nothing could be more
open and free than his way of expressing himself
was, though afterwards he had no sort of regard
to any of the promises he then made. The test
had been the king's own act while he was in
Scotland. So he thought, the putting that on all
persons would be the most acceptable method, as
well as the most effectual, for securing the pro-
testant religion. Therefore he proposed an in-
struction obliging all people to take the test, not
only to qualify them for public employments, but
that all those to whom the council should tender
it should be bound to take it under the pain of
treason : and this was granted. He also projected
many other severe laws, that left an arbitrary
power in the privy council. And, as he was na-
turally violent and imperious in his own temper,
so he saw the king's inclinations to those methods,
and hoped to have recommended himself effec-
tually, by being so instrumental in setting up an
absolute and despotic form of government. But
he found afterwards how he had deceived himself,
in thinking that any thing, but the delivering up ,
his religion, could be acceptable long. And he
OF KING JAMES II. 39
saw, after he had prepared a cruel scheme of 1685.
government, other men were trusted with the
management of it ; and it had almost proved fatal
to himself.
The parliament of Scotland sat not long. No Granted ail
opposition was made. The duke of Queensbury kin^de-
gave very full assurances in the point of religion, sired>
that the king would never alter it, but would
maintain it, as it was established by law. And in
confirmation of them he proposed that act enjoin-
ing the test, which was passed, and was looked on
as a full security; though it was very probable,
that all the use that the council would make of
this discretional power lodged with them, would
be only to tender the test to those that might
scruple it on other accounts, but that it would be
offered to none of the church of Rome. In return
for this, the parliament gave the king for life all
the revenue that had been given to his brother :
arid with that some additional taxes were given.
Other severe laws were also passed. By one of Severe laws
. , were pass-
these an inquisition was upon the matter set up. ed.
All persons were required, under the pain of trea-
son, to answer to all such questions as should be
put to them by the privy council. This put all
men under great apprehensions, since upon this
act an inquisition might have been grafted, as
soon as the king pleased. Another act was only
in one particular case: but it was a crying one,
and so deserves to be remembered.
When Carstairs was put to the torture, and
came to capitulate in order to the making a dis-
40 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. covery, he got a promise from the council, that no
-use should be made of his deposition against any
person whatsoever. He in his deposition said
somewhat that brought sir Hugh Campbell and
his son under the guilt of treason, who had been
taken up in London two years before, and were
kept in prison all this while. The earl of Melfort
got the promise of his estate, which was about
1000Z. a year, as soon as he should be convicted
of high treason. So an act was brought in, which
was to last only six weeks ; and enacted, that if
within that time any of the privy council would
depose that any man was proved to be guilty of
high treason, he should upon such a proof be
attainted. Upon which, as soon as the act was
passed, four of the privy council stood up, and
affirmed that the Campbells were proved by Car-
stairs' deposition to be guilty. Upon this both
father and son were brought to the bar, to see
what they had to say, why the sentence should
not be executed. The old gentleman, then near
eighty, seeing the ruin of his family was deter-
637 mined, and that he was condemned in so unusual
a manner, took courage, and said, the oppression
they had been under had driven them to despair,
and made them think how they might secure their
lives and fortunes : upon this he went to London,
and had some meetings with Baillie, and others :
that one was sent to Scotland to hinder all ris-
ings : that an oath of secrecy was indeed offered,
but was never taken upon all this. So it was
pretended, he had confessed the crime, and by a
OF KING JAMES II. 41
shew of mercy they were pardoned: but the earl 1685.
of Melfort possessed himself of their estate. The
old gentleman died soon after. And very proba-
bly his death was hastened by his long and rigor-
ous imprisonment, and this unexampled conclu-
sion of it ; which was so universally condemned,
that when the news of it was writ to foreign
parts, it was not easy to make people believe it
possible.
But now the sitting of the parliament of Eng- Oates om-
_ & victedof
land came on. And, as a preparation to it, Oates perjury,
was convicted of perjury, upon the evidence of the
witnesses from St. Omar's, who had been brought
over before to discredit his testimony. Now juries
were so prepared, as to believe more easily than
formerly. So he was condemned to have his
priestly habit taken from him, to be a prisoner for
life, to be set on the pillory in ail the public
places of the city, and ever after that to be set
on the pillory four times a year, and to be whip t and cruelly
by the common hangman from Aldgate to New- w
gate one day, and the next from Newgate to
Tyburn ; which was executed with so much ri-
gour, that his back seemed to be all over flead.
This was thought too little if he was guilty, and
too much if innocent, and was illegal in all the
parts of it: for as the secular court could not
order the ecclesiastical habit to be taken from
him, so to condemn a man to a perpetual impri-
sonment was not in the power of the court : and
the extreme rigour of such whipping was without
a precedent. Yet he, who was an original in all
things, bore this with a constancy that amazed all
killed.
42 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. those who saw it. So that this treatment did
rather raise his reputation than sink it e .
And, that I may join things of the same sort
together, though they were transacted at some
distance of time, Dangerfield, another of the wit-
nesses in the popish plot, was also found guilty of
perjury, and had the same punishment f . But it
had a more terrible conclusion : for a brutal stu-
dent of the law, who had no private quarrel with
him, but was only transported with the heat of
638 that time, struck him over the head with his
cane, as he got his last lash. This hit him so
fatally, that he died of it immediately. The per-
son was apprehended. And the king left him to
the law. And, though great intercession was made
for him, the king would not interpose. So he was
hanged for it*.
e (" In the first parliament
" after the flight of James,
" Gates brought two writs of
" error before the house of
" lords, for the reversal of
" these judgments. He was
" disappointed. The house
" instead of reversing, con-
" firmed both anew, but pe-
" titioned the king to remit
" the remaining part of the
" punishment. This was grant-
" ed Lords' Journals xiv.
" 219. 228. 236. Gates af-
' terwards obtained from the
" new monarch a pension of
** five pounds per week, in
" lieu of the pension, amount-
" ing to eight hundred and
" forty six pounds per annum,
" granted to him by Charles
" II." Lingard's Historv of
England, vol. X. c. 2. p. 137.)
* It was for his narrative.
See, for a better account of
this matter, Echard's History,
p. 1055. O.
S (Higgons relates the fol-
lowing circumstances of exte-
nuation in this assault. That
Dangerfield was returning
from the place of punishment
in a coach, which stopping
near Gray's Inn, Francis, a
student of that house, ap-
proached, and used insulting
language to him ; on which
Dangerfield spit in his face ;
that Francis, having a small
bamboo cane in his hand,
thrust it at the other in the
coach, and the ferrel unfortu-
nately went into his eye. And
that Dangerfield lived so long
OF KING JAMES II. 43
At last the parliament met. The king in his 1685.
speech repeated that which he had said to theApariia-
council upon his first accession to the throne. He England.
told them some might think, the keeping him low
would be the surest way to have frequent parlia-
ments : but they should find the contrary, that the
using him well would be the best argument to
persuade him to meet them often. This was
put in to prevent a motion, which was a little
talked of abroad, but none would venture on it
within doors, that it was safest to grant the reve-
nue only for a term of years 11 .
The revenue was granted for life, and every Grants the
^ revenue for
thing else that was asked, with such a profusion, life,
that the house was more forward to give, than
the king was to ask : to which the king thought
fit to put a stop by a message, intimating that he
desired no more money that session 1 . And yet
afterwards, as to cause a very perhaps have succeeded, if
great debate among the sur- Jeffereys had not declared,
geons.who attended the coro- that " Francis must die, for
ner's inquest, whether he died " the rabble was thoroughly
of the wound in his eye, or of " heated," p. 409. where
the effects of his punishment. Woolrych's Life of Jeffreys
Remarks, p. 302. A similar p. 282. is cited.)
account is given in the Life h See antea, p. 626. O.
of King James II. published (To the charge of Mr.
from the Stuart Papers, vol. II. Rose against the bishop, of a
p. 47. Echard, in his Hist, of misstatement of a fact in as-
the Revolution, says, with serting, that the king sent a
some probability, that Francis message to this effect, a full
was executed to satisfy the reply has been made by ser-
murmurs of the people. In geant Heywood, in the Ap-
a recent edition of Burnet's pendix to his Vindication of
History of his Own Time, p. Mr. Fox's Historical Work,
409. it is stated, that inter- p. 111 141-)
cessions for his life would
44 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. this forwardness to give in such a reign was set
" on by Musgrave and others, who pretended after-
wards, when money was asked for just and neces-
sary ends, to be frugal patriots, and to be careful
managers of the public treasure k .
And trusts As for religion, some began to propose a new
king's pro- and firmer security to it. But all the courtiers
mise - run out into eloquent harangues on that subject :
and pressed a vote, that they took the king's word
in that matter, and would trust to it ; and that
this should be signified in an address to him.
This would bind the king in point of honour, and
gain his heart so entirely, that it would be a tie
above all laws whatsoever. And the tide run so
strong that way, that the house went into it with-
out opposition.
The lord Preston, who had been for some years
envoy in France, was brought over, and set up to
be a manager in the house of commons. He told
them, the reputation of the nation was beginning
to rise very high all Europe over, under a prince
whose name spread terror every where : and if
this was confirmed by the entire confidence of his
parliament, even in the tenderest matters, it would
give such a turn to the affairs of Europe, that
England would again hold the balance, and their
king would be the arbiter of Europe. This was
seconded by all the court flatterers. So in their
639 address to the king, thanking him for his speech,
they told him, they trusted to him so entirely,
that they relied on his word, and thought them-
k A party remark. S.
OF KING JAMES II.
45
selves and their religion safe, since he had pro-
mised it to them 1 .
When this was settled, the petitions concerning
the elections were presented. Upon those Seimour
spoke very high, and with much weight m . He
said, the complaints of the irregularities in elec-
tions were so great, that many doubted whether
this was a true representative of the nation, or
not. He said, little equity was expected upon
petitions, where so many were too guilty to judge
justly and impartially. He said, it concerned them
to look to these : for if the nation saw no justice
was to be expected from them, other methods
would be found, in which they might come to
suffer that justice which they would not do. He
was a haughty man, and would not communicate
1 (Ralph, in his History of who observed, "that the com-
the reign, p. 909, thinks, that
lord Preston, who had come
over on this account, did not
make use of his interest with
the house till afterwards, on
the second meeting of the
parliament, and that the bi-
shop has misplaced the speech,
which was delivered on the
debate about the forces after
Monmouth's rebellion.)
m (Mr. Fox in his Histori-
cal Work observes, that Sey-
mour's speech was not a re-
gular motion for inquiring in-
to the elections, but a sugges-
tion to that effect made in his
speech upon the question of a
grant to the crown : p. 1 47
150. Lingard, in his Hist,
of England, relates, that the
subject was again brought for-
ward by sir John Lowther,
1685.
" pulsory substitution of new
" for ancient charters amount-
" ed to the disseizing of the
" subject of his freehold^with-
" out a trial; it shook the
" very foundation of parlia-
" ment by transferring the
" choice of representatives to
" other electors, and was preg-
" nant with such important
" consequences as to demand
" the most serious attention
" of the house. He conclud-
" ed by moving for a com-
" mittee to consider the pro-
" per method of applying to
" the king for a remedy, and
" received the support of seve-
" ral among the more influen-
" tial members. The debate
" was never afterwards re-
sumed." Vol. VII. chap. 8.
P- 3H-)
46 HISTORY OF THE KEIGN
1685. his design in making this motion to any: so all
~were surprised with it, but none seconded it.
This had no effect, not so much as to draw on a
debate.
Thepariia- The courtiers were projecting many laws to
ruin all who opposed their designs. The most
important of these was an act declaring treasons
during that reign, by which words were to be
made treason. And the clause was so drawn,
that any thing said to disparage the king's person
or government was made treason; within which
every thing said to the dishonour of the king's
religion would have been comprehended, as judges
and juries were then modelled. This was chiefly
opposed by sergeant Maynard, who in a very grave
speech laid open the inconvenience of making
words treason : they were often ill heard and ill
understood, and were apt to be misrecited by a
very small variation : men in passion or in drink
might say things they never intended : therefore
he hoped they would keep to the law of the
twenty-fifth of Edward the third, by which an
overt act was made the necessary proof of ill
intentions. And when others insisted that out of
the abundance of the heart the mouth spake, he
brought the instance of our Saviour's words, De-
stroy this temple ; and shewed how near the tem-
ple was to this temple, pronouncing it in Syriac, so
that the difference was almost imperceptible".
There was nothing more innocent than these
words, as our Saviour meant and spoke them :
but nothing was more criminal than the setting
11 (John ii. 19.)
OF KING JAMES II.
47
on a multitude to destroy the temple. This made 1685.
some impression at that time . But if the duke"
of Monmouth's landing had not brought the ses- 640
sion to an early conclusion, that, and every thing
else which the officious courtiers were projecting,
would have certainly passed P.
The most important business that was before The lords
. . were more
the house or lords was the reversing the attainder cautious,
of the lord Stafford. It was said for it, that the
witnesses were now convicted of perjury, and there-
fore the restoring the blood that was tainted by
their evidence was a just reparation. The pro-
ceedings in the matter of the popish plot were
chiefly founded on Oates's discovery, which was
now judged to be a thread of perjury. This stuck
with the lords, and would not go down^. Yet
(The title of the intended
act, was, " A bill for the pre-
" servation of the person and
" government of his gracious
" majesty king James the se-
" cond." See Rose's Obser-
vations on Fox, p. 157, and
Heywood's Vindication, p. 2 1 8
234; where, p. 231, lord
Lonsdale's Memoir of the
reign of James II. is cited, in
which sergeant Maynard's ar-
gument is expressly noticed;
and the accuracy of bishop
Burnet is thus maintained a-
gainst Mr. Rose's doubts.)
P (Lord Lonsdale, in his
privately printed Memoir just
mentioned, reports, p. 9, that
there were two provisos agreed
on in a committee ; the one
was, that no preaching or
teaching against the errors of
Rome in defence of the pro-
testant religion should be con-
strued to be within that act.
The second was, that all in-
formations within that statute
should be made within forty -
eight hours. With these two
provisos, it is added, the force
of it was so mutilated, that it
was not thought worth having,
and so it died.)
q (" The bill passed easily
' through that house, and was
' read twice in the commons ;
' but it being sent down but
' in June, and the rebellions
* in England and Scotland
' happening at the same time,
' and the parliament being
' prorogued on these accounts
the second of July, the bill
never came to a third read-
" ing." Salmons Examination
of this Hist. p. i ooi. The
bill certainly passed the lords ;
48 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685 they did justice both to the popish lords then in
"the' tower, and to the earl of Danby, who moved
the house of lords, that they might either be
brought to their trial, or be set at liberty 1 ". This
was sent by the lords to the house of commons,
who returned answer, that they did not think fit
to insist on the impeachments. So upon that
they were discharged of them, and set at liberty.
Yet, though both houses agreed in this of prose-
cuting the popish plot no further, the lords had no
mind to reverse and condemn past proceedings.
The duke But while all these things were in agitation,
the duke of Monmouth's landing brought the
at session to a conclusion. As soon as lord Argile
sailed for Scotland, he set about his design with
as much haste as was possible. Arms were brought,
and a ship was freighted for Bilbao in Spain. The
duke of Monmouth pawned all his jewels : but
these could not raise much : and no money was
sent him out of England. So he was hurried into
an ill designed invasion. The whole company
consisted but of eighty-two persons. They were
all faithful to one another. But some spies, whom
Shelton the new envoy set on work, sent him the
notice of a suspected ship sailing out of Amster-
dam with arms. Shelton neither understood the
but compare Dalrymple's Me- England agrees with Salmon
moirs, vol. I. p. 79, Fox's Hist, in the bill's having been read
of the Reign of James II. p. twice.)
161, and Hume's History of r But see the Journals of
England, James II. p. 382 ; both houses with regard to
the last of whom says, that both these matters, and see
after one reading it was drop- anteap.59i , (of Burnet's Hist.
ped by the commons. Ken- folio edit.) O.
nett in his Complete Hist, of
OF KING JAMES II. 49
laws of Holland, nor advised with those who did : 1685.
otherwise he would have carried with him an
order from the admiralty of Holland, that sat at
the Hague, to be made use of as the occasion
should require. When he came to Amsterdam,
and applied himself to the magistrates there, de-
siring them to stop and search the ship that he
named, they found the ship was already sailed out
of their port, and their jurisdiction went no further.
So he was forced to send to the admiralty at the
Hague. But those on board, hearing what he
was come for, made all possible haste. And, the
wind favouring them, they got out of the Texel, 641
before the order desired could be brought from
the Hague.
After a prosperous course, the duke landed at
Lime in Dorsetshire : and he with his small com-
pany came ashore with some order, but with too
much daylight, which discovered how few they
were.
The alarm was brought hot to London : where, An act of
upon the general report and belief of the thing, pasTed a-
an act of attainder passed both houses in one day ; gamst him<
some small opposition being made by the earl of
Anglesey, because the evidence did not seem
clear enough for so severe a sentence, which was
grounded on the notoriety of the thing 8 . The
s (Mr. Rose, in the Ap- on the I2th of June communi-
pendix to his Observations on cated to the two houses a let-
Fox's Historical Work, p. liv, ter from Alford, the mayor of
denies, in opposition to bishop Lyme, giving a particular ac-
Burnet, that the act passed on count of the duke's landing
a general report, or that it there, and taking possession
was grounded on the notoriety of the town. To this attack
of the thing, because the king on the bishop, sergeant Hey-
lfifl
50 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
sum of 5000/. was set on his head. And with
that the session of parliament ended; which was
no small happiness to the nation, such a body of
men being dismissed with doing so little hurt.
The duke of Monmouth's manifesto was long, and
ill penned : full of much black and dull malice.
It was plainly Ferguson's style, which was both
tedious and fulsome. It charged the king with
the burning of London, the popish plot, Godfrey's
murder, and the earl of Essex's death : and to
crown all, it was pretended, that the late king was
poisoned by his orders : it was set forth, that the
king's religion made him incapable of the crown ;
that three subsequent houses of commons had
voted his exclusion: the taking away the old
charters, and all the hard things done in the last
reign, were laid to his charge: the elections of
the present parliament were also set forth very
odiously, with great indecency of style : the nation
was also appealed to, when met in a free parlia-
wood, amongst other consider-
ations of importance, replies,
that the letter of the mayor,
which as a foundation for the
act of attainder was in fact
never read, "might be suffi-
" cient to authorize an address,
but not a bill of attainder, a
' sort of prerogative trial, in
' which the legislature by an
' extraordinary interference
* removes the consideration
' of an offence from the com-
mon tribunals, and takes it
upon itself." Vindication
of Mr. Fox's Historical Work,
Appendix, no. 5. p. 1 11. Still
it appears, that when sir
Richard Temple was reflected
on, in the reign of king Wil-
liam, for having moved for
the impeachment of the duke
of Monmouth, he said, that
he had done it on the testi-
mony of three witnesses, who
declared they saw him in ac-
tual rebellion at the head of
an army. See Ralph's History
of England, vol. II. p. 697,
and the Journals of the House
of Commons, where itis shown,
that the messengers bore wit-
ness to the truth at the bar of
the house.)
OF KING JAMES II. 51
ment, to judge of the duke's own pretensions 1 : 1685.
and all sort of liberty, both in temporals and "
spirituals, was promised to persons of all per-
suasions.
Upon the duke of Monmouth's landing, many A rabble
/. ., , . . came and
of the country people came in to join him, but joined him.
very few of the gentry. He had quickly men
enough about him to use all his arms. The duke
of Albemarle, as lord lieutenant of Devonshire,
was sent down to raise the militia, and with them
to make head against him. But their ill affection
appeared very evidently : many deserted, and all
were cold in the service. The duke of Monmouth
had the whole country open to him for almost a
fortnight, during which time he was very diligent
in training and animating his men. His own be-
haviour was so gentle and obliging, that he was
master of all their hearts, as much as was possible.
But he quickly found, what it was to be at the
head of undisciplined men, that knew nothing of 642
war, and that were not to be used with rigour.
Soon after their landing, lord Grey was sent out
with a small party. He saw a few of the militia, Lord Grey's
and he ran for it: but his men stood, and the
militia ran from them. Lord Grey brought a
false alarm, that was soon found to be so : for the
men whom their leader had abandoned came back
in good order. The duke of Monmouth was
struck with this, when he found that the person
on whom he depended most, and for whom he
designed the command of the horse, had already
* He asserted that his mother was the lawful wife of his
father. O.
E 2
52 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685 . made himself infamous by his cowardice. He in-
tended to join Fletcher with him in that command.
But an unhappy accident made it not convenient
to keep him longer about him. He sent him out
on another party : and he, not being yet furnished
with a horse, took the horse of one who had
brought in a great body of men from Taunton.
He was not in the way : so Fletcher, not seeing
him to ask his leave, thought that all things were
to be in common among them, that could advance
the service. After Fletcher had rid about as he
was ordered, as he returned, the owner of the
horse he rode on, who was a rough and ill bred
man, reproached him in very injurious terms, for
taking out his horse without his leave. Fletcher
bore this longer than could have been expected
from one of his impetuous temper. But the other
persisted in giving him foul language, and offered
a switch or a cudgel : upon which he discharged
his pistol at him, and fatally shot him dead. He
went and gave the duke of Monmouth an account
of this, who saw it was impossible to keep him
longer about him, without disgusting and losing
the country people, who were coming in a body to
demand justice. So he advised him to go aboard
the ship, and to sail on to Spain, whither she was
bound. By this means he was preserved for that
time u .
u (Oldmixon in his History but Dr. Lingard, very probably
. of England, p. 376, where he on sufficient authority, relates,
asserts, that he had the ac- that it was Dare of Taunton,
count from people on the spot, who had come over with the
says, that the person shot by duke of Monmouth, and now
Fletcher was a farmer at Ly me; held the offices of secretary
OF KING JAMES II. 53
Ferguson ran among the people with all the 1685.
fury of an enraged man, that affected to pass for
an enthusiast, though all his performances that
way were forced and dry. The duke of Mon-
mouth's great error was, that he did not in the
first heat venture on some hardy action, and then
march either to Exeter or Bristol ; where, as he
would have found much wealth, so he would have
gained some reputation by it. But he lingered in
exercising his men, and stayed too long in the
neighbourhood of Lime.
By this means the king had time both to bring
troops out of Scotland, after Argile was taken,
and to send to Holland for the English and Scotch
regiments that were in the service of the States ; 643
which the prince sent over very readily, and
offered his own person, and a greater force, if it
was necessary x . The king received this with
great expressions of acknowledgment and kind-
ness. It was very visible, that he was much dis-
tracted in his thoughts, and that what appearance
of courage soever he might put on, he was in-
wardly full of apprehensions and fears. He durst
not accept of the offer of assistance that the
French made him: for by that he would have
and paymaster to him, a man a kinsman of his, who told
who possessed considerable in- king Charles II, when he asked
fluence amongthe lower classes him, on his presenting an ob-
of the people. History of Eng- noxious petition, how he dared
land, vol. X. c. 2. page 160. to bring him such a paper, that
Dare, then permanently re- his name was Dare.
siding at Amsterdam, is fre- x The king was too wise to
quently mentioned in Lord accept it on many accounts.
Grey's Confession. Perhaps Cole's MS. note.
this was the man, or at least
54
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685 lost the hearts of the English nation?. And he
-had no mind to be much obliged to the prince of
Orange, or to let him into his counsels or affairs.
Prince George committed a great error in not
asking the command of the army : for the com-
mand, how much soever he might have been
bound to the counsels of others, would have
given him some lustre; whereas his staying at
home in such time of danger brought him under
much neglect 2 .
The eari The king could not choose worse than he did,
of Fever- i^ ^ e 0. ave the command to the earl of Fever-
sham com- . . ,
manded s ham, who was a Frenchman by birth, and nephew
to Mr. de Turenne. Both his brothers changing
religion, though he continued still a protestant,
made that his religion was not much trusted to.
y And with the greatest
reason. Cole.
z Prince George of Den-
mark was the most indolent of
all mankind, had given great
proofs of bravery in his own
country, where he was much
beloved. King Charles the
second told my father he had
tried him, drunk and sober,
but " God's fish," there was
nothing in him. His behaviour
at the revolution shewed he
could be made a tool of upon
occasion ; but king William
treated him with the utmost
contempt. When queen Ann
came to the crown, she shewed
him little respect, but expected
every body else should give
him more than was his due :
but it was soon found out that
his interposing was a prejudice
in obtaining favours at court.
All foreign princes had him in
very low esteem ; and Mr. Hill
told me, the duke of Savoy
asked him if prince George
ever lay with the queen, for
he had no notion how a prince
that was married to the queen,
could be so much neglected as
not to be king, unless he had
some natural infirmities. After
thirty years living in England,
he died of eating and drink-
ing, without any man's think-
ing himself obliged to him :
but I have been told that he
would sometimes do ill offices,
though he never did a good
one. D. (Compare Dart-
mouth's note afterwards at
p. 489. vol. II. folio edit, of
Burnet's Hist, where his lord-
ship complains of the prince's
never having made any effort
to serve him.)
OF KING JAMES II. 55
He was an honest, brave, and good-natured man, 1685.
but weak to a degree not easy to be conceived.
And he conducted matters so ill, that every step
he made was like to prove fatal to the king's
service. He had no parties abroad. He got no
intelligence : and was almost surprised, and like
to be defeated, when he seemed to be under no
apprehension, but was a-bed without any care or
order. So that, if the duke of Monmouth had
got but a very small number of good soldiers about
him, the king's affairs would have fallen into great
disorder.
The duke of Monmouth had almost surprised
lord Feversham, and all about him, while they
were a-bed. He got in between two bodies, into
which the army lay divided. He now saw his
error in lingering so long. He began to want
bread, and to be so straitened, that there was a
necessity of pushing for a speedy decisions He
was so misled in his march, that he lost an hour's
time : and when he came near the army, there
was an inconsiderable ditch, in the passing which
he lost so much more time, that the officers had
leisure to rise and be dressed, now they had the
alarm. And they put themselves in order. Yet
the duke of Monmouth's foot stood longer and
fought better than could have been expected :
especially, when the small body of horse they had,
a (The duke was also obliged zens of London through whose
to attack the king's army on hands supplies of money were
the account of his wanting conveyed to him. See Alles-
money to pay his troops ; and tree's Thanksgiving Sermon,
this was occasioned by the preached immediately after
king's having secured the per- this rebellion, p. 25.)
sons of those disaffected citi-
56 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685 ran upon the first charge, the blame of which was
1,44 cast on the lord Grey b '
saken, and galled by the cannon, did run at last.
About a thousand of them were killed on the
spot: and fifteen hundred were taken prisoners.
Their numbers, when fullest, were between five
The duke and six thousand. The duke of Monmouth left
of Mon- fae fi^ too soon f or a man of courage, who had
mouth de- , f ,
feated. sucn high pretensions : for a few days betore ne
had suffered himself to be called king, which did
him no service, even among those that followed
him. He rode towards Dorsetshire: and when
his horse could carry him no further, he changed
clothes with a shepherd, and went as far as his
legs could carry him, being accompanied only with
a German, whom he had brought over with him.
At last, when he could go no further, he lay down
in a field where there was hay and straw, with
which they covered themselves, so that they hoped
to lie there unseen till night. Parties went out
on all hands to take prisoners. The shepherd was
found by the lord Lumley in the duke of Mon-
mouth's clothes. So this put them on his track,
and having some dogs with them they followed
the scent, and came to the place where the German
was first discovered. And he immediately pointed
And taken, to the place where the duke of Monmouth lay. So
he was taken in a very indecent dress and posture.
b (This cowardly, or, what lution was created earl of
is worse, perfidious person was Tankerville by king William,
pardoned by king James in and likewise appointed first
consequence of the confession commissioner of the treasury
which he made of his several and lord privy seal.)
treasons ; and after the revo-
OF KING JAMES II. 57
His body was quite sunk with fatigue : and his 1685.
mind was now so low, that he begged his life in a~
manner that agreed ill with the courage of the
former parts of it. He called for pen, ink, and
paper ; and wrote to the earl of Feversham, and
both to the queen, and the queen dowager, to
intercede with the king for his life. The king's
temper, as well as his interest, made it so impos-
sible to hope for that, that it shewed a great mean-
ness in him to ask it in such terms as he used
in his letters. He was carried up to Whitehall ;
where the king examined him in person, which
was thought very indecent, since he was resolved
not to pardon him . He made new and unbe-
coming submissions, and insinuated a readiness to
change his religion : for he said, the king knew
what his first education was in religion d . There
were no discoveries to be got from him ; for the
attempt was too rash to be well concerted, or to
be so deep laid that many were involved in
the guilt of it. He was examined on Monday,
c The duke of Monmouth nocent actions of a man's life
pressed extremely thatthe king be sometimes turned to his
would see him, from whence disadvantage. D. (Was pro-
the king concluded he had claiming himself king one of
something to say to him, that the most innocent actions of
he would tell to nobody else : Monmouth's life ?)
but when he found it ended in d (This particular, concern-
nothing but lower submission ing which Mr. Fox, in his
than he either expected or Historical Work, p. 277, pro-
desired, he told him plainly he fesses his doubts, is now con-
had put it out of his power to firmed by the account of this
pardon him, by having pro- interview in the Life of James
claimed himself king. Thus, the second, published by Dr.
as the bishop observes in an- Clarke, from the Stuart Papers,
other place, may the most in- vol. II. p. 37.)
58 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. and orders were given for his execution on
"Wednesday 6 .
645 Turner and Ken, the bishops of Ely and of
Soon after B atn an( j w e il S) were ordered to wait on him.
But he called for Dr. Tennison. The bishops
studied to convince him of the sin of rebellion.
He answered, he was sorry for the blood that was
shed in it : but he did not seem to repent of the
design. Yet he confessed that his father had
often told him, that there was no truth in the
reports of his having married his mother. This
he set under his hand, probably for his children's
sake, who were then prisoners in the tower, that
so they might not be ill used on his account.
He shewed a great neglect of his duchess. And
her resentments for his course of life with the
lady Went worth wrought so much on her, that
[she seemed not to have any of that tenderness
left, that became her sex and his present circum-
stances ; for] though he desired to speak privately
with her, she would have witnesses to hear all
that passed, to justify herself, and to preserve her
family. They parted very coldly f . He only re-
e (Mr. Fox observes, p. 2 7 8, execution, in which a different
that the bill of attainder which representation is made of the
had lately passed, superseded conduct of both parties. " He
the necessity of a legal trial.)
f (Mr. Rose, in the Appen-
dix to his Observations on
Fox's Historical Work, has
printed from a MS. belonging
to the Buccleugh family an
account of the behaviour of
the duke of Monmouth from
the time he was taken to his
* (the duke) gave her the
kindest character that could
be, and begged her pardon
of his many failings and
offences to her, and prayed
her to continue her kind-
ness and care to his poor
children. At this expres-
sion, she fell down on her
OF KING JAMES II. 59
commended to her the breeding their children in 1685.
the protestant religion. The bishops continued"
still to press on him a deep sense of the sin of
rebellion ; at which he grew so uneasy, that he
desired them to speak to him of other matters.
They next charged him with the sin of living with
the lady Went worth as he had done. In that he
justified himself: he had married his duchess too
young to give a true consent : he said, that lady
was a pious worthy woman, and that he had never
lived so well in all respects, as since his engage-
ments with her. All the pains they took to con-
vince him of the unlawfulness of that course of
life had no effect. They did certainly very well
in discharging their consciences, and speaking so
plainly to him. But they did very ill to talk so
much of this matter, and to make it so public as
they did ; for divines ought not to repeat what
they say to dying penitents, no more than what
the penitents say to them. By this means the
duke of Monmouth had little satisfaction in them,
and they had as little in him.
He was much better pleased with Dr. Tennison,
who did very plainly speak to him, with relation
to his public actings, and to his course of life :
but he did it in a softer and less peremptory
knees with her eyes full of p.lxxii. But Burnet's account
tears, and begged him to of the general coldness of the
pardon her, if ever she had interview is supported by other
done any thing to offend testimony. See Lingard's Hist,
and displease him, and em- vol. X. ch. 2. p. 574, where
bracing his knees fell into it is related, that there were
a sound out of which they two interviews between the
had much ado to raise her duke and the duchess.)
up, in a good while after."
60 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
10 85 manner. And having said all that he thought
- proper, he left those points, in which he saw he
could not convince him, to his own conscience,
and turned to other things fit to be laid before a
dying man. The duke begged one day more of
life with such repeated earnestness, that as the
king was much blamed for denying so small a
favour, so it gave occasion to others to believe,
that he had some hope from astrologers, that, if
646 he outlived that day, he might have a better fate*.
As long as he fancied there was any hope, he was
too much unsettled in his mind to be capable of
any thing h .
But when he saw all was to no purpose, and
that he must die lie complained a little that his
death was hurried on so fast. But all on the
sudden he came into a composure of mind that
surprised those that saw it. There was no affect-
g My uncle, colonel William him in a most indecent manner
Legge, who went in the coach to intercede once more with
with him to London, as a the king for his life, upon any
guard, with orders to stab him, terms ; and told him he knew
if there were any disorders lord Dartmouth loved king
upon the road, shewed me Charles ; therefore for his
several charms that were tied sake, and God's sake, to try
about him when he was taken, if there were yet no room for
and his tablebook, which was mercy. My father said, the
full of astrological figures that king had told him the truth,
nobody could understand. But which was, that he had made
he told my uncle that they had it impracticable to save his
been given him some years life, by having declared him-
before in Scotland, and said self king. " That's my mis-
he now found they were but " fortune," said he, "and those
foolish conceits. D. (The " that put me upon it will fare
bishop's account is confirmed " better themselves:' and then
by king James also, in his Life told him, that Lord Grey had
lately published, p. 40.) threatened to leave him upon
h When my father carried their first landing, if he did
him to the tower, he pressed not do it. D.
OF KING JAMES II. 61
ation in it. His whole behaviour was easy and 1685.
calm, not without a decent cheerfulness. He ~~
prayed God to forgive all his sins, unknown as
well as knewn. He seemed confident of the
mercies of God, and that he was going to be
happy with him. And he went to the place of
execution on Tower-hill with an air of undisturbed
courage, that was grave and composed. He said
little there, only that he was sorry for the blood
that was shed : but he had ever meant well to the
nation. When he saw the ax, he touched it, and
said, it was not sharp enough. He gave the
hangman but half the reward he intended ; and
said, if he cut off his head cleverly, and not so
butcherly as he did the lord Russel's, his man
would give him the rest. The executioner was
in great disorder, trembling all over : so he gave
him two or three strokes without being able to
finish the matter, and then flung the ax out of his
hand. But the sheriff forced him to take it up :
and at three or four more strokes he severed his
head from his body : and both were presently
buried in the chapel of the tower. Thus lived
and died this unfortunate young man. He had
several good qualities in him, and some that were
as bad. He was soft and gentle even to excess,
and too easy to those who had credit with him.
He was both sincere and good-natured, and under-
stood war well. But he was too much given to
pleasure and to favourites*.
1 (An anecdote favourable " clesfield, (Gerard,) the duke
to Monmouth's character is " said to me, had made a bar-
given by lord Grey in his Con- " barous proposal, which was,
fession, p. 61. "My lord Mac- " themurtheringyourmajesty,
1685 .
62 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
The lord Grey, it was thought, would go next.
But he had a great estate that by his death was
to go over to his brother. So the court resolved
to preserve him, till he should be brought to com-
pound for his life. The earl of Rochester had
16,000/. of him k . Others had smaller shares. He
was likewise obliged to tell all he knew 1 , and to
" (then duke of York,) for duke's execution, otherwise
the king would gave been still
more justified in ordering it
to take place.)
k It was a bond for 40, oo/.
which he had no benefit from,
chiefly by the interventions of
parliamentary privilege, till af-
ter the act for the restraining
of the privilege of parliament,
12 and 13 of William III.
ch. 3. which act was obtained
by the earl of Rochester's
friends, and after it passed,
the lord Grey, then earl of
Tankerfield, compounded with
the earl of Rochester for
i6,oooL Many good public
laws have arisen from private
cases. Sir John Levison Gower
carried the bill through the
house of commons. He was
brother to the wife of the earl
of Rochester's eldest son. O.
1 In a narrative that has
been lately published, by which
he discovers also the whole of
the plot of 1683, and makes
lord Russel to have been very
deep in it, except as to the
king's person, or change of
the government. This is the
same with what I have men-
tioned before, under the ap-
" that, my lord said, would
" frighten the king into a com-
" pliance. The duke of Mon-
" mouth expressed himself
" with the greatest abhorrence
" of such an action that can
" be imagined, and said, he
* would not consent to the
' murtheringthemeanestcrea-
' ture, (though the worst ene-
' my he had in the world,)
' for all the advantages under
' heaven ; and should never
' have any esteem for my
' lord Macclesfield while he
' lived." On the other hand
it must be observed, that sir
John Dalrymple, in his Me-
moirs, vol. I. page 60, men-
tions the following circum-
stance : "Brigadier Hook, the
'* author of the Memoirs, who
" was afterwards pardoned by
" king James, followed him
" into France, and became his
" secretary there, owned to
" James, when he was seized
" during Monmouth's rebel-
'lion, that Danvers and he
' had engaged to Monmouth
' to assassinate him, if they
' could not bring about the
' insurrection (in London)
' they meditated." It is pro-
pellation of lord Grey's paper,
bable that Hook did not give O.
this information, till after the
OF KING JAMES II. 63
be a witness in order to the conviction of others, 1685.
but with this assurance, that nobody should die~
upon his evidence. So the lord Brandon, son to
the earl of Macclesfield, was convicted by his and
some other evidence. Mr. Hambden was also
brought on his trial. And he was told, that he
must expect no favour unless he would plead
guilty. And he, knowing that legal evidence 647
would be brought against him, submitted to this :
and begged his life with a meanness, of which he
himself was so ashamed afterwards, that it gave
his spirits a depression and disorder that he could
never quite master. And that had a terrible
conclusion ; for about ten years after he cut his
own throat.
The king was now as successful as his own The king
heart could wish. He had held a session of par- up with his
liament in both kingdoms, that had settled his su
revenue : and now two ill prepared and ill managed
rebellions had so broken all the party that was
against him, that he seemed secure in his throne,
and above the power of all his enemies. And
certainly a reign that was now so beyond expecta-
tion successful in its first six months seemed so
well settled, that no ordinary mismanagement
could have spoiled such beginnings. If the king
had ordered a speedy execution of such persons
as were fit to be made public examples, and had
upon that granted a general indemnity, and if he
had but covered his intentions till he had got
through another session of parliament, it is not
m See antea, p. 539. O.
64 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. easy to imagine with what advantage he might
- then have opened and pursued his designs.
But it had But his own temper, and the fury of some of
s ministers, and the maxims of his priests, who
fairs. were become enthusiastical upon this success, and
fancied that nothing could now stand before him :
all these concurred to make him lose advantages
that were never to be recovered : for the shews
of mercy, that were afterwards put on, were
looked on as an aftergame, to retrieve that which
was now lost. The army was kept for some time
in the western counties, where both officers and
soldiers lived as in an enemy's country, and treated
all that were believed to be ill affected to the king
with great rudeness and violence.
Great cm Kirk, who had commanded long in Tangier,
mitted C< ty~ was become so savage by the neighbourhood of
his soldiers. tne Moors there, that some days after the battle,
he ordered several of the prisoners to be hanged
up at Taunton, without so much as the form of
law, he and his company looking on from an
entertainment they were at. At every new health
another prisoner was hanged up. And they were
so brutal, that observing the shaking of the legs of
those whom they hanged, it was said among them,
they were dancing; and upon that music was
called for. This was both so illegal and so in-
human, that it might have been expected that
some notice would have been taken of it. But
Kirk was only chid for it n . And it was said, that
11 The bishop might have him the justice to take notice
added, that no man was better of the engagement he was
received, or more caressed by under to the king of Morocco,
king William; but he does in another place, (p. 684,)
OF KING JAMES II.
he had a particular order for some military exe- 1685.
cutions : so that he could only be chid for the
manner of it. [Some particulars relating to that
matter are too indecent to be mentioned by me.]
But, as if this had been nothing, Jefferies was And much
sent the western circuit to try the prisoners. His j
behaviour was beyond any thing that was ever
heard of in a civilized nation. He was perpetu-
ally either drunk or in a rage, liker a fury than
the zeal of a judge. He required the prisoners
to plead guilty. And in that case he gave them
some hope of favour, if they gave him no trouble :
otherwise, he told them, he would execute the
letter of the law upon them in its utmost severity.
This made many plead guilty, who had a great
which it is possible procured
him so much favour. D. (Per-
haps colonel Kirk might be
under other engagements to
other princes besides the king
of Morocco. Oldmixon, in his
History of the Stuarts, gives
the following account : " One
thing must be remembered
of this Kirk, who protested
that his commission went
further, and that he had put
a restraint on the power and
the instructions that were
given him, which shews he
was apprehensive that king
James would make such an
ill use of his victory as to
occasion a more successful
attempt against him in a
few years. For when he
took leave of a gentleman,
Mr. Harvey of the castle in
Bridgwater, who had been
very civil to him, he shook
him by the hand, and said,
' I believe it will not be long
before I see you again ;'
and by his motions gave him
to understand it would not
be on the same side." P. 705.
It was through Kirk that Jef-
fries informed Burnet, then
residing in Holland, of a con-
versation he had had with the
king, which portended danger
to the bishop. See afterwards,
vol. I. p. 730, folio edition.
And at page 763 Burnet says
expressly, that Kirk espoused
the interests of the prince of
Orange before his expedition
to England. He was in the
number of those persons, who
were accused by sir John Fen-
wick of sending to king James,
after the revolution, assurances
of their good services. See
Oldmixon's Hist, of England,
66 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685 . defence in law. But he shewed no mercy. ^ He
derelict? m iaw. ^ -
ordered a great many to be hanged up immediately,
without allowing them a minute's time to say then
prayers. He hanged, in several places, about six
hundred persons . The greatest part of these
were of the meanest sort, and of no distinct!
The impieties with which he treated them, and
his behaviour towards some of the nobility and
gentry that were well affected, but came and
pleaded in favour of some prisoners, would have
amazed one, if done by a bashaw in Turkey.
England had never known any thing like it.
instances are too many to be reckoned up.
with which But that which brought all his excesses to be
TO we imputed to the king himself, and to the orders
given by him, was, that the king had a particular
account of all his proceedings writ to him every
day?. And he took pleasure to relate them in
the drawing room to foreign ministers, and at his
table, calling it Jefferies's campaign: speaking of
all he had done in a style that neither became the
(" Jefferies condemned in by the hands of justice. Vol.
" all these places above five VI. p. 386. Macaulay, in his
" hundred persons, whereof History of England, vol. I. p.
" two hundred and thirty were 646, relates, that the number
" executed, and had their quar- of the rebels whom Jeffries
" ters set up in the principal hanged, amounted to three
" places and roads of those hundred and twenty. In an
" countries, to the terror of account printed in 1716, of
" passengers, and the great the proceedings against the
" annoyance of those parts/' rebels in the west, before Jef-
Echard's History of England, fries and other judges, there
p. 1 068. Hume, after Ralph, is a list of the names of per-
says, besides those butchered sons ordered for transporta-
by the military commanders, tion, amounting to more than
that two hundred and fifty- eight hundred and fifty.)
one are computed to have fallen P See postea, p. 651. O.
OF KING JAMES II. 67
majesty nor the mercifulness of a great prince. 1685.
Dykfield was at that time in England, one of the ~
ambassadors whom the States had sent over to
congratulate the king's coming to the crown. He
told me, that the king talked so often of these
things in his hearing, that he wondered to see
him break out into those indecencies. And upon
Jefferies's coming back, he was created a baron
and peer of England : a dignity which, though
anciently some judges were raised to it, yet in
these latter ages, as there was no example of it,
so it was thought inconsistent with the character
of a judged
Two executions were of such an extraordinary The execu-
nature, that they deserve a more particular recital, women.
The king apprehended that many of the prisoners
had got into London, and were concealed there.
So he said, those who concealed them were the
worst sort of traitors, who endeavoured to preserve
such persons to a better time. He had likewise 649
a great mind to find out any among the rich mer-
chants, who might afford great compositions to
save their lives : for though there was much blood
shed, there was little booty got to reward those
who had served. Upon this the king declared,
he would sooner pardon the rebels than those who
had harboured them.
There was in London one Gaunt, a woman that
was an anabaptist, who spent a great part of her
life in acts of charity, visiting the gaols, and look-
ing after the poor of what persuasion soever they
q He was created a baron of the Lords, ipth of May,
and peer before. See Journal 1685. O.
68 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. were. One of the rebels found her out, and she
"harboured him in her house; and was looking for
an occasion of sending him out of the kingdom.
He went about in the night, and came to hear
what the king had said. So he, by an unheard-of
baseness, went and delivered himself, and accused
her that harboured him. She was seized on and
tried. There was no witness to prove that she
knew that the person she harboured was a rebel,
but he himself: her maid witnessed only, that he
was entertained at her house. But though the
crime was her harbouring a traitor, and was proved
only by this infamous witness, yet the judge
charged the jury to bring her in guilty, pretending
that the maid was a second witness, though she
knew nothing of that which was the criminal part.
She was condemned, and burnt, as the law directs
in the case of women convict of treason. She
died with a constancy, even to a cheerfulness, that
struck all that saw it. She said, charity was a
part of her religion, as well as faith : this at worst
was the feeding an enemy : so she hoped, she
had her reward with him, for whose sake she did
this service, how unworthy soever the person was,
that made so ill a return for it : she rejoiced, that
God had honoured her to be the first that suffered
by fire in this reign : and that her suffering was a
martyrdom for that religion which was all love.
Pen, the quaker, told me, he saw her die. She
laid the straw about her for burning her speedily;
and behaved herself in such a manner, that all the
spectators melted in tears.
The other execution was of a woman of greater
OF KING JAMES II. 69
quality: the lady Lisle. Her husband had been 1685.
a regicide, and was one of Cromwell's lords, and
was called the lord Lisle 1 *. He went at the time
of the restoration beyond sea, and lived at Lau-
sanne. But three desperate Irishmen, hoping by
such a service to make their fortunes, went thither,
and killed him as he was going to church ; and
being well mounted, and ill pursued, got into
France. His lady was known to be much affected 650
with the king's death, and not easily reconciled to
her husband for the share he had in it. She was
a woman of great piety and charity. The night
after the action, Hicks, a violent preacher among
the dissenters, and Nelthorp, came to her house.
She knew Hicks 8 , and treated him civilly, not
asking from whence they came. But Hicks told
what brought them thither; for they had been
with the duke of Monmouth. Upon which she
went out of the room immediately, and ordered
her chief servant to send an information concern-
ing them to the next justice of peace, and in
the mean while to suffer them to make their
escape. But, before this could be done, a party
came about the house, and took both them and
her for harbouring them*. Jefferies resolved to
r He had been a commis- the Biographia Britannica,
sioner of the great seal in those Article Hickes.}
times. O. t (" Nelthorp's name was
* (This Hickes was brother
of the celebrated doctor Hickes,
dean of Worcester, who is
charged with the inhumanity
of having refused to apply for
his brother's pardon after his
condemnation. But consult
in a proclamation, and Mrs.
Lisle acknowledges in the
trial, that she knew at the
time he came to her house
that he was named in it.
As to having informed a
justice of peace of the rebels
70
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685 make a sacrifice of her ; and obtained of the king
"a promise that he would not pardon her. Which
the king owned to the earl of Feversham, when
he, upon the offer of a 1000/. if he could obtain
her pardon, went and begged it. So she was
brought to her trial. No legal proof was brought,
that she knew that they were rebels : the names
of the persons found in her house were in no
proclamation: so there was no notice given to
beware of them. Jefferies affirmed to the jury
upon his honour, that the persons had confessed
that they had been with the duke of Monmouth.
This was the turning a witness against her, after
which he ought not to have judged in the matter".
And, though it was insisted on, as a point of law,
" being at her house, she never
" makes this a part of her de-
*' fence." Salmon's Examina-
tion of Burners Hist. p. 1005.
This lady, whose condemnation
the most infamous of judges
procured by an astounding ve-
hemence in his examination of
the witnesses, and by urging
with violence the jury, was of
very ancient extraction ; as
was also her husband Lisle,
whose family, not long since
extinct in the male line, took
its name from the Isle of
Wight.)
u (" After a long and most
' severe examination, accom-
' panied with threats and ad-
' jurations, Jeffreys had ex-
' tracted the truth from a
prevaricating witness, and
an acknowledgment that the
first part of his testimony
was false. The judge then,
to account for what must
have appeared extraordinary
in his own conduct, observed
that it proceeded from his
" knowledge, that the witness
" was perjured, because Nel-
" thorp himself, one of the
" parties, had privately con-
" fessed to him all the circum-
*' stances. Aware, however,
" that in making this remark
" he had gone too far, he add-
" ed, that he would not men-
" tion any such thing as any
" piece of evidence to influence
" the case, but he could not
" but tremble to think, after
" what he knew, that any man
'* should dare so much to pre-
" varicate with God and man,
" as to tell such horrid lies in
" the face of the court. State
" Trials, XI. 355." Lingard's
Hist, of England, X. 2. p. 1 80.
note.)
OF KING JAMES II. 71
that till the persons found in her house were con- 1685.
victed, she could not be found guilty, yet Jefferies
charged the jury in a most violent manner to bring
her in guilty. All the audience was strangely
affected with so unusual a behaviour in a judge.
Only the person most concerned, the lady herself,
who was then past seventy, was so little moved at
it, that she fell asleep. The jury brought her in
not guilty. But the judge in great fury sent them
out again. Yet they brought her in a second
time not guilty. Then he seemed as in a transport
of rage. He upon that threatened them with an
attaint of jury. And they, overcome with fear,
brought her in the third time guilty x . The king
would shew no other favour, but that he changed
the sentence from burning to beheading. She
died with great constancy of mind ; and expressed
a joy, that she thus suffered for an act of charity
and piety.
Most of those that had suffered expressed atThebehavi-
their death such a calm firmness, and such a zeal whosuf- S
for their religion, which they believed was then fered<
in danger, that it made great impressions on the 651
spectators. Some base men among them tried to
save themselves by accusing others. Goodenough,
who had been under-sheriff of London when Cor-
nish was sheriff, offered to swear against Cornish ;
and also said, that Rumsey had not discovered all
he knew?. So Rumsey, to save himself, joined
with Goodenough, to swear Cornish guilty of that
x (A most inaccurate state- land, practised law, and died
ment. See the Trial.) there. S.
Y Goodenough went to Ire-
72 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. for which the lord Russel had suffered. And this
was driven on so fast, that Cornish was seized on,
tried, and executed within the week. If he had
got a little time, the falsehood of the evidence
would have been proved from Rumsey's former
deposition, which appeared so clearly soon after
his death, that his estate was restored to his
family, and the witnesses were lodged in remote
prisons for their lives. Cornish at his death as-
serted his innocence with great vehemence ; and
with some acrimony complained of the methods
taken to destroy him. And so they gave it out,
that he died in a fit of fury. But Pen, who saw
the execution, said to me, there appeared nothing
but a just indignation that innocence might very
naturally give 2 . Pen might be well relied on in
such matters, he being so entirely in the king's
interests. He said to me, the king was much to
be pitied, who was hurried into all this effusion of
blood by Jefferies's impetuous and cruel temper*.
z (" He appeared to me," of his behaviour in these pro-
says doctor Calamy, the non- secutions : upon which Jef-
conformist divine, "to be in fries thanked him for putting
" a constant agony from the him in mind of that, and with
*' very time of his coming to some emotion said to Scot,
" the gibbet." Calamy's His-
torical Account of his own Life,
lately published, p. 1 2 1 .)
a Seeantea, p. 648. When
Jeffries was dying in the tower,
he was attended upon that
Whatever I did then, I did
by express orders ; and I
have this farther to say for
myself, that I was not half
bloody enough for him who
sent me thither," and soon
occasion by Dr. Scot, one of afterwards expired. This I
the most respectable divines had from sir J. Jekyl, who told
of that time : and as the doc- me, that my lord Somers told
tor was exhorting him to a it him, and that he (lord So-
remembrance and repentance mers) had it from Scot him-
of his sins, he mentioned to self. O. (This relation had
him what the world had said appeared in Tindal's Continu-
OF KING JAMES II.
73
But, if his own inclinations had not been biassed 1685.
that way, and if his priests had not thought it~
ation of Rapin's Hist, of Eng-
land. The king's conduct is
endeavoured to be excused in
his Life, lately published from
the Stuart Papers, vol. II.
page 42 46. And the duke
of Bucks incidentally observes,
that James never forgave the
lord Jeffries's cruelties in the
west; committed against his
express orders. Account of
the Revolution, p. 4. His
credit afterwards was cer-
tainly much diminished at
court. The fact that the king
was not offended with bishop
Ken, but that he afterwards
thanked him, for his daily re-
lieving and praying with great
numbers of the rebel prisoners
at Wells, is ascertained. See
the Life of Ken, in the Bio-
graphia Britannica, and Haw-
kins's Life of the bishop. In
addition to this, sir Thomas
Cutler, the commanding officer
at Wells, asserted, that when,
out of compassion for these
poor people, he and bishop
Ken jointly interceded for the
extension of the royal mercy
to them, their request was
granted without any signs of
reluctance ; and that the king
afterwards meeting with sir
Thomas thanked him for his
intercession, expressed how
agreeable it was to him, and
wished that the like humanity
had engaged others to act in
the same way. See Reflections
upon Dr. Burnet's Posthumous
Hist. 1724, 8vo. p. 100. The
suggestion that Ken was not at
that time in the west, has been
satisfactorily answered by Mr.
Markland in the bishop's Life,
affixed to his Prayers, p. 67. On
the other hand, the truth of the
fact, that Jeffries threw the
blame on the king in his last
hours, cannot be doubted, as
it is supported by the testimony
of such men as Onslow, Jekyll,
Somers, and Scott. This was
formerly written. But since
the first edition of these Notes
on Burnet's History, a Life of
archbishop Sharp by his son
the archdeacon, founded on
his father's Memoranda, has
appeared. Sharp, during the
attack on him by the court,
had met with some favour
from Jeffries, and in return
for the obligation kindly visited
him during his imprisonment
in the tower. Jeffries, adds
the author, " was not a little
" surprised at his constancy,
" as appears by his salutation
" of him at his first entrance
" into the room, in these
" words ; What dare you own
" me now ? The doctor, see-
" ing his condition, judged he
" should not lose the oppor-
" tunity of being serviceable
" to his lordship as a divine,
" if it was in his power to be
" so ; and freely expostulated
" with him upon his public
" actions, and particularly the
" affair in the west. To which
" last charge, his lordship re-
" turned this answer, ' that he
74
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. the interest of their party to let that butcher
"loose, by which so many men that were like to
oppose them were put out of the way, it is not
to be imagined, that there would have been such
a run of barbarous cruelty, and that in so many
instances 15 .
" had done nothing in that
" affair without the advice and
" concurrence of .... who
'* now,' said he, ' is the dar-
" ling of the people.' " Life
of John Sharp, D.D., Lord
Archbishop of York, &c. vol. I.
p. 97. Lond. 1825. Jeffries
died in April 1 689, about two
months after the final settle-
ment of the nation. At page
1131 of his history of England,
Echard says that Jeffries died
" before he had opportunity
" to discover some arcana im-
" peril, which by his own offer
" the world expected from
" him." He adds, on the in-
formation of a person who was
often with Jeffries during his
confinement, " that his lord-
" ship very much complained
"of the repeated advice of a
" reverend prelate, who incited
" him to go those lengths with
" him in the ecclesiastical com-
" mission, and then by innuen-
" does publicly charged it up-
" on him." Sprat, bishop of
Rochester, is here meant, who
had about this time published
an Apology for his own conduct
precedingthe revolution. Asto
the archbishop's relation now
brought to light; it appears,
that when bishop Burnet was in
Holland, Jeffries through Kirk,
who, as he reports, espoused
the interests of the prince of
Orange, informed Burnet of
the king's designs against him.
And the advice Jeffries subse-
quently gave, recommending
the prosecution of the seven
bishops, suits with the de-
sign to make the king as odi-
ous as was possible. In the
mean time, it is anxiously to
be considered, whether the
testimony of so bad a man as
Jeffries ought to be admitted
against the prince of Orange,
whom he did certainly accuse,
whether he ever meant to ac-
cuse king James, or not.)
b (Roger North, in his Life
of the Lord Keeper North,
speaks of his brother's inter-
ference on the occasion, and
of orders going " to mitigate
" the proceedings," adding,
" but with what effect I know
" not. I am sure of his lord-
" ship's intercession to the
" king, being told it at the
" very time byhimself," p. 260.
He seems sure of the interces-
sion by the lord Keeper. But
Jeffries commenced his bloody
circuit at the latter end of
August, and the lord Keeper
died in the very beginning of
September. Ralph has noticed
this anachronism in his History
of England, vol. I. p. 893, and
it has of late been commented
OF KING JAMES II. 75
It gave a general horror to the body of the 1685.
nation : and it let all people see, what might be The nation
expected from a reign that seemed to delight in Ranged by
blood c . Even some of the fiercest of the Tories n h a g e ment.
began to relent a little, and to think they had
trusted too much, and gone too far. The king
had raised new regiments, and had given com-
missions to papists. This was overlooked during
the time of danger, in which all men's service was
to be made use of: and by law they might serve
three months. But now, as that time was near
lapsing, the king began to say, the laws for the
two tests were made on design against himself:
the first was made to turn him out of the admiralty,
and the second to make way for the exclusion :
and, he added, that it was an affront to him to
insist on the observance of those laws. So these
persons, notwithstanding that act, were continued
in commission : and the king declared openly, that 652
he must look on all those, who would not consent
to the repeal of those laws, in the next session of
parliament, as his enemies.
The courtiers began every where to declaim
against them. It was said to be against the rights Great ais-
of the crown to deny the king the service of all a
his subjects, to be contrary to the dignity o f thetestSl
peerage to subject peers to any other tests than
their allegiance, and that it was an insufferable
affront done the king, to oblige all those whom he
on with great severity. It is set out on the circuit, and that
however possible, that the lord he mentioned having done so
Keeper did recommend merci- to his brother.)
ful measures to the king, be- c The same here since the
fore his old adversary Jeffries queen's death. S.
76 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. should employ, to swear that his religion was
"idolatrous. On the other hand all people saw,
that, if those acts were not maintained, no em-
ployment would be given to any but papists, or to
those who gave hopes that they would change:
and, if the parliament test was taken off, then the
way was opened to draw over so many members of
both houses, as would be in time a majority, to
bring on an entire change of the laws with rela-
tion to religion. As long as the nation reckoned
their kings were true and sure to their religion,
there was no such need of those tests, while the
giving employments was left free, and our princes
were like to give them only to those of their own
religion. But, since we had a prince professing
another religion, it seemed the only security that
was left to the nation, and that the tests stood as
a barrier to defend us from it. It was also said,
that those tests had really quieted the minds of
the greater part of the nation, and had united
them against the exclusion ; since they reckoned
their religion was safe by reason of them. The
military men went in zealously into those notions;
for they saw, that, as soon as the king should get
rid of the tests, they must either change their
religion, or lose their employments. The clergy,
who for most part had hitherto run in with fury
to all the king's interests, began now to open their
eyes. Thus all on a sudden the temper of the
nation was much altered. The marquis of Halifax
did move in council, that an order should be given
to examine, whether all the officers in commission
had taken the test, or not. But none seconded
OF KING JAMES II. 77
him: so the motion fell. And now all endeavours 1685.
were used, to fix the repeal of the tests in the~
session that was coming on.
Some few converts were made at this time. Some
The chief of these were the earl of Perth, and his
brother the earl of Melfort. Some differences^ 011 -
fell in between the duke of Queensborongh and
the earl of Perth. The latter thought the former
was haughty and violent, and that he used him in
too imperious a manner. So the} 7 broke. At that 653
time the king published his brother's two papers,
found in his strong box. So the earl of Perth
was either overcome with the reasons in them, or
he thought it would look well at court, if he put
his conversion upon these. He came up to com-
plain of the duke of Queensborough. And his
brother going to meet him at Ware, he discovered
his design to him, who seemed at first much
troubled at it : but he plied him so, that he pre-
vailed on him to join with him in his pretended
conversion, which he did with great shews of de-
votion and zeal. But when his objections to the
duke of Queensborough's administration were
heard, they were so slight, that the king was
ashamed of them ; and all the court justified the
duke of Queensborough. A repartee of the mar-
quis of Halifax was much talked of on this occa-
sion. The earl of Perth was taking pains to
convince him, that he had just grounds of com-
plaint, and seemed little concerned in the ill effect
this might have on himself. The marquis answered
him, he needed fear nothing, his faith would make
him whole : and it proved so.
78 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. Before he declared his change, the king seemed
Th^hkT so well satisfied with the duke of Queensborough,
Sor^gSr that he was resolved to bring the earl of Perth to
disgraced. a su bmission, otherwise to dismiss him. But such
converts were to be encouraged. So the king,
having declared himself too openly to recall that
so soon, ordered them both to go back to Scot-
land ; and said, he would signify his pleasure to
them when they should be there. It followed
them down very quickly. The duke of Queens-
borough was turned out of the treasury, and it
was put in commission : and he, not to be too
much irritated at once, was put first in the com-
mission. And now it became soon very visible,
that he had the secret no more ; but that it was
lodged between the two brothers, the earls of
Perth and Melfort. Soon after that, the duke of
Queensborough was not only turned out of all his
employments, but a design was laid to ruin him.
All persons were encouraged to bring accusations
against him, either with relation to the administra-
tion of the government, or of the treasury. And,
if any colourable matter could have been found
against him, it was resolved to have made him a
sacrifice. This sudden hatred, after so entire a
confidence, was imputed to the suggestions the
earl of Perth had made of his zeal against popery,
and of his having engaged all his friends to stick
firm in opposition to it. It was said, there was no
654 need of making such promises, as he had engaged
the king to make to the parliament of Scotland :
nobody desired or expected them : he only drove
that matter on his own account : so it was fit to
OF KING JAMES II. 79
let all about the king see what was to be looked 1685.
for, if they pressed any thing too severely with"
relation to religion.
But to leave Scotland, and return to England : The king
the king, after he had declared that he would be g ai n st e the
served by none but those who would vote for the tests *
repeal of the tests, called for the marquis of
Halifax, and asked him, how he would vote in
that matter. He very frankly answered, he would
never consent to it : he thought, the keeping up
those laws was necessary, even for the king's ser-
vice, since the nation trusted so much to them,
that the public quiet was chiefly preserved by
that means. Upon this the king told him, that
though he would never forget past services, yet
since he could not be prevailed on in that parti-
cular, he was resolved to have all of a piece. So
he was turned out. And the earl of Sunderland
was made lord president, and continued still
secretary of state. More were not questioned at
that time, nor turned out : for it was hoped, that,
since all men saw what was to be expected if they
should not comply with the king's intentions, this
would have its full effect upon those who had no
mind to part with their places.
The king resolved also to model Ireland, so as Proceed-
,.,.-,., * * . . ings in Ire-
to make that kingdom a nursery for his army mi an d.
England, and to be sure at'least of an army there,
while his designs were to go on more slowly in
the isle of Britain. The Irish d bore an inveterate
hatred to the duke of Ormond : so he was re-
d Irish papists, I suppose he means. O.
80
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. called 6 . But, to dismiss him with some shew of
"respect, he was still continued lord steward of the
household. The earl of Clarendon was declared
lord lieutenant. But the army was put under the
command of Talbot, who was made earl of Tir-
connel. And he began very soon to model it
anew. The archbishop of Armagh had continued
long lord chancellor of Ireland, and was in all
points so compliant to the court, that even his
religion came to be suspected on that account f .
Yet, it seemed, he was not thought thoroughpaced.
So sir Charles Porter, who was a zealous promoter
of every thing that the king proposed, and was a
e (This illustrious and loyal
nobleman, in an unpublished
Letter found amongst the
Southwell Papers, written at
this time to the duke of Beau-
fort, and dated Dec. 3, 1684,
says " I know his majesty may
" change his servants without
" giving any reasons ; but if
" he gives any, they should
" be well grounded.")
f False. S. (Extracts from
the letters of this prelate, when
archbishop of Dublin and chan-
cellor of Ireland, addressed to
archbishop Sheldon, and now
in the Bodleian library, have
particular failings ; no man
is perfect ; but every body
here, who is acquainted with
the affairs of this country
must own him to be an able
man, and to have done the
crown good service in the
worst of times. As he is a
man of very good estate, so I
have been here long enough
to find that he has a very
considerable interest upon
that account, separate from
any dependants upon the
score of his great office ;
and is a man very well be-
loved." Clarendon Corre-
been given in the notes to spondence, I. 290. It appears
the preceding reign. The se- from an unpublished Letter of
cond earl of Clarendon, who
was lord lieutenant of that
kingdom at the time of the
archbishop's dismissal from
this archbishop, whose name
was Boyle, addressed to sir
Robert 'Southwell, that he
concurred heartily and con-
the chancellorship, speaks thus scientiously with the succeed-
of him in a letter to the earl
of Rochester: "I will not
" enter into this good man's
ing revolution. It is dated
Dublin July 9, 1690.)
OF KING JAMES II. 81
man of ready wit, and being poor was thought a 1685.
person fit to be made a tool of, was declared lord
chancellor of Ireland?. To these the king said,
he was resolved to maintain the settlement of Ire- 655
land. They had authority to promise this, and to
act pursuant to it. But, as both the earl of Cla-
rendon and Porter were poor, it was hoped, that
they would understand the king's intentions, and
see through those promises, that were made only
to lay men asleep ; and that therefore they would
not insist too much on them, nor pursue them too
far.
But now, before I come to relate the short The perse-
session of parliament that was abruptly broken off,
I must mention one great transaction that went
before it, and had no small influence on all men's
minds. And since I saw that dismal tragedy,
which was at this time acted in France, I must
now change the scene, and give some account of
my self. When I resolved to go beyond sea,
there was no choice to be made. So many exiles
and outlawed persons were scattered up and down
the towns of Holland, and other provinces, that I
saw the danger of going where I was sure many
of them would come about me, and try to have
involved me in guilt by coming into my com-
pany, that so they might engage me into their ill
S False and scandalous. S. ceeded as chancellor by sir
Notwitstanding this charac- Alexander Fitton, a man every
ter of sir Charles Porter, king way qualified to stretch both
James did not think him tho- law and gospel to court pur-
roughpaced enough to carry poses. Mr. Seward's Note in
on his views in Ireland ; ac- the 28th vol. of the European
cordingly he remained in office Magazine.
but one year, and was suc-
G
82 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. designs. So I resolved to go to France : and, if I
"found it not convenient to stay there, I intended
to go on to Geneva or Switzerland. I asked the
French ambassador, if I might be safe there. He
after some days, I suppose after he had writ to
the court upon it, assured me, I should be safe
there ; and that, if the king should ask after me,
timely notice should be given me, that I might go
out of the way. So I went to Paris. And, there
being many there whom I had reason to look on
as spies, I took a little house, and lived by my self
as privately as I could. I continued there till the
beginning of August, that I went to Italy. I
found the earl of Mountague h at Paris, with whom
I conversed much, and got from him most of the
secrets of the court, and of the negotiations he
was engaged in. The king of France had been
for many years weakening the whole protestant
interest there, and was then upon the last resolu-
tion of recalling the edict of Nantes. And, as far
as I could judge, the affairs of England gave the
last stroke to that matter.
A fatal year This year, of which I am now writing, must
testant P reii- ever be remembered, as the most fatal to the
protestant religion. In February, a king of Eng-
land declared himself a papist. In June, Charles
the elector palatine dying without issue, the elec-
toral dignity went to the house of Newburgh, a
most bigoted popish family. In October, the king
of France recalled and vacated the edict of Nantes.
656 And in December, the duke of Savoy being brought
h Lord Mountague. O. (He was an earl, when the author
wrote this.)
OF KING JAMES II. 83
to it, not only by the persuasions, but even by the 1685.
threatenings of the court of France, recalled the"
edict that his father had granted to the Vaudois.
So it must be confessed, that this was a very
critical year. And I have ever reckoned this the
fifth great crisis of the protestant religion.
For some years the priests were every where
making conversions in France. The hopes of
pensions and preferment wrought on many. The
plausible colours that the bishop of Meaux, then
bishop of Condom, put on all the errors of the
church of Rome, furnished others with excuses
for changing. Many thought, they must change
at last, or be quite undone : for the king seemed
to be engaged to go through with the matter,
both in compliance with the shadow of conscience
that he seemed to have, which was to follow im-
plicitly the conduct of his confessor, and of the
archbishop of Paris, he himself being ignorant
in those matters beyond what can be well ima-
gined ; and because his glory seemed also con-
cerned to go through with every thing that he had
once begun.
Old Rouvigny, who was the deputy general
the churches, told me, that he was long deceived
in his opinion of the king. He knew he was not
naturally bloody. He saw his gross ignorance in
those matters. His bigotry could not rise from
any inward principle. So for many years he flat-
tered himself with the hopes, that the design
would go on so slowly, that some unlocked for
accident might defeat it. But after the peace of
Nimeguen he saw such steps made with so much
G 2
84 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. precipitation, that he told the king he must beg a
full audience of him upon that subject. He gave
him one that lasted some hours. He came well
prepared. He told him, what the state of France
was during the wars in his father's reign ; how
happy France had been now for fifty years, occa-
sioned chiefly by the quiet it was in with relation
to those matters. He gave him an account of
their numbers, their industry and wealth, their
constant readiness to advance the revenue, and
that all the quiet he had with the court of Rome
was chiefly owing to them : if they were rooted
out, the court of Rome would govern as absolutely
in France, as it did in Spain. He desired leave
to undeceive him, if he was made believe they
would all change, as soon as he engaged his
authority in the matter: many would go out of
the kingdom, and carry their wealth and industry
into other countries. And by a scheme of parti-
657culars he reckoned how far that would go. In
fine, he said, it would come to the shedding of
much blood : many would suffer, and others would
be precipitated into desperate courses. So that
the most glorious of all reigns would be in con-
clusion disfigured and defaced, and become a scene
of blood and horror. He told me, as he went
through these matters the king seemed to hearken
to him very attentively. But he perceived they
made no impression: for the king never asked
any particulars, or any explanation, but let him go
on. And, when he had ended, the king said, he
took his freedom well, since it flowed from his
zeal to his service. He believed all that he had
OF KING JAMES II. 85
told him, of the prejudice it might do him in his 1685.
affairs : only he thought, it would not go to the
shedding of blood. But he said, he considered
himself as so indispensably bound to endeavour
the conversion of all his subjects, and the extirpa-
tion of heresy, that if the doing it should require
that with one hand he should cut off the other, he
would submit to that. After this, Rouvigny gave
all his friends hints of what they were to look for.
Some were for flying out into a new civil war.
But, their chief confidence being in the assistance
they expected from England, he, who knew what
our princes were, and had reason to believe that
king Charles was at least a cold protestant, if not
a secret papist, and knew that the States would
not embroil their affairs in assisting them, their
maxims rather leading them to connive at any
thing that would bring great numbers and much
wealth into their country than to oppose it, was
against all motions of that kind. He reckoned,
those risings would be soon crushed, and so would
precipitate their ruin with some colour of justice.
He was much censured for this by some hot men
among them, as having betrayed them to the
court. But he was very unjustly blamed, as ap-
peared both by his own conduct, and by his son's ;
who was received at first into the survivance of
being deputy general for the churches, and
afterwards, at his father's desire, had that melan-
choly post given him, in which he daily saw new
injustices done, and was only suffered, for form's
sake, to inform against them, but with no hope of
success.
86 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
168 5 The father did, upon king Charles's death, write
"a letter of congratulation to the king, who wrote
over to him such a n obliging answer, that upon i
wrote to his niece the lady Russel, that, having
such assurances given him by the king of a high
658 sense of his former services, he resolved to come
over, and beg the restoring her son's honour.
The marquis of Halifax did presently apprehend,
that this was a blind, and that the king of France
was sending him over to penetrate into the king's
designs ; since from all hands intimations were
brought of the promises that he made to the
ministers of the other princes of Europe. So I
was ordered to use all endeavours to divert him
from coming over: his niece had indeed begged
that journey of him, when she hoped it might
have saved her husband's life, but she would not
venture to desire the journey on any other con-
sideration, considering his great age, and that her
son was then but five years old. I pressed this so
much on him, that, finding him fixed in his reso-
lution, I could not hinder my self from suspecting
that such a high act of friendship, in a man some
years past fourscore, had somewhat under it : and
it was said, that, when he took leave of the king of
France, he had an audience of two hours of him.
But this was a false suggestion : and I was assured
afterwards that he came over only in friendship
to his niece, and that he had no directions nor
messages from the court of France.
He came over, and had several audiences of the
king, who used him with great kindness, but did
not grant him that which he said he came for :
OF KING JAMES II. 87
only he gave him a general promise of doing it in 1685.
a proper time.
But whether the court of France was satisfied
by the conversation that Rouvigny had with the
king, that they needed apprehend nothing from
England ; or whether the king's being now so
settled on the throne, made them conclude that
the time was come of repealing the edicts, is not
certain : Mr. de Louvoy, seeing the king so set on
the matter, proposed to him a method, which he
believed would shorten the work, arid do it effect-
ually : which was, to let loose some bodies of Dragoons
dragoons to live upon the protestants on discre- i e O n dis
tion 1 . They were put under no restraint, but only ^^
to avoid rapes, and the killing them. This was protestants.
begun in Beam. And the people were so struck
with it, that, seeing they were to be eat up first,
and, if that prevailed not, to be cast in prison,
when all was taken from them, till they should
change, and being required only to promise to re-
unite themselves to the church, they, overcome
with fear, and having no time for consulting to-
gether, did universally comply. This did so ani-
mate the court, that upon it the same methods
were taken in most places of Guienne, Languedoc,
and Dauphine, where the greatest numbers of the
protestants were. A dismal consternation and 659
i It has been said that Lou- " testants ;" to which Louvoy
voy took the thought of this immediately replied, " Why
from some person who, in op- " should not that be done? it
posing other methods which ' ' is the best thing for the pur-
were mentioned, said, (to shew " pose that has been spoken
the cruelty of them,) "that the " of;" and so went to the king
" king might as well let loose with it, who approved of it. O.
" his dragoons upon the pro-
88 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. feebleness ran through most of them, so that great
Manyof numbers yielded. Upon which the king, now
S e thiSfh "resolved to go through with what had been long
fear. projected, published the edict repealing the edict
of Nantes, in which (though that edict was de-
clared to be a perpetual and irrevocable law) he
set forth, that it was only intended to quiet mat-
ters by it, till more effectual ways should be taken
for the conversion of heretics. He also promised
in it, that, though all the public exercises of that
religion were now suppressed, yet those of that
persuasion who lived quietly should not be dis-
turbed on that account, while at the same time
not only the dragoons, but all the clergy, and
the bigots of France, broke out into all the in-
stances of rage and fury against such as did not
change upon their being required in the king's
name to be of his religion ; for that was the style
every where.
Great Men and women of all ages, who would not
every 7 yield, were not only stript of all they had, but
kept long from sleep, driven about from place to
place, and hunted out of their retirements. The
women were carried into nunneries, in many of
which they were almost starved, whipped, and
barbarously treated. Some few of the bishops,
and of the secular clergy, to make the matter
easier, drew formularies, importing that they were
resolved to reunite themselves to the catholic
church, and that they renounced the errors of
Luther and Calvin. People in such extremities
are easy to put a stretched sense on any words
that may give them present relief. So it was
OF KING JAMES II. 89
said, what harm was it to promise to be united to 1685.
the catholic church : and the renouncing those
men's errors did not renounce their good and
sound doctrine. But it was very visible, with
what intent those subscriptions or promises were
asked of them : so their compliance in that matter
was a plain equivocation. But, how weak and
faulty soever they might be in this, it must be
acknowledged, here was one of the most violent
persecutions that is to be found in history. In
many respects it exceeded them all, both in the
several inventions of cruelty, and in its long con-
tinuance. I went over the greatest part of France
while it was in its hottest rage, from Marseilles to
Montpelier, and from thence to Lions, and so to
Geneva. I saw and knew so many instances of
their injustice and violence, that it exceeded even
what could have been well imagined ; for all men
set their thoughts on work to invent new methods
of cruelty. In all the towns through which I
passed, I heard the most dismal accounts of those
things possible; but chiefly at Valence, where 660
one Dherapine seemed to exceed even the furies
of inquisitors. One in the streets could have
known the new converts, as they were passing by
them, by a cloudy dejection that appeared in their
looks and deportment. Such as endeavoured to
make their escape, and were seized, (for guards
and secret agents were spread along the whole
roads and frontier of France,) were, if men, con-
demned to the galleys, and, if women, to monas-
teries. To complete this cruelty, orders were
given, that such of the new converts as did not at
90 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685 their death receive the sacrament, should be de-
fied burial, and that their bodies should be left
where other dead carcases were cast out, to 1
devoured by wolves or dogs. This was executed
in several places with the utmost barbarity: and
it gave all people so much horror, that, finding
the ill effect of it, it was let fall. This hurt none,
but struck ail that saw it even with more horror
than those sufferings that were more felt. The
fury that appeared on this occasion did spread it
self with a sort of contagion : for the intendants
and other officers, that had been mild and gentle
in the former parts of their life, seemed now to
have laid aside the compassion of Christians, the
breeding of gentlemen, and the common impres-
sions of humanity. The greatest part of the
clergy, the regulars especially, were so trans-
ported with the zeal that their king shewed on
this occasion, that their sermons were full of the
most inflamed eloquence that they could invent,
magnifying their king in strains too indecent and
blasphemous to be mentioned by me.
i went into I stayed at Paris till the beginning of August.
Italy- Barrillon sent to me to look to my self; for the
king had let some words fall importing his suspi-
cion of me, as concerned in the duke of Mon-
mouth's business. Whether this was done on
design, to see if such an insinuation could fright
me away, and so bring me under some appearance
of guilt, I cannot tell : for in that time every thing
was deceitfully managed. But I, who knew that
I was not so much as guilty of concealment, re-
solved not to stir from Paris till the rebellion was
OF KING JAMES II. 91
over, and that the prisoners were examined and 1685.
tried. When that was done, Stouppe k , a briga-
dier general, told me, that Mr. de Louvoy had
said to him, that the king was resolved to put an
end to the business of the Huguenots that season:
and since he was resolved not to change, he ad-
vised him to make a tour into Italy, that he might
not seem to do any thing that opposed the king's
service. Stouppe told me this in confidence. So
we resolved to make that journey together. Some 661
thought it was too bold an adventure in me, after
what I had written and acted in the matters of
religion, to go to Rome. But others, who judged
better, thought I ran no hazard in going thither :
for, besides the high civility with which all strang-
ers are treated there, jthey were at that time in
such hopes of gaining England, that it was not
reasonable to think, that they would raise the ap-
prehensions of the nation, by using any that be-
longed to it ill : and the destroying me would
not do them the service that could in any sort
balance the prejudice that might arise from the
noise it would make. And indeed I met with so
high a civility at Rome, that it fully justified this
opinion.
Pope Innocent the eleventh, Odescalchi, knew And was
who I was the day after I came to Rome. And caved at
he ordered the captain of the Swiss guards to tell Rome>
Stouppe, that he had heard of me, and would give
me a private audience abed, to save me from the
k (Of whom the bishop has p. 6$, &c. folio edit, of his
said a good deal, but what is History.)
little in his favour, in vol. 1.
92 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. ceremony of the pantoufle 1 . But I knew the
noise that this would make: so I resolved to avoid
it, and excused it upon my speaking Italian so ill
as I did. But cardinal Howard and the cardinal
d'Estrees treated me with great freedom. The
latter talked much with me concerning the orders
in our church, to know whether they had been
brought down to us by men truly ordained, or
not : for, he said, they apprehended things would
be much more easily brought about, if our orders
could be esteemed valid, though given in heresy
and schism. I told him, I was glad they were
possessed with any opinion that made the recon-
ciliation more difficult 1 " ; but, as for the matter of
fact, nothing was more certain, than that the
ordinations in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's
reign were canonical and regular. He seemed
to be persuaded of the truth of this, but lamented
that it was impossible to bring the Romans to
think so.
Cardinal Cardinal Howard shewed me all his letters from
freedom" England, by which I saw, that those who wrote
with me. to k- m rec k one( j that their designs were so well
1 Burnet, in the year 1677, tion with the church of Rome,
published a book in vindica- fundamentals and essentials
tion of the ordinations of the being granted. D. (All sound
church of England, in which is divines of the church of Eng-
this passage, p. 62. '* Yet as land confess as much. But
' we acknowledge the church they at the same time recollect,
' of Rome holds still the fun- what, and how much, the
' damentals of the Christian church of Rome has added to
'religion; so we confess she scriptural fundamentals.)
' retains the essentials of ordi- m (God may in his good
1 nation." Which, no doubt, time remove the obstacles,
was understood to be a fair which caused the author's dis-
advance towards a reconcilia- like to a reconciliation.)
OF KING JAMES II. 93
laid, that they could not miscarry. They thought, 1685.
they should certainly carry every thing in the""
next session of parliament. There was a high
strain of insolence in their letters; and they
reckoned, they were so sure of the king, that
they seemed to have no doubt left of their suc-
ceeding in the reduction of England. The Romans
and Italians were much troubled at all this : for
they were under such apprehensions of the growth
of the French power, and had conceived such
hopes of the king of England's putting a stop to
it, that they were sorry to see the king engage 662
himself so in the design of changing the religion
of his subjects, which they thought would create
him so much trouble at home, that he would
neither have leisure or strength to look after the
common concerns of Europe. The cardinal told
me, that all the advices writ over from thence
to England were for slow, calm, and moderate
courses. He said, he wished he was at liberty to
shew me the copies of them : but he saw violent
courses were more acceptable, and would probably
be followed. And he added, that these were the
production of England, far different from the
counsels of Rome.
He also told me, that they had not instruments
enough to work with : for though they were send-
ing over all that were capable of the mission, yet
he expected no great matters from them. Few
of them spoke true English. They came over
young, and retained all the English that they
brought over with them, which was only the lan-
guage of boys : but, their education being among
94 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. strangers, they had formed themselves so upon
that model, that really they preached as French-
men or Italians in English words ; of which he
was every day warning them, for he knew this
could have no good effect in England. He also
spoke with great sense of the proceedings in France,
which he apprehended would have very ill conse-
quences in England. I shall only add one other
particular, which will shew the soft temper of that
good natured man.
He used me in such a manner, that it was
much observed by many others. So two French
gentlemen desired a note from me to introduce
them to him. Their design was to be furnished
with reliques ; for he was then the cardinal that
looked after that matter. One evening I came in
to him as he was very busy in giving them some
reliques. So I was called in to see them : and I
whispered to him in English, that it was somewhat
odd, that a priest of the church of England should
be at Rome helping them off with the ware of
Babylon. He was so pleased with this, that he
repeated it to the others in French ; and told the
Frenchmen, that they should tell their countrymen,
how bold the heretics and how mild the cardinals
were at Rome 11 .
I stayed in Rome till prince Borghese came to
me, and told me it was time for me to go. I had
got great acquaintance there. And, though I did
not provoke any to discourse of points of contro-
versy, yet I defended my self against all those
n Did our author understand this in a soft sense towards
himself? O.
OF KING JAMES II. 95
who attacked me, with the same freedom that I 1685.
had done in other places. This began to be taken ggg
notice of. So upon the first intimation I came
away, and returned by Marseilles. And then I
went through those southern provinces of France,
that were at that time a scene of barbarity and
cruelty.
I intended to have gone to Orange : but Tesse Cruelties in
with a body of dragoons was then quartered over
that small principality, and was treating the pro-
testants there in the same manner that the French
subjects were treated in other parts. So I went
not in, but passed near it, and had this account of
that matter from some that were the most con-
siderable men of the principality. Many of the
neighbouring places fled thither from the persecu-
tion : upon which a letter was writ to the govern-
ment there, in the name of the king of France,
requiring them to put all his subjects out of their
territory. This was hard. Yet they were too
naked and exposed to dispute any thing with
those who could command every thing. So they
ordered all the French to withdraw : upon which
Tesse, who commanded in those parts, wrote to
them, that the king would be well satisfied with
the obedience they had given his orders. They
upon this were quiet, and thought there was no
danger. But the next morning Tesse marched
his dragoons into the town, and let them loose
upon them, as he had done upon the subjects of
France. And they plied as feebly as most of the
French had done. This was done while that
principality was in the possession of the prince of
96 HISTOKY OF THE REIGN
1685. Orange, pursuant to an article of the treaty of
~ Nimeguen, of which the king of England was the
guarantee. Whether the French had the king's
consent to this, or if they presumed upon it, was
not known. It is certain, he ordered two memo-
rials to be given in at that court, complaining of
it in very high terms. But nothing followed on
it. And, some months after, the king of France
did unite Orange to the rest of Provence, and
suppressed all the rights it had, as a distinct prin-
cipality. The king writ upon it to the princess
of Orange, that he could do no more in that
matter, unless he would make war upon it ; which
he could not think fit for a thing of such small
importance.
Another But now the session of parliament drew on.
session of
parliament. And there was a great expectation of the issue of
it. For some weeks before it met, there was
such a number of refugees coming over every day,
who set about a most dismal recital of the perse-
cution in France, and that in many instances that
were crying and odious, that, though all endeavours
664 were used to lessen the clamour this had raised,
yet the king did not stick openly to condemn it,
as both unchristian and unpolitic. He took pains
to clear the Jesuits of it, and laid the blame of it
chiefly on the king, on niadame de Maintenon,
and the archbishop of Paris. He spoke often of
it with such vehemence, that there seemed to be
an affectation in it. He did more. He was very
kind to the refugees. He was liberal to many of
them. He ordered a brief for a charitable collec-
tion over the nation for them all: upon which
OF KING JAMES II. 97
great sums were sent in. They were deposited in 1685.
good hands, and well distributed. The king also ~
ordered them to be denised without paying fees,
and gave them great immunities. So that in all
there came over, first and last, between forty and
fifty thousand of that nation. Here was such a
real argument of the cruel and persecuting spirit
of popery, wheresoever it prevailed, that few could
resist this conviction. So that all men confessed,
that the French persecution came very seasonably
to awaken the nation, and open men's eyes in so
critical a conjuncture : for upon this session of
parliament all did depend.
When it was opened, the king told them how The king's
happy his forces had been in reducing a dangerous gainst the
rebellion, in which it had appeared, how weak and e
insignificant the militia was : and therefore he saw
the necessity of keeping up an army for all their
security. He had put some in commission, of
whose loyalty he was well assured : and they had
served him so well, that he would not put that
affront on them, and on himself, to turn them out.
He told them, all the world saw, and they had
felt the happiness of a good understanding be-
tween him and his parliament : so he hoped, no-
thing should be done on their part to interrupt
that ; as he, on his own part, would observe all
that he had promised.
Thus he fell upon the two most unacceptable
points that he could have found out ; which were,
a standing army, and a violation of the act of the
test. There were some debates in the house of
lords about thanking the king for his speech. It
H
98 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. was pressed by the courtiers, as a piece of respect
"that was always paid. To this some answered,
that was done when there were gracious assurances
given. Only the earl of Devonshire said, he was
for giving thanks, because the king had spoken
out so plainly, and warned them of what they
might look for . It was carried in the house to
665 make an address of thanks for the speech. The
lord Guilford, North, was now dead. He was a
crafty and designing man. He ad no mind to
part with the great seal : and yet he saw, he could
not hold it without an entire compliance with the
pleasure of the court. An appeal against a decree
of his had been brought before the lords in the
former session? : and it was not only reversed with
many severe reflections on him that made it, but
the earl of Nottingham, who hated him because
he had endeavoured to detract from his father's
memory, had got together so many instances of
his ill administration of justice, that he exposed
him severely for it. And, it was believed, that
gave the crisis to the uneasiness and distraction of
mind he was labouring under. He languished for
some time ; and died despised and ill thought of
by the whole nation 9.
(Kennet as well as Rapin resigning his office from re-
attributes this seasonable and gard to the king's service , not-
sharp speech to the marquis of withstanding the affronts he
Halifax, whose vein of humour received from his court ene-
it corresponds with.) mies, Sunderland and Jeffries :
P There were not two ses- but at length, the melancholy
sions; the second meeting was he had contracted, want of
upon an adjournment. O. health, and the uneasiness he
<l (According to his bro- felt at the then state of affairs,
ther's account, in his Life of obliged him to give it up. In
the Lord Keeper, he delayed an audience with the king, he
OF KING JAMES II.
99
Nothing but his successor made him be re- 1685.
membered with regret : for Jefferies had the seals. j e ff e ries
He had been made a peer while he was chief J
justice, which had not been done for some ages :
but he affected to be an original in every thing 1 ".
A day or two after the session was opened, the
lords went upon the consideration of the king's
honestly advised his majesty yet says, that his justice was
to avoid giving 1 occasion to
the public discontent, and to
place no reliance on an army,
or confidence in the dissenters;
reminding him, that although
the duke of Monmouth was
gone, yet there was still a
prince of Orange remaining.
His brother, the historian of
the family, who had been the
then queen's attorney general,
and whose love of truth was
the theme of the neighbour-
hood in which he resided, goes
on to observe, that although
the lord keeper actually made
use of these very suggestions
to the king, it was only to
satisfy his own conscience ; for
" he knew the king's humour,
"" and that nothing that he
" could say to him would take
" place or sink with him. So
" strong were his prejudices,
" and so feeble his genius,
" that he took none to have
" any right understanding,
" that were not in his mea-
" sures, and that the counsel
" given him to the contrary
1 ' was for policy of party more
" than for friendship to him."
p. 273. Mr. North acknow-
ledges, that the lord keeper
was much vilified both during
his life and after his death ;
so exact, and course of life so
unexceptionable, that the au-
thor of one of the vilest writ-
ten libels in those times was
reduced, for want of something
worse, to the calling him sly-
boots. He relates also, that
some particular acts were al-
leged after his death, impeach-
ing his conduct as lord keeper :
to all which charges the author
replies at full. See North's
Life of the Lord Keeper Guil-
ford, p. 271 284. Compare
Ralph's Hist, of England, vol.
I. pp. 707, 708, and a Note on
Burnet above, p. 74. Sir John
Dalrymple, more favourable to
his memory than his late bio-
grapher, in his preface to the
second volume of his Memoirs,
remarks, that the lord Guil-
ford is one of the very few
virtuous characters, which are
to be found in the history of
the reign of Charles the Se-
cond.)
r " He had been made a
peer while he was chief jus-
tice, which had not been
done for some ages : but he
affected to be an original in
every thing." This passage
is not in the Autograph, but
appears in the Transcript, hav-
ing been written afterward.
H 2
\
100 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. speech : and, when some began to make remarks
" upon it, they were told, that by giving thanks for
the speech, they had precluded themselves from
finding fault with any part of it. This was re-
jected with indignation, and put an end to that
compliment of giving thanks for a speech when
there was no special reason for it. The lords
Halifax, Nottingham, and Mordaunt, were the
chief arguers among the temporal lords. The
bishop of London spoke often likewise : and twice
or thrice he said, he spoke not only his own sense,
but the sense of that whole bench. They said,
the test was now the best fence they had for their
religion : if they gave up so great a point, all the
rest would soon follow : and if the king might by
his authority supersede such a law, fortified with
so many clauses, and above all with that of an
incapacity, it was in vain to think of law any more:
the government would become arbitrary and abso-
lute. Jefferies began to argue in his rough manner:
but he was soon taken down ; it appearing, that
how furiously soever he raved on the bench, where
he played the tyrant, yet where others might
speak with him on equal terms, he was a very
contemptible man : and he received as great a
mortification, as such a brutal man as he was
capable of.
The house But as the scene lay in the house of commons,
of commons .
address the so the debates there were more important. A
serv g mg r the P r ject was offered for making the militia more
useful, in order to the disbanding the army. But,
to oppose that, the court shewed, how great a
danger we had lately escaped, and how much of
OF KING JAMES II.
101
an ill leaven yet remained in the nation, so that it
was necessary a force should be kept up. The
court moved for a subsidy, the king having been
at much extraordinary charge in reducing the late
rebellion. Many, that were resolved to assert the
business of the test with great firmness, thought,
the voting of money first was the decentest way
of managing the opposition to the court : whereas
others opposed this, having often observed, that
the voting of money was the giving up the whole
session to the court. The court wrought on many
weak men with this topic, that the only way to
gain the king, and to dispose him to agree to them
in the business of the test, was to begin with the
supply. This had so great an effect, that it was
carried only by one vote to consider the king's
speech 8 , before they should proceed to the supply.
1685.
s That part of it which re-
lated to the dispensing power.
See the Journal of the House
of Commons, upon the divi-
sion, when it was carried by
one only against the court.
The earl of Middieton of Scot-
land, then a secretary of state
for England, and a member
of the house of commons here,
seeing many go out upon the
division against the court, who
were in the service of the
government, went down to
the bar, and as they were told
in, reproached them to their
faces for the voting as they
did ; and a captain Kendal
being one of them, the earl
said to him there, " Sir, have
" not you a troop of horse
** in his majesty's service ?"
" Yes, my lord," says the other;
" but my brother died last
" night, and has left me yoo/.
" a year." This I had from
my uncle, the first lord On-
slow, who was then of the
house of commons, and pre-
sent. This incident upon one
vote, very likely, saved the
nation. O. (The preceding
address to the king was car-
ried unanimously, in which was
the following clause, And be-
cause the continuance of them
(popish recusants) in their em-
ployment may be taken to be
dispensing with that law (the test
act) without an act of parlia-
ment, the consequence of which
is of the greatest concern to the
rights of all your majesty's du-
tiful and loyal subjects, and to
102 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. It was understood, that when they received satis-
~ faction in other things, they were resolved to give
500,000/.
They went next to consider the act about the
test, and the violations of it, with the king's
speech upon that head. The reasoning was clear
and full on the one hand. The court offered
nothing on the other hand in the way of argument,
but the danger of offending the king, and of raising
a misunderstanding between him and them. So
the whole house went in unanimously into a vote
for an address to the king, that he would main-
tain the laws, in particular concerning the test.
But with that they offered to pass a bill for in-
demnifying those who had broken that law ; and
were ready to have considered them in the supply
that they intended to give.
The king The king expressed his resentments of this with
Tffen'ded much vehemence, when the address was brought
with it. to y m jj e gai( ^ gome men i n t en ded to disturb
the good correspondence that was between him
and them, which would be a great prejudice to
the nation : he had declared his mind so positively
in that matter, that he hoped they would not have
meddled with it* : yet, he said, he would still ob-
all the laws made for the seen- jects. Moreover, if the supply
rity of their religion ; we there- had been given beforehand,
fore the knights, citizens, and and the parliament had been
burgesses of your majesty' shouse immediately dissolved, and, as
of commons, do most humbly be- the speaker intimates, violent
seechyour majesty that you would and illegal measures adopted by
be graciously pleased to give the king, yet the nation would
such direction thereon, that no have finally saved the nation.)
apprehensions or jealousies may l (The king's answer to the
remain in the hearts of your address was, ' I did not expect
majesty's good and faithful sub- such an address from the house
OF KING JAMES II. 103
serve all the promises that he had made. This 1685.
made some reflect on the violations of the edict of"
Nantes by many of the late edicts that were set
out in France before the last that repealed it, in
which the king of France had always declared,
that he would maintain that edict, even when the
breaches made upon it were the most visible and 667
notorious. The house, upon this rough answer,
was in a high fermentation. Yet, when one Cook u
said, that they were Englishmen, and were not to
be threatened, because this seemed to be a want
of respect, they sent him to the tower; and obliged
him to ask pardon for those indecent words. But
they resolved to insist on their address, and then
to proceed upon the petitions concerning elections.
And now those, that durst not open their mouth
before, spoke with much force upon this head.
They said, it was a point upon which the nation
expected justice, and they had a right to claim it.
And it was probable, they would have condemned
a great many elections : for an intimation was set
round, that all those who had stuck to the interest
of the nation, in the main points then before them,
should be chosen over again, though it should be
found that their election was void, and that a new
writ should go out. By this means those petitions
were now encouraged, and were like to have a
fair hearing, and a just decision : and it was be-
of commons, as I had so lately short time, and given you
recommended to your con- warning of fears and jealousies
sideration the great ad vantages amongst ourselves. I had, &c.')
a good understanding between u (Mr. Coke, member for
us had produced in a very Derby.)
104 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1685. Heved, that the abject courtiers would have been
voted out x .
- The king saw, that both houses were now so
" e oTed fixed, that he could carry nothing in either of
them, unless he would depart from his speech,
and let the act of the test take place. So he pro-
rogued the parliament, and kept it by repeated
prorogations still on foot for about a year and a
half, but without holding a session. All those,
who had either spoken or voted for the test, were
soon after this disgraced, and turned out of their
places, though many of these had served the king
hitherto with great obsequiousness and much zeal.
He called for many of them, and spoke to them
very earnestly upon that subject in his closet:
upon which the term of closeting was much tossed
about. Many of these gave him very flat and
hardy denials: others, though more silent, yet
were no less steady. So that, when, after a long
practice, both of threatening and ill usage on the
one hand, and of promises and corruption on the
other, the king saw he could not bring them into
a compliance with him, he at last dissolved the
parliament : by which he threw off a body of men
that were in all other respects sure to him, and
that would have accepted a very moderate satis-
x ( Lord Lonsdale, who him- had ever been resumed, pro-
self moved, that the house bably something considerable
would name a committee, to would have been done in the
consider of a mode of applying affair, the house seeming so
to the king for a remedy a- well inclined and so zealous in
gainst this iniquity, observes, it. Ralph errs in this point.
in his privately printed Me- See p. 909 of his Hist.)
moir, p. 7, that if the debate
OF KING JAMES II.
105
faction from him at any time. And indeed in all 1535
England it would not have been easy to have""
found five hundred men, so weak, so poor, and so
devoted to the court, as these were v . So happily
was the nation taken out of their hands, by the
precipitated violence of a bigoted court 2 . fi
Soon after the prorogation, the lord de la Meer The lord
was brought to his trial. Some witnesses swore de la Meer
... . tried, and
nigh treason against him only upon report, that acquitted.
he had designed to make a rebellion in Cheshire,
and to join with the duke of Monmouth. But,
since those swore only upon hearsay, that was no
evidence in law. One witness swore home against
Y But see the first note in
page 626. O. (Consider also
the account of the proceedings
of the parliament here given
by the bishop himself ; but he
is perhaps well founded in his
opinion that this parliament
would have accepted satisfac-
tion for the past, and securi-
ties in future, from their sove-
reign ; yet this would not have
suited the views of either Eng-
lish or foreign politicians.)
56 (During the sitting of this
parliament the loyal duke of
Ormond wrote in these terms
to his friend sir Robert South-
well, who subsequently joined
in the revolution. The letter
is dated Aug. 29, and belonged
to the collection of South-
well papers purchased by Mr.
Thorpe the bookseller in 1 834.
" Your last," the duke ob-
serves, "requires, not only our
" thoughts but our prayers
" to prevent the calamities
" threatened in this conjunc-
" ture ; the cloud methinks
" spreads apace, and grows
" dreadful, but I hope my
'* concern for my master, and
" for the quiet and prosperity
" of his reign and people, rnag-
" nifies the object to me be-
" yond reality. Upon what
" ground my fears rise in me
" are not fit to be discoursed
" of, but I hope to find a time,
" when I wait upon the duke
" of Beaufort." He appears
to have known more than he
chose to commit to paper.
In the Ellys Correspondence,
published by lord Dover, and
dated Dec. 14, 1685, the duke
is said to be very thoughtful
and melancholy, vol. I. p. 207.
He died in 1688 a little before
the revolution, after having
opposed the introduction of
a Roman catholic into the
Charter House by virtue of
the dispensing power.)
106 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
him, and against two other gentlemen, who, as he
said, were in company with him ; and that treason-
able messages were then given to him by them all
to carry to some others. That which gave the
greatest credit to the evidence was, that this lord
had gone from London secretly to Cheshire at the
time of the duke of Monmouth's landing, and
that after he had stayed a day or two in that
country, he had come up as secretly to London.
This looked suspicious, and made it to be believed,
that he went to try what could be done. The
credit of that single witness was overthrown by
many unquestionable proofs, by which it appeared
that the two gentlemen, who he said met with
that lord in Cheshire, were all that while still in
London. The witness, to gain the more credit,
had brought others into the plot, by the common
fate of false swearers, who bring in such circum-
stances to support their evidence, as they think
will make it more credible, but, being ill laid,
give a handle to those concerned to find out their
falsehood. And that was the case of this witness:
for, though little doubt was made of the truth of
that which he swore against this lord, as to the
main of his evidence, yet he had added such a
mixture of falsehood to it, as being fully proved
destroyed the evidence. As for the secret journey
to and again between London and Cheshire, that
lord said, he had been long a prisoner in the tower
upon bare suspicion : he had no mind to be lodged
again there : so he resolved in that time of jea-
lousy to go out of the way : and hearing that a
child, of which he was very fond, was sick in
OF KING JAMES II. 107
Cheshire, he went thither : and hearing from his 1685.
lady that his eldest son was very ill at London, he ~
made haste back again. This was well proved
by his physicians and domestics, though it was a
thing of very ill appearance, that he made such
journeys so quick and so secretly at such a time.
The solicitor general, Finch, pursuant to the doc-
trine he had maintained in former trials, and per-
haps to atone for the zeal he had shewed in the
house of commons for maintaining the act of the
test, made a violent declamation, to prove that
one witness with presumptions was sufficient to
convict one of high treason*. The peers did una-
nimously acquit the lord. So that trial ended to 669
the great joy of the whole town ; which was now
turned to be as much against the court, as it had
been of late years for it. Finch had been con-
tinued in his employment only to lay the load of
this judgment upon him : and he acted his part in
it with his usual vehemence b . He was presently
after turned out. And Powis succeeded him, who
was a compliant young aspiring lawyer, though in
himself he was no ill natured man c . Now the
posts in the law began to be again taken care of:
for it was resolved to act a piece of pageantry
in Westminster-hall, with which the next year
began.
Sir Edward Hales, a gentleman of a noble 1686.
family in Kent, declared himself a papist, though upon^he
a Jefferies was high steward shewn before. O.
upon this trial, and behaved b But see the trial . O.
himself with a decency and c Sir Thomas Powis, a good
a dignity, that he had never dull lawyer. S.
108 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. he had long disguised it : and had once to my self
actfort k e ~ so solemnly denied it, that I was led from thence
test. * to see, there was no credit to be given to that
sort of men, where their church or religion was
concerned. He had an employment: and not
taking the test, his coachman was set up to
inform against him, and to claim the 500/. that
Many the law gave to the informer. When this was
Sedoutto be brought to trial, the judges were secretly
asked their opinions : and such as were not clear
to judge as the court did direct were turned out :
and upon two or three canvassings the half of
them were dismissed, and others of more pliable
and obedient understandings were put in their
places. Some of these were weak and ignorant
to a scandal. The suit went on in a feeble
prosecution: and in Trinity term judgment was
given.
Herbert, There was a new chief justice found out, very
tice 3 , gives different indeed from Jefferies, sir Edward Her-
ior the ent bert - He was a wel1 bred and a virtuous man,
kl e n g sin dis g eiierous > anc ^ gd natured. He was but an in-
power. different lawyer ; and had gone to Ireland to find
practice and preferment there. He unhappily got
into a set of very high notions with relation to
the king's prerogative. His gravity and virtues
gave him great advantages, chiefly his succeeding
such a monster as had gone before him. So he,
being found to be a fit tool, was, without any
application of his own, raised up all at once to
this high post d . After the coachman's cause had
d After the revolution he where he was created earl of
made his escape into France, Portland, and lord chancellor,
OF KING JAMES II. 109
been argued with a most indecent coldness, by 1686.
those who were made use of on design to expose
and betray it, it was said, in favour of the prero-
gative, that the government of England was en-
tirely in the king : that the crown was an imperial 670
crown, the importance of which was, that it was
absolute: all penal laws were powers lodged in
the crown to enable the king to force the execu-
tion of the law, but were not bars to limit or bind
up the king's power: the king could pardon all
offences against the law, and forgive the penalties:
and why could not he as well dispense with them?
Acts of parliament had been oft superseded : the
judges had some times given directions in their
charges at circuits to inquire after some acts of
parliament no more : of which one late instance
happened during the former reign : an act passed
concerning the size of carts and waggons, with
many penalties upon the transgressors: and yet,
when it appeared that the model prescribed in the
act was not practicable, the judges gave direction
not to execute the act.
These were the arguments brought to support
the king's dispensing power. In opposition to
this it was said, though not at the bar, yet in the
common discourse of the town, that if penalties
did arise only by virtue of the king's proclamation,
it was reasonable that the power of dispensing
should be only in the king : but since the prero-
by king James. His brother Lincoln ; and his library, which *
Arthur, created earl of Tor- was esteemed a very valuable
rington by king William, had collection, especially for law
a grant of his estate, which he books, to lord Harcourt. D.
afterwards left to the earl of
110 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1-686. gative was both constituted and limited by law,
"and since penalties were imposed to force the ob-
servation of laws that were necessary for the public
safety, it was an overturning the whole govern-
ment, and the changing it from a legal into a
despotic form, to say that laws, made and declared
not to be capable of being dispensed with, where
one of the penalties was an incapacity, which by
a maxim of law cannot be taken away even by a
pardon, should at the pleasure of the prince be
dispensed with : a fine was also set by the act on
offenders, but not given to the king, but to the
informer, which thereby became his. So that the
king could no more pardon that, than he can dis-
charge the debts of the subjects, and take away
property 6 : laws of small consequence, when a
visible error not observed in making them was
afterwards found out, like that of the size of carts,
might well be superseded : for the intention of
the legislature being the good of the subject, that
is always to be presumed for the repeal of an im-
practicable law. But it was not reasonable to
infer from thence, that a law made for the security
of the government, with the most effectual clauses
that could be contrived, on design to force the
671 execution of it, even in bar to the power of the
prerogative, should be made so precarious a thing,
especially when it was so lately asserted with so
much vigour by the representatives of the nation.
It was said, that though this was now only applied
to one statute, yet the same force of reason would
hold to annul all our laws: and the penalty
e Wrong- reasoning. S.
OF KING JAMES II. Ill
being that which is the life of the law, the dis- 1686.
pensing with penalties might soon be carried so ~
far as to dissolve the whole government, and
the security that the subjects had, which was
only from the laws, or rather from the penalties,
since laws without these were feeble things,
which tied men only according to their own
discretion.
Thus was this matter tossed about in the argu-
ments with which all people's mouths were now
filled. But judges, who are beforehand deter-
mined how to give their opinions, will not be
much moved even by the strongest arguments.
The ludicrous ones used on this occasion at the
bar were rather a farce, fitter for a mock trial in a
play, than such as became men of learning in so
important a matter. Great expectations were
raised, to hear with what arguments the judges
would maintain the judgment that they should
give. But they made nothing of it ; and without
any arguing gave judgment for the defendant, as
if it had been in a cause of course.
Now the matter was as much settled, as a Admiral
decision in the king's bench could settle it. Yet
so little regard had the chief justice's nearest
friends to his opinion in this particular, that his
brother, admiral Herbert, being pressed by the
king to promise that he would vote the repeal of
the test, answered the king very plainly, that he
could not do it either in honour or conscience f .
f (Sir Edward Herbert, in court in sir Edward Hales's
1688, immediately after the case, and of the king's dispen-
revolution, published a vindi- sing power. In the first year
cation of the judgment of the of king William the dispensing
112 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. The king said, he knew he was a man of honour,
~ but the rest of his life did not look like a man
that had great regard to conscience . He an-
swered boldly, he had his faults, but they were
such, that other people, who talked more of con-
science, were guilty of the like. He was indeed
a man abandoned to luxury and vice. But, though
he was poor, and had much to lose, having places
to the value of 4000/. a year, he chose to lose
them all rather than comply. This made much
noise : for as he had a great reputation for his
conduct in sea affairs, so he had been most pas-
sionately zealous in the king's service from his
first setting out to that day. It appeared by this,
that no past services would be considered, if men
were not resolved to comply in every thing. The
door was now opened. So all regard to the test
was laid aside. And all men that intended to
recommend themselves took employments and
672 accepted of this dispensing power. This was done
even by some of those who continued still pro-
power was declared to be ille-
gal, as it had been assumed and
exercised of late. Compare
what is said below, p. 780,
822, 823. But opposition to
the repeal of the test act was
not inconsistent with sir Ed-
ward Herbert's opinion in fa-
vour of the king's legal right
todispense with penal statutes. )
S (The king's reply is differ-
' science ; at which the king
' being more moved than or-
' dinary, could not forbear
' telling him, that as for his
* honour he had little but
' what he owed to his bounty,
' and for his conscience, the
' putting away his wife to
' keep with more liberty other
' women, gave a true idea of
its niceness." Vol. II. p. 204.
ently represented in the Life The admiral seems in his an-
of King James II. lately pub- swer, as it is reported by Bur-
lished ; " His (admiral Her- net and others, to have al-
" bert's) answer was, he could luded to his majesty's own
" not do it in honour or con- misconduct.)
OF KING JAMES II. 113
testants, though the far greater number of them 1686.
continued to qualify themselves according to law.
Many of the papists, that were men of quiet or Father
of fearful tempers, did not like these methods. Jesuit,**"
They thought the priests went too fast, and th
king was too eager in pursuing every thing that
was suggested by them. One Petre, descended
from a noble family 11 , a man of no learning, nor
any way famed for his virtue, but who made all
up in boldness and zeal, was the Jesuit of them
all that seemed animated with the most courage.
He had, during the popish plot, been introduced
to the king, and had suggested things that shewed
him a resolute and undertaking man. Upon that
the king looked on him as the fittest man to be
set at the head of his counsels. So he was now
considered as the person who of all others had the
greatest credit. He applied himself most to the
earl of Sunderland, and was for some time chiefly
directed by him 1 .
h (That of the lord Petre. introduction of Petre into the
In her conversations with the privy council. She observed,
nuns of Chaillot the queen that Sunderland got it over
said, '* She never liked Petre, her belly, using an Italian
" that his violent counsels did phrase, for getting the ascend-
" the king much harm, and ancy over another. See Im-
" she believed he was a bad partial Reflections upon Dr.
"man." Strickland's Lives of Burnet's Posthumous History,
the Queens of England, vol. IX. 8vo. 1724, p. 103. See also
p. 154. By the manner in which D'Orleans's Revolutions in
he is spoken of in a contem- England, p. 304. Of Petre's
porary MS. containing reasons intrigues with lord Sunder-
against repealing that act, he land, and the queen's opposi-
appears to have been generally tion to them, an account is
disliked.) given by the king himself in
1 (It is a well known fact, his Life, lately published, vol.
that the queen opposed with II. p. 131. It is there inti-
the greatest earnestness the mated, as well as by sir James
114 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. The maxim that the king set up, and about
which he entertained all that were about him,
The king
declared for was ^he great happiness of an universal toleration.
atoleration.
On this the king used to enlarge m a great variety
of topics. He said, nothing was more reasonable,
more Christian, and more politic : and he reflected
much on the church of England for the severities
with which dissenters had been treated. This,
how true or just soever it might be, yet was
strange doctrine in the mouth of a professed
papist, and of a prince on whose account, and by
whose direction, the church party had been, indeed
but too obsequiously, pushed on to that rigour.
But, since the church party could not be brought
to comply with the design of the court, applica-
tions were now made to the dissenters: and all
on a sudden the churchmen were disgraced, and
the dissenters were in high favour. Chief justice
Herbert went the western circuit after JefTeries's
bloody one. And now all was grace and favour
to them. Their former sufferings were much re-
flected on, and pitied. Every thing was offered
that could alleviate their sufferings. Their teachers
were now encouraged to set up their conventicles
again, which had been discontinued, or held very
secretly, for four or five years. Intimations were
every where given, that the king would not have
them or their meetings to be disturbed. Some of
them began to grow insolent upon this shew of
Montgomery in his pamphlet, was with difficulty prevailed
entitled, Great Britain a just on to admit Petre to a seat in
Complaint, first published in the council. See p. 14.)
the year 1692, that the king
OF KING JAMES II. 115
favour k . But the wiser men among them saw
through all this, and perceived the design of the
papists was now, to set on the dissenters against
the church, as much as they had formerly set the
church against them : and therefore, though they
returned to their conventicles, yet they had a just
jealousy of the ill designs that lay hid under all
this sudden and unexpected shew of grace and
kindness : and they took care not to provoke the
church party.
Many of the clergy acted now a part that made The clergy
mi managed
good amends for past errors. I hey began to the points
preach generally against popery, which the dis-
senters did not. They set themselves to study ^ e d at su z c eal
the points of controversy. And upon that there cess -
followed a great variety of small books, that were
easily purchased, and soon read. They examined
all the points of popery with a solidity of judg-
ment, a clearness of arguing, a depth of learning,
and a vivacity of writing, far beyond any thing
that had before that time appeared in our lan-
guage. The truth is, they were very unequally
yoked: for, if they are justly to be reckoned
among the best writers that have yet appeared on
the protestant side, those they wrote against were
certainly among the weakest that had ever ap-
peared on the popish side 1 . Their books were
k The whole body of them am told, do not think so at
grew insolent, and complying this day, and the protestant
to the king. S. (Burnet's ap- writers did not think so at the
pears to be the truer repre- time of the dispute. " The
sentation. Consult Mr. Macau- " chief controversies between
lay's History of England, vol. " the churches of England
II. p. 2 1 9 239.) and Rome have of late been
1 The Roman catholics, I " managed to best advantage
116
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. poorly but insolently writ; and had no other
learning in them, but what was taken out of some
French writers, which they put into very bad
English : so that a victory over them would have
been but a mean performance.
This had a mighty effect on the whole nation :
even those who could not search things to the
bottom, yet were amazed at the great inequality
that appeared in this engagement. The papists,
who knew what service the bishop of Meaux's
book had done in France, resolved to pursue the
same method here in several treatises, which they
entitled, Papists represented and misrepresented;
to which such clear answers were writ, that what
effect soever that artifice might have, where it was
supported by the authority of a great king, and
the terror of ill usage, and a dragoonade in con-
clusion, yet it succeeded so ill in England, that it
gave occasion to inquire into the true opinions of
that church, not as some artful writers had dis-
guised them, but as they were laid down in the
" of both sides. I am confi-
" dent all has been said for
" popery, that can be said;
" though I am not so well as-
" sured,that much more might
" not have been said against
' it, which has been spared
' out of a regard to our com-
' mon Christianity, and to re-
' ligion in general, besides
* the respect due to a great
' and gracious prince. But
' our adversaries have not
' been wanting to their own
' cause in this opportunity."
Preface to Historical Exami-
nation of the Authority of Ge-
neral Councils, by Mr. Jenkin,
1688. " The truth is, we
' ought to give that learned
' man (Dr. Godden) his due.
' He has said what was to be
' said to excuse his church
' from idolatry, and his per-
' formance shews, that he
* wanted nothing but a better
' cause to have acquitted him-
self to every one's satisfac-
tion." A Discourse concern-
ing the Nature of Idolatry, by
Mr. Wake. Bowyer's MS.
note on this Historv.
OF KING JAMES II. 117
books that are of authority among them, such as 1686.
the decisions of councils received among them,
and their established offices, and as they are held
at Rome, and in all those countries where popery
prevails without any intermixture with heretics,
or apprehension of them, as in Spain and Por-
tugal. This was done in so authentical a man- 674
ner, that popery it self was never so well under-
stood by the nation, as it came to be upon this
occasion.
The persons who both managed and directed this The per-
controversial war, were chiefly Tillotson, Stilling- were chiefly
fleet, Tennison, and Patrick. Next them werefnthfs. d
Sherlock, Williams, Claget, Gee, Aldrich, Atter-
bury, Whitby, Hooper, and above all these Wake,
who having been long in France, chaplain to the lord
Preston, brought over with him many curious dis-
coveries, that were both useful and surprising m .
Besides the chief writers of those books of con-
troversy, there were many sermons preached and
printed on those heads, that did very much edify
the whole nation. And this matter was managed
with that concert, that for the most part once a
week some new book or sermon came out, which
both instructed and animated those who read
them. There were but very few proselytes gained
to popery : and these were so inconsiderable, that
they were rather a reproach than an honour to
m (Besides some modern now reprinted by Wake. In
pieces, the bishop alludes to the enumeration of the writers
St. Chrysostom's Epistle to engaged in what is called the
Csesarius, Bigot's edition of Popish Controversy, Burnet
which had been suppressed omits his old antagonist, the
by the Romanists, and was learned Henry Wharton.)
118 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. them. Walker, the head of University college,
"and five or six more at Oxford, declared them-
selves to be of that religion ; but with this brand
of infamy, that they had continued for several
years complying with the doctrine and worship of
the church of England affer they were reconciled
to the church of Rome. The popish priests were
enraged at this opposition made by the clergy,
when they saw their religion so exposed, and
themselves so much despised. They said, it was
ill manners and want of duty to treat the king's
religion with so much contempt.
Dr. Sharp It was resolved to proceed severely against some
of the preachers, and to try if by that means they
might intimidate the rest. Dr. Sharp was the
rector of St. Giles's, (and dean of Norwich,) and
was both a very pious man, and one of the most
popular preachers of the age, who had a peculiar
talent of reading his sermons with much life and
zeal 11 . He received one day as he was coming
out of the pulpit, a paper sent him, as he believed,
by a priest, containing a sort of challenge upon
some points of controversy touched by him in some
of his sermons. Upon this, he, not knowing to
n He was a great reader of the Bible and Shakespear
Shakespear. Doctor Maugey, made him archbishop of York,
who had married his daughter, His wonderful knowledge of
told me that he used to re- human nature, the dignity and
commend to young divines nobleness of his sentiments,
the reading of the scriptures and the amazing force and
and Shakespear. And doctor brightness of his expression,
Lisle, bishop of Norwich, who do indeed make Shakespear
had been chaplain at Lambeth to be a great pattern for the
to archbishop Wake, told me gravest and most solemn corn-
that it was often related there, positions. O.
that Sharp should say, that
OF KING JAMES II. 119
whom he should send an answer, preached a ser- 1686.
mon in answer to it : and, after he had confuted
it, he concluded, shewing how unreasonable it
was for any to change their religion on such
grounds. This was carried to court, and repre-
sented there as a reflection on the king for chang-
ing on those grounds.
The information, as to the words pretended to 675
be spoken by Sharp, was false, as he himse
assured me. But, without inquiring into
the earl of Sunderland sent an order to the Mm.
bishop of London, in the king's name, requiring
him to suspend Sharp immediately, and then to
examine the matter. The bishop answered, that
he had no power to proceed in such a summary
way : but, if an accusation were brought into his
court in a regular way, he would proceed to such
a censure as could be warranted by the ecclesiasti-
cal law : yet, he said, he would do that which was
in his power, and should be upon the matter a
suspension ; for he desired Sharp to abstain from
officiating, till the matter should be better under-
stood. But to lay such a censure on a clergyman,
as a suspension, without proof, in a judiciary pro-
ceeding, was contrary both to law and justice.
Sharp went to court, to shew the notes of his which he
, . , , -, ,1 could not
sermon, which he was ready to swear were those O b ey .
from which he had read it, by which the falsehood
of the information would appear . But, since he
(In the Life of Sharp, offended, he was permitted to
written by his son, the fact of resume his functions. See vol.
his going to court is denied. I. p. 75. Dr. Lingard, in his
On the expression of his re- History of England, vol. X.
gret, that the king had been c. 2. p. 21 1, states, that " Dr.
120 HISTORY OF THE KEIGN
1686. was not suspended, he was not admitted. Yet
~~he was let alone. And it was resolved to proceed
against the bishop of London for contempt.
An ecciesi- Jefferies was much sunk at court, and Herbert
asticalcom- -^ T /*
mission set was the most m favour. But now Jettenes, to re-
up * commend himself, offered a bold and illegal advice,
for setting up an ecclesiastical commission, without
calling it the high commission, pretending it was
only a standing court of delegates. The act that
put down the high commission in the year 1640,
had provided by a clause, as full as could be con-
ceived, that no court should be ever set up for
those matters, besides the ordinary ecclesiastical
courts. Yet, in contempt of that, a court was
erected, with full power to proceed in a summary
and arbitrary way in all ecclesiastical matters,
without limitations to any rule of law in their
proceedings. This stretch of the supremacy, so
contrary to law, was assumed by a king, whose
religion made him condemn all that supremacy
that the law had vested in the crown.
The persons with whom this power was lodged
were the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishops
of Duresme and Rochester, and the lord chancel-
lor, the lord treasurer, and lord chief justice, the
lord chancellor being made president in the court,
sine quo non ; for they would trust this to no other
management. The bishop of London was marked
out to be the first sacrifice. Bancroft lay silent at
" Sharp had preached a ser- Although he appears to have
" mon, animadverting in no found fault with the reasons
'' very measured terms on the assigned for the change, he
" motives of the new converts did not impute interested mo-
" to the Church of Rome." tives to those who made it.)
OF KING JAMES II. 121
Lambeth: he seemed zealous against popery in 1686.
private discourse : but he was of such a timorous
temper, and so set on the enriching his nephew, 676
that he shewed no sort of courage?. He would
not go to this court, when it was first opened, and
declare against it, and give his reasons why he
could not sit and act in it, judging it to be against
law : but he contented himself with not going to
it^. The other two bishops were more compliant.
Duresme was lifted up with it, and said, now his
name would be recorded in history : and, when
some of his friends represented to him the danger
of acting in a court so illegally constituted, he
said, he could not live if he should lose the king's
gracious smiles : so low and so fawning was he.
[He was in all respects an ignorant, worthless,
vain and abject man, without any one good qual-
ity.] Dolben, archbishop of York, died this year.
So, as Sprat had succeeded him in Rochester, he
had some hopes let fall of succeeding likewise in
York. But the court had laid it down for a
maxim to keep all the great sees, that should
become vacant, still empty, till they might fill
them to their own mind : so he was mistaken in
his expectations, if he ever had them.
P False as hell. S. This re- (See the aspersions cast by
flection might well have been Burnet on the good archbi-
spared, upon a man that gave shop's character ably refuted
sufficient proof at the revolu- in Dr. D'Oyly's Life of the
tion, that he could quit the latter; vol.1, p. 222 229.)
highest preferment, rather than q (The archbishop sent a
comply with any thing con- regular and formal petition to
trary to his conscience : espe- the king to be excused attend-
cially from the most interest- ance on this commission, on
, ed, confident, busy man, that account of his age and infirm-
V' ever his nation produced. D. ities.)
122 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. The bishop of London was the first person that
was summoned to appear before this new court.
of London H attended on by many persons of great
brought be- , , * ,
fore it. quality, which gave a new offence : and the lord
chancellor treated him in that brutal way, that
was now become as it were natural to him. The
bishop said, here was a new court, of which he
knew nothing : so he desired a copy of the com-
mission that authorized them. And, after he had
drawn out the matters by delays for some time,
hoping that the king might accept of some gene-
ral and respectful submission, and so let the mat-
ter fall, at last he came to make his defence, all
secret methods to divert the storm proving inef-
fectual. The first part of it was an exception to
the authority of the court, as being not only
founded on no law, but contrary to the express
words of the act of parliament that put down the
high commission. Yet this point was rather in-
sinuated, than urged with the force that might
have been used : for it was said, that, if the
bishop should insist too much on that, it would
draw a much heavier measure of indignation on
him ; therefore it was rather opened, and modestly
represented to the court, than strongly argued.
But it may be easily believed, that those who sat
by virtue of this illegal commission would main-
tain their own authority. The other part of the
bishop of London's plea was, that he had obeyed
the king's orders, as far as he legally could do ;
for he had obliged Dr. Sharp to act as a man that
was suspended; but that he could not lay an
677 ecclesiastical censure on any of his clergy without
OF KING JAMES II. 123
a process, and articles, and some proof brought. 1686.
This was justified by the constant practice of the ~~
ecclesiastical courts, and by the judgment of all
lawyers. But arguments, how strong soever, are
feeble things, when a sentence is resolved on be-
fore the cause is heard. So it was proposed that
he should be suspended during the king's plea-
sure. The lord chancellor and the poor-spirited
bishop of Duresme were for this : but the earl,
and bishop of Rochester, and the lord chief justice
Herbert, were for acquitting him. There was not
so much as a colour of law to support the sen-
tence : so none could be given.
But the king was resolved to carry this point, And was
and spoke roundly about it to the earl of Roches- byTt?
ter. He saw he must either concur in the sen-
tence, or part with the white staff. So he yielded.
Arid the bishop was suspended ab officio. They
did not think fit to meddle with his revenues.
For the lawyers had settled that point, that bene-
fices were of the nature of freeholds. So, if the
sentence had gone to the temporalties, the bishop
would have had the matter tried over again in
the king's bench, where he was like to find good
justice, Herbert not being satisfied with the legal-
ity and justice of the sentence. While this mat-
ter was in dependance, the princess of Orange
thought it became her to interpose a little in the
bishop's favour. He had confirmed and married
her. So she wrote to the king, earnestly begging
him to be gentle to the bishop, who she could not
think would offend willingly. She also wrote to
the bishop, expressing the great share she took in
124 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. the trouble he was fallen into. The prince wrote
~ to him to the same purpose. The king wrote an
answer to the princess, reflecting severely on the
bishop, not without some sharpness on her for
meddling in such matters. Yet the court seemed
uneasy, when they saw they had gained so poor a
victory : for now the bishop was more considered
than ever. His clergy, for all the suspension, were
really more governed by the secret intimations of
his pleasure, than they had been by his authority
before. So they resolved to come off as much as
may be. Dr. Sharp was admitted to offer a gene-
ral petition, importing how sorry he was to find
himself under the king's displeasure : upon which
he was dismissed with a gentle reprimand, and
suffered to return to the exercise of his function.
According to the form of the ecclesiastical courts,
a person under such a suspension must make a
678 submission within six months: otherwise he may
be proceeded against as obstinate. So, six months
after the sentence, the bishop sent a petition to
the king, desiring to be restored to the exercise
of his episcopal function. But he made no ac-
knowledgment of any fault. So this had no other
effect, but that it stopped all further proceedings :
only the suspension lay still on him. I have laid
all this matter together, though the progress of it
ran into the year eighty-seven.
Affairs in Affairs in Scotland went on much at the same
rate as they did in England. Some few proselytes
were gained. But as they were very few. so they
could do little service to the side to which they
joined themselves. The earl of Perth prevailed
OF KING JAMES II.
with his lady, as she was dying, to change her 1686.
religion. And in a very few weeks after her"
death he married very indecently a sister of the
duke of Gordon's ; [with whom he had lived in a
very scandalous manner for several years.] They
were first cousins : and yet without staying for a
dispensation from Rome, they ventured on a mar-
riage, upon the assurances that they said their
confessor gave them, that it would be easily ob-
tained. But pope Innocent was a stiff man, and
did not grant those things easily : so that cardinal
Howard could not at first obtain it. The pope
said, these were strange converts, that would ven-
ture on such a thing without first obtaining a dis-
pensation. The cardinal pretended, that new
converts did not so soon understand the laws of
the church : but he laid before the pope the ill
consequences of offending converts of such im-
portance. So he prevailed at last, not without
great difficulty. The earl of Perth set up a pri-
vate chapel in the court for mass, which was not
kept so private, but that many frequented it.
The town of Edenburgh was much alarmed at A tumult at
this. And the rabble broke in with such fury,
that they defaced every thing in the chapel. And
if the earl of Perth had not been conveyed away
in disguise, he had very probably fallen a sacrifice
to popular rage. The guards upon the alarm
came, and dispersed the rabble. Some were
taken : and one that was a ringleader in the
tumult was executed for it. When he was at
the place of execution, he told one of the minis-
ters of the town, that was with him assisting him
126 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. with his prayers, that he was offered his life, if he
would accuse the duke of Queensborough, as the
person that had set on the tumult, but he would
not save his life by so false a calumny. Mr. Ma-
com, the minister, was an honest but weak man.
So, when the criminal charged him to make this
679 discovery, he did not call any of those who were
present to bear witness of it : but in the simplicity
of his heart he went from the execution to the
archbishop of St Andrew's, and told him what had
passed. The archbishop acquainted the duke of
Queensborough with it. And he writ to court,
and complained of it. The king ordered the mat-
ter to be examined. So the poor minister, having
no witness to attest what the criminal had said to
him, was declared the forger of that calumny.
And upon that he was turned out. But how
severely soever those in authority may handle a
poor incautious man, yet the public is apt to
judge true. And, in this case, as the minister's
weakness and misfortune was pitied, so the earl
of Perth's malice and treachery was as much de-
tested.
Apariia- In summer this year, the earl of Murray, an-
1 " * other new convert, was sent the king's commis-
sioner to hold a parliament in Scotland, and to
try if it would be more compliant than the Eng-
lish parliament had been. The king did by
his letter recommend to them in very earnest
words the taking off all penal laws and tests
relating to religion. And all possible methods
were used to prevail on a majority. But two
accidents happened before the opening the parlia-
OF KING JAMES II. 127
ment, which made great impression on the minds 1686.
of many.
Whitford, son to one of their bishops before
the wars, had turned a papist. He was the per-
son that killed Dorislaus in Holland. And, that
he might get out of Cromwell's reach, he had
gone into the duke of Savoy's service ; and was
there when the last massacre was committed on
the Vaudois. He had committed many barbarous
murders with his own hands, and had a small
pension given him after the restoration. He died
a few days before the parliament met ; and called
for some ministers, and to them declared his for-
saking of popery, and his abhorrence of it for its
cruelty. He said, he had been guilty of some
execrable murders in Piedmont, both of women
and children, which had pursued him with an
intolerable horror of mind ever after that. He
had gone to priests of all sorts, the strictest as
well as the easiest : and they had justified him in
what he had done, and had given him absolution.
But his conscience pursued him so, that he died
as in despair, crying out against that bloody reli-
gion.
The other was more solemn. Sir Robert Sib-
bald, a doctor of physic, and the most learned an-
tiquary in Scotland, who had lived in a course of 680
philosophical virtue, but in great doubts as to
revealed religion, was prevailed on by the earl of
Perth to turn papist, in hope to find that certainty
among them, which he could not arrive at upon
his own principles. But he had no sooner done
this, than he began to be ashamed that he had
128
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. made such a step upon so little inquiry. So he
~ went to London, and retired for some months
from all company, and went into a deep course of
study, by which he came to see into the errors of
popery with so full a conviction, that he came
down to Scotland some weeks before the parlia-
ment, and could not be at quiet till he had
published his recantation openly in a church. The
bishop of Edenburgh was so much a courtier, that,
apprehending many might go to hear it, and that
it might give offence at court, he sent him to do
it in a church in the country. But the recantation
of so learned a man, upon so much study, had a
great eifect upon many.
Rosse and Paterson, the two governing bishops,
resolved to let the king see how compliant they
would be. And they procured an address to be
signed by several of their bench, offering to concur
with the king in all that he desired with relation
to those of his own religion, (for the courtly style
now was not to name popery any other way than
by calling it the king's religion,) provided the
laws might still continue in force and be executed
against the presbyterians. With this Paterson
was sent up. He communicated the matter to
the earl of Middleton, who advised him never to
shew that paper: it would be made use of against
them, and render them odious : and the king and
all his priests were so sensible that it was an in-
decent thing for them to pretend to any special
favour, that they were resolved to move for no-
thing but a general toleration. And so he per-
suaded him to go back without presenting it.
OF KING JAMES II. 129
This was told me by one who had it from the earl 1686.
himself.
When the session of parliament was opened, Which re
duke Hamilton was silent in the debate. Hecompi y
promised he would not oppose the motion : but he kin
would not be active to promote it. The duke of sires -
Queensborough was also silent : but the king was
made believe that he managed the opposition
under hand. Rosse and Paterson did so entirely
forget what became their characters, that they
used their utmost endeavours to persuade the par-
liament to comply with the king's desire. The
archbishop of Glasgow opposed it, but fearfully. 681
The bishop of Dunkeld, Bruce, did it openly and
resolutely: and so did the bishop of Galloway.
The rest were silent, but were resolved to vote for
the continuance of the laws. Such was the mean-
ness of most of the nobility, and of the other
members, that few did hope that a resistance to
the court could be maintained. Yet the parlia-
ment would consent to nothing, further than to
a suspension of those laws during the king's life.
The king despised this. So the session was put
off, and the parliament was quickly dissolved.
And, soon after that, both the archbishop of
Glasgow and the bishop of Dunkeld were turned
out by an express command from the king. And
Paterson was made archbishop of Glasgow. And
one Hamilton, noted for profaneness and impiety,
that sometimes broke out into blasphemy, was
made bishop of Dunkeld. No reason was as-
signed for turning out those bishops, but the king's
pleasure.
K
130
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686.
gainst po-
pery.
Affairs in
Ireland.
The nation, which was become very corrupt, and
both ignorant and insensible in the matters of
religion, began now to return to its old zeal
against popery. Few proselytes were made after
this. The episcopal clergy were in many places
so sunk into sloth and ignorance, that they were
not capable of conducting this zeal. Some of
them about Edenburgh, and in divers other places,
began to mind those matters, and recovered some
degrees of credit by the opposition they made to
popery. But the presbyterians, though they were
now freed from the great severities they had long
smarted under, yet expressed on all occasions
their unconquerable aversion to popery r . So the
court was soon convinced, that they were not to
be depended on.
But, what opposition soever the king met with
in the isle of Britain, things went on more to his
mind in Ireland. The earl of Clarendon, upon
his first coming over, gave public and positive
assurances, that the king would maintain their act
of settlement. This he did very often, and very
solemnly; and proceeded accordingly. In the
mean while the earl of Tirconnell went on more
roundly. He not only put Irish papists in such
posts in the army as became void, but upon the
r Partial dog. S. (" It was
repeatedly observed at the
time, that while the church-
men, who were the only suf-
ferers by this indulgence,
were in their station vigil-
ant and zealous against the
threatening increase of po-
pery, the presbyterians,
" though they knew this was
' the design at the bottom,
were generally silent upon
that delicate point, not choos-
ing to give offence to those
on whose account they had
met with so much favour."
Skinner's Ecclesiastical His-
tory of Scotland, vol. I. p. 510.
OF KING JAMES II. 131
slightest pretences he broke the English protestant 1686.
officers, to make room for the others : and in con-
clusion, without so much as pretending a colour
for it, he turned them all out. And now an
army, paid by virtue of the act of settlement to
secure it, was wrested out of legal hands, and put
in the hands of those who were engaged both in 682
religion and interest to destroy the settlement,
and those concerned in it ; which was too gross a
violation of law to be in any sort palliated. So
the English protestants of Ireland looked on them-
selves as at mercy, since the army was now made o<
up of their enemies. And all that the lord lieu-
tenant or the lord chancellor could say did not
quiet their fears : good words could not give secu-
rity against such deeds as they saw every day.
Upon this the earl of Clarendon and the earl of
Tirconnell fell into perpetual jarrings, and were
making such complaints one of another, that the
king resolved to put an end to those disorders by
recalling both the earl of Clarendon and Porter.
He made the earl of Tirconnell lord lieutenant 8 ,
and Fitton lord chancellor, who were both not
only professed but zealous papists. Fitton knew
no other law but the king's pleasure.
This struck all people there with great terror,
when a man of Tirconnell's temper, so entirely
trusted and depended on by the Irish, capable of
the boldest undertakings, and of the cruelest
execution, had now the government put so en-
tirely in his hands. The papists of England either
dissembled\ery artificially, or they were much
s Lord deputy. S.
K 2
132
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. troubled at this, which gave so great an alarm
every where. It was visible, that father Petre
arid the Jesuits were resolved to engage the king
so far, that matters should be put past all retreat-
ing and compounding ; that so the king might
think no more of governing by parliament, but by
a military force ; and, if that should not stick firm
to him, by assistance from France, and by an Irish
army*.
* ("It had been given in
" charge to Tyrconnel to raise
" the Irish to a decided supe-
' riority over the English in-
' terest, to the end that Ire-
' land might offer a secure
' asylum to James and his
' friends, if by any subsequent
' revolution the king should
' be driven from the English
" throne ; but the lord deputy
" had a further and more na-
( tional object in view, to ren-
' der his native country inde-
' pendent of England, if James
' should die without male is-
1 sue, and the prince and prin-
' cess of Orange should in-
' herit the crown. For this
' purpose he employed the
' agency of Bonrepaus in Eng-
' land, and of Seignelay in
' France, to acquaint Louis
' XIV. with his intention, and
' to solicit his powerful aid.
' The French monarch, who
' looked on the prince of
' Orange as the most formi-
' dable of his enemies, receiv-
' ed the overture with plea-
' sure, and gave to Tyrconnel
' strong assurances of sup-
* port ; and it was mutually
agreed, that the project, and
all the subsequent proceed-
ings, should be carefully
withheld, not only from the
knowledge of Sunderland,
to whom it was said that
Tyrconnel was bound to pay
the yearly sum of 40 oo/.
out of his emoluments, but
also from that of Barillon,
whose intimacy with Sunder-
land exposed him to the sus-
picion of betraying every
secret to that minister. For
this information we are in-
debted to the industry of
Mazure, who discovered it
in the despatches of Bonre-
paus. Mazure, II. 287.
(Histoire de la Revolution,
de 1 688.)" "I am not, how-
ever, convinced of the ac-
curacy of this information.
It is difficult to reconcile it
with the fact that James
would never consent to Tyr-
connel's favourite plan of
repealing the Act of Settle-
ment; and it is plain that
the person who pretended
to treat with him in the
name of Tyrconnel could
produce no authority or ere-
OF KING JAMES II. 133
An accident happened at this time, that gave 1686.
the queen great offence, and put the priests much The king
out of countenance. The king continued to go
still to Mrs. Sidley. And she gained so much on
him, that at last she prevailed to be made countess
of Dorchester. As soon as the queen heard of
this, she gave order to bring all the priests, that
were admitted to a particular confidence, into her
closet. And, when she had them about her, she
sent to desire the king to come and speak to her.
When he came, he was surprised to see such a
company about her, but much more when they
fell all on their knees before him. And the queen
broke out into a bitter mourning for this new
honour, which they expected would be followed
with the setting her up openly as mistress. The
queen was then in an ill habit of body; and had
an illness that, as was thought, would end in a
consumption. And it was believed that her sick- 683
ness was of such a nature, that it gave a very
melancholy presage, that, if she should live, she
could have no children 11 . The priests said to the
" dentials from that nobleman." of this History referring to the
Lingard's History of England, above-mentioned Despatches
vol. X. ch. 3. p. 242. See of Bonrepaus, relates, that
however sir John Mackintosh's these intrigues coming to the
History of the Revolution, ch. knowledge of the prince of
4. p. 126 129, where it is Orange, occasioned him to
added on the authority of the entertain great apprehensions
Sheridan MSS. that Tyrcon- on this head, and to fear that
nel was reported to have a- king James himself was in-
greed without the knowledge clined to deprive his presump-
of his master to put four Irish tive successor of the crown of
seaports, Kinsale, Waterford, Ireland, ch. 13. p. 400.)
Limerick, and either Galway u First insinuation against
or Coleraine into the hands of the birth of the king's son.
France. The able Continuator Cole.
134 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. king, that a blemish in his life blasted their de-
signs : and the more it appeared, and the longer
it was continued, the more ineffectual all their
endeavours would prove. The king was much
moved with this, and was out of countenance for
what he had done. But, to quiet them all, he
promised them, that he would see the lady no
more ; and pretended, that he gave her this title
in order to the breaking with her the more
decently. And, when the queen did not seem to
believe this, he promised that he would send her
to Ireland, which was done accordingly. But,
after a stay there for some months, she came over
again ; and that ill commerce was still continued.
The priests were no doubt the more apprehensive
of this, because she was bold and lively, and was
always treating them and their proceedings with
great contempt x .
The court was now much set on making of
converts ; which failed in most instances, and
produced repartees, that, whether true or false,
were much repeated, and were heard with great
satisfaction.
Attempts The earl of Mulgrave was lord chamberlain.
made on
x Her wit was rather sur- another ; therefore thought
prising than pleasing, for there they were very even upon his
was no restraint in what she score. But most of her re-
said of, or to, any body. She markable sayings were what
told king William's queen, who nobody else would in modesty
she observed looked coldly up- or discretion have said: the
on her, that if it was upon her best excuse that could be made
father's account, she hoped she for her was, that her mother,
would remember that as she lady Catherine Sidley, had
had broke one commandment been locked up in a madhouse
with him, her majesty had many years before she died,
made no scruple of breaking D.
OF KING JAMES II. 135
He was apt to comply in every thing that he 1686.
thought might be acceptable; for he went with many to
the king to mass, and kneeled at it. And, being ^^11.
looked on as indifferent to all religions, the priests & oa -
made an attack on him. He heard them gravely
arguing for transubstantiation. He told them, he
was willing to receive instruction : he had taken
much pains to bring himself to believe in God,
who made the world and all men in it: but it
must not be an ordinary force of argument, that
could make him believe, that man was quits with
God, and made God again.
The earl of Middleton had married into a popish
family, and was a man of great parts and a generous
temper, but of loose principles in religion. So a
priest was sent to instruct him. He began with
transubstantiation, of which he said he would con-
vince him immediately: and began thus, You be-
lieve the Trinity. Middleton stopt him, and said,
Who told you so? at which he seemed amazed.
So the earl said, he expected he should convince
him of his belief, but not question him of his own.
With this the priest was so disordered, that he
could proceed no further. One day the king gave
the duke of Norfolk the sword of state to carry
before him to the chapel: and he stood at the 684
door. Upon which the king said to him, My
lord, your father would have gone further : to
which the duke answered, Your majesty's father
was the better man, and he would not have gone
so far. Kirk was also spoken to, to change his
religion ; and replied briskly, that he was already
pre-engaged, for he had promised the king of
136 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. Morocco, that, if ever he changed his religion, he
""would turn Mahometan.
Particular- But the person that was the most considered,
iLTrfRo- was the earl f R chester - He told me ' that
Chester. U p 0n fo e ^uke of Monmouth's defeat, the king
did so immediately turn to other measures, that,
though before that the king talked to him of all
his affairs with great freedom, and commonly every
morning of the business that was to be done that
day, but the very day after his execution the king
changed his method, and never talked more to
him of any business, but what concerned the
treasury: so that he saw he had now no more
the root he formerly had. He was looked on as
so much united to the clergy, that the papists were
all set against him. He had, in a want of money,
procured a considerable loan, by which he was
kept in his post longer than was intended. At
last, as he related the matter to me, the king
spoke to him, and desired he would suffer himself
to be instructed in religion. He answered, he
was fully satisfied about his religion. But upon
the king's pressing it, that he would hear his
priests, he said, he desired them to have some of
the English clergy present, to which the king
consented: only he excepted to Tillotson and
Stillingfleet. Lord Rochester said, he would take
those who should happen to be in waiting; for
the forms of the chapel were still kept up. And
doctor Patrick and Jane were the men. Upon
this a day was set for the conference.
But his enemies had another story. He had
notice given him, that he would shortly lose the
OF KING JAMES II. 137
white staff: upon which his lady, who was then 1686.
sick, wrote to the queen, and begged she would"
honour her so far as to come, and let her have
some discourse with her. The queen came, and
stayed above two hours with her. She complained
of the ill offices that were done them. The queen
said, all the protestants were now turning against
them, so that they knew not how they could trust
any of them. Upon which that lady said, her
lord was not so wedded to any opinion, as not to
be ready to be better instructed. And it was
said, that this gave the rise to the king's proposing
a conference : for it has been observed to be a 685
common method of making proselytes, with the
more pomp, to propose a conference : but this was
generally done, after they were well assured, that,
let the conference go which way it might, the per-
son's decision for whom it was appointed should
be on their side. The earl denied he knew
any thing of all this to me? : for his lady died not
long after 2 . It was further said by his enemies,
that the day before the conference he had an ad-
vertisement from a sure hand, that nothing he
could do would maintain him in his post, and
that the king had engaged himself to put the
Y (So the Autograph and to get rid of him ; the method
Transcript, for the first edition he took to execute this design
has and his lady. The mean- of removing lord Rochester,
ing very obscure.)
z (In the Life of king James
II. lately published from the
Stuart Papers, the attempt to
convert lord Rochester is said
to have been first suggested by
lord Sunderland, who wished I. p. 100.)
was to persuade the king,
that he had great disposi-
tions to change his religion;
and when once that was
done, he might be more
freely consulted with." Vol.
\
138
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. treasury in commission, and to bring some of the
" popish lords into it. Patrick told me, that at the
conference there was no occasion for them to say
much.
The priests began the attack. And when they
had done, the earl said, if they had nothing stronger
to urge, he would not trouble those learned gen-
tlemen to say any thing : for he was sure he could
answer all that he had heard. And so answer-
ed it all with much heat and spirit, not without
some scorn, saying, were these grounds to per-
suade men to change their religion? This he
urged over and over again with great vehemence 2 .
z (According to the above-
cited work, " Before any point
" was thoroughly handled, or
' so much almost as entered
' upon, he rose up abruptly,
' and said he was more con-
' firmed in opinion than be-
' fore ; upon which the as-
" sembly broke up." This
account cannot well be recon-
ciled with that given by Dr.
Lingard of lord Rochester's
conduct on this occasion. See
vol. X. of his History of Eng-
land, ch. 2. p. 224, where it is
stated, that at the king's re-
quest " the earl conversed in
" private with Dr. Leyburn on
" two subjects, the real doc-
" trine of the Christian church
" during the first five centu-
' ries, and the necessity of an
* infallible authority in mat-
' ters of faith : afterwards the
' question of the real pre-
* sence was debated before
' him and the king without
' any attendants, by the doc-
' tors Jane and Patrick on
4 one side, and Leyburn and
' Godden on the other; and
' Rochester in conclusion ob-
' served, that the disputants
' 'had discoursed learnedly,
' and that he would atten-
' tively consider their argu-
* ments.' The king was dis-
' appointed ; he complained
' to Barillon of the obstinacy
' and insincerity of the trea-
' surer ; and the latter re-
' ceived from the French en-
' voy a very intelligible hint
* that the loss of office would
" result from his adhesion to
" his religious creed. (Note.)
" Barillon, i 2th Dec. 9 Janv.
' ' While James complained on
" one side of his obstinacy,
" the zealous protestants com-
** plained on the other, * that
" he remained so far in sus-
'* pense as not to declare which
" side had the better.' The
" true Patriot Vindicated, p.
" 88." Dr. Lingard had pre-
OF KING JAMES II.
139
turned out.
The king, seeing in what temper he was, broke off 1686.
the conference, charging all that were present to
say nothing of it.
Soon after that he lost his white staff a ; but He was
had a pension of 4000/. a year for his own life
and his son's, besides his grant upon the lord
Grey, and another valued at 20,000/. So here
were great regards had to him : no place having
ever been sold, even by a person in favour, to
such advantage. The sum that he had procured
to be lent the king being 400,000/. and it being
all ordered to go towards the repair of the fleet,
this began to be much talked of. The stores were
very ill furnished : and the vessels themselves were
in decay. But now orders were given, with great
viously suggested doubts con-
cerning this nobleman's real
attachment to the interests
of the church of England.
But his sacrifice of power
and the emoluments of of-
fice ought to protect him from
the suspicion of insincerity.
If he was silent on the sub-
ject of the conference, it was
in obedience to his sovereign's
injunctions. In the Autobio-
graphy of Bishop Patrick pub-
lished in the year 1838, after
this note was written, an ac-
count of the conference is
given, p. 1 06 120. On the
whole it appears, that there is
less reason to suspect Roches-
ter's attachment to the church,
than the disinterested adhe-
rence of his brother, the earl
of Clarendon, to king James.)
a He had disobliged the
princess Ann, which did him
no service then, but turned
much to his prejudice ever
after. Her allowance was very
small for keeping of a court,
and they received nothing
from Denmark, which occa-
sioned her contracting a debt
of ten thousand pounds, which
was very uneasy to her. She
desired lord Rochester to re-
present her case to the king,
who excused himself by telling
her she knew the king's tem-
per in relation to money mat-
ters, and such a proposal
might do him hurt, and her
no good. Upon which she
spoke to lord Godolphin, who
undertook it very readily, and
succeededto her content, which
proved of great advantage to
him all the rest of his life. D.
(Compare note at pag. 117.
vol. II. folio edit, of Burnet's
Hist.)
140 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. despatch to put the whole fleet in condition to go
~ to sea, though the king was then in full peace with
all his neighbours. Such preparations seemed to
be made upon some great design.
Designs The priests said every where, but chiefly at
talked of that the Design was against the States:
mst
and that both F rallce an d England would make
war on them all of the sudden ; for it was gene-
rally known that the Dutch fleet was in no good
condition. The interests of France and of the
priests made this to be the more easily believed.
The embroiling the king with the prince of
Orange was that which the French desired above
all other things, hoping that such a war, being
686 successful, might put the king on excluding the
prince from the succession to the crown in the
right of his wife, which was the thing that both
the French and the priests desired most : for they
saw that, unless the queen had a son, all their de-
signs must stand still at present, and turn abortive
in conclusion, as long as the nation had such a suc-
cessor in view.
This carries me now to open the state of affairs
in Holland, and at the prince of Orange's court.
I must first say somewhat of myself: for this sum-
mer, after I had rambled above a year, I came into
i stayed Holland. I stayed three or four months in Geneva
some time i o i i < -r
in Geneva, and Switzerland, after I came out of Italy. I
stayed also some time among the Lutherans at
Strasbourg and Franckfort, and among the Cal-
vinists at Heidleberg, besides the further oppor-
tunities I had to know their way in Holland. I
made it rny business to observe all their methods,
OF KING JAMES II. 141
and to know all the eminent men among them. I 1686.
saw the churches of France in their best state,"
while they were every day looking when this
dreadful storm should break out, which has scat-
tered them up and down the world. I was all
the winter at Geneva, where we had constantly
fresh stories brought us of the miseries of those
who were suffering in France. Refugees were
coming over every day, poor and naked, and half
starved before they got thither. And that small
state was under great apprehensions of being swal-
lowed up, having no strength of their own, and
being justly afraid that those at Bern would grow
weary of defending them, if they should be vigor-
ously attacked. The rest of Switzerland was not
in such imminent danger. But, as they were full
of refugees, and all sermons and discourses were
much upon the persecution in France, so Basile
was exposed in such manner, that the French
could possess themselves of it when they pleased,
without the least resistance. Those of Stras-
bourg, as they have already lost their liberty, so
they were every day looking for some fatal edict,
like that which the French had fallen under. The
churches of the Palatinate, as they are now the
frontier of the empire, exposed to be destroyed by
every new war, so they are fallen into the hands
of a bigoted family. All the other churches on
the Rhine see how near they are to ruin. And
as the United Provinces were a few years before
this very near being swallowed up, so they were
now well assured that two great kings designed
to ruin them.
142 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. Under so cloudy a prospect it should be ex-
that a spirit of true devotion and of a real
The state reformation should appear more, both among the
clergy and laity; that they should all apprehend
that God was highly offended with them, and was
therefore punishing some, and threatening others,
in a most unusual manner. It might have been
expected, that those unhappy contests between
Lutherans and Calvinists, Arminians and Anti-
Arminians, with some minuter disputes that have
inflamed Geneva and Switzerland, should have
been at least suspended while they had a common
enemy to deal with, against whom their whole
force united was scarce able to stand. But these
things were carried on rather with more eagerness
and sharpness than ever. It is true, there has
appeared much of a primitive charity towards the
French refugees: they have been in all places
well received, kindly treated, and bountifully sup-
plied. Yet even among them there did not ap-
pear a spirit of piety and devotion suitable to
their condition : though persons who have will-
ingly suffered the loss of all things, and have for-
saken their country, their houses, estates, and
their friends, and some of them their nearest
relations, rather than sin against their consciences,
must be believed to have a deeper principle in
them, than can well be observed by others.
I was indeed amazed at the labours and learn-
ing of the ministers among the reformed. They
understood the scriptures well in the original
tongues : they had all the points of controversy
very ready, and did thoroughly understand the
OF KING JAMES II. 143
whole body of divinity. In many places they 1686.
preached every day, and were almost constantly
employed in visiting their flock. They performed
their devotions but slightly, and read their pray-
ers, which were too long, with great precipitation
and little zeal. Their sermons were too long and
too dry. And they were so strict, even to jealousy,
in the smallest points in which they put ortho-
doxy, that one who could not go into all their
notions, but was resolved not to quarrel with
them, could not converse much with them with
any freedom. I spread many notions among some
of the younger sort, inclining them to more lati-
tude in point of opinion, and a greater strictness
in their lives and labours, which I have found
since have not been without good effects. I have,
upon all the observation that I have made, often
considered the inward state of the reformation,
and the decay of the vitals of Christianity in
it, as that which gives more melancholy im-
pressions, than all the outward dangers that sur-
round it.
In England things were much changed, with
relation to the court, in the compass of a year.
The terror all people were under from an ill
chosen and an ill constituted parliament was now 688
almost over: and the clergy were come to their
wits, and were beginning to recover their reputa-
tion. The nation was like to prove much firmer
than could have been expected, especially in so
short a time. Yet after all, though many were
like to prove themselves better protestants than
was looked for, they were not become much better
144
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. Christians: and few were turning to a stricter
~ course of life: nor were the clergy more diligent
in their labours among their people, in which re-
spect it must be confessed that the English clergy
are the most remiss of any I ever saw b . The
curates in popery, besides their saying mass every
day, their exactness to their breviary, their attend-
ing on confessions and the multiplicity of offices
to which they are obliged, do so labour in in-
structing the youth and visiting the sick, that, in
all the places in which I could observe them, it
seemed to be the constant employment of their
lives: and in the foreign churches, though the
labours of the ministers may seem mean, yet they
are perpetually in them. All these things lay so
much on my thoughts, that I was resolved to
retire into some private place, and to spend the
rest of my life in a course of stricter piety and
devotion, and in writing such books, as the state
of matters with relation to religion should call
for, whether in points of speculation or practice.
All my friends advised my coming near England,
that I might be easier sent to, and informed of
all our affairs, and might accordingly employ my
thoughts and time. So I came down the Rhine
this summer, and was resolved to have settled in
Groning or Frizeland.
i was in- When I came to Utrecht I found letters writ
prince of G to me by some of the prince of Orange's court,
desiring me to come first to the Hague, and wait
on tne p r i nce an( j p r i nce ss, before I should settle
any where. Upon my coming to the Hague, I
*> Civil that. S.
Hague.
OF KING JAMES II. 145
was admitted to wait on them. I found they had 1686.
received such characters of me from England, that
they resolved to treat me with great confidence :
for at my first being with them, they entered into
much free discourse with me concerning the affairs
of England. The prince, though naturally cold
and reserved, yet laid aside a great deal of that
with me c . He seemed highly dissatisfied with
the king's conduct. He apprehended that he
would give such jealousies of himself, and come
under such jealousies from his people, that these
would throw him into a French management, and
engage him into such desperate designs as would
force violent remedies. There was a gravity in
his whole deportment that struck me. He seemed 689
very regardless of himself, and not apt to suspect
designs upon his person. But I had learned some-
what of the design of a brutal Savoyard, who was
capable of the blackest things, and who for a foul
murder had fled into the territory of Geneva, where
he lay hid in a very worthy family, to whom he
had done some services before. He had formed
a scheme of seizing on the prince, who used to go
in his chariot often on the sands near Scheveling
with but one person with him, and a page or two
on the chariot. So he offered to go in a small
vessel of twenty guns, that should lie at some dis-
tance at sea, and to land in a boat with seven per-
sons besides himself, and to seize on the prince,
and bring him aboard, and so to France. This he
wrote to Mr. de Louvoy, who upon that wrote to
him to come to Paris, and ordered money for his
c The same favour was shewn to Titus Gates. Cole.
L
146 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. journey. He, being a talking man, spoke of this,
" and shewed Mr. de Louvoy's letter, and the copy
of his own : and he went presently to Paris. This
was brought me by Mr. Fatio, the celebrated
mathematician, in whose father's house that per-
son had lodged. When I told the prince this,
and had Mr. Fatio at the Hague to attest it, he
was not much moved at it. The princess was
more apprehensive. And by her direction I ac-
quainted Mr. Fagell, and some others of the
States, with it, who were convinced that the thing
was practicable. And so the States desired the
prince to suffer himself to be constantly attended
on by a guard when he went abroad ; with which
he was not without some difficulty brought to
comply. I fancied his belief of predestination
made him more adventurous than was necessary.
But he said as to that, he firmly believed a provi-
dence : for if he should let that go, all his religion
would be much shaken : and he did not see, how
providence could be certain, if all things did not
arise out of the absolute will of God. I found
those who had the charge of his education had
taken more care to possess him with the Calvin-
istical notions of absolute decrees, than to guard
him against the ill effects of those opinions in
practice : for in Holland the main thing the minis-
ters infuse into their people, is an abhorrence of
the Arminian doctrine, which spreads so much
there, that their jealousies of it make them look
after that, more than after the most important
matters.
The prince had been much neglected in his
OF KING JAMES II.
147
education: for all his life long he hated constraint. 1686.
He spoke little. He put on some appearance of A character
application : but he hated business of all sorts, oftheprince
1 * and prm-
Yet he hated talking, and all house games, more, cess of
This put him on a perpetual course of hunting, to
which he seemed to give himself up, beyond any
man I ever knew : but I looked on that always,
as a flying from company and business. The de- 690
pression of France was the governing passion of
his whole life. He had no vice, but of one sort,
in which he was very cautious and secret d . He
had a way that was affable and obliging to the
Dutch. But he could not bring himself to com-
d Bishop Burnet told me, if
I lived to read his History, I
should be surprised to find he
had taken notice of king Wil-
liam's vices ; but some things,
he said, were too notorious
for a faithful historian to pass
over in silence. D. In Ni-
chols's Literary Anecdotes,
vol. I. p. 252, it is stated,
that the first editors of this
History had directed parts of
it, in which king William's
character was more fully de-
lineated, to be left out. The
two passages now first edited
from the bishop's autograph
confirm this account. But
let it be remembered, that
they are also omitted in the
Transcript, and that at present
there appears no assignable
cause, as there does in the case
of the Suppressed Passages,
for their omission by the first
editors. Perhaps therefore it
originated with the bishop, for
reasons known to him self. After
the words " He hated con-
" straint,"line 2, above, follows
this passage, " De Wit used to
" come to him every Monday,
" and give him a very parti-
" cular instruction of all things
" relating to their government,
' which he said to myself was
' still of great use to him.
' He spoke several languages
' almost equally well with the
' language of the country,
" both English, French, and
" high Dutch ; he also spoke
" Spanish, and understood
" Latin. He had an extraor-
" dinary memory and a sound
" judgment, which seldom err-
" ed in forming true charac-
" ters of men." And after
the words " of his whole life,"
line 9, follows " He was posi-
" tive in his notions but not
" imperious, and though pre-
" judices stuck long and deep
" with him, yet he seemed to
" have no designs of revenge
" in his nature."
L 2
148 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. ply enough with the temper of the English, his
coldness and slowness being very contrary to the
genius of the nation.
The princess possessed all that conversed with
her with admiration. Her person was majestic,
and created respect. She had great knowledge,
with a true understanding, and a noble expres-
sion. There was a sweetness in her deportment
that charmed, and an exactness in piety and of
virtue that made her a pattern to all that saw her.
The king gave her no appointments to support the
dignity of a king's daughter. Nor did he send
her any presents or jewels, which was thought a
very indecent, and certainly was a very ill advised
thing. For the settling an allowance for her and
the prince would have given such a jealousy of
them, that the English would have apprehended a
secret correspondence and confidence between
them : and the not doing it shewed the contrary
very evidently. But, though the prince did not
increase her court and state upon this additional
dignity, she managed her privy purse so well, that
she became eminent in her charities : and the
good grace with which she bestowed favours did
always increase their value. She had read much,
both in history and divinity. And when a course
of humours in her eyes forced her from that, she
set her self to work with such a constant diligence,
that she made the ladies about her ashamed to be
idle. She knew little of our affairs, till I was ad-
mitted to wait on her. And I began to lay before
her the state of our court, and the intrigues in it,
ever since the restoration : which she received
OF KING JAMES II. 149
with great satisfaction, and shewed true judgment, 1686.
and a good mind, in all the reflections that she"
made. I will only mention one in this place : she
asked me what had sharpened the king so much
against Mr. Jurieu, the copiousest and the most
zealous writer of the age, who wrote with great
vivacity as well as learning. I told her, he mixed
all his books with a most virulent acrimony of
style, and among other things he had writ with
great indecency of Mary queen of Scots, which
cast reflections on them that were descended from
her ; and was not very decent in one that desired
to be considered as zealous for the prince and
herself. She said, Jurieu was to support the
cause that he defended, and to expose those that
persecuted it, in the best way he could. And, if
what he said of Mary queen of Scots was true, he
was not to be blamed, who made that use of it :
and, she added, that if princes would do ill things,
they must expect that the world will take revenges
on their memory, since they cannot reach their 691
persons : that was but a small suffering, far short
of what others suffered at their hands. So far I
have given the character of those persons, as it
appeared to me upon my first admittance to them.
I shall have occasion to say much more of them
in the sequel of this work.
I found the prince was resolved to make use of i was much
me. He told me, it would not be convenient for
me to live any where but at the Hague : for none
of the outlawed persons came thither. So I would
keep my self by staying there out of the danger
that I might legally incur by conversing with
150 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. them, which would be unavoidable if I lived any
~ where else. He also recommended me both to
Fagell, Dykvelt, and Halewyn's confidence, with
whom he chiefly consulted. I had a mind to see
a little into the prince's notions, before I should
engage my self deeper into his service. I was
afraid lest his struggle with the Louvestein party,
as they were called, might have given him a jea-
lousy of liberty and of a free government. He
assured me, it was quite the contrary : nothing
but such a constitution could resist a powerful ag-
gressor long, or have the credit that was necessary
to raise such sums, as a great war might require e .
He condemned all the late proceedings in Eng-
land with relation to the charters, and expressed
his sense of a legal and limited authority very
fully. I told him I was such a friend to liberty,
that I could not be satisfied with the point of
religion alone, unless it was accompanied with the
Theprince's securities of law. I asked his sense of the church
affairs 0fOUr f England. He said, he liked our worship well,
e In the strong language of riching a country. On the
Cobbett, the clear-sighted ra- great lord Mansfield being ask-
dical, this example set us by a ed, why he preferred laying
small and assailable country out his money in mortgages
of borrowing money to be to buying land, or purchasing
paid by posterity, is called in the funds, he replied that
" the infernal system hatched the one was principal without
" by the Scotch bishop Bur- interest, and the other interest
" net, for the purpose of cor- without principal. Accord-
" rupting the souls, and starv- ingly, about thirty years since,
" ing the bodies of this once the holders of stock in the
" honest, free, and well clad five per cents, were deprived
" people." Cobbett's Weekly by a manoeuvre of the govern-
Political Register, June 1828. ment of near one third of their
So much for subsequent taxa- property. What is to follow,
tion, by an interchange en- no one knows.
OF KING JAMES II. 151
and our government in the church, as much better 1686.
than parity : but he blamed our condemning the
foreign churches, as he had observed some of our
divines did. I told him, whatever some hotter
men might say, all were not of that mind. When
he found I was in my opinion for toleration, he
said, that was all he would ever desire to bring us
to, for quieting our contentions at home f . He
also promised to me, that he should never be pre-
vailed with to set up the Calvinistical notions of
the decrees of God, to which I did imagine some
might drive him. He wished some of our cere-
monies, such as the surplice, and the cross in bap-
tism, with our bowing to the altar, might be laid
aside . I thought it necessary to enter with him
into all these particulars, that so I might be fur-
nished from his own mouth to give a full account
of his sense to some in England, who would ex-
pect it of me, and were disposed to believe what I
should assure them of. This discourse was of
some hours' continuance : and it passed in the
princess's presence. Great notice came to be
taken of the free access and long conferences I
f It seems the prince even licy of England influenced all
then thought of being king. S. his counsels. He had adopted
(The prince of Orange had by the design of the expedition
his friends supported the bill to England, as Ralph the his-
for the exclusion of James, torian observes, before the pro-
and had himself endeavoured secution of the bishops.)
to persuade king Charles the S (This agrees with the ac-
second to patronize it even count given by the dismissed
after its rejection by the house chaplains of the princess. They
of lords. See Sidney's Diary, reported also her consort's
vol. II. p. 164. Love of his dislike to the observation of
native country, an inbred ha- the thirtieth of January. See
tred of France, and a wish Strickland' s Lives of the Queens
for the direction of the po- of England, vol. I. p. 224.)
152 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. had with them both. I told him, it was necessary
for his service to put the fleet of Holland in a
good condition. And this he proposed soon after
to the States, who gave the hundredth penny for
a fund to perfect that. I moved to them both
the writing to the bishop of London, and to the
king concerning him. And, though the princess
feared it might irritate the king too much, in con-
clusion I persuaded them to it.
The king, hearing of this admission I had, be-
gan in two or three letters to reflect on me, as a
dangerous man, whom they ought to avoid and be-
ware of. To this no answer was made. Upon
the setting up the ecclesiastical commission, some
from England pressed them to write over against
it, and to begin a breach upon that. I told them,
I thought that was no way advisable : they could
not be supposed to understand our laws so well,
as to oppose those things on their own knowledge:
so that, I thought, this could not be expected by
\_f. from] them, till some resolute person would
dispute the authority of the court, and bring it to
an argument, and so to a solemn decision. I like-
wise said, that I did not think every error in
government would warrant a breach: if the founda-
tions were struck at, that would vary the case :
but illegal acts in particular instances could not
justify such a conclusion. The prince seemed sur-
prised at this : for the king made me pass for one
that was a rebel in my heart. And he now saw how
far I was from it h . I continued on this ground
to the last.
h (According to his own ac- to get the fleet of Holland put
count, he advised the prince into a good condition, before
OF KING JAMES II. 153
That which fixed me in their confidence was, 1686.
the liberty I took, in a private conversation with Theprin _
the princess, to ask her what she intended the jess's reso-
1 lution with
prince should be, if she came to the crown. She, respect to
who was new to all matters of that kind, did not
understand my meaning, but fancied that whatever
accrued to her would likewise accrue to him in
the right of marriage. I told her it was not so :
and I explained king Henry the seventh's title to
her, and what had passed when queen Mary mar-
ried Philip of Spain 1 . I told her, a titular king-
ship was no acceptable thing to a man, especially
if it was to depend on another's life : and such a
nominal dignity might endanger the real one that
the prince had in Holland. She desired me to pro-
pose a remedy. I told her, the remedy, if she
could bring her mind to it, was, to be contented
to be his wife, and to engage herself to him, that
she would give him the real authority as soon as
it came into her hands, and endeavour effectually
to get it to be legally vested in him during life :
this would lay the greatest obligation on him
possible, and lay the foundation of a perfect union
the foundations were struck at ; what he proposed, who, though
foreseeing, it is to be sup- proclaimed king of England,
posed, the king's future con- was excluded from the ad-
duct.) ministration, even during his
1 Henry the seventh's case queen's life, and never pre-
was to the point, who undoubt- tended to exclude her sister,
edly after his queen's death or his own issue, if he had had
reigned in the wrong of her any by her. D. (Philip's case
son; nor could his Lancastrian supported the bishop's posi-
title avail him ; his mother, tion, that no right to govern
from whom he claimed, out- this country would accrue to
living him. But the instance the prince, by virtue of his
Burnet quoted of Philip of marriage with the princess.)
Spain made directly against
154 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. between them, which had been of late a little
~ embroiled k : this would also give him another
sense of all our affairs : I asked pardon for the
presumption of moving her in such a tender point:
but I solemnly protested, that no person living
693 had moved me in it, or so much as knew of it, or
should ever know of it, but as she should order it.
I hoped she would consider well of it : for, if she
once declared her mind, I hoped she would never
go back, or retract it. I desired her therefore to
take time to think of it. She presently answered
me, she would take no time to consider of any
thing by which she could express her regard and
affection to the prince; and ordered me to give
him an account of all that I had laid before her,
and to bring him to her, and I should hear what
she would say upon it. He was that day a hunt-
ing : and next day I acquainted him with all that
had passed, and carried him to her ; where she in
a very frank manner told him, that she did not
know that the laws of England were so contrary
to the laws of God, as I had informed her 1 : she
did not think that the husband was ever to be
obedient to the wife : she promised him, he should
always bear rule : and she asked only, that he
would obey the command of, Husbands love your
wives, as she should do that, Wives be obedient to
your husbands in all things. From this lively in-
troduction we engaged into a long discourse of
the affairs of England. Both seemed well pleased
with me, and with all that I had suggested. But
k By Mrs. Villiers, now damned husband for all that. S.
lady Orkney ; but he proved a 1 Foolish. S.
OF KING JAMES II. 155
such was the prince's cold way, that he said not 1686.
one word to me upon it, that looked like acknow- ~
ledgment. Yet he spoke of it to some about him
in another strain. He said, he had been nine
years married, and had never the confidence to
press this matter on the queen, which I had now
brought about easily in a day. Ever after that,
he seemed to trust me entirely.
Complaints came daily over from England of all
the high things that the priests were every where
throwing out. Pen the quaker came over to Hoi- Pen sent
land. He was a talking vain man, who had been t with
long in the king's favour, he being the vice- the prmce>
admiral's son. He had such an opinion of his
own faculty of persuading, that he thought none
could stand before it : though he was singular in
that opinion : for he had a tedious luscious way,
that was not apt to overcome a man's reason,
though it might try his patience 11 . He undertook
to persuade the prince to come into the king's
measures, and had two or three long audiences of
him upon the subject : and he and I spent some
hours together on it. The prince readily con-
sented to a toleration of popery, as well as of the
dissenters, provided it were proposed and passed
m [I] therefore take it for three kingdoms of his own
granted, that the prince or- head, though he had had dou-
dered him to propose it to the ble the confidence he was
princess, before he would en- known to have. D. (Compare
gage in the attempt upon Eng- Tempora Mutantur, page 5, a
land : and she must under- pamphlet so entitled, treating
stand it so, for certainly such of Burnet's supposed change
a little Scotch priest durst not in his doctrines.)
have proposed altering the n He spoke very agreeably,
right of succession to the and with much spirit. S.
156 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. in parliament : and he promised his assistance, if
" there was need of it, to get it to pass. But for
the tests, he would enter into no treaty about
them. He said, it was a plain betraying the
security of the protestant religion, to give them
up. Nothing was left unsaid, that might move
him to agree to this in the way of interest : the
king would enter into an entire confidence with
694 him, and would put his best friends in the chief
trusts. Pen undertook for this so positively, that
he seemed to believe it himself, or he was a great
proficient in the art of dissimulation. Many sus-
pected that he was a concealed papist . It is
certain he was much with father Petre, and was
particularly trusted by the earl of Sunderland.
So, though he did not pretend any commission
for what he promised, yet we looked on him as a
man employed. To all this the prince answered,
that no man was more for toleration in principle
than he was : he thought the conscience was only
subject to God : and as far as a general toleration,
even of papists, would content the king, he would
concur in it heartily : but he looked on the tests
as such a real security, and indeed the only one,
when the king was of another religion, that he
would join in no counsels with those that intended
to repeal those laws that enacted them. Pen said,
The king once in dis- when he was treasurer, in car-
course with a person I had it rying messages to people he
from, said, " I suppose you did not think proper to con-
" take William Pen for a verse with himself. D. (Penn
" quaker, but I can assure satisfied his friends, that the
" you he is no more so than suspicion of his being a Ro-
" I am." He was much em- man catholic was groundless.)
ployed by lord Godolphin
OF KING JAMES II. 157
the king would have all or nothing : but that, if 1686.
this was once done, the king would secure the
toleration by a solemn and unalterable law. To
this the late repeal of the edict of Nantes, that
was declared perpetual and irrevocable, furnished
an answer that admitted of no reply. So Pen's
negotiation with the prince had no effect.
He pressed me to go over to England, since I
was in principle for toleration : and he assured me
the king would prefer me highly. I told him,
since the tests must go with this toleration, I
could never be for it. Among other discourses
he told me one thing, that was not accomplished
in the way in which he had a mind I should be-
lieve it would be, but had a more surprising
accomplishment. He told me a long series of
predictions, which, as he said, he had from a man
that pretended a commerce with angels, who had
foretold many things that were past very punctu-
ally. But he added, that in the year 1688 there
would such a change happen in the face of affairs
as would amaze all the world. And after the
revolution, which happened that year, I asked
him before much company, if that was the event
that was predicted. He was uneasy at the ques-
tion ; but did not deny what he had told me,
which, he said, he understood of the full settle-
ment of the nation upon a toleration, by which he
believed all men's minds would be perfectly quieted
and united.
Now I go from this to prosecute the recital of Some w-
English affairs. Two eminent bishops died this i n England.
year, Pearson, bishop of Chester, and Fell, bishop
158 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. of Oxford. The first of these was in all respects
the greatest divine of the age : a man of great
learning, strong reason, and of a clear judgment.
He was a judicious and grave preacher, more in-
695structive than affective; and a man of a spotless
life, and of an excellent temper. His book on
the creed is among the best that our church has
produced. He was not active in his diocese, but
too remiss and easy in his episcopal function ; and
was a much better divine than a bishop. He was
a speaking instance of what a great man could
fall to: for his memory went from him so en-
tirely, that he became a child some years before
he died^.
Fell, bishop of Oxford, was a man of great
strictness in the course of his life, and of much
devotion. His learning appears in that noble
edition of St. Cyprian that he published. He
had made great beginnings in learning before the
restoration : but his continued application to his
employments after that, stopped the progress that
otherwise he might have made. He was made
soon after dean of Christ Church, and afterwards
bishop of Oxford. He set himself to promote
learning in the university, but most particularly
in his own college, which he governed with great
care : and was indeed in all respects a most exem-
plary man, a little too much heated in the matter
of our disputes with the dissenters. But as he
P (An interesting letter of terview with this great man,
the learned Mr. Dodwell has after a failure of the powers
been lately published, in which of his mind.)
an account is given of his in-
OF KING JAMES II.
159
was among the first of our clergy that appre-
hended the design of bringing in popery, so he
was one of the most zealous against it^. He had
much zeal for reforming abuses ; and managed it
perhaps with too much heat, and in too peremp-
tory a way 1 '. But we have so little of that among
Q (Bishop Fell, who had been
a sufferer in the cause of the
monarchy, was zealous also for
the real liberties of English-
men. " There is a sort of
" men," he observes in a ser-
mon preached before the lords,
in 1680, "who would com-
" mend a more forcible expe-
" dient for removing the pub-
" lie "differences, the security
" of a standing army. I will
" not argue how well this
" method may agree with the
" complexions of a more
" southern climate ; it is e-
" nough our rougher consti-
" tutions will never suit with
" such a medicine." P. 1 1 .
Neither do his foreign politics
appear to have agreed with
those which were too preva-
lent at court. " Shall I warn
" you," says he, in the same
discourse, " of your potent
" neighbour, who, as your
" arms employed against his
" enemies have raised him to
" his present greatness ; so
" now attends and watches,
" till your arms employed
" against yourselves, shall
" raise him higher yet, and
" make a ready way unto his
" further conquests ?" P. 20.)
r Anthony Wood, in his A-
thense Oxon. according to his
usual phraseology, calls him a
valde-vult man. Wood did
not love him. But Fell was a
very extraordinary person, and
the greatest governor that has
ever been since his time, in
either of the universities. Both
of them at this time want
much of the spirit and dignity
in it that he had. They are
sinking because of that ; with
the addition at Oxford of a
foolish disloyalty, that breeds
too many of their youth to be
party men of the worst kind.
But time, not violence, must
cure that. From all this a
very great evil has happened ;
our young men of rank are
driven abroad for their educa-
tion, and they bring nothing
from thence, that I have ever
seen, which qualifies them for
serving their country at home.
It gives them (I speak in ge-
neral only) a turn, too much
to courts and armies, to the
luxuries of the town, and to
the neglect of their interests
in the country, and conse-
quently to the freedom of it,
the principles of which they
know and value less, than the
little police, for some private
accommodations, and that only
for people of fashion, which
they meet with in the foreign
countries they usually go to. O.
(Wood however does ample
160 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. us, that no wonder if such men are censured by
those who love not such patterns, nor such severe
task-masters 8 .
Ward, of Salisbury, fell also under a loss of
memory and understanding : so that he, who was
both in mathematics and philosophy, and in the
strength of judgment and understanding, one of
the first men of his time, though he came too
late into our profession to become very eminent
in it, was now a great instance of the despicable
weakness to which man can fall. The court in-
tended once to have named a coadjutor for him.
But there being no precedent for that since the
reformation, they resolved to stay till he should
die.
Cartwright The other two bishopricks were less consider-
" able ; so they resolved to fill them with the two
worst men that could be found out. Cartwright
was promoted to Chester. He was a man of good
capacity, and had made some progress in learning.
He was ambitious and servile, cruel and boister-
ous : and, by the great liberties he allowed him-
self, he fell under much scandal of the worst sort.
justice to the character of this (See before, p. 601. of Bur-
learned and excellent person net's first volume. For his
in art. Fell of his Athen. Oxon. share also in the removal of
It appears from an unpublish- Locke from Christ Church,
ed letter of Le Neve to the he has lately met with much
learned Mr. Baker, that arch- severe censure ; but it should
bishop Tenison made collec- be recollected that Fell, who,
tions for a life of bishop Fell.) although decidedly opposed to
s He was much blamed for Locke's politics yet disap-
parting too easily with the earl proved of his removal, consi-
of Clancarty, which afterwards dered himself and his college
proved the utter ruin of that legally obliged to obey their
very rich and noble family. D. royal visitor.)
OF KING JAMES II.
161
He had set himself long to raise the king's au- 1086.
thority above law ; which, he said, was only a
method of government to which kings might
submit as they pleased ; but their authority was
from God, absolute and superior to law, which
they might exert, as oft as they found it necessary
for the ends of government. So he was looked 696
on as a man that would more effectually advance
the design of popery, than if he should turn over
to it. And indeed, bad as he was, he never made
that step, even in the most desperate state of his
affairs 1 .
The see of Oxford was given to Dr. Parker,
who was a violent independent at the time of the
restoration, with a high profession of piety in their
way". But he soon changed, and struck into the
* He went to Ireland with
king James, and there died
neglected and poor. S. (He
died there in the communion
of the protestant church. See
Salmon's Lives of the English
Bishops, p. 388. In this par-
ticular he was as good as his
word. For it appears, that
when he was engaged in the
visitation of Magdalen college,
he declared in private conver-
sation, that he would live and
die in the church of England.
This is mentioned in a MS.
account of that visitation. See
also Howell's State Trials, vol.
XII. p. 95. He was not defi-
cient in eloquence, as his
speeches on that occasion
shew. His conference with
Walcot and others, at the time
of their execution, for being
concerned in the Rye-house
plot, is detailed in Salmon's
Characters of Noblemen and
Gentlemen, &c. p. 399 405.)
u (Parker was not quite
twenty years of age at the
time of the restoration. And
when the bishop says after
this, that the articles against
Cartwright and Parker were
some of them too scandalous
to be repeated, the charges
against two individuals are
very unfairly confounded. In-
cesto additur integer. It is ob-
servable, that the clergy who
were most obnoxious for their
compliance with the king's
measures, were almost all, not
of the old royalist, but at one
period of their lives of the
opposite party. Such were
Parker, Cartwright, Crewe,
M
162 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. highest form of the church of England ; and wrote
"many books with a strain of contempt and fury
against all the dissenters, that provoked them out
of measure ; of which an account was given in the
history of the former reign x . He had exalted
the king's authority in matters of religion in so
indecent a manner, that he condemned the ordi-
nary form of saying the king was under God and
Christ, as a crude and profane expression ; saying,
that though the king was indeed under God, yet
he was not under Christ, but above him. Yet,
not being preferred as he expected, he writ after
that many books on design to raise the authority
of the church to an independance on the civil
power. There was an entertaining liveliness in
all his books : but it was neither grave nor cor-
rect. He was a covetous and ambitious man ; and
seemed to have no other sense of religion but as
a political interest, and a subject of party and fac-
tion. He seldom came to prayers, or to any exer-
cises of devotion ; and was so lifted up with pride,
that he was become insufferable to all that came
near him. These two men were pitched on, as
the fittest instruments that could be found among
all the clergy, to betray and ruin the church.
Some of the bishops brought to archbishop San-
croft articles against them, which they desired he
would offer to the king in council, and pray that
the mandate for consecrating them might be de-
layed, till time were given to examine particulars.
Sprat, Hall, and even Barlow, passive, obedience to the pow-
These temporizing prelates, ers that be.}
true to their own interest, * (Vol. I. p. 261, folio edit.)
were for active, as well as
OF KING JAMES II. 163
And bishop Lloyd told me, that Bancroft promised 1686.
to him not to consecrate them, till he had ex-
amined the truth of the articles ; of which some
were too scandalous to be repeated. Yet, when
Bancroft saw what danger he might incur, if he
were sued in a premunire, he consented to conse-
crate them- v .
The deanery of Christ's Church, the most im-
portant post in the university, was given to Mas-
sey, one of the new converts, though he had nei-
ther the gravity, the learning, nor the age that
was suitable to such a dignity. But all was sup-
plied by his early conversion : and it was set up
for a maxim, to encourage all converts. He at
first went to prayers in the chapel. But soon
after, he declared himself more openly 2 . Not
long after this, the president of Magdalen college
died. That is esteemed the richest foundation in
England, perhaps in Europe ; for though their
certain rents are but about 4 or 5QOO/. yet it is 697
thought that the improved value of the estate
7 (* An accident happened in of his own, in which the Ro-
the action that struck him man catholic mode of worship
much. When he was going was set up. Thus a dignitary
to give the chalice in the sa- of the church of England was
crament, he stumbled on one permitted to desert her com-
of the steps of the altar, arid munion, and notwithstanding
dashed out all the consecrated retain his preferment by vir-
wine that was in it, which was tue of a dispensation and par-
much taken notice of, and gave don still on record ; nay, as it
himself the more trouble, since is alleged by Wood, he had
he was frightened to such a left it, previously to his being
consecration by so mean a settled in the deanery ; and
fear/ One of the alleged Sup- yet the king continued to as-
pressed Passages, but it is sert, that he had never taken
crossed for deletion in the any preferment from the na-
Transcript.) tional church.)
z (He had a private chapel
M 2
164 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. belonging to it is about 40,000/. a So it was no
"wonder that the priests studied to get this endow-
ment into their hands.
They had endeavoured to break in upon the
university of Cambridge in a matter of less im-
portance, but without success : and now they re-
solved to attack Oxford, by a strange fatality in
their counsels. In all nations the privileges of
colleges and universities are esteemed such sacred
things, that few will venture to dispute these,
much less to disturb them, when their title is
good, and their possession is of a long continu-
ance b : for in these, not only the present body
espouses the matter, but all who have been of it,
even those that have only followed their study in
it, think themselves bound in honour and grati-
tude to assist and support them. The priests be-
gan where they ought to have ended, when all
other things were brought about to their mind.
The Jesuits fancied, that, if they could get footing
in the university, they would gain such a reputa-
tion by their methods of teaching youth, that they
would carry them away from the university tu-
tors, who were certainly too remiss. Some of the
more moderate among them proposed, that the
king should endow a new college in both univer-
sities, which needed not have cost above two
thousand pound a year, and in these set his priests
to work . But either the king stuck at the
a (The bishop's informers manner of cause but their
valued too high.) steadiness to the church. S.
b Yet in king George's c (Bruce, earl of Ailesbury,
reign, Oxford was bridled and in his letter mentioned among
insulted with troops, for no the notes on the preceding
OF KING JAMES II.
165
charge which this would put him to, or his priests
thought it too mean, and below his dignity not to
lay his hand upon those great bodies : so rougher
methods were resolved on d . It was reckoned,
1686.
reign, addressed to Mr. Leigh
of Adlestrop, writes thus of the
unadvised attack on Magda-
len college ; "I had that col-
" lege much at heart at the
" time of that most unhappy
" combustion. I was on my
" knees to beg of that good
" and misled king not to
" touch the freehold : and if
" he would have a college,
" rather to build one, altho'
** it was not according to the
" constitution. And altho' I
" had not a shilling ready
" money, I would have con-
" tributedathousandpounds."
Extract from the above-named
letter, published in the 27th
vol. of the European Magazine,
p.22.)
d (The methods successfully
used to get Magdalen college
into their hands are mentioned
in the following pages ; but
there was once an intention to
proceed against this society
by a quo warranto. In a letter
to Dr. Bayley, one of the fel-
lows of the college, which was
printed at the time, and then
supposed to have been written
by the celebrated William
Penn, to whom Bayley ad-
dressed an answer, the society
is advised to petition that the
order for the quo warranto
against it may be recalled be-
fore it is too late. And that
this was no vain threat, ap-
pears from the private instruc-
tions sent to the commission-
ers, during their stay at Ox-
ford ; a copy of which is
extant in a MS. account of
the visitation of the college
by baron Jenner one of them.
The threat is also alluded
to in some printed accounts
of the visitation. Besides the
demand of a further submis-
sion from the fellows, they are
enjoined " strictly to inquire
" into the management of
" the college affairs, and see
" whether matter may not be
" found sufficient for a quo
Cf warranto" In another
written Account of these pro-
ceedings, once possessed by
Mr. Hunt one of the then
ejected fellows, and now in
Magdalen college, it is ob-
served, that the above-men-
tioned Letter was disowned by
Mr. Penn. But it has been
objected to him, that he after-
wards attempted to allure
Hough to submission by an
offer of succeeding bishop
Parker, then unwell, in the
bishopric of Oxford. See Ma-
caulay's History of England,
vol. II. p. 299. The source of
information on this point is
Dr. Hough's Letter, printed
in his Life by Wilmot, p. 25,
giving an account of his jour-
ney to Windsor, accompanied
by four fellows of the college,
for the purpose of obtaining
Penn's good offices with the
166 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. that by frightening them they might be driven to
compound the matter, and deliver up one or two
colleges to them : and then, as the king said some-
times in the circle, they who taught best would be
most followed.
The king's They began with Cambridge upon a softer point,
fosediu" which yet would have made way for all the rest.
Cambridge. ^^ j^g sent hj s letter, or mandamus, to order
F. Francis, an ignorant Benedictine monk, to be
received a master of arts ; once to open the way
for letting them into the degrees of the university.
The truth is, the king's letters were scarce ever
refused in conferring degrees : and when ambassa-
dors or foreign princes came to those places, they
usually gave such degrees to those who belonged
to them as were desired. The Morocco ambassa-
dor's secretary, that was a Mahometan, had that
degree given him ; but a great distinction was
made between honorary degrees given to strangers,
who intended not to live among them, and those
given to such as intended to settle among them :
for every master of arts having a vote in the con-
698 vocation, they reckoned that, if they gave this
degree, they must give all that should be pre-
tended to on the like authority : and they knew
king. In consequence of one would do very well with the
of Hough's friends, Mr. Cra- presidentship. Penn who had
dock, accidentally mentioning, before this time, on conversing
that bishop Parker was very with the members of the col-
ill, Hough's succession to the lege in Oxford, written in their
see was suggested with a smile behalf to the king, now as-
by Penn ; but cold water was sured them of his further in-
immediately thrown on the terposition with him. Com-
proposal by Cradock's ob- pare Clarkson's Life of Wil-
servation, that the bishopric Ham Penn, ch. xxiii. p. 153.)
OF KING JAMES II. 167
all the king's priests would be let in upon them, 1686.
which might occasion in present great distraction
and contentions among them ; and in time they
might grow to be a majority in the convocation,
which is their parliament. They refused the man-
damus with great unanimity, and with a firmness
that the court had not expected from them.
New and repeated orders, full of severe threaten-
ings in case of disobedience, were sent to them :
and this piece of raillery was every where set up,
that a papist was reckoned worse than a Maho-
metan, and that the king's letters were less con-
sidered than the ambassador from Morocco had
been. Some feeble or false men of the university
tried to compound the matter, by granting this
degree to F. Francis, but enacting at the same
time, that it should not be a precedent for the
future for any other of the like nature. This was
not given way to : for it was said, that in all such
cases the obedience that was once paid would be
a much stronger argument for continuing to do it,
as oft as it should be desired, than any such proviso
could be against it.
Upon this the vice-chancellor was summoned The vice-
before the ecclesiastical commission to answer this turned out
contempt. He was a very honest, but a very weak ^asM
man 6 . He made a poor defence. And it was commis -
sioners.
no small reflection on that great body, that their
e Dr. Peachel, master of example in the university, by
Magdalen college(Cambridge). drunkenness and other loose
After the revolution, he starved behaviour : and after four days
himself to death, upon arch- abstinence would have eaten,
bishop Bancroft's having re- but could not. D.
buked him for setting an ill
168 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. ^ief magistrate was so little able to assert their
privileges, or to justify their proceedings. He
was treated with great contempt by Jefferies.
But he having acted only as the chief person of
that body, all that was thought fit to be done
against him was, to turn him out of his office.
That was but an annual office, and of no profit :
so this was a slight censure, chiefly when it was
all that followed on such heavy threaten! ngs f .
The university chose another vice-chancellor, who
was a man of much spirit*: and in his speech,
which in course he made upon his being chosen,
he promised, that, during his magistracy, neither
religion nor the rights of the body should suffer
by his means. The court did not think fit to in-
sist more upon this matter ; which was too plain
a confession, either of their weakness in beginning
such an ill-grounded attempt, or of their feeble-
ness in letting it fall, doing so little after they had
talked so much about it. And now all people
began to see that they had taken wrong measures
of the king, when they thought that it would be
easy to engage him into bold things, before he
could see into the ill consequences that might
attend them, but that being once engaged he
would resolve to go through with them at all
699 adventures. When I knew him, he seemed to
f He was also suspended chel says he had reason given
ab officio et beneficio of his mas- him to expect a deprivation in
tership of the college (Mag- a little time. Pepys's Diary,
dalen) he was head of, and vol. II. p. 90. He was not
this suspension to be during restored before the 24th of
the king's pleasure. O. (In October in the following year.)
his letter to Mr. Pepys, dated s John Balderston, master
in December 1687, Dr. Pea- of Emanuel college. Cole.
OF KING JAMES II.
169
have set up that for a maxim, that a king when 1686.
he made a step was never to go back, nor to
encourage faction and disobedience by yielding
to it h .
After this unsuccessful attempt upon Cam- An attempt
i i i r\ i* -i i 1 i* i m P
bridge, another was made upon Oxford, that lasted popish
longer, and had greater effects ; which I shall set Magdal
all down together, though the conclusion of this college *
affair ran far into the year after this that I now
write of. The presidentship of Magdalen was
given by the election of the fellows. So the king
sent a mandamus, requiring them to choose one
Farmer, an ignorant and vicious person, who had
not one qualification that could recommend him
to so a high a post besides that of changing his
religion. Mandamus letters had no legal authority
in them l : but all the great preferments of the
k Reflecting on his father
king Charles's want of firm-
ness ; with which he might
more justly be charged than
with insincerity, the perpetual
excuse of his enemies for their
conduct towards him. This
prince was driven from London
on account of his attempt to
bring to a legal trial for high
treason five members of the
house of commons, having, as
he thought, sufficient proof of
their guilt ; and returned to be
murdered there by those, who
had seized on forty of the
members, and set aside the
majority, of the same assembly.
Consult Carte's Hist, of Eng-
land, vol. IV. pp. 399. 60 1.
BatriAiK)), chap. in. and
Baillie, the Covenanter's, Let-
ters^ vol. I. Let. 31. p. 332.
i In the year 1590, when
notwithstanding her recom-
mendatory letter another per-
son was elected president of
the college, queen Elizabeth
under the pretext of some ir-
regularity in the form of elec-
tion, which at the same time
originated with the friends of
the man she recommended,
constituted Dr. Bond presi-
dent. Bond however, unlike
Farmer and afterwards Parker,
was qualified by the college
statutes for the place. An un-
published Letter is preserved
in the Bodleian Library, writ-
ten by the great earl of Cla-
rendon to Dr. Oliver president
170
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. church being in the king's disposal, those who did
~ pretend to favour were not apt to refuse his re-
commendation, lest that should be afterwards
remembered to their prejudice. But now, since
it was visible in what channel favour was like to
run, less regard was had to such a letter. The
fellows of that house did upon this choose Dr.
Hough, one of their body, who, as he was in all
respects a statutable man, so he was a worthy and
a firm man, not apt to be threatened out of his
right k . They carried their election, according to
their statutes, to the bishop of Winchester, their
visitor: and he confirmed it 1 . So that matter
was legally settled. This was highly resented at
court. It was said, that, in the case of a manda-
of this college, which shows
the kind of attention Charles
the first wished to be given to
his recommendatory letters.
" You may remember," his
lordship writes, " that when
" you were first chosen pre-
" sident, I told you at Oxford
' by the leave and direction
of our master, that is in
heaven, that if he himself
should at any time recom-
mend a person to you to be
chosen into your college,
who was not in manners or
learning fully qualified for
the favour, he would never
take it ill, if you rejected
him, and chose another man
fit. And if the king sub-
mitted to these rules, all
other men may well observe
them." MSS. Bodl. Smith,
XXIX. 41 1 . Dr. Oliver him-
self had a royal mandate in
his favour according to the
assertion of the commission-
ers during the visitation of the
college in 1687, mentioned in
a MS. Account of it. See also
Dr. Smith's Narrative, p. 92.)
k He was at this time also
domestic chaplain to the duke
of Ormond. O.
1 (Mews, bishop of Win-
chester, having probably had
some intimation of the design
of the court, did, on the de-
cease of the late president,
address a letter to the college
' ' most earnestly pressing them
'* to the observation of their
" founder's statutes in the elec-
" tion of a president ;" and
recommending at the same
time to their choice the bishop
of Man, Dr. Levinz, formerly
a fellow of the society. The
original letter is in the posses-
sion of the lord Braybrooke.)
OF KING JAMES II.
171
mus for an undeserving man, they ought to have
represented the matter to the king, and stayed till
they had his pleasure : it was one of the chief
services that the universities expected from their
chancellors, which made them always choose men
of great credit at court, that by their interest
such letters might be either prevented or re-
called. The duke of Ormond was now their
1686.
m (The following is a true
statement of the conduct of
the college in relation to the
mandate. Before they pro-
ceeded to the election of a
president on the decease of
doctor Cierke, having been
credibly informed, that the
king had granted letters man-
datory in favour of Farmer,
the vice-president and fellows,
in a petition dated April 9,
1687, represented to his ma-
jesty, that he was incapable
by the college statutes of the
place ; and therefore prayed
either to be left to a free elec-
tion, or that a person might
be recommended more service-
able to the king and to the
college. On the 1 1 th of the
same month the mandate ar-
rived recommending Farmer ;
when it was agreed by the
fellows to defer the considera-
tion of the affair till the i3th,
which was the day they had
appointed for the election, con-
formably to the direction of
the statutes. On the I3th
they determined, that the elec-
tion should be postponed till
the next day, on account of
their having a petition then
lying before his majesty. On
the 1 4th not having received
an answer to their petition, they
again resolved not to proceed
to elect till the following day,
that day being the last to
which they could, consistently
with the statutes, defer the
election. On the 1 5 th doctor
Thomas Smith and captain
Bagshaw, two of the fellows,
acquainted the college, that
on the 1 3th they had been in-
formed by the earl of Sunder-
land, president of the privy
council, to whom on the loth
of the month the college peti-
tion had been delivered, to-
gether with a letter of the
same import addressed to his
lordship by the bishop of Win-
chester, visitor of the college,
that his majesty,, having sent
his letter to the college, ex-
pected to be obeyed. Doctor
Aldworth, the vice-president,
as well as doctor Fairfax,
nephew of the parliament's
general the lord Fairfax, and
doctors Smith and Pudsey,
declared for a second address
to the king, but all the others
were for proceeding immedi-
ately to election. Accordingly,
only two of their number,
Charnock and Thompson, de-
172
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1686. chancellor: but he had little credit in the court ;
"and was declining in his age, which made him
claring viva voce for Farmer,
Mr. , afterwards doctor, Hough,
and doctor Maynard, having
been returned by the major
part of the whole body of the
fellows to the thirteen senior
fellows, Hough was finally
elected by a great majority of
the thirteen. His election was
according to the prescribed
form, confirmed by the visitor
on the 1 8th, although that
confirmation is not essentially
necessary. Upon lord Sunder-
land's requiring from the col-
lege an account of these pro-
ceedings, a statement of the
case was drawn up, and either
on the i8th or iQth of the
same month of April trans-
mitted to the duke of Ormond,
chancellor of the university,
together with a letter request-
ing his grace's interposition
with the king. These papers
are inserted in a contemporary
Relation of the Proceedings
against St. Mary Magdalen
College in Oxon, pp. 4 and 5,
commonly attributed to doctor
Aldworth, the then vice-presi-
dent of the college ; the head
of whose family, the present
lord Braybrooke, has in his
possession some of the doctor's
papers respecting this affair.
It is proper to observe, that
there is great reason to be-
lieve, that the king was unac-
quainted with the answer given
by lord Sunderland to the pe-
tition, and with the college
ever petitioning before they
elected Hough. See the Bio-
graphia Britann. artic. Dr. J.
Smith, p. 3 7 29, and a note we
shall subjoin respecting the
delivery of this petition. An
interesting anecdote, affording
additional credibility to this
supposition, occurs in the Low-
gueruana, printed at Berlin in
1754. M. Masse Doyen de
la cathe"drale d'Oxfort et Prin-
cipal du college de Christ,
(see above, p. 696, folio edit.)
mon bon ami, et qui par at-
tachement au roi Jacques, s'e*-
toit sauve* d'Angleterre, me
disoitquenous e"tions de grands
sots d'aj outer foi a Sanderus
qui tjtoit un fripon, et qui tant
procureur du college de Christ,
1'avoit vole\ Masse en savoit
des nouvelles. Ce M. Masse
recut un jour un ordre du roi
Jacques, signe" du my lord
Sunderland, secretaire d'etat,
pour chasser du college de
Christ les quatre-vingt e*co-
liers qui y etoient, s'ils ne se
faisoient catholiques. Sa sur-
prise fut extreme ; il alia con-
suiter un ami, et ils se per-
suaderent tous deux que le roi
etoit trahi, et que tout alloit
etre perdu. Masse alia a Lon-
dres pour informer le roi de
I'impossibilite d' exe'cuter un
tel ordre. Le roi assura n'en
avoir aucune connoissance.
Masse exhiba la pi^ce signee
de Sunderland, et le roi le
loua de n'avoir pas obe"i, et le
renvoya a Oxfort : mais il
n'ouvrit pas les yeux, et ne vit
OF KING JAMES II. 173
retire into the country. It was much observed", 1686.
that this university, that had asserted the king's
prerogative in the highest strains of the most
abject flattery possible, both in their addresses,
and in a wild decree they had made but three
years before this, in which they had laid together
a set of such highflown maxims as must establish
an uncontrollable tyranny, should be the first
body of the nation that should feel the effects of
it most sensibly. The cause was brought before
the ecclesiastical commission. The fellows were
first asked, why they had not chosen Farmer in
obedience to the king's letter? And to that they
answered by offering a list of many just excep-
tions against him. The subject was fruitful, and
the scandals he had given were very public. The
court was ashamed of him, and insisted no more 700
on him : but they said, that the house ought
to have shewed more respect to the king's letter,
than to have proceeded to an election in contempt
of it.
The ecclesiastical commission took upon them They ais-
to declare Hough's election null, and to put the are censor-
house under suspension. And, that the design o f edforit -
the court in this matter might be carried on
without the load of recommending a papist,
Parker, bishop of Oxford, was now recommended :
and the fellows were commanded to proceed to a
new election in his favour. They excused them-
pas que Ton vouloit porter les on the Poetical Works of Dry-
peuples a un soulevement, den, vol. II. p. 321.)
p. 2 1 9. It is now found, that n And their virtue and
the substance of this extract steadiness ought equally to be
is given in Dr. Warton's notes observed. S.
174 HISTORY OF THE. REIGN
1686. selves, since they were bound by their oaths to
maintain their statutes : and by these, an election
being once made and confirmed, they could not
proceed to a new choice, till the former was
annulled in some court of law: church benefices
and college preferments were freeholds, and could
only be judged in a court of record : and, since
the king was now talking so much of liberty of
conscience, it was said, that the forcing men to
act against their oaths seemed not to agree with
those professions. In opposition to this it was
said, that the statutes of colleges had been always
considered as things that depended entirely on the
king's good pleasure; so that no oaths to observe
them could bind them, when it was in opposition
to the king's command.
1687- This did not satisfy the fellows : and, though
the king, as he went through Oxford in his pro-
gress in the year 1687, sent for them, and ordered
them to go presently and choose Parker for their
president, in a strain of language ill suited to the
majesty of a crowned head, (for he treated them
with foul language pronounced in a very angry
tone ;) yet it had no effect on them. They in-
sisted still on their oaths, though with a humility
and submission, that they hoped would have mol-
lified him . Thev continued thus firm. A sub-
(" His majesty, being in-
" formed that the fellows of
" Magdalen college had re-
" fused to admit the bishop
'* of Oxford to be their presi-
" dent instead of Mr. Farmer,
sent for them yesterday,
after dinner, to his anti-
chamber in Christ Church
college, where his majesty
chid them very much for
their disobedience, and with
OF KING JAMES II.
175
altern commission was sent from the ecclesiastical 1687.
commission to finish the matter. Bishop Cart-~
wright was the head of this commission, as sir
Charles Hedges was the king's advocate to manage
the matterP. Cartwright acted in so rough a
manner, that it shewed he was resolved to sacri-
fice all things to the king's pleasure. It was an
afflicting thing, which seemed to have a peculiar
character of indignity in it, that this first act of
violence committed against the legal possessions
of the church, was executed by one bishop, and
done in favour of another.
The new president
" a much greater appearance
" of anger than ever I per-
" ceived in his majesty, who
" bad them go away immedi-
" ately, and choose the bishop
" of Oxford before this morn-
" ing, or else they should cer-
" tainly feel the weight of
" their sovereign's displea-
" sure." Blathwayt's Letter
to Pepys, in vol. II. of the
Memoirs, p. 86, of the Corre-
spondence. Bonrepaus the
French agent, who was at that
time with the king, records,
that his anger prevented him
from continuing his speech for
some moments. See Mazure
Histoire de la Revolution, torn,
n. p. 29. They soon after
this sent an humble address
to the king at Bath, who had
refused to receive their peti-
tion when he was at Oxford,
offering to obey him in any
thing that did not interfere
with and violate their consci-
ences.)
was turned out**. And, And were
all turned
P Who was afterwards se- out
cretary of state to king Wil-
liam and queen Ann. He was
turned out a little before king
William died, and lord Not-
tingham refused to be secre-
tary to the queen, unless he
were restored ; upon a pre-
tence that he suffered for a
vote he had given in the house
of commons ; but the truth
was to hinder Vernon from
being so, whom his lordship
did not like for a colleague.
D.
q (The president appeared
twice on the 2 1 st of October,
before the commissioners. His
first appearance is mentioned
in these terms by Mr. Holden
one of the fellows, in an un-
published Letter written to his
father on the 3 i st of the same
month. " Dr. Hough spoke
" very fully to all particulars,
" with so modest, calm, and
" yet assured mien, with so
" much reason, eloquence, and
176
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687-
because he would not deliver the keys of his
house the doors were broken open : and Parker
was put in possession. The fellows were re-
quired to make their submission, to ask pardon
701 for what was past, and to accept of the bishop
for their president. They still pleaded their
oath : and were all turned out, except two that
' gracefulness, as charmed not
" only his judges, but even
" his enemies." It is added,
" After making his final ap-
" peal against the proceedings
" of the commissioners, on
" their binding him to appear
" in the king's bench to an-
" swer for a hum of applause
" given by some indiscreet
" persons then in court, they
44 took occasion to express a
" very great esteem for the
" parts and person of the
" doctor, and that they would
" have rid a hundred miles to
" serve him." It was at this
time, that "he uttered" writes
Dr. Ingram in his Memorials
of Oxford, " these memorable
" words, which deserve to be
" recorded in letters of gold :
" My lords, I do hereby pro-
" test against all your pro-
" ceedings, and against all
" that you have done, or here-
" after shall do in prejudice
of me and my right, as
illegal, unjust, and null ; and
therefore I appeal to my
sovereign lord the king in
his courts of justice," vol. II.
p. 3 i . By the favour of Dr.
Bandinel, the greatly meriting
keeper of the Bodleian Library,
we are able to add the follow-
ing curious anecdote, taken
from the private memorandum
book of Carte the historian.
" Oct. 25, 1687. the bishop
" was turned out of the presi-
" dentship of Magdalen. He
" dined that day with the
" countess of Ossory, who
" taking a glass of Moselle
" wine, and waving it under
" her nose for the flavour, for
" she never drank any, * Come
" doctor,' says she, * my ser-
" vice to you, be of good com-
*' fort, 'tis but twelve months
" to this day twelvemonth.'
" ' Tis certainly so, madam,'
" replied the doctor, 'but what
" then ?' 'I say nothing,' said
" she, ' but remember what I
" say, 'tis but twelve months
" to this day twelvemonth.'
" And that day twelvemonth
" he was reinstated." The
countess was the mother of
the then earl of Ossory, grand-
son of the old duke of Ormond,
to whom Hough was chap-
lain. She was a Dutch lady,
and her son lord Ossory, pre-
viously to the revolntion, had
espoused the interests of the
prince of Orange. See note
below at p. 766 of the folio
edition. She died soon after
the recurrence of the day.)
OF KING JAMES II.
177
submitted 1 ". So that it was expected to see that 1687.
house soon stocked with papists. The nation, as :
* (On the 25th of October
1687, bishop Parker, not in-
deed a Roman catholic, but
disqualified by the college sta-
tutes for the place, having been
put in possession of it, the fel-
lows were required by the
commissioners, who were Cart-
wright bishop of Chester, the
chief justice Wright, and baron
Jenner, to submit to him as
president. Doctor Fairfax,
who, with the vice-president,
doctor Aldworth, had been
suspended from his fellowship
by the ecclesiastical commis-
sion, for not obeying the king's
mandate in favour of Farmer,
denied the authority of the
court, refused the required
submission, and appealed to
the king in his courts of jus-
tice. He had also demurred
to the jurisdiction of the eccle-
siastical commission, when be-
fore it in London ; which ac-
counts for his suspension in a
case where the other fellows
were equally concerned. His
firm and spirited opposition to
that higher court is upon re-
cord. The other fellows now
agreed to sign a declaration,
that, as his majesty had by
his royal authority caused the
bishop of Oxford to be install-
ed president, they submitted,
as far as was lawful, and a-
greeable to the statutes of the
college ; consenting to leave
out of their declaration this
additional clause, " and no way
" prejudicial to the right and
" title of doctor Hough," on
the assurance of the commis-
sioners, one of whom was chief
justice of England, that the
omission would in no way in-
validate or prejudice doctor
Hough's title. Dr. T. Smith
said, he submitted without re-
serve. Dr. Fairfax was im-
mediately after this removed
from his fellowship, and two
Roman catholics admitted to
this and another vacancy. But
a letter having been received
by the commissioners from
the earl of Sunderland, the
fellows were on the 28th of
the month informed by the
bishop of Chester, that his
majesty expected they should
acknowledge the legality of
the proceedings of the court,
and ask the king's pardon for
their great disobedience. In
a paper which they presented
to the commissioners, they de-
clined doing either; and on
being required to submit to
the bishop of Oxford as presi-
dent, only two of all the fel-
lows then present in college
answered affirmatively, Dr.
Smith and Mr. Charnock,
whilst the others, according
to baron Jenner's account of
these proceedings, either re-
ferred the commissioners to
their former paper of submis-
sion, or refused to make any
direct declaration ; but the
court insisting on having a
positive answer to the ques-
tion they had proposed, twelve
of the number positively re-
jected the required submis-
N
178
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. well as the university, looked on all this proceed-
" ing with a just indignation. It was thought an
open piece of robbery and burglary, when men,
authorized by no legal commission, came and
forcibly turned men out of their possession and
freehold 8 . This agreed ill with the professions
count just mentioned of this
visitation, drawn up by baron
Jenner, that he and the other
commissioners on their return
were introduced by lord Sun-
derland to the king at White-
hall, who, on a narrative of
their proceedings having been
read to him, approved of their
conduct, and said, "that all the
" bishops of England should
" not excuse a refuser." On
the loth of December the
king's commissioners for ec-
clesiastical causes declared the
expelled fellows, together with
doctor Hough, twenty-six per-
sons in all, incapable of re-
ceiving any ecclesiastical dig-
nity, benefice, or promotion ;
and further ordered, that such
of them as were not yet in
holy orders, should be incapa-
ble of them. A sentence, as
it is said, carried only by a
majority of one. It ought to
be related here, that after the
expulsion of the fellows, the
demies, or scholars on the
foundation, for refusing to sub-
mit to the government of the
usurping president and offi-
cers, were formally removed by
them in the following months
of January and February.)
s (The prince of Orange in
his declaration of the reasons
inducing him to come to this
sion. A person well acquaint-
ed with the fellows of Magda-
len, in a Letter written at the
time says, " They complain,
that the commissioners made
a false construction of their
paper of submission, as
would appear by a compari-
son of it with the college
petition to the king, pre-
sented by them at the same
time" Consult Howell's
State Trials, vol. XII. p. 99.
On the 1 6th of the next month,
November, the commissioners
having returned to Oxford with
written directions for their con-
duct, all the fellows who were
resident in college, twenty-
eight in number, were called
upon by them, Smith and
Charnock excepted, to sign a
form of submission and peti-
tion to the king, imploring his
pardon, acknowledging the
justice of the late proceed-
ings, and declaring their en-
tire submission to the bishop
of Oxford as their president.
All who were thus called upon
refused compliance, and were
all of them, with the excep-
tion of Mr. Thompson, who
had only offended the ruling
powers by signing the petition
against Farmer, expelled the
college by the commissioners.
It appears from the MS. ac-
OF KING JAMES II.
179
that the king was still making, that he would
maintain the church of England as she was by
law established : for this struck at the whole
estate, and all the temporal ties of the church 1 .
1687.
country, notices, amongst other
particulars, the deprivation of
the president and fellows of
Magdalen college, stating that
the turning them out of their
freeholds was contrary to law,
and to an express provision in
the Magna Charta. Burnet
says below, page 799, that the
king himself, both at Fever-
sham and after his return to
Whitehall, justified all he had
done before, but spoke a little
doubtfully of the business of
Magdalen college. And sir
Edward Herbert, the chief jus-
tice, who in sir Edward Hales's
case determined for the king's
dispensing power, writes thus
very decidedly in favour of
the college rights : " In cases
" wherein the rights of the
" subjects have been brought
" in question, how strictly I
" have kept to that substantial
" difference taken by the house
" of commons (in 1628), that
" though the king in laws of
" government, in penal laws
" of a publick nature, has a
" power to dispense in parti -
" cular cases, yet he cannot
" dispense with laws which
" vest any the least right or
" property in any of his sub-
" jects, will appear by the opi-
". nion I gave in the case of
" Magdalen college, for the
" truth of which I appeal to
" all that know any thing of
'* the transactions in that case,
N
" wherein, when the king's
" right against the colledge
" was endeavoured to be as-
" serted by a dispensation
" granted by himself, I utterly
" denied that dispensation to
"be of any force at all, be-
" cause there was a particular
" right and interest vested in
" the members of that college,
" as there is in the members
" of many other corporations,
" of choosing their own head."
A short Account of the Authori-
ties in Law, #c. in Sir Edward
Hales's Case, by Sir Edward
Herbert, p. 29. But admitting
the power of dispensing with
the laws to have been vested
in the crown to the fullest ex-
tent, yet the king used this
prerogative not so much for
the ease or benefit of indivi-
duals, as for the subversion of
those laws, and of what was
established by them.)
1 (Among the accounts ex-
tenuating in some measure
the blame attached to James
for his conduct in this and
other ill measures of his
reign, the following statement
may be reckoned. Dr. Smith's
relation referred to above,
p. 172, is this: " Dr. Ironside
" (the vice-chancellor) told
" me, that in a discourse the
" king was pleased to hold
" with him, when he was in
*' Oxford in September, about
" our college, his majesty ag-
180
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. It did so inflame the church party and the clergy,
~ that they sent over very pressing messages upon
' gravated the undutifulness
' and rudeness of the fellows
' in not petitioning him and
' representing our case to him
' before the election. The
' vice-chancellor interposing
' said, that he heard that we
' had done it. The king an-
' swered, Ay, after the election
' was over. This seemed de-
' monstrative, that the earl of
' Sunderland did not deliver
' our petition in good time,
" and which I concluded fully
" was the reason why baron
" Jenner and the bishop of
'* Chester were so inquisitive
" to know the exact time from
" me." Biog. Britan. vol. VI.
Artie. J. Smith, p. 3 7 29, where
is added in the margin, " This
" he apprehended from the
" first, which was the reason
" of his insisting so much as
" he did upon petitioning the
<f king a second time before
" they proceeded to an elec-
" tion." As to the time of
delivering the petition, Dr.
Smith further says in his Nar-
rative inserted at length in
Howell's State Trials, vol.XII.
that he presented it to lord
Sunderland on Sunday the
tenth of April, before his lord-
ship went to the privy council;
and that Jeffries the lord
chancellor, who had been pre-
sent at the council during the
whole sitting, told Dr. Smith's
friend, sir Theodore de Vaux,
on the day following in answer
to a question made at Smith's
suggestion, that no petition
had been presented, that the
fellows were too proud to peti-
tion, p. 54, 55. On Wednes-
day the 1 3th lord Sunderland
informed Smith that the king
expected to be obeyed. The
election did not take place till
Friday the fifteenth.
It is in our power to produce
the following recital of a con-
versation between the king
and Dr. Ironside, the vice-
chancellor at the time of the
king's visit to Oxford, from a
paper in the handwriting, as
appears both by external and
internal evidence, of the vice-
chancellor himself.
The Vice-chancellor of Oxon's
Discourse with his Majesty,
Sept. 5, 1687.
King. The clergy of the
church [of] England have been
commonly blamed for their want
of humility : I advise them to
wipe off the charge, and learn
to be more humble. There be
wolves among you in sheep's
clothing ; men that pretend to
be of the church of England,
yet act contrary to it, who are
not so obedient to me, as your
church pretends. I do verily
believe that I have at this time
no enemy in the kingdom, but
among those who call themselves
church of England men.
Vice-ch. Your majesty may
please to remember that none of
them were exclusioners .
King. Your Magdalen col-
lege men are church of England
men, yet they have used me very
unhandsomely, in denying my
OF KING JAMES II.
181
it to the prince of Orange, desiring that he would
interpose, and espouse the concerns of the church ;
1687.
mandate, and choosing a presi-
dent in contempt of me.
Vice-ch. We do not say,
but that we here of this place
depend upon the will and plea-
sure of your majesty and the
kings of England. Nor can we
say, but that your majesty can
dissolve our constitutions by
your breath: but this withall
must be acknowledged, that
standing these constitutions, and
while our statutes do continue,
(which have been confirmed to
us by your majesty's royal pre-
decessors,} and which are bound
upon each of us by an oath, we
cannot go against them, without
incurring the heinous sin of per-
jury. We must observe our
statutes, being obliged thereunto
by oath, and no power under
heaven can dispense with these
oaths.
King. Your church are to
blame for being offended at my
giving indulgence to tender con-
sciences, since I protect you as
well as ease them. You do not
as you would be done by. Your
eye is evil, because mine is
good.
Vice-ch. The allowing every
person in their several fancies
about religion must have horri-
ble ill consequences : must bring
in blasphemies, atheisms, and
such monstrous opinions, as no
Christian state ought in consci-
ence to admit. When about a
month since I waited on your
majesty as chaplain, I was a-
mazed to see what countenance
your majesty gave that mon-
strous and scarce Christian sect,
called the Family of Love, and
with what respect you received
an address from them.
His majesty saying nothing,
lord Sunderland replied, Mr.
vice-chancellor, The king, in re-
ceiving addresses, does not in-
quire into nor allow the ill
opinions of those which present
them; but looks on them only
as respects of such a part of
his subjects, and upon that ac-
count is pleased to receive them
so graciously.
King. In this university I
hear that in sermons and in your
writings you ridicule my reli-
gion and abuse it, charging it
with idolatry. In which case
I cannot but esteem my self
abused too.
Vice-ch. Any reflection on
your majesty I neither know of
nor would allow. And I hope
no occasion hath been given by
us for such an information.
As to our presses, I hope
your majesty allows the uni-
versity in a sober way to defend
the religion it professes, especi-
ally when first attacked, as is our
case. A press which is not under
our power did begin with us,
and vend several pieces against
the established religion ; in which
case it did become us and was
our duty to give some answer to
them : every thing that hath or
shall come from that press,
hath or will receive an answer
from hence, and perhaps with
more sharpness than will be
acceptable. But in this case
182
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. and that he would break upon it, if the king would
not redress it. This I did not see in their letters 11 .
the aggressor must thank him-
self.
In another old hand the
following words ere added :
The vice-chancellor asked the
king how he could trust the
fanatics, and put them into
places of trust. He answered,
that he therefore kept up his
army.
A denial by the king of
knowing that the college had
petitioned does not appear in
the above statement ; but it
occurred either in some other
conversation during the king's
stay at Oxford between him
and the vice-chancellor; or it
was omitted, as the king's re-
liance on his army against the
sectaries appears to have origi-
nally been ; or the vice-chan-
cellor purposely avoided men-
tioning what was in king
James's favour, whose mea-
sures he had actively and ar-
dently opposed. He was made
a bishop immediately after the
revolution For no one ought
to doubt the veracity of Smith,
that signal martyr to consci-
ence, who was fated to be a
loser, whichever side was up-
permost. Besides this, the
king's ignorance of the first
petition of the college was
talked of at the time, and
ascribed to the management of
either Sunderland or Jeffries.)
u (Perhaps it would have
been difficult for the prince to
have shown letters of invita-
tion from any of the clergy,
with the exception of Comp-
ton bishop of London, and
Trelawney of Bristol, who both
of them signed afterwards the
celebrated invitation. Calamy,
indeed, in the continuation of
his Account of Silenced and
Ejected Ministers, reports, that
another bishop, Lloyd, bishop
of St. Asaph. a little time be-
fore the revolution, acquainted
Mr. Owen, a dissenting minis-
ter in Shropshire, that an in-
vitation had been sent to the
prince of Orange by many lords
and gentlemen, of which num-
ber he owned himself to be
one. Dedication of vol. I.
p. xxxi. This prelate seems
to have had something of the
kind in his thoughts, when he
uses these expressions in a
letter addressed in April, 1688,
to the learned Mr. Dodwell,
on the election of the latter
to the professorship of history
in the university of Oxford :
" If ever I saw the hand of
(C God in an election, I see
" it in this, and from hence I
" conclude and believe, next
" to what I believe de fide,
" that God has some great
" work to perform by you in
" this place. I truly believe
" you are ordered for the re-
" formation of this university;
" and that in order to a great-
" er work that is to follow."
Manuscript Letters from the
bishops Lloyd and Fell to Dod-
well, in the possession of his
great grandson. Compare also
the conversation Lloyd had
about that time with the
OF KING JAMES II. 183
Those were of such importance, since the writing 1687.
them might have been carried to high treason,""
that the prince did not think fit to shew them.
But he often said, he was pressed by many of those,
who were afterwards his bitterest enemies, to
engage in their quarrel. When that was commu-
nicated to me, I was still of opinion, that, though
this was indeed an act of despotical and arbitrary
power, yet I did not think it struck at the whole:
so that it was not, in my opinion, a lawful case of
resistance : and I could not concur in a quarrel
occasioned by such a single act, though the prece-
dent set by it might go to every thing x .
Now the king broke with the church of Eng-
land. And, as he was apt to go warmly upon
every provocation, he gave himself such liberties
in discourse upon that subject, that it was plain,
all the services they had done him, both in op-
posing the exclusion, and upon his first accession
to the crown, were forgot. Agents were now
found out, to go among the dissenters, to persuade
them to accept of the favour the king intended
them, and to concur with him in his designs.
The dissenters were divided into four main The dis-
bodies. The presbyterians, the independents, the wewfmuch
courted by
the king.
learned Henry Wharton, re- glia quam citissime eliminaturi
corded by the latter in his essent, regemque ipsum, quod
Latin Diary, p. 139, a copy of factum nolimus, aut exilio ant
which is printed in D'Oyly's nece mulctaturi. But see an
Life of Archbishop Bancroft, account of a disavowal of any
Isfausta omnia sperare jussit ; invitation on the part of the
adeo plebis sibi animos injusti- other bishops in a Note below
tia ac tyrannide exacerbasse at p. 784, fol. edit.)
pontificios, ut omnes tumultu x He was a better tory than
facto arreptisque armis ex An- I, if he spoke as he thought. S.
184 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. anabaptists, and the quakers. The two former
had not the visible distinction of different rites :
and their depressed condition made, that the dis-
pute about the constitution and subordination of
churches, which had broken them when power
was in their hands, was now out of doors : and
they were looked on as one body, and were above
three parts in four of all the dissenters. The main
difference between these was, that the presbyte-
rians seemed reconcilable to the church ; for they
loved x episcopal ordination and a liturgy, and
upon some amendments 7 seemed disposed to come
702 into the church ; and they liked the civil govern-
ment and limited monarchy. But as the inde-
pendents were for a commonwealth in the state,
so they put all the power of the church in the
people, and thought that their choice was an ordi-
nation: nor did they approve of set forms of
worship. Both were enemies to this high pre-
rogative that the king was assuming, and were
very averse to popery. They generally were of a
mind, as to the accepting the king's favour; but
were not inclined to take in the papists into a full
toleration 2 ; much less could they be prevailed on
to concur in taking off the tests. The anabaptists
* A damnable lie. S. every page of his book. D.
Y Alterations (it seems to Lord Dartmouth's ill will to
me) might have been as pro- our author is also apparent ;
per a word, for a bishop of at Vol. iv. p. j. of Burnet's
the church of England to have History, he asserts, that the
used upon that occasion, writer has published many
though not so agreeable to his things which he knew to be
brethren of Scotland. Hut the untrue. But see the Preface
bishop's love to presbytery, to that edition in 1833 with
and hatred to the church of notes subjoined, p. xx.
England, peeps out almost in T Style. S.
OF KING JAMES II. 185
were generally men of virtue and of an universal 1687.
charity: and as they were far from being in any"
treating terms with the church of England, so
nothing but an universal toleration could make
them capable of favour or employments. The
quakers had set up such a visible distinction in the
matter of the hat, and saying thou and thee, that
they had all as it were a badge fixed on them : so
they were easily known. Among these Pen had
the greatest credit, as he had a free access at
court. To all these it was proposed, that the
king designed the settling the minds of the dif-
ferent parties in the nation, and the enriching it by
enacting a perpetual law, that should be passed with
such solemnities as had accompanied the Magna
Charta ; so that not only penal law should be for
ever repealed, but that public employments should
be opened to men of all persuasions, without any
tests or oaths limiting them to one sort or party
of men. There were many meetings among the
leading men of the several sects.
It was visible to all men, that the courting them Debates
at this time was not from any kindness or good
opinion that the king had of them. They had them '
left the church of England, because of some forms
in it, that they thought looked too like the church
of Rome. They needed not to be told, that all
the favour expected from popery was once to
bring it in, under the colour of a general tolera-
tion, till it should be strong enough to set on a
general persecution : and therefore, as they could
not engage themselves to support such an arbitrary
prerogative as was now made use of, so neither
should they go into any engagements for popery.
186 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. Yet they resolved to let the points of controversy
alone, and leave those to the management of the
clergy, who had a legal bottom to support them.
They did believe, that this indignation against the
church party, and this kindness to them, were
things too unnatural to last long. So the more
considerable among them a resolved not to stand
at too great a distance from the court, nor to pro-
voke the king so far, as to give him cause to think
703 they were irreconcilable to him, lest they should
provoke him to make up matters on any terms
with the church party. On the other hand, they
resolved not to provoke the church party, or by
any ill behaviour of theirs drive them into a re-
conciliation with the court. It is true, Pen shewed
both a scorn of the clergy, and virulent spite against
them, in which he had not many followers.
The army The king was so fond of his army, that he or-
en camped
at Houns- dered them to encamp on Hounslow-heath, and to
be exercised all the summer long. This was done
with great magnificence, and at a vast expense :
but that which abated the king's joy in seeing so
brave an army about him was, that it appeared
a They all complied most lators of corporations, men-
shamefully and publickly, as tioned soon afterward by Bur-
is well known. S. (The dis- net, were the agents in one of
senters were not blamable the most odious measures of
for accepting a toleration ; but the reign ; but the main body
that is not what Swift means ; of the dissenters appear to
as to their acceptance of office, have kept aloof from the over-
those indeed, who in their tures of the court. Macaulay
writings maintained the king's in his History of England,
right to dispense with the vol. ii. p. 2 2 5. relates, that all
laws, not in special cases only, the addresses which could be
but generally and universally, obtained from them did not in
acted unconstitutionally and six weeks amount to sixty.)
improvidently ; and the regu-
OF KING JAMES II. 187
visibly, and on many occasions, that his soldiers 1687.
had as great an aversion to his religion, as his"
other subjects had expressed. The king had a
chapel in his camp, where mass was said : but so
few went to it, and those few were treated by the
rest with so much scorn, that it was not easy to
bear it. It was very plain, that such an army was
not to be trusted in any quarrel in which religion
was concerned.
The few papists that were in the army were an
unequal match to the rest. The heats about re-
ligion were like to breed quarrels : and it was
once very near a mutiny. It was thought, that
these encampments had a good effect on the
army. They encouraged one another, and vowed
they would stick together, and never forsake their
religion. It was no small comfort to them, to see
they had so few papists among them ; which might
have been better disguised at a distance, than when
they were all in view. A resolution was formed
upon this at court to make recruits in Ireland, and
to fill them up with Irish papists ; which succeeded
as ill as all their other designs did, as shall be told
in its proper place.
The king had for above a year managed his cor- An ambas-
respondence with Rome secretly. But now the to Rome!
priests resolved to drive the matter still more past
reconciling. The correspondence with that court,
while there was none at Rome with a public cha-
racter, could not be decently managed, but by
cardinal Howard's means. He was no friend to
the Jesuits; nor did he like their over driving
matters. So they moved to the king to send an
188 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. ambassador to Rome. This was high treason by
"law. Jefferies was very uneasy in it. But the
king's power of pardoning had been much argued
in the earl of Danby's case, and was believed to
be one of the unquestionable rights of the crown.
So he knew a safe way in committing crimes;
which was, to take out pardons as soon as he had
done illegal things.
The king's choice of Palmer, earl of Castlemain,
was liable to great exception b . For, as he was
704 believed to be a Jesuit, so he was certainly as hot
and eager in all high notions as any of them could
be. The Romans were amazed, when they heard
that he was to be the person. His misfortunes
were so eminent and public, that they, who take
their measures much from astrology, and from the
characters they think are fixed on men, thought
it strange to see such a negotiation put in the
hands of so unlucky a man. It was managed
with great splendour, and at a vast charge d .
Hemanag- He was unhappy in every step of it. He dis-
ed every A J
thing un- puted with a nice sort of affectation every punc-
And, when the day set
for his audience came, there happened to be such
an extraordinary thunder, and such deluges of
rain, as disgraced the show, and heightened the
opinion of the ominousness of this embassy. After
b Dutchess of Cleveland's a folio volume, adorned with
husband. S. many plates, which gives an
c Voltaire does not believe account of this embassy, is in-
the moderns of Rome deserve tended ; it was published first
this appellation. O. in Italian, by Michael Wright,
d See among my prints, for chief steward of his excel-
a representation of the pa- lency's house at Rome.)
geantries of it. O. (Perhaps
OF KING JAMES II. 189
this was over, he had yet many disputes with re- 1687.
lation to the ceremony of his visits. The points
ha pressed were, first the making P. Renaldi of
Este, the queen's uncle, a cardinal ; in which he
prevailed : and it was the only point in which he
succeeded 6 . He tried, if it was possible, to get
father Petre to be made a cardinal. But the pope
was known to be intractable in that point, having
fixed it as a maxim not to raise any of that order
to the purple. Count Mansfield told me, as he
came from Spain, that our court had pressed the
court of Spain to join their interest with ours at
Rome for his promotion. They gave it out, that
he was a German by birth, and undertook that he
should serve the Austrian interest. They also
promised the court of Madrid great assistance in
other matters of the last importance, if they would
procure this: adding, that this would prove the
most effectual means for the conversion of Eng-
land. Upon which the count told me, he was
asked concerning father Petre. He, who had
gone often to Spain through England, happened
e Which was granted with pect the influence the queen
great reluctancy, it having had over the king might en-
been a standing maxim of the gage him in the interests of
court of Rome, ever since her family, more than was
Clement the Vlllth took Fer- consistent with their own,
rara from Caesar D' Este, never which was the reason they
to contribute to the aggran- shewed so little concern for
dizing of that family; and I king James's misfortunes at
was told at Rome, the pope the revolution. D. (The king
offered to make four cardi- also obtained of the pope an
nals at the king's nomination, additional number of vicars
if he would desist from those apostolic for his communion.)
two. And they began to sus-
190 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. to know that Jesuit ; and told them, he was no
"German, but an Englishman. They tried their
strength at Rome for his promotion, but with no
success.
The ambassador at Rome pressed cardinal Cibo
much to put an end to the differences between
the pope and the king of France, in the matter of
the franchises, that it might appear that the pope
had a due regard to a king that had extirpated
heresy, and to another king who was endeavour-
ing to bring other kingdoms into the sheepfold.
"What must the world say, if two such kings, like
whom no ages had produced any, should be
neglected and ill used at Rome for some punc-
tilios? He added, that, if these matters were
settled, and if the pope would enter into concert
with them, they would set about the destroying
heresy every where, and would begin with the
705 Dutch ; upon whom, he said, they would fall
without any declaration of war, treating them as
a company of rebels and pirates, who had not a
right, as free states and princes have, to a formal
denunciation of war. Cibo, who was then cardinal
patron, was amazed at this, and gave notice of it
to the imperial cardinals. They sent it to the
emperor, and he signified it to the prince of
Orange. It is certain, that one prince's treating
with another to invade a third gives a right to that
third prince to defend himself, and to prevent
those designs. And, since what an ambassador
says is understood as said by the prince whose
character he bears, this gave the States a right to
OF KING JAMES II. 191
make use of all advantages that might offer them- 1687.
selves f . But they had yet better grounds to jus- ~~
tify their proceedings, as will appear in the sequel.
When the ambassador saw that his remon-
strances to the cardinal patron were ineffectual,
he demanded an audience of the pope. And
there he lamented, that so little regard was had
to two such great kings. He reflected on the
pope, as shewing more zeal about temporal con-
cerns than the spiritual; which, he said, gave
scandal to all Christendom. He concluded, that,
since he saw intercessions made in his master's
name were so little considered, he would make
haste home : to which the pope made no other
answer, but, lei e padrone, he might do as he
pleased. But he sent one after the ambassador,
as he withdrew from the audience, to let him
know how much be was offended with his dis-
courses, that he received no such treatment from
any person, and that the ambassador was to ex-
pect no other private audience. Cardinal Howard
did what he could to soften matters. But the
ambassador was so entirely in the hands of the
Jesuits, that he had little regard to any thing that
the cardinal suggested. And so he left Rome
after a very expenseful, but insignificant embassy.
The pope sent in return a nuncio, Dada, now a p ope inno-
cardinal. He was highly civil in all his deport-
ment. But it did not appear that he was a man
of great depth, nor had he power to do much.
f Sophistry. S. " English court, who is since
6 (" However the world has " made a cardinal, was an in-
" been imposed on to believe, " stniment to push on things
" that the pope's nuncio at the " to extremities, yet certain it
cent's cha-
racter.
192 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. The pope was a jealous and fearful man, who had
no knowledge of any sort, but in the matters of
the revenue and of money : for he was descended
from a family that was become rich by dealing in
banks. And, in that respect, it was a happiness
to the papacy that he was advanced : for it was so
involved in vast debts by a succession of many
wasteful pontificates, that his frugal management
came in good time to set those matters in better
order. It was known that he did not so much
as understand Latin. I was told at Rome, that
when he was made cardinal, he had a master to
teach him to pronounce that little Latin that he
706 had occasion for at high masses. He understood
nothing in divinity, so that I remembered what a
Jesuit at Venice had said to me, whom I met
sometimes at the French ambassador's there, when
we were talking of the pope's infallibility : he said,
that being in Rome during Altieri's pontificate,
who lived some years in a perfect dotage, he con-
fessed it required a very strong faith to believe
him infallible : but he added pleasantly, the harder
it was to believe it, the act of faith was the more
meritorious. The submitting to pope Innocent's
infallibility was a very implicit act of faith, when
is, he had too much good moderate measures " was in
sense to approve of all the
measures that were taken ;
and therefore desired often
to be recalled, lest he should
be thought to have a hand
in them." Welwood's Me-
moirs, p. 184. (Dr. Lingard
observes, "that the earl of
some measure supported by
Adda the papal represen-
tative, who though he took
no prominent part in poli-
tics, secretly sought and fol-
lowed the counsels of the
Spanish ambassador the
friend of Rochester." Hist.
Rochester" who advised of England, x. p. 197.)
OF KING JAMES II. 193
all appearances were so strongly against it. The 1687.
pope hated the Jesuits, and expressed a great
esteem for the Jansenists ; not that he understood
the ground of the difference, but they were ene-
mies to the Jesuits, and were ill looked on by the
court of France. He understood the business of
the regale a little better, it relating to the tempo-
ralties of the church. And therefore he took all
those under his protection who refused to submit
to it. Things seemed to go far towards a breach
between the two courts : especially after the arti-
cles, which were set out by the assembly of the
clergy of France in the year 1682, in favour of
the councils of Constance and Basile, in opposition
to the papal pretensions. The king of France,
who was not accustomed to be treated in such a
manner, sent many threatening messages to Rome,
which alarmed the cardinals so much, that they
tried to mollify the pope. But it was reported at
Rome, that he made a noble answer to them,
when they asked him what he could do, if so great
a king should send an army to fall upon him ? He
said, he could suffer martyrdom 11 .
h The king of France gave not suffer any other prince's
a great sum of money to the statue to be erected in his
French minims at Rome, to town. They pleaded in an-
make a noble ascent and a swer, that Henry the IVth's
new front to their convent ; statue was there already be-
and his own statue on horse- fore St. John Lateran's church,
back was to have been placed (which had been put there in
on the top of the ascent ; memory of his conversion,)
which the pope being inform- and that Lewis the XlVth had
ed of, sent them word they merited much more from the
might embellish their convent see of Rome than ever he had
as much as they pleased in done. The pope made no re-
all other respects, but he was ply, but ordered Henry the
sovereign in Rome, and should IVth's statue to be imme-
194 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. He was so little terrified with all those threat-
enings, that he had set on foot a dispute about
the franchises. In Rome, all those of a nation
put themselves under the protection of their am-
bassador, and are upon occasions of ceremony his
cortege. These were usually lodged in his neigh-
bourhood, pretending that they belonged to him.
So that they exempted themselves from the orders
and justice of Rome, as a part of the ambassador's
family. And that extent of houses or streets in
which they lodged was called the franchises; for
in it they pretended they were not subject to the
government of Rome. This had made these houses
to be well filled, not only with those of that na-
tion, but with such Romans as desired to be covered
with that protection. Rome was now much sunk
from what it had been : so that these franchises
were become so great a part of the city, that the
privileges of those that lived in them were giving
every day new disturbances to the course of jus-
tice, and were the common sanctuaries of crimi-
nals. So the pope resolved to reduce the privi-
707 leges of ambassadors to their own families, within
their own palaces. He first dealt with the em-
peror's and the king of Spain's ambassadors : and
brought them to quit their pretensions to the
franchises, but with this provision, that, if the
French did not the same, they would return to
them. So now the pope was upon forcing the
French to submit to the same methods. The pope
diately taken down, and put was at Rome,) upon which the
in a corner of the church whole design was dropped. D.
porch, (where it stood when I
OF KING JAMES II. 195
said, his nuntio or legate at Paris had no privilege 1687-
but for his family, and for those that lived in his"
palace. The French rejected this with great
scorn. They said, the pope was not to pretend
to an equality with so great a king. He was the
common father of Christendom : so those who
came thither on those reasons, as to the centre of
the unity, were not to be put on the level with
the ambassadors that passed between sovereign
princes. Upon this the king of France pretended
that he would maintain all the privileges and
franchises that his ambassadors were possessed of.
This was now growing up to be the matter of a new
quarrel and of fresh disputes between those courts.
The English ambassador being so entirely in
the French interests, and in the confidence of the
Jesuits, he was much less considered at Rome
than he thought he ought to have been 1 . The
truth is, the Romans, as they have very little sense
of religion, so they considered the reduction of
England as a thing impracticable. They saw no
prospect of any profits like to arise in any of their
offices by bulls or compositions: and this was the
notion that they had of the conversion of nations,
* One great reason of their told me several particulars
dislike to lord Castlemain was that were extremely offensive :
the disrespect he shewed to but he said it was thought the
cardinal Howard, who was Jesuits put him upon it, the
much beloved in Rome upon cardinal having had some dis-
the account of his strict life, putes with them, though he
great affability,, and high birth, had built part of the English
which were as well known as college, which he lived in :
lord Castlemain's incivility to but they knew he could not
him, of which, Don (perhaps carry it away with him, and
Dom) Gulielmo, who was one that he had nothing more to
of the cardinal's chaplains, give them. D.
196 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
chiefly as it brought wealth and advantages to
"them.
I will conclude all that I shall say in this place
of the affairs of Rome with a lively saying of
Queen queen Christina to my self at Rome. She said,
Christina's
character of it was certain that the church was governed by
nepopes. ^ i mme di a te care and providence of God : for
none of the four popes that she had known since
she came to Rome had common sense. She added,
they were the first and the last of men. She had
given her self entirely for some years to the study
of astrology : and upon that she told me, the king
would live yet many years, but added that he
would have no son k .
I come, from the relation of this embassade to
Rome, to give an account of other negotiations.
The king found Skelton managed his affairs in
Holland with so little sense, and gave such an
universal distaste, that he resolved to change him.
But he had been so servilely addicted to all his
interests, that he would not discourage him. And,
because all his concerns with the court of France
were managed with Barillon, the French ambas-
sador at London, he was sent to Paris.
D'Aibeviiie The king found out one White, an Irishman,
to n HoiiInd. who had been long a spy of the Spaniards. And
708 when they did not pay his appointments well, he
accepted of the title of marquis d'Albeville from
them in part of payment. And then he turned to
the French, who paid their tools more punctually.
But, though he had learned the little arts of cor-
rupting under secretaries^ and had found out some
k A second proof of the pretender's bastardy. Cole.
OF KING JAMES II. 197
secrets by that way, which made him pass for a 1687.
good spy; yet, when he came to negotiate mat-
ters in a higher form, he proved a most contempt-
ible and ridiculous man, who had not the common
appearances either of decency or of truth 1 .
He had orders, before he entered upon business i was upon
with the prince or princess, to ask of them, not pressing in-
only to forbid me the court, but to promise to see tidtTslT
me no more. The king had writ two violent th l prince
o andprmcess
letters against me to the princess. She trusted of Orange.
me so far, that she shewed them to me : and was
pleased to answer them according to the hints
that I suggested. But now it was put so home,
that this was to be complied with, or a breach
was immediately to follow upon it. So this was
done. And they were both so true to their pro-
mise, that I saw neither the one nor the other till
a few days before the prince set sail for England.
The prince sent Dykvelt and Halewyn constantly
to me, with all the advertisements that came from
England. So I had the whole secret of English
affairs still brought me.
That which was first resolved on was, to send Dykveit
Dykvelt to England with directions how to talk England,
with all sorts of people : to the king, to those of
the church, and to the dissenters. I was ordered
to draw his instructions, which he followed very
closely. He was ordered to expostulate decently,
but firmly, with the king upon the methods he
was pursuing, both at home and abroad ; and to
1 (This person is said to of France. See Macpherson's
have betrayed his master to History of Great Britain, vol.
the prince of Orange, and I. p. 510.)
the prince himself to the king
198 HISTORY OF THE KEIGN
1687. see if it was possible to bring him to a better
~ understanding with the prince. He was also to
assure all the church party, that the prince would
ever be firm to the church of England, and to all
our national interests. The clergy, by the methods
in winch they corresponded with him, which I
suppose was chiefly by the bishop of London's
means, had desired him to use all his credit with
the dissenters, to keep them from going into the
measures of the court ; and had sent over very
positive assurances, that, in case they stood firm
now to the common interest, they would in a
better time come into a comprehension of such as
could be brought into a conjunction with the
church, and to a toleration of the rest. They had
also desired him to send over some of the preach-
ers, whom the violence of the former years had
driven to Holland ; and to prevail effectually with
them to oppose any false brethren, whom the
court might gain to deceive the rest : which the
prince had done. And to many of them he gave
709 such presents, as enabled them to pay their debts,
and to undertake the journey. Dykvelt had orders
to press them all to stand off; and not to be drawn
in by any promises the court might make them, to
assist them in the elections of parliament. He
was also instructed to assure them of a full tolera-
tion ; and likewise of a comprehension, if possible,
whensoever the crown should devolve on the prin-
cess. He was to try all sorts of people, and to
remove the ill impressions that had been given
them of the prince : for the church party was
made believe he was a presbyterian, and the dis-
OF KING JAMES II. 199
senters were possessed with a conceit of his being 1687.
arbitrary and imperious. Some had even the im- ~
pudence to give out that he was a papist. But
the ill terms in which the king and he lived put
an end to those reports at that time. Yet they
were afterwards taken up, and managed with
much malice to create a jealousy of him m . Dyk-
velt was not gone off, when D'Albeville came to
the Hague. He did all he could to divert the
journey : for he knew well Dykvelt's way of pene-
trating into secrets, he himself having been often
employed by him, and well paid for several dis-
coveries made by his means.
D'Albeville assured the prince and the States, The nego
that the king was firmly resolved to maintain h
alliance with them: that his naval preparations
were only to enable him to preserve the peace of
Europe: for he seemed much concerned to find
that the States had such apprehensions of these,
that they were putting themselves in a condition
not to be surprised by them. In his secret nego-
tiations with the prince and princess, he began
m I was told at Vienna by would be better able to pro-
a man of great quality, (the tect the catholics in England
earl of Carlingford, who went than king James ; who had
by the name of count Taaf in so provoked the nation, that
Germany, and was in great they ran great risk of being
favour with the emperor Leo- destroyed totally : and I was
pold,) that the emperor Leo- afterwards told at Rome that
pold (who was extremely bi- the same assurances had been
goted) could not be brought given to the pope, by an agent
to approve of the prince of the prince kept there for his
Orange's expedition, till he German affairs. D. (See be-
had been assured that the low, p. 7 73. and notes at p. 12.
prince was at least no enemy and p. 228. vol. II. folio edit,
to the Romish religion, and of Burnet's Hist.)
200 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. with very positive assurances, that the king in-
~~ tended never to wrong them in their right of suc-
cession : that all that the king was now engaged
in was only to assert the rights of the crown, of
which they would reap the advantage in their
turn : the test was a restraint on the king's liberty,
and therefore he was resolved to have it repealed:
and he was also resolved to lay aside all the penal
laws in matters of religion : they saw too well the
advantages that Holland had by the liberty of
conscience that was settled among them, to op-
pose him in this particular: the king could not
abandon men, because they were of his own reli-
gion, who had served him well, and had suffered
only on his account, and on the account of their
conscience. He told them how much the king
condemned the proceedings in France: and that
he spoke of that king as a poor bigot, who was
governed by the archbishop of Paris, and Madame
de Maintenon, whereas he knew Pere de la Chaise
had opposed the persecution as long as he could.
But the king hated those maxims : and therefore
710 he received the refugees very kindly, and had
given orders for a collection of charity over the
kingdom for their relief.
This was the substance both of what D'Albe-
ville said to the prince and princess, and of what
the king himself said to Dykvelt upon those sub-
jects. At that time the king thought he had
made a majority of the house of commons sure :
and so he seemed resolved to have a session of
parliament in April. And of this D'Albeville
gave the prince positive assurances. But the king
OF KING JAMES II. 201
had reckoned wrong : for many of those who had 1687.
been with him in his closet were either silent, or~
had answered him in such respectful words, that
he took these for promises. But., when they
were more strictly examined, the king saw his
error : and so the sitting of the parliament was
put off.
To all these propositions the prince and the
princess, and Dykvelt in their name, answered,
that they were fixed in a principle against perse-
cution in matters of conscience : but they could
not think it reasonable to let papists in to sit in
parliament, or to serve in public trusts : the rest-
less spirit of some of that religion, and of their
clergy in particular, shewed they could not be at
quiet till they were the masters": and the power
they had over the king's spirit, in making him
forget what he had promised upon his coming to
the crown, gave but too just a ground of jealousy:
it appeared, that they could not bear any restraints,
nor remember past services longer than those who
did them could comply in every thing with that
which was desired of them : they thought, the
prerogative as limited by law was great enough :
and they desired no such exorbitant power as
should break through all laws : they feared, that
such an attack upon the constitution might rather
drive the nation into a commonwealth : they
thought the surest as well as the best way was to
govern according to law : the church of England
had given the king signal proofs of their affection
and fidelity ; and had complied with him in every
n All sects are of that spirit. S.
202 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. thing, till he came to touch them in so tender
~~ a point as the legal security they had for their
religion : their sticking to that was very natural :
and the king's taking that ill from them was liable
to great censure : the king, if he pleased to im-
prove the advantages he had in his hand, might
be both easy and great at home, and the arbiter
of all affairs abroad : but he was prevailed on by
the importunities of some restless priests to em-
broil all his aifairs to serve their ends : they could
never consent to abolish those laws, which were
the best, and now the only fence of that religion
which they themselves believed true. This was
the substance of their answers to all the pressing
messages that were often repeated by D'Albeville.
711 And upon this occasion the princess spoke so
often and with such firmness to him, that he said,
she was more intractable on those matters than
the prince himself. Dykvelt told me, he argued
often with the king on all these topics: but he
found him obstinately fixed in his resolution. He
said, he was the head of the family, and the prince
ought to comply with him; but that he had
always set himself against him. Dykvelt answer-
ed, that the prince could not carry his compliance
so far, as to give up his religion to his pleasure ;
but that in all other things he had shewed a very
ready submission to his will : the peace of Nime-
guen, of which the king was guarantee, was openly
violated in the article relating to the principality
of Orange : yet, since the king did not think fit
to espouse his interests in that matter, he had
been silent, and had made no protestations upon
OF KING JAMES II.
203
it : so the king saw, that he was ready to be silent
under so great an injury, and to sacrifice his own "
concerns, rather than disturb the king's affairs.
To this the king made no answer. The earl of
Sunderland, and the rest of the ministry, pressed
Dykvelt mightily, to endeavour to bring the
prince to concur with the king. And they en-
gaged to him, that, if that were once settled, the
king would go into close measures with him against
France. But he put an end to all those proposi-
tions. He said, the prince could never be brought
to hearken to them .
1687.
(Lady Sunderland, the
wife of James's prime minister,
(see Contin. of Mackintosh's
Hist. p. 389,) "addressed a let-
" ter with extraordinary pre-
" cautions of secrecy to the
" prince, informing him of a
" scheme laid by the govern -
" ment, of which her husband
" was the head, * to flatter mon-
" sieur Dyckvelt with a great
*' many fine things, that there
" shall be an entire union be-
tween England and Holland,
&c., and for this, she says,
they ask you to bid mon-
sieur Dyckvelt and monsieur
Cithors to declare in your
name, that you wish the
parliament would take off
these laws, and that you
think it reasonable they
should do so. By this
means they think they can
compass their point ; which
when done, I think 'tis plain
the article upon your part
is upon record, theirs only
verbal. Your highness is
" the best judge of the likeli-
" hood of its being performed.'
" Dalrymple, Append. Part I.
"p. 211." Not long before
this time, in consideration of
the earl her husband's influ-
encing James to declare his
resolution not to enter into
any engagement, which in its
consequences might probably
draw him into hostilities a-
gainst France, " Louis granted
" to Sunderland an annual
" pension of 60,000 livres
" (2700?.) then on the re-
" presentation of that wily
* statesman he consented to
' pay it half-yearly, in ad-
' vance ; and afterwards on
' more than one occasion, he
' doubled the amount, to mark
* his sense of the distinguish-
' ed services rendered him by
' the English minister. Ba-
' rillon, 26. Nov. 6. Dec. 18.
" Fev." Lingard's History
of England, vol. X. ch. 2. p.
202. The earl was a deep
gambler, and had occasion for
204 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. At this time a great discovery was made of the
A letter intentions of the court by the Jesuits of Liege,
writ by the wno m a \ e ft er that they wrote to their brethren
Jesuits of J
Liege, that | n Friburg in Switzerland, gave them a long ac-
the kLg'a count of the affairs of England. They told them,
that the king was received into a communication
of the merits of their order : that he expressed
great joy at his becoming a son of the society;
and professed, he was as much concerned in all
their interests as in his own : he wished they could
furnish him with many priests to assist him in the
conversion of the nation, which he was resolved
to bring about, or to die a martyr in endeavouring
it ; and that he would rather suffer death for car-
rying on that, than live ever so long and happy
without attempting it. He said, he must make
haste in this work : otherwise, if he should die
before he had compassed it, he would leave them
worse than he found them. They added, among
many particulars, that, when one of them kneeled
down to kiss his hand, he took him up, and said,
since he was a priest, he ought rather to kneel to
him, and to kiss his hand. And, when one of
them was lamenting that his next heir was an
heretic, he said, God would provide an heir?.
712 The Jesuits at Friburg shewed this about. And
one of the ministers, on whom they were taking
some pains, and of whom they had some hopes,
had got a sight of it. And he obtained leave to
the money. Lady Sunderland vol. II. p. 100.)
in a letter to Henry Sidney P A third lie in order to
intimates, that he loses five prepare the way to the grand
thousand pounds in a night, a one. Cole.
la basset. Sydney's Diary,
OF KING JAMES II.
205
take a cop} 7 of it, pretending that he would make 1687.
good use of it. He sent a copy of it to Heidegger,
the famous professor of divinity at Zurich: and
from him I had it. Other copies of it were like-
wise sent, both from Geneva and Switzerland.
One of those was sent to Dykvelt ; who upon that
told the king, that his priests had other designs,
and were full of those hopes, that gave jealousies
which could not be easily removed: and he named
the Liege letter, and gave the king a copy of it.
He promised to him he would read it ; and he
would soon see, whether it was an imposture
made to make them more odious, or not. But he
never spoke of it to him afterwards. This, Dyk-
velt thought, was a confessing that the letter was
no forgery <*. Thus Dykvelt's negotiation at Lon-
don, and D'Albeville's at the Hague, ended with-
out any effect on either side.
But, if his treating with the king was without Dykvelt's
i . -, . . . . conduct in
success, his management of his instructions was England.
q (This letter, said to be
translated from the Latin, is
to be seen in Echard's History
of England, who indeed sup-
poses it to be genuine ; but it
appears, from several passages
in it, to have been forged, in
order to make the king and
his measures still more odious.
Since this was written, it has
been found, that the letter is
inserted also in the first volume
of Cogan's Collection of Tracts,
p. 249, where its authenticity
is stated to be doubtful. As
a specimen of the false news
circulated in Holland respect-
ing king James's conduct, we
will give the following extract
from a letter of sir William
Denholm to sir Patrick Hume,
dated from the Hague and from
Ley den in January of this
year. He was one of the en-
gagers in the earl of Argyle's
expedition. " The duke of
Beaufort is put off the lieu-
tenancy of the west of Eng-
land; Dartmouth and Fever-
sham from their commands;
which shews that English
papists are too narrow for
the king's business." Papers
of the Earls of Marchmont,
vol. III. p. 72.)
206 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. *nore prosperous. He desired, that those who
~ wished well to their religion and their country
would meet together, and concert such advices
and advertisements, as might be fit for the prince
to know, that he might govern himself by them.
The marquis of Halifax, and the earls of Shrews-
bury, Devonshire, Danby, and Nottingham, the
lords Mordaunt, and Lumley, Herbert and Russel
among the admirals, and the bishop of London,
were the persons chiefly trusted. And upon the
advices that were sent over by them the prince
governed all his motions. They met often at the
earl of Shrewsbury's. And there they concerted
matters, and drew the declaration on which they
advised the prince to engage 1 ".
A procia- I* 1 this state things lay for some months. But
Sdui n e nce ^ ne k m g resolved to go on in his design of break-
sent to ing- through the laws. He sent a proclamation of
Scotland.
indulgence to Scotland in February. It set forth
in the preamble, that the king had an absolute
power vested in him, so that all his subjects were
bound to obey him without reserve : by virtue of
this power, the king repealed all the severe laws
that were passed in his grandfather's name during
his infancy : he with that took off all disabilities
that were by any law laid on his Roman catholic
subjects, and made them capable of all employ-
r (It is necessary to except afterwards put forth, it could
the lords Halifax and Netting- not have been drawn and sane-
ham from those who drew up tioned by those who refused
the declaration; for as the to sign the invitation which
Continuator of Mackintosh's preceded it. See below p. 764,
History of the Revolution re- folio edit, of this reign by Bur-
marks, if the declaration be net.)
that which the prince of Orange
OF KING JAMES II. 207
ments and benefices : he also slackened all the 1687
laws made against the moderate presbyterians : ~~
and promised he would never force his subjects
by any invincible necessity to change their reli-
gion: and he repealed all laws imposing tests on 713
those who held any employments: instead of which
he set up a new one, by which they should re-
nounce all the principles of rebellion, and should
oblige themselves to maintain the king in this his
absolute power against all mortals.
This was published in Scotland, to make way which
for that which followed it some months after in
England. It was strangely drawn, and liable to
much just censure. The king by this raised his
power to a pitch, not only of suspending, but of
repealing laws, and of enacting new ones by his
own authority. His claiming an absolute power,
to which all men were bound to obey without
reserve, was an invasion of all that was either
legal or sacred. The only precedent that could
be found for such an extraordinary pretension, was
in the declaration that Philip the second of Spain
sent by the duke of Alva into the Netherlands,
in which he founded all the authority that he
committed to that bloody man on the absolute
power that rested in him. Yet in this the king
went further than Philip, who did not pretend
that the subjects were bound to obey without re-
serve. Every prince that believes the truth of
religion must confess, that there are reserves in
the obedience of their subjects, in case their com-
mands should be contrary to the laws of God.
The requiring all persons that should be capable
208
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. of employments to swear to maintain this, was to
"make them feel their slavery too sensibly. The
king's promising to use no invincible necessity to
force his subjects to change their religion, shewed
that he allowed himself a very large reserve in
this grace that he promised his subjects ; though
he allowed them none in their obedience. The
laws that had passed during king James's minority
had been often ratified by himself after he was of
age. And they had received many subsequent
confirmations in the succeeding reigns; and one
in the king's own reign. And the test that was
now taken away was passed by the present king,
when he represented his brother. Some took also
notice of the word moderate presbyterian, as very
ambiguous s .
The court finding that so many objections lay
against this proclamation, (that it seemed penned
on purpose to raise new jealousies 1 ,) let it fall ;
and sent down another some months after, that
s ("There are a sort of
people there tolerated, that
will be very hardly found
out : and these are the mo-
derate presbyterians. Now,
as some say, that there are
very few of those people in
Scotland that deserve this
character, so it is hard to
tell what it amounts to ;
and the calling any of them
immoderate, cuts off all their
share in this grace. Mode-
ration is a quality that lies
in the mind ; and how this
will be found out, I cannot
so readily guess. If a stand-
ard had been given of opin-
ions or practices, then one
could have known how this
might have been distinguish-
ed ; but as it lies, it will not
be easy to make the discri-
mination ; and the declaring
them all immoderate, shuts
them out quite." Some Re-
flections on his Majesty's Pro-
clamation, sect. 5. p. J2. ably
and judiciously written.)
* (It was probably so de-
signed by Stewart, or some
other traitorous adviser; but
wrong was done by the king
to the constitution, the procla-
mation being authorised by
him.)
OF KING JAMES II. 209
was more cautiously worded ; only absolute power 1687.
was so dear to them, that it was still asserted in ~
the new one. By it, full liberty was granted to
all presbyterians to set up conventicles in their
own way. They did all accept of it without pre-
tending any scruples. And they magnified this,
as an extraordinary stroke of providence, that a
prince, from whom they expected an increase of
the severities under which the laws had brought
them, should thus of a sudden allow them such an
unconfined liberty. But they were not so blind, 714
as not to see what was aimed at by it. They
made addresses upon it full of acknowledgments,
and of protestations of loyalty. Yet, when some
were sent among them, pressing them to dispose
all their party to concur with the king in taking
away the tests and penal laws, they answered them
only in cold and general words.
In April the king set out a declaration of tolera- 4 dec . lara -
tion and liberty of conscience for England. But leration in
it was drawn up in much more modest terms than England *
the Scotish proclamations had been. In the pre-
amble, the king expressed his aversion to persecu-
tion on the account of religion, and the necessity
that he found of allowing his subjects liberty of
conscience, in which he did not doubt the concur-
rence of his parliament : he renewed his promise
of maintaining the church of England, as it was
by law established : but with this he suspended
all penal and sanguinary laws in matters of reli-
gion : and, since the service of all his subjects was
due to him by the laws of nature, he declared them
all equally capable of employments, and suppressed
210 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. all oaths or tests that limited this : in conclusion,
he promised he would maintain all his subjects in
all their properties, and particularly in the posses-
sion of the abbey lands.
This gave great offence to all true patriots, as
well as to the whole church party. The king did
now assume a power of repealing laws by his own
authority: for though he pretended only to sus-
pend them, yet no limitation was set to this sus-
pension : so it amounted to a repeal, the laws
being suspended for all time to come. The pre-
amble, that pretended so much love and charity,
and that condemned persecution, sounded strangely
in the mouth of a popish prince. The king's saying
that he did not doubt of the parliament's concur-
ring with him in this matter seemed ridiculous :
for it was visible by all the prorogations, that the
king was but too well assured, that the parliament
would not concur with him in it. And the pro-
mise to maintain the subjects in their posses-
sions of the abbey lands, looked as if the design
of setting up popery was thought very near being
effected, since otherwise there was no need of
mentioning any such thing.
Addresses Upon this a new set of addresses went round
m e upon ^ Q di ssen ters. And they, who had so long re-
proached the church of England, as too courtly in
their submissions and flatteries, seemed now to
vie with them in those abject strains. Some of
them, being penned by persons whom the court
had gained, contained severe reflections on the
clergy, and on their proceedings. They magnified
the king's mercy and favour, and made great pro-
OF KING JAMES II. 211
testations of fidelity and gratitude. Many pro- 1687-
mised to endeavour, that such persons should be 715
chosen to serve in parliament, as should concur
with the king in the enacting what he now granted
so graciously. Few concurred in those addresses :
and the persons that brought them up were mean
and inconsiderable. Yet the court was lifted up
with this. The king and his priests were delighted
with these addresses out of measure: and they
seemed to think that they had gained the nation,
and had now conquered those who were hitherto
their most irreconcilable enemies. The king made
the cruelty of the church of England the common
subject of discourse. He reproached them for
setting on so often a violent persecution of the
dissenters. He said, he had intended to have set
on this toleration sooner ; but that he was re-
strained by some of them, who had treated with
him, and had undertaken to shew favour to those
of his religion, provided they might be still suffered
to vex the dissenters. He named the persons
that had made those propositions to him. In
which he suffered much in his honour : for as the
persons denied the whole thing, so the freedom of
discourse in any such treaty ought not to have
been made use of to defame them.
But, to carry this further, and to give a public The king's
and an odious proof of the rigour of the ecclesias-agjS the
tical courts, the king ordered an inquiry to
made into all the vexatious suits into which dis-
senters had been brought in these courts, and into
all the compositions that they had been forced to
make to redeem themselves from further trouble ;
p 2
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. which, as was said, would have brought a scanda-
lous discovery of all the ill practices of those
courts. For the use that many that belonged to
them had made of the laws with relation to the
dissenters, was, to draw presents from such of
them as could make them ; threatening them with
a process in case they failed to do that, and upon
their doing it leaving them at full liberty to neg-
lect the laws as much as they pleased. It was
hoped at court, that this fury against the church
would have animated the dissenters to turn upon
the clergy with some of that fierceness with which
they themselves had been lately treated. Some
few of the hotter of the dissenters answered their
expectations. Angry speeches and virulent books
were published. Yet these were disowned by the
wiser men among them : and the clergy, by a
general agreement, made no answer to them. So
that the matter was let fall, to the great grief of
the popish party. Some of the bishops, that were
gained by the court, carried their compliance to a
shameful pitch : for they set on addresses of
thanks to the king for the promise he had made
in the late declaration of maintaining the church
71 6 of England ; though it was visible that the intent
of it was to destroy the church. Some few were
drawn into this. But the bishop of Oxford had
so ill success in his diocese, that he got but one
single clergyman to concur with him in it. Some
foolish men retained still their old peevishness.
But the far greater part of the clergy began to
open their eyes, and see how they had been en-
gaged by ill meaning men, who were now laying
OF KING JAMES II. 213
off the mask, into all the fury that had been 1687.
driven on for many years by a popish party. And
it was often said, that, if ever God should deliver
them out of the present distress, they would keep
up their domestic quarrels no more, which were
so visibly and so artfully managed by our enemies
to make us devour one another, and so in the
end to be consumed one of another. And when
some of those who had been always moderate told
these, who were putting on another temper, that
they would perhaps forget this as soon as the
danger was over, they promised the contrary very
solemnly. It shall be told afterwards, how well
they remembered this u . Now the bedchamber
and drawingroom were as full of stories to the
prejudice of the clergy, as they were formerly
to the prejudice of the dissenters. It was said,
they had been loyal as long as the court was in
their interests, and was venturing all on their ac-
count ; but as soon as this changed, they changed
likewise.
The king, seeing no hope of prevailing on his The pariia-
parliament, dissolved it x ; but gave it out, that he dissolved.
would have a new one before winter. And, the
queen being advised to go to the Bath for her
health, the king resolved on a great progress
through some of the western counties.
Before he set out, he resolved to give the pope's
u False and spiteful. S. ment, that he might defeat
x (Dr. Lingard citing D'Ad- the intrigue between William
da's Papers observes, that and the leaders of the oppo-
the king contrary to the re- sition. Hist, of England, vol. x.
monstrances of several in the 0.3. p. 283.)
council dissolved the parlia-
214 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. nuncio a solemn reception at Windsor. He appre-
Therecep- bended some disorder might have happened, if it
pope'fnun-had been done at London. He thought it below
cio< both his own dignity and the pope's, not to give
the nuncio a public audience. This was a hard
point for those who were to act a part in this
ceremony ; for, all commerce with the see of Rome
being declared high treason by law, this was be-
lieved to fall within the statute. It was so ap-
prehended by queen Mary. Cardinal Pool was
obliged to stay in Flanders till all those laws
were repealed. But the king would not stay for
that. The duke of Somerset, being the lord of
the bedchamber then in waiting, had advised with
his lawyers : and they told him, he could not
safely do the part that was expected of him in
the audience. So he told the king, that he could
not serve him upon that occasion ; for he was as-
sured it was against the law. The king asked
him, if he did not know that he was above the
law. The other answered, that, whatever the king
717 might be, he himself was not above the law. The
king expressed a high displeasure, and turned him
out of all employments y. The ceremony passed
Y Upon his refusal, the nun- no other instance ; upon which
cio was introduced by the duke he dropt his pretensions. D.
of Graf ton, which was after- (The following account of this
wards pleaded by the duke affair is given by lord Lons-
D'Aumount, as a precedent for dale, in his privately printed
an ambassador's being intro- Memoir of this Reign; and it
duced by a duke ; (the duke is to be depended on, as his
D'Aumont was ambassador lordship received it from the
from France about the time of duke of Somerset himself,
the peace of Utrecht.) But I " That the nuntio might have
told him odious cases must " all the honour done him
never be put ; and there was " that was possible ; it was
OF KING JAMES II.
215
very heavily : and the compliment was pronounced 1687.
with so low a voice, that no person could hear it ; ~~
which was believed done by concert.
When this was over, the king set out for his The king
progress, and went from Salisbury all round as fargress
as to Chester. In the places through which the m lny g pa rts
king passed, he saw a visible coldness both in the ofEnglan(L
nobility and gentry, which was not easily borne by
a man of his temper. In many places they pre-
tended occasions to go out of their countries.
Some stayed at home. And those who waited on
the king seemed to do it rather out of duty and
respect, than with any cordial affection. The king
on his part was very obliging to all that came near
him, and most particularly to the dissenters, and
to those who had passed long under the notion of
commonwealth's men. He looked very graciously
' resolved that a duke should
introduce him. The matter
; was therefore proposed to
1 the duke of Somersett. He
1 humbly desired of the king
[ to be excused ; the king
' asked him his reason ; the
* duke told him he conceived
' it to be against law ; to
1 which the king said, he
1 would pardon him. The
1 duke replied, he was no very
' good lawyer, but he thought
' he had heard it said, that a
' pardon granted a person
' offending under the assur-
* ance of obtaining it was
' void. This offended the
' king extreamlie ; he said
* publicklie, he wondered at
' his insolence ; and told the
* duke he would make him
fear him as well as the laws.
To which the duke answer-
ed, that, as he was his sove-
raign, he should ever have
all the dutie and reverence
for his person that was due
from a subject to his prince,
but whilst he was no traitor
or criminal, he was so secure
in his justice, that he could
not fear him, as offenders
do. Notwithstanding the
extreme offence this matter
gave his majestic, yet out
of his goodness he was
pleased to tell the duke that
he would excuse him. And
yet within two days after
he was told positively the
king would be obeyed. He
urged the king's promise to
excuse him, but in vain."
216 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. on all that had been of the duke of Monmouth's
"party. He addressed his discourse generally to
all sorts of people. He ran out on the point of
liberty of conscience : he said, this was the true
secret of the greatness and wealth of Holland.
He was well pleased to hear all the ill-natured
stories that were brought him of the violences
committed of late, either by the justices of peace
or by the clergy. He every where recommended
to them the choosing such parliament men, as
would concur with him in settling this liberty as
firmly as the Magna Charta had been : and to this
he never forgot to add the taking away the tests.
But he received such cold and general answers,
that he saw he could not depend on them. The
king had designed to go through many more
places : but the small success he had in those
which he visited made him shorten his progress.
He went and visited the queen at the Bath, where
he stayed only a few days, two or three at most :
and she continued on in her course of bathing.
Many books were now writ for liberty of con-
science : and, since all people saw what security
the tests gave, these spoke of an equivalent to be
offered, that should give a further security, be-
yond what could be pretended from the tests. It
was never explained what was meant by this : so
it was thought an artificial method to lay men
asleep with a high sounding word. Some talked
of new laws to secure civil liberty, which had been
so much shaken by the practices of these last
years, ever since the Oxford parliament. Upon
this a very extravagant thing was given out, that
OF KING JAMES II. 217
the king was resolved to set up a sort of a com- 1687.
mon wealth : and the papists began to talk every
where very high for public liberty, trying by that
to recommend themselves to the nation.
When the king came back from his progress, 718
he resolved to change the magistracy in most
the cities of England. He began with London. gistracy
He not only changed the court of aldermen, but and over
the government of many of the companies of the ngari
city: for great powers had been reserved in the
new charters that had been given, for the king to
put in and to put out at pleasure : but it was said
at the granting them, that these clauses were put
in only to keep them in a due dependance on the
court, but that they should not be made use of,
unless great provocation was given. Now all this
was executed with great severity and contempt.
Those who had stood up for the king during the
debates about the exclusion, were now turned out
with disgrace ; and those who had appeared most
violently against him were put in the magistracy,
who took liberties now in their turn to insult their
neighbours. All this turned upon the king, who
was so given up to the humours of his priests,
that he sacrificed both his honour and gratitude
as they dictated. The new men, who were brought
in, saw this too visibly to be much wrought on
by it.
The king threw off his old party in too out-
rageous a manner ever to return to them again.
But he was much surprised to find that the new
mayor and aldermen took the test, and ordered
the observation of gunpowder-treason day to be
218 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. continued. When the sheriffs came according to
custom to invite the king to the lord mayor's
feast, he commanded them to go and invite the
nuncio ; which they did. And he went upon the
invitation, to the surprise of all who saw it. But
the mayor and aldermen disowned the invitation ;
and made an entry of it in their books, that the
nuncio came without their knowledge. This the
king took very ill. And upon it he said, he saw
the dissenters were an ill-natured sort of people,
that could not be gained. The king signified to
the lord mayor, that he might use what form of
worship he liked best in Guildhall chapel. The
design in this was to engage the dissenters to
make the first change from the established wor-
ship : and, if a presbyterian mayor should do this
in one year, a popish mayor might do it in an-
other. But the mayor put the decision of this
upon persons against whom the court could have
no exception. He sent to those to whom the
governing of the diocese of London was com-
mitted during the suspension, and asked their
opinion in it; which they could not but give in
behalf of the established worship : and they added,
that the changing it was against law. So this
project miscarried : and the mayor, though he
went sometimes to the meetings of the dissenters,
71 9 ve t ne came often to church, and behaved him-
self more decently than was expected of him.
This change in the city not succeeding as the
court had expected, did not discourage them from
appointing a committee to examine the magistracy
in the other cities, and to put in or out as they
; OF KING JAMES II. 219
saw cause for it. Some were putting the nation 1687.
in hope that the old charters were to be restored.
But the king was so far from that, that he was
making every day a very arbitrary use of the
power of changing the magistracy that was re-
served in the new charters. These regulators, who
were for most part dissenters gained by the court,
went on very boldly ; and turned men out upon
every story that was made of them, and put such
men in their room as they confided in. And in
these they took their measures often so hastily,
that men were put in in one week, and turned out
in another z .
After this, the king sent orders to the lords Questions
lieutenants of the counties, to examine the gen- elections of
tlemen and freeholders upon three questions. The P arhament -
first was, whether, in case they should be chosen
to serve in parliament, they would consent to re-
peal the penal laws, and those for the tests. The
second was, whether they would give their vote
for choosing such men as would engage to do
that. And the third was, whether they would
maintain the king's declaration. In most of the
counties the lords lieutenants put those questions
z (" As to the regulating of
corporations, the king gave
his opinion against it to the
very last ; and I dare appeal
to the earl of Bath, whose
testimonv is not to be sus-
own complaint to his lord-
ship, How greatly he was im-
portuned to give way to those
measures, from which in his
own judgment he was so a-
verse." Great Britain's Just
pected by this government, Complaint for her late Mea-
if in his access to the king sures, &c. a tract attributed to
about the regulations in sir James Montgomery ; of
those counties where he was whom see what is said by
lieutenant, he did not dis- Burnet, vol. II. pp. 23. 35. 36.
cover the truth of what I 61 63. folio edit. ) t
here assert, from the king's
220 HISTORY OF THE KEIGN
1687. in so careless a manner, that it was plain they did
~not desire they should be answered in the affirma-
tive. Some went further, and declared them-
selves against them a . And a few of the more
resolute refused to put them. They said, this was
the prelimiting and the packing of a parliament,
which in its nature was to be free, and under no
previous engagement. Many counties answered
very boldly in the negative ; and others refused to
give any answer, which was understood to be equi-
valent to a negative. The mayor and most of
the new aldermen of London refused to answer.
Upon this many were turned out of all commis-
sions.
This, as all the other artifices of the priests,
had an effect quite contrary to what they promised
themselves from it : for those who had resolved to
oppose the court were more encouraged than ever,
by the discovery now made of the sense of the
whole nation in those matters. Yet such care
was taken in naming the sheriffs and mayors that
were appointed for the next year, that it was be-
lieved that the king was resolved to hold a par-
liament within that time, and to have such a
house of commons returned, whether regularly
chosen or not, as should serve his ends.
a The earl of Northampton, design to comply with any one
who was then lord lieutenant of them himself, but would
of Warwickshire, told the gen- make a faithful report to his
tlemen, he had received the majesty of those that would,
king's commands to lay some (as sir Charles Holte, who was
proposals before them ; which present, told me,) upon which,
he thought it was his duty to lord Northampton was turned
obey : but at the same time out, and lord Sunderland put
thought himself obliged to in his place. D.
acquaint them, that he did not
OF KING JAMES II. 221
It was concluded, that the king would make 1687-
use both of his power and of his troops, either to 730
force elections, or to put the parliament under a
force when it should meet : for it was so positively
said, that the king would carry his point, and
there was so little appearance of his being able to
do it in a fair and regular way, that it was gene-
rally believed some very desperate resolution was
now taken up. His ministers were now so deeply
engaged in illegal things, that they were very
uneasy, and were endeavouring either to carry on
his designs with success, so as to get all settled in
a body that should carry the face and appearance
of a parliament, or at least to bring him to let all
fall, and to come into terms of agreement with
his people; in which case, they reckoned, one
article would be an indemnity for all that had
been done.
The king was every day saying, that he was
king, and he would be obeyed, and would make
those who opposed him feel that he was their
king : and he had both priests and flatterers about
him, that were still pushing him forward. All
men grew melancholy with this sad prospect.
The hope of the true protestants was in the king's
two daughters ; chiefly on the eldest, who was out
of his reach, and was known to be well instructed,
and very zealous in matters of religion. The prin-
cess Anne was still very steadfast and regular in
her devotions, and was very exemplary in the
course of her life. But, as care had been taken
to put very ordinary divines about her for her
chaplains, so she had never pursued any study in
222 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. those points with much application b . And, all
her court being put about her by the king and
queen, she was beset with spies. It was therefore
much apprehended, that she would be strongly
assaulted, when all other designs should so far
succeed as to make that seasonable c . In the
mean while she was let alone by the king, who
was indeed a very kind and indulgent father to
The king her. Now he resolved to make his first attack on
wrote to the,. . ,~ T^, A ,. .
princess of the princess of Orange. D Albeville went over to
about g reii- England in the summer, and did not come back
s ion - before the twenty-fourth of December, Christmas
eve. And then he gave the princess a letter from
the king, bearing date the fourth of November.
He was to carry this letter : and his despatches
being put off longer than was intended, that made
this letter come so late to her.
The king took the rise of his letter from a
b Both the sisters were ex- may be seen at page 120 of
tremely possessed with king vol. V. of Burnet's History,
Charles the First's notions, for where an account is given of
promoting the authority and queen Anne's pious restitution
wealth of churchmen ; which of the first-fruits.)
may reasonably be imputed to c (It is now understood by
their conversing so much with means of the Despatches of
the clergy, who never fail to Barillon the French ambas-
instil that doctrine, wherever sador, produced by Mazure in
they find it will gain admit- his History of the Revolution,
tance: and the meanest of vol. TI. pp. 148, 160 165.
them are always very able 182, that there was an in-
upon that subject, however trigue among the Roman
insufficient they are upon any catholics to bring over the
other. D. (The sentiments of princess of Denmark to their
this lord respecting the pos- religion, and to fix the crown
sessions of the church of Eng- on her head; but it is added,
land, which remain to her that the plan was rejected
after the spoliation of the with indignation by the king
bishoprics and taking away her father.)
the third part of the tithes,
OF KING JAMES II. 223
question she had put to D'Albeville, desiring to 1687.
know what were the grounds upon which the king
himself had changed his religion. The king told
her, he was bred up in the doctrine of the church
of England by Dr. Stewart, whom the king his
father had put about him; in which he was so
zealous, that when he perceived the queen his
mother had a design upon the duke of Glo-721
cester, though he preserved still the respect that
he owed her, yet he took care to prevent it. All
the while that he was beyond sea, no catholic, but
one nun, had ever spoken one word to persuade
him to change his religion : and he continued for
the most part of that time firm to the doctrine of
the church of England. He did not then mind
those matters much : and, as all young people are
apt to do, he thought it a point of honour not to
change his religion. The first thing that raised
scruples in him was, the great devotion that he
had observed among catholics : he saw they had
great helps for it : they had their churches better
adorned, and did greater acts of charity, than he
had ever seen among protestants. He also ob-
served, that many of them changed their course
of life, and became good Christians, even though
they continued to live still in the world. This
made him first begin to examine both religions.
He could see nothing in the three reigns in which
religion was changed in England, to incline him
to believe that they who did it were sent of God.
He read the history of that time, as it was writ in
the Chronicle. He read both Dr. Heylin, and
Hooker's preface to his Ecclesiastical Policy, which
224 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. confirmed him in the same opinion. He saw
~~ clearly, that Christ had left an infallibility in his
church, against which the gates of hell cannot pre-
vail: and it appeared that this was lodged with
St. Peter, from our Saviour's words to him, St.
Matt. xvi. 18.. Upon this the certainty of the
scriptures, and even of Christianity it self, was
founded. The apostles acknowledged this to be
in St. Peter, Acts xv. when they said, It seemed
good to the Holy Ghost and to us d . It was the
authority of the church that declared the scrip-
tures to be canonical : and certainly they who
declared them could only interpret them : and
wherever this infallibility was, there must be a
clear succession. The point of the infallibility
being once settled, all other controversies must
needs fall. Now the Roman church was the only
church that either has infallibility, or that pre-
tended to it e . And they who threw off this
authority did open a door to atheism and infi-
delity, and took people off from true devotion,
and set even Christianity it self loose to all that
would question it, and to Socinians and Latitudi-
narians, who doubted of every thing. He had
discoursed of these things with some divines of
the church of England ; but had received no satis-
faction from them. The Christian religion gained
its credit by the miracles which the apostles
d (How this text confines appears to have been at least
infallibility to St. Peter, it is as much the author of the de-
difficult to see ; as the aposto- cision as St. Peter.)
lie decree was made in com- e (This is not the case, for
monby St. Peter and the whole consult the Greek and other
church. Besides this, St. James churches.)
OF KING JAMES II. 225
wrought, and by the holy lives and sufferings of 1687.
the martyrs, whose blood was the seed of the ~
church. Whereas Luther and Calvin, and those
who had set up the church of England, had their
heads fuller of temporal matters than of spiritual,
and had let the world loose to great disorders.
Submission was necessary to the peace of the
church: and when every man will expound the
scriptures, this makes way to all sects, who pre-
tend to build upon it. It was also plain, that the
church of England did not pretend to infallibility;
yet she acted as if she did : for ever since the
reformation she had persecuted those who differed
from her, dissenters as well as papists, more than
was generally known. And he could not see why
dissenters might not separate from the church of
England, as well as she had done from the church
of Rome. Nor could the church of England sepa-
rate her self from the catholic church, any more
than a county of England could separate it self
from the rest of the kingdom. This, he said, was
all that his leisure allowed him to write. But he
thought that these things, together with the king
his brother's papers, and the duchess's papers,
might serve, if not to justify the catholic religion
to an unbiassed judgment, yet at least to create a
favourable opinion of it.
I read this letter in the original : for the prince
sent it to me, together with the princess's answer,
but with a charge not to take a copy of either,
but to read them over as often as I pleased ;
which I did till I had fixed both pretty well in
my memory. And, as soon as I had sent them
Q
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. back, I sat down immediately to write out all that
I remembered, which the princess owned to me
afterwards, when she read the abstracts I made,
were punctual almost to a tittle. It was easy for
me to believe that this letter was all the king's
enditing; for I had heard it almost in the very
same words from his own mouth. The letter was
writ very decently, and concluded very modestly.
The princess received this letter, as was told me,
on the twenty-fourth of December at night. Next
day being Christmas day, she received the sacra-
ment, and was during the greatest part of the day
in public devotions : yet she found time to draw
first an answer, and then to write it out fair : and
she sent it by the post on the twenty-sixth of
December. Her draught, which the prince sent
me, was very little blotted or altered. It was
long, about two sheets of paper : for as an answer
runs generally out into more length than the
paper that is to be answered, so the strains of
respect, with which her letter was full, drew it out
to a greater length.
which she She began with answering another letter that
' ed< she had received by the post ; in which the king
had made an excuse for failing to write the former
post day. She was very sensible of the happiness
of hearing so constantly from him : for no differ-
723ence in religion could hinder her from desiring
both his blessing and his prayers, though she was
ever so far from him. As for the paper that M.
Albeville delivered her, he told her, that his
majesty would not be offended, if she wrote her
thoughts freely to him upon it.
OF KING JAMES II. 227
She hoped, he would not look on that as want 1687.
of respect in her. She was far from sticking to ~
the religion in which she was bred out of a point
of honour ; for she had taken much pains to be
settled in it upon better grounds. Those of the
church of England who had instructed her, had
freely laid before her that which was good in the
Romish religion, that so, seeing the good and the
bad of both, she might judge impartially ; accord-
ing to the Apostle's rule of proving all things, and
holding fast that which was good. Though she had
come young out of England, yet she had not left
behind her either the desire of being well inform-
ed, or the means for it. She had furnished her
self with books, and had those about her who
might clear any doubts to her. She saw clearly
in the Scriptures, that she must work her own
salvation with fear and trembling, and that she
must not believe by the faith of another, but ac-
cording as things appeared to herself. It ought
to be no prejudice against the reformation, if
many of those who professed it led ill lives. If
any of them lived ill, none of the principles of
their religion allowed them in it. Many of them
led good lives, and more might do it by the grace
of God. But there were many devotions in the
church of Rome, on which the reformed could set
no value.
She acknowledged, that, if there was an infalli-
bility in the church, all other controversies must
fall to the ground. But she could never yet
be informed where that infallibility was lodged :
whether in the Pope alone, or in a general council,
228 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. or in both. And she desired to know in whom
"the infallibility rested, when there were two or
three popes at a time, acting one against another,
with the assistance of councils, which they called
general : and at least the succession was then
much disordered. As for the authority that is
pretended to have been given to St. Peter over
the rest, that place which was chiefly alleged for
it was otherwise interpreted by those of the
church of England, as importing only the confir-
mation of him in the office of an apostle, when in
answer to that question, Simon, son of Jonas,
lovest thou me? he had by a triple confession
washed off his triple denial. The words that the
king had cited were spoken to the other apostles
as welt as to him. It was agreed by all, that the
apostles were infallible, who were guided by God's
Holy Spirit. But that gift, as well as many others,
724 had ceased long ago. Yet in that St. Peter had
no authority over the other apostles : otherwise
St. Paul understood our Saviour's words ill, who
withstood him to his face, became he was to be
blamed. And if St. Peter himself could not main-
tain that authority, she could not see how it could
be given to his successors, whose bad lives agreed
ill with his doctrine.
Nor did she see, why the ill use that some
made of the Scriptures ought to deprive others of
them. It is true, all sects made use of them, and
find somewhat in them that they draw in to sup-
port their opinions : yet for all this our Saviour
said to the Jews, Search the Scriptures ; and St.
Paul ordered his Epistles to be read to all the
OF KING JAMES II. 229
saints in the churches; and he says in one place, 1687.
/ write as to wise men, judge what I say. And if
they might judge an apostle, much more any other
teacher. Under the law of Moses, the Old Testa-
ment was to be read, not only in the hearing of
the scribes and the doctors of the law, but likewise
in the hearing of the women and children. And
since God had made us reasonable creatures, it
seemed necessary to employ our reason chiefly in
the matters of the greatest concern. Though
faith was above our reason, yet it proposed nothing
to us that was contradictory to it. Every one
ought to satisfy himself in these things : as our
Saviour convinced Thomas, by making him thrust
his own hand into the print of the nails, not
leaving him to the testimony of the other apostles,
who were already convinced. She was confident,
that, if the king would hear many of his own
subjects, they would fully satisfy him as to all
those prejudices that he had at the reformation ;
in which nothing was acted tumultuously, but all
was done according to law. The design of it was
only to separate from the Roman church, in so far
as it had separated from the primitive church : in
which they had brought things to as great a de-
gree of perfection as those corrupt ages were
capable of. She did not see how the church of
England could be blamed for the persecution of
the dissenters: for the laws made against them
were made by the state, and not by the church :
and they were made for crimes against the state f .
f (The princess had in her making these laws ; but still
mind the connection between the church was concerned in
the sectaries and the republi- making them.)
cans, which had occasioned
230 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. Their enemies had taken great care to foment the
~ division, in which they had been but too success-
ful. But, if he would reflect on the grounds upon
which the church of England had separated from
the church of Rome, he would find them to be of
a very different nature from those for which the
dissenters had left it.
Thus, she concluded, she gave him the trouble
of a long account of the grounds upon which she
was persuaded of the truth of her religion : in
which she was so fully satisfied, that she trusted
by the grace of God that she should spend the
725 rest of her days in it: and she was so well assured
of the truth of our Saviour's words, that she was
confident the gates of hell should not prevail
against it, but that he would be with it to the end
of the world. All ended thus, that the religion
which she professed taught her her duty to him,
so that she should ever be his most obedient
daughter and servant.
To this the next return of the post brought an
answer from the king, which I saw not. But the
account that was sent me of it was: the king
took notice of the great progress he saw the prin-
cess had made in her inquiries after those matters:
the king's business did not allow him the time
that was necessary to enter into the detail of her
letter: he desired, she would read those books
that he had mentioned to her in his former let-
ters, and some others that he intended to send
her: and, if she desired to be more fully satis-
fied, he proposed to her to discourse about them
with F. Morgan, an English Jesuit, then at the
Hague.
OF KING JAMES II. 231
I have set down very minutely every particular 1687.
that was in those letters, and very near in the Reflections
same words. It must be confessed, that persons
of this quality seldom enter into such a discussion.
The king's letter contained a studied account of
the change of his religion, which he had repeated
often : and it was perhaps preparqff for form bjL /^
rnie others. There were some things in it, which, (
if he had made a little more reflection on them, f**
it may be supposed he would not have mentioned.
The course of his own life was not so strict, as to
make it likely that the good lives of some papists
had made such impressions upon him. The easy
absolutions that are granted in that church are a
much juster prejudice in this respect against it,
than the good lives of a few can be supposed
to be an argument for it. The adorning their
churches was a reflection that did no great honour
to him that made it. The severities used by the
church of England against the dissenters were
urged with a very ill grace by one of the church
of Rome, that has delighted herself so often by
being, as it were, bathed with the blood of those
they call heretics: and, if it had not been for the
respect that a daughter paid her father, here
greater advantages might have been taken. I
had a high opinion of the princess's good under-
standing, and of her knowledge in those matters,
before I saw this letter: but this surprised me.
It gave me an astonishing joy, to see so young a
person all of the sudden, without consulting any
one person, to be able to write so solid and learned
a letter, in which she mixed with the respect that
232 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. she paid a father so great a firmness, that by it
"she cut off all further treaty. And her repulsing
726 the attack, that the king made upon her, with so
much resolution and force, did let the popish party
see, that she understood her religion as well as
she loved it#.
A prosecu. But now I must say somewhat of my self: after
against me. I had stayed a year in Holland, I heard from many
hands, that the king seemed to forget his own
greatness when he spoke of me, which he took
occasion to do very often. I had published some
account of the short tour I had made in several
letters ; in which my chief design was to expose
both popery and tyranny. The book was well
received, .aujjwas much_read : and it raised the
king's displeasure very high.
My continuing at the Hague made him con-
clude, that I was managing designs against him.
And some papers in single sheets came out, re-
flecting on the proceedings of England, which
were thought so well writ that they seemed to
have a considerable effect on those who read them.
These were printed in Holland : and many copies
of them were sent into all the parts of England.
All which inflamed the king the more against me ;
for he believed they were writ by me, as indeed
most of them were. But that which gave the
crisis to the king's anger was, that he heard I was
? (Petre in an inedited let- the sending any such letter to
ter to Pere le Chaise, publish- the Hague, and thought rather,
ed by Miss Strickland in her that some person able to dis-
Lives of the Queens of England, course and persuade should
says, that the queen concurred have been sent thither. Vol.
with him in opinion against IX. ch. 9. p. 203.)
OF KING JAMES II. 233
to be married to a considerable fortune 11 at the 1687.
Hague. So a project was formed to break this,"
by charging me with high treason for corresponding
with lord Argile, and for conversing with some
that were outlawed for high treason.
The king ordered a letter to be writ in his
name to his advocate in Scotland to prosecute me
for some probable thing or other; which was in-
tended only to make a noise, not doubting but
this would break the intended marriage. A ship
coming from Scotland the day in which this pro-
secution was ordered, that had a quick passage,
brought me the first news of it, long before it was
sent to D'Albeville. So I petitioned the States,
who were then sitting, to be naturalized in order
to my intended marriage. And this passed in
course, without the least difficulty; which perhaps -
might have been made, if this prosecution, now
begun in Scotland, had been known. Now I was
legally under the protection of the States of Hol-
land. Yet I writ a full justification of my self,
as to all particulars laid to my charge, in some
letters that I sent to the earl of Middleton. But
in one of these I said, that, being now naturalized
in Holland, my allegiance was, during my stay in
these parts, transferred from his majesty to the
States 1 . I also said in another letter, that, if
upon my non-appearance a sentence should pass
against me, I might be perhaps forced to justify
myself, and to give an account of the share that
I had in affairs these twenty years past : in which
h A phrase of the rabble. S. J Civilians deny that, but I
agree with him. S.
234 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1687. I might be led to mention some things, that I
727 was a ^ ra ^ would displease the king: and there-
fore I should be sorry, if I were driven to it.
Now the court thought they had somewhat
against me : for they knew they had nothing be-
fore. So the first citation was let fall, and a new
one was ordered on these two accounts. It was
pretended to be high treason, to say my allegiance
was now transferred: and it was set forth, as a
high indignity to the king, to threaten him with
writing a history of the transactions passed these
last twenty years. The first of these struck at a
great point, which was a part of the law of
nations. Every man that was naturalized took
an oath of allegiance to the prince or state that
naturalized him. And, since no man can serve
. two masters, or be under a double allegiance, it is
certain, that there must be a transfer of allegiance,
at least during the stay in the country where one
is so naturalized.
This matter was kept up against me for some
time, the court delaying proceeding to any sen-
tence for several months. At last a sentence of
outlawry was given : and upon that Albeville said,
that, if the States would not deliver me up, he
would find such instruments as should seize on
me, and carry me away forcibly. The methods
he named of doing this were very ridiculous.
And he spoke of it to so many persons, that I
believe his design was rather to frighten me, than
that he could think to effect them. Many over-
tures were made to some of my friends in London,
not only to let this prosecution fall, but to promote
OF KING JAMES II. 235
me, if I would make my self capable of it. I 1687.
entertained none of these. I had many stories'"
brought me of the discourses among some of the
brutal Irish, then in the Dutch service. But, I
thank God, I was not moved with them. I re-
solved to go on, and to do my duty, and to do
what service I could to the public and to my
country : and resigned my self up entirely to that
Providence that had watched over me to that
time with an indulgent care, and had made all the
designs of my enemies against me turn to my
great advantage.
I come now to the year 1688, which proved 1688.
very memorable, and produced an extraordinary
and unheard of revolution 1 . The year in this
century made all people reflect on the same year
in the former century, in which the power of
Spain received so great a check, that the decline
of that monarchy began then ; and England was
saved from an invasion, that, if it had succeeded
as happily as it was well laid, must have ended in
the absolute conquest and utter ruin of the nation.
Our books are so full of all that related to that
armada, boasted to be invincible, that I need
add no more on so known and so remarkable a
piece of our history. A new eighty-eight raised 728
new expectations, in which the surprising events
did far exceed all that could have been looked
for.
I begin the year with Albeville's negotiation Aibevi
after his coming to the Hague. He had before
1 The Devil's in that, sure all Europe heard of it. S.
236 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. his going over given in a threatening memorial
~ upon the business of Bantam, that looked like a
prelude to a declaration of war ; for he demanded
a present answer, since the king could no longer
bear the injustice done him in that matter, which
was set forth in very high words. He sent this
memorial to be printed at Amsterdam, before he
had communicated it to the States. The chief
effect that this had was, that the actions of the
company did sink for some days. But they rose
soon again : and by this it was said, that Albeville
himself made the greatest gain. The East India
fleet was then expected home every day. So the
merchants, who remembered well the business of
the Smirna fleet in the year seventy-two, did ap-
prehend that the king had sent a fleet to intercept
them, and that this memorial was intended only
to prepare an apology for that breach, when it
should happen : but nothing of that sort followed
upon it. The States did answer this memorial
with another, that was firm, but more decently
expressed : by their last treaty with England it
was provided, that in case any disputes should
arise between the merchants of either side, com-
missioners should be named of both sides to hear
and judge the matter : the king had not yet
named any of his side : so that the delay lay at
his door : they were therefore amazed to receive
a memorial in so high a strain, since they had
done all that by the treaty was incumbent on
them. Albeville after this gave in another me-
morial, in which he desired them to send over
commissioners for ending that dispute. But,
OF KING JAMES II. 237
though this was a great fall from the height in 1688.
which the former memorial was conceived, yet in
this the thing was so ill apprehended, that the
Dutch had reason to believe that the king's minis-
ters did not know the treaty, or were not at leisure
to read it: for, according to the treaty, and the
present posture of that business, the king was
obliged to send over commissioners to the Hague
to judge of that affair. When this memorial was
answered, and the treaty was examined, the matter
was let fall.
Albeville's next negotiation related to my self.
I had printed a paper in justification of my self,
together with my letters to the earl of Middleton.
And he in a memorial complained of two passages
in that paper. One was, that I said it was yet
too early to persecute men for religion, and there-
fore crimes against the state were pretended by
my enemies : this, he said, did insinuate, that the
king did in time intend to persecute for religion. 729
The other was, that I had put in it an intimation,
that I was in danger by some of the Irish papists.
This, he said, was a reflection on the king, who
hated all such practices. And to this he added,
that by the laws of England all the king's subjects
were bound to seize on any person that was con-
demned in his courts, in what manner soever they
could : and therefore he desired, that both I and
the printer of that paper might be punished.
But now upon his return to the Hague, I being
outlawed by that time, he demanded, that, in
pursuance of an article of the treaty that related
to rebels or fugitives, I might be banished the
238
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. Provinces. And to this he craved once and again
~ a speedy answer.
I was called before the deputies of the States of
Holland, that I might answer the two memorials
that lay before them relating to my self. I ob-
served the difference between them. The one
desired, that the States would punish me, which
did acknowledge me to be their subject. The
other, in contradiction to that, laid claim to me as
the king's rebel. As to the particulars complained
of, I had made no reflection on the king ; but to
the contrary. I said, my enemies found it was
not yet time to persecute for religion. This in-
sinuated, that the king could not be brought to
it n . And no person could be offended with this,
but he who thought it was now not too early to
persecute. As to that of the danger in which I
apprehended my self to be in, I had now more
m (Of the author's outlawry,
and of his letter also to the
earl of Middleton, the fol-
lowing authentic account is
given in lord Fountainhall's
Chronological Notes of Scot-
tish Affairs^ first published in
1822. "A Letter from the
king ordering the indictment
against doctor Gilbert Bur-
net (who had been under-
mining the king, as also his
brother king Charles II. at
several foreign courts) for
converse with Argyle, &c.,
in Holland. The witnesses
against him, sir John Co-
chran and Waterside his son,
Mr. William Carstaires and
Mr. Richard Baxter, minis-
" ters, West and Burn, Eng-
" lishinen, are not to be here
* then,buthewillbedenounced
' fugitive, p. 214. Doctor
* Burnet is of new cited on
1 ane additional indictable in-
' dictment for the Letter he
' wrott to the earl of Middle-
' ton, secretarie, May last,
' shewing he had translated
' his alleadgence, and threat-
" ening, if they insisted, he
" would publish ane apologie
" which might displease his
" majestic and others. This
" was construed treason a-
" gainst his native prince :
" i ith January, 1687. "p. 2 1 6.)
n Equivocator ! Cole.
OF KING JAMES II.
239
reason than before to complain of it, since the 1688.
envoy had so publicly affirmed, that every one of ~~
the king's subjects might seize on any one that was
condemned, in what manner soever they could,
which was as much as to say either dead or alive.
I was now the subject of the States of Holland,
naturalized in order to a marriage among them, as
they all knew : and therefore I claimed their pro-
tection. So, if I was charged with any thing that
was not according to law, I submitted my self to
their justice. I should decline no trial, nor the
utmost severity, if I had offended in any thing.
As for the two memorials that claimed me as
a fugitive and a rebel, I could not be looked
on as a fugitive from Scotland. It was now
fourteen years since I had left that kingdom,
and three since I came out of England with the
king's leave. I had lived a year in the Hague
openly : and nothing was laid to my charge. As
for the sentence that was pretended to be passed
upon me, I could say nothing to it, till I saw a
copy of it.
The States were fully satisfied with my answers; The states'
and ordered a memorial to be drawn according to w^aTreiat-
them. They also ordered their ambassador to re _ edtome -
present to the king, that he himself knew how
sacred a thing naturalization was. The faith and 730
honour of every state was concerned in it. I had
been naturalized upon marrying one of their sub-
jects, which was the justest of all reasons. If the
king had any thing to lay to my charge, justice
should be done in their courts. The king took
the matter very ill ; and said, it was an affront to
240 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. him, and a just cause of war . Yet, after much
"passion, he said, he did not intend to make war
upon it; for he was not then in condition to do
it. But he knew there were designs against him,
to make war on him, against which he should take
care to secure himself: and he should be on his
guard. The ambassador asked him, of whom he
meant that. But he did not think fit to explain
himself further. He ordered a third memorial to
be put in against me, in which the article of the
treaty was set forth : but no notice was taken of
the answers made to that by the States : but it
was insisted on, that, since the States were bound
not to give sanctuary to fugitives and rebels, they
ought not to examine the grounds on which such
judgments were given, but were bound to execute
the treaty. Upon this it was observed, that the
words in treaties ought to be explained according
to their common acceptation, or the sense given
them in the civil law, and not according to any
particular forms of courts, where for non-appear-
ance a writ of outlawry or rebellion might lie:
the sense of the word rebel in common use was, a
man that had borne arms, or had plotted against
his prince : and a fugitive was a man that fled
from justice. The heat with which the king
seemed inflamed against me, carried him to say
and do many things that were very little to his
honour?.
I had advertisements sent me of a further pro-
Vain fop. S. alleged to have been suppress-
P (And shewed too much of ed, but although it appears in
unjust and impotent passion, the Autograph, it is marked
This passage is one of those for deletion in the Transcript.)
OF KING JAMES II. 241
gress in his designs against me. He had it sug- 1688.
gested to him, that, since a sentence was passed other de-
against me for non-appearance, and the States J^
refused to deliver me up, he might order private
persons to execute the sentence as they could :
and it was writ over very positively, that 5000/.
would be given to any one that should murder
me. A gentleman of an unblemished reputation
writ me word, that he himself by accident saw an
order drawn in the secretaries' office, but not yet
signed, for 3000/. to a blank person that was to
seize or destroy me. And he also affirmed, that
prince George had heard of the same thing, and
had desired the person to whom he trusted it to
convoy the notice of it to me : and my author
was employed by that person to send the notice
to me^. The king asked Jefferies, what he might
do against me in a private way, now that he could
not get me into his hands. Jefferies answered,
he did not see how the king could do any more
than he had done. He told this to Mr. Kirk to 731
send it to me : for he concluded, the king was re-
solved to proceed to extremities, and only wanted
the opinion of a man of the law to justify a more
violent method. I had so many different adver-
tisements sent me of this, that I concluded a
whisper of such a design might have been set
about, on design to frighten me into some mean
q (The person intended is steward of the Ormond estate,
lord Ossory, afterwards duke The letter, dated from the
of Ormond, as appears in the Hague, March 14, 1688, is
letter from the bishop's cor- inserted in the Bishop's Life
respondent, captain Baxter, written by his son, p. 695.)
whose father was at that time
242 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. submission, or into silence at least. But it had
~ no other effect on me, but that I thought it fit to
stay more within doors, and to use a little more
than ordinary caution. I thank God, I was very
little concerned at it. I resigned up my life very
freely to God. I knew my own innocence, and
the root of all the malice that was against me.
And I never possessed my own soul in a more
perfect calm, and in a clearer cheerfulness of
spirit, than I did during all those threatening^
and the apprehensions that others were in con-
cerning me r .
Pensioner Soon after this, a letter writ by Fagell the pen-
letter. S sioner of Holland was printed : which leads me to
look back a little into a transaction that passed
the former year. There was one Steward, a lawyer
of Scotland, a man of great parts, and of as great
ambition. He had given over the practice of the
law, because all that were admitted to the bar in
Scotland were required to renounce the covenant,
which he would not do. This recommended him
to the confidence of that whole party. They had
made great use of him, and trusted him entirely.
Pen had engaged him, who had been long consi-
dered by the king as the chief manager of all the
rebellions and plots that had been on foot these
twenty years past, more particularly of Argile's,
to come over : and he undertook, that he should
not only be received into favour, but into confi-
dence. He came, before he crossed the seas, to
the prince, and promised an inviolable fidelity to
him, and to the common interests of religion and
r A modest account of his own magnanimity. S.
OF KING JAMES II.
243
liberty. He had been oft with the pensioner, and
had a great measure of his confidence. Upon his
coming to court, he was caressed to a degree that
amazed all who knew him. He either believed,
that the king was sincere in the professions he
made, and that his designs went no further than
to settle a full liberty of conscience : or he thought,
that it became a man who had been so long in
disgrace, not to shew any jealousies at first, when
the king was so gracious to him. He undertook
to do all that lay in his power to advance his
designs in Scotland, and to represent his inten-
tions so at the Hague, as might incline the prince
to a better opinion of them 8 .
1688.
s (In the earl of Balcarras's
Account of the Affairs of Scot-
land, addressed to king James
II. when in France, the fol-
lowing passage occurs respect-
ing this Mr. Stewart: " It was
" thought very hard even by
" the loyalest of your subjects
"to be paying for such remis-
" sions," (namely, pardons for
taking offices, without taking
the test, as they had done by
the king's own command,)
" and especially to be giving
" so much to Mr. Stuart, that
" had but some months before
" got a remission for plotting
" and contriving against your
" majesty and government,
" and was generally believed
" at that time, by all that
" wished well to your majes-
" ty's government, to be un-
" derhand betraying it ; nor
" has their apprehensions been
" false, for since the revqlu-
*' tion he has bragged to hun-
" dreds, that he gave several
" advices, designedly to ruin
" it, and to advance the in-
" terests of his friends." P. n.
Mr. Stewart was knighted,
and made lord advocate of
Scotland by king William.
The character given him by
Lockhart of Carnwarth in his
Commentaries, is, that he was
a great man, profound lawyer,
the chief support of presby-
tery, and a most virulent ene-
my of the royal house of
Stuart, vol. I. p. 458. The
fate and curse of this house
was, to be betrayed by those
they trusted. Dr. Calamy,
who in after-life had an inter-
view with him, observes, that
he shewed an extraordinary
knowledge of men and of
things. Calamy's Life, vol. II.
p.I72.)
R 2
244 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. He opened all this in several letters to the pen-
sioner. And in these he pressed him vehemently,
in the king's name, and by his direction, to per-
732 suade the prince to concur with the king in pro-
curing the laws to be repealed. He laid before
him the inconsiderable number of the papists : so
that there was no reason to apprehend much from
them. He also enlarged on the severities that
the penal laws had brought on the dissenters.
The king was resolved not to consent to the re-
pealing them, unless the tests were taken away
with them : so that the refusing to consent to this
might at another time bring them under another
severe prosecution. Steward, after he had writ
many letters to this purpose without receiving any
answers, tried if he could serve the king in Scot-
land with more success, than it seemed he was
like to have at the Hague. But he found there,
that his old friends were now much alienated from
him, looking on him as a person entirely gained
by the court.
The pensioner laid all his letters before the
prince. They were also brought to me. The
prince upon this thought, that a full answer made
by Fagell, in such a manner as that it might be
published as a declaration of his intentions, might
be of service to him in many respects ; chiefly in
popish courts, that were on civil accounts inclined
to an alliance against France, but were now pos-
sessed with an opinion of the prince, and of his
party in England, as designing nothing but the
ruin and extirpation of all the papists in those
kingdoms. So the pensioner wrote a long an-
OF KING JAMES II. 245
swer to Steward, which was put in English by 1688.
me.
He began it with great assurances of the prince
and princess's duty to the king. They were both
of them much against all persecution on the ac-
count of religion. They freely consented to the
covering papists from the severities of the laws
made against them on the account of their reli-
gion, and also that they might have the free exer-
cise of it in private. They also consented to grant
a full liberty to dissenters. But they could not
consent to the repeal of those laws that tended
only to the securing the protestant religion ; such
as those concerning the tests, which imported no
punishment, but only an incapacity of being in
public employments, which could not be com-
plained of as great severities. This was a caution
observed in all nations, and was now the more
necessary, both for securing the public peace and
the established religion*. If the numbers of the
papists were so small as to make them inconsider-
able, then it was not reasonable to make such a
change for the sake of a few. And if those few,
that pretended to public employments, would do
all their own party so great a prejudice, as not to
suffer the king to be content with the repeal of
the penal laws, unless they could get into the
t (The abandonment of this If it is pleaded, that he was
security, adopted after the ex- not like his predecessor a
ample of other nations, for Roman catholic, it may be
the public peace and the reli- observed, that of the new di-
gion established in the king- rectors of the state some were
dorn was recommended by as hostile to the church of
the prince to his parliament, England as king James.)
soon after he became king.
246 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. offices of trust, then their ambition was only to
be blamed, if the offers now made were not ac-
cepted. The matter was very strongly argued
through the whole letter : and the prince and
princess's zeal for the protestant religion was set
out in terms that could not be very acceptable to
the king. The letter was carried by Steward to
the king, and was brought by him into the cabinet
council. But nothing followed then upon it. The
king ordered Steward to write back, that he would
either have all or nothing. All the lay-papists of
England, who were not engaged in the intrigues
of the priests, pressed earnestly that the king
would accept of the repeal of the penal laws;
which was offered, and would have made them
both easy and safe for the future. The emperor
was fully satisfied with what was offered ; and pro-
mised to use his interest at Rome, to get the pope
to write to the king to accept of this, as a step to
the other: but I could not learn whether he did
it, or not. If he did, it had no effect. The king
was in all points governed by the Jesuits and the
French ambassador.
Father Pe- Father Petre, as he had been long in the confi-
a f prhy e dence, was now brought to the council board, and
counsellor. ma( j e a p r i vv counsellor" i and it was given out,
that the king was resolved to get a cardinal's cap
for him, and to make him archbishop of York.
The pope was still firm to his resolution against it.
But it was hoped, that the king would conquer it,
u And to gratify the dis- (afterwards created lord Bar-
senters, Christopher Vane, son nard by king William,) was
to the famous sir Henry Vane, sworn at the same time. D.
OF KING JAMES II. 247
if not in the present, yet at furthest in the next 1688.
pontificate. The king resolved at the same time
not to disgust the secular priests : so bishop Ley-
burn, whom cardinal Howard had sent over with
the episcopal character, was made much use of in
appearance, though he had no great share in the
counsels. There was a faction formed between
the seculars and the Jesuits, which was sometimes
near breaking out into an open rupture. But the
king was so partial to the Jesuits, that the others
found they were not on equal terms with them.
There were three other bishops consecrated for
England. And these four were ordered to make
a progress and circuit over England, confirming,
and doing other episcopal offices, in all the parts
of England. Great numbers gathered about them,
wheresoever they went.
The Jesuits thought all was sure, and that their The confi-
iii.ii T . dence of
scheme was so well laid that it could not mis- the Jesuits.
carry. And they had so possessed that contempt-
ible tool of theirs, Albeville, with this, that he
seemed upon his return to the Hague to be so
sanguine, that he did not stick to speak out what
a wiser man would have suppressed, though he
had believed it. One day, when the prince was
speaking of the promises the king had made, and
the oath that he had sworn to maintain the laws
and the established church, he, instead of pretend-
ing that the king still kept his word, said, Upon 734*
some occasions princes must forget their promises.
And, when the prince said that the king ought to
have more regard to the church of England, which
was the main body of the nation, Albeville an-
248 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. swered, that the body which he called the church
~~ of England would not have a being two years to
an end. Thus he spoke out the designs of the
court both too early and too openly. But at the
same time he behaved himself in all other respects
so poorly, that he became the jest of the Hague.
The foreign ministers, Mr. D'Avaux the French
ambassador not excepted, did not know how to
excuse or bear with his weakness, which appeared
on all occasions and in all companies.
The pen- What he wrote to England upon his first audi-
sioner's let-
ter was ences was not known. But it was soon after spread
up and down the kingdom, very artificially and
with much industry, that the prince and princess
had now consented to the repeal of the tests, as
well as of the penal laws. This was writ over by
many hands to the Hague. The prince, to pre-
vent the ill effects that might follow on such re-
ports, gave orders to print the pensioner's letter
to Steward ; which was sent to all the parts of
England, and was received with an universal joy.
The dissenters saw themselves now safe in his in-
tentions towards them. The church party was
confirmed in their zeal for maintaining the tests.
And the lay-papists seemed likewise to be so well
pleased with it, that they complained of those
ambitious priests, and hungry courtiers, who were
resolved, rather than lay down their aspirings and
other projects, to leave them still exposed to the
severities of the laws, though a freedom from
these was now offered to them. But it was not
easy to judge whether this was sincerely meant by
them, or if it was only a popular art, to recom-
OF KING JAMES II. 249
mend themselves under such a moderate appear- 1688.
ance. The court saw the hurt that this letter did ~
them. At first they hoped to have stifled it by
calling it an imposture. But when they were
driven from that x , the king began to speak se-
verely and indecently of the prince, not only to
all about him, but even to foreign ministers : and
resolved to put such marks of his indignation
upon him, as should let all the world see how
deep it was.
There were six regiments of the king's subjects, The king
three English and three Scotish, in the service of
the States. Some of them were old regiments,
that had continued in their service during the two states ' ser -
vice.
wars in the late king's reign. Others were raised
since the peace in seventy-three. But these came
not into their service under any capitulation, that
had .reserved an authority to the king to call for
them at his pleasure. When Argile and Mon-735
moutli made their invasion, the king desired that
the States would lend them to him. Some of the
towns of Holland were so jealous of the king, and
wished Monmouth's success so much, that the
prince found some difficulty in obtaining the con-
sent of the States to send them over. There was
no distinction made among them between papists
and protestants, according to a maxim of the States
with relation to their armies : so there were se-
veral papists in those regiments. And the king
had shewed such particular kindness to these,
x (By the pensionary's let- published in England. See
ter of complaint to Albeville, Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. I.
which was taken care to be p. 979.)
250 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. while they were in England, that at their return
" they formed a faction which was breeding great
distractions among them. This was very uneasy
to the prince, who began to see that he might
have occasion to make use of those bodies, if
things should be carried to a rupture between the
king and him : and yet he did not know how
he could trust them, while such officers were in
command. He did not see neither how he could
get rid of them well. But the king helped him
out of that difficulty : he wrote to the States, that
he had occasion for the six regiments of his sub-
jects that were in their service, and desired that
they should be sent over to him.
Which was This demand was made all of the sudden, with-
refused.but . ,. ,, o,,
the officers out any previous application to any of the btates,
to go? ave to Dispose them to grant it, or to many of the
officers to persuade them to ask their conge to go
over. The States pretended the regiments were
theirs : they had paid levy money for them, and
had them under no capitulation : so they excused
themselves, that they could not part with them.
But they gave orders, that all the officers that
should ask their conge should have it. Thirty or
forty came and asked, and had their conge. So now
the prince was delivered from some troublesome
men by this management of the king's. Upon
that, these bodies were so modelled, that the prince
knew that he might depend entirely on them :
and he was no more disturbed by those insolent
officers, who had for some years behaved them-
selves rather as enemies, than as persons in the
States' pay.
OF KING JAMES II. 251
The discourse of a parliament was often taken 1688.
up, and as often let fall : and it was not easy to
judge in what such fluctuating counsels would
end. Father Petre had gained such an ascend-
ant, that he was considered as the first minister of
stated. The nuntio had moved the king to inter-
pose, and mediate a reconciliation between the
court of Rome and France. But he answered,
that since the pope would not gratify him in the
promotion of father Petre, he would leave him to
free himself of the trouble into which he had in-
volved himself the best way he could. And our
court reckoned, that as soon as the pope felt him- 736
self pressed, he would fly to the king for protec-
tion, and grant him every thing that he asked of
him, in order to obtain it. The Jesuit gave
daily new proofs of a weak and ill governed pas-
sion, and discovered all the ill qualities of one,
that seemed raised up to be the common incen-
diary, and to drive the king and his party to the
precipice.
Towards the end of April the king thought fit A new de-
to renew the declaration that he had set out the for
former year for liberty of conscience ; with an ad- tlon '
dition, declaring that he would adhere firmly to
it, and that he would put none in any public em-
ployments, but such as would concur with him in
y (The minister, who ap- him till all was in confusion,
pears in every act and trans- and he found himself ruined
action at this time, and was by his treachery. See note
addressed on all occasions by below at p. 755, fol. ed. and
the king's subjects, was the compare the earl's vindication
earl of Sunderland, he and of himself in a letter inserted
Petre only, who was his tool, both in the History of the
being of the secret council; Desertion, p. 27, and in the
nor did the king break with third vol. of Cogan's Tracts.)
252 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. maintaining it. He also promised, that he would
"hold a parliament in the November following.
This promise of a parliament so long beforehand
was somewhat extraordinary. Both father Petre
and Pen engaged the king to it, but with a dif-
ferent prospect. Pen, and all the tools who were
employed by him, had still some hopes of carrying
a parliament to agree with the king, if too much
time was not lost : whereas the delaying a parlia-
ment raised jealousies, as if none were intended,
but that it was only talked of to amuse the nation,
till other designs were ripe.
On the other hand, father Petre and his cabal
saw that the king was kept off from many things
that they proposed, with the expectation of the
concurrence of a parliament: and the fear of
giving new disgusts, which might obstruct that,
had begot a caution that was very uneasy to them.
They thought that much time was already lost,
and that they made but a small progress. They
began to apprehend, that the regulators, who were
still feeding them with hopes, and were asking
more time and more money, did intend only to
amuse them, and to wear out the business into
more length, and to keep themselves the longer
in credit and in pay; but that they did not in
their hearts wish well to the main design, and
therefore acted but an insincere part with the
king. Therefore they resolved to put that matter
to the last trial, reckoning that, if the king saw it
was in vain to hope for any thing in a parlia-
mentary way, he might be more easily carried to
extreme and violent methods.
The king was not satisfied with the publishing
OF KING JAMES II. 253
his declaration: but he resolved to oblige the 1688.
clergy to read it in all their churches in the time which the
of divine service. And now it appeared what bad or
effects were like to follow on that officious motion read>
that Bancroft had made, for obliging the clergy to
read the declaration that king Charles set out in
the year 1681, after the dissolution of the Oxford
parliament 2 . An order passed in council, requiring 737
the bishops to send copies of the declaration to all
their clergy, and to order them to read it on two
several Sundays in time of divine service.
This put the clergy under great difficulties.
And they were at first much divided about it.
Even many of the best and worthiest of them
were under some distraction of thought. They
had many meetings, and argued the point long
among themselves in and about London. On the
one hand it was said, that if they refused to read
it, the king would proceed against them for dis-
obedience. It did not seem reasonable to run so
great a hazard upon such a point, that was not
strong enough to bear the consequences that might
follow on a breach. Their reading it did not
' L ("It is certain that such the Continuation of Baker's
an order was made, and the Chron. and to the third vol.
clergy complied with it ; of the Complete History of
but that it was made at the England. Probably the bishop
express instance of arch- had good grounds for his re-
bishop Sancroft, seems to peated assertion; and although
rest on no other authority the archbishop's intention was
than that of Burnet." D' Oy- loyal and praiseworthy, yet
ly's Life of Sancroft, vol. I. perhaps the less the church
p. 252. Macpherson, in his has to do with politics, ex-
History of England, vol. I. cept in cases where funda-
p. 351, mentions the order, mental points are concerned,
referring at the same time to the better.)
254 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. import their approving it : but was only a publica-
~~ tion of an act of their king's. So it was proposed,
to save the whole by making some declaration,
that their reading it was a mere act of obedience,
and did not import any assent and approbation of
theirs. Others thought, that the publishing this
in such manner was only imposed on them to
make them odious and contemptible to the whole
nation, for reading that which was intended for
their ruin. If they carried their compliance so far,
that might provoke the nobility and gentry to
carry theirs much further. If they once yielded
the point, that they were bound to read every
declaration, with this salvo, that it did not import
their approving it, they would be then bound
to read every thing that should be sent to them :
the king might make declarations in favour of all
the points of popery, and require them to read
them : and they could not see where they must
make their stops, if they did it not now. So it
seemed necessary to fix on this, as a rule, that
they ought to publish nothing in time of divine
service, but that which they approved of. The
point at present was not, whether a toleration was
a lawful or an expedient thing. The declaration
was founded on the claim of a dispensing power,
which the king did now assume, that tended to
the total subversion of the government, and the
making it arbitrary ; whereas by the constitution
it was a legal administration. It also allowed
such an infinite liberty, with the suspension of all
penal laws, and that without any limitation, that
paganism it self might be now publicly professed.
OF KING JAMES II. 255
It was visible, that the design in imposing the 1688.
reading of it on them, was only to make them
ridiculous, and to make them contribute to their
own ruin. As for the danger that they might
incur, they saw their ruin was resolved on : and
nothing they could do was like to prevent it,
unless they would basely sacrifice their religion to
their worldly interests. It would be perhaps a
year sooner or later by any other management : 738
it was therefore fit, that they should prepare
themselves for suffering; and not endeavour to
prevent it by doing that which would draw on
them the hatred of their friends and the scorn of
their enemies.
These reasons prevailed : and they resolved not TO which
to read the declaration. They saw of what im-not 7 ^
portance it was, that they should be unanimous in ob
this. Nothing could be of more fatal consequence
than their being divided in their practice. For,
if any considerable body of the clergy, such as
could carry the name of the church of England,
could have been prevailed on to give obedience,
and only some number, how valuable soever the
men might be, should refuse to obey; then the
court might still pretend that they would maintain
the church of England, and single out all those
who had not given obedience, and fall on them,
and so break the church within it self upon this
point, and then destroy the one half by the means
of the rest. The most eminent were resolved not
to obey : and those who might be prevailed on to
comply would by that means fall under such con-
tempt, that they could not have the credit or
256 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. strength to support the established religion. The
"court depended upon this, that the greater part
would obey: and so they would be furnished
with a point of state, to give a colour for turning
out the disobedient, who were like to be the
men that stood most in their way, and crossed
their designs most, both with their learning and
credit.
Those few bishops that were engaged in the
design of betraying the church, were persuaded
that this would be the event of the matter : and
they possessed the king with the hope of it so
positively, that he seemed to depend upon it.
The correspondence over England was managed
with that secrecy, that these resolutions were so
communicated to the clergy in the country, that
they were generally engaged to agree in their
conduct, before the court came to apprehend that
they would be so unanimous, as it proved in con-
clusion that they were.
The arch- The archbishop of Canterbury, Sancroft, re-
six bishops solved upon this occasion to act suitably to his
petition thep ost an( j character. He wrote round his province,
and desired that such of the bishops as were able
would come up, and consult together in a matter
of this great concern : and he asked the opinion
of those whom their age and infirmities disabled
from taking the journey. He found, that eighteen
of the bishops, and the main body of the clergy,
concurred in the resolution against reading the
declaration. So he, with six of the bishops that
came up to London, resolved in a petition to the
king to lay before him the reasons that determined
OF KING JAMES II. 257
them not to obey the order of council that had 1688.
been sent them a : this flowed from no want ofygg
respect to his majesty's authority, nor from any
unwillingness to let favour be shewed to dis-
senters ; in relation to whom they were willing to
come to such a temper, as should be thought fit,
when that matter should be considered and settled
in parliament and convocation : but this declara-
tion being founded on such a dispensing power,
as had been often declared illegal in parliament,^)
both in the year 1662, and in the year 1672 b ,
and in the beginning of his own reign ; and was a
matter of so great consequence to the whole
nation, both in church and state ; they could not
in prudence, honour, and conscience, make them-
selves so far parties to it, as the publication of it
once and again in God's house, and in the time of
divine service, must amount to.
The archbishop was then in an ill state of
health. So he sent over the six bishops with the
petition to the king, signed by himself and the rest c .
a (The names of six other suspended but by act of par-
bishops, Compton of London, liament, was this, *' If a scru-
Lloyd of Norwich, Frampton " pie remains concerning the
of Gloucester, Ward of Sarum, " suspension of the penal laws,
and Mews of Winchester, are " I hereby faithfully promise,
subscribed in copies of the " that what hath been done in
petition, although not in that " that particular, shall not be
which was presented. See " drawn either into conse-
the Clarendon Correspondence, 4< quence or example." Corn-
edited by Mr. Singer, vol. II. mons' Journal, March, 1673.)
p. 47 8.) c (He had been forbidden
b (The answer of king the court almost two years
Charles the second to the ad- before ; according to the San-
dress of the house of com- croft MSS. cited in the next
mons in the beginning of the Note. See also Dr. D'Oyly's
year 1673, which declared that Life of the Archbishop, vol. I.
penal statutes could not be p. 265.)
S
258 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. The king was much surprised with this, being
~ flattered and deceived by his spies. Cartwright,
bishop of Chester, was possessed with a story
that was too easily believed by him, and was
by him carried to the king, who was very apt
to believe every thing that suited with his own
designs. The story was, that the bishops intended
by a petition to the king to let him understand
that orders of this kind used to be addressed to
their chancellors, but not to themselves; and to
pray him to continue that method : and that by
this means they hoped to get out of this difficulty.
This was very acceptable to the court, and pro-
cured the bishops a quick admittance. And they
had proceeded so carefully, that nothing concerted
among them had broken out ; for they had been
very secret and cautious. The king, when he
heard their petition, and saw his mistake, spoke
roughly to them. He said, he was their king, and
he would be obeyed : and they should be made
to feel what it was to disobey him d . The six
bishops were St. Asaph, Ely, Bath and Wells,
Peterborough, Chichester, and Bristol 6 . The an-
swer they made the king was in these words:
The will of God be done*. And they came from
d (His strongest expres- den of a song composed at
sions were, "This is a standard that time is still remembered :
" of rebellion," and, "I will ttAjid shall Trelawney die! And
" be obeyed in publishing my shall Trelawney die!
" declaration." Archbishop "Then thirty thousand Cornish boys
Sancroft's MSS. in the Ap- will know the reason why.")
pendix to Lord Clarendons f (Even those of the num-
State Papers, vol. II. p. 291.) her who espoused the doctrine
e (The bishop of Bristol of passive obedience had no
was Trelawney, of an ancient occasion for a train of subtle
family in Cornwall. The bur- reasoning, as Dr. Lingard sug-
OF KING JAMES II. 259
the court in a sort of triumph. Now matters 1688.
were brought to a crisis. The king was engaged
on his part, as the bishops were on theirs. So all
people looked on with great expectations, reckon-
ing that upon the issue of this business a great
decision would be made, both of the designs of
the court, and of the temper of the nation.
The king consulted for some days with all that
were now employed by him, what he should do
upon this emergent; and talked with people of
all persuasions. Lob, an eminent man among the 740
dissenters, who was entirely gained to the court,
advised the king to send the bishops to the tower.
Father Petre seemed now as one transported with
joy : for he thought the king was engaged to break
with the church of England. And it was re-
ported, that he broke out into that indecent ex-
pression upon it, that they should be made to eat
their own dung. The king was long in doubt.
Some of the popish nobility pressed him earnestly
to let the matter fall 11 . For now it appeared,
that the body of the clergy were resolved not to
gests, to defend their conduct ; imagine what their hot-head-
for what was required of them ed fools would drive things
was active obedience to what to, but he knew most of them
was in their estimation wrong.) were ignorant enough to take
g Lingard, on the authority Magna Charta for an inven-
of Barillon's Despatches, where tion of Harry the VHIth. D.
it is said, it was advised by (Lord Arundel was one of the
Sunderland and Petre to dis- Roman catholic lords who as-
miss all intention of prose- sisted the queen in her endea-
cuting the bishops, gives no vours to prevent father Petre
credit to this report. Hist, from being brought into the
of England, X. p. 202.) privy council. See Higgons's
h Lord Arundel of War- Short View of English Hist,
dour, who was then privy seal., p. 329.)
told my father, he could not
260 HISTORY OF THE KEIGN
1688. read the declaration. Those who did obey were
""few and inconsiderable. Only seven obeyed in
the city of London, and not above two hundred
all England over : and of these some read it the
first Sunday, but changed their minds before the
second : others declared in their sermons, that
though they obeyed the order, they did not ap-
prove of the declaration : and one, more pleasantly
than gravely, told his people, that, though he was
obliged to read it, they were not obliged to hear
it ; and he stopt till they all went out, and then
he read it to the walls : in many places, as soon as
the minister began to read it, all the people rose
and went out 1 .
The king did what he could to encourage those
that did obey his order. Parker, bishop of Oxford,
died about this time. He wrote a book against
the tests full of petulant scurrility, of which I shall
only give one instance. He had reflected much
on the whole popish plot, and on Oates's evidence :
and upon that he called the test, the sacrament of
the Oatesian villany k . He treated the parliament
that enacted the tests with a scorn that no popish
i I was then at Westmin- proclamation in his hands for
ster school, and heard it read trembling, and every body
in the abbey. As soon as looked under a strange con-
bishop Sprat, who was dean, sternation. D.
gave order for reading it, there k (The bishop of Oxford, in
was so great a murmur and his Reasons for abrogating the
noise in the church, that no- Test &c. p. 5, really called it
body could hear him : but be- "the first-born of Oates's
fore he had finished, there was " plot," and added, <( it was
none left but a few prebends " brought forth on purpose to
in their stalls, the queristers, " give credit and reputation
and Westminster scholars. The " to the perjury.")
bishop could hardly hold the
OF KING JAMES II.
261
writer had yet ventured on : and he said much to
excuse transubstantiation, and to free the church"
of Rome from the charge of idolatry. This raised
such a disgust of him, even in those that had been
formerly but too much influenced by him, that,
when he could not help seeing that, he sunk upon
it. I was desired to answer his book with the
severity that he deserved : and I did it with an
acrimony of style, that nothing but such a time
and such a man could in any sort excuse. It was
said, the king sent him my papers, hearing that
no body else durst put them in his hands, hoping
that it would raise his indignation, and engage
him to answer them. But it was thought that
helped to put an end to the life of the worst tem-
pered man I ever knew, for he died within a week
after 1 . And one Hall, a conformist in London,
1688.
l (In a MS. Preface pre-
served among the Burnet
Papers possessed by the uni-
versity of Oxford, and com-
posed by the bishop for the
purpose of its being prefixed
to a translation of an answer
to Parker's Reasons, the follow-
ing story, perhaps a true one,
is told. " During his (Par-
' ker's) sickness, of which he
' died not long after he had
' published his book, he was
' visited by some priests of
' the Roman communion; but
* they, as many others, were
' surprised to find, that upon
1 their exhorting him to re-
* concile himself to the church
of Rome, he told them,
that he neither was nor
would be of their commu-
' nion ; and when upon that,
' they asked him, how it came
' that he had written such a
4 book in their defence (against
' the charge of idolatry) he
' told them, that he did it, to
1 let them see how ill they
' justified their own cause,
' and that he could say more
' for it than they could do
' themselves." That Parker
was not a Romanist is clear,
for he was the author of a
Discourse addressed to king
James persuading his return
to the church of England.
In lord Rolles's copy of
Bayle's Dictionary at his seat
in Devonshire, some one has
written, " His son Mr. Samuel
" Parker" (a writer of some
note) " had letters to prove,
262
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. who was looked on as half a presbyterian, yet,
~ because he read the declaration, was made bishop
of Oxford. One of the popish bishops was upon
the king's mandamus chosen by the illegal fellows
of Magdalen college their president . The sense
of the nation, as well as of the clergy, had ap-
peared so signally on this occasion, that it was
visible, that the king had not only the seven peti-
741 tioning bishops to deal with, but the body of the
whole nation, both clergy and laity.
violent advices of father Petre and the
The king
ordered the
bishops to Jesuited party were so fatally suited to the king's
be prose-
cuted for it. OW11 temper and passion, that they prevailed over
' that he expressed the great-
' est concern, when the Ro-
' man catholic fellows were
' put into Magdalen college ;
' and that the bishop just before
' his death received the sacra-
' ment according to the usage
' of the church of England."
As to the admission of the
Roman catholic fellows, Par-
ker could not help what was
done, for he and they held by
the same tenure of mandamus
and dispensation ; and as to the
demies whom he sent away,
it is known that they would
not stay.)
m (This prelate was Bona-
venture Giffard, a doctor of
the Sorbonne, who had been
consecrated a bishop, as bishop
of Madaura in Africa, and
was one of the four papal
vicars in England. He be-
came president in March 1 688.
Twelve persons of the Romish
religion had been previously
made fellows, and their form of
worship was set up in the college
chapel. The candlesticks used
at it were not long since pre-
served in the bursary. In the
August following, doctor Tho-
mas Smith, mentioned above,
a man of great celebrity in
the literary world, was de-
prived by them of his fellow-
ship for non-residence in col-
lege. When restored he was
again deprived in 1692, for
adhering to king James. To
correct a mistake recently
copied from Howell's State
Trials, vol. XII. p. TOT, it is
perhaps worth remarking, that
Dr. Smith, who on account of
his Hebrew studies was com-
monly called Rabbi Smith,
was sometimes named Tograi,
as appears by a MS. account
of Magdalen college visita-
tion, the name of an Ara-
bian author of eminence, whose
poem he had edited.)
OF KING JAMES II. 263
the wiser counsels of almost all that were advised 1688.
with. But the king, before he would bring the"
matter to the council, secretly engaged all the
privy counsellors to concur with him : and, after
a fortnight's consultation, the bishops were cited
to appear before the council. The petition was
offered to them; and they were asked, if they
owned it to be their petition. They answered, it
seemed they were to be proceeded against upon
that account : so they hoped the king would not
press them to a confession, and then make use of
it against them : after they had offered this, they
owned the petition. They were next charged
with the publication of it ; for it was then printed.
But they absolutely denied that was done by
their means. The archbishop had written the
petition all in his own hand, without employing
any person to copy it out : and though there was
one draught written of the petition, as it was
agreed on, from which he had written out the
original which they had all signed, yet he had
kept that still in his own possession, and had
never shewn it to any person : so it was not pub-
lished by them : that must have been done by
some of those to whom the king had shewed it n .
They were in the next place required to enter
n (Bevill Higgons, in his " was so bawled and roared
Short View, p. 33 3, says, "All " through the streets by the
' agreed, that it must have " hawkers, that people rose
' been in the press, if not be- " out of their beds to buy it."
* fore, by the time it was de- See also Dalrymple's Memoirs,
* livered to the king, which vol. I. p. 114, where however
' was about five in the after- this dispersion of copies is at-
' noon, and it came out that tributed to the infidelity of
'very night at twelve, and those about the king's person.)
264 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. into bonds to appear in the court of the king's
They were bench, and answer to an information of misde-
tower the meanour . They excepted to this ; and said, that
by their peerage they were not bound to do it.
Upon their insisting on this, they were sent to
the tower, by a warrant signed by the whole board,
except Father Petre, who was passed over by the
king's order. This set all the whole city into
the highest fermentation that was ever known in
memory of man. The bishops were sent by water
to the tower: and all along as they passed, the
banks of the river were full of people, who kneeled
down and asked their blessing, and with loud
shouts expressed their good wishes for them, and
their concern in their preservation. The soldiers,
and other officers in the tower, did the same. An
universal consternation appeared in all people's
looks. But the king was not moved with all this.
And, though two days after, upon the queen's pre-
tended delivery, the king had a fair occasion to
have granted a general pardon to celebrate the
joy of that birth, (and it was given out by those
papists that had always affected to pass for mode-
rate men, that they had all pressed this vehe-
742 mently,) the king was inflexible : he said, his
authority would become contemptible, if he suf-
fered such an affront to pass unpunished.
A week after their commitment, they were
brought upon a habeas corpus to the king's bench
Dr. Lingard relates, that now by the advice of all their
thus it had been arranged on friends, ad vice given that morn-
the preceding evening between ing, they would give no other
the archbishop and lord Berke- security than their word. Hist.
ley, one of the privycouncil,but of England, vol. III. p. 304.
OF KING JAMES II. 265
bar?, where their counsel offered to make it appear 1688.
to be an illegal commitment: but the court allowed
it good in law. They were required to enter into
bonds for small sums, to answer to the information
that day fortnight. St. Peter's and St. Paul's day
was chosen to be the day of their trial. And the
fixing on that day, though it was perhaps done
without design, was said to be ominous. Some
said the trial was whether St. Peter's successors
should prevail or not; whereas others turned it,
and said the trial was whether St. Paul's doctrine
should continue among us or
The bishops were discharged of their imprison- But soon
ment : and people of all sorts ran to visit them as charged.
confessors, one company going in as another went
out. The appearance in Westminster-hall was very
solemn: about thirty of the nobility accompanying
them. All the streets were full of shoutings the
rest of the day, and with bonfires at night r .
p (The pope's nuncio, the day or not." This is one of
prelate D'Adda, in his Papers, the Suppressed Passages, re-
cited by sir John Mackin- cognised in the Autograph
tosh, in his History of the Re- and Transcript.)
volution, ch. ix. p. 262, writes r (The author's relation, John-
thus : " Of the immense con- stone, in a Letter, dated 1 8th
course of people who re- June in this year, cited also
ceived them on the bank of by Mackintosh at p. 264 of
the river, the majority in his History of the Revolution,
their immediate neighbour- sends him word, that when the
hood were on their knees; the archbishop landed at Lam-
archbishop laid his hands on beth, the grenadiers of lord
the heads of such as he Lichfield's regiment, though
co aid reach, exhorting them posted at that place by go-
to continue stedfast in their vernment, received him with
faith ; they cried aloud that military honours, and made a
all should kneel, while tears line for his passage from the
flowed from the eyes of river to his palace, and fell on
many.") their knees to ask his bless-
q (""St.Peter'sandSt.Paul's ing.)
266 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. When the day fixed for their trial came, there
They were was a vas ^ concourse. Westminster-hall, and all
tried. t j ie pi aces about, were full of people, who were
strangely affected with the matter. Even the
army, that was then encamped on Hounslow-heath,
shewed such a disposition to mutiny, that it gave
the king no small uneasiness. The trial came on,
which was chiefly managed against the bishops by
sir William Williams s . He had been speaker in
two successive parliaments, and was a zealous pro-
moter of the exclusion : and he had continued
many years a bold pleader in all causes against the
court : but he was a corrupt and vicious man, who
had no principles, but followed his own interests.
Sawyer, the attorney general, who had for many
years served the ends of the court in a most abject
and obsequious manner, would not support the
dispensing power: so he was turned out*, Powis
being advanced to be attorney general : and Wil-
liams was made solicitor general. Powis acted his
part in this trial as fairly as his post could admit
of. But Williams took very indecent liberties.
And he had great advantages over Sawyer and
Finch, who were among the bishops' counsel, by re-
flecting on the precedents and proceedings during
their being the king's counsel. The king's counsel
could not have full proof, that the bishops' hands
8 He was grandfather of sir spectfully of sir Robert Saw-
Watkin Williams Wynn, a yer before, vol. II. of his His-
man in our time of great note tory, p. 342. But compare the
among the most disaffected to speaker's note on that place, and
the present government, and the character of this eminent
much known upon that ac- lawyer in Granger's Biogra-
count. O. phical History of England.)
f (The author speaks disre-
OF KING JAMES II. 267
were truly theirs, and were forced to have recourse 1688.
to the confession they had made at the council
board ; which was thought very dishonourable,
since they had made that confession in confidence,
trusting to the king's honour, though it did not ap-
pear that any promise was made that no advantage
should be taken of that confession. No proof was
brought of their publishing it, which was the main
point v . The presenting it to the king, and after-
wards their owning it to be their petition, when it
was put to them at the council board, was all that
the king's counsel could offer for proof of this; 743
which was an apparent strain, in which even those
judges that were the surest to the court did not
seem to be satisfied. It was much urged against
them, that this petition was a libel, tending to the
defaming the king's government.
But to this it was answered, that they having
received an order, to which they found they could
not give obedience, thought it was incumbent on
them, as bishops, and as subjects, to lay before the
king their reasons for it : all subjects had a right
to petition the king: they as peers were of his
great council, and so had yet a better claim to
that : and that more particularly in matters of re-
ligion ; for the act of uniformity in queen Eliza-
beth's time had required them under a curse to
look carefully after those matters : the dispensing
power had been often brought into debate in par-
liament, and was always voted to be against law :
and the late king had yielded the point by re-
v See my lord Sunderland's printed trial. State Trials,
evidence, as to this, in the vol. III. p. 790 and 791. O.
268 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. calling his declaration : so they thought they had
~ a right to represent these things to the king. And
occasion was often taken to reflect on the dis-
pensing power. To this the king's counsel replied,
that the votes of one or both houses were not laws,
till they were enacted by king and parliament:
and the late king's passing once from a point of
his prerogative did not give it up, but only waved
it for that time : they urged much the sacredness
of the king's authority ; that a paper might be true
in fact, and yet be a libel ; that in parliament
the two houses had a right to petition, but it was
sedition to do it in a point of government out of
parliament.
The trial did last long, above ten hours. The
crowds continued in expectation all the while, and
expressed so great a concern for the bishops, that
the witnesses who were brought against them
were not only treated with much scorn, and loud
laughter upon every occasion, but seemed to be in
such danger, that they escaped narrowly, going
away by a back passage. Two of the judges, Powel
and Halloway, delivered their opinion, that there
was no seditious matter in the petition, and that it
was no libel. Chief justice Wright was brought
into this court u ; and Herbert was made chief
justice of the common pleas: Herbert was with the
court in the main of the king's dispensing power,
but was against them in most particulars : so he
u (Formerly, " Wright was in the text, Chief justice
now brought into this court, Wright was brought into this
and made chief justice ; and court; and Herbert,^. Wright
Herbert," &c., but the Auto- was chief justice of the king's
graph and Transcript have, as bench in the preceding year.)
OF KING JAMES II. 269
could not serve their ends in this court. Wright 1688.
was the properer tool. He in his charge called the *~
petition a libel : but he did not think the publica-
tion was proved.
The jury was fairly returned. When they were And ac-
shut up, they were soon agreed upon their verdict, qi
to acquit the bishops. But it was thought to be
both the more solemn and the safer way, to con- 744
tinue shut up till the morning x . The king still
flattered himself with the hope that the bishops
would be brought in guilty. He went that morn-
ing to the camp : for the ill humour the army was
in the day before, made him think it necessary to
go and keep them in awe and order by his own
presence.
The court sat again next day. And then the TO the
jury came in with their verdict. Upon which
there were such shoutings, so long continued, and
as it were echoed into the city, that all people
were struck with it. Every man seemed trans-
x (Dr. D'Oyley, in his Life relates, on the authority of a
of Archbishop Sancroft, ob- MS. that the obstinacy of Ar-
serves, that " great difference nold a brewer, who dissented
' of opinion appears to have from the verdict, occasioned
' prevailed among them from the delay. Ralph had before
' the length of time which mentioned this circumstance,
' elapsed before they came to with the addition, that he was
' an agreement; persons who brewer to the king, and afraid
' were appointed to watch of losing his place. Hist, of
' them, reported, that about England, vol. I. p. 993. In
' midnight, and also about one of the Letters of the Her-
' three o'clock in the morn- bert Family, lately published,
' ing, they were overheard to he is called captain Arnold,
1 be engaged in loud and and is said to have a consi-
' eager debate." Vol.1, p. 307. derable party to support him
Macpherson, in his Hist, of in his wish to represent West-
Great Britain, vol. I. p. 501, minster in parliament.)
270 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. ported with joy. Bonfires were made all about
the streets. And the news going over the nation,
produced the like rejoicings and bonfires all Eng-
land over. The king's presence kept the army in
some order. But he was no sooner gone out of
the camp, than he was followed with an universal
shouting, as if it had been a victory obtained.
And so fatally was the king pushed on to his ruin,
that he seemed not to be by all this enough con-
vinced of the folly of those violent counsels. He
intended still to pursue them. It was therefore
resolved on, to bring this matter of the contempt
of the order of council, in not reading the decla-
ration, before the ecclesiastical commissioners.
They did not think fit to cite the archbishop and
bishops before them : for they did not doubt they
would plead to their jurisdiction, and refuse to
acknowledge their authority ; which they hoped
their chancellors, and the inferior clergy, would
not venture on.
The clergy Citations were sent out requiring the chancel-
was next
designed lors and archdeacons to send in the lists of all the
clergy, both of such as had obeyed, and of those
who had not obeyed the order of council y. Some
of these were now so much animated with the
sense that the nation had expressed of the bishops'
imprisonment and trial, that they declared they
would not obey this order: and others excused
themselves in softer terms. When the day came
to which they were cited, the bishop of Rochester,
Y (The commissioners had secution of the bishops was
actually suspended doctor pending. See Caveat against
Hawkins for refusing to read the Whigs, p. 51.)
the declaration, whilst the pro-
OF KING JAMES II.
though he himself had obeyed the order, and had 1688.
hitherto gone along, sitting with the other com- ~
missioners, but had always voted on the milder
side, yet now, when he saw matters were running
so fast to the ruin of the church, he not only
would sit no longer with them, but wrote a letter
to them ; in which he said, it was impossible for
him to go on with them any longer ; for though
he himself had obeyed the order of council, which
he protested he did because he thought he was
bound in conscience to do it, yet he did not doubt
but that those who had not obeyed it had gone
upon *he same principle of following their con-
science, and he would much rather choose to 745
suffer with them, than to concur in making them
suffer. This stopped proceedings for that day,
and put the court to a stand. So they adjourned
themselves till December ; and they never sat any
more z .
This was the progress of that transaction, which The effect
was considered all Europe over as the trial whether every a
the king or the church were like to prevail. The where<
decision was as favourable as was possible. The
king did now assume to himself a power to make
laws void, and to qualify men for employments,
whom the law had put under such incapacities,
that all they did was null and void. The sheriffs
and mayors of towns were no legal officers: judges,
(one of them being a professed papist, Alibon,)
who took not the test, were no judges : so that
the government, and the legal administration of
z (At that time the only justice Herbert. See the Ellis
commissioners present were Correspondence, vol. II. p. 137.)
the bishop of Chester and chief
272 HISTORY OF THE EEIGN
1688. it, was broken. A parliament returned by such
men was no legal parliament. All this was done
by virtue of the dispensing power, which changed
the whole frame of our government, and subjected
all the laws to the king's pleasure : for, upon the
same pretence of that power, other declarations
might have come out, voiding any other laws that
the court found stood in their way; since we had
scarce any law that was fortified with such clauses
to force the execution of it, as those that were
laid aside had in them a . And when the king
pretended, that this was such a sacred point of
government, that a petition, offered in the modest-
est terms, and in the humblest manner possible,
calling it in question, was made so great a crime,
and carried so far against men of such eminence ;
this, I confess, satisfied me, that here was a total
destruction of our constitution, avowedly began,
and violently prosecuted. Here were not jea-
lousies nor fears : the thing was open and avowed.
This was not a single act of illegal violence, but a
declared design against the whole of our constitu-
tion. It was not only the judgment of a court of
law: the king had now by two public acts of
state, renewed in two successive years, openly
published his design b . This appeared such a total
a Kings, of all men, are nouncing of any right he has
most interested that the law by it; and when he has cut
should be supported ; for take the bough he sat upon, has
away that, and one man has as little reason to be surprised if
good right as another. Force he falls to the ground. D.
equally entitles every body *> (The first and second de-
that can get it : therefore a claration of liberty of con-
solemn declaration, that a king science are here intended. See
will not govern according to p. 736.)
law, seems to me a formal re-
OF KING JAMES II. 273
subversion, that, according to the principles that 1688.
some of the highest assertors of submission and ~
obedience, Barklay and Grotius, had laid down, it
was now lawful for the nation to look to itself,
and see to its own preservation. And, as soon as
any man was convinced that this was lawful, there
remained nothing but to look to the prince of
Orange, who was the only person that either
could save them, or had a right to it : since by
all the laws in the world, even private as well as
public, he that has in him the reversion of any
estate, has a right to hinder the possessor, if he
goes about to destroy that which is to come to him
after the possessor's death.
Upon all this disorder that England was falling 746
into, admiral Russel came to the Hague. He had f^ d
a good pretence for coming over to Holland, for the prince.
he had a sister then living in it. He was desired
by many of great power and interest in England
to speak very freely to the prince, and to know
positively of him what might be expected from
him. All people were now in a gaze : those who
had little or no religion had no mind to turn
papists, if they could see any probable way of
resisting the fury with which the court was now
driving : but men of fortune, if they saw no visible
prospect, would be governed by their present
interest : they were at present united : but, if a
breaking should once happen, and some men of
figure should be prevailed on to change, that
might go far ; especially in a corrupt and dissolute
army, that was as it were let loose to commit
crimes and violences every where, in which they
T
274 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. were rather encouraged than punished ; for it
seemed to be set up as a maxim, that the army by
rendering it self odious to the nation would be-
come thereby entirely devoted to the court: but
after all, though the soldiers were bad Englishmen,
and worse Christians, yet the court found them too
good protestants to trust much to them d . So
Russel put the prince to explain himself what he
intended to do.
Theprmce's The prince answered, that, if he was invited by
some men of the best interest, and the most valued
in the nation, who should both in their own name,
and in the name of others who trusted them,
invite him to come and rescue the nation and the
religion, he believed he could be ready by the end
of September to come over. The main confidence
we had was in the electoral prince of Branden-
burgh ; for the old elector was then dying. And
I told Russel at parting, that, unless he died,
there would be great difficulties, not easily mas-
tered, in the design of the prince's expedition to
England 6 .
c (It appears, that the sol- " event took place ; and con-
diers were kept under too " sequently, that measures
loose a discipline, for Evelyn " were forming in England
in his Diary complains more " against the king, and em-
than once of their murders " braced in Holland, before
and insolence.) " the second declaration of in-
d Special doctrine. S. " dulgence was published, or
e (Ralph, in his Hist, of " the order of council, which
England, makes the following " was founded thereon ; or
acute remark on this passage : ' ' the prosecution of the bi-
" The elector died on the last " shops was thought of; which
" day of April, O. S. ; whence "his lordship holds of such
" it follows, that Russel had " weight for the justification
"received his audience, and " of those measures." Vol. I.
" taken his leave, before that p. 998.)
OF KING JAMES II. 275
He was then ill of a dropsy, which, coming 1688.
after a gout of a long continuance, seemed to The elector
threaten a speedy end of his life. I had t
honour to see him at Cleve ; and was admitted to death -
two long audiences, in which he was pleased to
speak to me with great freedom. He was a prince
of great courage. He both understood military
matters well, and loved them much. He had a
very perfect view of the state Europe had been in
for fifty years, in which he had borne a great
share in all affairs, having directed his own counsels
himself. He had a wonderful memory, even in
the smallest matters ; for every thing passed under
his eye. He had a quick apprehension and a
choleric temper. The heat of his spirits was apt
to kindle too quick, till his interest cooled him :
and that fetched him back, which brought him 747
under the censure of changing sides too soon and
too often. He was a very zealous man in all the
concerns of religion. His own life was regular,
and free of all blemishes. He tried all that was
possible to bring the Lutherans and Calvinists to
some terms of reconciliation. He complained
much of the rigidity of the Lutherans, more par-
ticularly of those in Prussia: nor was he well
pleased with the stiffness of the Calvinists : and
he inveighed against the synod of Dort, as that
which had set all on fire, and made matters almost
past reconciling. He thought, all positive decisions
in those matters ought to be laid aside by both
parties, without which nothing could bring them
to a better temper.
He had a very splendid court : and to maintain
276 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. that, and his great armies, his subjects were
"pressed hard by many uneasy taxes. He seemed
not to have a just sense of the miseries of his
people. His ministers had great power over him
in all lesser matters, while he directed the greater:
and he suffered them to enrich themselves ex-
cessively.
In the end of his life the electoress had gained
great credit, and governed his counsels too much.
He had set it up for a maxim, that the electoral
families in Germany had weakened themselves so
much, that they would not be able to maintain
the liberty of the empire against the Austrian
family, which was now rising by their victories in
Hungary : the houses of Saxe, and the Palatine,
and of Brunswick, and Hesse, had done this so
much, by the dismembering some of their domin-
ions to their younger children, that they were
mouldering to nothing : he therefore resolved to
keep all his dominions entire in one hand : this
would make his family the balance to the house
of Austria, on whom the rest of the empire must
depend : and he suffered his electoress to provide
for her children, and to enrich herself by all the
ways she could think on, since he would not give
them any share of his dominions. This she did
not fail to do. And the elector, having just cause
of complaint for being abandoned by the allies in
the peace of Nimeguen, and so forced to restore
what he had got from the Swedes, the French
upon that gave him a great pension, and made the
electoress such presents, that he was prevailed on
to enter into their interests : and in this he made
OF KING JAMES II. 277
some ill steps in the decline of his life. But 1688.
nothing could soften him with relation to that"
court, after they broke the edict of Nantes, and
began the persecution of the protestants. He
took great care of all the refugees. He set men
on the frontier of France to receive and defray
them ; and gave them all the marks of Christian
compassion, and of a bounty becoming so great a
prince. But his age and infirmities, he being 748
crippled with the gout, and the ill understanding
that was between the prince electoral and elec-
toress, had so disjointed his court, that little was
to be expected from him.
Death came upon him quicker than was looked
for. He received the intimations of it with the
firmness that became both a Christian and a hero.
He gave his last advices to his son, and to his
ministers, with a greatness and a tenderness that
both surprised and melted them all : and above
all other things he recommended to them the
concerns of the protestant religion, then in such
an universal danger. His son had not his genius.
He had not a strength of body nor a force of mind
capable of great matters f . But he was filled with
zeal for the reformed religion : and he was at that
time so entirely possessed with a confidence in
the prince of Orange, and with a high esteem of
him, as he was his cousin-german, that we had a
f After the revolution, he Monsr. Buys told me ; upon
bore a secret grudge to king which the French envoy told
William, till by his means he him that all ships were ships,
was declared king of Prussia, but there was great difference
and then he talked of nothing in their strength and rate. D.
but the equality of kings, (as
278 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. much better prospect of all our affairs by his suc-
ceeding his father. And this was increased by
the great credit that Dankelman, who had been
his governor, continued to have with him : for he
had true notions of the affairs of Europe, and was
a zealous protestant, and was like to prove a very
good minister, though he was too absolute in his
favour, and was too much set on raising his own
family. All at the Hague were looking with great
concern on the affairs of Europe ; these being, in
many respects, and in many different places, brought
to a very critical state.
The queen I must now look back to England, where the
that she queen's delivery was the subject of all men's dis-
h course. And since so much depends on this, I
will give as full and as distinct an account of all
that related to that matter, as I could gather up
either at that time or afterwards %. The queen
had been for six or seven years in such an ill
state of health, that every winter brought her very
near death. Those about her seemed well assured
that she, who had buried all her children soon
after they were born, and had now for several
years ceased bearing, would have no more children.
Her own priests apprehended it, and seemed to
wish for her death. She had great and frequent
[loosenesses, with some other] distempers, that
returned often, which put all people out of their
hopes or fears of her having any children. Her
spirits were now much on the fret. She was
eager in the prosecution of all the king's designs.
It was believed, that she had a main hand in
? All coffee-house chat. S.
OF KING JAMES II. 279
driving him to them all. And he, perhaps to 1688.
make her gentler to him in his vagrant amours, ~~
was more easy to her in every thing else. The
lady Dorchester was come back from Ireland :
and the king went oft to her. But it was visible,
she was not like to gain that credit in affairs, to 749
which she had aspired : and therefore this was
less considered.
She had another mortification, when Fitz-James,
the king's son, was made duke of Berwick. He
was a soft and harmless young man, and was much
beloved by the king : but the queen's dislike kept
him from making any great figure. He made two
campaigns in Hungary, that were little to his
honour: for, as his governor diverted the allow-
ance that was given for keeping a table, and sent
him always to eat at other tables, so, though in
the siege of Buda there were many occasions
given him to have distinguished himself, yet he
had appeared in none of them. There was more
care taken of his person than became his age and
condition 11 . Yet his governor's brother was a
Jesuit, and in the secret: so every thing was
ventured on by him, and all was forgiven him.
In September, the former year, the queen went
to the Bath, where, as was already told, the king
came and saw her, and stayed a few days with her.
She after that pursued a full course of bathing :
and, having resolved to return in the end of Sep-
h (The duke of Berwick mother's brother, the duke of
was afterwards a marechal of Marlborough, overcame them
France, and conquered for the in Germany and Flanders.)
French in Spain, whilst his
280 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. tember, an accident took her to which the sex is
~~ subject : and that made her stay there a week
longer. She came to Windsor on the sixth of
October. It was said, that, at the very time of
her coming to the king, her mother, the duchess
of Modena, made a vow to the lady of Loretto,
that her daughter might by her means have a
son 1 . And it went current, that the queen be-
lieved herself to be with child in that very instant
in which her mother made her vow : of which,
some travellers assured me, there was a solemn
record made at Loretto. A conception said to be
thus begun looked suspicious. It was now fixed
to the sixth of October: so the nine months were
to run to the sixth of July k . She was in the
progress of her big belly let blood several times :
and the most astringent things that could be pro-
posed were used [to bind up nature. Yet it was
said she had several returns of that which happens
to women when they are not with child.]
It was soon observed, that all things about her
person were managed with a mysterious secrecy,
into which none were admitted but a few papists.
1 ("Surely if his lordship " occasionally from the begin-
had recollected, that the " ning of September, and oc-
* duchess died July the ipth, " casionally from the begin-
' O. S. as she certainly did, " ning of October." Lingard's
' he had never adopted this History of England, vol. VIII.
' idle tale of her highness's ch. 9. p. 436, note. edit, prior
' vowing vows on the 6th of to the last, where the author
' October." Ralph's Hist, of only observes, that "the in-
England, vol. 1. p. 980. " consistency of the account
k ("It appears" from au- " of a supposititious birth fur-
thentic documents " that the " nishes a sufficient proof of
" queen was herself uncertain *' their falsehood." Vol. X.
" as to her time, reckoning 3. p. 306.
OF KING JAMES II. 281
She was not dressed nor undressed with the usual 1688.
ceremony. Prince George told me, that the prin-
cess went as far in desiring to be satisfied by
feeling the motion, after she said she was quick,
as she could go without breaking with her : and
she had sometimes stayed by her even indecently
long in mornings, to see her rise, and to give her
her shift : but she never did either l . She never
offered any satisfaction in that matter by letter to
the princess of Orange, nor to any of the ladies
of quality, in whose word the world would have
acquiesced. The thing upon this began to be
suspected : and some libels were writ, treating the
whole as an imposture. The use the queen made 750
of this was, to say, that since she saw some were
suspecting her as capable of so black a contrivance,
she scorned to satisfy those who could entertain
such thoughts of her. How soever this might be
with relation to the libellers, yet certainly, if she
was truly with child, she owed it to the king and
herself, to the king's daughters, but most of all to
the infant she carried in her belly, to give such
reasonable satisfaction, as might put an end to
jealousy. This was in her power to do every day :
and her not doing it gave just grounds of sus-
picion.
1 (" Is it not strange, said
* she, (princess Anne,) that
' the queen should never, as
* often as I am with her,
' mornings and evenings,
' speak to me to feel her
' belly ? I asked, if the queen
is true. Why then,, madam,
said I, should you wonder,
she did not bid you do it
this time ? Because, said
she, of the reports. Possi-
bly, said I, she did not mind
the reports." Henry Earl of
had at other times of her Clarendon's Diary, p. 79. See
* being with child bid her do below, notes at p. 751 and
' it? She answered, No, that 786.)
282 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. Things went on thus till Monday in Easter
"" week. On that day the king went to Rochester,
to see some of the naval preparations ; but was
soon sent for by the queen, who apprehended she
was in danger of miscarrying. Dr. Scarborough
was come to Knightsbridge to see bishop Ward,
my predecessor, who had been his ancient friend,
and was then his patient; but the queen's coach
was sent to call him in all haste, since she was
near miscarrying. Dr. Windebank, who knew
nothing of this matter, stayed long that morning
upon an appointment for Dr. Wallgrave, another
of the queen's physicians, who the next time he
saw him excused himself, for the queen was then
under the most apparent signs of miscarrying. Of
this the doctor made oath : and it is yet extant.
On the same day the countess of Clarendon,
being to go out of town for a few days, came to
see the queen before she went, knowing nothing
of what had happened to her. And she, being a
lady of the bed-chamber to the queen dowager,
did, according to the rule of the court, go into the
queen's bed-chamber without asking admittance.
She saw the queen a bed, bemoaning herself in a
m (The doctor's certificate bank, that the doctor told him
is dated Nov. 20, 1702; and that in Whitsun-week just be-
states, that Dr. Waldgrave fore the queen was delivered,
mentioned his apprehensions he was informed by Dr. Wald-
to him of the queen's miscar- grave, that the queen went
rying. But the author of an on, or held out ; and that at
Answer to the younger Bur- the former time, Dr. Wald-
net's pamphlet, ironically en- grave said to him, notwith-
titled, New Proofs of the Pre- standing his doubts and fears,
tender's being truly James the he had hopes she would go on
Third, says, that he had heard to her time. Page 18 21.)
from a friend of Dr. Winde-
OF KING JAMES II. 283
most doleful manner, saying often, Undone, Un- 1688.
done : and one that belonged to her carried some- ~~
what out of the bed, which she believed was linen
taken from the queen. She was upon this in
some confusion : and the countess of Powis coming
in, went to her, and said with some sharpness,
What do you here ? and carried her to the door.
Before she had got out of the court, one of the
bed-chamber women followed her, and charged
her not to speak of any thing she had seen that
day. This matter, whatever was in it, was hushed
up : and the queen held on her course.
The princess had miscarried in the spring. So,
as soon as she had recovered her strength, the
king pressed her to go to the Bath, since that had
so good an effect on the queen. Some of her
physicians, and all her other friends, were against
her going. Lower, one of her physicians, told me,
he was against it : he thought she was not strong
enough for the Bath, though the king pressed it
with an unusual vehemence. Millington, another
physician, told the earl of Shrewsbury, from whom 751
I had it, that he was pressed to go to the princess,
and advise her to go to the Bath. The person
that spoke to him told him, the king was much
set on it, and that he expected it of him, that he
would persuade her to it. Millington answered,
he would not advise a patient according to direc-
tions, but according to his own reason : so he
would not go. Scarborough and Witherly 11 took
n ("It is very well known/' Complaint, published in 1692,
writes sir James Montgomery, " that the king was against
in his Great Britain's Just " the journey ; that her phy-
284
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. it upon them to advise it: so she went thither in
the end of May .
Thequeen's As soon as she was gone, those about the queen
did all of the sudden change her reckoning, and
began it from the king's being with her at Bath.
This came on so quick, that though the queen
had set the fourteenth of June for her going to
Windsor, where she gave out she intended to lie
'* sicians in ordinary were a-
" gainst it, and that pains
" were taken to search about
" for physicians, who would
" advise her going, as expe-
" dient for her health ; so
" early were they contriving
" pretences for the calumny."
P.2I.
("It was falsely asserted,
" that the princess Anne was
" never permitted to see the
" queen's belly, whereas she
" did it frequently in the be-
" ginning, and if she absented
" herself towards the end, it
" was industriously done, as
" well as her going to the
" Bath, which it had been im-
" possible for the king to have
" forced upon her, had she
" suspected any thing of what
" was afterwards pretended,
" and been desirous to see the
" truth." Life of King James
the Second, vol. IT. p. 200. It
had been before observed,
that the princess contrived to
go to Bath, that she might be
absent when she knew the
queen was to be brought to
bed. P. 159 and 197. To
this it is answered, that she
had determined to be present
on account of her suspicions
about the pregnancy, and
could not possibly know, that
the queen's calculations would
turn out to be erroneous by a
whole month. Mr. Macaulay's
History of England, vol. II.
p. 364, 36/5. As to her sus-
picions, lady Wentworth, a
lady of the bedchamber and a
protestant, was persuaded, she
says, that the princess could
notdisbelieve the queen's preg-
nancy ; and as for her own
pregnancy, the princess's ex-
cuse of being pregnant, Dr.
Lingard writes, " was a false-
" hood, as her husband, the
" prince George, told Claren-
" don, ' This startles me,' he
** says, ' Good God, bless us !
" nothing but lying and dis-
" simulation in the world.'
" Diary, p. 206." Hist, of
England, X. 4. p. 390. See
note at page 786, of the folio
edition of Burnet. Doubt-
less the princess's suspicions,
if she ever had any, were re-
moved, when at the hour of
her death she bewailed the
misfortunes, as she said, of
her brother. Consult Strick-
land's Lives of the Queens of
England, vol. XIV. ch. 12.
P. 432, 433-)
OF KING JAMES II. 285
in, and all the preparations for the birth and for 1688.
the child were ordered to be made ready by the
end of June, but now a resolution was taken for
the queen's lying in at St. James's?; and direc-
tions were given to have all things quickly ready.
The Bath water either did not agree with the
princess, or the advisers of her friends were so
pressing, who thought her absence from the
court at that time of such consequence, that
in compliance with them she gave it out it did
not, and that therefore she would return in a few
days.
The day after the court had this notice, the
queen said she would go to St. James's and look
for the good hour. She was often told, that it
was impossible upon so short a warning to have
things ready. But she was so positive, that she
said she would lie there that night, though she
should lie upon the boards. And at night, though
the shorter and quicker way was to go from
Whitehall to St. James's through the park, and
she always went that way, yet now, by a sort of
affectation, she would be carried thither by Cha-
ring-cross, through the Pali-Mall <*. And it was
given out by all her train, that she was going to
be delivered. Some said, it would be next morn-
ing ; and the priests said very confidently, that it
would be a boy.
P Windsor would have been " dares make an affidavit
more suspicious. S. " thereof, that the earl of
<1 (' I am assured by one " Godolphin went by her side
" of her servants, who did go " in a sedan." Impartial Re-
" with her, that she did go flections on Bur net's Posthumous
"through the park, and he Hist. p. 105, printed in 1724.)
286 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. The next morning, about nine o'clock, she sent
The queen word to the king, that she was in labour. The
^ queen dowager was next sent to. But no ladies
were sent for : so that no women were in the
room, but two dressers and one under dresser,
and the midwife. The earl of Arran sent notice
to the countess of Sunderland : so she came. The
lady Bellasis came also in time. The protestant
ladies that belonged to the court were all gone to
church before the news was let go abroad : for it
happened on Trinity Sunday, it being that year on
the tenth of June 1 '. The king brought over with
him from Whitehall a great many peers and privy
counsellors. And of these eighteen were let into
752 the bed-chamber : but they stood at the furthest
end of the room. The ladies stood within the
alcove. The curtains of the bed were drawn
close, and none came within them but the mid-
wife and an under dresser 8 . The queen lay all
the while a bed: and, in order to the warming
one side of it, a warming pan was brought*. But
r (Six protestant ladies of
high rank were present at the
birth, as their Depositions
shew.)
s (The feet curtains of the
' bed were drawn, and the
' two sides were open. When
' she was in great pain, the
his head and periwig, which
he did ; for she said she
could not be brought to bed,
and have so many men look
on her; for all the council
stood close at the bed's feet,
and the lord chancellor upon
the step." Princess of Den-
" king called in haste for my mark's Answers to her sister
" lord chancellor, who came the princess of Orange's Ques-
" up to the bed side to shew tions. Appendix to Dalrymple's
" he was there; upon which Memoirs, vol. II. p. 308.)
" the rest of the privy coun- l This, the ladies say, is
" sellors did the same thing, foolish. S. (" The warming-
" Then the queen desired the " pan is no feasible project,
" king to hide her face with " unless you break the back of
OF KING JAMES II.
287
it was not opened, that it might be seen that 1688.
there was fire and nothing else in it : so here was ~
matter for suspicion, with which all people were
filled.
A little before ten, the queen cried out as in a
strong pain, and immediately after the midwife
said aloud, she was happily brought to bed u .
When the lords all cried out of what, the midwife
answered, The queen must not be surprised : only
she gave a sign to the countess of Sunderland,
who upon that touched her forehead, by which, it
being the sign before agreed on, the king said he
knew it was a boy. No cries were heard from the
child x : nor was it shewed to those in the room.
" the child to put it in; more-
" over, as this is supposed to
" be a tender infant, just reek-
" ing and wet from its mo-
" ther's womb, in that tender
*' state, it would either have
" cried out in the passage, or
" have been stiff and dead,
" and in the variety of mo-
' tions of tossing it up and
" down, it would have been a
" perfect jelly." Impartial Re-
flections, 8rc. p. 1 06. " . . . .
" Then it is said, that the
" weather being hot there was
" no need of a warming-pan,
" as if linen were not to be
" aired at all times, especially
" on such occasions. And
" Mrs. Dawson, who was a
" protestant, deposed, amongst
" other things, that she saw
" fire in the warming-pan,
" when it was brought into
" the room." King James's
Life, vol. II. p. 200. The
countess of Sunderland in her
Deposition speaks of the bed
being warmed as a matter of
course. As soon as the child
was born, the midwife, who
swore she delivered the queen,
cut the navel string in the
presence of several persons,
as appears by their Deposi-
tions.)
u (The earl of Middleton, a
protestant, deposed, that he
stood near the bed's feet on
the left side, where he heard
the queen's groans, and pre-
sentlyafter several loud shrieks;
the last the deponent remem-
bers continued so long, that
he wondered how any body
could hold their breath so
long.)
x (The lady Bellasis, a pro-
testant, deposed, that after
seeing the infant taken out of
the bed, with the navel string
hanging to it, she opened the
288
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
Great
1688. It was pretended, more air was necessary. The
"under dresser went out with the child, or some-
what else, in her arms to a dressing room, to
which there was a door near the queen's bed:
but there was another entry to it from other
apartments y.
The king continued with the lords in the bed-
chamber for some minutes, which was either a
ed * sign of much phlegm upon such an occasion ; for
it was not known whether the child was alive or
dead : or it looked like the giving time for some
management. After a little while they went all
into the dressing room : and then the news was
published. In the mean while, no body was called
to lay their hands on the queen's belly, in order
to a full satisfaction. When the princess came
to town three days after, she had as little satis-
faction given her. Chamberlain, the man mid-
wife, who was always ordered to attend her labour
before, and who brought the plaisters for putting
back the milk, wondered that he had not been
sent to z . He went, according to custom, with
receiver, and not hearing the
infant cry, and seeing it a little
black, was afraid it was in a
convulsion fit. Deposition viii.)
Y ("There was no door into
the room but one by which
a child could have been con-
veyed, and that door was
closed up by a great press
which had stood at the back
for many years before, and
several months after, and
was seen standing at the
time of the birth by many
" witnesses, beyond all excep-
" tion." Extract from a MS.
of sir George Mackenzie's, in a
collection of papers belonging
to the reverend Mr. Fortescue-
Knottesford, p. 42.)
z "I perceive the Heer
" Meuschen was misled, con-
" founding my discourse with
" him on this matter, toge-
" ther with the conversation
" he might have had with
'* others, occasioned by pam-
*' phlets then here current,
OF KING JAMES II.
the plaisters : but he was told they had no occa-
sion for him. He fancied, that some other person
was put in his place : but he could not find that
1688.
" pretending an account how
" far I had been therein en-
" gaged ; to which several
" falsehoods were added. One
" of those papers was writ by
" Mr. Burnet, son to the
" bishop of Salisbury. The
" matter of fact follows : On
" Sunday morning, the day of
" the month and year occurs
" not at present to my me-
" mory, the queen sent early
f a footman to fetch me to
' St. James's, but late the
' night before being gone to
' Chatham to visit a patient,
' he missed me ; a post was
' immediately dispatched, and
' I hastened and found a
' child newly born, loose
' and undrest, in lady Powis
* her lap, and as I was in-
' formed, brought forth an
' hour before I came." Dr.
Hugh Chamber lay ne's Letter to
the princess Sophia, mother of
George the First, in the Ap-
pendix to Dalrymple's Memoirs,
vol. II. p. 3 1 1 . The writer of
this letter, after mentioning
that the duchess of Monmouth,
at that time disobliged by the
court, pleaded to him some-
time before in excuse for
making him wait at her house,
that she had been with her
majesty, and seen her shifted,
and her belly very big, goes
on to say, " Another circum-
" stance in this case is, that
" my being a noted whig, and
" signally oppressed by king
James, they would never
have hazarded such a secret
as a supposititious child,
which, had I been at home
* to have immediately followed
' the summons, I must have
' come time enough to have
* discovered, though the queen.
' had usually very quick la-
* bours." .... "A third ma-
' terial circumstance may be
' admitted ; that during my
' attendance on the child, by
' his majesty's directions, I
* had frequent discourse with
' the necessary woman, who,
' being in mighty dread of
4 popery, and confiding in my
' reputed whiggism, would
( often complain of the busy
' pragmaticalness of the Je-
' suits, who placed and dis-
' placed whom they pleased,
' and for her part she expect-
" ed a speedy remove, for the
" Jesuits would endure none
" but their own party ; such
" was our common entertain-
" ment ; but about a fortnight
' after the child was born, a
' rumour being spread through
' the city, that the child was
' supposititious, she cried,
' Alas ! will they not let the
' poor infant alone ? I am cer-
' tain no such thing as the
' bringing a strange child in
' a warming pan could be
' practised without my seeing
' it, attending constantly in
' and about all the avenues of
' the chamber.")
290
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. any had it. All that concerned the milk or the
~ queen's purgations was managed still in the dark a .
This made all people inclined more and more to
believe, there was a base imposture now put on the
nation. That still increased. That night one Hem-
ings, a very worthy man, an apothecary by his trade,
who lived in St. Martin's-lane, the very next door
to a family of an eminent papist: (Brown, brother to
the viscount Montacute, lived there:) the wall be-
tween his parlour and theirs being so thin, that he
could easily hear any thing that was said with a
louder voice, he (Hemings) was reading in his
753 parlour late at night, when he heard one coming
into the neighbouring parlour, and say with a
doleful voice, The prince of Wales is dead : upon
which a great many that lived in the house came
down stairs very quick. Upon this confusion he
could not hear any thing more ; but it was plain
they were in a great consternation 1 *. He went
with the news next morning to the bishops in the
Tower. The countess of Clarendon came thither
soon after, and told them, she had been at the
a (See note below at p. 785.
folio edit.)
!> A most foolish story,
hardly worthy of a coffee-
house. S. " (June i ith, Mon-
day. In the morning there
was a strong rumour, that
the young prince was dead :
he had been ill in the night,
and the king was called up ;
but upon giving him reme-
dies, God be thanked, he
grew better." Lord Claren-
dons Diary, p. 48. " It is
" true, says a lady of quality,
the prince had once a fit of
phlegm, as other children
have, and a lady sending to
inquire of his health, one
Mrs. Rugee, one of the dry
nurses, did indiscreetly send
word, she believed he would
be dead, before the messen-
ger got home. And this oc-
casioned the report of his
death, but he was well in an
hour after." Answer to the
pamphlet mentioned before,
entitled New Proofs, &c. p-5 1 .)
OF KING JAMES II. 291
young prince's door, but was denied access : she 1688.
was amazed at it ; and asked, if they knew her : ~~
they said, they did ; but that the queen had or-
dered, that no person whatsoever should be suf-
fered to come in to him. This gave credit to
Hemings' story, and looked as if all was ordered
to be kept shut up close, till another child was
found. One, that saw the child two days after,
said to me, that he looked strong, and not like a
child so newly born. Windebank met Wai grave
the day after this birth, and remembered him of
what he had told him eight weeks before. He
acknowledged what he had said, but added, that
God wrought miracles ; to which no reply could
or durst be made by the other : it needed none.
So healthy a child being so little like any of those
the queen had borne, it was given out, that he had
fits, and could not live. But those who saw him
every day observed no such thing. On the con-
trary, the child was in a very prosperous state.
None of those fits ever happened when the prin-
cess was at court; for she could not be denied
admittance, though all others were c . So this was
believed to be given out to make the matter more
credible. It is true, some weeks after that, the
c (The princess of Denmark, ' ' not well ; and methinks there
in the above cited answer to "is always a mysterv in it ;
her sister's queries, says, " As " for one does not know whe-
for seeing the child drest or " ther it be really sick, and
undrest, they avoid it as " they fear one should know
much as they can. By all " it, or whether it is well, and
I have seen and heard, " they would have one think
sometimes they refuse al- " it is sick, as the other chil-
most every body to see it; " dren used to be." p. 309.)
that is, when they say it is
U 2
292 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. court being gone to Windsor, and the child sent
~~ to Richmond, he fell into such fits, that four phy-
sicians were sent for. They all looked on him as
The child, a dying child d . The king and queen were sent
W T, died, for. The physicians went to a dinner prepared
>r them ; and were often wondering that they
MS room. were no t called for. They took it for granted,
that the child was dead. But, when they went
in after dinner to look on him, they saw a sound
healthy child, that seemed to have had no sort of
illness on him. It was said, that the child was
strangely revived of a sudden. Some of the phy-
sicians told Lloyd, bishop of St. Asaph, that it was
not possible for them to think it was the same
child. They looked on one another, but durst
not speak what they thought 6 .
d (This visit of their majes- been with child. Secondly, to
ties on this occasion is thus have miscarried. Thirdly, a
noticed in a contemporary child in a warming-pan is
letter, lately edited by Mr. supposed to have been con-
Ellis : " At Richmond the veyed into the bedchamber.
" prince of Wales continues Fourthly, perhaps no child to
" to suck the nurse allowed have been carried from thence
" him, and it hath that good into the next room. Fifthly,
" effect which is natural and the child seen by all in that
" usual to children, and their room to have died. Sixthly,
" majesties returned thence a substituted child to have
"this day to Windsor." Se- died. Thus, as Swift observes,
cond Series of Original Let- we have three children ; the
ters, vol. IV. p. 120. The ac- new born infant seen in the
count given by the queen her- next room by all, the child
self respecting the illness and substituted on its death, and
sudden recovery of her son is the prince of Wales in the
preserved in Miss Strickland's room of the child substituted.
Lives of the Queens of England, It is lamentable, that such a
vol. IX. ch. 5. p. 229. man as Burnet should have
e So here are three chil- disgraced himself by the re-
dren. S. (First of all, the cital of these stupid and incon-
queen is surmised not to have sistent falsehoods. See more
OF KING JAMES II.
293
Thus I have related such particulars as I could 1688.
gather of this birth : to which some more shall be
added, when I give an account of the proof that
the king brought afterwards to put this matter
out of doubt; but by which it became indeed
more doubtful than ever. I took most of these
from the informations that were sent over to the
prince and princess of Orange, as I had many 754
from the vouchers themselves. I do not mix with
these the various reports that were, both then and
afterwards, spread of this matter, of which bishop
Lloyd has a great collection, most of them well
on the subject, at pp. 785,
786. At page 806, he tells
his reader, that he was ordered
to gather all these presump-
tive points, as he calls them,
when an investigation of the
birth, after the king had left
the kingdom, was once thought
of. But either the bishop or
his son had already, before
the publication of his History,
communicated to the world
the above particulars, toge-
ther with those remarks which
he makes below upon the De-
positions recorded in proof of
the birth of the young prince.
This was done in a pamphlet,
twice before cited, entitled, in
irony, Some new Proofs, by
which it appears that the Pre-
tender is truly James theThird.
It was published towards the
end of queen Anne's reign,
and in it the author professes
to have been materially as-
sisted by bishop Lloyd, who
is cited particularly for the ac-
count given by Hemings of the
death of the prince, and by
lady Clarendon of being re-
fused admittance to him. But
these idle stories are either re-
futed or accounted for in the
testimony which lady Went-
worth gave to the celebrated
Dr. Hickes, mentioned below
at p. 817, where there is an
account of this valuable docu-
ment. The observation of the
author of the Answer to the
above cited pamphlet entitled,
Proofs, 8(C. ought to be here
added. " To palm one child
upon a nation, is certainly a
thing very difficult ; but to
palm three, one after an-
other, and when the nation
was alarmed beforehand,
was, in my appprehension,
next to impossible ; and no
man alive certainly can be-
lieve it, who is not bereaved
of his reason, or else is re-
solved to believe every
thing, right or wrong ; pos-
sible or impossible." P. 57.)
294
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. attested f . What truth soever may be in these,
"this is certain, that the method in which this
matter was conducted from first to last was very
unaccountable. If an imposture had been in-
tended, it could not have been otherwise managed.
The pretended excuse that the queen made, that
she owed no satisfaction to those who could sus-
pect her capable of such a base forgery, was the
only excuse that she could have made, if it had
been really what it was commonly said to be.
She seemed to be soon recovered, and was so little
altered by her labour, either in her looks or voice,
that this helped not a little to increase jealousies.
The rejoicings over England upon this birth were
f (" There is a piece printed
' in the History of the Stu-
* arts, said to be of Lloyd's
' dictating, to a gentleman
' who took minutes, and
' gave it in as it stands.
' It goes by the name of Bi-
' shop Lloyd's Account of the
' imposture of the prince of
' Wales. In which it is as-
' serted, that the child sent
' to Richmond died there on
the fourth or fifth of Au-
gust, and was buried at
Chiswick." Salmon's Lives
of the English Bishops, p. 156.
Oldmixon, the author of the
History of the Stuarts, calls
this letter the very collection
mentioned by bishop Burnet,
but it rather appears to con-
tain a report of a conversation
with Lloyd on the subject of
the prince's birth, giving how-
ever the sum of Burnet's col-
lections; for in it both Heming
and lady Clarendon's stories
are introduced together with
that about the child, who is
stated to have died at Rich-
mond, and other relations of
equal credibility, particularly
when the queen's delivery of a
daughter two years afterwards
is taken into consideration ; at
whose expected birth persons
of the highest quality in Eng-
land were solicited by king
James to be present, although
none of them for various rea-
sons accepted the invitation.
It is perhaps scarcely worth
noticing, that Fuller, who, un-
supported by any proof, as-
serted that the prince was the
son of one Mary Grey by the
duke of Tyrconnel, declares,
in his Humble Appeal, printed
in 1 706, that of his own know-
ledge the account of the child's
dying at Richmond is un-
founded. See p. 36.)
OF KING JAMES II. 295
very cold and forced. Bonfires were made in some 1688.
places, and a set of congratulatory addresses went ~
round the nation. None durst oppose them. But
all was formal, and only to make a show.
The prince and princess of Orange received the The prince
,.,., _ , mi n 7 andprincess
news of this birth very decently. Ihe first letters O f Orange
gave not those grounds of suspicion that were
sent to them afterwards. So they sent over
Zuylestein to congratulate: and the princess or-
dered the prince of Wales to be prayed for in her
chapels. Upon this occasion, it may not be im-
proper to set down what the princess said to my
self on this subject two years before. I had asked
her, in the freedom of much discourse, if she knew
the temper of her own mind, and how she could
bear the queen's having a son. She said, she was
sure it would give her no concern at all on her
own account: God knew best what was fit for her:
and, if it was not to serve the great ends of Provi-
dence, she was sure that, as to her self, she would
rather wish to live and die in the condition she
was then in. The advertisements formerly men-
tioned came over from so many hands, that it was
impossible not to be shaken by them. It was also
taken ill in England, that the princess should
have begun so early to pray for the pretended
prince : upon which the naming him discontinued.
But this was so highly resented by the court of
England, that the prince, fearing it might precipi-
g (It appears by a Letter bishop advised him not to men-
from archbishop Tenison to tion, (in his History probably,)
our author, among the Bur- that the prince of Wales had
net Papers preserved at Ox- been prayed for in the chapel
ford, that his friend the arch- at the Hague.)
296
HISTORY OF THE KEIGN
1688. tate a rupture, ordered him to be again named in
~ the prayers 11 .
The prince The prince set himself with great application to
expedition prepare for the intended expedition : for Zuylestein
to England. ^ug^ hj m suc fa positive advices, and such an as-
surance of the invitation he had desired, that he
was fully fixed in his purpose 1 . It was advised
from England, that the prince could never hope
for a more favourable conjuncture, nor for better
755 grounds to break on, than he had at that time.
The whole nation was in a high fermentation.
The proceedings against the bishops, and those
that were still kept on foot against the clergy,
made all people think the ruin of the church was
resolved on, and that on the first occasion it would
be executed, and that the religion would be altered.
The pretended birth made them reckon that popery
and slavery would be entailed on the nation. And
if this heat went off, people would lose heart. It
was also visible, that the army continued well af-
fected. They spoke openly against popery : they
drank the most reproachful healths against them
that could be invented, and treated the few papists
that were among them with scorn and aversion.
The king saw this so visibly, that he broke up the
h (" Some fewhours after the
Dutch fleet had sailed from
Helver, a fisher boat arrived
at Scheveling, and brought
word to the Hague, that the
fleet was out at sea with a
fair wind ; upon which the
princess gave immediate or-
der to leave out the prayer
for the prince of Wales in
" her chapel at evening ser-
" vice." Bevill Higgons View
of English History, p. 344. 2d
edit.)
i The Continuator of Mack-
intosh's History of the Revo-
lution remarks, that the in-
vitation reached the prince a
month before the return of
Zuylestein, ch. xiii. p. 12.
OF KING JAMES II. 297
camp, and sent them to their quarters: and it was 1688.
believed, that he would bring them no more toge-
ther, till they were modeled more to his mind.
The seamen shewed the same inclinations. The
Dutch had set out a fleet of twenty-four men of
war, on pretence to secure their trade : so the king
resolved to set out as strong a fleet. Strickland,
who was a papist, had the command. He brought
some priests aboard with him, who said mass, or
at least performed such offices of their religion as
are allowed on ships of war: and the chaplain,
that was to serve the protestants in Strickland's
ship, was sent away upon a slight pretence. This
put the whole fleet into such a disorder, that it
was like to end in a mutiny. Strickland punished
some for this : and the king came down to accom-
modate the matter. He spoke very softly to the
seamen : yet this made no great impression : for
they hated popery in general, and Strickland in
particular. When some gained persons among
the seamen tried their affections to the Dutch, it
appeared they had no inclinations to make war on
them. They said aloud, they were their friends
and their brethren ; but they would very willingly
go against the French. The king saw all this,
and was resolved to take other more moderate
measures. i
These advices were suggested by the earl ofsunderiand
Sunderland, who saw the king was running vio- mJremode-
lently to his own ruin k . 'So, as soon as the queen celdmgs"
/
k The old earl of Bradford of Sunderland's, who declared
told me he dined in a great publicly that they were now
deal of company at the earl sure of their game ; for it
298
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. admitted men to audiences, he had some very
long ones of her. He represented to her, that
would be an easy matter to
have a house of commons to
their minds, and there was
nothing else could resist them.
Lord Bradford asked him, if
they were as sure of the house
of lords, for he believed they
would meet with more oppo-
sition there than they expect-
ed. Lord Sunderland turned
to lord Churchill, who sat next
him, and in a very loud shrill
voice, cried, " O Silly, why
" your troop of guards shall be
" called to the house of lords."
D. (This note of lord Dart-
mouth's has been already pub-
lished by sir John Dalrymple,
in the Appendix to his Me-
moirs, vol. II. p. 288. The
meaning of this speech is as-
certained by a similar relation
in the Halifax MSS. produced
by Mackintosh in his History
of the Revolution, that lord
Sunderland declared, that
sooner than not obtain a ma-
jority he would make all lord
Feversham's troops peers, ch. 7 ,
p. 206. A threatened viola-
tion of the constitution, which
subsequently perpetrated was
impeached of high treason,
as nullifying a branch of the
legislature. Respecting the
Letter the earl of Sunderland
printed afterwards, in vindica-
tion of himself, it is observed,
in the Life of King James II.
lately published, "that in it
" he most falsely pretends to
" have constantly opposed all
" those counsels which were
" now so cried out against :
" whereas in reality he did not
" only approve them, but ge-
" nerally run before the rest.
" He would ofttimes indeed
" try the ford by his secret
" agents, as sir Nicholas But-
" ler, Mr. Lob, and even father
" Petre himself, that he might
" seem only not to oppose
" those dangerous methods
" which had their true origin
" from him alone." Vol. II.
p. 2 84. The earl of Aylesbury ,
in his letter to Mr. Leigh, of
Adlestrop, says of this seducing
minister, as he calls him, that
he "put the king upon all false
*' steps, and owned after the
" revolution to a friend of
" mine, that he did all that in
" him lay to promote the
" entrance of the prince of
" Orange." See before, at
p. 697. He himself, in a let-
ter still existing, boasts to king
William of having " contri-
" buted what lay in him to-
" wards the advancing of his
" glorious undertaking." Dal-
rymple's Append. P. iii. p. i.
The truth of this is evidenced
by the Dartmouth and Halifax
relations. On the eleventh of
September, about two months
before the prince's landing,lady
Sunderland, in a letter to her
husband's uncle Henry Sydney
at the Hague, urges on the
prince's expedition, and asks
him, what place he would ad-
vise her lord to go to. Syd-
ney's Diary, vol. II. p. 257.
OF KING JAMES II. 299
the state of her affairs was quite changed by her 1688.
having a son. There was no need of driving"
things fast, now they had a succession sure : time
would bring all about, if matters were but softly
managed. He told her, it would become her to
set up for the author of gentle counsels, that she
might by another administration lay the flame
that was now kindled. By this she would gain
the hearts of the nation, both to her self and to
her son : she might be declared regent, in case 756
the king should die before her son came to be of
age. He found these advices began to be heark-
ened to. But, that he might have the more credit
in pressing them, he, who had but too slight notions
of religion, resolved to declare himself a papist.
And then, he being in the same interest with her,
and most violently hated for this ill step he had
made, he gained such an ascendant over her
spirit, that things were like to be put in another
management.
He made the step to popery all of the sudden, And he
.,, . . ;. - turned pa-
without any previous instruction or conference : P ist.
so that the change he made looked too like a man
who, having no religion, took up one, rather for
to serve a turn, than that he was truly changed
from one religion to another. He has been since
accused, as if he had done all this to gain the
more credit, that so he might the more effectually
Still however from the tenor own account of himself, and
of his letter to William, after the duke of Chandos's relation
he was king, it should seem, of him, at page 783, yet that
although Sunderland did what he did not at this time act
in him lay to promote the under the guidance and direc-
revojution according to his tion of the prince of Orange.)
300
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. ruin the king 1 . There was a suspicion of another
~ nature, that stuck with some in England, who
thought that Mr. Sidney, who had the secret of
all the correspondence that was between the prince
and his party in England, being in such a particular
friendship with the earl of Sunderland, the earl
had got into that secret m : and they fancied he
would get into the prince's confidence by Sidney's
means. So I was writ to, and desired to put it
home to the prince, whether he was in any confi-
dence or correspondence with the earl of Sunder-
land, or not ? For, till they were satisfied in that
1 After the revolution, he
and his friends for him plead-
ed, that he turned papist for
the good of the protestant re-
ligion, and he told Mr. John
Danvers, (from whom I had
it,) that he wondered any body
would be so silly as to dispute
with kings ; for if they would
not take good advice, there
was no way of dealing with
them, but by running into
their measures till they had
ruined themselves. D. (His
pious lady has the effrontery
to write in these terms to her
friend Evelyn in the month of
June, 1689. " Indeed, when
* I think I may live and serve
' that God who has done so
' much for me and for my poor
' lord, who is now in one and
the same holy religion, it
does transport me, and I
think there is nothing I
could not go through to
save it." See Mr. Blen-
cowe's Introd. to H. Sydney's
Diary, vol. I. p. Ixxix. Ac-
cording to the marquis of
Halifax the earl was in his
politics a republican. The mar-
quis's MSS. are quoted by the
Continuator of Mackintosh's
Hist, of the Revolution, ch. 12.
p. 452. Lady Sunderland was
the daughter of George Digby,
the eccentric earl of Bristol,
who turned Roman catholic
before the restoration.)
m He was brother to the
earl's mother, Mr. Waller's
Sacharissa. She was, after
the death of the earl's father,
married to a private gentleman
of Kent, near Penshurst, Mr.
Smythe, from which marriage
is descended a grandson, sir
Sydney Stafford Smythe, a
baron of the exchequer, and
late one of the lords commis-
sioners of the great seal. O.
(The earl of Leicester, father
of this noble lady, in his
Journal now published by Mr.
Blencowe, p. 136, calls his
son-in-law sir Robert Smith.)
OF KING JAMES II.
301
matter, they would not go on ; since they believed
he would betray all, when things were ripe for it,
and that many were engaged in the design. The
prince upon that did say very positively, that he
was in no sort of correspondence with him. His
counsels lay then another way 11 . And, if time
had been given him to follow the scheme then
laid down by him, things might have turned
fatally: and the nation might have been so laid
asleep with new promises, and a different conduct,
that in a slow method they might have gained
that, which they were so near losing by the violent
proceedings in which they had gone so far . The
1688.
n (The Continuator of
Mackintosh's History of the
Revolution after citing these
words of Burnet, observes,
that it appears from a letter
in Dalrymple's Appendix writ-
ten by the earl of Sunderland
to the prince of Orange, that
he was prostrating himself at
the feet of the prince, while
his counsels lay another way,
that is, while he was endea-
vouring to bring James to more
moderate measures through
the influence of the queen.
Opposed to such good inten-
tion, the accusation of duplici-
ty preferred by the king and his
friends against him deserves to
be considered. Bat it is indeed
difficult to trace this man in
his tortuous course, and to
fix the hour when he finally
determined on leaving James,
provided thathewas not in every
transaction during the whole
of this reign intent on serving
theprince of Orange. Compare
Dr. Lingard's History, X. 32.
pp. 222, 302, 340, and Note
D, 415 418, which contains
extracts from the Despatches
of D'Avaux, Barillon, and Bon-
repaus. That the earl really
advised pardoning the six
bishops appears by Barillon's
Despatches cited in Mazure's
History of the Revolution, vol.
II. p. 448. andMacaulay's//zs-
tory of England, vol. II. ch. 8.
p. 357. where the counsels of
Sunderland are detailed.)
See what the want of
probity will bring the greatest
man to. This able politician
had the dexterity to draw this
dilemna upon his character.
If he was true to his country,
he betrayed his master. If
he was true to his master, he
was false to his country. He
served king William after-
wards, and was deemed the
best minister he ever had. But
king William should not have
made such a man his minister.
302 HISTORY OF THE EEIGN
1688. judges had orders in their circuits to proceed very
"gently, and to give new promises in the king's
name. But they were treated every where with
such contempt, that the common decencies were
scarce paid them, when they were on the bench.
And they now saw that the presentments of grand
juries, and the verdicts of other juries, were no
more under their direction. Things slept in Eng-
land, as is usual, during the long vacation. But
the court had little quiet, having every day fresh
alarms from abroad, as well as great mortifications
at home.
757 I must now change the scene, and give a large
o^OranT account of the affairs abroad, they having such a
treats with connection with all that followed in England.
princes of Upon the elector of Branden burgh's death, the
6 prince sent Mr. Bentink with the compliment to
the new elector : and he was ordered to lay before
him the state of affairs, and to communicate the
prince's design to him, and to ask him, how much
he might depend upon him for his assistance.
The answer was full and frank. He offered all
However good his counsels " in parliament." See the next
might be, his character did vol. pp. 4, 128, 207. O. (His
the king more hurt ; and in connection with William was
some things his fears, on ac- not of a late date. He and
count of his former actings, his friends had endeavoured
made him advise the king very to make the prince of Orange
ill. Seethe next vol. page 163, king in exclusion of James
171. He was certainly a very certainly before and perhaps
ill man. I have heard one after the bill to that effect was
particular of him, which is thrown out by the house of
pretty extraordinary in this lords. See Burnet's Hist.
country, where men generally vol. I. p. 479, 489. folio edit,
raise themselves by ability of and Lingard's Hist, of Eng-
speech, in public assemblies, land, X. ch. i. p. 13.
" that he never used to speak
OF KING JAMES II. 303
that was asked, and more. The prince resolved 1688.
to carry over to England an army of nine thousand ~~
foot and four thousand horse and dragoons. He
intended to choose these out of the whole Dutch
army. But for the security of the States, under
such a diminution of their force, it was necessary
to have a strength from some other princes. This
was soon concerted between the prince and the
new elector, with the landgrave of Hesse, and the
duke of Lunenburg and Zell, who had a particular
affection to the prince, and was a cordial friend to
him on all occasions P.
His brother, the duke of Hanover, was at that
time in some engagements with the court of
France. But, since he had married the princess
Sophia of the Palatine house, I ventured to send
a message to her by one of their court, who was
then at the Hague. He was a French refugee,
named Mr. Boucour. It was to acquaint her with
our design with relation to England, and to let
her know, that, if we succeeded, certainly a per-
petual exclusion of all papists from the succession
to the crown would be enacted : and, since she
was the next protestant heir after the two prin-
cesses, and the prince of Orange, of whom at that
time there was no issue alive, I was very confident
that, if the duke of Hanover could be disengaged
from the interests of France, so that he came into
our interests, the succession to the crown would
be lodged in her person, and in her posterity:
P (Ralph asserts, that these of which mention is made be-
conferences took place after low. History of England,
the elector of Cologne's death, p. 1009.)
304 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. though on the other hand, if he continued, as he
"stood then, engaged with France, I could not
answer for this. The gentleman carried the mes-
sage and delivered it. The duchess took fire upon
it, and entertained it with much warmth: and
brought him to the duke to repeat it to him.
But at that time this made no great impression on
him. He looked on it as a remote and a doubtful
project. Yet when he saw our success in England,
he had other thoughts of it. Some days after
this Frenchman was gone, I told the prince what
I had done. He approved of it heartily : but was
particularly glad that I had done it as of my self,
without communicating it to him, or any way en-
gaging him in it : for he said, if it should happen
to be known that the proposition was made by
him, it might do us hurt in England, as if he
758 had already reckoned himself so far master, as to
be forming projects concerning the succession to
the crown !.
The affairs But while this was in a secret management,
of Coien. e j ector O f Colen's death came in very luckily
q In this case, as in that Sophia, is what I cannot cre-
modest proposal he made to dit, though he is not ashamed
the princess, (see above, p. to own it; his vanity being
692,) T believe he was em- very apt to get the better of
ployed by the prince, as one his modesty, and sometimes
there was no consequence in of his truth, of which there
disavowing, if he had no sue- are many instances in this his-
cess ; and by his own account, tory that I did not expect. D.
the prince was resolved to do (William's connections with
so. But that this little pam- and his designs in favour of
phlet writer should of his own the princes of the house of
head propose settling the sue- Brunswick Lunenburgh, may
cession, either to the princess be seen in D'Avaux's Negotia-
of Orange, or the princess tions, years 1680, &c.)
OF KING JAMES II. 305
to give a good colour to intrigues and prepara- 1688.
tions. The old elector was brother to Maximilian,
duke of Bavaria. He had been long bishop, both
of Colen and Liege : he was also elected bishop of
Minister : but the pope would never grant his
bulls for that see : but he had the temporaries,
and that was all he thought on. He had thus a
revenue of near four millions of guilders, and four
great bishoprics ; for he was likewise bishop of
Hildesheim. He could arm and pay twenty thou-
sand men, besides that his dominions lay quite
round the Netherlands. Munster lay between
them and the northern parts of Germany; and
from thence their best recruits came. Colen com-
manded twenty leagues of the Rhine ; by which,
as an entrance was opened into Holland, which
they had felt severely in the year 1672, so the
Spanish Netherlands were entirely cut off from
all assistance that might be sent them out of
Germany: and Liege was a country full both of
people and wealth, by which an entrance is open
into Brabant : and if Maestricht was taken, the
Maese was open down to Holland. So it was of
great importance to the States to take care who
should succeed him. The old man was a weak
prince, much set on chemical processes, in hopes
of the philosopher's stone. He had taken one of
the princes of Furstenberg into his particular con-
fidence, and was entirely governed by him. He
made him one of the canons of Colen : and he
came to be dean at last. He made him not only
his chief minister, but left the nomination of the
canons that were preferred by him wholly to his
x
306 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. choice. The bishop and the dean and chapter
name those by turns. So what by those the elector
named on his motion, what by those he got to be
chosen, he reckoned he was sure of succeeding the
elector: and nothing but ill management could
have prevented it. He had no hopes of succeed-
ing at Munster. But he had taken much pains to
secure Liege.
I need not enlarge further on this story, than to
remember that he got the elector to deliver his
country up to the French in the year 1672, and
that the treaty opened at Colen was broken up on
his being seized by the emperor's order. After
he was set at liberty, he was, upon the recom-
mendation of the court of France, made a car-
dinal, though with much difficulty. In the former
winter, the emperor had been prevailed on by the
Palatine family to consent to the election of a
coadjutor in Colen. But this was an artifice of the
759 cardinal's, who deceived that family into the hopes
of carrying the election for one of their branches.
And they obtained the emperor's consent to it,
without which it could not be done. But so ill
grounded were the Palatine's hopes, that of twenty-
five voices the cardinal had nineteen, and they had
only six voices.
The contest at Rome about the franchises had
now occasioned such a rupture there, that France
and Rome seemed to be in a state of war. The
count Lavardin was sent ambassador to Rome.
But the pope refused to receive him, unless he
would renounce the pretension to the franchises.
So he entered Rome in a hostile manner, with
OF KING JAMES II. 307
some troops of horse, though not in the form of 1688.
troops : but the force was too great for the pope.
He kept guards about his house, and in the fran-
chises, and affronted the pope's authority on all
occasions. The pope bore all silently ; but would
never admit him to an audience, nor receive any
message nor intercession from the court of France;
and kept off every thing, in which they concerned
themselves : and therefore he would not confirm
the election of a coadjutor to Colen. So, that not
being done when the elector died, the canons were
to proceed to a new election, the former being
void, because not confirmed: for if it had been
confirmed, there would have been no vacancy.
The cabal against the cardinal grew so strong,
that he began to apprehend he might lose it, if he
had not leave from the pope to resign the bishopric
of Strasburg, which the French had forced him to
accept, only to lessen the pension that they paid
him by giving him that bishopric. By the rules
of the empire, a man that is already a bishop can-
not be chosen to another see, but by a postulation :
and to that it is necessary to have a concurrence
of two-thirds of the chapter. But it was at the
pope's choice, whether he would accept of the re-
signation of Strasburg, or not : and therefore he
refused it. The king of France sent a gentleman
to the pope with a letter writ in his own hand,
desiring him to accept of that resignation, and
promising him upon it all reasonable satisfaction :
but the pope would not admit the bearer, nor re-
ceive the letter. He said, while the French am-
bassador lived at Rome like an enemy that had
x 2
308 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. invaded it, he would receive nothing from that
court.
In the bishoprics of Munster and Hildesheim,
the deans were promoted, of whom both the states
and the princes of the empire were well assured.
But a new management was set up at Col en.
The elector of Bavaria had been disgusted at some
things in the emperor's court. He complained,
that the honour of the success in Hungary was
760 given so entirely to the duke of Lorrain, that he
had not the share which belonged to him. The
French instruments that were then about him
took occasion to alienate him more from the
emperor, by representing to him, that, in the
management now at Colen, the emperor shewed
more regard to the Palatine family than to him-
self, after all the service he had done him. . The
emperor, apprehending the ill consequences of a
breach with him, sent and offered him the su-
preme command of his armies in Hungary for that
year, the duke of Lorrain being taken ill of a
fever, just as they were upon opening the cam-
paign. He likewise offered him all the voices that
the Palatine had made at Colen, in favour of his
brother prince Clement. Upon this they were
again reconciled : and the elector of Bavaria com-
manded the emperor's army in Hungary so suc-
cessfully, that he took Belgrade by storm after a
short siege. Prince Clement was then but seven-
teen, and was not of the chapter of Colen. So he
was not eligible, according to their rules, till he
obtained a bull from the pope dispensing with
these things. That was easily got. With it
OF KING JAMES II. 309
the emperor sent one to manage the election in 1688.
his name, with express instructions to offer the~
chapter the whole revenue and government of the
temporaries for five years, in case they would
choose prince Clement, who wanted all that time
to be of age. If he could make nine voices sure
for him, he was to stick firm to his interest. But,
if he could not gain so many, he was to consent to
any person that should be set up in opposition to
the cardinal. He was ordered to charge him se-
verely before the chapter, as one that had been for
many years an enemy and traitor to the empire.
This was done with all possible aggravations, and
in very injurious words.
The chapter saw, that this election was like to
be attended with a war in their country, and other
dismal consequences : for the cardinal was chosen
by the chapter, vicar, or guardian of the tempo-
ralties : and he had put garrisons in all their forti-
fied places, that were paid with French money:
and they knew, he would put them all in the
king of France's hands, if he was not elected.
They had promised not to vote in favour of the
Bavarian prince. So they offered to the emperor's
agent to consent to any third person : but ten
voices were made sure to prince Clement: so he
was fixed to his interests. At the election, the
cardinal had fourteen voices, and prince Clement
had ten. By this means the cardinal's postula-
tion was defective, since he had not two-thirds.
And upon that, prince Clement's election was first
judged good by the emperor, as to the tempo-
ralties ; but was transmitted by him to Rome,
310 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. where a congregation of cardinals examined it :
and it was judged in favour of prince Clement.
The cardinal succeeded worse at Liege, where the
dean was without any difficulty chosen bishop :
and nothing but the cardinal's purple saved him
from the violences of the people of Liege. He
met with all sorts of injurious usage, being hated
there, both on the account of his depending so
much on the protection of France, and for the ef-
fects they had felt of his violent and cruel ministry
under the old elector. I will add one circum-
stance in honour of some of the canons of Liege.
They not only would accept of no presents from
those whom the States appointed to assist in
managing that election, before it was made ; but
they refused them after the election was over.
This I saw in the letter that the States' deputy
wrote to the Hague.
I have given a more particular account of this
matter; because I was acquainted with all the
steps that were made in it. And it had such an
immediate relation to the peace and safety of
Holland, that, if they had miscarried in it, the
expedition designed for England would not have
been so safe, nor could it have been proposed
easily in the States. By this it appeared, what an
influence the papacy, low as it is, may still have
in matters of the greatest consequence. The foolish
pride of the French court, which had affronted
the pope, in a point in which, since they allowed
him to be the prince of Rome, he certainly could lay
down such rules as he thought fit, did now defeat
a design that they had been long driving at, and
OF KING JAMES II. 311
which could not have miscarried by any other means, 1688.
than those that they had found out. Such great
events may and do often rise from inconsiderable
beginnings. These things furnished the prince
with a good blind for covering all his prepara-
tions ; since here a war in their neighbourhood
was unavoidable, and it was necessary to strengthen
both their alliances and their troops. For it was
visible to all the world, that, if the French could
have fixed themselves in the territory of Colen,
the way was opened to enter Holland, or to seize
on Flanders, when the king pleased ; and he would
have the four electors on the Rhine at mercy.
It was necessary to dislodge them, and this could
not be done without a war with France. The
prince got the States to settle a fund for nine
thousand seamen, to be constantly in their ser-
vice. And orders were given to put the naval
preparations in such a case, that they might be
ready to put to sea upon orders. Thus things
went on in July and August, with so much se-
crecy and so little suspicion, that neither the court
of England nor the court of France seemed to be
alarmed at them r .
r (As Ralph remarks, the did the same ; and that lord
bishop himself acknowledges, Sunderland in his letter of
at p. 768, that Albeville came apology intimates, that the
over fully persuaded, that the French made an offer in the
Dutch designed the expedi- summer of strengthening the
tion against England. The king's hands with a squadron
same historian further ob- of theirs, which was refused,
serves, that the whole tenor Hist, of England, vol. I. p.
of James's measures shews, 1006. The Continuator of
that he suspected the inten- Mackintosh's Hist, of the Re-
tions of Holland, for when the volution, ch. xiii. p. 422 states.
Dutch fitted out a fleet, he that although so early as the
312 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. In July, admiral Herbert came over to Holland,
and was received with a particular regard to his
Herbert pride and ill humour : for he was upon every occa-
to Holland, sion so sullen and peevish, that it was plain he
set a high value on himself, and expected the
same of all others. He had got his accounts
passed, in which he complained, that the king had
used him not only hardly but unjustly. He was
a man delivered up to pride and luxury. Yet he
had a good understanding: and he had gained so
great a reputation by his steady behaviour in
England, that the prince understood that it was
expected he should use him as he himself should
desire ; in which it was not very easy to him to
constrain himself so far as that required. The
managing him was in a great measure put on me :
and it was no easy thing. It made me often re-
flect on the providence of God, that makes some
men instruments in great things, to which they
themselves have no sort of affection or disposition :
for his private quarrel with the lord Dartmouth,
who he thought had more of the king's confidence
than he himself had, was believed the root of all
the sullenness he fell under towards the king,
and of all the firmness that grew out of that.
The advices I now return to England, to give an account of
from ivng~
land. a secret management there. The lord Mordaunt 8
was the first of all the English nobility that came
over openly to see the prince of Orange. He asked
1 5th of May the king de- nually wavering did not fix
clared his conviction that the and settle before the middle
naval preparations of Holland of September.)
were designed against Eng- s Now earl of Peterborow.
land, yet his judgment conti- S.
OF KING JAMES II. 313
the king's leave to do it. He was a man of much 1688.
heat, many notions, and full of discourse : he was~
brave and generous: but had no true judgment 1 ;
his thoughts were crude and indigested : and his
secrets were soon known". He was with the
prince in the year 1686 : and then he pressed him
to undertake the business of England : and he re-
presented the matter as so easy, that this appeared
too romantical to the prince to build upon it.
He only promised in general, that he should have
an eye on the affairs of England ; and should en-
deavour to put the affairs of Holland in so good
a posture, as to be ready to act when it should be
necessary : and he assured him, that, if the king
should go about either to change the established
religion, or to wrong the princess in her right, or
to raise forged plots to destroy his friends, that he
would try what he could possibly do. Next year
a man of a far different temper came over to
him :
The earl of Shrewsbury. He had been bred a The earl of
papist, but had forsaken that religion upon a very bury'Tcha-
critical and anxious inquiry into matters of con- racter>
troversy x . Some thought that, though he had
t (Added, " and less vir- as did the earl of Arundel, (by
tue," one of the alleged Sup- the advice, as was said, of his
pressed Passages, but marked father, the duke of Norfolk,
for deletion in the Transcript.) who told him he was too old
u (Added, ' He was both to change his religion, but
vain, passionate and incon- thought it convenient his son
stant," one of the alleged Sup- should,) lord Lumley, since
pressed Passages, but marked earl of Scarborough, lord Bru-
for deletion in the Transcript.) denel, eldest son to the earl of
x He turned protestant in Cardigan, and several others
the time of the popish plot, of lower distinction. D.
314 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. forsaken popery, he was too sceptical, and too little
~~ fixed in the points of religion. He seemed to be
a man of great probity, and to have a high sense
763 of honour?. He had no ordinary measure of
learning, a correct judgment, with a sweetness of
temper that charmed all who knew him. He had
at that time just notions of government ; and so
great a command of himself, that, during all the
time that he continued in the ministry, I never
heard any one complaint of him, but for his silent
and reserved answers, with which his friends were
not always well pleased. His modest deportment
gave him such an interest in the prince, that he
never seemed so fond of any of his ministers as he
was of him. He had only in general laid the state
of affairs before the prince, without pressing him
too much.
But Russel coming over in May, brought the
character. . TT
matter nearer a point. He was a cousm-german
to the lord Russel. He had been bred at sea, and
was bedchamber-man to the king, when he was
duke of York : but, upon the lord Russei's death
he retired from the court. He was a man of
much honour and great courage. He had good
principles, and was firm to them 2 . The prince
spoke more positively to him than he had ever
done before. He said, he must satisfy both his
honour and conscience, before he could enter upon
so great a design, which, if it miscarried, must
y Quite contrary. S. the alleged Suppressed Pas-
z Added " He was too lazy, sages, but marked for deletion
" too haughty, and too much in the Transcript.
" given to pleasure." One of
OF KING JAMES II. 315
bring ruin both on England and Holland : he pro- 1688.
tested, that no private ambition nor resentment of ~
his own could ever prevail so far with him, as to
make him break with so near a relation, or engage
in a war, of which the consequences must be of
the last importance both to the interests of Europe
and of the protestant religion : therefore he ex-
pected formal and direct invitations. Russel laid
before him the danger of trusting such a secret to
great numbers. The prince said, if a considerable
number of men, that might be supposed to under-
stand the sense of the nation best, should do it,
he would acquiesce in it.
Russel told me, that, upon his return to Eng-
land, he communicated the matter, first to the
earl of Shrewsbury, and then to the lord Lumly,
who was a late convert from popery, and had stood
out very firmly all this reign 3 . He was a man
who laid his interest much to heart : and he re-
solved to embark deep in this design.
But the man in whose hands the conduct of the
whole design was chiefly deposited, by the prince's
own order, was Mr. Sidney, brother to the earl of
Leicester and to Algernon Sidney. He was a Sidney's
graceful man, and had lived long in the court, 6
where he had some adventures that became very
public. He was a man of a sweet and caressing
temper, had no malice in his heart, but too great
a love of pleasure 1 '. He had been sent envoy to
a He was a knave and a ney." v. Memoires de Gram-
coward. S. mont. Cole. See above, p. 300.
^ An idle, drunken, igno- The Continuator of Mackin-
rant rake, without sense, truth, tosh's Hist, of the Revolution,
or honor. S. " Le beau Sid- ch. 19. p. 616, gives the fol-
316
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. Holland in the year 1679, where he entered into
such particular confidences with the prince, that
he had the highest measure of his trust and favour
that any Englishman ever had. This was well
known over England : so that all who desired to
recommend themselves to the prince did it through
his hands. He was so apprehensive of the dangers
this might cast him in, that he travelled almost a
year round Italy. But now matters ripened faster:
so all centered in him. But, because he was lazy,
and the business required an active man, who
could both run about, and write over long and full
accounts of all matters, I recommended a kinsman
of my own, Johnstoune c , whom I had formed,
and knew to be both faithful and diligent' 1 , and
lowing citation from the MS.
of the marquis of Halifax.
" Sidney told me he repented
" a hundred times embarking
" in the revolution." Yet
Mr. Sidney, created afterwards
earl of Romney, appears to
have been individually a gainer
by it. According to lord Dart-
mouth's account in a Note at
p. 23 7. vol. II. folio edition, a-
bove seventeen hundredpounds
a year was settled on him by
king William out of the for-
feited estates in Ireland. He
seems, from his Diary lately
published by Mr. Blencowe,
to deserve a better character,
in point of talents at least, than
Swift has given him, consider-
ing the credit he obtained both
by his skill in negotiating the
treaty with the States of Hol-
land, and by the proper stile
in which he lived as a public
minister. His Diary also shews
him to have served with suffi-
cient adroitness the interests
of the prince of Orange.)
c An arrant Scotch rogue.
S. He was a son of Warris-
ton, mentioned before, (p. 203,
folio edit.) and was afterwards
secretary of state for Scot-
land. O.
d ("He was indeed hot and
" eager, too soon possessed
" with jealousy, and too ve-
" hement in all he proposed,
" but he proved very fit."
One of the alleged Suppres-
sed Passages, but deleted in
the Transcript. " He is ho-
" nest, but something too
" credulous and suspicious."
Carstares's State Papers, p.
93-)
OF KING JAMES II. 317
very fit for the employment he was now trusted 1688.
with.
Sidney tried the marquis of Hallifax, if he Many en
would advise the prince's coming over. But,
this matter was opened to him at a great distance,
he did not encourage a further freedom. He
looked on the thing as impracticable : it depended
on so many accidents, that he thought it was a
rash and desperate project, that ventured all upon
such a dangerous issue, as might turn on seas and
winds. It was next opened to the earl of Danby:
and he not only went in heartily to it himself, but
drew in the bishop of London to join in it.
By their advice it was proposed to the earl of
Nottingham, who had great credit with the
whole church party : for he was a man pos-
sessed with their notions 6 , and was grave and
virtuous in the course of his life. He had some
knowledge of the law, and of the records of
parliament, and was a copious speaker, but too
florid and tedious. He f was much admired by
manys. He had stood at a great distance from
the court all this reign : for, though his name was
still among the privy counsellors, yet he never
went to the board. He upon the first proposition
entertained it, and agreed to it. But at their next
meeting he said, he had considered better of that
matter : his conscience was so restrained in those
That is, church notions. S. ? Added, "chiefly by those
f Added, " certainly ad- " who knew him least." One
" mired himself, and." One of the Passages alleged to have
of the alleged Suppressed been Suppressed, but it is de-
Passages, but deleted in the leted in the Autograph and
Transcript. Transcript.
318 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. points, that lie could go no further with them in
~ it : he said, he had talked with some divines, and
named Tillotson and Stillingfleet, in general of the
thing; and they were not satisfied with it: (though
they protested to me afterwards, that they remem-
bered no such thing :) he confessed, he should not
have suffered them to go so far with him in such
a secret, till he had examined it better : they had
now, according to Italian notions, a right to murder
him h : but, though his principles restrained him,
so that he could not go on with them, his affections
would make him wish well to them, and be so far
a criminal as concealment could make him one 1 .
The earl of Devonshire was spoke to : and he
went into it with great resolution. It was next
proposed to three of the chief officers of the army,
765Trelawny, Kirk, and the lord Churchill. These
went all into it. And Trelawny engaged his
brother, the bishop of Bristol, into it.
Lord But, having now named the lord Churchill, who
Churchill's
character.
h It has been said, that the men. Lord Danby said, he
Spanish minister here, who thought there was more dan-
was in the secret, did advise ger in meddling with him than
the putting him to death. O. letting of him alone, for he
i The duke of Shrewsbury believed, he durst as little dis-
told me, that upon this decla- cover as join with them : for
ration of lord Nottingham, he must needs think, that any
one of the lords (whom he prejudice he did them would
named) said he thought things certainly be revenged. Upon
were brought to a short point, which they agreed to have
either lord Nottingham or nothing more to do with him,
they must die, and proposed unless their design miscarried;
shooting of him upon Kensing- in which case lord Danby
ton road, which he would un- thought, they had reason to
dertake to do in such a man- prevent his claiming any merit
ner, that it should appear to to the other side, by any means
have been done by highway- whatever. D.
OF KING JAMES II. 319
is like to be mentioned oft by me in the sequel of 1688.
this work, I will say a little more of him. He was~
a man of a noble and graceful appearance, bred up
in the court with no literature: but he had a solid
and clear understanding, with a constant presence
of mind. He knew the arts of living in a court
beyond any man in it. He caressed all people
with a soft and obliging deportment, and was
always ready to do good offices. He had no for-
tune to set up on : this put him on all the methods
of acquiring one 1 . And that went so far into him,
that he did not shake it off when he was in a
much higher elevation: nor was his expense suited
enough to his posts. But, when allowances are
made for that, it must be acknowledged, that he
is one of the greatest men the age has produced" 1 .
1 A composition of per- lord Bolingbroke, who had
fidiousness and avarice. S. formerly been connected with
Prince Eugene gave a concise him, for the truth of their re-
character of him upon receiv- marks, his lordship answered,
ing a letter from him that he that the duke of Maryborough
could not well read, therefore was so great a man, that he
gave it to another person to could remember none of his
try if he could read it to him, faults. A fine sentiment in
who said one difficulty was, the mouth of a rival states-
that he never put a tittle upon man ; but which ought not to
an i ; to which the prince an- abridge the freedom of his-
swered, that saved ink. D. tory, or to protect the vices of
(Compare Evelyn's account of a great bad man.)
him, when he was dismissed m He might with truth have
the service by king William, added, that he was undoubt-
vol. II. 30. Numerous indeed edly the most fortunate man
are the proofs of the perfidy that ever lived, having always
of this ungrateful man, and received the reward before
his rapacity is the subject of the merit, and the appearance
many a satire; but it is some- of having deserved it came
where told, that when his ene- afterwards, for which he ex-
mies were attacking his cha- pected, and constantly had a
racter, particularly noticing second gratification ; till he
his avarice, and appealed to had procured all the honours
320 HISTORY OF THE EEIGN
1688. He was in high favour with the king. But his
lady was much more in princess Anne's favour.
She had an ascendant over her in every thing.
She was a woman of little knowledge, but of a
clear apprehension and a true judgment, a warm
and hearty friend, violent and sudden in her reso-
lutions, and impetuous in her way of speaking.
She was thought proud and insolent on her fa-
vour 11 . She stayed much at home, and looked
very carefully after the education of her children.
Having thus opened both their characters, I will
now give an account of this lord's engagements in
this matter; for which he has been so severely cen-
sured, as guilty both of ingratitude and treachery
to a very kind and liberal master. He never dis-
covered any of the king's secrets ; nor did he ever
and wealth his own country threatened to do so in the
could give him, and then ob- queen's lifetime, but was pre-
tained leave to be made a vented, as sir Robert Walpole
prince of the empire, with full told me, by his telling her she
liberty to pillage our allies, would be tore in pieces in the
which he did so effectually, streets if she did. But she
that at his death, no prince in shewed the queen's letters to
Europe had the command of every body, till Arthur Man-
so much treasure. But he had waring, a great favourite of
the misfortune to lose his un- hers, told her she exposed her-
derstanding, some time before self more than the queen, for
he died, which in one sense they only confirmed what the
made good Madam De Croise's world thought before, that her
prophecy, that he should be majesty had always been too
the greatest man in England, fond of her. But it seems they
and then lose his head. D. were of too sublime a nature to
(Such a prophecy of a violent be totally suppressed ; though
death awaiting him, was at- to her own and mistress's dis-
tributed to the duke's mother grace. D. ("Among other
in law Mrs. Jennings.) " extravagancies she now de-
n This she took care to prove " clares, that she will print the
in the scandalous memoirs she " queen's letters to her; letters
published a little before her " writ whilst her majesty had
own death, and had often " the good opinion and fond-
OF KING JAMES II.
push him on to any violent proceedings . So that 1688.
he was in no contrivance to ruin or betray him. On ~
the contrary, whensoever he spoke to the king of
his affairs, which he did but seldom, because he
could not fall in with the king's notions, he always
suggested moderate counsels. The earl of Galway
told me, that when he came over with the first
compliment upon the king's coming to the crown,
he said then to him, that, if the king was ever pre-
vailed on to alter our religion, he would serve him
no longer, but withdraw from him. So early was
this resolution fixed in him P. When he saw how
the king was set, he could not be contented to see
all ruined by him. He was also very doubtful as
to the pretended birth. So he resolved, when the
prince should come over, to go in to him 9; but to
betray no post, nor do any thing more than the
withdrawing himself, with such officers as he could
" ness for her, which her in-
" solent behaviour since that
" time has absolutely eradi-
" cated." Lord Bolingbroke's
Letter in 1710. Letters and
Correspondence, vol. I. p. 27.
In the Autograph these words
are added, " though she used
" none of the common arts of
" a court to maintain it : for
" she did not beset the prin-
" cess, nor flatter her." But
they do not appear in the
Transcript. )
(Lieutenant colonel Beau-
mont having been directed by
the duke of Berwick to admit
some Irish soldiers for recruits,
refused to do it, and offered to
lay down his commission rather
than comply. Accordingly he
and those officers who joined
with him were tried at a coun-
cil of war, and cashiered :
' when my lord Churchill
' moved to have them suffer
' death for their disobedience ;
' foreseeing that such a piece
' of severity would reflect
' upon the king,, and inflame
' the people." Life of King
James II. vol. II. p. 1 69. See
below, p. 767.)
P (So early was Churchill
predicting to the Dutch the
future misconduct of his bene-
factor, and intimating his own
intention to leave him.)
q What could he do more
to a mortal enemv? S.
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. trust with such a secret 1 ". He also undertook, that
prince George and the princess Anne would leave
the court, and corne to the prince, as soon as was
possible 8 .
r (Bishop Burnet, in vol. II.
of his History, p. 92, folio edit,
speaks of the messages, which
admiral Russel carried to and
fro between Churchill and the
prince. His brother, George
Churchill, went over with his
ship to the prince at the re-
volution; and his brother-in-
law Godfrey, a colonel in the
army, who had married his
sister, the duke of Berwick's
mother, quitted the king's for
the prince's service. Of the
intention attributed to him to
seize on the king's person in
order to convey him to the
prince of Orange's quarters,
see an account by the king
himself in his Life lately pub-
lished, vol. II. p. 222: who
says, that he had so far inti-
mation of his design, that it
was proposed to secure him.
See also D'Orleans's Revolu-
tions, p. 311, 312. and sir
John Reresby's Memoirs, page
167. Compare Macpherson's
Original Papers, vol. I. p. 2 80
284, and Doctor King's Anec-
dotes, page 125. The further
charge against lord Churchill
of his intending to assassinate
the king in case of a failure of
the attempt to seize him, rests
on the alleged conversation
and deathbed confession of lord
Hewit, one of the supposed
confederates. Lord Churchill's
late biographer, after finding
fault with Macpherson, is con-
tented with making the follow-
ing observation : " Such tales
" may find a momentary cre-
" dit, when the passions of
" men are heated; but at pre-
" sent, to mention is to refute
" them." See Coxe's Memoirs
of John Duke of Marlborough,
vol.1, p. 31. True indeed it
is, that all these accusations
were contemporary. Mazure
in his History of the Revolu-
tion attributes his defection
from king James to his being
disappointed of the command
of the English regiments in the
Dutch service, vol. II. p. 321.
As to his imprisonment by
William for corresponding with
his old master, the fact of his
having sent intelligence to the
French of an expedition de-
signed against them, gives him
a preeminence in crime above
his versatile and unprincipled
contemporaries.)
s That Mr. Russel did carry
such assurances is most un-
doubtedly true ; but how this
is to be reconciled to the ac-
count given by the duchess of
Marlborough, of the prince's
(princess's) leaving the cock-
pit, her friends, if she has any,
would do well to explain. At
present it is made up of so
many inconsistencies, that it
is impossible any body should
give credit to so ill a con-
certed romance. D. (Com-
pare Ralph on this subject at
OF KING JAMES II.
With these invitations and letters the earl of 1688.
Shrewsbury and Russel came over in September* :
and soon after them came Sidney with Johnstoun.
And they brought over a full scheme of advices,
together with the heads of a declaration, all which
were chiefly penned by lord Danby. He, and the
earl of Devonshire, and the lord Lumly, under-
took for the north : and they all dispersed them-
selves into their several counties, and among their
friends. The thing was in the hands of many
thousands, who yet were so true to one another,
that none of them made any discovery, no, not
p. 1048 of his History; who
mentions a little before, that
the earl of Balcarras, in his
Account of the Affairs of Scot-
land, p. 27, speaking of the
earl of Argyle, and his desire
to be of the Orange party,
tells us, " that he could not
be admitted, till his request
had been made known to
prince George ; that the con-
dition upon which he was
to be admitted was, the
taking an oath upon the
sacrament, to go in to the
prince of Orange whenever
he landed; and that he took
the said oath accordingly, in
the presence of the (young)
duke of Ormond, and a gen-
tleman who belonged to the
princess of Denmark.")
* (In the character of the
princess of Denmark, after-
wards our queen, inscribed on
the pedestal of her statue at
Blenheim, the duchess of Marl-
borough asserts, that it was
the queen's greatest affliction
to be forced to act against the
king her father even for secu-
rity, and that her journey to
Nottingham was never con-
certed, but occasioned by the
great consternation she was
under at the king's sudden re-
turn from Salisbury. " The
" manner of the flight/' ob-
serves the Continuator of
Mackintosh's History of the
Revolution, " is described cir-
cumstantially by the duchess
of Marlborough the con-
triver and manager of her
escape. (Conduct of the
Duchess of Marlborough,
pp. 17, 18.) The duchess
asserts that it was unpre-
meditated. The main facts
stated by herself prove the
contrary." ch. xxvi. p. 406.
It is however probable that she
left London the sooner on ac-
count of the king her father's
unexpected return. She might
dread his expostulations on
the defection of her husband ;
but that she left him for se-
curity, is the unfounded asser-
tion of the duchess.)
324 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. by their rashness : though they were so confident,
that they did not use so discreet a conduct as
was necessary. Matters went on in Holland with
great secrecy till September. Then it was known,
that many arms were bespoke. And, though those
were bargained for in the name of the king of
Sweden, and of some of the princes of Germany,
yet there was ground enough for suspicion. All
those that were trusted proved both faithful and
discreet. And here an eminent difference ap-
peared between the hearty concurrence of those
who went into a design upon principles of religion
and honour, and the forced compliance of merce-
nary soldiers, or corrupt ministers, which is nei-
ther cordial nor secret. France took the alarm
first, and gave it to the court of England.
The court D'Avaux, the French ambassador, could no
gave'thT more give the court of France those advertise-
ments that he was wont to send of all that passed
in Holland. He had great allowances for enter-
taining agents and spies every where. But Louvoy,
who hated him, suggested that there was no more
need of these : so they were stopped : and the
ambassador was not sorry that the court felt their
error so sensibly. The king published the adver-
tisements he had from France a little too rashly :
for all people were much animated, when they
heard it from such a hand. The king soon saw
his error : and, to correct it, he said on many occa-
sions, that whatever the designs of the Dutch
might be, he was sure they were not against him.
It was given out sometimes, that they were against
France, and then that they were against Den-
OF KING JAMES II. 325
mark 1 . Yet the king shewed he was not without 1688.
his fears : for he ordered fourteen more ships to
be put to sea with many fireships. He recalled
Strickland, and gave the command to the lord
Dartmouth ; who was indeed one of the worthiest
men of his court : he loved him, and had been
long in his service, and in his confidence : but he
was much against all the conduct of his affairs :
yet he resolved to stick to him at all hazards. 767
The seamen came in slowly : and a heavy back-
wardness appeared in every thing.
A new and unlocked for accident gave the king Recruits
a very sensible trouble. It was resolved, as wasiamn-e-
told before, to model the army, and to begin with
recruits from Ireland. Upon which the English
army would have become insensibly an Irish one.
The king made the first trial on the duke of Ber-
wick's regiment, which being already under an
t (In addition to the as- " scent upon England, (ibid,
surance of Ronquillo the Span- ubi supra, Barillon au Roi
ish ambassador made to the " Sept. 18, 1688, Fox MSS.)
king himself, that the Dutch and had so great an mflu-
armament was not designed ence, says James, over all
against England, and the decla- "those that the king most
ration of theDutch ambassador " confided in, that not one of
van Citters to the same effect, ' them except my lord Dart-
with an intimation that they " mouth seemed to give any
were intended against France; " credit to the report. (Mb.
" the prince of Orange him- " Mem. of king James, ubi su-
self," writes the Continuator " pra.) Bonrepaus returned to
of Mackintosh's History," gave " France astonished at James s
" James the same assurances " disbelief and rejection ot
' of the absence of all hostile " the offer, with which he was
intentions, (MS. Memoirs " charged. The court of
< of king James cited in his " France, says the compiler ot
'Life, vol.11, p. 177.) Lord "the Life from the kings
Sunderland thus supported " MS. Memoirs, was equally
' by confederate testimony ri- " astonished at his majesty s
diculed the idea of a de- " surprising security.' )
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. illegal colonel, it might be supposed they were
"ready to submit to every thing. Five Irishmen
were ordered to be put into every company of
that regiment, which then lay at Portsmouth.
But Beaumont, the lieutenant colonel, and five
of the captains, refused to receive them". They
said, they had raised their men upon the duke of
Monmouth's invasion, by which their zeal for the
king's service did evidently appear. If the king
would order any recruits, they doubted not, but
that they should be able to make them. But they
found, it would give such an universal discontent,
if they should receive the Irish among them, that
it would put them out of a capacity of serving
the king any more. But as the order was posi-
tive, so the duke of Berwick was sent down to
see it obeyed. Upon which they desired leave to
lay down their commissions. The king was pro-
voked by this to such a degree that he could not
govern his passion. The officers were put in ar-
rest, and brought before a council of war, where
they were broken with reproach, and declared in-
capable to serve the king any more x . But upon
u (It is more remarkable, the earl of Yarmouth ; proba-
that this lieutenant colonel bly the very gentleman, from
should have been a Roman what is still remembered of the
catholic, as it is said in the descendants of the family, Sir
True Briton, No. XX. a pe- TheophilusOglethorpe,afaith-
riodical publication so called, ful adherent to king James,
than that one of his captains, expresses his sorrow at Beau-
according to the same writer, mont's being broke, in an un-
was afterwards a nonjuror. published letter to secretary
It is mentioned in the Brathwaite dated September
Ellis Correspondence, vol. II. in this year.)
p. 184, that one of the cap- x (This was a most bare-
tains was Paston, brother of faced and dangerous attempt,
OF KING JAMES II. 327
this occasion the whole officers of the army de- 1688.
clared so great an unwillingness to mix with those"
of another nation and religion, that, as no more
attempts were made of this kind, so it was be-
lieved that this fixed the king in a point that was
then under debate.
The king of France, when he gave the king the Offers made
advertisements of the preparations in Hoi land, French,
offered him such a force as he should call for.
Twelve or fifteen thousand were named, or as
many more as he should desire. It was proposed,
that they should land at Portsmouth, and that
they should have that place to keep the commu-
nication with France open, and in their hands.
All the priests were for this : so were most of the
popish lords. The earl of Sunderland was the
only man in credit that opposed it. He said, the
offer of an army of forty thousand men might be
a real strength : but then it would depend on the
orders that came from France : they might perhaps
master England : but they would become the
king's masters at the same time : so that he must
govern under such orders as they should give :
and thus he would quickly become only a viceroy
to the king of France : any army less than that 768
would lose the king the affections of his people,
and drive his own army to desertion, if not to
mutiny.
The king did not think matters were yet so Not enter-
near a crisis : so he did neither entertain the pro- that time.
which, had it succeeded, must probably have ended in a
have endangered tne liberty bloody contest between the
of the country; and would oppressors and the oppressed.)
328 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. position, nor let it fall quite to the ground. There
"was a treaty set on foot, and the king was to have
a hundred merchant ships ready for the transporta-
tion of such forces as he should desire, which it
was promised should be ready when called for.
It is certain that the French ambassador then at
London, who knew the court better than he did
the nation, did believe, that the king would have
been able to have made a greater division of the
nation, than it proved afterwards he was able to
do. He believed it would have gone to a civil
war; and that then the king would have been
forced to have taken assistance from France on
any terms: and so he encouraged the king of
France to go on with his designs that winter, and
he believed he might come in good time next
year to the king's assistance. These advices
proved fatal to the king, and to Barillon himself:
for when he was sent over to France, he was so
ill looked on, that it was believed it had an ill
effect on his health ; for he died soon after y.
Albeville came over fully persuaded that the
Dutch designed the expedition against England,
but played the minister so, that he took pains to
infuse into all people that they designed no such
thing; which made him to be generally laughed
Y (Barillon, according to press order to that minister to
Echard, in his Hist, of the leave the kingdom in twenty-
Revolution, before the meeting four hours. He demanded a
of the convention, appeared longer time, but being refused,
extraordinarily active and busy unwillingly left London, p. 21 8.
in promoting divisions among This ambassador of France
the peers ; upon which the was sent away under a Dutch
prince of Orange sent an ex- guard as far as Dover.)
OF KING JAMES II. 329
at. He was soon sent back : and in a memorial 1688.
he gave into the States, he asked what was the ~
design of those great and surprising preparations
at such a season. The States, according to their
slow forms, let this lie long before them, without
giving it an answer.
But the court of France made a greater step. The French
The French ambassador in a memorial told the
States, that his master understood their design
was against England, and in that case he signified
to them, that there was such a strait alliance be-
tween him and the king of England, that he
would look on every thing done against England
as an invasion of his own crown. This put the
king and his ministers much out of countenance :
for, upon some surmises of an alliance with France,
they had very positively denied there was any
such thing. Albeville did continue to deny it at
the Hague, even after the memorial was put in.
The king did likewise deny it to the Dutch am-
bassador at London. And the blame of the put-
ting it into the memorial was cast on Shelton, the
king's envoy at Paris, who was disowned in it, and
upon his coming over was put in the tower for it.
This was a short disgrace; for he was soon after
made lieutenant of the tower. His rash folly
might have procured the order from the court of 769
France to own this alliance : he thought it would
terrify the States: and so he pressed this officiously,
which they easily granted. That related only to
the owning it in so public manner. But this did
clearly prove, that such an alliance was made 2 :
z And who can blame him, if in such a necessity he made
that alliance ? S.
330
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. otherwise no instances, how pressing soever, would
~~ have prevailed with the court of France to have
owned it in so solemn a manner : for what ambas-
sadors say in their master's name, when they are
not immediately disowned, passes for authentic.
So that it was a vain cavil that some made after-
wards, when they asked, how was this alliance
proved ? The memorial was a full proof of it :
and the shew of a disgrace on She! ton did not at
all weaken that proof*.
But I was more confirmed of this matter by
what sir William Trumball, then the English am-
bassador at Constantinople, told me at his return
to England. He was the emineritest of all our
civilians, and was by much the best pleader in
a (Ralph observes, that what
was policy in the prince of
Orange and the States, passed
on their dependents as convic-
tion. The bishop, he adds,
did not consider, that the
words amity and alliance, which
are the very words of the me-
morial, are indefinite, and seem
rather to relate to a general,
than any particular engage-
ment ; neither did he recollect,
that even lord Sunderland, in
his apology, makes use of these
expressions : " I cannot omit
" saying something of France,
" there having been so much
" talk of a league between the
" two kings. I do protest, I
" never knew of any." Nor
that he himself had just before
said, that the king did neither
entertain the proposition made
by Bonrepaus, nor let it fall
quite to the ground. Con-
cerning the memorial present-
ed by Albeville, in which offers
were made to take measures
with the Dutch for maintaining
the peace of Nimeguen, the
bishop is silent. Ralph's Hist,
of England, vol. I. page 1008,
i on. Compare Mazure's
Histoirc de la Revolution, torn.
III. Respecting Bonrepaus's
proposal consult the Continu-
ation of Mackintosh's His-
tory of the Revolution, ch. 12.
p . 3 7 3 3 7 6, where it is stated
on the authority of the letters
of the Spanish and Dutch am-
bassadors, that they both as-
sured their respective govern-
ments that the overtures made
by Bonrepaus were declined
by James. As to Albeville's
memorial, mentioned by Ralph,
it was mean and ungenerous
in king James, considering the
terms he was on at that time
with Louis, to offer to join the
league against him.)
OF KING JAMES II. 331
those courts, and was a learned, a diligent, and a 1688.
virtuous man. He was sent envoy to Paris upon"
the lord Preston's being recalled. He was there
when the edict that repealed the edict of Nantes
was passed, and saw the violence of the persecu-
tion, and acted a great and worthy part in har-
bouring many, in covering their effects, and in
conveying over their jewels and plate to England ;
which disgusted the court of France, and was not
very acceptable to the court of England, though
it was not then thought fit to disown or recall him
for it. He had orders to put in memorials, com-
plaining of the invasion of the principality of
Orange; which he did in so high a strain, that
the last of them was like a denunciation of war.
From thence he was sent to Turkey. And, about
this time, he was surprised one morning by a visit
that the French ambassador made him, without
those ceremonies that pass between ambassadors.
He told him, there was no ceremony to be between
them any more ; for their masters were now one.
And he shewed him Monsieur de Croissy's letter,
which was written in cipher. The deciphering he
read to him, importing that now an alliance was
concluded between the two kings. So this matter
was as evidently proved, as a thing of such a
nature could possibly be.
The conduct of France at that time with rela- The stran s e
conduct of
tion to the States was very unaccountable; and France,
proved as favourable to the prince of Orange's de-
signs, as if he had directed it. All the manufac-
ture of Holland, both linen and woollen, was
prohibited in France. The importation of herrings
332 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. was also prohibited, except they were cured with
"French salt. This was contrary to the treaty of
commerce. The manufacture began to suffer
770 much. And this was sensible to those who were
concerned in the herring trade. So the States
prohibited the importing of French wine or brandy,
till the trade should be set free again of both
sides. There was nothing that the prince had
more reason to apprehend, than that the French
should have given the States some satisfaction in
the point of trade, and offered some assurances
with relation to the territory of Colen. Many of
the towns of Holland might have been wrought
on by some temper in these things ; great bodies
being easily deceived, and not easily drawn into
wars, which interrupt that trade which they sub-
sist by. But the height the court of France was
then in, made them despise all the world. They
seemed rather to wish for a war, than to fear it.
This disposed the States to an unanimous concur-
rence in the great resolutions that were now
agreed on, of raising ten thousand men more, and
of accepting thirteen thousand Germans, for whom
the prince had, as was formerly mentioned, agreed
with some of the princes of the empire. Amster-
dam was at first cold in the matter : but they con-
sented with the rest. Reports were given out,
that the French would settle a regulation of com-
merce, and that they would abandon the cardinal,
and leave the affairs of Colen to be settled by the
laws of the empire. Expedients were also spoke
of for accommodating the matter, by prince Cle-
ment's being admitted coadjutor, and by his having
OF KING JAMES II. 333
some of the strong places put in his hands. This 1688.
was only given out to amuse.
But while these things were discoursed of at A
the Hague, the world was surprised with a mani-waragamst
festo, set out, in the king of France's name, against*
the emperor. In it, the emperor's ill designs
against France were set forth. It also complained
of the elector palatine's injustice to the duchess of
Orleans, in not giving her the succession that fell
to her by her brother's death, which consisted in
some lands, cannon, furniture, and other moveable
goods. It also charged him with the disturbances
in Colen, he having intended first to gain that to
one of his own sons, and then engaging the Bava-
rian prince into it ; whose elder brother having
no children, he hoped, by bringing him into an
ecclesiastical state, to make the succession of
Bavaria fall into his own family. It charged the
emperor likewise with a design to force the electors
to choose his son king of the Romans ; and that
the elector palatine was pressing him to make
peace with the Turks, in order to the turning his
arms against France. By their means a great
alliance was projected among many protestant
princes to disturb cardinal Furstemberg in the
possession of Colen, to which he was postulated by
the majority of the chapter. And this might
turn to the prejudice of the catholic religion in 771
that territory. Upon all these considerations, the
king of France, seeing that his enemies could not
enter into France by any other way but by that
of Philipsburgh, resolved to possess himself of it,
and then to demolish it. He resolved also to
334 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. take Kaisarslauter from the palatine, and to keep
~it, till the duchess of Orleans had justice done her
in her pretensions. And he also resolved to sup-
port the cardinal in his possession of Colen. But,
to balance this, he offered to the house of Bavaria,
that prince Clement should be chosen coadjutor.
He offered also to rase Fribourg, and to restore
Kaisarslauter, as soon as the elector palatine should
pay the duchess of Orleans the just value of her
pretensions. He demanded, that the truce be-
tween him and the empire should be turned into
a peace, and the forts which he had built for the
security of his subjects might be included in the
peace. He proposed, that the king of England
and the republic of Venice should be the mediators
of this peace. And he concluded all, declaring
that he would not bind himself to stand to the
conditions now offered by him, unless they were
accepted of before January.
Reflections I have given a full abstract of this manifesto :
ma e upon ^ U p On ft di<j the great war begin, which lasted
till the peace of Ryswick. And, upon the grounds
laid down in this manifesto, it will evidently ap-
pear, whether the war was a just one or not.
This declaration was much censured, both for the
matter and for the style. It had not the air of
greatness, which became crowned heads. The
duchess of Orleans's pretensions to old furniture
was a strange rise to a war; especially when it
was not alleged, that these had been demanded in
the forms of law, and that justice had been denied,
which was a course necessarily to be observed in
things of that nature. The judging of the secret
OF KING JAMES II. 335
intentions of the elector palatine, with relation to 1688.
the house of Bavaria, was absurd. And the com-~
plaints of designs to bring the emperor to a peace
with the Turks, that so he might make war on
France, and of the emperor's design to force an
election of a king of the Romans, was the entering
into the secrets of those princes' thoughts which
were only known to God. Such conjectures, so
remote and uncertain, and that could not be
proved, were a strange ground of war. If this
was once admitted, all treaties of peace were vain
things, and were no more to be reckoned or relied
on. The reason given of the intention to take
Philipsbourg, because it was the properest place
by which France could be invaded, was a throwing
off all regards to the common decencies observed
by princes. All fortified places on frontiers are
intended both for resistance and for magazines ;
and are of both sides conveniences for entering
into the neighbouring territory, as there is occa-
sion for it. So here was a pretence set up, of be- 772
ginning a war, that puts an end to all the securities
of peace.
The business of Colen was judged by the pope,
according to the laws of the empire : and his sen-
tence was final : nor could the postulation of the
majority of the chapter be valid, unless two-thirds
joined in it. The cardinal was commended in the
manifesto, for his care in preserving the peace of
Europe. This was ridiculous to all, who knew
that he had been for many years the great incen-
diary, who had betrayed the empire, chiefly in the
year 1672. The charge that the emperor's agent
336 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. had laid on him before the chapter was also com-
plained of, as an infraction of the amnesty stipu-
lated by the peace of Nimeguen. He was not
called to an account, in order to be punished for
any thing done before that peace. But that did
not bind up the emperor from endeavouring to
exclude him from so great a dignity, which was
like to prove fatal to the empire. These were
some of the censures that passed on this manifesto;
which was indeed looked on, by all who had con-
sidered the rights of peace and the laws of war, as
one of the most avowed and solemn declarations,
that ever was made, of the perfidiousness of that
court. And it was thought to be some degrees
beyond that in the year 1 672, in which that king's
glory was pretended as the chief motive of that
war. For, in that, particulars were not reckoned
up : so it might be supposed, he had met with
affronts, which he did not think consistent with
his greatness to be mentioned. But here all that
could be thought on, even the hangings of Heidel-
berg, were enumerated : and all together amounted
to this, that the king of France thought himself
tied by no peace ; but that, when he suspected his
neighbours were intending to make war upon him,
he might upon such a suspicion begin a war on his
part b .
Another This manifesto against the emperor was fol-
popT. 8 * lowed by another against the pope, writ in the
form of a letter to cardinal D'Estrees, to be given
by him to the pope. In it, he reckoned up all the
partiality that the pope had shewed during his
i> The common maxim of princes. S.
OF KING JAMES II. 337
whole pontificate, both against France and in fa- 1688.
vour of the house of Austria. He mentioned the
business of the regale ; his refusing the bulls to
the bishops nominated by him ; the dispute about
the franchises, of which his ambassadors had been
long in possession ; the denying audience, not only
to his ambassador, but to a gentleman whom he
had sent to Rome without a character, and with
a letter writ in his own hand : in conclusion, he
complained of the pope's breaking the canons of
the church, in granting bulls in favour of prince
Clement, and in denying justice to cardinal Fur-
stem berg : for all these reasons the king was re-
solved to separate the character of the most holy 773
father from that of a temporal prince : and there-
fore he intended to seize on Avignon, as likewise
on Castro, until the pope should satisfy the pre-
tensions of the duke of Parma. He complained of
the pope's not concurring with him in the concerns
of the church, for the extirpation of heresy: in
which the pope's behaviour gave great scandal
both to the old catholics and to the new converts.
It also gave the prince of Orange the boldness to
go and invade the king of England, under the
pretence of supporting the protestant religion, but
indeed to destroy the catholic religion, and to
overturn the government^ Upon which his
emissaries and the writers in Holland gave out,
c (It appears from cardinal France; and that the intended
D'EstreVs two letters, pub- alteration of the English go-
lished by Dalrymple in the Ap- vernment was spoken of at
pendix to his Memoirs, p. 240 Rome near a year before it
253, that the pope highly took place.)
approved of the league against
338 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. that the birth of the prince of Wales was an im-
posture.
Censures This was the first public mention that was made
u P on P it! se of the imposture of that birth : for the author of
a book writ to that purpose was punished for it in
Holland d . It was strange to see the disputes about
the franchises made a pretence for a war : for cer-
tainly all sovereign princes can make such regula-
tions as they think fit in those matters. If they
cut ambassadors short in any privilege, their am-
bassadors are to expect the same treatment from
other princes : and as long as the sacredness of an
ambassador's person and of his family was still
preserved, which was all that was a part of the law
of nations, princes may certainly limit the extent
of their other privileges, and may refuse any am-
bassadors who will not submit to their regulation.
The number of an ambassador's retinue is not a
thing that can be well defined : but if an ambas-
sador comes with an army about him, instead of a
retinue, he may be denied admittance. And if he
forces it, as Lavardin had done, it was certainly an
act of hostility : and, instead of having a right to
the character of an ambassador, he might well be
considered and treated as an enemy.
The pope had observed the canons in rejecting
cardinal Furstemberg's defective postulation. And,
whatever might be brought from ancient canons,
the practice of that church for many ages allowed
d (The first mention of it beville, published a defence of
in a state or official manifesto the prince of Wales's legiti-
is intended. King James's macy. See The Ellis Cor-
representative in Holland, Al- respondence, vol. II. p. 3 72.
OF KING JAMES II.
of the dispensations that the pope granted to 1688.
prince Clement. It was looked on by all people
as a strange reverse of things, to see the king of
France, after all his cruelty to the protestants,
now go to make war on the pope; and on the
other hand to see the whole protestant body con-
curring to support the authority of the pope's bulls
in the business of Colen ; and to defend the two
houses of Austria and Bavaria, by whom they were
laid so low but threescore years before this. The
French, by the war that they had now begun, had
sent their troops towards Germany and the upper
Rhine ; and so had rendered their sending an 774
army over to England impracticable : nor could
they send such a force into the bishopric of Colen
as could any ways alarm the States. So that the
invasion of Germany made the designs that the
prince of Orange was engaged in both practicable
and safe.
Marshal Schomberg came at this time into the Marshal
country of Cleve. He was a German by birth :
when the persecution was begun in France, he de- eve "
sired leave to return into his own country. That
was denied him. All the favour he could obtain
was leave to go to Portugal. And so cruel is the
spirit of popery, that, though he had preserved
that kingdom from falling under the yoke of Cas-
tille, yet now that he came thither for refuge, the
inquisition represented that matter of giving har-
bour to a heretic so odiously to the king, that he
was forced to send him away. He came from
thence, first to England ; and then he passed
through Holland, where he entered into a parti-
340 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. cular confidence with the prince of Orange. And
~~ being invited by the old elector of Brandenburgh,
he went to Berlin : where he was made governor
of Prussia, and set at the head of all the elector's
armies. The son treated him now with the same
regard that the father had for him : and sent
him to Cleve, to command the troops that were
sent from the empire to the defence of Colen.
The cardinal offered a neutrality to the town of
Colen. But they chose rather to accept a garrison
that Schomberg sent them : by which not only
that town was secured, but a stop was put to any
progress the French could make, till they could
get that great town into their hands. By these
means the States were safe on all hands for this
winter : and this gave the prince of Orange great
quiet in prosecuting his designs upon England.
He had often said, that he would never give occa-
sion to any of his enemies to say, that he had
carried away the best force of the States, and had
left them exposed to any impressions that might
be made on them in his absence. He had now
reason to conclude, that he had no other risk to
run in his intended expedition, but that of the
seas and the weather. The seas were then very
boisterous : and the season of the year was so far
spent, that he saw he was to have a campaign in
winter. But all other things were now well se-
cured by this too early, therefore very weak 6 con-
duct of the French.
The Dutch There was a fleet now set to sea of about fifty
fleet at sea. J
e (" Too early, therefore very weak," one of the Suppressed
OF KING JAMES II. 541
sail. Most of them were third or fourth rates, 1688.
commanded by Dutch officers. But Herbert, as~~
representing the prince's person, was to command
in chief, as lieutenant-general-admiral. This was
not very easy to the States, nor indeed to the
prince himself; who thought it an absurd thing to
set a stranger at the head of their fleet. Nothing 775
less would content Herbert. And it was said,
that nothing would probably make the English
fleet come over, and join with the prince, so much
as the seeing one that had lately commanded
them at the head of the Dutch fleet f . There was
a transport fleet hired for carrying over the army.
And this grew to be about five hundred vessels :
for, though the horse and dragoons in pay were
not four thousand, yet the horses for officers and
volunteers, and for artillery and baggage, were
above seven thousand. There were arms pro-
vided for twenty thousand more. And, all things
were thus made ready.
The declaration that the prince was to publish The prince
came to be considered. A great many draughts
were sent from England by different hands. All
these were put in the pensioner Fagel's hands,
who upon that made a long and heavy draught,
founded on the grounds of the civil law, and of
the law of nations. That was brought to me to
be put in English. I saw he was fond of his own
draught : and the prince left that matter wholly
to him : yet I got it to be much shortened,
f This would have been a Herbert there, who was the
good reason for setting Russel most universally hated by the
at the head of the fleet, but seamen of any man that ever
was the reverse for putting commanded at sea. D.
342 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. though it was still too long. It set forth at first
a long recital of all the violations of the laws of
England, both with relation to religion, to the
civil government, and to the administration of
justice, which have been all opened in the series
of the history. It set forth next all remedies that
had been tried in a gentler way ; all which had
been ineffectual. Petitioning by the greatest per-
sons, and in the privatest manner, was made a
crime. Endeavours were used to pack a parlia-
ment, and to preengage both the votes of the
electors, and the votes of such as upon the elec-
tion should be returned to sit in parliament. The
writs were to be addressed to unlawful officers,
who were disabled by law to execute them: so
that no legal parliament could now be brought
together. In conclusion, the reasons of suspect-
ing an imposture in the queen's pretended deli-
very were set forth in general terms. Upon these
grounds the prince, seeing how little hope was
left of succeeding in any other method, and being
sensible of the ruin both of the protestant religion,
and of the constitution of England and Ireland,
that was imminent, and being earnestly invited by
men of all ranks, and in particular by many of the
peers, both spiritual and temporal, he resolved,
according to the obligation he lay under, both on
the princess's account and on his own, to go over
into England, and to see for proper and effectual
remedies for redressing such growing evils in a
parliament that should be lawfully chosen, and
should sit in full freedom, according to the ancient
custom and constitution of England, with which
OF KING JAMES II. 343
he would concur in all things that might tend to 1688.
the peace and happiness of the nation. And he
promised in particular, that he would preserve the
church and the established religion, and that he 776
would endeavour to unite all such as divided from
the church to it by the best means that could be
thought on, and that he would suffer such as
would live peaceably to enjoy all due freedom in
their consciences, and that he would refer the in-
quiry into the queen's delivery to a parliament,
and acquiesce in its decision. This the prince
signed and sealed on the tenth of October. With
this the prince ordered letters to be writ in his
name, inviting both the soldiers, seamen, and
others, to come and join with him, in order to
the securing their religion, laws, and liberties.
Another short paper was drawn by me concerning
the measures of obedience, justifying the design,
and answering the objections that might be made
to it. Of all these many thousand copies were
printed, to be dispersed at our landing.
The prince desired me to go along with him asi
his chaplain, to which I very readily agreed : for, ith the g
being fully satisfied in my conscience that the un- pni
dertaking was lawful and just, and having had a
considerable hand in advising the whole progress
of it, I thought it would have been an unbecoming
fear in me to have taken care of my own person,
when the prince was venturing his, and the whole
was now to be put to hazard. It is true, I being
a Scotish man by birth, had reason to expect, that,
if I had fallen into the enemies hands, I should
have been sent to Scotland, and put to the tor-
344 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. ture there f . And, having this in prospect, I took
~~ care to know no particulars of any one of those who
corresponded with the prince. So that knowing
nothing against any, even torture it self could not
have drawn from me that by which any person
could be hurts. There was another declaration
prepared for Scotland. But I had no other share
in that, but that I corrected it in several places,
chiefly in that which related to the church : for
the Scots at the Hague, who were all presby-
terians, had drawn it so, that, by many passages
in it, the prince by an implication declared in
favour of presbytery. He did not see what the
consequences of those were, till I explained them.
So he ordered them to be altered. And by the
declaration that matter was still entire h .
Advices As Sidney brought over letters from the per-
ng ~ sons formerly mentioned, both inviting the prince
to come over to save and rescue the nation from
ruin, and assuring him that they wrote that which
was the universal sense of all the wise and good
men in the nation : so they also sent over with him
a scheme of advices. They advised his having a
great fleet, but a small army: they thought, it
f (Macaulay in his History William, who changed it. S.
of England, II. 7. p. 345, (King William, who was bred
citing JBarillon the French in Holland a Calvinist, could
ambassador's Correspondence scarcely be expected to sup-
with his master, relates that port episcopacy in Scotland,
the latter concurred in the where the bishops would not
unwarrantable design of seiz- support king William. See
ing on our author's person, for also what is mentioned by the
the purpose of bringing him author in vol. II. folio edit,
to a trial.) of his History, p. [357.] a
? Well said Scot ! Cole. second enumeration of the
h The more shame for king pages after p. 360.)
777
OF KING JAMES II. 345
should not exceed six or seven thousand men. 1688.
They apprehended, that an ill use might be made
of it, if he brought over too great an army of
foreigners, to infuse 'in people a jealousy that he
designed a conquest : they advised his landing in
the north, either in Burlington bay, or a little
below Hull: Yorkshire abounded in horse: and the
gentry were generally well affected, even to zeal,
for the design : the country was plentiful, and the
roads were good till within fifty miles of London.
The earl of Danby was earnest for this, hoping to
have had a share in the whole management by the
interest he believed he had in that country. It
was confessed, that the western counties were well
affected : but it was said, that the miscarriage of
Monmouth's invasion, and the executions which
followed it, had so dispirited them, that it could
not be expected they would be forward to join
the prince : above all things they pressed despatch,
and all possible haste : the king had then but
eighteen ships riding in the Downs : but a much
greater fleet was almost ready to come out : they
only wanted seamen, who came in very slowly.
When these things were laid before the prince,
he said, he could by no means resolve to come
over with so small a force : he could not believe
what they suggested, concerning the king's army's
being disposed to come over to him : nor did he
reckon, so much as they did, on the people of the
country's coming in to him : he said, he could
trust to neither of these: he could not undertake
so great a design, the miscarriage of which would
be the ruin both of England and Holland, without
such a force, as he had reason to believe would be
346 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. superior to the king's own, though his whole army
~~ should stick to him. Some proposed, that the
prince would divide his force, and land himself
with the greatest part in the north, and send a
detachment to the west under marshal Schomberg.
They pressed the prince very earnestly to bring
him over with him, both because of the great
reputation he was in, and because they thought it
was a security to the prince's person, and to the
whole design, to have another general with him,
to whom all would submit in case of any dismal
accident: for it seemed too much to have all
depend on a single life : and they thought that
would be the safer, if their enemies saw another
person capable of the command, in case they should
have a design upon the prince's person. With
this the prince complied easily, and obtained the
elector's consent to carry him over with him.
But he rejected the motion of dividing his fleet
and army. He said, such a divided force might
be fatal : for if the king should send his chief
strength against the detachment, and have the ad-
vantage, it might lose the whole business ; since a
misfortune in any one part might be the ruin of
the whole.
778 When these advices were proposed to Herbert
and the other seamen, they opposed the landing
in the north vehemently. They said, no seamen
had been consulted in that : the north coast was
not fit for a fleet to ride in, in an east wind, which
it was to be expected in winter might blow so
fresh that it would not be possible to preserve the
fleet : and if the fleet was left there, the channel
was open for such forces as might be sent from
OF KING JAMES II. 347
France: the channel was the safer sea for the 1688.
fleet to ride in, as well as to cut off the assistance "~
from France. Yet the advices for this were so
positive, and so often repeated from England, that
the prince was resolved to have split the matter,
and to have landed in the north, and then to have
sent the fleet to lie in the channel.
The prince continued still to cover his design, Artifices to
and to look towards Colen. He ordered a review design,
of his army, and an encampment for two months
at Nimeguen. A train of artillery was also or-
dered. By these orders the officers saw a neces-
sity of furnishing themselves for so long a time.
The main point remained, how money should be
found for so chargeable an expedition. The French
ambassador had his eye upon this ; and reckoned
that, whensoever any thing relating to it should
be moved, it would be then easy to raise an oppo-
sition, or at least to create a delay. But Fagel's
great foresight did prevent this. In the July be-
fore, it was represented to the States, that now by
reason of the neighbourhood of Colen, and the
war that was like to arise there, it was necessary
to repair their places, both on the Rhine and the
Issel, which were in a very bad condition. This
was agreed to: and the charge was estimated at
four millions of guilders. So the States created a
fund for the interest of that money, and ordered
it to be taken up by a loan. It was all brought
in in four days. About the end of September a
message was delivered to the States from the
elector of Brandenburgh, by which he undertook
to send an army into his country of Cleve, and to
348 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. secure the States from all danger on that side for
this winter.
Upon this, it was proposed to lend the prince
the four millions. And this passed easily in the
States, without any opposition, to the amazement
of all that saw it h : for it had never been known,
that so great and so dangerous an expedition in
such a season had been so easily agreed to, with-
out so much as one disagreeing vote, either at the
Hague, or in any of the towns of Holland. All
people went so cordially into it, that it was not
necessary to employ much time in satisfying them,
both of the lawfulness and of the necessity of the
undertaking. Fagel had sent for all the eminent
779 ministers of the chief towns of Holland: and, as
he had a vehemence as well as a tenderness in
speaking, he convinced them evidently, that both
their religion and their country were in such im-
minent danger, that nothing but this expedition
could save them: they saw the persecution in
France : and in that they might see what was to
be expected from that religion : they saw the vio-
lence with which the king of England was driving
matters in his country, which, if not stopped,
would soon prevail. He sent them therefore full
of zeal to dispose the people to a hearty approba-
tion and concurrence in this design. The minis-
ters in Holland are so watched over by the States,
that they have no more authority when they meet
in a body, in a synod, or in a classis, than the
h It is well known that the them so ready to furnish him
Dutch wanted to get rid of the for his invasion. Cole.
prince of Orange ; which made
OF KING JAMES II. 349
States think fit to allow them. But I was never 1688.
in any place, where I thought the clergy had"
generally so much credit with the people, as they
have there : and they employed it all upon this
occasion very diligently, and to good purpose.
Those who had no regard to religion, yet saw a
war begun in the empire by the French. And
the publication of the alliance between France
and England by the French ambassador, made
them conclude that England would join with
France. They reckoned they could not stand be-
fore such an united force, and that therefore it
was necessary to take England out of the hands
of a prince who was such a firm ally to France.
All the English that lived in Holland, especially
the merchants that were settled at Amsterdam,
where the opposition was like to be strongest, had
such positive advices of the disposition that the
nation and even the army were in, that, as this
undertaking was considered as the only probable
means of their preservation, it seemed so well
concerted, that little doubt was made of success,
except what arose from the season ; which was not
only far spent, but the winds were both so contrary
and so stormy for many weeks, that a forcible stop
seemed put to it by the hand of Heaven.
Herbert went to sea with the Dutch fleet : and The Dutch
was ordered to stand over to the Downs, and to put
look on the English fleet, to try if any would come
over, of which some hopes were given ; or to
engage them, while they were then not above
eighteen or twenty ships strong. But the con-
trary winds made this not only impracticable, but
350 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. gave great reason to fear that a great part of the
fleet would be either lost or disabled. These con-
tinued for above a fortnight, and gave us at the
Hague a melancholy prospect. Herbert also found,
that the fleet was neither so strong nor so well
manned as he had expected.
780 All the English that were scattered about the
Somefac- Provinces, or in Germany, came to the Hague.
tious mo- *
tions at the Among these there was one Wildman, who, from
being an agitator in Cromwell's army, had been a
constant meddler on all occasions in every thing
that looked like sedition, and seemed inclined to
oppose every thing that was uppermost. He
brought his usual ill humour along with him,
having a peculiar talent in possessing others by
a sort of contagion with jealousy and discontent.
To these the prince ordered his declaration to be
shewed. Wildman took great exceptions to it,
with which he possessed many to such a degree,
that they began to say, they would not engage
upon those grounds. Wildman had drawn one,
in which he had laid down a scheme of the
government of England, and then had set forth
many particulars in which it had been violated,
carrying these a great way into king Charles's
reign ; all which he supported by many author-
ities from law books. He objected to the prince's
insisting so much on the dispensing power, and
on what had been done to the bishops. He said,
there was certainly a dispensing power in the
crown, practised for some ages : very few patents
passed in which there was not a non obstante to
one or more acts of parliament : this power had
OF KING JAMES II. 351
been too far stretched of late : but the stretching 1688.
of a power that was in the crown could not be a
just ground of war : the king had a right to bring
any man to a trial : the bishops had a fair trial,
and were acquitted, and discharged upon it : in
all which there was nothing done contrary to law.
All this seemed mysterious, when a known repub-
lican was become an advocate for prerogative.
His design in this was deep and spiteful. He saw
that, as the declaration was drawn, the church
party would come in, and be well received by the
prince : so he, who designed to separate the prince
and them at the greatest distance from one an-
other, studied to make the prince declare against
those grievances, in which many of them were
concerned, and which some among them had pro-
moted. The earl of Macclesfield, with the lord
Mordaunt, and many others, joined with him in
this k . But the earl of Shrewsbury, together with
Sidney, Russel, and some others, were as positive
in their opinion, that the prince ought not to look
k (Ralph remarks on this her an account of a visit
passage, that he had been as- he had made the earl a little
sured, that in the margin of before that nobleman's death,
bishop Burnet's History, now in the year 1735, reports him
remaining in the Peterborough to have said, " that he had
family, there are several di-
rect contradictions, in the
broadest terms, to several pas-
sages of it in the late earl's
own hand. Hist, of England,
page 1023. Perhaps, however,
this passage was not amongst
those excepted against by lord
Mordaunt, afterwards earl of
Peterborough ; for Pope, in a
letter to Miss Blount, giving
one care more, when he
went into France, which was
to give a true account to
posterity of some parts of
history in queen Anne's
reign, which Burnet had
scandalously misrepresent-
ed, and of some others, to
justify himself against the
imputation of intending to
bring in the pretender.
352 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. so far back as into king Charles's reign : this would
~~ disgust many of the nobility and gentry, and al-
most all the clergy : so they thought the decla-
ration was to be so conceived, as to draw in the
body of the whole nation : they were all alarmed
with the dispensing power: and it would seem
very strange to see an invasion, in which this was
not set out as the main ground of it : every man
could distinguish between the dispensing with a
781 special act in a particular case, and a total dis-
pensing with laws made to secure the nation and
the religion : the ill designs of the court, as well
as the affections of the nation, had appeared so
evidently in the bishops' trial, that if no notice
was taken of it, it would be made use of to pos-
sess all people with an opinion of the prince's ill
will to them. Russel said, that any reflections on
king Charles's reign would not only carry over all
the high church party, but all the army, entirely
to the king. Wildman's declaration was much
objected to. The prince could not enter into a
discussion of the law and government of England :
that was to be left to the parliament : the prince
could only set forth the present and public griev-
ances, as they were transmitted to him by those
" which to his knowledge bishop had given of his lord-
" neither of her ministers, ship's conduct during king
" Oxford and Bolingbroke, William's reign in the case of
" nor she, had any design to sir John Fenwick. His re-
" do." Supplementary Volume sentment would have been still
of Pope's Works, 1807, 8vo. greater, had he seen what our
p. 395. Probably however, author originally added re-
lord Peterborough's anger specting him ; but the passage
against Burnet, which Ralph is marked for deletion in the
mentions, was principally oc- Autograph of his History, as
casioned by the account the well as in the Transcript.)
OF KING JAMES II.
upon whose invitation he was going over. This was 1688.
not without some difficulty overcome, by altering
some few expressions in the first draught, and
leaving out some circumstances. So the declaration
was printed over again, with some amendments.
In the beginning of October the troops marched The army
from Nimeguen were put on board in the 8
sea, where they lay above ten days before they
could get out of the Texel. Never was so great
a design executed in so short a time. A trans-
port fleet of five hundred vessels was hired in
three days' time. All things, as soon as they were
ordered, were got to be so quickly ready, that
we were amazed at the despatch. It is true, some
things were wanting, and some things had been
forgot. But when the greatness of the equipage
was considered, together with the secrecy with
which it was to be conducted till the whole de-
sign was to be avowed, it seemed much more
strange that so little was wanting, or that so few
things had been forgot. Benthink, Dykvelt, Her-
bert, and Van Hulst, were for two months con-
stantly at the Hague, giving all necessary orders,
with so little noise that nothing broke out all that
while. Even in lesser matters favourable circum-
stances concurred to cover the design. Benthink
used to be constantly with the prince, being the
person that was most entirely trusted and con-
stantly employed by him : so that his absence
from him, being so extraordinary a thing, might
have given some umbrage. But all the summer
his lady was so very ill, that she was looked on
every day as one that could not live three days
A a
354 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. to an end : so that this was a very just excuse for
his attendance at the Hague.
The prin. I waited on the princess a few days before we
of t hi n s g e s nse left the Hague. She seemed to have a great load
on her spirits, but to have no scruple as to the
lawfulness of the design. After much other dis-
course, T said, that if we got safe to England, I
made no great doubt of our success in all other
782 things. I only begged her pardon to tell her,
that if there should happen to be at any time any
disjointing between the prince and her, that would
ruin all. She answered me, that I needed fear no
such thing : if any person should attempt that,
she would treat them so, as to discourage all others
from venturing on it for the future. She was
very solemn and serious, and prayed God earnestly
to bless and direct us.
The prince On the sixteenth of October, O. S. the wind
took leave ._ . .
of the that had stood so long m the west, came into the
east. So orders were sent to all to haste to
Helvoet-Sluys. That morning the prince went
into the assembly of the states general, to take
leave of them. He said to them, he was extreme
sensible of the kindness they had all shewed him
upon many occasions : he took God to witness, he
had served them faithfully, ever since they had
trusted him with the government, and that he
had never any end before his eyes but the good
of the country : he had pursued it always : and if
at any time he erred in his judgment, yet his
heart was ever set on procuring their safety and
prosperity. He took God to witness, he went to
England with no other intentions, but those he
OF KING JAMES II. 355
had set out in his declaration 15 : he did not know 1688.
how God might dispose of him : to his providence
he committed himself : whatsoever might become
of him, he committed to them the care of their
country, and recommended the princess to them
in a most particular manner: he assured them,
she loved their country perfectly, and equally with
her own : he hoped, that whatever might happen
to him, they would still protect her, and use her
as she well deserved : and so he took leave. It
was a sad, but a kind parting. Some of every
province offered at an answer to what the prince
had said : but they all melted into tears and pas-
sion : so that their speeches were much broken,
very short, and extreme tender. Only the prince
himself continued firm in his usual gravity and
phlegm. When he came to Helvoet-Sluys, the
transport fleet had consumed so much of their
provisions, that three days of the good wind were
lost, before all were supplied anew.
At last, on the nineteenth of October, the prince We sailed
went aboard, and the whole fleet sailed out that
night. But the next day the wind turned into
the north, and settled in the north-west. At night
k Then he was perjured ;
for he designed to get the
crown, which he denied in the
declaration. S. (Quite the
contrary is perhaps implied in
' had protested to them, that
' he had not the least inten-
tion to invade or subdue
England, or remove the king
from his throne," &c. See
that declaration. See a pre- Ralph's Hist. p. 1024. In his
ceding note at p. 29. How- letter also to the emperor, in-
ever, according to the instruc- serted by Dalrymple in his
tions sent by the States of the Appendix, II. p. 254, the prince
United Provinces to their min- disavows any design on the
isters at the several courts of crown of England.)
Europe, "the prince of Orange
A a 2
356 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. a great storm rose. We wrought against it all
~ that night, and the next day. But it was in vain
to struggle any longer. And so vast a fleet run
no small hazard, being obliged to keep together,
and yet not to come too near one another. On
the twenty-first in the afternoon the signal was
given to go in again : and on the twenty-second
the far greater part got safe into port. Many
783 ships were at first wanting, and were believed to
^ e ^ ost " But after a few days all came in. There
was not one ship lost; nor so much as any one
man, except one that was blown from the shrouds
into the sea. Some ships were so shattered, that
as soon as they came in, and all was taken out of
them, they immediately sunk down. Only five
hundred horses died for want of air. Men are
upon such occasions apt to flatter themselves upon
the points of Providence. In France and Eng-
land, as it was believed that our loss was much
greater than it proved to be, so they triumphed
not a little, as if God had fought against us, and
defeated the whole design. We on our part, who
found our selves delivered out of so great a storm
and so vast a danger, looked on it as a mark of
God's great care of us, who, though he had not
changed the course of the winds and seas in our
favour, yet had preserved us while we were in
such apparent danger, beyond what could have
been imagined 1 . The States were not at all dis-
couraged with this hard beginning, but gave the
necessary orders for supplying us with every thing
that we needed. The princess behaved herself at
1 Then still it must be a miracle. S.
OF KING JAMES II. 357
the Hague suitably to what was expected from 1688.
her. She ordered prayers four times a day, and
assisted at them with great devotion. She spoke
to nobody of affairs, but was calm and silent. The
States ordered some of their body to give her an
account of all their proceedings. She indeed
answered little : but in that little she gave them
cause often to admire her judgment.
In England the court saw now, that it was in Consuita.
vain to dissemble or disguise their fears any more. England.
Great consultations were held there. The earl of
Melfort, and all the papists, proposed the seizing
on all suspected persons, and the sending them to
Portsmouth. The earl of Sunderland opposed
this vehemently. He said, it would not be pos-
sible to seize on many at the same time : and the
seizing on a few would alarm all the rest: it
would drive them in to the prince, and furnish
them with a pretence for it : he proposed rather,
that the king would do such popular things, as
might give some content, and lay that fermentation
with which the nation was then, as it were, dis-
tracted. This was at that time complied with:
but all the popish party continued upon this to
charge lord Sunderland, as one that was in the
king's counsels only to betray them ; that had be-
fore diverted the offer of assistance from France,
and now the securing those who were the most
likely to join and assist the prince. By their
m The duke of Shandos told him know that he had certain
me, as a thing he knew to be intelligence that the design
true, that the king of France was upon England, and that
wrote to king James, to let he would immediately besiege
358 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. importunities the king was at last so prevailed on,
~ that he turned him out of all his places : and lord
Preston was made secretary of state. The fleet
was now put out, and was so strong, that, if they
had met the Dutch fleet, probably they would
784 have been too hard for them, especially considering
the great transport fleet that they were to cover.
All the forces that were in Scotland were ordered
into England : and that kingdom was left in the
hands of their militia. Several regiments came
likewise from Ireland. So that the king's army
was then about thirty thousand strong. But, in
order to lay the heat that was raised in the nation,
the king sent for the bishops ; and set out the in-
justice of this unnatural invasion that the prince
was designing: he assured them of his affections
to the church of England ; and protested, he had
never intended to carry things further than to an
equal liberty of conscience : he desired they would
declare their abhorrence of this invasion, and that
they would offer him their advice, what was fit for
him to do. They declined the point of abhor-
Maestricht, which would hin- ingly. King James's answer
der the States from parting was, that he never told it to
with any of their force for any body but lord Sunderland,
such an expedition ; but the who, he was very sure, was too
secret must be kept inviolably much in his interest to have
from any of his ministers, discovered it : upon which the
Soon after, the States ordered king of France said, he saw
six thousand men to be sent plainly, that king James was a
to Maestricht ; upon which man cut out for destruction,
the king of France desired to and there was no possibility of
know if king James had re- helping him. D. (This note
vealed it to any body, for he has been already printed in
himself had to none but Lou- sir John Dalrym pie's Memoirs,
voy, and if he had betrayed vol. II. p. 297.)
him, should treat him accord-
OF KING JAMES II.
359
rence n , and advised the present summoning a 1688.
parliament ; and that in the mean while the eccle- ~
siastical commission might be broken, the pro-
ceedings against the bishop of London and
Magdalen college might be reversed, and that the
law might be again put in its channel. This they
delivered with great gravity, and with a courage
that recommended them to the whole nation.
There was an order sent them from the king
afterwards, requiring them to compose an office
for the present occasion. The prayers were so
well drawn, that even those who wished for the
prince might have joined in them. The church
n (In an apology for arch-
bishop Bancroft and his de-
prived brethren, drawn up with
their approbation, it is stated,
that on the 6th of October
in this year, when the arch-
bishop waited on his majesty
in company with the bishops
of London, Rochester, and
Peterborough ; he desired the
king, if he thought fit for his
interest, to mention their de-
nial, that they had any share
in the invitation to the prince
of Orange, whenever he should
publish his intended declara-
tion. In this advice he was
joined by the bishop of Peter-
borough ; the two other bi-
shops expressing no dissent
from it at the time. See Ex-
tracts from this Apology in a
Vindication of Archbishop San-
croft, and the Deprived Bishops,
p. 17. printed in 1717. Com-
pare Appendix to Lord Claren-
don's Diary, p. 321. After-
wards several of the suffragan
bishops declined giving their
denial in writing, when the
Dutch fleet had arrived in the
channel, at which the king
was highly incensed. But the
archbishop sent an answer
under his own hand " that he
had never invited the prince
by word, writing, or other-
wise, nor did he know, nor
could he believe, that any of
the other bishops had done
so/' See Lingard's Hist, of
England, X. 4. p. 242.)
(The king had assured
the bishops, at his first inter-
view with them, of his inten-
tion to take off the bishop of
London's suspension, which
was before they offered their
ten articles of advice, in none
of which his case is mentioned.
In this particular the author
confounds the two interviews.
Consult the earl of Clarendon's
Diary.)
360 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. party did not shew their approbation of the
~ prince's expedition in such terms, that many were
surprised at it, both then and since that time.
They spoke openly in favour of it. They expressed
their grief to see the wind so cross. They wished
for an east wind, which on that occasion was
called the protestant wind. They spoke with
great scorn of all that the court was then doing
to regain the hearts of the nation. And indeed
the proceedings of the court that way were so
cold and so forced, that few were like to be de-
ceived by them, but those who had a mind to be
deceived. The writs for a parliament were often
ordered to be made ready for the seal, and were
as often stopped. Some were sealed, and given
out : but they were quickly called in again. The
old charters were ordered to be restored again.
Jefferies himself carried back the charter of the
city of London, and put on the appearances of joy
and heartiness when he gave it to them. All men
saw through that affectation: for he had raised
himself chiefly upon the advising or promoting
that matter of the surrender, and the forfeiture of
the charters. An order was also sent to the
bishop of Winchester, to put the president of
Magdalen college again in possession?. Yet, that
P (The king's friends, be- he had not the least intelli-
fore the arrival of the prince gence of the present Dutch
in England, affirmed, that it preparations, as testimonies
was well known to some per- that he designed the protec-
sons of honour and credit, tion of the church of England,
that the king had resolved to See a scarce tract published
have granted some of these before the revolution, entitled
things before the calling of The Dutch Design Anatomized,
the future parliament, when p. 27.)
OF KING JAMES II.
361
order not being executed when the news was 1688.
brought that the prince and his fleet were blown
back, it was countermanded; which plainly shewed 785
what it was that drove the court into so much
compliance, and how long it was like to last !.
The matter of the greatest concern, and that Proofs
brought for
The bishop of Winchester commenced the night of the
2oth, as appears from bishop
Burnet's account of it and
from various other documents.
assured me otherwise. S. (Even
Hume, in his History, in the
reign of James II. p. 425,
speaks of the common belief, The king is said to have been
that, " as intelligence arrived before this time much dis-
of a great disaster having pleased at finding that his
befallen the Dutch fleet,
* the king recalled for some
' time the concessions which
* he had ordered to be made
' to Magdalen college." See
also Hargrave's State Trials,
vol. IV. p. 2 82. But the extracts
directions to reinstate the so-
ciety had not been executed,
and to have sent the bishop,
who appears to have been pre-
viously very slow in his mo-
tions, to Oxford for the pur-
pose. The college was restored
from the papers of Dr. Thomas by him on the 2^th, exactly a
Smith, which have been pub- year after the president had
lished in the Biographia Bri- been ejected. See a preceding
tannica, vol. VI. p. 3731, and note at page 176. Consult
a letter written by Dr. Finch,
warden of All Souls college,
attested by Carte, in Macpher-
son's Original Papers, vol. I.
p. 273, and now preserved
in Worcester college library,
proves that the bishop of Win-
chester, who had arrived in
Oxford for the purpose of re-
storing the college, was re-
called on the 2Oth of October,
by an order from lord Sunder-
land to attend the privy coun-
cil on the 22d, when the de-
positions concerning the birth
of the prince of Wales were
taken, and ordered to be en-
Macpherson's Hist, of Great
Britain, vol. I. p. 5 1 8. Ralph
indeed, at p. 1023 of his His-
tory, assigns as the reason of
the delay in restoring the col-
lege, the news, which arrived
not of these, but of the former
contrary winds and tempestu-
ous weather mentioned by the
bishop at p. 779. Now it ap-
pears that the news of this
bad weather happening to ad-
miral Herbert's fleet, together
with the order made on the
1 2th for resettling the college,
are inserted in the same Ga-
zette, October 15, and the
rolled. But the prince of bishop of Winchester went to
Orange's fleet was driven back Oxford for the purpose of exe-
by a storm on the 2 1 st, which cuting it.
362 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. could not be dropped, but was to be supported,
the birth of was the birth of the prince of Wales. And there-
f re the court thought it necessary, now in an after
game, to offer some satisfaction in that point 1 ". So
a great meeting was called, not only of all the
privy counsellors and judges, but of all the nobility
then in town. To these the king complained of
the great injury that was done both him and the
queen by the prince of Orange, who accused them
of so black an imposture: he said, he believed
there were few princes then alive, who had been
born in the presence of more witnesses than were
at his son's birth : he had therefore called them
together, that they might hear the proof of that
matter. It was first proved, that the queen was
delivered abed, while many were in the room; and
that they saw the child soon after he was taken
from the queen by the midwife. But in this the
midwife was the single witness 8 ; for none of the
ladies had felt the child in the queen's belly. The
countess of Sunderland did indeed depose, that
the queen called to her to give her her hand, that
she might feel how the child lay, to which she
added, which I did ; but did not say whether she
felt the child or not : and she told the duchess of
Hamilton, from whom I had it, that when she put
her hand into the bed, the queen held it, and let
it go no lower than her breasts. So that really
r And this was the proper See note on Bishop Burnet and
time. S. Bishop Lloyd's Account of the
s (It has been also objected, Birth of the Pretender, 8vo.
that this was not the midwife 1745, and Oldmixon's Hist, of
who had attended the queen the Stuarts, p. 736.)
at all her former deliveries.
OF KING JAMES II.
363
she felt nothing. And this deposition, brought to
make a shew, was an evidence against the matter
rather than for it ; and was a violent presumption
of an imposture, and of an artifice to cover it *.
Many ladies deposed, that they had often seen
the marks of milk on the queen's linen, near her
breasts. Two or three deposed, that they saw it
running out at the nipple. All these deposed,
1688.
1 Compare the following de-
position of the countess of
Sunderland with the bishop's
account of it. " The countess
" of Sunderland deposeth,
" that on the tenth of June,
" as soon as she came to her
" majesty, the queen told her
" she believed it would not be
* her labour. The bed was
" warmed, the queen went
" into it, and after some lin-
" gering pains, she feared she
" should not be brought to
" bed a good while ; the mid-
" wife assured her majesty,
" that she would only have
" one thorow pain to bring
' the child into the world.
" The queen said it was im-
( possible, the child lies too
' high, and commanded me to
1 lay my hand on her belly,
* which I did. And after the
' great pain came, the queen
" was delivered of a son, and
" I made a sign to the king
" that it was a son." Depo-
sition V. Lockhart, of Carn-
warth, in his Letter on the
bishop of Salisbury's History,
which is inserted amongst the
Lockhart Papers, lately pub-
lished by Mr. Aufrere, asks
what credit the bishop ima-
gined could be given to the
second part of the countess's
story, which clashed so dia-
metrically with her oath. In
the next place, according to
Lockhart, "the duchess of Ha-
' milton, although a staunch
" presbyterian, and hearty re-
" volutioner, at all times con-
" tradicted the story of the
" queen's false big belly, be-
" cause, as she said, the lady
" Sunderland, whom she reck-
" oned as good a woman as
" was in England, had often
" told her, that she found the
" child in the queen's belly,
" and was as sure she was
" with child as ever she her-
" self was ; and that her
" daughter-in-law, the late
" countess of Arran, (lady
" Sunderland's daughter,) had
" often confirmed the same to
" her. Now that the duchess
" hath often and often, and
" always when the conver-
" sation was on this subject,
" expressed herself after this
" manner, can be attested by
(< many persons of undoubted
" honour and veracity ; and it
" cannot enter into the ima-
364 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. that they saw milk before the pretended delivery.
~ But none of them deposed concerning milk after
the delivery, though nature sends it then in greater
abundance: and the queen had it always in such
plenty, that some weeks passed after her delivery,
before she was quite freed from it u . The ladies
did not name the time in which they saw the
milk, except one, who named the month of May.
But, if the particulars mentioned before, that hap-
pened on Easter Monday, are reflected on, and if
it appears probable by these that the queen mis-
carried at that time ; then all that the ladies men-
tioned of milk in her breasts, particularly she that
fixed it to the month of May, might have fol-
lowed upon that miscarriage, and be no proof
concerning the late birth. Mrs. Pierce, the laun-
dress, deposed that she took linen from the queen's
786 body once, which carried the marks of a delivery.
But she spoke only to one time. That was a
main circumstance. And if it had been true, it
must have been often done, and was capable of a
more copious proof, since there is occasion for
such things to be often looked on, and well con-
sidered. The lady Wentworth was the single
witness that deposed, that she had felt the child
move in the queen's belly. She was a bedchamber
" gination of any, that she
" would affirm the direct con-
" trary to the bishop." Vol.1,
p. 602.)
" The queen's apothecary,
' can attest that the queen
1 had milk after her delivery,
' and that he made ointments
' and plasters, as usual, to re-
' pel it and dry it away."
" who is still alive (in 1713), Answer to the younger Bur-
" and of as great integrity as net's Pamphlet, p. 36, cited
" any man of his profession, above.
OF KING JAMES II.
365
woman, as well as a single witness : and she fixed
it on no time. If it was very early, she might
have been mistaken : or if it was before Easter
Monday, it might be true, and yet have no rela-
tion to this birth x . This was the substance of
1688.
. x (See before, p. 750 of the
folio edit. The lady Went-
worth told dean Hickes, it was
about a month before her
majesty was delivered. And
Mrs. Dawson, of the bed-
chamber, a protestant as well
as lady Wentworth, who heard
all her ladyship said, affirmed
it was within the month. Her
ladyship further said, that,
when, by the queen's permis-
sion, she felt her, she felt the
child stir very strongly, " as
" strongly," said she, " as
" ever I felt any of my own."
She mentioned also a time
after this, when she remarked
the motion of the child. Lady
Wentworth 's Testimony ; of
which document a particular
account is given below at
p. 817. The prince was born
on Trinity Sunday, the loth
of June, consequently the cir-
cumstance mentioned by lady
Wentworth took place long
after Easter. Every suspicion,
therefore, of an actual miscar-
riage on Easter Monday must
vanish, if this testimony^ is
true. Rapin, in his History
of England, book XXIV. vol.
II. p. 774, writes thus : "Let
" us take the two depositions,
" which, next to that of the
" midwife, appear most con-
" vincing, namely, that of the
" lady, who had seen milk run
" from the queen's breasts ;
" and that of the lady Isabella
" Wentworth, who had felt
" the child in the womb.
" These two testimonies are
" sufficient against those who
" maintain, that the queen
" was not with child from
" January, the time of her
" declared pregnancy, to the
" tenth of June, the time of
" her delivery. But they are
" insufficient against those
" who pretend, that she was
" really with child from the
" sixth of October to the ninth
" of April," (Easter Monday,
the time Burnet mentions, fell
on the sixteenth of April in
that year,) " when she had a
" miscarriage." Rapin goes
on to observe, that the two
ladies who deposed concern-
ing the milk and the motion
of the child, should have fixed
the time to the interval be-
tween the supposed miscar-
riage and the delivery, other-
wise that their testimony proves
nothing against those who
maintain that the queen was
really with child till Easter-
week, and had then a miscar-
riage. The satisfaction Rapin
requires, is here afforded by
the lady Wentworth's full and
clear testimony concerning
the time she felt the child.)
366
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
this evidence, which was ordered to be enrolled
and printed. But, when it was published, it had
a quite contrary effect to what the court expected
from it. The presumption of law before this was
all in favour of the birth, since the parents owned
the child : so that the proof lay on the other side,
and ought to be offered by those who called it in
question. But, now that this proof was brought,
which was so apparently defective, it did not
lessen but increase the jealousy with which the
nation was possessed ; for all people concluded,
that, if the thing had been true, it must have
been easy to have brought a much more copious
proof than was now published to the world ?. It
Y (It appears, from the De-
positions, that twelve ladies of
high rank, six of whom were
protestants, besides a great
many protestant noblemen,
physicians, and female at-
tendants, attested in a very
full and most satisfactory
manner the delivery of the
queen : some of them swore,
that they saw the navel string
of the infant cut just after
its separation from the mother.
To this authentic record lies
an appeal from the false re-
presentations here given. It
was prefaced with this decla-
ration on the part of the king.
The malicious endea-
vours of my enemies have
so poisoned the minds of
some of my subjects, that
by the reports I have from
all hands, I have reason to
believe, that many do think
this son, which God has
" been pleased to bless me
" with, to be none of mine,
" but a supposed child. But
' I may say, that by a parti-
' cular providence, scarce any
' prince was ever born, where
' there were so many persons
' present." Further, in his
majesty's reasons for with-
drawing himself, he uses this
affecting language : " I appeal
" to all that know me, nay
" even to the prince of Orange
" himself," (of whom the king
complains as having falsely
aspersed him in that clause of
his Declaration which con-
cerns his son,) "that in their
" conscience neither he nor
' they can believe I am in
' the least capable of so un-
' natural a villainy, nor of so
' little common sense, as to
* be imposed on in a thing of
" such a nature." It appears,
that at the subsequent council
OF KING JAMES II.
367
was much observed, that princess Anne was not
present. She indeed excused herself. She thought
she was breeding : and all motion was forbidden
her. None believed that to be the true reason ;
for it was thought, that the going from one apart-
ment of the court to another could not hurt her.
So it was looked on as a colour that shewed she
did not believe the thing, and that therefore she
would not by her being present seem to give any
credit to it z .
1688.
held in October 1 688, to which
were summoned the lords, spi-
ritual and temporal, judges,
citizens, and others, after
producing the attested proofs
of the birth, the king declared
on his honour, that he had
often felt the child stir in the
queen. See the Ellis Corre-
spondence, vol. II. p. 227.
It is proper to produce in
this place what dean Hickes
has added in the document
before cited to the testimony
of lady Isabella Wentworth.
" We then happened to men-
" tion her printed Deposition,
" which gave me occasion to
" say, that though it was sa-
" tisfactory, yet for the sake
" of the prejudiced I wish it
" had contained more particu-
" lars. Upon which she said,
" that when she was sent to,
" to appear before the council,
" she knew not why she was
" summoned to appear there,
" almost till the moment she
" was ready to go ; nor had
" she known it till she had
" come thither, but that no-
" tice was sent her when
" she was ready to go, that
" she must come in a gown :
" which made her stay to
" change her clothes. While
" she was doing that, her son,
" then page to the queen,
" came and told her why she
" was called to appear before
" the council. This her lady-
" ship told me, to let me know
" how little time she had to
" recollect and prepare her-
" self; also agreeing to what
" Mrs. Bridget H then
" said, that the deposers had
" such short and imperfect no-
" tice of what they were to do,
" that they might advise with
" nobody, for fear it should
" be said they were tampered
" with, before they came to
" be examined about the
" prince's birth.")
z I have reason to believe
this to be true of the princess
Anne. S. (See an account of
the conduct of the princess in
this affair, in Henry earl of
Clarendon's Diary, pp. 77, 79,
8 1, 103. She was acting an
interested part, under the in-
fluence of a violent bad wo-
368 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. This was the state of affairs in England, while
~~ we lay at Helvoet-Sluys, where we continued till
the first of November. Here Wildman created a
new disturbance. He plainly had a shew of cou-
rage, but was, at least then, a coward. He pos-
sessed some of the English with an opinion, that
the design was now irrecoverably lost. This was
entertained by many, who were willing to hearken
to any proposition that set danger at a distance
from themselves. They were still magnifying the
English fleet, and undervaluing the Dutch. They
went so far in this, that they proposed to the
prince, that Herbert should be ordered to go over
to the coast of England, and either fight the
English fleet, or force them in : and in that case
the transport fleet might venture over; which
otherwise they thought could not be safely done.
This some urged with such earnestness, that no-
thing but the prince's authority, and Schomberg's
785 credit, could have withstood it. The prince told
them, the season was now so far spent, that the
losing of more time was the losing the whole de-
sign : fleets might lie long in view of one another,
before it could be possible for them to come to an
man, the wife of lord Churchill.
" I told lady Wentworth,"
(says Dr. Hickes, in his ac-
count of this lady's testimony,
given in the year 1703, and
mentioned thrice before,)
how the bishop of Worcester
(Lloyd) gave out, that he
had heard the queen that
now is, I mean queen Anne,
' Wales's birth, and give such
' reasons for it, as would con-
' vince any one he was an
' impostor, except such as
' were obstinate. * I am con-
' fident,' replied my lady, ' the
' bishop wrongs her majesty,
' who I am persuaded can-
4 not disbelieve the prince's
' birth/ " See notes above at
express her dissatisfaction pp. 280 295.
of the truth of the prince of
OF KING JAMES II. 369
engagement, though both sides equally desired it; 1688.
but much longer, if any one of them avoided it :
it was not possible to keep the army, especially
the horse, long at sea : and it was no easy matter
to take them all out, and to ship them again :
after the wind had stood so long in the west,
there was reason to hope it would turn to the
east : and when that should come, no time was to
be lost : for it would sometimes blow so fresh in a
few days as to freeze up the river; so that it
would not be possible to get out all the winter
long. With these things he rather silenced than
quieted them. All this while the men of war
were still riding at sea, it being a continued storm
for some weeks. The prince sent out several ad-
vice boats with orders to them to come in. But
they could not come up to them. On the twenty-
seventh of October there was for six hours toge-
ther a most dreadful storm : so that there were
few among us, that did not conclude, that the
best part of the fleet, and by consequence that the
whole design, was lost. Many, that have passed
for heroes, yet shewed then the agonies of fear in
their looks and whole deportment. The prince
still retained his usual calmness, and the same
tranquillity of spirit, that I had observed in him
in his happiest days. On the twenty-eighth it
calmed a little, and our fleet came all in, to our
great joy. The rudder of one third rate was
broken : and that was all the hurt that the storm
had done. At last the much longed for east wind
came. And so hard a thing it was to set so vast a
Bb
370 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. body in motion, that two days of this wind were
~ lost before all could be quite ready.
We sailed On the first of November, O. S. we sailed out
happily a with the evening tide ; but made little way that
night, that so our fleet might come out, and move
in order. We tried next day till noon, if it was
possible to sail northward ; but the wind was so
strong and full in the east, that we could not
move that way. About noon the signal was given
to steer westward. This wind not only diverted
us from that unhappy course, but it kept the
English fleet in the river : so that it was not pos-
sible for them to come out, though they were
come down as far as to the Gunfleet. By this
means we had the sea open to us, with a fair wind
and a safe navigation. On the third we passed
between Dover and Calais, and before night came
in sight of the Isle of Wight. The next day,
being the day in which the prince was both born
and married, he fancied, if he could land that day,
it would look auspicious to the army, and animate
788 the soldiers. But we all, who considered, that
the day following, being gunpowder treason day,
our landing that day might have a good effect on
the minds of the English nation, were better
pleased to see that we could land no sooner. Tor-
bay was thought the best place for our great fleet
to lie in : and it was resolved to land the army,
where it could be best done near it; reckoning,
that being at such a distance from London, we
could provide ourselves with horses, and put every
thing in order before the king could march his
OF KING JAMES II. 371
army towards us, and that we should lie some 1688.
time at Exeter for the refreshing our men. I was~
in the ship, with the prince's other domestics, that
went in the van of the whole fleet. At noon on
the fourth Russel came on board us with the best
of all the English pilots that they had brought
over. He gave him the steering of the ship ; and
ordered him to be sure to sail so, that next morn-
ing we should be short of Dartmouth : for it was
intended that some of the ships should land there,
and that the rest should sail into Torbay. The
pilot thought, he could not be mistaken in mea-
suring our course : and believed that he certainly
kept within orders, till the morning shewed us we
were past Torbay and Dartmouth. The wind,
though it had abated much of its first violence,
yet was still full in the east : so now it seemed
necessary for us to sail on to Plymouth, which
must have engaged us in a long and tedious cam-
paign in winter, through a very ill country. Nor
were we sure to be received at Plymouth. The
earl of Bath, who was governor, had sent by Russel
a promise to the prince to come and join him : yet
it was not likely, that he would be so forward as
to receive us at our first coming. The delays he
made afterwards, pretending that he was managing
the garrison, whereas he was indeed staying till
he saw how the matter was like to be decided,
shewed us how fatal it had proved, if we had been
forced to sail on to Plymouth. But while Russel
was in no small disorder, after he saw the pilot's
error, (upon which he bade me go to my prayers,
for all was lost,) and as he was ordering the boat
Bb 2
372
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. to be cleared to go aboard the prince, on a sud-
den, to all our wonder, it calmed a little. And
then the wind turned into the south : and a soft
and happy gale of wind carried in the whole fleet
We landed in four hours' time into Torbay. Immediately as
many landed as conveniently could. As soon as
the prince and marshal Schomberg got to shore,
they were furnished with such horses as the village
of Broxholme could afford ; and rode up to view
the grounds, which they found as convenient as
could be imagined for the foot in that season. It
was not a cold night: otherwise the soldiers, who
had been kept warm aboard, might have suffered
789 much by it. As soon as I landed, I made what
haste I could to the place where the prince was ;
who took me heartily by the hand, and asked me,
if I would not now believe predestination. I told
him, I would never forget that providence of God,
which had appeared so signally on this occasion a .
a (Light is thrown on this
passage by the following curi-
ous account given in M'Cor-
mick's Life of Carstares: "Mr.
Carstares set out along with
his highness in quality of his
domestic chaplain, and went
aboard of his own ship. It
is well known, that, upon
their first setting out from
the coast of Holland, the fleet
' was in imminent danger by
' a violent tempest, which
' obliged them to put back for
' a few days. Upon that occa-
' sion.the vessel which carried
' the prince and his retinue
' narrowly escaped shipwreck,
a circumstance which some
who were around his person
were disposed to interpret
into a bad omen of their suc-
cess. Among these, Dr. Bur-
net happening to observe,
that it seemed predestined
that they should not set foot
on English ground,the prince
said nothing; but, upon step-
ping a-shore at Torbay, in
the hearing of Mr. Carstares,
he turned about to Dr. Bur-
net, and asked him what he
thought of the doctrine of
predestination now?" Car-
stares's State Papers and Let-
ters, p. 34. Cunningham, ac-
OF KING JAMES II. 373
He was cheerfuller than ordinary. Yet he re- 1688.
turned soon to his usual gravity. The prince sent"
for all the fishermen of the place; and asked
them, which was the properest place for landing
his horse, which all apprehended would be a
tedious business, and might hold some days. But
next morning he was shewed a place, a quarter of
a mile below the village, where the ships could be
brought very near the land, against a good shore,
and the horses would not be put to swim above
twenty yards. This proved to be so happy for
our landing, though we came to it by mere acci-
dent, that, if we had ordered the whole island
round to be sounded, we could not have found a
properer place for it. There was a dead calm all
that morning: and in three hours' time all our
horse were landed, with as much baggage as was
necessary till we got to Exeter. The artillery and
heavy baggage were left aboard, and ordered to
Topsham, the seaport to Exeter. All that be-
longed to us was so soon and so happily landed,
that by the next day at noon we were in full
march, aud marched four miles that night. We
had from thence twenty miles to Exeter : and we
cording to the translation of '* what he now thought of pre-
the Latin MS. of his History of " destination? and advised, if
England, says, that " Dr. Bur- " he had a mind to be busy, to
net, who understood but lit- " consult the canons." Vol. I.
tie of military affairs, asked p. 88. The bishop omits men-
the prince of Orange, which tioning the proximate cause of
way he intended to march, the prince's question ; and says
and when ? and desired to be nothing about his declining
employed by him in what- the offer of his services, which
ever service he should think indeed it is not likely that he
fit. The prince only asked, did, at least so uncivilly.)
374 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. resolved to make haste thither. But, as we were
"now happily landed, and marching, we saw new
and unthought of characters of a favourable pro-
vidence of God watching over us. We had no
sooner got thus disengaged from our fleet, than a
new and great storm blew from the west; from
which our fleet, being covered by the land, could
receive no prejudice : but the king's fleet had got
out as the wind calmed, and in pursuit of us was
come as far as the Isle of Wight, when this con-
trary wind turned upon them. They tried what
they could to pursue us : but they were so shat-
tered by some days of this storm, that they were
forced to go into Portsmouth, and were no more
fit for service that year. This was a greater hap-
piness than we were then aware of: for the lord
Dartmouth assured me some time after, that,
whatever stories we had heard and believed, either
of officers or seamen, he was confident they would
all have fought very heartily. But now, by the
immediate hand of Heaven, we were masters of
the sea without a blow. I never found a disposi-
tion to superstition in my temper: I was rather
inclined to be philosophical upon all occasions.
Yet I must confess, that this strange ordering of
the winds and seasons, just to change as our
affairs required it, could not but make deep im-
pressions on me, as well as on all that observed
790 it. Those famous verses of Claudian seemed to
be more applicable to the prince, than to him
they were made on :
O nimium dilecte Deo, cui militat cether,
Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti !
OF KING JAMES II. 375
Heaven's favourite, for whom the skies do fight,
And all the winds conspire to guide thee right !
The prince made haste to Exeter, where he
stayed ten days, both for refreshing his troops,
and for giving the country time to shew their
affections. Both the clergy and magistrates of
Exeter were very fearful, and very backward.
The bishop and the dean ran away b . And the
clergy stood off, though they were sent for, and
very gently spoke to by the prince. The truth
was, the doctrines of passive obedience and non-
resistance had been carried so far, and preached so
much, that clergymen either could not all on the
sudden get out of that entanglement into which
they had by long thinking and speaking all one
way involved themselves, or they were ashamed
to make so quick a turn. Yet care was taken to
protect them and their houses every where: so
that no sort of violence or rudeness was offered to
any of them. The prince gave me full authority
to do this : and I took so particular a care of it,
b For which Lamplew(Lam-
plugh) the bishop, was made
archbishop of York by king
James, and afterwards crown-
ed king William, upon San-
croft's refusal ; that is to say,
assisted at the coronation, the
bishop of London performing
the ceremonies, as suffragan
of Canterbury. D. Richard
Annesley dean of Exeter. Cole.
(The bishop after he was arch-
bishop told the learned Dr.
' parture from England the
' king was pleased to tell him,
' that he was chased away
1 from his own house by the
' prince of Orange, and de-
' sired him to pray for him.
' The archbishop prayed God
' to bless his majesty, saying
' that he was an old man,
' and that if he saw his ma-
' jesty's face no more, he
' hoped that they should meet
together in heaven." Smith's
Smith of Magdalen College, Narrative, frequently before
Oxford, that " upon the morn- cited ; Howell's State Trials,
" ing of the king's first de- vol. XII. p. 86.)
376 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
16H8. that we heard of no complaints. The army was
~ kept under such an exact discipline, that every
thing was paid for where it was demanded ; though
the soldiers were contented with such moderate
entertainment, that the people generally asked but
little for what they did eat. We stayed a week
at Exeter, before any of the gentlemen of the
country about came in to the prince . Every day
some persons of condition came from other parts.
The first were the lord Colchester, Mr. Wharton,
the eldest sons of the earl of Rivers, and the lord
Wharton d , Mr. Russel, the lord RussePs brother,
and the earl of Abingdon.
The king's The king came down to Salisbury, and sent his
troops twenty miles further. Of these, three
tlie regiments of horse and dragoons were drawn on
by their officers, the lord Cornbury 6 and colonel
c The duke of Shrewsbury lished by Dalrymple in his
told me the prince was much Memoirs, vol. II. p. 342.)
surprised at this backwardness d The first edition of Bur-
in joining with him, and began net has the lord Colchester,
to suspect he was betrayed, the eldest son of the earl of
and had some thoughts of re- Rivers, andthe lord Wharton/
turning ; in which case he re- Famous for his cowardice in
solved to publish the names of the rebellion of 1640. S. (And
all those that had invited him for his unblushing mendacity,
over : which, he said, would may be added ; witness his
be but a just return for their speech at Guildhall, printed at
treachery, folly, and cowardice. London, in the same year
Lord Shrewsbury told him he 1642.)
believed the great difficulty a- e (On the defection of his
mongst them was who should son lord Cornbury, (who, as
run the hazard of being the D'Orleans reports, in his Tie-
first; but if the ice were once volutions of England, p. 302,
broken, they would be as much had been bred at Geneva, but
afraid of being the last: which was, according to the Memoirs
proved very true. D. (This of the Affairs of Europe, pub-
note has been previously pub- lished in 1724, a person of the
OF KING JAMES II.
377
Langston, on design to come over to the prince. 1688.
Advice was sent to the prince of this. But be-
cause these officers were not sure of their sub-
alterns, the prince ordered a body of his men to
advance, and assist them in case any resistance
was made. They were within twenty miles of
Exeter, and within two miles of the body that the
prince had sent to join them, when a whisper ran
about among them that they were betrayed. Lord
Cornbury had not the presence of mind that so
critical a thing required. So they fell in con-
fusion, and many rode back. Yet one regiment 791
meanest capacity,) the earl of
Clarendon in his Diary, p. 89,
thus exclaims : " O God, that
" my son should be a rebel !
" the Lord in his mercy look
'* upon me, and enable me to
" support my self under this
" most grievous calamity. I
" made haste home, and as
" soon as I could recollect
" myself a little, I wrote to
" my lord Middleton to ob-
" tain leave for me to throw
' myself at the king's feet.
' My lord quickly sent me a
* most obliging answer, that
I might wait on the king
when I would, Nov. 16.
" Friday. In the afternoon I
" waited on the king at W.
Chiffinch's : I said what I
' was able upon so melancholy
' a subject, and my son's de-
' sertion. God knows I was
* in confusion enough. The
' king was very gracious to
* me, and said, he pitied me
*' with all his heart, and that
" he would still be kind to my
" family." One cannot but
feel for fallen greatness ; at
the same time we should re-
flect with what ingratitude,
harshness, and injustice, the
king would have continued to
treat the consciencious oppo-
sers of his measures, if the
prince's expedition had not
been undertaken, or had been
unsuccessful. As to lord Cla-
rendon, since according to
Mr. Macaulay in his History
of England, vol. II. ch. 9.
p. 507. lord Cornbury was
attached to the household of
the princess Anne, it seems
certain that the Churchills
knew every thing, and pro-
bably the father nothing, of his
son's intended desertion. Com-
pare also lord Clarendon's
Diary, after this, where he
says, that in a conference with
the princess a little before king
William's coronation, he called
what his son had done a very
abominable action.)
378 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. came over in a body, and with them about a hun-
" dred of the other two. This gave us great cou-
rage; and shewed us, that we had not been de-
ceived in what was told us of the inclinations
of the king's army. Yet, on the other hand,
those who studied to support the king's spirit
by flatteries, told him, that in this he saw that
he might trust his army, since these who in-
tended to carry over those regiments, were forced
to manage it with so much artifice, and durst
not discover their design either to officers or
soldiers; and that, as soon as they perceived it,
the greater part of them had turned back.
The king wanted support : for his spirits sunk ex-
tremely f . His blood was in such fermentation,
that he was bleeding much at the nose, which
returned oft upon him every day. He sent many
spies over to us. They all took his money, and
came and joined themselves to the prince, none of
them returning to him. So that he had no intel-
ligence brought him of what the prince was doing,
but what common reports brought him, which
magnified our numbers, and made him think we
were coming near him, while we were still at
Exeter. He heard that the city of London was
very unquiet. News were brought him, that the
earls of Devonshire and Danby, and the lord Lum-
ley, were drawing great bodies together, and that
both York and Newcastle had declared for the
f That ruined him, for I have would have fought the prince
been well assured, that had he of Orange. O. See note below
shewn any courage and spirit at page (793).
upon the occasion, his army
OF KING JAMES II. 379
prince. The lord Delamere had raised a regiment 1688.
in Cheshire. And the body of the nation did
every where discover their inclinations for the
prince so evidently, that the king saw he had
nothing to trust to but his army. And the ill dis-
position among them was so apparent, that he
reckoned he could not depend on them. So that
he lost both heart and head at once. But that
which gave him the last and most confounding
stroke was, that the lord Churchill and the duke
of Grafton left him, and came and joined the
prince at Axminster, twenty miles on that side of
Exeter. After this he could not know on whom
he could depends. The duke of Grafton was one
of king Charles's sons by the duchess of Cleve-
land. He had been some time at sea, and was a
gallant but rough man. He had more spirit than
any one of that spurious race. He made an an-
g (" The king summoned " tate lord Cornbury, but was
" all the general officers and " willing to spare them, if they
" colonels that remained in " desired it, the discredit of
" town, and addressed to them " so base a desertion. 'They
" a remarkable speech, of " all/ continues the king,
" which the substance is re- " ' seemed to be moved at the
" corded by himself. He told " discourse, and vowed they
" them, he would call a par- " would serve him to the last
" liament as soon as peace was "drop of their blood. The
" restored ; that he would " duke of Grafton and my lord
l< secure their liberties, privi- " Churchill were the first that
" leges, and religion, and grant " made their attestation ;' ' and
" any thing more they re- " the first,' adds the compiler,
" quired of him. That, if any " ' who, to their eternal in-
" amongst them were not free " famy, broke it afterwards,
" and willing to serve him, " as well as Kirke and Tre-
" he gave them leave to sur- " lawney, who were no less
" render their commissions, " lavish of their promises.'"
" and go where they pleased ; Continuation of Mackintosh's
" that he believed them men Hist, of the Revolution, ch. xv.
" of too much honour to imi- p. 489.
380
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. swer to the king about this time, that was much
talked of. The king took notice of somewhat in
his behaviour that looked factious : and he said,
he was sure he could not pretend to act upon
principles of conscience; for he had been so ill
bred, that, as he knew little of religion, so he re-
garded it less. But he answered the king, that,
though he had little conscience, yet he was of a
party that had conscience 11 . Soon after that, prince
George, the duke of Ormond 1 , and the lord Drum-
lanerick, the duke of Queensbury's eldest son k ,
792 left him, and came over to the prince, and joined
him, when he was come as far as the earl of
h (This young nobleman,
who had not at that time been
refused the command of the
fleet, consented to present
the papal nuncio at court,
when the duke of Somerset
had declined doing it, as
against law. See above p. 204,
and a note in which lord Lons-
dale's Memoir of this Reign,
p. 24, is quoted. Compare the
Life of King James II. vol. ii.
p. 208.)
* Yet how has he been since
used ? S.
k (The previous engage-
ment of these three persons of
high quality to join the prince
of Orange on his arrival in
England, is mentioned by the
earl of Balcarras, in his Ac-
count of the affairs of Scot-
land, p. 27. See note above
at p. 330. Speke, a man of
a good family, and originally
in violent opposition to the
king, was employed by him to
go over to the prince on his
landing in England in order
to procure information of the
strength of his forces, and of
his future designs ; but Speke,
on the contrary, did all in his
power to serve the prince of
Orange. This person relates
in his tract, entitled the His-
tory of the Happy Rwolution,
p. 32, that he "foretold the
" king of the desertion of his
" friends in order to create a
" mistrust and jealousy in his
" mind, even of those who
" were heartily and sincerely
" in his interest." See more
of Speke's intrigues in a note
below at p. 794. folio edit.
King William completely turn-
ed the tables on James for his
unwarrantable employment of
this man ; as Speke, according
to his own account, kept a
constant correspondence with
the exiled monarch by king
William's direction, from the
time of the revolution till the
peace of Ryswick ; " and for
OP KING JAMES II.
381
Bristol's house at Sherburn 1 . When the news
came to London, the princess was so struck with
the apprehensions of the king's displeasure, and of
the ill effects that it might have, that she said to
the lady Churchill, that she could not bear the
thoughts of it, and would leap out at window
rather than venture on it. The bishop of London
was then lodged very secretly in Suffolk street.
So the lady Churchill, who knew where he was,
went to him, and concerted with him the method
of the princess's withdrawing from the court. The
princess went sooner to bed than ordinary. And
about midnight she went down a back stairs from
her closet, attended only by the lady Churchill m ,
1688.
" the defraying the charge of
" his correspondence, and for
" other secret services, re-
" ceived several sums of money
" from king William," p. 65
of the above-named pam-
phlet.)
1 The Continuator of Mack-
intosh's History of the Revolu-
tion, ch. xv. p. 502, citing
D'Albeville's Letter to lord
Preston, i6th Dec. 1689,
amongst the Preston Papers,
states, that Fagel the Dutch
pensionary " who died during
" the crisis of the revolution,
" declared on his death-bed
" that the prince of Orange
" had obtained the sanction of
" the prince and princess of
" Denmark before he resolved
" on the enterprise." The same
writer proceeds to remark that
the young duke of Ormond
was one of the noblemen who
figured in the Gazette, as vo-
lunteering their services, and
accepting commissions to raise
troops against the invader,
and that he was at the same
time deep in the intrigues of
the prince of Orange for cor-
rupting the faith, not only of
the army, but of the fleet.
Byng's Memoirs in Dalrym-
ple's Appendix are cited as
authority for this circum-
stance. Bishop Burnet has
already stated at page 323,
that lord Churchill undertook
before the prince's coming
here, that prince George
and the princess Anne would
leave the court and go to
the prince as soon as was pos-
sible.)
m And Mrs. Berkeley, after-
wards lady Fitzharding. The
back stairs were made a little
before for that purpose. The
princess pretended she was out
of order, upon some expostu-
382
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. in such haste that they carried nothing with them.
They were waited for by the bishop of London,
who carried them to the earl of Dorset's, whose
lady furnished them with every thing. And so
they went northward, as far as Northampton ;
where that earl attended on them with all respect,
and quickly brought a body of horse to serve for
a guard to the princess. And in a little while a
small army was formed about her, who chose to
be commanded by the bishop of London ; of which
he too easily accepted n , and was by that exposed
to much censure.
These things put the king in an unexpressible
confusion. He saw himself now forsaken, not only
by those whom he had trusted and favoured most,
but even by his own children. And the army
lations that had passed be-
tween her and the queen, in a
visit she received from her
that night : therefore said she
would not be disturbed till
she rang her bell. Next morn-
ing, when her servants had
waited two hours longer than
her usual time of rising, they
were afraid something was the
matter with her ; and finding
the bed open, and her high-
ness gone, they ran scream-
ing to my father's lodgings,
which were the next to hers,
and told my mother the prin-
cess was murdered by the
priests; from thence they
went to the queen, and old
mistress Buss asked her in a
very rude manner, what she
had done with their mistress.
The queen answered her very
gravely, she supposed their
mistress was where she liked
to be, but did assure them
she knew nothing of her, but
did not doubt they would hear
of her again very soon. Which
gave them little satisfaction,
upon which there was a ru-
mour all over Whitehall, that
the queen had made away
with the princess. D. (See
before, note at p. 3 19.)
n And why should he not ?
S. (He was son of the earl of
Northampton, who lost his life
in the king's father's service ;
and there is a tradition in that
noble family, that the bishop,
when he was prevented by his
friends, on account of his
youth, from going to the field
of battle, shed tears.)
OF KING JAMES II. 383
was in such distraction, that there was not any 1688.
one body that seemed entirely united and firm to~
him. A foolish ballad was made at that time,
treating the papists, and chiefly the Irish, in a
very ridiculous manner, which had a burden, said
to be Irish words, lero lero lilibulero , that made
an impression on the army, that cannot be well
imagined by those who saw it not. The whole
army, and at last all people both in city and
country, were singing it perpetually. And per-
haps never had so slight a thing so great an
effect.
While the prince stayed at Exeter, the rabble An associa-
... , tion among
of the people came m to mm in great numbers, those who
So that he could have raised many regiments ofp
foot, if there had been any occasion for them.
But what he understood of the temper the king's
army was in, made him judge it was not necessary
to arm greater numbers. After he had stayed
eight days at Exeter, Seimour came in with
several other gentlemen of quality and estate. As
soon as he had been with the prince, he sent to
seek for me. When I came to him, he asked me,
why we had not an association signed by all that
came to us, since, till we had that done, we were
as a rope of sand : men might leave us when they
pleased, and we had them under no tie : whereas,
if they signed an association, they would reckon 793
They are not Irish words, to the earl of Dorset, from
but better than Scotch. S. whence it was concluded that
There was a particular expres- he was the author. D. (It has
sion in it which the king re- been said, that it was written
membered he had made use of by the marquis Wharton.)
384
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. themselves bound to stick to us P. I answered, it
793 was b ecause we na d n t a man f hi s authority
and credit to offer and support such an advice.
I went from him to the prince, who approved of
the motion : as did also the earl of Shrewsbury,
and all that were with us. So I was ordered to
draw it. It was, in few words, an engagement to
stick together in pursuing the ends of the prince's
declaration ; and that, if any attempt should be
made on his person, it should be revenged on all
by whom or from whom any such attempt should
be made. This was agreed to by all about the
prince. So it was engrossed in parchment, and
signed by all those that came in to him. The
prince put Devonshire and Exeter under Seimour's
government, who was recorder of Exeter. And
he advanced with his army, leaving a small gar-
rison there with his heavy artillery under colonel
Gibson whom he made deputy governor as to the
military part.
The heads At Crookhorn, Dr. Finch, son to the earl of
senttohim. Winchelsea, then made warden of All Souls col-
lege in Oxford, was sent to the prince from some
of the heads of colleges ; assuring him, that they
would declare for him, and inviting him to come
thither, telling him, that their plate should be at
his service, if he needed it. This was a sudden
P (In Burnet's Speech at
Sacheverel's trial, it is added,
that sir Edward threatened, if
they had not an association
ready by to-morrow, he would
leave them before night. The
Continuator of Mackintosh's
History of the Revolution, ch.
xv. p. 483, writes on the au-
thority of the Halifax MS.
that the prince suspected Sey-
mour, and ordered an officer
named Gibson to watch his
actions.)
OF KING JAMES II.
385
turn from those principles that they had carried 1688.
so high a few years before. The prince had de-
signed to have secured Bristol and Glocester,
and so to have gone to Oxford, the whole west
being then in his hands, if there had been any
appearance of a stand to be made against him by
the king and his army; for, the king being so
much superior to him in horse, it was not advisable
to march through the great plains of Dorsetshire
and Wiltshire. But the king's precipitate return
to London put an end to this precaution . The
earl of Bath had prevailed with the garrison of
Plymouth : and they declared for the prince^. So
now all behind him was safe. When he came to
Sherburn, all Dorsetshire came in a body, and
joined him. He resolved to make all the haste
he could to London, where things were in a high
fermentation.
A bold man ventured to draw and publish
("The chief wrong which
' the memory of James has suf-
1 fered from ungenerous ene-
' mies, disappointed friends,
' and the voice of history, is
' the imputation of having
* abandoned his army with
' dastardly haste. He did not
' abandon it ; he returned
* with the infantry, leaving
' the cavalry behind him under
( the command of lord Fever -
' sham. His first day's march
' was only from Salisbury to
( Andover (eighteen miles).
' This negatives precipitated,
' and above all, the charge
' of having separated himself
' from his troops." Continua-
tion of Mackintosh's Hist, of
the Revolution, ch. 15. p. 500.)
P (" The earl of Bath has
seized on the earl of Hunt-
ingdon at Plimouth, and se-
cured him. He has seized
on other papists in that
place, and put them on board
captain Churchil's ship in
that harbour. He has sent
the prince of Orange word,
that he will keep Plimouth
for him, and has declared
for a free parliament." From
an unpublished Letter of the
earl of Clarendon to the mar-
quis of Worcester, preserved
in the Bodleian Library, and
dated Nov. 24th, 1688.)
C C
386
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. another declaration in the prince's name. It was
Great dis- penned with great spirit : and it had as great an
effect Jt set forth the desperate designs of the
papists, and the extreme danger the nation was in
by their means, and required all persons immedi-
ately to fall on such papists as were in any em-
ployments, and to turn them out, and to secure
all strong places, and to do every thing else that
was in their power to execute the laws, and to
bring all things again into their proper channels.
This set all men at work : for no doubt was made,
794 that it was truly the prince's declaration. But he
knew nothing of it. And it was never known
who was the author of so bold a things. No per-
son ever claimed the merit of it: for, though it
had an amazing effect, yet it seems, he that con-
trived it apprehended, that the prince would not
be well pleased with the author of such an im-
Q But always supposed to
have been one much known
by the name of Julian John-
son. D. (This was Samuel
Johnson, the political writer,
and author, among other books,
of one entitled Julian the
Apostate ; but another person
was perhaps concerned in this
forgery ; according to his own
story, the real framer of the
declaration was Hugh Speke,
alittle before mentioned, whose
brother had been condemned
by Jeffries in Monmouth's re-
bellion. See Dalrymple's Me-
moirs, vol. I. p. 171, who says
also at p. 1 7 7, that as the same
Speke reports in his pamphlet,
he invented the infamous lie,
that the Irish part of the dis-
banded army had begun a
massacre of the protestants.
But Echard, in his History of
the Revolution, doubts the
truth of Speke's relations,
pp. 183 and 1 98. on the ground
of the lateness of their publi-
cation ; yet this man's share
in raising the report of the
massacre was mentioned in
print before his own accounts
were published. If these ac-
counts are true, it was incum-
bent on the prince, to whom
Speke says, he shewed the
pretended declaration soon
after its dispersion, to have
taken care that the nation
should be acquainted with the
imposture.)
OF KING JAMES II. 387
posture in his name. The king was under such a 1688.
consternation, that he neither knew what to re-~
solve on, nor whom to trust. This pretended
declaration put the city in such a flame, that it
was carried to the lord mayor, and he was required
to execute it. The prentices got together, and
were falling upon all mass houses, and committing
many irregular things. Yet their fury was so well
governed, and so little resisted, that no other
mischief was done : no blood was shed.
The king now sent for all the lords in town, A treaty
that were known to be firm protestants. And, thfprince.
upon speaking to some of them in private, they
advised him to call a general meeting of all the
privy counsellors, and peers, to ask their advice,
what was fit to be done. All agreed in one
opinion, that it was fit to send commissioners to
the prince to treat with him. This went much
against the king's own inclinations : yet the de-
jection he was in, and the desperate state of his
affairs, forced him to consent to it. So the mar-
quis of Hallifax, the earl of Nottingham, and the
lord Godolphin, were ordered to go to the prince,
and to ask him what it was that he demanded.
The earl of Clarendon reflected the most on the
king's former conduct of any in that assembly,
not without some indecent and insolent words,
which were generally condemned r . He expected,
r He said he had often told brought to ; but flattery was
him what would be the conse- always more agreeable to
quence of his actions, and if princes than good advice. In
he had minded him more, his confirmation of which he quot-
affairs had never been in ed a scrap of Latin, with very
the condition they were now pedantic solemnity. D. (His
c c 2
388 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. as was said, to be one of the commissioners : and,
~ upon his not being named, he came and met the
prince near Salisbury. Yet he suggested so many
peevish and peculiar things, when he came, that
some suspected all this was but collusion, and that
he was sent to raise a faction among those who
were about the prince. The lords sent to the
prince to know where they should wait on him :
and he named Hungerford. When they came
thither, and had delivered their message, the
prince called all the peers and others of chief
note about him, and advised with them what
answer should be made. A day was taken to
consider of an answer 8 . The marquis of Hallifax
sent for me. But the prince said, though he
would suspect nothing from our meeting, others
might. So I did not speak with him in private,
but in the hearing of others. Yet he took occa-
sion to ask me, so as no body observed it, if we
had a mind to have the king in our hands. I
said, by no means; for we would not hurt his
person. He asked next, what if he had a mind
brother the earl of Rochester ceived their passes from the
afterwards used the like free- prince, who was then between
dom with king William, much Bath and Salisbury, at Read-
to his majesty's dislike. See ing on the third of the above
lord Dartmouth's Note on month. But it should be here
Burnet's Hist. vol. II. p. 5 16.) observed, that the French am-
s (Of the various arts used bassador then resident in Lon-
by the prince, during his route don always suspected, that
to London, to evade receiving James on his part only entered
the king's proposals, which into a negotiation with the
he did not answer before the prince in order to gain time
ninth of December, see a rela- for his departure from the
tion in Ralph's History of kingdom. See Mazure's Hist.
England, vol. I. p. 1055. The de la Revolution, IV. 25. p.
king's commissioners had re- 233.)
OF KING JAMES II. 389
to go away. I said, nothing was so much to be 1688.
wished for. This I told the prince. And he ap-~~
proved of both my answers. The prince ordered 795
the earls of Oxford, Shrewsbury, and Clarendon,
to treat with the lords the king had sent*. And
they delivered the prince's answer to them on
Sunday the eighth of December.
He desired a parliament might be presently
called, that no men should continue in any em-
ployment, who were not qualified by law, and had
not taken the tests; that the tower of London
might be put in the keeping of the city ; that the
fleet, and all the strong places of the kingdom,
might be put in the hands of protestants ; that a
proportion of the revenue might be set off for the
pay of the prince's army; and that during the
sitting of the parliament, the armies of both sides
might not come within thirty miles of London 11 ;
but, that the prince might come on to London,
and have the same number of his guards about
him, that the king kept about his person. The
lords seemed to be very well satisfied with this
answer. They sent it up by an express, and went
back next day to London.
But now strange counsels were suggested to the The king
king and queen. The priests, and all the violent kingdom.
papists, saw a treaty was now opened. They
knew, that they must be the sacrifice. The whole
design of popery must be given up, without any
* (The earl of Clarendon in himself, p. 109.)
his Diary says, the persons u (In the Autograph thirty
ordered to treat with the other is substituted for sixty. Twenty
lords were, marshal Schom- is in the Transcript and first
berg, the earl of Oxford, and edition.)
390
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. hope of being able in an age to think of bringing
~ it on again. Severe laws would be made against
them. And all those who intended to stick to
the king, and to preserve him, would go into
those laws with a particular zeal : so that they,
and their hopes, must be now given up, and sacri-
ficed for ever. They infused all this into the
queen. They said, she would certainly be im-
peached : and witnesses would be set up against
her and her son : the king's mother had been im-
peached in the long parliament : and she was to
look for nothing but violence. So the queen took
up a sudden resolution of going to France with
the child. The midwife, together with all who
were assisting at the birth, were also carried over,
or so disposed of, that it could never be learned
what became of them after ward s x . The queen
prevailed with the king, not only to consent to
this, but to promise to go quickly after her?. He
x That is strange and incre-
dible. S. (The king after-
wards offered to send over
these witnesses of the birth,
who were with him in France.
See a note below at page 817
folio edit.)
7 (A different account is.
given in the Life of King
James II. where it is said, that
the " queen had a great re-
" luctance to this journey, not
" so much for the hazard and
" inconveniences of it, as to
" leaving the king in so doubt-
" ful a situation ; and there-
" fore when it was first pro-
' ' posed, her majesty absolutely
" refused it in reference to
" herself, telling the king she
" was very willing that the
" prince her son should be
" sent to France, or where it
" was thought most proper
" for his security." It is
added, " that the reluctance
" which the queen had to part
* from the king made some
' persons who wished him
' well, and thought his leaving
* the kingdom too precipitate,
* suspect her majesty to have
' been the occasion of it,
' which was the farthest thing
' in the world from her
'* thoughts ; she neither ad-
' vised it, nor urged him to
'it; on the contrary, it was
OF KING JAMES II.
391
was only to stay a day or two after her, in hope 1688.
that the shadow of authority that was still left in
him might keep things so quiet, that she might
have an undisturbed passage. So she went to
Portsmouth^. And from thence, in a man of
war, she went over to France, the king resolving
to follow her in disguise. Care was also taken to
send all the priests away. The king stayed long
enough to get the prince's answer. And when he
had read it, he said, he did not expect so good
terms. He ordered the lord chancellor to come
to him next morning. But he had called secretly 796
for the great seal. And the next morning, being
the tenth of December, about three in the morn-
" her own staying, not his
" going, her majesty contend-
" ed for." Vol. II. p. 244.
However, that the queen, on
her finally consenting to go
away herself, obtained an as-
surance, that it was the king's
intention to follow her, appears
to be true.)
Y The prince of Wales had
been sent to Portsmouth and
brought back again : but the
queen went from Whitehall
privately, with the prince, &c.
in a barge down the Thames,
where a ship lay to receive her.
In a letter dated December
loth, to lord Dartmouth, the
king says, " Things having so
' very bad a prospect, I could
no longer defer securing the
queen and my son ; which I
hope I have done, and that
by to-morrow they will be
out of the reach of my ene-
mies. I am at ease now I
have sent them awav. I
" have not heard this day
" from my commissioners, with
" the prince of Orange, who I
" believe will hardly be pre-
" vailedwith to stop his march,
" so that T am in no good
" condition ; nay, in as bad
" a one as is possible." D.
(" The queen crossed the
" Thames from Whitehall to
" Lambeth, where she took
" coach, and went to Graves-
" end ; here she embarked in
" a vessel prepared for this
" purpose, sailed down the
" river, and landed at Calais."
Bevill Higgons Remarks, p.
306. The particulars of her
flight are mentioned in D'Or-
leans's Revolutions of Eng-
land, p. 315, 316. A con-
temporary MS. relation of the
queen's departure from Eng-
land, taken from the original
MS., will be printed at the end
of this volume.)
392 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. ing he went away in disguise with sir Edward
~ Hales, whose servant he seemed to be. They
passed the river, and flung the great seal into it ;
which was some months after found by a fisherman
near Fox-Hall z . The king went down to a miser-
able fisher boat, that Hales had provided for car-
rying them over to France.
He is much Thus a great king, who had yet a good army
ed ' and a strong fleet, did choose rather to abandon
all, than either to expose himself to any danger
with that part of the army that was still firm to
him, or to stay and see the issue of a parliament.
Some put this mean and unaccountable resolution
on a want of courage. Others thought it was the
effect of an ill conscience, and of some black thing
under which he could not now support himself.
And they who censured it the most moderately,
said, that it shewed, that his priests had more
regard to themselves than to him ; and that he
considered their interests more than his own; and
that he chose rather to wander abroad with them,
and to try what he could do by a French force
to subdue his people, than to stay at home a , and
be shut up within the bounds of law, and be
brought under an incapacity of doing more mis-
chief; which they saw was necessary to quiet those
2 (It is elsewhere said to " and the writ issued for call-
have been found by the fisher- " ing a parliament, and took
man, soon after it had been " away the great seal." ch.xvi.
thrown in. " The king," p. 528.)
writes the Continuator of a He seems to be vexed that
Mackintosh's History of the the king did not stay to be
Revolution, " to embarass his insulted by the prince of
" enemy cancelled the patent Orange, and at last served as
*' for the new sheriffs, (see his father was. Cole.
" Narcissus Marsh's Diary,)
OF KING JAMES II.
393
fears and jealousies, for which his bad government
had given so much occasion. It seemed very un-
accountable, since he was resolved to go, that he
did not choose rather to go in one of his yachts
or frigates than to expose himself in so dangerous
and ignominious a manner. It was not possible
to put a good construction on any part of the
dishonourable scene which he then acted b .
With this his reign ended : for this was a plain
1688.
b Lord Godolphin wrote to
him to advise his withdrawing
for the present, which, he said,
would leave the kingdom in
such confusion, that his sub-
jects would be glad in a year's
time to beg for his return upon
their knees. D. (Dr. Lingard,
citing his authorities, relates,
that though he did not advise
his return, yet he blamed his
flight under the notion that
the conditions, if they had
been approved by the king,
would probably have been
executed by the prince, Hist,
of England, x. 4. p. 371. Per-
haps lord Godolphin's view of
things was what lord Dart-
mouth reports him to have
stated to the king, or it may
be that his counsel was insi-
dious. This nobleman, when
it was proposed in the council
of peers to read the king's de-
claration of his reasons for
withdrawing from the king-
dom, eluded the motion, under
the plea that it contained no-
thing which bore on the ques-
tion in debate. Lingard, p.
383. And D'Avaux, at the
conclusion of his Negotia-
tions, says, that after the
arrival of the prince of Orange
in England, he repeated the
information to his master the
king of France, which he had
given long before, that Go-
dolphin betrayed the king of
England. So the marquis of
Halifax is known to have sent
a letter to the king, both in-
forming him of ill designs
against his person, and assert-
ing that a resolution had been
taken by the prince's advisers
at Windsor to imprison him.
See sir John Reresby's Me-
moirs, pp. 178, 1 80, and
D'Orleans's Revolutions of
England, p. 314. The mar-
quis is said to have afterwards
made a merit of having fright-
ened the king away. Certain
it is, that he was sent by king
James as his commissioner
to treat with the prince of
Orange then at Hungerford,
and on the first opportunity
asked our author whether
they wished to have the king
in their hands ; and when the
news came to the prince at
Windsor of the king's return
to London from Feversham,
returned himself to expel him
from his palace. He was
ignorant, it must be observed,
of the king's secret determi-
394
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. deserting his people, and the exposing the nation
to the pillage of an army, which he had ordered
the earl of Feversham to disband 6 . And the doing
this without paying them, was the letting so many
armed men loose upon the nation ; who might
have done much mischief, if the execution of
those orders that he left behind him had not been
stopped cl . I shall continue the recital of all that
passed in this interregnum, till the throne, which
he now left empty, was filled.
nation to quit the kingdom,
when he privately asked Bur-
net, upon their first meeting,
whether they had a mind to
have him in their hands ? and
on his answering in the nega-
tive, the marquis asked next,
" What, if he had a mind to go
away?" He told sir J. Reresby,
that a friend of theirs " won-
dered that he the marquis
of all men living should con-
tend that the king had ab-
dicated, when he knew him-
self to have been so directly
instrumental in forcing him
away, by sending him word,
that if he staid his life would
be in danger." Reresby,
where more is related.)
c Abominable assertion, and
false consequence. S. (This
consequence from the king's
first attempt to leave the king-
dom was then drawn by the
prince of Orange's friends in
general. See lord Clarendon's
Diary, p. 115. 117.) On read-
ing the king's last address to
his army, " Un cri," writes
Mazure, " de douleur s'eleva
" de touts les rangs de 1'armee :
" officiers et soldats protes-
" toient de leur fidelite. Les
" uns vouloient rester reunis
" et sous les armes. L'au-
" torit^ du ge"ne"ral prevalut,
" et I'arme'e, ainsi licencie'e, se
" separa, chacun errant a 1'a-
" venture, ou le hasard le con-
" duire." vol. III. xxi. p. 241.)
d (" Somebody told the
prince (of Orange) how lord
Feversham had disbanded
the king's army ; and that
the soldiers were all running
up and down, not knowing
what course to take : at
which the prince seemed
very angry at lord Fever-
sham, and said, I am not
to be thus dealt with."
Lord Clarendon's Diary, p. 1 14.
Lord Feversham had acted by
the king's order. Some out-
rages were committed by the
disbanded soldiers, for it ap-
pears from a printed Diary of
the Expedition of the Prince of
Orange, p. 73, that a party
of Irish soldiers robbed, and
otherwise ill treated, the rector
of Tylehurst, a parish near
Reading, and his family, un-
der pretence that the king had
not paid them.)
OF KING JAMES II.
395
He was not got far, when some fishermen of 1688.
Feversham, who were watching for such priests, But is
and other delinquents, as they fancied were making t
their escape, came up to him. And they, know-
ing sir Edward Hales, took both the king and
him, and brought them to Feversham. The king
told them who he was e . And that flying about
e And desired they would
send to Eastwell for the earl
of Winchelsea ; which sir Basil
Dixwell put a stop to, by tell-
ing him, sure they were good
enough to take care of him.
Which occasioned the king's
saying, he found there was
more civility amongst the com-
mon people than some gen-
tlemen, when he was returned
to Whitehall. D. " (The earl
" of Winchelsea, whom he
" had made lord lieutenant of
" the county of Kent, and
" constable of Dover castle,
" not only waited on him im-
" mediately, with all the re-
" spect he could have shewn
" him, when he sat firmest on
" his throne, but wisely and
*' honestly made use of the
" opportunity to convince him,
" that he ought not to aban-
" don his dominions, but that
*' he ought rather to return
" to London, to collect his
" friends about him, and to
" open a negotiation with the
" prince of Orange." Ralph's
History of England, vol. I.
p. 1068. It may be observed
on the king's final resolution
to withdraw himself from the
kingdom, that his application
through the bishop of Win-
chester to be received by the
bishops, had been declined in
consequence of their inability
to protect him ; which fact
the king forcibly urged on
the earl of Middleton's consi-
deration, when he advised
his stay. The king was sen-
sible, that although he was in
the midst of his subjects, he
was entirely in the power of
his enemies. Besides the let-
ters addressed to him from
various quarters, which coun-
selled him to leave the king-
dom, it appears, both from his
own and other relations, that
he was apprised of lord Church-
ill's late plan to convey him
from his army to the prince of
Orange's quarters. See note
above at p. 322. And com-
pare Speke's History of the
Revolution, p.6i 63. But
although the king sometimes
hesitated, as he well might,
about quitting his dominions ;
and his mind was nearly over-
set by his misfortunes, which
known fact is alluded to by
himself in the Maillet MS.
(see below page 814, folio ed.)
yet from Barillon the French
ambassador's dispatches it ap-
pears, that on his return to
London from Salisbury he
396 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. brought a vast crowd together, to look on this
(-^astonishing instance of the uncertainty of all
worldly greatness ; when he who had ruled three
kingdoms, and might have been the arbiter of all
Europe, was now in such mean hands, and so low
an equipage. The people of the town were ex-
tremely disordered with this unlocked for acci-
dent : and, though for a while they kept him as a
prisoner, yet they quickly changed that into as
much respect as they could possibly pay him f .
Here was an accident that seemed of no great
consequence. Yet all the strugglings which that
party have made ever since that time to this day,
which from him were called afterwards the Jacob-
ites, did rise out of this : for, if he had got clear
away, by all that could be judged, he would not
have had a party left : all would have agreed, that
here was a desertion, and that therefore the na-
tion was free, and at liberty to secure itself. But
what followed upon this gave them a colour to
say, that he was forced away, and driven outs.
Till now, he scarce had a party, but among the
papists. But from this incident a party grew up,
that has been long very active for his interests.
As soon as it was known at London, that the king
was gone, the prentices and the rabble, who had
embraced the resolution of to his person, as may be seen
withdrawing, rather than sub- in a letter of an eyewitness
mit to the necessity of a published in Tindal's Conti-
chauge of men and measures. ) nuation of Rapin's Hist, of
f (He was treated in the England, p. xxiii.)
most shocking and disrespect- S So he certainly was, both
ful manner by those who first now and afterwards. S. Was
visited him ; and sometimes he not as much drove away
there was considerable danger before ? Cole.
OF KING JAMES II.
397
been a little quieted when they saw a treaty on
foot between the king and the prince, now broke
out again upon all suspected houses, where they
believed there were either priests or papists. They
made great havock of many places, not sparing
the houses of ambassadors. But none were killed,
no houses burnt, nor were any robberies com-
mitted h . Never was so much fury seen under so
much management. Jefferies, finding the king
was gone, saw what reason he had to look to him-
self: and, apprehending that he was now exposed
to the rage of the people, whom he had provoked
with so particular a brutality, he had disguised
himself to make his escape *. But he fell into
the hands of some who knew him k . He was in-
1688.
h Don Pedro de Ronquillo's
house was plundered and pull-
ed down ; he was Spanish am-
bassador. S. (Add the house
of the minister of the duke of
Florence, on the authority of
Rapin in his Hist, confirmed by
a contemporary letter in Ellis's
Second Series of Original Let-
ters, vol. IV. p. 1 78. A differ-
ent account is also given by the
king himself in his life lately
published, vol. II. p. 25 7. See too
sir John Reresby's Memoirs,
p. 169, Evelyn's Diarv, vol. I.
p. 6 1 9, and D'Orleans's Revo-
lutions of England, p. 31 8. Se-
veral Roman catholic chapels
were either demolished or
burnt. As early as the eighth of
November, theking, on account
of some riotous assemblages,
had ordered all of them to be
shut up. Lingard's Hist. X. 4.
p. 367, 368. Yet it appears
from Ralph's detail, p. 1060,
that the bishop is founded in
his assertion, that the fury of
the mob was under manage-
ment.)
i In a common sailor's ha-
bit. O.
k (A scrivener of Wapping,
who saw him at a window of
an upper chamber in a poor
alehouse there. He had been
rated and terribly frightened
by Jefferies some time before,
in the court of chancery, and
as the man was coming out of
the court, he said, "The fierce-
ness of Jefferies's counte-
nance on that occasion had
made such an impression
upon his mind, that he be-
lieved he should never have
it out of his thoughts."
And by this it was, that he
immediately knew him, al-
though so disguised. This
398
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. suited by them with as much scorn and rudeness
~as they could invent. And, after many hours
tossing him about, he was carried to the lord
mayor ; whom they charged to commit him to
the tower l , which the lord Lucas had then seized,
and in it had declared for the prince ra . The lord
mayor was so struck with the terror of this rude
populace, and with the disgrace of a man who had
made all people tremble before him, that he fell
into fits upon it, of which he died soon after n .
The prince To prevent the further growth of such disor-
ders, he called a meeting of the privy counsellors
ternm h e e nf" and P eers who met at Guildhall. The archbishop
^ Canterbury was also there. They gave a strict
charge for keeping the peace ; and agreed to send
an invitation to the prince, desiring him to come
story, with some variation, is
mentioned in the Life of the
Lord Keeper North, p. 220. 0.
1 He soon after died in the
tower by drinking strong li-
quors. S. (Echard was assured
the contrary by a person who
was often with Jeffries during
his confinement, and who said
that the stone was the only
bodily disorder that troubled
him. History of England, p.
1 130. He told doctor Sharp,
afterwards archbishopof York,
that the report of his giving
up himself to hard drinking,
was grounded on nothing
more than his use of punch,
to alleviate the pressure of
stone or gravel, under which
he at that time laboured. Life
of Archbishop Sharp, by his
son, lately published, p. 97.)
m He was put in possession
of the tower by an order of the
lords at Guildhall. D.
n (This account is confirmed
by a contemporary Letter of
the lord Wey mouth, at this
time preserved in Magdalen
College, Oxford, to sir Robert
Southwell of Kings Weston.
" The lord mayor," he writes,
' continues ill with the fright
' he took at my lord chan-
' cellor's cominge before him ;
' he was dead some time, and
1 fell into strange convul-
' sions. Wee have sent lords
' Chandos, North, Ossulston,
' to examine my lord chan-
' cellor, but they are not re-
* turned, soe wee know not
' their report." The letter is
dated December 15, 1688.)
OF KING JAMES II.
399
and take the government of the nation into his 1688.
hands, till a parliament should meet to bring allZ77~~
matters to a just and full settlement. This they
all signed ; and sent it to the prince by the earl
of Pembroke, the viscount of WeymouthP, the
bishop of Ely, and the lord Culpepper. The
(" Bishop Burnet takes
care to remember that the
archbishop was there ; and
to be express that this in-
vitation to the prince they
all signed ; but their own
declaration bears witness,
that no such thing passed
at this meeting ; and when
such a thing did pass, it is
but justice to acknowledge
that the archbishop was not
" there. So strangely does
" he jumble different facts to-
" gether ; and so fatally does
tf he mislead his readers by
" these means." Ralph's Hist,
of England, vol. I. p. 1061.
Compare Dr. D'Oyly's Life of
Archbishop Sancroft, vol. I.
P- 392 39 8 -)
P Lord Weymouth was a
weak proud man, with a vast
estate, and exprest great
warmth against king James,
and all his proceedings : but
not being so well received by
the prince as the earl of Pem-
broke, which he expected,
immediately espoused king
James's interest with great
zeal; which he continued to
do to his death. He was very
liberal to non-jurors, though
he always took the oaths him-
self: which occasioned his
house being constantly full of
people of that sort, who cried
him up for a very religious
man ; which pleased him ex-
tremely, having affected to be
thought so all his life : which
the companions of his youth
would by no means allow. D.
(Lord Weymouth appears to
have been an honester man
than most of his contempora-
ries; attached to the church
of England, he could not but
highly disapprove of king
James's measures. In the un-
published Letter just cited,
he gives the following account
of his interview with the
prince: "Wee who were sent
4 by the lords met the prince
' at Wallingford on Thursday
' morning at 9 o'clock in-
' slant, just as he was taking
' horse; soe he desired us
' to accompany him to Hen-
' ley. He received our de-
* claration very civilly, made
* us dine with him, and re-
' turned his acknowledgments
' to the lords for their care ;
' but being invited by the
' city, he would in a few days
' come to London; and lay at
< Windsor that night." This
nobleman was the kind host
of the deprived bishop Ken
during the remainder of his
life.)
400 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. prince went on from Hungerford to Newbury, and
from thence to Abington, resolving to have gone
to Oxford to receive the compliments of the uni-
versity, and to meet the princess Anne who was
coming thither. At Abington, he was surprised
with the news of the strange catastrophe of affairs
now at London, the king's desertion, and the dis-
orders which the city and the neighbourhood of
London were falling into. One came from Lon-
don, and brought him the news, which he knew
not well how to believe, till he had an express
sent him from the lords, who had been with him
from the king. Upon this the prince saw how
necessary it was to make all possible haste to
London. So he sent to Oxford, to excuse his not
coming thither, and to offer the association to
them, which was signed by almost all the heads,
and the chief men of the university: even by
those, who, being disappointed in the preferments
they aspired to, became afterwards his most im-
placable enemies 9.
Hitherto the expedition had been prosperous,
beyond all that could have been expected. There
had been but two small engagements, during this
unseasonable campaign. One was at Winkington
[Wincanton] in Dorsetshire, where an advanced
party of the prince's met one of the king's that
was thrice their number: yet they drove them
before them into a much greater body, where they
were overpowered with numbers. Some were
killed of both sides 1 '. But there were more pri-
Q Malice. S. the bishop's relation, that the
r (It appears, according to advantage was on the side of
OF KING JAMES II.
401
soners taken of the prince's men. Yet, though 1688.
the loss was of his side, the courage that his men
shewed in so great an equality as to number, made
us reckon that we gained more than we lost on
that occasion 8 . Another action happened at Read-
ing, where the king had a considerable body, who,
as some of the prince's men advanced, fell into
a great disorder, and ran away *. One of the
prince's officers was shot. He was a papist: arid the
prince, in consideration of his religion, was willing
to leave him behind him in Holland : but he very
earnestly begged he might come over with his
company : and he was the only officer that was
killed in the whole expedition.
Upon the news of the king's desertion, it was Different
proposed that the prince should go on with all
possible haste to London. But that was not ad-
visable. For the king's army lay so scattered the kin s' s
* person
through the road all the way to London, that it
was not fit for him to advance faster, than as his
troops marched before him : otherwise, any reso- 799
the king's force ; and it is
stated by the Continuator of
Mackintosh's History of the
Revolution, c. i$, p. 493, that
the commanding officer of
the king's party claimed a
decided success in an offi-
cial account addressed to
lord Churchill." Col. Maine's
Relation of a Skirmish, &c., in
MS. Preston Papers, is cited.)
s (" There were about fif-
" teen tumbled in one grave
" together, and about eight or
" nine of our men, the rest
" being of the enemy's party."
p. ^9. of the Diary before and
next cited.)
1 (" The inhabitants sent to
the advanced part of the
prince's army, then a few
miles distant, who readily
came to their assistance, be-
ing conducted a byway into
the town, and fought so cou-
rageously, that in a few mi-
nutes they put the Irish to
flight, took some, and killed
about twenty." Diary of the
Expedition of the Prince of
Orange by a Chaplain in his
Army, p. 69. 4to. 1689.)
Dd
402
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. lute officer might have seized or killed him.
Though, if it had not been for that danger, a
great deal of mischief, that followed, would have
been prevented by his speedy advance: for now
began that turn, to which all the difficulties, that
did afterwards disorder our affairs, may be justly
imputed. Two gentlemen of Kent came to Wind-
sor the morning after the prince came thither.
They were addressed to me. And they told me of
the accident at Feversham, and desired to know
the prince's pleasure upon it". I was affected
with this dismal reverse of the fortune of a great
prince, more than I think fit to express x . I went
immediately to Benthink, and wakened him, and
got him to go in to the prince, and let him know
what had happened, that some order might be
presently given for the security of the king's per-
son, and for taking him out of the hands of a rude
multitude, who said, they would obey no orders
but such as came from the prince. The prince or-
dered Zuylestein to go immediately to Feversham,
and to see the king safe, and at full liberty to go
whithersoever he pleased y. But, as soon as the
news of the king's being at Feversham came to
London, all the indignation that people had for-
merly conceived against him was turned to pity
u To one of these gentle-
men Burnet said, "Why did
" you stop him?" See antea,
794, at the bottom of the
page. O. (Napleton, one of
the gentlemen sent, replied to
Burnet's question, " Would
you have had him torn in
pieces by the mob?" Con-
tinuation of Mackintosh's His-
tory of the Revolution, ch. xvi.
p. 540.)
* Or than I will believe. S.
7 (But not to come nearer
London than Rochester, as the
duke of Bucks and father Or-
leans assert.)
OF KING JAMES II.
403
and compassion. The privy council met upon it.
Some moved, that he should be sent for. Others
said, he was king, and might send for his guards
and coaches, as he pleased : but it became not
them to send for him. It was left to his general,
the earl of Feversham, to do what he thought
best 2 . So he went for him with his coaches and
guards. And, as he came back through the city,
he was welcomed with expressions of joy by great
numbers : so slight and unstable a thing is a mul-
1688.
z (According to the account
of the duke of Bucks, the coun-
cil was sitting when the news
was brought of the king's de-
tention by the mob. Works,
vol. II. p. 7, who adds, that at
length the earl of Feversham
was sent to rescue the king
from all dangers, and after-
wards to attend him toward
the sea-side if he continued
his resolution of retiring. The
rudeness of the sailors, and
the danger the king was in,
even of his life, from them
and the other mob, may be
seen in the letter said above
to be inserted by Tindal in his
Continuation of Rapin's His-
tory of England, as it is also
by Ralph in his History of
England, p. 1067. He was
detained from Wednesday till
Saturday morning. LordWey-
mouth, in the unpublished
Letter cited before at pp. 349
and 350, writes thus at the
time of the notice of his king's
intention to return: " I will
" not trouble you," he says to
sir Robert Southwell, "'with
" the story of the king's
' seizure at Feversham, nor
' what was done by the lords
' here upon notice of it, being
' absent, because I suppose
' you have it fully; but just
' now, at ten o'clock, comes
' an express from lord Myd-
' dleton by the king's com-
* mand, that he is returning
' hither, will be at Rochester
* this night, and desires his
' guards and coaches may
' be sent to Dartford, and
* his lodgings made ready
' for him against to-morrow
' night. All which is order-
' ed. A copy of the letter is
( sent by the duke of Grafton
1 to the prince, and it will be
' communicated to the city.
' The lord mayor," &c., (as
cited above,) " I am yours."
In a postscript. " Because the
" news may make a change in
'* Ireland, wee have stopt the
" post for Ireland this night.
" I add this, because I know
" your concern for that na-
" tion." See what Burnet
writes about Ireland a little
below.)
404
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. titude, and so soon altered. At his coming to
" Whitehall, he had a great court about him. Even
the papists crept out of their lurking holes, and
appeared at court with much assurance. The king
himself began to take heart. And both at Fe-
versham, and now at Whitehall, he talked in his
ordinary high strain, justifying all he had done :
only he spoke a little doubtfully of the business of
Magdalen college. But when he came to reflect
on the state of his affairs, he saw it was so broken,
that nothing was now left to deliberate upon a .
a (According to Barillon,
the French ambassador, he
placed no reliance on his re-
ception by the people. See
Mazure's Hist, de la Revolu-
tion, III. 25. p. 221. The ex-
pression of joy at that time is
denied to have been so gene-
ral as is commonly reported.
The following interesting par-
ticulars are detailed in the
Memoirs of Lord Balcarras.
What respects the offer from
the army has been communi-
cated from the MS. by sir John
Dalrymple in his Memoirs of
Great Britain, vol. I. p. 249.
On the last day of the king's
residence in London, the earl
of Balcarras and the viscount
Dundee presented themselves,
charged with offers of service
from the privy council in
Scotland. " They were re-
" ceived affectionately by the
" king, but observed that none
" were with him but some of
" the gentlemen of his bed-
" chamber. One of the ge-
" nerals of his disbanded army
entered while they were
there, and told the king that
most of his generals and
colonels of his guards had
assembled that morning,
upon observing the univer-
sal joy of the city on his re-
turn; that the result of their
meeting was to tell his ma-
jesty that much was still in
their power to serve and de-
fend him ; that most part
of the disbanded army was
either in London or near
it, and that if he would
order them to beat their
drums, they were confident
twenty thousand men could
be got together before the
end of the day. * My lord,'
said the king, f I know you
to be my friend, sincere and
honourable ; the men who
sent you are not so, and I
expect nothing from them.'
He then said, ' It was a fine
day, and he would take a
walk.' None attended him
but Colin and lord Dundee.
When he was in the Mall,
OF KING JAMES II.
405
So he sent the earl of Feversham to Windsor, 1688.
without demanding any passport: and ordered
him to desire the prince to come to St. James's,
to consult with him of the best way for settling
the nation b .
he stopped and looked at
them, and asked how 'they
came to be with him, when
all the world had forsaken
him and gone to the prince
of Orange ? ' Colin said,
' their fidelity to so good a
master would ever be the
same ; they had nothing to
do with the prince of
Orange.' Then said the
king, ' Will you two, as gen-
tlemen, say you have still
an attachment to me ? ' ' Sir,
we do.' ' Will you give me
your hands upon it, as men
of honour?' They did so.
' Well, I see you are the
men I always took you to
be ; you shall know all my
intentions. I can no longer
remain here but as a cypher,
or be a prisoner to the
prince of Orange, and you
know there is but a small
distance between the pri-
sons and the graves of
kings ; therefore I go for
France immediately. When
there, you shall have my in-
structions. You, lord Bal-
carres, shall have a com-
mission to manage my civil
affairs ; and you, lord Dun-
dee, to command my troops
in Scotland.' Biographical
notice of Colin earl of Bal-
carres by lord Lindsay, his
descendant; from the origi-
** nal family document. Printed
" by the Bannatyne Club." The
above passage is taken from
Miss Strickland's Lives of the
Queens of England, vol. IX.
ch.6. p. 2 75.)
b ("The king, when he came
" to London, sent a message
" to sir Thomas Stamp, now
" mayor, and to sir Simon
" Lewis, two eminent alder-
" men of that city ; desiring
" them to acquaint their bre-
" thren, and others of the
" common-council ; that he
" was resolved to put himself
" into the hands of the city,
" there to remain, until by a
" free parliament he had given
" all satisfaction to his peo-
" pie, by securing their reli-
" gion, liberties, and proper-
" ties to the full ; hoping in
" the mean time, they would
" take care to guard and se-
" cure his person. The fore-
" said persons communicated
" this message, as they were
" desired ; but by the influence
" and interest of sir Robert
" Clayton, the offer was re-
" fused, and the security of
" his person would not be as-
" sured to him." Great Bri-
tain's Just Complaint, p. 8, a
Tract cited above, which is at-
tributed to sir James Montgo-
mery, and was first printed in
1692. The king published with
406 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. When the news of what had passed at London
~ came to Windsor, the prince thought the privy
council had not used him well, who, after they
had sent to him to take the government upon
him, had made this step without consulting him.
800 Now the scene was altered, and new counsels
were to be taken. The prince heard the opinions,
not only of those who had come along with him,
but of such of the nobility as were now come to
him, among whom the marquis of Hallifax was
one. All agreed, that it was not convenient that
the king should stay at Whitehall. Neither the
king, nor the prince, nor the city, could have been
safe, if they had been both near one another.
Tumults would probably have arisen out of it.
The guards, and the officious flatterers, of the two
courts, would have been unquiet neighbours. It
was thought necessary to stick to the point of the
king's deserting his people, and not to give up
that by entering upon any treaty with him. And
since the earl of Feversham, who had commanded
the army against the prince, was come without a
passport, he was for some days put in arrest c .
the advice of his privy-coun- during a fortnight, if the fol-
cil an Order against riotous lowing account given by E-
and tumultuous meetings. It chard, in his History of the
was the last act of his govern- Revolution, is accurate. The
ment.) prince, on the evening of the
c Base and villainous. S. 3 istof December, made a pub-
(Against the practice and law lie visit to the queen dowager,
of nations, says king James, and, among other questions,
in his Reasons for withdraw- pleasantly asked her majesty,
ing. The earl, whom the king how she passed her time ; and
had ordered to disband the whether she played at basset,
army without providing for On which the queen took the
their pay, was kept a prisoner opportunity of answering his
OF KING JAMES II.
407
It was a tender point how to dispose of the
king's person. Some proposed rougher methods :
the keeping him a prisoner, at least till the nation
was settled, and till Ireland was secured. It was
thought, his being kept in custody, would be such
a tie on all his party, as would oblige them to
submit and be quiet. Ireland was in great danger.
And his restraint might oblige the earl of Tyr-
connell to deliver up the government, and to
disarm the papists, which would preserve that
kingdom, and the protestants in it. But, because
it might raise too much compassion, and perhaps
some disorder, if the king should be kept in re-
straint within the kingdom, therefore the sending
him to Breda was proposed. The earl of Claren-
don pressed this vehemently, on the account of
the Irish protestants, as the king himself told
me d : for those that gave their opinions in this
1688.
highness, That she had not
played at that game since the
absence of her chamberlain,
who used to keep the bank.
The prince immediately took
the hint, and told her, he
would by no means interrupt
her majesty's diversion, and
the next day set the earl at
liberty, p. 2 1 9. This relation,
with all its circumstances, we
now find confirmed in the
Life of James II. collected
from memoirs written by him-
self. Vol. II. p. 272.)
d The prince, I suppose, af-
ter he was king. O. (On the
state of Ireland see note below
at p. 807, folio ed. The earl
of Clarendon's own storv is
this, in order to meet the re-
port, that he had advised the
imprisoning king James, and
sending him to the tower, that
' he told lord Abingdon a
' great part of what had
' passed at Windsor, but
' withal that they had all pro-
' mised secrecy of what was
' at that time discoursed ;
' and that he further assured
' his lordship, that except at
' that time at Windsor, he had
' never been present at any
' discourse about what should
' be done with king James :
' but told him, he was in-
4 deed against his being sent
' away. That lord Abingdon
* was very well satisfied with
408
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. matter did it secretly and in confidence to the
~~ prince. The prince said, he could not deny but
that this might be good and wise advice : but it
was that to which he could not hearken : he was
so far satisfied with the grounds of this expedition,
that he could act against the king in a fair and
" what he had told him : and
" that they both agreed not
" to speak of what they had
" said to each other." Diary,
p. 202. The proposal of con-
fining the king is meant, and
it is here asserted, that he sa-
tisfied his friend in this point.
The account given in The Con-
duct of the Duchess of Marl-
borough, p. 1 8, is, that lord
Clarendon advised sending
the king to the tower ; and
this report is recognised else-
where. So it should seem
that this nobleman, like seve-
ral others, was for king James
in the succeeding reign, be-
cause he was not permitted to
serve king William. As it
happened afterwards, at the
accession of the house of Han-
over, when many went over to
the interests of the old family,
because they were not em-
ployed by the new. Sir John
Hynde Cotton, who was a
leading member amongst the
tories in the last parliament
of queen Anne, used to de-
clare, as a person of undoubt-
ed credit long since dead often
mentioned, that he had been
privy to no design of bring-
ing in the son of king James
upon the queen's death, but
said, that when he returned to
London after that event, he
found his old friends turned
Jacobites. Respecting the in-
tentions of the tories at that
time, see also the earl of Peter-
borough's declaration to Pope
mentioned in a preceding note,
p. 780, folio edit. And among
the Carte papers in the Bod-
leian library, there is a well
attested relation given by
Carte of the lord Boling-
broke's undoubtedly preparing
to send over Mr. Drummond,
a person in his confidence, to
Hanover, to make up the dis-
pute with that court : the
execution of which measure
was prevented by the sudden-
ness of the queen's death; but
it is added, no credit was
vouchsafed to the truth of this
account afterwards. On the
other hand, Lockhart of Carn-
warth, who managed the in-
trigues of the Jacobites at this
period, professes his opinion,
that the restoration of her
brother was designed by the
queen and by her ministry,
but retarded by the discords
and divisions of her servants,
and at last altogether ob-
structed and prevented by her
death. See his Commentaries
in the Lockhart Papers, lately
published. Vol. I. p. 483.)
OF KING JAMES II. 409
open war : but for his person, now that he had 1688.
him in his power, he could not put such a hard-"
ship on him, as to make him a prisoner : and he
knew the princess's temper so well, that he was
sure she would never bear it : nor did he know
what disputes it might raise, or what effect it
might have upon the parliament that was to be
called : he was firmly resolved never to suffer any
thing to be done against his person : he saw it
was necessary to send him out of London : and he
would order a guard to attend upon him, who
should only defend and protect his person, but
not restrain him in any sort.
A resolution was taken of sending the lords 801
Hallifax, Shrewsbury, and Delamere, to London,
who were first to order the English guards that
were about the court to be drawn off, and sent to
quarters out of town : and, when that was done,
the count of Solms with the Dutch guards was to
come and take all the posts about the court 6 .
This was obeyed without any resistance or dis-
order, but not without much murmuring f . It
e (The prince of Orange
wished others to share with
him in the responsibility of
removing the king from his
palace. Mazure in his History
of the Revolution of 1688
writes thus : " Halifax, qui ve-
' d'Orange, 'cette decision est
' de vous, elle sera portee au
' Roi par vous.' Et sans at-
' tendre de reponse, il chargea
' de ce dur message les lords
' De la Mere, Shrewsbury et
Halifax." tome III. 26. p.
* noit de faire prendre cette 262.)
' resolution, demanda qu'elle f (" When the stout earl of
' fut notifiee a Jacques II par
' le comte de Solmes, qui com-
' mandoitlesGardeshollandoi-
' ses. ' Avec votre permission/
' repliqua vivement le prince
Craven resolved to be rather
cut in pieces, than to resign
his post at Whitehall to the
prince's guards, the king
prevented that unnecessary
410 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. was midnight before all was settled. And then
~ these lords sent to the earl of Middleton, to de-
sire him to let the king know, that they had a
message to deliver to him from the prince. He
went in to the king; and sent them word from
him, that they might come with it immediately.
They came, and found him abed. They told him,
the necessity of affairs required that the prince
should come presently to London : and he thought
it would conduce to the safety of the king's per-
son, and the quiet of the town, that he should
retire to some house out of town : and they pro-
posed Ham. The king seemed much dejected ;
and asked, if it must be done immediately. They
told him, he might take his rest first : and they
added, that he should be attended by a guard,
who should only guard his person, but should give
him no sort of disturbance. Having said this,
they withdrew. The earl of Middleton came
quickly after them, and asked them, if it would
not do as well, if the king should go to Rochester;
for since the prince was not pleased with his
coming up from Kent, it might be perhaps accept-
able to him, if he should go thither again. It was
very visible, that this was proposed in order to a
second escapes.
They promised to send word immediately to
" bloodshed with a great deal Zuylestein, of Whitehall, also,
" of care and kindness." Shef- where the king then was,
field duke of Bucks's Account before the arrival of the three
of the Revolution, p. 389. abovementioned lords, See
Count Solms the Dutch com- Mazure's Histoire de la Re'vo-
mander had taken possession lution, III. 26. p. 266.)
of St. James's according to g And why not? S.
the king's agreement with
OF KING JAMES II. 411
the prince of Orange, who lay that night at Sion, 1688.
within eight miles of London. He very readily The prince
consented to it. And the king went next day to^don,
Rochester, having ordered all that which is called f? d the ^
king went
the moving wardrobe to be sent before him, the to Roches-
count of Solms ordering every thing to be done as
the king desired. A guard went with him that
left him at full liberty, and paid him rather more
respect than his own guards had done of late h .
Most of that body, as it happened, were papists.
So when he went to mass, they went in, and
assisted very reverently. And when they were
asked how they could serve in an expedition that
was intended to destroy their own religion, one of
them answered, his soul was God's, but his sword
was the prince of Orange's. The king was so
much delighted with this answer, that he repeated
it to all that came about him. On the same day
the prince came to St. James's. It happened to
be a very rainy day. And yet great numbers
n (Thiswant of respect seems to escort him. "Among those
to be alluded to in the king's " who attended him in the
own account of these transac-
tions. " When some diffi-
" culty was made, whether he
" should venture to sleep in
" the middle of the Dutch
" guard, he said he knew not
" whether they or his own
" were worse, and went to
" bed at his usual hour, and
" slept with as much tran-
" quillity as he ever did in his
life." Life of James II.
barge the king names lords
Arran, Dunbarton, Litch-
field, and Aylesbury, sir
John Fenwick, sir John Tal-
bot, and colonels Southville
and Sutherland, who had
thrown up their commis-
sions in the army. A party
of the foot guards of the
prince of Orange went in
boats before and behind the
king's barge." Continuation
vol. II. p. 265. Yet it is said of Mackintosh's Hist, of the
that he asked for a hun- Revolution, ch. 17. p. 550.)
dred of his own foot guards
412
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. came to see him. But, after they had stood long
in the wet, he disappointed them: for he, who
neither loved shews nor shoutings, went through
the park. And even this trifle helped to set
people's spirits on edge.
The revolution was thus brought about, with
the universal applause of the whole nation : only
these last steps began to raise a fermentation. It
was said, here was an unnatural thing, to waken
the king out of his sleep, in his own palace, and
to order him to go out of it, when he was ready
to submit to every thing. Some said, he was now
a prisoner, arid remembered the saying of king
Charles the first, that the prisons and the graves
of princes lay not far distant from one another:
the person of the king was now struck at, as well
as his government : and this specious undertaking
would now appear to be only a disguised and de-
signed usurpation 1 . These things began to work
' All this is certainly true.
S. (The following reflections
on these events are made by
Burnet himself in the MS.
Draught of his own Life, now
in the possession of the uni-
versity of Oxford. " If king
James had to any tolerable
degree kept up his spirit,
the work would have been
difficult, if not doubtful; for
we saw how variable multi-
tudes are by the joy that
was in London on the king's
return from Feversham ; and
the message sent by the
prince at midnight to with-
draw from Whitehall struck
a general damp upon many,
not only in London but over
the whole nation. Their
compassion turned then to
his side, and if he had stayed
at Rochester, the difficulty
in the convention would
have become insuperable.
This gave the earls of Cla-
rendon and Nottingham their
handle to make great oppo-
sition in the house of lords ;
the prince of Orange's cold
reserved way disobliged all
that came near him, while
his favourite Bentinck pro-
voked them by his rough-
ness.")
OF KING JAMES II. 413
on great numbers. And the posting the Dutch 1688.
guards where the English guards had been, gave
a general disgust to the whole English army.
They indeed hated the Dutch besides, on the
account of the good order and strict discipline
they were kept under ; which made them to be as
much beloved by the nation, as they were hated
by the soldiery. The nation had never known
such an inoffensive march of an army. And
the peace and order of the suburbs, and the
freedom of markets in and about London, was so
carefully maintained, that in no time fewer dis-
orders had been committed than were heard of
this winter.
None of the papists or Jacobites were insulted
in any sort. The prince had ordered me, as we
came along, to take care of the papists, and to
secure them from all violence. When he came
to London, he renewed these orders, which I
executed with so much zeal and care, that I saw
all the complaints that were brought me fully
redressed. When we came to London, I procured
passports for all that desired to go beyond sea.
Two of the popish bishops were put in Newgate.
I went thither in the prince's name. I told them,
the prince would not take upon him yet to give
any orders about prisoners : as soon as he did that,
they should feel the effects of it. But in the
mean while I ordered them to be well used, and
to be taken care of, and that their friends might
be admitted to come to them. So truly did I
pursue the principle of moderation, even towards
those from whom nothing of that sort was to be
expected.
414
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. Now that the prince was come, all the bodies
The prince about the town came to welcome him. The bishops
was wei- came the next day. Only the archbishop of Can-
comed by
ail sorts of terbury, though he had once agreed to it, yet
would not come k . The clergy of London came
people.
k (Dr. D'Oyly, in his Life
of the Archbishop, observes,
that according to bishop Bur-
net's statement, " the arch-
" bishop had once consented
" to wait on the prince," but
that this fact rests on his sole
authority, chap. x. p. 409.
That the archbishop declined
waiting on the prince is re-
lated in bishop Patrick's Auto-
biography, published in 1 849,
page 360. He appears to have
acted consistently with his
principles throughout these
difficult times ; except, per-
haps, when he granted com-
missions to other bishops to
execute his metropolitical au-
thority : which still he might
be induced to do in order to
take from the government the
plea of necessity for dispos-
sessing him of his see on ac-
count of his refusing to conse-
crate newbishops. It is impro-
bable, that he who refused to
send his blessing to the prin-
cess of Orange, until she had
first obtained her father's,
would visit her husband, on
his taking forcible possession
of the other's palace. It is
more likely that our author,
who misrepresents the arch-
bishop as applying to the
prince to take upon himself
the government, should be
mistaken in this point also.
The archbishop long before
the revolution remarked " that
* there was no difference
' between Cromwell and the
'prince,butthat the one's name
' was Oliver and the other's
' William." See Dr. Smith's
Narrative in Howell's State
TVio&.voLXIII.p.S;. Thefol-
lowing passage in the works of
Sheffield duke of Bucks has
lately been brought forward
by Dr. Lingard in his History
of England. " Halifax was
' chosen chairman in the ab-
' sence of the archbishop of
' Canterbury, because after
* he had signed the address
* to the prince, he never would
' appear in public affairs, or
' pay the least sort of respect
' to the prince of Orange,
even after he was elected
' king of England ; and yet,
' on the other side, had been
' as morose to king James
1 before, in never acknowledg-
* ing his son, or shewing him
* the least civility. Bucking-
' ham, II. p. xiv. xvi. xviii."
History of England, X. 4.
p. 370. With respect to the
address to the prince, see note
before, at p. 392. On the
latter part of this extract it
may be said, that the arch-
bishop might be somewhat
staggered by the stories which,
it is well known, were brought
to him impeaching the legiti-
macy of the young prince.
OF KING JAMES II. 415
next. The city, and a great many other bodies, 1688.
came likewise, and expressed a great deal of joy ~~
for the deliverance wrought for them by the 803
prince's means. Old serjeant Maynard came with
the men of the law. He was then near ninety,
and yet he said the liveliest thing that was heard
of on that occasion. The prince took notice of
his great age, and said, that he had outlived all
the men of the law of his time : he answered, he
had liked to have outlived the law it self, if his
highness had not come over 1 .
The first thing to be done after the compli- Consuita-
ments were over, was to consider how the nation the settle-
was to be settled. The lawyers were generally of
opinion m , that the prince ought to declare himself
king, as Henry the seventh had done. This, they
said, would put an end to all disputes, which
might otherwise grow very perplexing and tedious:
and, they said, he might call a parliament which
would be a legal assembly, if summoned by the
king in fact, though his title was not yet recog-
nised. This was plainly contrary to his declaration,
by which the settlement of the nation was referred
to a parliament : such a step would make all that
Let the treatment also he had prince of Orange ; and finally
met with from the king be resigned his archbishopric ra-
remembered. He had been ther than transfer his allegi-
dismissed the privy council, ance.)
forbid the court, and tried for 1 He was an old rogue for
a pretended libel, by his direc- all that. S.
tion. Still he came forward m Pollexfen, particularly, as
to offer his advice and assist- I have heard. O. (The Con-
ance to his sovereign in dis- tinuator of Mackintosh's His-
tress when they were required tory of the Revolution adds
of him ; gave a written disa- the name of Holt, on the au-
vowal of having invited the thority of the Halifax MS.)
416 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. the prince had hitherto done pass for an aspiring
ambition, only to raise himself: and it would dis-
gust those who had been hitherto the best affected
to his designs ; and make them less concerned
in the quarrel, if, instead of staying till the nation
should offer him the crown, he would assume it as
a conquest. These reasons determined the prince
against that proposition. He called all the peers,
and the members of the three last parliaments",
that were in town, together with some of the
citizens of London. When these met, it was told
them, that, in the present distraction, the prince
desired their advice about the best methods of
settling the nation. It was agreed in both these
houses, such as they were, to make an address to
the prince, desiring him to take the administration
of the government into his hands in the interim.
The next proposition passed not so unanimously :
for, it being moved, that the prince should be
likewise desired to write missive letters to the
same effect, and for the same persons to whom
writs were issued out for calling a parliament, that
so there might be an assembly of men in the form
of a parliament, though without writs under the
great seal, such as that was that had called home
king Charles the second. To this the earl of Not-
tingham objected, that such a convention of the
states could be no legal assembly, unless sum-
moned by the king's writ. Therefore he moved,
that an address might be made to the king, to
order the writs to be issued out. Few were of his
mind. The matter was carried the other way:
n Of any of the parliaments of king Charles the second. O.
OF KING JAMES II.
417
and orders were given for those letters to be sent 1688
round the nation.
The king continued a week at Rochester. And 804
both he himself, and every body else, saw that
was at full liberty, and that the guard about him into
J ' France.
put him under no sort of restraint. Many that
were zealous for his interests went to him, and
pressed him to stay, and to see the issue of things:
a party would appear for him : good terms would
be got for him : and things would be brought to a
reasonable agreement. He was much distracted
between his own inclinations, and the importuni-
ties of his friends. The queen, hearing what had
happened, writ a most vehement letter to him,
pressing his coming over, remembering him of his
promise, which she charged on him in a very
earnest, if not in an imperious strain. This letter
was intercepted. I had an account of it from one
that read it. The prince ordered it to be conveyed
to the king: and that determined him . So he
gave secret orders to prepare a vessel for him ;
and drew a paper, which he left on his table, re-
(" According to the nar-
" rative of James himself, he
" was decided by the meet-
' ing of the lords at West-
" minster on the 22nd of De-
" cember." Continuation of
Mackintosh's Hist, of the Revo-
lution, ch. xvii. p. 56 1 . Where,
at page 564, the following ex-
tract from the Manuscript, of
the Nuns of Chailot, an ac-
count by the king himself,
from his first flight to his final
escape, is produced. " King
James," they say, " when
placing in their hands the
narrative of his flight from
England, declared, ' that he
was taken by surprise ; that
if the thing were to be
done over again, he would
act differently ; and that
even overwhelmed, and sur-
prised as he was, if he had
had time to collect himself,
he would have taken other
measures.' ' See note, p.
3940
Ee
418 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. preaching the nation for their forsaking him.
"He declared, that though he was going to seek
for foreign aid to restore him to his throne, yet
he would not make use of it to overthrow either
the religion established, or the laws of the land.
And so he left Rochester very secretly, on the last
day of this memorable year, and got safe over to
France.
The affairs But, before I enter into the next year, I will
give some account of the affairs of Scotland.
There was no force left there, but a very small
one, scarce able to defend the castle of Eden-
burgh, of which the duke of Gordon was governor.
He was a papist ; but had neither the spirit nor
the courage which such a post required at that
time. As soon as the news came to Scotland of
the king's desertion, the rabble got together there,
as they had done in London. They broke into all
popish chapels, and into the church of Holyrood
house, which had been adorned at a great charge
to be a royal chapel, particularly for the order of
St. Andrew and the thistle, which the king had
resolved to set up in Scotland, in imitation of the
order of the garter in England P. They defaced it
P It was revived in the reign with medals of St. Andrew
of queen Anne, with some new hung in gold chains about their
regulations; and (they) styled necks, who has always been
themselves knights of the most esteemed the patron of Scot-
ancient order of St. Andrew, land : and every body knows
though nobody ever read or that gold chains and medals
heard of a knight of St. An- were worn formerly for orna-
drew, till king James the se- ments by persons of quality,
cond of England and seventh and are still given to ambas-
of Scotland. All the pretence sadors, and upon other occa-
for antiquity, is some old pic- sions. But king Charles the
tures of kings of Scotland, second used to tell a story of
OF KING JAMES II. 419
quite, and seized on some that were thought great 1688.
delinquents, in particular on the earl of Perth, ~
who had disguised himself, and had got aboard a
small vessel : but he was seized on, and put in
prison. The whole kingdom, except only the
castle of Edenburgh, declared for the prince, and
received his declaration for that kingdom with
great joy. This was done in the north very unani-
mously, by the episcopal, as well as by the presby-
terian party. But in the western counties, the
presbyterians, who had suffered much in a course
of many years, thought that the time was now
come, not only to procure themselves ease and 805
liberty, but to revenge themselves upon others.
They generally broke in upon the episcopal clergy
with great insolence and much cruelty. They car-
ried them about the parishes in a mock proces-
sion : they tore their gowns, and drove them from
their churches and houses. Nor did they treat
those of them, who had appeared very zealously
against popery, with any distinction 9. The bishops
of that kingdom had writ a very indecent letter
to the king, upon the news of the prince's being
blown back by the storm, full of injurious ex-
pressions of the prince, expressing their abhor-
rence of his designs : and, in conclusion, they
wished that the king might have the necks of his
enemies. This was sent up as a pattern to the
a Scotchman, that desired a this order was prevented by
grant for an old mill, because the revolution.)
he understood they had some <1 To reward them for which,
privileges, and were more in king William abolished episco-
esteem than new. D. (King pacy. S. See note at p. 344,
James's intention to establish
E e 2
420
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. English bishops, and was printed in the gazette.
But they did not think fit to copy after it in Eng-
land. The episcopal party in Scotland saw them-
selves under a great cloud : so they resolved all
to adhere to the earl of Dundee r , who had served
some years in Holland, and was both an able
officer, and a man of good parts, and of some very
valuable virtues : but, as he was proud and am-
bitious, so he had taken up a most violent hatred
of the whole presbyterian party, and had executed
all the severest orders against them with great
rigour; even to the shooting many on the high-
way, that refused the oath required of them 8 .
r He was the best man in
Scotland. S.
s (In Woodrow's and Crook-
shank's Histories of the suf-
ferings of the preshyterians in
Scotland, there are relations
somewhat differing from each
other of Dundee's shooting an
innocent person, called the
Christian carrier, at the door
of his own house; but as nei-
ther of these writers states
the interrogatories, which it
appears were previously put
to him, and his death took
place at the time when lord
Dundee was employed on the
borders of Scotland in pre-
venting further insurrections
and stopping all communica-
tion between Argyle and Mon-
mouth, there is reason to sus-
pect that this person had been
concerned in conveying in-
telligence to the insurgents.
Compare Memoirs of Lord
Viscount Dundee, at p. 21,
and the preface. But it has
now been observed by Macau-
lay, in his History of England,
vol. I. ch.4. p. 550, that "the
Christian carrier was shot
on the first of May, when
both Argyle and Monmouth
were in Holland, and when
there was no insurrection in
either England or Scot-
land." Lord Argyle left
Holland on the second of May;
and according to Ferguson,
who in lord Grey's opinion
then spoke the truth, had been
actively engaged in solicit-
ing the cooperation of his
friends in Scotland. See lord
Grey's Confession, p. 95 97.
Granger, in his Biographical
History of England, observes,
that Dundee was a man of too
noble a nature to execute his
orders against the dissenters
in their full rigour. Vol. IV.
p. 297. And sir John Dal-
rymple, in his Memoirs of
OF KING JAMES II.
The presbyterians looked on him as their most 1688.
implacable enemy: and the episcopal party trusted"
most entirely to him. Upon the prince's coming
to London, the duke of Hamilton called a meeting
of all the men of quality of the Scottish nation
then in town : and these made an address to the
prince with relation to Scotland, almost in the
same terms in which the English address was conr-
ceived. And now the administration of the go-
vernment of the whole isle of Britain was put in
the prince's hands.
The prospect from Ireland was more dreadful. The affairs
m 11 / i of Ireland.
Tyrconnell gave out new commissions for levying
thirty thousand men. And reports were spread
about that island, that a general massacre of the
protestants was fixed to be in November. Upon
which the protestants began to run together for
their common defence, both in Munster and in
Ulster. They had no great strength in Munster.
They had been disarmed, and had no store of
ammunition for the few arms that were left them.
So they despaired of being able to defend them-
selves, and came over to England in great num-
bers, and full of dismal apprehensions for those
they had left behind them. They moved earnestly,
Great Britain and Ireland, re- never perishing tales, in which
lates, that during his exploits the manners and sentiments
against the covenanters, lord of past ages and of different
Dundee being blamed for his countries are revived and per-
severities excused himself by petuated, whilst the affections
saying, that if terror ended in are touched with a master's
preventing crime, it was true hand, had ascertained the
mercy. Vol.1, part 2. book ii. truth of many of the reports
p. 344. After all, it should concerning the severities of
seem that the author of those the gallant Claverhouse.)
422 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1688. that a speedy assistance might be sent to them.
" In Ulster the protestants had more strength : but
they wanted a head. The lords of Grenard and
Mountjoy, who were the chief military men among
806 them, in whom they confided most, kept still such
measures with Tyrconnell, that they would not
take the conduct of them. Two towns, that had
both very little defence about them, and a very
small store of provisions within them, were by the
rashness or boldness of some brave young men
secured : so that they refused to receive a popish
garrison, or to submit to Tyrconnell's orders.
These were London-Derry and Iniskilling. Both
of them were advantageously situated. Tyrcon-
nell sent troops into the north to reduce the
country. Upon which great numbers fled into
those places, and brought in provisions to them.
And so they resolved to defend themselves, with
a firmness of courage that cannot be enough ad-
mired : for when they were abandoned, both by
the gentry and the military men, those two small
unfurnished and unfortified places resolved to
stand to their own defence, and, at all perils, to
stay till supplies should come to them from Eng-
land 8 . I will not enlarge more upon the affairs
of that kingdom ; both because I had no occasion
to be well informed about them, and because
Dr. King, now archbishop of Dublin, wrote a
copious history of the government of Ireland
during this reign, which is so well received, and
so universally acknowledged to be as truly as it is
8 He should have mentioned doctor Walker, who defended
Derry. S.
OF KING JAMES II. 423
finely written, that I refer my reader to the ac- 1688.
count of those matters, which is fully and faith-
fully given by that learned and zealous prelate.
And now I enter upon the year 1689. In 1689.
which the two first things to be considered, before
the convention could be brought together, were,
the settling the English army, and the affairs of
Ireland. As for the army, some of the bodies,
those chiefly that were full of papists, and of men
ill affected, were to be broken. And, in order to
that, a loan was set on foot in the city, for raising
the money that was to pay their arrears at their
disbanding, and for carrying on the pay of the
English and Dutch armies till the convention
should meet, and settle the nation. This was the
great distinction of those who were well affected
to the prince : for, whereas those who were ill
affected to him refused to join in the loan, pre-
tending there was no certainty of their being re-
paid; the others did not doubt but the convention
would pay all that was advanced in so great an
exigence, and so they subscribed liberally, as the
occasion required.
As for the affairs of Ireland, there was a great
variety of opinions about them. Some thought,
that Ireland would certainly follow the fate of
England. This was managed by an artifice of
Tyrconnell's, who, what by deceiving, what by
threatening the eminentest protestants in Dublin,
got them to write over to London, and give 807
assurances that he would deliver up Ireland, if he
might have good terms for himself and for the
424 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. Irish. The earl of Clarendon was much depended
~on by the protestants of Ireland, who made all
their applications to the prince by him. Those,
who were employed by Tyrconnell to deceive the
prince, made their applications by sir William
Temple, who had a long and well established
credit with him 1 . They said, Tyrconnell would
never lay down the government of Ireland, unless
he was sure that the earl of Clarendon was not to
succeed : he knew his peevishness and spite, and
that he would take severe revenges for what he
thought had been done by his enemies to himself,
if he had them in his power: and therefore he
would not treat, till he was assured of that. Upon
this the prince did avoid the speaking to the earl
of Clarendon of those matters. And then he,
who had possessed himself in his expectation of
that post, seeing the prince thus shut him out of
the hopes of it, became a most violent opposer of
the new settlement. He reconciled himself to
king James : and has been ever since one of the
hottest promoters of his interest of any in the
nation. Temple entered into a management with
Tyrconnell's agents, who, it is very probable, if
things had not taken a great turn in England,
wonld have come to a composition. Others
thought, that the leaving Ireland in that danger-
ous state, might be a mean to bring the conven-
* A lie of a Scot : for sir his Life, written by his sister,
William Temple did not know the lady Giffard. It was most
Tyrconnell. S. It is not pro- likely to be young Temple,
bable that sir William Temple sir William's son. See the
himself engaged at all in this two next pages. O,
matter. See the account of
OF KING JAMES II. 425
tion to a more speedy settlement of England ; 1689.
and that therefore the prince ought not to make
too much haste to relieve Ireland". This advice
was generally believed to be given by the mar-
quis of Hallifax : and it was like him. The prince
did not seem to apprehend enough the conse-
quences of the revolt of Ireland ; and was much
blamed for his slowness in not preventing it in
time.
The truth was, he did not know whom to trust. The prince
A general discontent, next to mutiny, began
spread it self through the whole English army.
The turn that they were now making from him,
was almost as quick as that which they had made
to him. He could not trust them. Probably, if
he had sent any of them over, they would have
joined with Tyrconnell. Nor could he well send
over any of his Dutch troops. It was to them
that he chiefly trusted, for maintaining the quiet
of England. Probably the English army would
have become more insolent, if the Dutch force
had been considerably diminished. And the king's
u That is agreed to be the he would be turned out as
true reason, and it was a easily as he had been brought
wicked one. S. The duke of in : for it was impossible to
Leeds told me, that lord Tyr- please England long, and he
connell sent several messages might see they began to be
to king William, that he was discontented already. D. (This
ready to deliver up Ireland, if note of lord Dartmouth has
he would but give him a de- been communicated to the
cent excuse, by sending any public by Dalrymple, in the
thing that looked like a force Appendix to his Memoirs,
to demand it ; but lord Hali- p. 342. See observations on
fax told him, that if Ireland it by Somerville, in his Hist.
was quiet, there would be no of Political Transactions, vol.1,
pretence for keeping up an p. 3 2 1 .)
army, and if there was none,
426 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1089. magazines were so exhausted, that till new stores
"were provided, there was very little ammunition
to spare. The raising new troops was a work of
time. There was no ship of war in those seas to
808 secure the transport. And to send a small com-
pany of officers with some ammunition, which was
all that could be done on the sudden, seemed to
be an exposing them to the enemy. These consi-
derations made him more easy to entertain a pro-
position that was made to him, as was believed,
by the Temples ; (for sir William had both a bro-
ther and a son that made then a considerable
figure ;) which was, to send over lieutenant general
Hamilton, one of the officers that belonged to
Ireland. He was a papist, but was believed to
be a man of honour : and he had certainly great
credit with the earl of Tyrconnell. He had served
in France with great reputation, and had a great
interest in all the Irish, and was now in the
prince's hands; and had been together with a
body of Irish soldiers, whom the prince kept for
some time as prisoners in the Isle of Wight ;
whom he gave afterwards to the emperor, though,
as they passed through Germany, they deserted in
great numbers, and got into France. Hamilton
was a sort of prisoner of war. So he undertook
to go over to Ireland, and to prevail with the earl
of Tyrconnell to deliver up the government ; and
promised, that he would either bring him to it,
or that he would come back, and give an account
of his negotiation. This step had a very ill effect :
for before Hamilton came to Dublin, the earl of
Tyrconnell was in such despair, looking on all as
OF KING JAMES II. 427
lost, that he seemed to be very near a full reso- 1689.
lution of entering on a treaty, to get the best ~
terms that he could. But Hamilton's coining
changed him quite. He represented to him, that
things were turning fast in England in favour of
the king: so that, if he stood firm, all would
come round again. He saw, that he must study
to manage this so dexterously, as to gain as much
time as he could, that so the prince might not
make too much haste, before a fleet and supplies
might come from France. So several letters were
writ over by the same management, giving as-
surances that the earl of Tyrconnell was fully
resolved to treat and submit. And, to carry this
further, two commissioners were sent from the
council-board to France. The one was a zealous
protestant, the other was a papist. Their instruc-
tions were, to represent to the king the necessity
of Ireland's submitting to England. The earl of
Tyrconnell pretended, that in honour he could do
no less than disengage himself to his master, be-
fore he laid down the government. Yet he seemed
resolved not to stay for an answer, or a consent ;
but that, as soon as this message was delivered,
he would submit upon good conditions : and for
these, he knew, he would have all that he asked.
With this management he gained his point, which
was much time. And he now fancied, that the
honour of restoring the king would belong chiefly
to himself. Thus Hamilton, by breaking his own 809
faith, secured the earl of Tyrconnell to the king :
and this gave the beginning to the war of Ireland.
Mountj oy, the protestant lord that was sent to
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. France, instead of being heard to deliver his mes-
~~ sage, was clapt up in the Bastile ; which, since he
was sent in the name of a kingdom, was thought
a very dishonourable thing, and contrary to the
law of nations. Those who had advised the send-
ing over Hamilton were now much out of coun-
tenance : and the earl of Clarendon was a loud
declaimer against it. It was believed, that it had
a terrible effect on sir William Temple's son, who
had raised in the prince a high opinion of Hamil-
ton's honour. Soon after that, he, who had no
other visible cause of melancholy, besides this,
went in a boat on the Thames, near the bridge,
where the river runs most impetuously, and leapt
into the river, and was drowned x .
The sitting of the convention was now very
near. And all men were forming their schemes,
and fortifying their party all they could. The
elections were managed fairly all England over.
The prince did in no sort interpose in any recom-
mendation, directly or indirectly. Three parties
were formed about the town. The one was for
calling back the king, and treating with him for
such securities to religion and the laws, as might
The con-
vention
met.
x (" He left a paper in the
boat ; wherein were written
these words : ' My folly in
undertaking what I was not
able to execute, hath done
the king great prejudice.
May his undertakings pros-
per, and may he have an
abler servant than I.' This
was written in the boat, with
a black lead, upon the cover
" of a letter to himself; which
" was the occasion of the dis-
" co very, for the watermen
" did not know him." Lord
Clarendons Diary, p. 183. He
had been made secretary of
war. Sir John Reresby's Me-
moirs, p. 197. See more con-
cerning Hamilton, vol. II. of
Burnet's Hist. p. 59, folio edit.)
OF KING JAMES II. 429
put them out of the danger for the future of a 1689.
dispensing or arbitrary power. These were all of ~~
the high church party, who had carried the point
of submission and non-resistance so far, that they
thought nothing less than this could consist with
their duty and their oaths. When it was objected
to them, that, according to those notions that they
had been possessed with, they ought to be for
calling the king back without conditions: when
he came, they might indeed offer him their peti-
tions, which he might grant or reject as he pleased:
but that the offering him conditions, before he
was recalled, was contrary to their former doctrine
of unconditioned allegiance. They were at such a
stand upon this objection, that it was plain, they
spoke of conditions, either in compliance with the
humour of the nation, or that, with relation to
their particular interest, nature was so strong in
them, that it was too hard for their doctrine 25 .
When this notion was tossed and talked of
z (The absurd doctrine of he abused his prerogative to
non-resistance in all cases, the subversion of law; and
and unconditional allegiance when he pretended, as his ad-
to any government, or what, vocates did for him in licensed
if possible,, is still more absurd, publications, to a power of
of unlimited obedience to one superadding to the legally es-
branch of a constitution, ought tablished rites of religion, such
never to have been inculcated ceremonies as would assimilate
by any individuals or body of the church of England to that
men. Yet there seems to have of Rome. The opposers of
been a wide difference between illegal proceedings might very
using every method to get rid laudably propose treating with
of a prince, who offered to re- the king for securities to their
dress, and to prevent in future, religion and laws ; especially
all grievances, as he did be- as very many of them had
fore he was deserted by the never embraced or inculcated
persons he had most obliged, the doctrine of unconditional
and the opposing him w r hen obedience.)
430 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. about the town, so few went into it, that the
Some are party which supported it went over to the scheme
regent Ce ^ a secon d P art J which was, that king James
had by his ill administration of the government
brought himself into an incapacity of holding the
exercise of sovereign authority any more in his
own hand a . But, as in the case of lunatics, the
810 right still remained in him: only the guardianship,
or the exercise, of it was to be lodged with a
prince regent: so that the right of sovereignty
should be owned to remain still in the king, and
that the exercise of it should be vested in the
prince of Orange as prince regent. A third party
was for setting king James quite aside, and for
setting the prince on the throne.
When the convention was opened on the twenty-
fourth of January, the archbishop came not to
take his place among them. He resolved neither
to act for nor against the king's interest : which,
considering his high post, was thought very unbe-
coming. For if he thought, as by his behaviour
a (The truth of the matter cerity. A pretty fair and true
was, that the king had acted character of this prince is
so ill in England, and so much given by bishop Burnet in the
worse in Ireland and Scotland, second volume of his History,
and was at the same time so p. 292. folio edit. Such kings,
deficient in point of discretion, it is to be lamented, involve
and so intent on making pros- in their ruin better and wiser
elytes among those he em- men than themselves. Yet
ployed, that even the friends with all his faults and errors
of monarchy feared his recall, king James was a man of bu-
His notions respecting the siness, a brave seaman skilled
obedience due to princes, and in naval affairs, a kind father,
his zeal for the advancement and surpassed only by his bro-
of Romanism at the expense ther Charles in the general
of law and justice, injured his courtesy of his manners.)
reputation for truth and sin-
OF KING JAMES II.
431
afterwards it seems he did, that the nation was
running into treason, rebellion, and perjury, it was
a strange thing to see one, who was at the head
of the church, sit silent all the while that this was
in debate; and not once so much as declare his
opinion by speaking, voting, or protesting, not to
mention the other ecclesiastical methods that cer-
tainly became his character 1 *. But he w 7 as a poor-
spirited and fearful man ; and acted a very mean
part in all this great transaction . The bishops'
1689.
b In a manuscript memoir
of some passages of the life
and times of archbishop Wake,
written by himself, (which I
have read,) he mentions a fact
of Bancroft, which agrees very
much with this character of
him. He says, that upon the
prince of Orange's coming to
London, the clergy there met
to consider,amongotherthings
relating to themselves at that
juncture, what they should do
as to the form of prayers which
had been appointed and read
in the churches, against the
prince's invasion ; and though
all agreed to forbear the further
use of the prayers, yet they
thought it decent, before they
came to a formal resolution for
that, to depute some of their
body to wait upon the arch-
bishop at Lambeth, to know
his sense of it, and have his
consent to it ; that the arch-
bishop received the application
with a good deal of disorder,
and declined to give any opin-
ion upon it : but on their
pressing him for his opinion,
he desired them to look upon
the title of the form of prayers,
which directed it to be used
during the time of public ap-
prehensions from the danger
of invasion, and then left it to
them to consider, whether that
time was not over by the in-
vasion taking place. O.
c Others think very differ-
ently. S. (See an able dis-
cussion of the motives which
influenced the archbishop's
conduct in Dr. D'Oyly's Life
of him, vol. I. ch. x. p. 430
444 : where however a com-
plete justification of his inac-
tivity is not attempted. Per-
haps the archbishop paid too
much attention to the informa-
tion and suggestions of Lloyd,
bishop of St. Asaph, a warm
and busy stickler for the in-
terests of the prince of Orange
with whom, as it has lately
appeared, he corresponded,
and on account of his great
learning well acquainted with
many of the opposite party.
See note before at p. 182, and
Dr. Smith's Narrative in Bell's
State Trials, vol.XII.p.3 J . Still
let it be remembered, that his
432 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. bench was very full, as were also the benches of
the temporal lords. The earls of Nottingham,
Clarendon, and Rochester, were the men that
managed the debates in favour of a regent, in op-
position to those who were for setting up another
king.
They thought this would save the nation, and
yet secure the honour of the church of England,
and the sacredness of the crown. It was urged,
that if, upon any pretence whatsoever, the nation
might throw off their king, then the crown must
become precarious, and the power of judging the
king must be in the people. This must end in a
commonwealth. A great deal was brought from
both the laws and history of England, to prove,
that not only the person, but the authority of the
king was sacred. The law had indeed provided
the remedy of a regency for the infancy of our
kings. So, if a king should fall into such errors
in his conduct, as shewod that he was as little
capable of holding the government as an infant
was, then the estates of the kingdom might, upon
this parity of the case, seek to the remedy provided
for an infant, and lodge the power with a regent.
But the right was to remain, and to go on in a
lineal succession : for, if that was once put ever so
little out of its order, the crown would in a little
election to the chancellorship with the revolution, " as his
of the university of Cambridge
about this time, which he de-
clined accepting, shews the
sense entertained by that learn-
ed body of the archbishop's
* enemies confess, is a person
of stupendous gifts and ad-
mirable piety, and most se-
raphic in the austerities of
his life." Apology for the
high merit. " Our holy pri- Suspended Bishops, p. 161.)
mate," writes a compiler
OF KING JAMES IT. 433
time become elective ; which might rend the 1689.
nation in pieces by a diversity of elections, and by~
the different factions that would adhere to the
person whom they had elected. They did not
deny, but that great objections lay against the
methods that they proposed. But affairs were
brought into so desperate a state by king James's
conduct, that it was not possible to propose a 81 1
remedy that might not be justly excepted to.
But they thought, their expedient would take in
the greatest, as well as the best, part of the nation:
whereas all other expedients gratified a republican
party, composed of the dissenters, and of men of
no religion, who hoped now to see the church
ruined, and the government set upon such a bot-
tom, as that we should have only a titular king ;
who, as he had his power from the people, so
should be accountable to them for the exercise of
it, and should forfeit it at their pleasure. The
much greater part of the house of lords was for
this, and stuck long to it: and so was about a
third part of the house of commons. The greatest
part of the clergy declared themselves for it d .
But of those who agreed in this expedient, it
was visible there were two different parties. Some
intended to bring king James back ; and went
into this, as the most probable way for laying the
nation asleep, and for overcoming the present
aversion that all people had to him. That being
once done, they reckoned it would be no hard
thing, with the help of some time, to compass the
other. Others seemed to mean more sincerely.
d And it was certainly much the best expedient. S.
F f
434 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. They said, they could not vote or argue but ac-
cording to their own principles, as long as the
matter was yet entire : but they owned that they
had taken up another principle, both from the
law and from the history of England ; which was,
that they would obey and pay allegiance to the
king for the time being : they thought a king thus
de facto had a right to their obedience, and that
they were bound to adhere to him, and to defend
him, even in opposition to him with whom they
thought the right did still remain. The earl of
Nottingham was the person that owned this doc-
trine the most during these debates. He said to
my self, that though he could not argue nor vote,
but according to the scheme and principles he
had concerning our laws and constitution, yet he
should not be sorry to see his side out voted ; and
that, though he could not agree to the making a
king as things then stood, yet if he found one
made, he would be more faithful to him, than
those that made him could be according to their
own principles.
others are The third party was made up of those, who
king. thought that there was an original contract be-
tween the kings and the people of England ; by
which the kings were bound to defend their
people, and to govern them according to law, in
lieu of which the people were bound to obey and
serve the king 6 . The proof of this appeared in
the ancient forms of coronations still observed :
by which the people were asked, if they would
e I am of this party, and yet I would have been for a re-
gency. S.
OF KING JAMES II. 435
have that person before them to be their king : 1689.
and, upon their shouts of consent, the coronation 812
was gone about. But, before the king was crowned,
he was asked, if he would not defend and protect
his people, and govern them according to law :
and, upon his promising and swearing this, he was
crowned : and then homage was done him. And,
though of late the coronation has been considered
rather as a solemn instalment, than that which
gave the king his authority, so that it was become
a maxim in law that the king never died, and
that the new king was crowned in the right of
his succession, yet these forms, that were still
continued, shewed what the government was ori-
ginally^ Many things were brought to support
this from the British and Saxon times. It was
urged, that William the conqueror was received
upon his promising to keep the laws of Edward
the confessor, which was plainly the original con-
tract between him and the nation. This was
often renewed by his successors. Edward the
second and Richard the second were deposed for
breaking these laws: and these depositions were
still good in law, since they were not reversed,
nor was the right of making them ever renounced
or disowned . Many things were alleged, from
f Anciently the kings of illegal administration could be
England dated their reign from justified by no former rules of
the day of their coronation : government. D. (Compare
of later times, from the day of that administration with the
their predecessor's death: but practical government of the
the doctrine of unconditional Tudors.)
allegiance was never heard of ? (" We have standing re-
in England till king James the " cords which express all man-
first's time, whose arbitrary, " ner of detestation of king
F f 2
4-36
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. what had passed during the barons' wars, for con-
firming all this. Upon which I will add one par-
ticular circumstance, that the original of king
John's Magna Charta, with his great seal to it,
was then given to me by a gentleman that found
it among his father's papers, but did not know
how he came by it : and it is still in my hands.
It was said in this argument, what did all the
limitations of the regal power signify, if, upon a
king's breaking through them all, the people had
not a right to maintain their laws and to preserve
their constitution ? It was indeed confessed, that
this might have ill consequences, and might be
carried too far. But the denying this right in
any case whatsoever, did plainly destroy all liberty,
and establish tyranny. The present alteration
proposed would be no precedent, but to the like
case. And it was fit that a precedent should be
made for such occasions ; if those of Edward the
second and Richard the second were not acknow-
ledged to be good ones. It was said, that, if king
James had only broken some laws, and done some
" Richard's deposition and
" murder, and which brand
" Henry IV. as an usurper."
Impartial Reflections upon Bi-
shop Burnet's Posthumous His-
tory, p. 1 08. See the Parlia-
ment Rolls in the first year of
Edward IV. quoted by Salmon
in his Review of the Hist, of
England, p. 96. Prynne as-
serts, that the articles drawn
up against Edward II. and Ri-
chard II. were not so much as
read in parliament, and that
they were deposed, upon their
own voluntary confessions only,
in order to confirm their pre-
cedent resignations. Prynne's
Brief Memento &c. p. 14. But
the bishop himself, in a pam-
phlet attributed to him, which
is opposed to Sherlock's Letter
to a Member of the Convention,
has made the like use of the
deposition of both the kings.
See Ralph's Hist, of England,
vol. II. p. 23.)
OF KING JAMES II. 437
illegal acts, it might be justly urged, that it was 1689.
not reasonable on account of these to carry severi- ~~
ties too far. But he had broken through the laws
in many public and avowed instances : he had
set up an open treaty with Rome : he had shaken
the whole settlement of Ireland ; and had put
that island, and the English and protestants that
were there, in the power of the Irish: the dis-
pensing power took away not only those laws to
which it was applied, but all other laws whatso-
ever, by the precedent it had set, and by the con- 813
sequences that followed upon it : by the ecclesias-
tical commission he had invaded the liberty of
the church, and subjected the clergy to mere will
and pleasure: and all was concluded by his de-
serting his people, and flying to a foreign power,
rather than stay arid submit to the determinations
of a free parliament. Upon all which it was in-
ferred, that he had abdicated the government,
and had left the throne vacant : which therefore
ought now to be filled, that so the nation might
be preserved, and the regal government continued
in it.
As to the proposition for a prince regent, it was And against
argued, that this was as much against monarchy, a regen<
or rather more, than what they moved for. If a
king's ill government did give the people a right
in any case to take his power from him, and to
lodge it with another, owning that the right to it
remained still with him, this might have every
whit as bad consequences as the other seemed to
have : for recourse might be had to this violent
remedy too often and too rashly. By this propo-
438 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. sition of a regent, here were to be upon the
matter two kings at the same time : one with the
title, and another with the power of a king. This
was both more illegal and more unsafe than the
method they proposed. The law of England had
settled the point of the subjects' security in obey-
ing the king in possession, in the statute made by
Henry the seventh. So every man knew he was
safe under a king, and so would act with zeal and
courage h . But all such as should act under a
prince regent, created by this convention, were
upon a bottom that had not the necessary forms
of law for it. All that was done by them would
be thought null and void in law : so that no man
could be safe that acted under it. If the oaths to
king James were thought to be still binding, the
subjects were by these not only bound to maintain
his title to the crown, but all his prerogatives and
powers. And therefore it seemed absurd to con-
tinue a government in his name, and to take
oaths still to him, when yet all the power was
taken out of his hands. This would be an odious
thing, both before God and the whole world, and
would cast a reproach on us at present, and bring
certain ruin for the future on any such mixed and
unnatural sort of government. Therefore, if the
oaths were still binding, the nation was still bound
by them, not by halves, but in their whole extent.
It was said, that, if the government should be
carried on in king James's name, but in other
hands, the body of the nation would consider him
as the person that was truly their king. And if
h There is something in this argument. S.
OF KING JAMES II. 439
any should plot or act for him, they could not be 1689.
proceeded against for high treason, as conspiring
against the king's person or government ; when it
would be visible, that they were only designing to
preserve his person, and to restore him to his
government. To proceed against any, or to take
their lives for such practices, would be to add
murder to perjury. And it was not to be sup-
posed, that juries would find such men guilty of
treason. In the weakness of infancy, a prince
regent was in law the same person with the king,
who had not yet a will : and it was to be pre-
sumed, the prince regent's will was the king's
will. But that could not be applied to the pre-
sent case ; where the king and the regent must
be presumed to be in a perpetual struggle, the
one to recover his power, the other to preserve
his authority. These things seemed to be so
plainly made out in the debate, that it was gene-
rally thought that no man could resist such force
of argument, but those who intended to bring
back king James. And it was believed, that
those of his party, who were looked on as men
of conscience, had secret orders from him to act
upon this pretence ; since otherwise they offered
to act clearly in contradiction to their own oaths
and principles 1 .
i This is malice. S. (Accord-
ing to a contemporary apolo-
gist for the deprived bishops,
they who adhered to the in-
terests of king James were for
a regency pro tempore only.
" Why should not I tell the
world the whole truth ? In
short then, when some,
whom nothing would satisfy
but a crowned head, did on
purpose to spoil this expe-
dient of a regency perplex
the motion, and clog it so
440 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. But those who were for continuing the govern-
~ment, and only for changing the persons, were
not at all of a mind. Some among them had
very different views and ends from the rest. These
intended to take advantage from the present con-
juncture, to depress the crown, to render it as
much precarious and elective as they could, and
to raise the power of the people upon the ruin of
monarchy. Among those, some went so far as to
say, that the whole government was dissolved.
But this appeared a bold and dangerous asser-
tion : for that might have been carried so far, as
to infer from it, that all men's properties, honours,
rights, and franchises, were dissolved. Therefore,
it was thought safer to say, that king James had
dissolved the tie that was between him and the
nation. Others avoided going into new specula-
tions or schemes of government. They thought it
was enough to say, that in extreme cases all obli-
gations did cease ; and that in our present circum-
stances the extremity of affairs, by reason of the
late ill government, and by king James's flying
over to the enemy of the nation, rather than sub-
mit to reasonable terms, had put the people of
England on the necessity of securing themselves
upon a legal bottom k . It was said, that though
' as to offer at a regency for " the throne vacant, and the
* life, as one to be supported " filling it up again." See
' against the rightful king, p. 32. of a Vindication of the
f the party which stood up late Archbishop Bancroft and
' against the change of the his Brethren, &c. in which the
' government were as willing Apology is cited at large.)
* to be rid of such a regency, k This was the best reason.
* and let it fall, as the other S. (From the commence-
* party was earnest to vote ment of their disputes, the
OF KING JAMES II. 441
the vow of marriage was made for term of life, 1689.
and without conditions expressed, yet a breach in~~
the tie it self sets the innocent party at liberty. 815
So a king, who had his power both given him and
defined by the law, and was bound to govern by
law, when he set himself to break all laws, and in
conclusion deserted his people, did, by so doing,
set them at liberty to put themselves in a legal
and safe state. There was no need of fearing
ill consequences from this. Houses were pulled
down or blown up in a fire : and yet men found
themselves safe in their houses. In extreme dan-
gers the common sense of mankind would justify
extreme remedies; though there was no special
provision that directed to them or allowed of
them. Therefore, they said, a nation's securing
it self against a king, who was subverting the
government, did not expose monarchy, nor raise a
popular authority, as some did tragically represent
the matter.
There were also great disputes about the original
contract : some denying there was any such thing,
and asking where it was kept, and how it could
be come at. To this others answered, that it was
implied in a legal government : though in a long
tract of time, and in dark ages, there was not
such an explicit proof of it to be found. Yet
many hints from law books and histories were
brought to shew, that the nation had always sub-
mitted and obeyed, in consideration of their laws,
which were still stipulated to them.
prince of Orange played his prince seemed to have the
game so well, and the king better even in argument.)
his so ill, that at last the
442
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. There were also many debates on the word ab-
~ dicate : for the commons came soon to a resolu-
tion, that king James, by breaking the original
contract, and by withdrawing himself, had abdi-
cated the government ; and that the throne was
thereby become vacant. They sent this vote to
the lords, and prayed their concurrence. Upon
which many debates and conferences arose. At
last it came to a free conference, in which, accord-
ing to the sense of the whole nation, the commons
had clearly the advantage on their side 1 . The
lords had some more colour for opposing the word
abdicate, since that was often taken in a sense
that imported the full purpose and consent of him
that abdicated ; which could not be pretended in
this case. But there were good authorities brought,
by which it appeared, that when a person did a
thing upon which his leaving any office ought to
follow, he was said to abdicate. But this was a
critical dispute" 1 : and it scarce became the great-
ness of that assembly, or the importance of the
matter".
1 See the debate at the free
conference. It is printed by
itself, (i2mo. 1695,) and I
think in one of the volumes of
the State Trials. O.
ra I remember the king's
having left the kingdom, with-
out establishing a legal ad-
ministration during his ab-
sence, was much insisted upon
as a formal abdication. The
earl of Pembroke said he
thought that was no more
than a man's running out of
his house when on fire, or a
seaman's throwing his goods
overboard in a storm, to save
his life, which could never be
understood as a renunciation
of his house or goods. D.
n It was a very material
point. S. (The following words,
'* And had a meanness in it,
" because of the dubious sense
" of it, and as it was used for
" that reason," appear to have
been a note by speaker Onslow,
inserted by mistake in the text,
as they are not found in the
Autograph, the Transcript, or
the first edition of the bi-
shop's work.)
OF KING JAMES II. 443
It was a more important debate, whether, sup- 1689.
posing king James had abdicated, the throne could ~
be declared vacant. It was urged, that, by the
law, the king did never die ; but that with the
last breath of the dying king the regal authority
went to the next heir . So it was said, that, sup-
posing king James had abdicated, the throne was
(ipso facto] filled in that instant by the next heir.
This seemed to be proved by the heirs of the king
being sworn to in the oath of allegiance ; which
oath was not only made personally to the king,
but likewise to his heirs and successors. Those
who insisted on the abdication said, that, if the
king dissolved the tie between him and his sub-
jects to himself, he dissolved their tie likewise to
his posterity. An heir was one that came in the
room of a person that was dead ; it being a maxim
that no man can be the heir of a living man?. If
therefore the king had fallen from his own right,
as no heir of his could pretend to any inheritance
from him, as long as he was alive, so they could
succeed to nothing, but to that which was vested
in him at the time of his death. And, as in the
case of attainder, every right that a man was
divested of before his death, was, as it were, anni-
hilated in him ; and by consequence could not
pass to his heirs by his death, not being then in
himself: so, if a king did set his people free from
any tie to himself, they must be supposed to be
put in a state in which they might secure them-
selves; and therefore could not be bound to re-
ceive one, who they had reason to believe would
This is certainly true. S. p This is sophistry. S.
444
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689.
Some
moved to
examine
the birth
of the
prince of
Wales.
study to dissolve and revenge all they had done.
If the principle of self preservation did justify a
nation in securing it self from a violent invasion,
and a total subversion, then it must have its full
scope, to give a real, and not a seeming and frau-
dulent security. They did acknowledge, that
upon the grounds of natural equity, and for secur-
ing the nation in after times, it was fit to go as
near the lineal succession as might be : yet they
could not yield that point, that they were strictly
bound to it<i.
It was proposed, that the birth of the pretended
prince might be examined into. Some pressed
this, not so much from an opinion that they were
bound to assert his right, if it should appear that
he was born of the queen, as because they thought
it would justify the nation, and more particularly
the prince and the two princesses, if an imposture
in that matter could have been proved. And it
would have gone far to satisfy many of the weaker
sort, as to all the proceeding against king James.
Upon which I was ordered to gather together all
the presumptive proofs that were formerly men-
tioned, which were all ready to have been made
q (The able author of the
Continuation of Mackintosh's
History of the Revolution, after
a review of the discussion be-
tween the lords and commons,
observes, that " both parties
had their reservations, and
placed themselves in what
is somewhat affectedly but
very intelligibly called a
false position. The high
church and torv lords aban-
" doned more than they avow-
' ed of their professed doc-
trines. The whigs acted
to a much greater extent
than they avowed, upon the
principle since called the
sovereignty of the peo-
ple. But the lords were,
of the two, the more in-
genuous and consistent in
their principles and argu-
ments." ch. xix. p. 613.)
OF KING JAMES II. 445
out. It is true, these did not amount to a full and IQS9.
legal proof: yet they seemed to be such violent
presumptions, that, when they were all laid toge-
ther, they were more convincing than plain and
downright evidence r : for that was liable to
the suspicion of subornation: whereas the other 817
seemed to carry on them very convincing charac-
ters of truth and certainty. But, when this matter
was in private debated, some observed, that, as
king James by going about to prove the truth of
the birth, and yet doing it so defectively, had
really made it more suspicious than it was before;
so, if there was no clear and positive proof made
of an imposture, the pretending to examine into
it, and then the not being able to make it out be-
yond the possibility of contradiction, would really
give more credit to the thing than it then had,
and, instead of weakening it, would strengthen the
pretension of his birth s .
When this debate was proposed in the house of But it was
lords it was rejected with indignation. He was rejec
now sent out of England to be bred up in France 1 ,
an enemy both to the nation and to the established
religion : it was impossible for the people of Eng-
land to know, whether he was the same person
that had been carried over, or not : if he should
r Well said, bishop. S. in their power, in case of an
9 Wisely done. S. (Leslie, examination, to make the truth
in one of his tracts, observes, already clear, still clearer.)
that they would not enter into l (This was the best plea the
the examination of the birth, convention had for setting him
because they knew the truth aside, professing, as it did, to
of it, and that no proof could keep, as far as was practicable,
be made out against it. The to the constitution.)
opposite party, he adds, had it
446
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. die, another might be put in his room, in such a
~ manner that the nation could not be assured con-
cerning him : the English nation ought not to
send into another country for witnesses to prove
that he was their prince; much less receive one
upon the testimony of such as were not only
aliens, but ought to be presumed enemies : it was
also known, that all the persons who had been the
confidents in that matter were conveyed away: so
it was impossible to come at them, by whose
means only the truth of that birth could be found
out". But while these things were fairly debated
u (In conformity with this
assertion, the bishop, in the
preface to a volume of his
Sermons, says, " The prince
" of Orange did by his de-
" claration refer the inquiry
" into it (the birth) to a par-
" liament. The king upon
" that did by his sending the
" pretender with the queen
" out of the kingdom, toge-
" ther with all those who
" were more immediately con-
" cerned in that supposed
" birth, make it impossible to
" examine into it." p. 10. On
the above passage the author
of Speculum Sarisburiense, a
tract printed in 1714, before
the bishop's death, makes the
following remarks: " It is well
" known that king James, ac-
cording to this prince's de-
claration, publicly offered to
refer the examination of his
son's birth to the conven-
tion, which was not accept-
ed, his lordship can tell the
reason why : and several
deponents more immediately
" concerned in the knowledge
of that birth, not long after
' petitioned the same lords
' and gentlemen to be re-
' examined, in order to clear
' their own reputations from
' vile perjury, which had been
' objected to them. Perhaps,
all those people were in
France when they thus ad-
dressed, and king James
would not suffer them to
come. And I appeal to his
lordship's own memory re-
freshed, whether in all his
life, he is sure, he never
acquiesced in certain signs
and tokens of that person's
birth." p. 97. " The unfor-
tunate king," writes the
Continuator of Mackintosh's
History of the Revolution,
" conscious of his innocence,
" offered to assist the investi-
" gation by sending over those
" witnesses of the birth of
" the child, who had accom-
" panied him to France." ch.
xviii. p. 589.)
OF KING JAMES II. 447
by some, there were others who had deeper and 1689.
darker designs in this matter.
They thought it would be a good security for
the nation, to have a dormant title to the crown
lie as it were neglected, to oblige our princes to
govern well, while they would apprehend the
danger of a revolt to a pretender still in their
eye?. Wildman thought, it was a deep piece of
policy to let this lie in the dark, and undecided.
Nor did they think it an ill precedent, that they
should so neglect the right of succession, as not so
much as to inquire into this matter. Upon all
these considerations no further inquiry was made
into it. It is true, this put a plausible objection
in the mouth of all king James's party : here, they
said, an infant was condemned, and denied his
right, without either proof or inquiry. This still
takes with many in the present age. And, that
it may not take more in the next, I have used
more than ordinary care to gather together all the
particulars that were then laid before me as to that
matter 2 .
Y I think this was no ill at the lodgings of Mrs. Daw-
design ; yet it hath not sue- son in St. James's palace, who
ceeded in mending kings. S. also had been of the bed-
z And where are they ? S. chamber to the same queen.
(The bishop refers to what he To her testimony respecting
has collected at pages 344 the birth of the prince of
359. There is still existing Wales, it is added by lady
an account, cited more than Wentworth, " that she had
once in the preceding notes,
of the testimony which Isabella
lady Wentworth, one of the
ladies of the bedchamber to
king James's queen, gave in
the year 1703 to Dr. Hickes,
the former dean of Worcester,
asserted the truth of his
birth shortly after the revo-
lution to Dr. Burnet, now
bishop of Sarum, when she
told the doctor, that she was
as sure the prince of Wales
was the queen's son, as that
448
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. The next thing in debate was, who should fill
Some were the throne. The marquis of Hallifax intended, by
the'princ? ms zea ^ f r ^ ne prince's interest, to atone for his
ldng ' backwardness in not coming early into it: and,
that he might get before lord Danby, who was in
great credit with the prince, he moved, that the
crown should be given to the prince, and to the
two princesses after him. Many of the republican
party approved of this : for by it they gained an-
other point : the people in this case would plainly
elect a king, without any critical regard to the
order of succession. How far the prince himself
entertained this, I cannot tell. But I saw it
made a great impression on Benthink. He spoke
of it to me, as asking my opinion about it, but so,
that I plainly saw what was his own : for he gave
me all the arguments that were offered for it ; as
that it was most natural that the sovereign power
should be only in one person ; that a man's wife
ought only to be his wife ; that it was a suitable
return to the prince for what he had done for the
nation ; that a divided sovereignty was liable to
great inconveniences ; and, though there was less
to be apprehended from the princess of any thing
of that kind than from any woman alive, yet all
" any of her own children
" were hers ; and when, out
" of zeal for the truth and
" honour of my mistress,"
said she, " I spake in such
" terms as modesty would
" scarce let me speak at an-
" other time." A copy of the
original document, which was
signed by lady Wentworth,
and attested by doctor Hickes
and others, was for a long
time in Magdalen college Ox-
ford, but it belonged to the
reverend Mr. Fortescue-Knot-
tesford, of Alverly house near
Stratford on Avon, to whom
it was restored. Perhaps the
original was never printed.)
OF KING JAMES II. 449
mortals were frail, and might at some time or 1689.
other of their lives be wrought on.
To all this I answered, with some vehemence,
that this was a very ill return for the steps the
princess had made to the prince three years ago :
it would be thought both unjust and ungrateful :
it would meet with great opposition, and give a
general ill impression of the prince, as insatiable
and jealous in his ambition : there was an ill
humour already spreading it self through the
nation and through the clergy : it was not neces-
sary to increase this ; which such a step as was
now proposed would do out of measure : it would
engage the one sex generally against the prince :
and in time they might feel the effects of that
very sensibly : and, for my own part, I should
think my self bound to oppose it all I could, con-
sidering what had passed in Holland on that head.
We talked over the whole thing for many hours,
till it was pretty far in the morning. I saw he
was well instructed in the argument : and he him-
self was possessed with it. So next morning I
came to him, and desired my conge. I would op-
pose nothing in which the prince seemed to be
concerned, as long as I was his servant. And
therefore I desired to be disengaged, that I might
be free to oppose this proposition with all the
strength and credit I had. He answered me, that
I might desire that when I saw a step made : but
till then he wished me to stay where I was a . I
heard no more of this ; in which the marquis of 819
Hallifax was single among the peers: for I did
a Is all this true ? S.
Gg
450 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. not find there was any one of them of his mind ;
unless it was the lord Culpepper, who was a vicious
and corrupt man, but made a figure in the debates
that were now in the house of lords, and died
about the end of them b . Some moved, that the
princess of Orange might be put in the throne ;
and that it might be left to her, to give the prince
such a share either of dignity or power as she
should propose, when she was declared queen.
The agents of princess Anne began to go about,
and to oppose any proposition for the prince to
her prejudice. But she thought fit to disown
them. Dr. Doughty, one of her chaplains, spoke
to me in her name on the subject. But she said
to myself, that she knew nothing of it.
The proposition, in which all that were for the
filling the throne agreed at last, was, that both
the prince and princess sfreuld be made conjunct
sovereigns. But, for the preventing of any dis-
tractions, that the administration should be singly
in the prince 6 . The princess continued all the
while in Holland, being shut in there, during the
east winds, by the freezing of the rivers, and by
contrary winds after the thaw came. So that she
came not to England till all the debates were
over d . The prince's enemies gave it out, that she
h Yet was not the same on the marriage of Queen Mary
thing done in effect, while the with Philip of Spain. O.
king had the sole administra- d Why was she (not) sent
tion ? S. (William must have for till the matter was agreed?
smiled at the zeal of his chap- This clearly shews the prince's
lain for the princess, who had original design was to be king,
been persuaded by him to against what he professed in
wave any share in the govern- his declaration. S. (Compare
ment of the country.) note at p. 29.)
c See the establishment made
OF KING JAMES II. 451
was kept there by order, on design that she might 1689.
not come over to England to claim her right. ~
So parties began to be formed, some for the prince,
and others for the princess. Upon this the earl
of Danby sent one over to the princess, and gave
her an account of the present state of that debate:
and desired to know her own sense of the matter;
for, if she desired it, he did not doubt but he
should be able to carry it for setting her alone on
the throne. She made him a very sharp answer :
she said, she was the prince's wife, and would
never be other than what she should be in con-
junction with him and under him; and that she
would take it extreme unkindly, if any, under a
pretence of their care of her, would set up a
divided interest between her and the prince.
And, not content with this, she sent both lord
Danby 's letter and her answer to the prince. Her
sending it thus to him was the most effectual dis-
couragement possible to any that might attempt
for the future to create a misunderstanding or
jealousy between them 6 . The prince bore this
e There was a great meet- but if they would know his
ing at the earl of Devonshire's, own, he believed the prince
where the dispute ran very would not like to be his wife's
high between lord Hallifax gentleman usher ; upon which
and lord Danby, one for the lord Danby said he hoped they
prince, the other for the prin- all knew enough now; for his
cess : at last lord Hallifax said part, he knew too much ; and
he thought it would be very broke up the assembly, as sir
proper to know the prince's M.Wharton, who was present,
own sentiments, and desired told me. D. (This note has
Fagel would speak, who de- been already published by sir
fended himself a great while John Dalrymple in the Ap-
by saying he knew nothing of peudixto his Memoirs, vol. II.
his mind upon that subject, p. 342. Macaulay in his His-
452 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. with his usual phlegm : for he did not expostulate
"" with the earl of Danby upon it, but continued
still to employ and to trust him. And afterwards
he advanced him, first to be a marquis, and then
to be a duke.
820 During all these debates, and the great heat
w 'th which they were managed, the prince's own
behaviour was very mysterious. He stayed at
lence. St. James's : he went little abroad : access to him
was not very easy. He heard all that was said to
him : but seldom made any answers. He did not
affect to be affable, or popular : nor would he take
any pains to gain any one person over to his party.
He said, he came over, being invited, to save the
nation : he had now brought together a free and
true representative of the kingdom : he left it
therefore to them to do what they thought best
for the good of the kingdom : and, when things
were once settled, he should be well satisfied to
go back to Holland again f . Those who did not
know him well, and who imagined that a crown
had charms which human nature was not strong
enough to resist, looked on all this as an affecta-
tory of England, vol.11, p. 642, done otherwise, it would have
remarks, that Fagel had died hurt him, and brought him
in Holland at the end of the into many difficulties. He
preceding year, and supposes made a better judgment quite
that the real person was Dyk- through this matter than any
velt, Bentink, or Zulestein, of the people about him. His
but most probably Dykvelt.) natural temper might contri-
f Did he tell truth ? S. He bute to it. But with all his
seems to have acted right, errors, he appears, in all
considering the circumstances times of his life, to have been
he was then in. If he was by far the ablest man con-
sincere in it, it was not only cerned in his affairs, or at that
wise, but great. If he had time in Europe. O.
OF KING JAMES II. 453
tion, and as a disguised threatening, which im- 1689.
ported, that he would leave the nation to perish,
unless his method of settling it was followed.
After a reservedness, that had continued so close
for several weeks, that nobody could certainly tell
what he desired, he called for the marquis of
Hallifax, and the earls of Shrewsbury and Danby,
and some others, to explain himself more distinctly
to them.
He told them, he had been till then silent, be-
cause he would not say or do any thing that might
seem in any sort to take from any person the full
freedom of deliberating and voting in matters of
such importance : he was resolved neither to court
nor threaten any one : and therefore he had declined
to give out his own thoughts : some were for put-
ting the government in the hands of a regent : he
would say nothing against it, if it was thought the
best mean for settling their affairs : only he thought
it necessary to tell them, that he would not be the
regent : so, if they continued in that design, they
must look out for some other person to be put in
that post s : he himself saw what the consequences
of it were like to prove : so he would not accept
of it : others were for putting the princess singly
on the throne, and that he should reign by her
courtesy : he said, no man could esteem a woman
more than he did the princess : but he was so
made, that he could not think of holding any
thing by apron-strings : nor could he think it rea-
sonable to have any share in the government,
unless it was put in his person, and that for term
S Was not this a plain confession of what he came for? S.
454 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. of life : if they did think it fit to settle it other-
~ wise, he would not oppose them in it : but he
would go back to Holland, and meddle no more
in their affairs : he assured them, that whatsoever
others might think of a crown, it was no such
821 thing in his eyes, but that he could live very well,
and be well pleased without it. In the end he
said, that though he could not resolve to accept
of a dignity, so as to hold it only for the life of
another: yet he thought, that the issue of prin-
cess Anne should be preferred, in the succession,
to any issue that he might have by any other wife
than the princess' 1 . All this he delivered to them
in so cold and unconcerned a manner, that those,
who judged of others by the dispositions that they
felt in themselves, looked on it all as artifice and
contrivance 1 .
it was re- This was presently told about, as it was not in-
solved to
put the tended to be kept secret. And it helped not a
princess" little to bring the debates at Westminster to a
throne! * he speedy determination. Some were still in doubt
with relation to the princess. In some it was
conscience: for they thought the equitable right
was in her. Others might be moved by interest,
since, if she should think herself wronged, and ill
used in this matter, she, who was like to outlive
b A great concession truly. S. vernment at first; but the
1 The duke of Leeds told marquis of Hallifax told the
me the reasons that prevailed prince he might be what he
were the ill state of his health, pleased himself, (the first
from whence they concluded night he came to St. James's;)
he could not last long ; and for as nobody knew what to
that a man of courage was ne- do with him, so nobody knew
cessary for settling the go- what to do without him. D.
OF KING JAMES II. 455
the prince, being so much younger and healthier 1689.
than he was, might have it in her power to take ~
her revenges on all that should concur in such
a design. Upon this, I, who knew her sense of
the matter very perfectly by what had passed in
Holland, as was formerly told, was in a great
difficulty. I had promised her never to speak of
that matter, but by her order. But I presumed,
in such a case, I was to take orders from the
prince. So I asked him, what he would order
me to do. He said, he would give me no orders
in that matter, but left me to do as I pleased.
I looked on this as the allowing me to let the
princess's resolution in that be known ; by which
many, who stood formerly in suspense, were fully
satisfied. Those to whom I gave the account of
that matter were indeed amazed at it ; and con-
cluded, that the princess was either a very good
or a very weak woman. An indifferency for
power and rule seemed so extraordinary a thing,
that it was thought a certain character of an ex-
cess of goodness or simplicity. At her coming to
England, she not only justified me, but approved
of my publishing that matter ; and spoke particu-
larly of it to her sister princess Anne. There
were other differences in the form of the settle-
ment. The republican party were at first for de-
posing king James by a formal sentence, and for
giving the crown to the prince and princess by as
formal an election. But that was .overruled in
the beginning. I have not pursued the relation
of the debates according to the order in which
they passed, which will be found in the Journal
456
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. of both houses during the convention k . But
~ having had a great share myself in the private
managing of those debates, particularly with many
of the clergy, and with the men of the most scru-
822pulous and tender consciences, I have given a
very full account of all the reasonings on both
sides, as that by which the reader may form and
guide his own judgment of the whole affair. Many
protestations passed in the house of lords in the
progress of the debate. The party for a regency
was for some time most prevailing : and then the
protestations were made by the lords that were
for the new settlement. The house was very full :
about a hundred and twenty were present. And
things were so near an equality, that it was at
last carried by a very small majority, of two or
three, to agree with the commons in voting the
abdication, and the vacancy of the throne : against
which a great protestation was made ; as also
against the final vote, by which the prince and
princess of Orange were desired to accept of the
crown, and declared to be king and queen ; which
went very hardly 1 . The poor bishop of Durham,
k The debates cannot be
known from the Journals, yet
I have seen my lord Somers's
notes of those in the house of
commons, and they agree with
this author's account. O.
1 I stood behind the wool-
sack, in the house of lords,
when it was carried in a com-
mittee of the whole house,
that the throne was not va-
cant, by king James's having
abdicated the kingdom: but
it was retrieved next day in
the house, by some lords being
prevailed upon to absent them-
selves, from an apprehension
that if they had insisted, it
must have ended in a civil
war. D. (See below, the con-
clusion of lord Dartmouth's
note at page 464. col. i. As to
the final vote, of which the
bishop here speaks, it was
carried by a majority of twenty
voices, sixty-five against forty-
OF KING JAMES II.
457
who had absconded for some time, and was wait-
ing for a ship to get beyond sea, fearing public
affronts, and had offered to compound by resign-
ing his bishopric, was now prevailed on to come,
and, by voting the new settlement, to merit at
least a pardon for all that he had done : which, all
things considered, was thought very indecent in
him, yet not unbecoming the rest of his life and
character. m .
1689.
five. And at their next ses-
sion, the minority declined
when solicited, as Echard in
his History of the Revolution,
pp. 260, 261, reports on the
authority of the noble ad-
viser himself, either to enter
their protests against the mea-
sure, or to quit the house in
consequence of its being a-
dopted.)
m This is too hard, though
almost true. S. I have heard
that he offered to resign his
bishopric to this author, upon
an assignation of one thousand
per annum, but that he was
diverted from it by his ne-
phews, Mr. Sidney Wortley
Mountague, and Mr. Charles
Mountague, who were great
friends to the new settlement,
and brought him into it. He
was always a very mean man
in all respects, but had some
court skill. One to whom he
was great uncle told me, that
by way of advice to him, he
said, " Nephew, do as I did
" when I began the world at
" court. Stick firm to some
" one great man there. If he
" falls, fall with him, and
" when he rises, you are sure
" to rise with him, to more
" advantage than if you had
"left him." The duke of
York had been his patron, but
now the bishop had got his
preferment. O. (The truth of
his offering to resign his
bishopric is further ascer-
tained by the account given
by Burnet in the MS. copy of
his own Life possessed by the
university of Oxford. Lord
Montague, in his Letter ap-
plying to king William to be
created a duke, pleads his
bringing the earl of Hunting-
don, the bishop of Durham,
and lord Ashley, to vote
against the regency, and for
William's having the crown,
which, he says, was carried
by those three voices and his
own. See Appendix to Dal-
rymple's Memoirs, p. 340.
The question had been car-
ried before against a regency
by a majority of two voices,
fifty-one against forty-nine.
In the minority were all the
bishops, with the exception of
Compton and Trelawney,
458
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. But, before matters were brought to a full con-
Theydrew elusion, an enumeration was made of the chief
heads of king" James's ill government. And in
opposition to these, the rights and liberties of the
people of England were stated. Some officious
people studied to hinder this at that time. They
thought they had already lost three weeks in their
debates : and the doing this, with the exactness
that was necessary, would take up more time : or
it would be done too much in a hurry, for matters
of so nice a nature. And therefore it was moved,
that this should be done more at leisure after the
settlement". But that was not hearkened to.
It was therefore thought necessary to frame this
instrument so, that it should be like a new Magna
Charta. In the stating these grievances and
rights, the dispensing power came to be discussed.
And then the power of the crown to grant a non-
obstante to some statutes was objected . Upon
opening this, the debate was found to be so intri-
cate, that it was let fall at that time only for
despatch. But afterwards an act passed condemn-
ing it simply. And the power of granting a non-
obstante was for the future taken awayi*. Yet
n (After citing these pas-
sages of Burnet's History the
Continuator of Mackintosh's
observes, that "the tories were
foremost in exposing these
flimsy pretences, and urging,
that the first object in the
order of time, of importance
and of public duty, was to
guard the public liberties,
whoever should be king."
ch. xix. p. 621, where the
parliamentary history is re-
ferred to.)
Yet the words continue
in patents. S.
P It is in a clause of the
act, declaring the rights and
liberties of the subject, &c.
1 Gul. et Marine, Sess. 2.
cap. 2. See Journal of the
House of Commons, yth, 8th,
nth, t2th Feb. 1688. 25th
of Nov. 1689. O.
OF KING JAMES II.
459
king* James's party took great advantage from
this ; and said, that, though the main clamour of -
the nation was against the dispensing power, yet
when the convention brought things to a settle-
ment, that did not appear to be so clear a point 823
as had been pretended : and it was not so much
as mentioned in this instrument of government:
so that, by the confession of his enemies, it ap-
peared to be no unlawful power: nor was it
declared contrary to the liberties of the people of
England 3. Whereas, its not being mentioned
then was only upon the opposition that was made,
n But see the declaration
and the Journal of the House
of Commons as mentioned in
the former page, and observe
the distinctions. Compare the
whole with the bill of rights
especially as to this important
point of the dispensing power.
O. But a very irregular use
of it. For granting there is
such a trust lodged with the
crown, it will not follow from
thence, that the king may dis-
pense with all the laws at his
pleasure. The case of ship-
money was founded upon an
undeniable truth, that when
the whole is at stake, the chief
magistrate may and ought to
do every thing that can con-
tribute to the preservation of
the society, though never so
prejudicial to any of the parti-
culars. Queen Elizabeth did
many things in the year eighty-
eight, that could not have been
justified by the ordinary forms
of law ; but the danger was
imminent and apparent, there-
fore no man ever complained
of hardships upon that occa-
sion. But there are many
powers vested in the crown,
the abuse of which would over-
turn the whole frame of govern-
ment. The king has an un-
doubted right to call whom he
pleases to the house of lords :
but the calling all the people
of England would be a very
ridiculous, though a very sure
way, to destroy the rest of the
constitution all at once : as
the excusing every man from
being of a jury (which the king
may do by law) would be of
the whole administration of
justice in the kingdom ; but
there must always be under-
stood to be powers trusted
with the crown for the benefit
of the people : and the king's
being judge of the necessity
does not hinder the community
from judging whether they
are executed to their prejudice
or advantage. D.
460
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
The oaths
were al-
tered.
1689. that so more time might not be lost, nor this in-
~strument be clogged with disputable points 1 ".
The last debate was concerning the oaths that
should be taken to the king and queen. Many
arguments were taken during the debate from the
oaths in the form in which the allegiance was
sworn to the crown, to shew that in a new settle-
ment these could not be taken. And to this it
was always answered, that care should be taken,
when other things were settled, to adjust these
oaths, so that they should agree to the new settle-
ment. In the oaths, as they were formerly con-
ment, monarchy, aristocracy,
and democracy. But we have
been lately called on for our
gratitude to the long parlia-
ment, to the convention, and
to William of Orange, for a
constitution in which it is ob-
served, that the popular ele-
ment has developed itself freely
and become dominant. The
first of these founders abolish-
ed kingly power, and shut up
the house of lords ; the second
made no alterations, change
of kings and the regal succes-
sion excepted; and the third
before he came to the crown,
argued against a suspension of
some considerable prerogatives
from the unlikelihood of their
being restored ; and after-
wards, when placed at the
head of the government, fre-
quently lamented that he had
ever any thing to do with it.
Still the dominant democracy
may justly claim kindred with
the principles and practices of
those times.)
r (According to Macpher-
son and others, " when the
lower house hesitated to ac-
cede to the vote of the lords,
till the claims and demands
of the subject were known,
the prince became appa-
rently uneasy. He sent to
the leaders of the commons,
to acquaint them, that if the
convention insisted upon
new limitations, he would
leave them to the mercy of
James.'' History of Great
Britain, vol. I. p. 567. It is
certain, as Ralph in his His-
tory, vol. II. page 53 , observes,
that it was resolved, that all
such heads of the declaration
of rights as were introductory
of new laws should be omitted.
As the declaration of rights
made before William's accept-
ance of the crown is drawn, it
neither alters nor pretends to
alter the constitution of Eng-
land. The theory of this
constitution has been justly
praised as a happy combination
of the three forms of govern-
OF KING JAMES II. 461
ceived, a previous title seemed to be asserted, 1689.
when the king was sworn to, as rightful and lawful~
king. It was therefore said, that these words
could not be said of a king who had riot a prece-
dent right, but was set up by the nation. So it
was moved, that the oaths should be reduced to
the ancient simplicity, of swearing to bear faith
and true allegiance to the king and queen. This
was agreed to. And upon this began the notion
of a king de facto, but not de jure 8 . It was said,
that according to the common law, as well as the
statute in king Henry the seventh's reign, the
subjects might securely obey any king that was in
possession, whether his title was good or not.
This seemed to be a doctrine necessary for the
peace and quiet of mankind, that so the subjects
may be safe in every government, that bringeth
them under a superior force, and that will crush
them, if they do riot give a security for the pro-
tection that they enjoy under it. The lawyers
had been always of that opinion, that the people
were not bound to examine the titles of their
princes, but were to submit to him that was in
possession*. It was therefore judged just and
s (" The distinction of a * (This is the argument
" king de jure and a king de used by sir Isaac Newton to
"facto" (writes Mr. Clerke in persuade his constituents the
his Vestigia Anglicana, Dissert, university of Cambridge, not-
X. p. 309.) " was well under- withstanding the former oath,
' stood in the reign of Ed- to take the new one of allegi-
' ward the fourth. He con- ance. See the first of the
' firmed all the acts of his thirteen Letters from sir Isaac
4 predecessors as kings en fait Newton to Dr. Covell, lately
' et nient en droit. The first printed under the direction of
* mention of this well known their possessor Mr. Dawson
' distinction.") Turner.)
462 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. reasonable, in the beginning of a new government,
to make the oaths as general and comprehensive
as might be : for it was thought, that those who
once took the oaths to the government would be
after that faithful and true to it. This tender-
ness, which was shewed at this time to a sort of
people that had shewed very little tenderness to
men of weak or ill informed consciences, was
afterwards much abused by a new explanation, or
rather a gross equivocation, as to the signification
of the words in which the oath was conceived.
The true meaning of the words, and the express
sense of the imposers, was, that, whether men
824 were satisfied or not with the putting the king
and queen on the throne, yet, now they were on
it, they would be true to them, and obey, and
Them defend them. But the sense that many put on
on tnem was > tnat tnev were on ty to bey tnei n as
usur P ers > during their usurpation, and that there-
fore, as long as they continued in quiet possession,
they were bound to bear them and to submit to
them : but they thought that it was still lawful
for them to assist king James, if he should come
to recover his crown, and that they might act and
talk all they could, or durst, in his favour, as
being still their king de jure. This was contrary to
the plain meaning of the words, faith, and true
allegiance ; and was contrary to the express decla-
ration in the act that enjoined them. Yet it be-
came too visible, that many in the nation, and
particularly among the clergy, took the oath in
this sense, to the great reproach of their profes-
sion. The prevarication of too many in so sacred
OF KING JAMES II. 463
a matter contributed not a little to fortify the 1689.
growing atheism of the present age. The truth
was, the greatest part of the clergy had entangled
themselves so far with those strange conceits of
the divine right of monarchy, and the unlawful-
ness of resistance in any case u . And they had so
engaged themselves, by asserting these things so
often and so publicly, that they did not know how
to disengage themselves in honour or conscience.
A notion was started, which by its agreement
with their other principles had a great effect
among them, and brought off the greatest number
of those who came in honestly to the new govern-
ment. This was chiefly managed by Dr. Lloyd,
bishop of St. Asaph, now translated to Worcester.
It was laid thus : the prince had a just cause of
making war on the king. In that most of them
agreed. In a just war, in which an appeal is made
to God, success is considered as the decision of
Heaven. So the prince's success against king
James gave him the right of conquest over him.
And by it all his rights were transferred to the
u In all the disputes be- line ; which will was made by
tween the houses of York and the authority of an act of par-
Lancaster, legal right was liament that was never re-
much insisted upon, divine not pealed. Besides, king James's
so much as thought of, which beingan alien born, was thought
was a notion started in king by some to be an exclusion by
James the first's reign, by a the common law. D. (Here-
set of flattering clergymen : ditary right was formerly es-
there being others in those teemed legal or constitutional
days that made a doubt of the right, and obtained the crown
king's legal title ; his mother for Edward the fourth and
(from whom heclaimed) having Jarnes the first. As to Henry
been executed for treason, and the eighth's last will consult
the last will of Henry the Lingard's History of England,
eighth had excluded the Scotch vol. V. p. 2 1 3 .)
464
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. prince. His success was indeed no conquest of
~~ the nation ; which had neither wronged him nor
resisted him. So that, with relation to the people
of England, the prince was no conqueror, but a
preserver and a deliverer, well received and grate-
fully acknowledged. Yet with relation to king
James, and all the right that was before vested in
him, he was, as they thought, a conqueror x . By
x The author wrote a paper
to prove this, and it was burnt
by the hangman, and is a very
foolish scheme. S. Bishop Bur-
net wrote a pamphlet to en-
courage this distinction, which
had frequently been made be-
fore in relation to William the
conqueror, and Harold, but the
house of commons ordered it
to be burnt at Westminster-
hall gate. The earl of Not-
tingham had better success
with a declaration he made,
that though the kingdom had
not been conquered, he looked
upon himself to be so, having
made all the resistance that
lay in his power to his being
king, but had been overcome:
which doctrine was, so well
received at court, that he was
made secretary of state, not-
withstanding the vigorous op-
position he had made in the
house of lords. But lord Wey-
mouth told me, he prevailed
with him and some more to
stay away, that the other side
might carry the question; for
fear of a civil war, if they had
lost it. D. A false and dan-
gerous notion, and most justly
condemned. The prince of
Orange came over by invita-
tion from the body of the
nation, expressed or implied ;
had no other right to do it, and
whatever was done against
king James, and for the prince
and princess of Orange, was,
in fact, (and could have had
no other foundation of jus-
tice,) done in virtue only of
the rights of the people. No
act of a king of this country,
be the act what it will, can
transfer or be the cause of
transferring the crown to any
other person, no not even to
the heir apparent, without the
consent of the people, pro-
perly given. The interest of
government is theirs. Sove-
reigns are the trustees of it,
and can forfeit only to those
who have entrusted them; nor
can conquest of itself give any
right to government : there
must be a subsequent acqui-
escence, or composition, on
the part of the people for it,
and that implies compact. If
this be so with regard to the
conquest of a whole nation, it
is more strongly that, when
the conquest is over the king
only of a country, and the
OF KING JAMES II. 405
this notion they explained those passages of scrip- 1689.
ture that speak of God's disposing of kingdoms, ~
and of pulling down one and setting up another ;
and also our Saviour's arguing from the inscrip-
tion on the coin, that they ought to render to
Csesar the things that were Caesar's ; and St. Paul's
charging the Romans to obey the powers that then
were, who were the emperors that were originally 825
the invaders of public liberty which they had sub-
dued, and had forced the people and senate of
Rome by subsequent acts to confirm an authority
that was so ill begun. This might have been made
use of more justly, if the prince had assumed the
kingship to himself, upon king James's withdraw-
ing; but did not seem to belong to the present
case. Yet this had the most universal effect on
the far greater part of the clergy^.
And now I have stated all the most material
parts of these debates, with the fulness that I
thought became one of the most important trans-
actions that is in our whole history, and by much
the most important of our time.
All things were now made ready for filling
throne. And the very night before it was to be
done, the princess arrived safely. It had been
war not against the kingdom. of peers by eleven votes.)
O. (The book ordered to be Y (Whatever were their
burnt was one of the bishop's reasons, in the two provinces
pastoral letters. AntonyWood, twelve of the twenty an te-revo-
in his Diary, p. 368, says, that lution bishops, who were living
Lloyd's book, entitled, " God's at the time of filling up the
" way of disposing of King- vacant sees, took the oaths to
" doms," was proposed to be the new government. Croft
burnt, but that it was carried bishop of Hereford appears to
in the negative in the house have died just before.)
nh
466 HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. given out, that she was not well pleased with the
" late transaction, both with relation to her father,
and to the present settlement. Upon which the
prince wrote to her, that it was necessary she
should appear at first so cheerful, that nobody
might be discouraged by her looks, or be led to
apprehend that she was uneasy by reason of what
had been done. This made her put on a great air
of gaiety when she came to Whitehall, and, as
may be imagined, had great crowds of all sorts
coming to wait on her. I confess, I was one of
those that censured this in my thoughts. I
thought a little more seriousness had done as well,
when she came into her father's palace, and was
to be set on his throne next day. I had never
seen the least indecency in any part of her deport-
ment before: which made this appear to me so
extraordinary, that some days after I took the
liberty to ask her, how it came that what she saw
in so sad a revolution, as to her father's person,
made not a greater impression on her. She took
this freedom with her usual goodness. And she
assured me, she felt the sense of it very lively upon
her thoughts. But she told me, that the letters
which had been writ to her had obliged her to put
on a cheerfulness, in which she might perhaps go
too far, because she was obeying directions, and
acting a part which was not very natural to her z .
7 That she put on more airs that she behaved in the ridi-
of gaiety upon that occasion culous indecent manner the
than became her, or seemed duchess of Marlborough has
natural, I was an eyewitness represented, I do as little be-
to, having seen her upon her lieve, as that her grace (which
first arrival at Whitehall : but she would insinuate) had any
OF KING JAMES II.
467
This was on the 12th of February, being Shrove- 1689,
Tuesday. The thirteenth was the day set for the
share in making the countess
of Derby groom of the stole,
which was entirely owing to
her being the duke of Or-
mond's sister, and Mr. Over-
querque's niece ; without any
recommendation from the
princess of Denmark, which
could not have been obtained
without lady Churchill's in-
terposition at that time, that
was neither wanted or desired.
Her grace, out of abundant
good will to the countess of
Derby, has produced her ac-
counts, to shew how much
they exceeded her own, which
may easily be accounted for,
that queen being of a very
generous temper, and was
continually presenting the la-
dies and their children, that
were about her, with things of
considerable value. Therefore
the great articles are to jewel-
lers, goldsmiths, and East In-
dia shops, which her grace
took care there should be no
call for, during her administra-
tion : but has confessed the
mean begging of eighteen
thousand pounds, after the
immense wealth she and her
family had extorted from the
public during her favour with
queen Ann. D. (Evelyn in
his Diary mentions the be-
haviour of the new queen on
the above occasion as very
unbecoming, vol. II. p. 6. See
also Miss Strickland's Lives
of the Queens of England, vol.
IX. p. 4 7, who is dissatisfied
with Burnet's solution. Still let
us hope that the bishop assigns
the true cause of Mary's be-
haviour. " The truth of the
" matter was this," writes the
sensible author of a Review of
an Account of the Duchess of
Marlborough's Conduct, 8vo.
1 742, p. 20 ; " while the con-
" fusions continued in Eng-
" land, and the king's life was
" daily in imminent danger,
" the princess, then in Hol-
" land, shewed deep concern;
" and this being reported in
" England, produced an opin-
" ion that she was much dis-
" satisfied with all that had
" been done. This coming to
" the ears of the prince of
" Orange, he thought fit to
" write her a letter, enjoining
" her to appear so cheerful at
" her first coming over, that
" nobody might be discourag-
" ed by her looks. And thus
" obedience to her husband
" subjected this excellent lady
" to a suspicion of want of ten-
" derness for her father; which
" is the less credible, since I
" am well assured that there
" never was a fonder parent
" than he, both to her and to
" her sister, insomuch that
" Mr. Oldmixon is pleased to
observe, that on the flight
" of the princess of Denmark,
" the king burst into tears,
" and could not help crying
" out, 'God help me, my own
children have forsaken me! '
"He was less able to bear as
M h 2
468
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
1689. two houses to come with the offer of the crown.
~~So here ends the interregnum.
And thus I have given the fullest and most
particular account that I could gather of all that
passed during this weak, unactive, violent, and
superstitious reign ; in which all regard to the
affairs of Europe seemed to be laid aside, and no-
thing was thought on but the spiteful humours of
826 a revengeful Italian lady, and the ill laid, and
worse managed, projects of some hot meddling
priests, whose learning and politics were of a
piece, the one exposing them to contempt, and
the other to ruin ; involving in it a prince, who, if
it had not been for his being delivered up to such
counsels, might have made a better figure in his-
tory. But they managed both themselves and him
so ill, that a reign, whose rise was bright and pros-
perous, was soon set in darkness and disgrace.
But I break off here, lest I should seem to ag-
gravate misfortunes, and load the unfortunate too
much.
" a father, than as a prince."
The princess was addressed in
the following terms by the
queen her mother-in-law, in a
letter dated about five weeks
before the arrival of the prince
in England. " The second
" part of this news" (of the
intended expedition) " I will
" never believe, that is, that
" you are to come over with
" him ; for I know vou to be
too good, that T don't be-
lieve you could have such a
thought against the worst of
fathers, much less perform
it against the best, that has
always been kind to you,
and I believe has loved you
better than all the rest of
his children." Sir Henry
Ellis's First Series of Original
Letters, vol. III. p. .349.)
THE END.
APPENDIX
APPENDIX.
A Relation of the Departure of the Queen and the
Prince of Wales into France in December, 1688.
From a contemporary Letter.
Lyons, December 31, 1688.
At length we have the queen of England and prince
of Wales in France, arrived with only Donna Victoria
Davia and the nurse. The stroke was as fine as it was
bold. The king wished lord Dartmouth to have the glory
of it, but he from fear or other causes refused. Monsieur
Lauzun was in the king's confidence, and he, who was
only seeking to perform some deed of glory, charged
himself with this extremely difficult in appearance, and
in fact most perilous one. First then, he assured him-
self of two French cavaliers of good courage, whom
however he never let into the secret, since they had been
sent over by that court only to obey his orders, and when
the time seemed fit, he said to the king one day in public,
" Sire, as I find I am unable to render your majesty
" any service, would your majesty grant me a passport
" to return to France in one of your yachts," to which
the king assented, and asked him if he was going alone,
and he answered, that the ladies of some French officers
had applied to go with him, and so took leave of the
king, who granted him every thing in case he wished to
start at that hour, to be all ready, without even the
queen knowing any thing about it.
One night at two o'clock after midnight, Monsieur de
Lauzun having gone up to the king's apartment by a
little staircase, which the king had confided to him, told
him all was ready. He immediately made the queen get
up, whose alarms he quieted as soon as she learnt that
she was to take her son with her. Dressing them-
selves then as private ladies, they took with them the
472 APPENDIX.
two men, who conducted them on foot for a mile to
where a servant was in waiting for them with a hired
coach and six, which they got into and went to a
place, where at a poor woman's was the nurse with
the prince of Wales concealed there ever since the
king made a show of having him conveyed with a
numerous retinue lo Portsmouth ; and all getting into
the carriage they drove to the Thames, where em-
barking on the yacht they set sail very prosperously,
without the captain or any one else knowing the rank
of the ladies ; and Monsieur de Lauzun well armed
kept close to the captain all the time, determined to
kill him in case of his suspecting any thing and wishing
to thwart his design. On arriving at Calais Monsieur
de Lauzun then confided to the two cavaliers, who these
ladies were, who had disembarked much indisposed
from the passage. He himself, pretending only to have
come to accompany them, ordered the captain to take
him back to where he had brought him from. Carriages
were immediately despatched from Paris to take them,
with others of the catholic nobility who were there,
and Vincenues was ordered to be got ready for their
residence.
The king of England said to Monsieur de Lauzuu
that if the queen and her son could but reach France,
there was nothing he would not give. There are sad
news this morning, to the effect that the prince of
Orange had at length entered London with the accla-
mations of all the people, and had caused the nuncio to
be imprisoned, and the king had fled, it was not known
whither.
We were favoured with this translation of the Italian Original
by an elegant scholar, the reverend Dr. Wellesley, principal
of New Inn Hall. No material difference is to be found in
the Letter from the interesting account of Lauzun and the
queen's departure in Macaulay's History of England, II. 9.
p. 147, except in the strange misapprehension of the writer
of the Letter, that the prince had been conveyed to and
concealed with his nurse at a poor woman's, instead of
having been brought again from Portsmouth to Whitehall.
APPENDIX. 473
Original Letter.
Lione, 31 Xbre,
Finalmente habbiamo in Francia la Regina d' Inghil-
terra col Principe di Galles venuti con la sola Donna
Vittoria Davia e la Nutrice. II colpo e altretanto bello
quanto ardito. II Re voleva, che il Milord d' Armut ne
havesse la gloria, ma questo per timor, o altro rifiuto d'
esser. II Sig. Lauson hebbe la confidenza del Re, et
esso che non cercava che fare qualche attione gloriosa,
si carico di questa in apparenza scabrosa molto, et in
effetto pericolosissima. S'assicuro dunque prima di due
Cavalieri Francesi provisti di buon coraggio, a' quali
pero mai confido il secreto, poiche erano stati mandati
da quella corte solo per obedirlo in che havesse co-
mandato, e quando li parve il tempo opportune, disse h
quel Re un giorno in publico. Sire gik che mi trovo
incapace di renderle alcun servigio vuole V. M. ben ac-
cordarmi un Passaporto per ritornarmene in Francia
con uno de' suoi Jachit, al che il Re consent!, e li do-
mando se partiva solo, et egli rispose, che certe Dame
<T Ufficiali Francesi li havevano dimandato di partir
seco, con che si licentio dal Re, che li accordo il tutto, e
s' altro per partir a quelF hora li fosse piaciuto il tutto
pronto, senza che iiemeno la Regina ne sapesse cos
alcuna.
Una sera a 2 hore doppo mezza notte montato il
Sig. di Lauson nella Stanza del Re per una picola scala,
che il Re gli haveva confidato, li disse, che il tutto era
pronto, esso fece subito levare la Regina, quale atterita
riconsolo quando seppe, che dovea seco portare il figho,
vestitesi dunque in Donne private, si accompagnarono
con li due huomini, che le condussero a piedi per un
miglio sin la dove il servo le aspettava con una Carozza
a sei da nolo, sopra quale salite andorno in un luogo,
ove in casa d' una povera Donna si ritrovava la nut
col Principe di Galles ivi ritirata sin quando il Re i
474 APPENDIX.
mostra d' haverlo con grande accompagnamento fatto
asportare a Port Mout, e messisi tutti nella Carozza
andorno al Tamigi, ove montati sopra il Jachet fecero
vela con assai buon sucesso, senza che il Capitano, o
altra persona sapesse la conditione delle Donne, et il
Sig. di Lauson ben armato si tenne sempre a canto del
Capitano, risoluto d' ucciderlo, se col dubio di qualche
cosa havesse voluto rompere il suo disegno, giunto a
Gales all* hora il Sig. Lauson confido alii due Cavalieri,
chi erano le Dame sbarcate assai travagliate dal mare,
esso prendendo pretesto, che era venuto solo per accom-
pagnarle ordino al Capitano di ricondurlo la dove 1'
haveva preso.
Subito da Parigi si spedirono Carozze per Icvarle con
altra nobilta Cattolica, che cola si trovava, e se gli
facesse preparare Vincenes per lor dimora.
II Re d' Inghilterra disse al Sig. di Lauson che se la
Kegina col figlio poteva giungere in Francia, subito
darebbe tutto per il tutto.
Le iufclici uove di questa mattina portano, che il
Principe d' Oranges era finalmente entrato in Londra
con applauso di tutto il Popolo, et haveva fatto im-
prigionarc il Nuntio, et il Re se n' era fugito senza
sapcrsi dove.
An Account of the Autograph of Bur net's History
of his own Time, in the possession of the
University.
It is perhaps not generally known, that the university
of Oxford is in possession of the Autograph of bishop
Btirnet's History of his own Time, comprised in three
folio volumes. This manuscript and a Transcript of
the work belonged very lately to a family descended
from the bishop, and were purchased by the Curators of
the Bodleian Library in the year 1 835 together with a
APPENDIX. 475
large collection of Letters arid other Documents illus-
trating the author's life and writings. They had been
the property of his son judge Burnet, who in the second
volume of the first edition of his father's work promised,
what circumstances hindered his performing, to deposit
the original manuscript in the Cotton Library.
The bishop's Autograph now possessed by the uni-
versity was written in 1 703 and the subsequent years,
revised by the author in 1711, and completed by
him in 1713, about two years before his death. In it
are found those Passages undeleted, which occasioned
so much angry and very long protracted discussion in
consequence of their omission in the first edition, and
which were restored by us after the lapse of a century
in the year 1823. Only three of them are partially
deleted. Still the first editor, who deserves praise for
his continued attention to his father's work, seems to
have had more authority, than it was supposed, for
omitting some of these passages. For in the Transcript
above mentioned of this History they are not all of
them inserted ; and of the others not all are marked for
deletion, but only a very few, probably so marked by the
author and not by the editor, who to exculpate him-
self would have deleted all. In his last will the bishop
mentions a Copy of his work, which he desires may
previously to its publication be compared with his
Autograph, having, he adds, "made several amendments,
deletions, and additions in both of them." Mention
too is made in the Advertisement prefixed to the former
volume of the first edition of " a copy corrected and
interlined in many places with the author's own hand."
But that the copy possessed by the university is not the
copy referred to by the bishop himself appears from a
direction in his handwriting given in the Autograph,
1 to take in' an additional passage in the margin of the
copy at such a page, which is not found at that page of
the 'university copy, but is embodied there at a different
page in the text. This Transcript, much altered from
476 APPENDIX.
the Autograph in point of expression, and approaching
nearer to the edited work, seems to have been made
subsequently to the Autograph and the Copy mentioned
by the bishop.
It was therefore thought proper to admit into the
text those Suppressed Passages only which are acknow-
ledged both by the Autograph and Transcript. And
although the variations from the first edition are very
numerous in them both, in the Autograph amounting
to eleven hundred, and in the Transcript to above four
hundred, in the space only of this reign, yet as they are
most of them unimportant and principally owing to a
correction of the phrase or style, those passages only
have been restored, in which the meaning was affected
by the alteration. A List of them has been subjoined.
The recovery of the Autograph has enabled us to infer
from the time in which it was revised and completed,
not long before the author's death, that the several
collections of papers in the British Museum, written in
various hands and at different times, con tain, as sir Henry
Ellis originally suggested to us, what the author had
formerly penned, and afterwards thought proper to
omit or alter. Some part of these papers appear to
have been written before the author's return to Eng-
land in 1688, for he began to compose his History in
the year 1684, according to his relation at the end of
the first volume of the Autograph. As to the Copy
mentioned by him in his will, the settlement of the
question about the Suppressed Passages is chiefly con-
cerned in its reappearance.
APPENDIX. 477
"WE have lately been favoured with a Transcript of
the First day's proceedings of the lords, who met on the
king's departure without any previous notice, on the
eleventh of December, 1688, by the Reverend Sir John
Miller, Bart., of Knovvles, in Sussex. The Manuscript
in his possession was handed down to him from the
Gwynne family, of Forde Abbey, Devonshire, and con-
tains minutes made by Francis Gwynne, Esquire, their
secretary, of the proceedings from the eleventh to the
twenty-eighth of December inclusively. On the cover of
the book, which, according to a statement inserted in
the first vol. of Notes and Queries, page 40, is a small
folio, of which not above fifty pages are filled, it is
written, that the king withdrew himself on December
the 1 1 th, at about one of the clock in the morning.
The names of the twenty-nine lords, who met, are set
down, and may be found in Rennet's Complete Hist, of
Enqland, vol. II I. p. 53 3. In addition to the orders more
generally known to have been given, their lordships dis-
patched one to the earl of Feversham, " commander of
the king's forces, which was immediately signed by them
and delivered to Mr. Blathvvayt, who undertook to give
it into my lord Feversham's owne hand with all speed.
Whereas his Majesty hath this morning privately
withdrawne himselfe, wee the Lords Spirituall and Tem-
porall, whose names are subscribed, considering the
Prince of Orange hath declared his intentions to lead
his army to this Citty of London, and that severall of
the fforces under your cofiiand are in his way hither,
whereby the effusion of blood may ensue, wee doe there-
fore require you to give such necessary orders either for
the removall of the said troops to some distant quarters,
or otherwise as your LordPP shall thinke fitt, for prevent-
ing any hostility in this juncture. Tuesday, 1 1 December,
1688, att 12 of the Clock, Guildhall, London. To the
Rt. Honble the Earle of Ffevershnm, Lt. Genii . of the fforces,
or to the Comandr. in cheife In hi* absence.
478 APPENDIX.
Their lordships sent orders to my Lord Dartmouth
to prevent any acts of hostility between the prince of
Grangers fleet and that under his command, and likewise
to remove all popish officers out of their respective com-
mands, delivered to Mr. Pepys to transmitt the same.
It was moved that orders be sent to the Forts
on the river, to stop all passengers, but nothing was
done in it. Likewise to the governor of Tilbury, to dis-
arme the papists, but nothing done in it The
Earl of Rochester acquaints the lords that Sir Robert
Sawyer informs him the catholicks are got together in
armes about Hownslow. Orders now sent to Lieu** Gen lls
of the army to disarme all Roman catholicks
Their lordships judging it necessary to make a Decla-
ration of the cause of their meeting appointed the Earl
of Rochester, Lord Weymouth, Lord Bishops of Ely and
Rochester to prepare such a declaration, and their lord-
ships withdrew in order thereunto. Lord Preston "
who with the other secretary of state, lord Middleton,
had been written to, to attend their lordships, " attended
and was asked by their lordships if the king had left any
orders with him before his going away. His lordship
answered that he had not seen his majesty since seven
o'clock the night before. Being asked concerning the
great seal, answered he knew nothing of it. The earl
of Middleton was not at home. Mr. Cooper acquainting
their Lordships that he saw several backs and brests on
board a lighter from the Earl of Salisbury's house, the
sheriff of London was desired to seize them. The com-
mon sergeant returns their lordships thanks from the
Lord Mayor and court of aldermen for their appointing
the lord Lucas governor of the Tower. The Earl of
Rochester and lords committee appointed to draw up
the Declaration, returned, and the draft read first alto-
gether, afterwards paragraph by paragraph. Lord
Wharton moves it may againe be read altogether, which
was done, and afterwards paragraph by paragraph.
The first paragraph agreed to. The paragraph con-
APPENDIX. 479
earning the king, read; Lord Wharton, Lord Montague,
Lord Newport, and Lord Culpeper, moved it might be left
out." It should seem, that the omitted paragraph was
too favourable to the king to please these lords; the first
of whom, Lord Wharton, had fought, but with little
bravery, against the king's father at Edge Hill. " The
words, The Established Government, added in the para-
graph before ; and after these, and some other amend-
ments Ordered to be written fair for their lordships
signing, which was done and signed."" A copy of this
Declaration appears in Rennet's Complete History,
above cited, and in D'Oily's Life of Archbishop Sancroft,
Vol. I. p. 392, in which it is stated, on the authority of
Kettlewell's Life, p. 187, that some warm debates took
place on the occasion.
Bishop Burnet was, it appears, always to be vindicated
in his account, at p. 399, of the archbishop's concurrence
with the lords in their invitation to the prince of Orange,
from the censure of Ralph the historian, founded on the
circumstance of his not being present when the commis-
sioners were sent with the Declaration to the prince ;
which order, according to Kennet, was made on the first
day. But the Declaration, in which the prince was in-
vited, was signed by all. The archbishop seems to have
retired before the close of the day, as there is, we hear,
an entry in the Manuscript on the first day without his
signature; he never attended afterwards. There was,
however, no inconsistency between this invitation and his
subsequent refusal to transfer his allegiance from the king
to the prince of Orange. He had not invited the prince
to England, but now applied to him on the king's sud-
denly absenting himself, to protect in this exigence the
lives and property of the people during a limited period,
till the meeting of a parliament called by the king, who
some time after this left the kingdom., but with the de-
clared intention of returning.
480
APPENDIX.
A List of Variations from the First Edition of Burners History
adopted in this Edition from the authors Autograph and a
Transcript of his work.
Present Edition.
p. Hn.
12. 2 from the bottom, on an equally
13. 1 8. earl of Galway
15. 8. after for, as she was naturally bold and
insolent
15. 16. so the news
1 6. i. of the declarations
22. 13. then in great danger
23. 16. assist at
21. as a sin
24. 9 from the bottom. Mr. Hamden
30. I. in his spiteful enthusiastical way.
31. 7. I should have been
33. 21. on the receipt
34. 12 from the bottom, what follows the word
before omitted.
38. 5 from the bottom, so instrumental
52. 19. a cudgel
58. 1 8. she seemed not to have any of that ten-
derness left that became her sex, and his
present circumstances
65. 3. Some particulars relating to that matter
are too indecent to be mentioned by me.
67. 7. from the bottom, who had harboured
them.
75. 4. fiercest of the Tories
76. 2. all people
1 8. from it.
77. 12. his brother's two papers found in his
strong box.
80. 8. continued long
81. last line, their ill designs.
First Edition.
in an equally
earl of Galloway
omitted
at last the news
of omitted
then omitted
assist in
as unlawful
Mrs. Hamden. So also the
Transcript. Obscure in
the Autograph.
spiteful omitted
I might have been
or the receipt
before, of which mention was
made
so omitted
a cane
omitted
omitted
had omitted
fairest for fiercest
all the people
from popery
the two papers found in his
brother's strong box.
long omitted
ill omitted
APPENDIX.
481
Present Edition.
p. iin.
96. 13. he would make war
21. so many
1 02. 13. in particular concerning
1 1 8. 1 6. and dean of Norwich
119. 4. for any
122. 1 6. He was in all respects an ignorant,
worthless, vain and abject man, without any
one good quality.
124. ii. as much as may be.
124. 17. but which was only
125. 4. with whom he had lived in a scandal-
ous manner for several years.
136. last line, but
137. 6 from the bottom, for
143. 12. I spread many notions among some
of the younger sort, inclining them to more
latitude in point of opinion, and a greater
strictness in their lives and labours, which
I have found since have not been without
good effects.
144. 5. of any I ever saw
155. 19. try his patience
173. 2. as she was by law established
187. 7 from the bottom, still more past recon-
ciling
the ceremony of his visit
192. 12. nothing in divinity, so that
193. 4. but they were
195. 7. thither on those reasons
208. 1 8. as it seemed
232. 8. from the bottom, which were thought
so well writ that they
235. 14. very memorable
2 39- 5- which was as much as to say, dead or
alive.
245. 18. the more necessary
268. 6. from the bottom, chief justice Wright
was brought into this court
280. 1 3. to bind up nature. Yet it was said
she had several returns of that which hap-
pens to women when they are not with child.
i i
First Edition.
he should declare war
so omitted
in particular that concerning
omitted
for protestants
omitted
as well as they could
but were only
omitted
yet
and
omitted
I ever saw omitted
tire his patience, much the
she was omitted
still more omitted
his omitted
nothing of divinity
but because they were
on those reasons omitted
that it seemed
omitted
memorable
as much as to say omitted
the more omitted
Wright was now brought
into this court and made
chief justice.
omitted
482
APPENDIX.
Present Edition.
P. lln.
284. 8. she gave out
285. 3. but now
300. 5. in such a particular friendship
304. 4. took fire upon it, and
320. 9. This passage, 'though she used
flatter,' ought not to have been omitted, as it
does appear in the Transcript.
323. 8. counties
334. 12. a peace, and the forts which he had
built for the security of his subjects, ought
to be included in the peace.
335. 7. princes'
336* 3. he was not called on
340. 3. from the bottom, too early, and there-
fore very weak conduct
342. 1 8. an imposture in
348. 6 from the bottom, therefore full
352. ii. laws made to secure
376. 10. the lord Colchester, Mr. W barton, the
eldest sons of the earl of Rivers and the lord
Wharton.
379. last line, of that spurious race.
382. 12. and was by that exposed to much
censure.
389. 18. within thirty miles
398. 14. was also there
413. 8 from the bottom, any orders about
them
423. 8 from the bottom, about them.
424. 12. by his enemies
434. 19. as things then stood
435. 2 from the bottom, right of making them
430. 13. in her name
431. 3 from the bottom, to any that might at-
tempt
454. 8. though he could not
462. 1 6. true to them, and obey, and defend
them.
First Edition.
omitted
yet now
such omitted
omitted
countries
omitted
omitted
he was not indeed to
called on
unprecedented conduct
be
omitted
thus full
made omitted
the lord Colchester, the eld-
est son of the earl of Rivers
and the lord Wharton.
of the king's sons
omitted
within twenty miles
also omitted
any omitted
among them.
omitted
then omitted
right of deposing them
in her room
to any attempt
though omitted
and obey omitted
TABLE OF THE CONTENTS
OF THE FOREGOING
HISTORY
but
i
3
4
5
6
7
A REIGN happily begun,
inglorious all over
The king's first education
He learned war under Turenne
He was admiral of England
He was proclaimed king
His first speech
Well received ibid.
Addresses made to him ibid.
The earl of Rochester made lord
treasurer 8
The earl of Sunderland in favour
9
Customs and excise levied against
law ibid.
The king's coldness to those who
had been for the exclusion 12
He seemed to be on equal terms
with the French king ibid.
The king's course of life 14
The prince of Orange sent away
the duke of Monmouth 15
Some in England began to move
for him 16
Strange practices in elections of
parliament men 17
Evil prospect from an ill parlia-
ment 19
The prince of Orange submits in
every thing to the king 21
The king was crowned 23
I went out of England 24
Argile designed to invade Scot-
land 25
The duke of Monmouth forced
upon an ill-timed invasion
26
These designs were carried with
secrecy 3
Argile landed in Scotland 31
But was defeated, and taken 32
Argile's execution 33
Rumbold at his death denied the
Rye plot 35
A parliament in Scotland 37
Granted all that the king desired
39
Oates convicted of perjury 4 l
484
A TABLE OF
And cruelly whipt ibid.
Dangerfield killed 42
A parliament in England 43
Grants the revenue for life ibid-
And trusts to the king's promise
44
The parliament was violent 46
The lords were more cautious
47
The duke of Monmouth landed at
Lime 48
An act of attainder passed against
him 49
A rabble came and joined him
5i
Lord Grey's cowardice ibid.
The earl of Feversham command-
ed the king's army 54
The duke of Monmouth defeated
56
And taken ibid.
Soon after executed 58
He died with great calmness 60
Lord Grey pardoned 62
The king was lifted up with his
successes 63
But it had an ill effect on his
affairs 64
Great cruelties committed by his
soldiers ibid.
And much greater by Jefferies
65
AVith which the king was well
pleased 66
The execution of two women 67
The behaviour of those who suf-
fered 7 1
The nation was much changed by
this management 75
Great disputes for and against the
tests ibid.
Some change their religion 77
The duke of Queensborough dis-
graced 78
The king declared against the tests
79
Proceedings in Ireland ibid.
The persecution in France 81
A fatal year to the protestant re-
ligion 82
Rouvigny's behaviour 83
He came over to England 86
Dragoons sent to live on discre-
tion upon the protestants 87
Many of them yielded through
fear 88
Great cruelty every where ibid.
I went into Italy 90
And was well received at Rome
9 1
Cardinal Howard's freedom with
me 92
Cruelties in Orange 95
Another session of parliament 96
The king's speech against the test
97
Jefferies made lord chancellor 99
The house of commons address
the king for observing the law
100
The king was much offended with
it 102
The parliament was prorogued
104
The lord de la Meer tried and ac-
quitted 105
1686.
A trial upon the act for the test
107
Many judges turned out 108
Herbert, chief justice, gives judg-
ment for the king's dispensing
power ibid.
Admiral Herbert's firmness 1 1 1
Father Petre, a Jesuit, in high
favour 1 13
The king declared for a toleration
"4
THE CONTENTS.
485
The clergy managed the points of
controversy with great zeal and
success 115
The persons who were chiefly en-
gaged in this 117
Dr. Sharp in trouble 118
The bishop of London required
to suspend him 119
Which he could not obey ibid.
An_ ecclesiastical commission set
Up I2O
The bishop of London brought
before it 122
And was suspended by it 123
Affairs in Scotland 124
A tumult at Edinburgh 125
A parliament held there 126
Which refused to comply with
the king's desire 129
A zeal appeared there against
popery 130
Affairs in Ireland ibid.
The king made his mistress
countess of Dorchester 133
Attempts made on many to change
their religion 134
Particularly on the earl of Ro-
chester 136
He was turned out 139
Designs talked of against Holland
140
I stayed some time at Geneva
ibid.
The state and temper I observed
among the reformed 142
I was invited by the prince of
Orange to come to the Hague
144
A character of the prince and
princess of Orange 14?
I was much trusted by them
149
The prince's sense of our affairs
150
The princess's resolution with re-
spect to the prince 153
Penn sent over to treat with the
prince 1^5
Some bishops died in England
Cartwright and Parker promoted
1 60
The king's letter refused in Cam-
bridge 1 66
The vice-chancellor turned out by
the ecclesiastical commissioners
167
An attempt to impose a popish
president on Magdalen college
169
They disobey, and are censured
for it 173
1687.
And were all turned out 175
The dissenters were much courted
by the king 183
Debates and resolutions among
them 185
The army encamped at Hounslow
heath 186
An ambassador sent to Rome
187
He managed every thing unhap-
pily 188
Pope Innocent's character 191
Disputes about the franchises
194
Queen Christina's character of
some popes 196
D'Albeville sent envoy to Holland
ibid.
I was upon the king's pressing
instances forbid to see the
prince and princess of Orange
197
Dykvelt sent to England ibid.
The negotiations between the king
and the prince 199
486
A TABLE OF
A letter writ by the Jesuits of
Liege, that discovers the kind's
designs 204
Dykvelt's conduct in England
205
A proclamation of indulgence sent;
to Scotland 206
Which was much censured 207
A declaration for toleration inj
England 209
Addresses made upon it 210
The king's indignation against
the church party 2 1 1
The parliament was dissolved
213
The reception of the pope's nuncio
214
The king made a progress through
many parts of England 215
A change in the magistracy in
London, and over England
217
Questions put about elections of
parliament 219
The king wrote to the princess of
Orange about religion 222
Which she answered 226
Reflections on these letters 231
A prosecution set on against me
232
Albeville's memorial to the States
235
The States' answer to what related
to me 239
Other designs against me 241
Pensioner Fagel's letter 242
Father Petre made a privy coun-
sellor 246
The confidence of the Jesuits 247
The pensioner's letter was printed
248
The king asked the regiments of
his subjects in the States' ser-
vice 249
Which was refused, but the officers
had leave to go 250
A new declaration for toleration
*5*
Which the clergy were ordered to
read 253
To which they would not give
obedience 255
The archbishop and six bishops
petition the king 256
The king ordered the bishops to
be prosecuted for it 262
They were sent to the tower 264
But soon after discharged 265
They were tried 266
And acquitted 269
To the great joy of the town and
nation ibid.
The clergy was next designed
against 270
The effect this had every where
271
Russel pressed the prince 273
The prince's answer 274
The elector of Brandenburgh's
death 275
The queen gave out that she was
with child 278
The queen's reckoning changed
284
The queen said to be in labour
286
And delivered of a son 287
Great grounds of jealousy ap-
peared 288
The child, as was believed, died,
and another was put in his room
292
The prince and princess of Orange
sent to congratulate 295
The prince designs an expedition
to England 296
Sunderland advised more mode-
rate proceedings 297
THE CONTENTS.
487
And he turned papist 299
The prince of Orange treats with
some of the princes of the em-
pire 302
The affairs of Colen 304
Herbert came over to Holland
312
The advices from England ibid.
The lord Mordaunt's character
313
The earl of Shrewsbury's charac-
ter ibid.
RussePs character 314
Sidney's character 315
Many engaged in the design 317
Lord Churchill's character 318
The court of France gave the
alarm 324
Recruits from Ireland refused
3 2 5
Offers made by the French 327
Not entertained at that time ibid.
The French own an alliance with
the king 329
The strange conduct of France
33 1
A manifesto of war against the
empire 333
Reflections made upon it 334
Another against the pope 336
Censures that passed upon it 338
Marshal Schomberg sent to Cleve
339
The Dutch fleet at sea 340
The prince of Orange's declara-
tion 34 1
I was desired to go with the prince
343
Advices from England 344
Artifices to cover the design 347
The Dutch put to sea 349
Some factious motions at the
Hague 35
The army was shipped 353
The princess's sense of things
354
The pnnce took leave of the States
ibid.
We sailed out of the Maes 355
But were forced back 356
Consultations in England 357
Proofs brought for the birth of
the prince of Wales 361
We sailed out more happily a
second time 370
We landed at Torbay 372
The king's army began to come
over to the prince 376
An association among those who
came to the prince 383
The heads in Oxford sent to him
Great disorders in London 386
A treaty begun with the prince
387
The king left the kingdom 389
He is much censured 392
But is brought back 395
The prince is desired to come and
take the government into his
hands 398
Different advice given to the prince
concerning the king's person
401
The prince came to London, and
the king went to Rochester
411
The prince was welcomed by all
sorts of people 4 T 4
Consultations about the settle-
ment of the nation 4*5
The king went over to France
The affairs of Scotland 4 J 8
The affairs of Ireland 421
1689.
The prince in treaty with the earl
of Tyrconnel 425
488
A TABLE OF, &c.
The convention met 428
Some are for a prince regent 430
Others are for another king 434
And against a regency 437
Some moved to examine the birth
of the prince of Wales 444
But it was rejected 445
Some were for making the prince
king 448
The prince declared his mind after
long silence 452
It was resolved to put the prince
and princess both in the throne
454
They drew an instrument about it
458
The oaths were altered 460
The ill sense that was put on the
new oath 462
The princess came to England
465
The conclusion 468
INDEX
TO THE HISTORY OF KING JAMES II.
Extracted from the Index drawn up, as it now appears, by judge Burnet to
his father's whole work.
Abdicate, debate on the word,
442, 443.
Abingdon, earl of, goes to the
prince of Orange, 376.
Ailoffe, 32, 34, 36 ; executed, 37.
Albemarle, duke of, sent against
the duke of Monmouth, 5 1 .
Albeville, marquis de, his charac-
ter, 196, 197; king James's
envoy to the States, 199, 200,
202, 222, 223, 235 j his memo-
rial about Bantam, 236, 237;
he discovers king James's de-
sign too soon, 247, 248, 328,
329-
Aldrich, Dr., 117.
Anglesey, earl of, opposes Mon-
mouth's attainder, 49.
Argile, earl of, invades Scotland,
25, 26, 27, 30, 3r; is defeated,
taken, and executed, 32, 33, 34.
Armagh, primate of, 80.
Army, the, at Hounslow-heath,
186, 187; king James's desert
to the prince of Orange, 377,
378 ; parties engage in Dorset-
shire and at Reading, 400, 401.
Arran, lord, 31, 386.
Atterbury, Dr., 117.
Barillon, 90, 196, 328.
Bath, earl of, his practices on
Cornish elections, 1 7 ; offers to
join the prince of Orange, 37 1 ;
makes Plymouth declare for
him, 385.
Beaumont, colonel, refuses Irish
recruits, 326.
Bellasis, lady, 286.
Benthink, envoy from the States
to Brandenburgh, 302; his
secrecy in the expedition to
England, 353, 402, 448.
Berkeley, lord lieutenant of Ire-
land, 4.
Berwick, duke of, his character,
279.
Borghese, prince, 94.
Brandenburgh, elector of, his
death and character, 274, 275,
276, 277.
Brandon, lord, 63.
Bristol, earl of, 381.
Bruce, bishop of Dunkeld, turned
out for speaking against the
repeal of the penal laws. 129.
490
INDEX.
Burnet, bishop (the author), goes
out of England, 24 ; resides at
Paris, 82 ; his account of the
persecution in France, ibid., 83,
84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90; well re-
ceived at Rome, 91 ; cardinal
Howard's freedom with him,
92, 93 ; the cruelty he saw in
Orange, 95; his observations
on the reformed churches, 140,
141, 142, 143, 144; is invited
to the prince and princess of
Orange, 144; discovers a con-
spiracy against the prince, 145 ;
his character of the prince and
princess, ibid., 147, 148; much
employed and trusted by them,
149; puts the princess on de-
claring what share the prince
may expect in the government,
153, 154; forbid their court in
appearance at king James's in-
stance, 197; is more trusted,
ibid. ; draws Dykvelt's private
instructions when sent ambas-
sador to England, ibid., 198,
231 ; is prosecuted in Scotland
for high treason, 233 ; natural-
ized at the Hague, ibid. ; Albe-
ville demands him to be deliver-
ed up or banished, 237; the
States' answer, 239; other de-
signs on his life, 240, 241 ; ac-
quaints the house of Hanover
with the prince of Orange's de-
sign, and intimates the proba-
bility of an entail on that family,
303; goes with the prince of
Orange, as his chaplain, 343;
his advice to the princess of
Orange, 354 ; what passed be-
tween the prince and him at
landing, 372 ; draws up an as-
sociation at Exeter, 384; his
conference with the marquis of
Halifax concerning king James,
388, 402 ; protects the Papists
and Jacobites from insults, 413;
opposes Benthink in behalf of
the princess of Orange, 448,
449; declares her sentiments,
455-
Campbell, father and son impri-
soned, 40.
Carstairs, put to the torture, 39.
Cartwright made bishop of Ches-
ter, 1 60, 175, 258.
Caryl, sent to Rome, 12.
Chaise, father la, 200.
Chamberlain, Dr., 288.
Charlton, 16.
Charteris, Mr., attends on the earl
of Argile at his execution, 33,
34-
Chudleigh, 13.
Churchill, lord, sent ambassador
to France, 13; his character,
318, 319; goes to the prince of
Orange at Axminster, 379.
Churchill, lady, her character, 320;
accompanies the princess of
Denmark to Northampton, 381,
382.
Cibo, cardinal, 190.
Claget, Dr., 117.
Clarendon, earl of, 5.
Clarendon, earl of, made lieutenant
of Ireland, 80, 130; recalled,
131,376; reflects on king James,
and joins the prince of Orange,
387, 388 ; sent to treat with the
lords sent by king James, 389,
407; reconciles himself to the
Jacobites, 424 ; for a prince re-
gent, 432.
Clarendon, countess of, 282, 290.
Clement, prince, chosen coadjutor
INDEX.
491
to Cologne, 308, 309, 310, 332,
337* 339-
Clergy, English, their controversy
with the church of Rome, 115,
1 1 6, 117; by whom managed,
117; invite the prince of Orange
to defend them, 180, 181; wel-
come him here, 414, 415.
Clergy, Scotch, insulted by the
presbyterians at the revolution,
419.
Cochran, sir John, 25, 32, 35, 36.
Colchester, lord, joins the prince
of Orange, 376.
Cologne, elector of, his death and
character, 304, 305; the state
of Cologne at his death, 307,
3"> 332 335-
Compton, bishop of London, is
against repealing the test, 100;
refuses to suspend Dr. Sharp,
119; brought before the eccle-
siastical commission, 122; sus-
pended by them, 123; meets at
the lord Shrewsbury's, 206;
for the prince of Orange, 317 ;
conveys the princess of Den-
mark to Northampton, 382.
Condom, bishop of, 83.
Cook (Coke) sent to the tower,
103.
Cornbury, his regiment joins the
prince of Orange, 376.
Cornish, 71 ; executed, 72.
Crewe, bishop of Durham, 120,
121.
Culpepper, lord, 399, 450.
Dada, nuncio to king James, 191.
Danby, earl of, joins for inviting
over the prince of Orange, 206,
3*7> 3 2 3 345, 378, 448, 45 *>
452, 453-
Dangerfield, convicted of perjury
and whipped, 42; his death,
ibid.
Dartmouth, lord, 31 2; commands
the fleet against the prince of
Orange, 325; is forced into
Portsmouth, 374.
D'Avaux, 248, 324.
De la Mere, lord, 24; tried and
acquitted, 105, 106, 107 ; raises
a regiment for the prince of
Orange, 379, 409.
Denmark, George, prince of, 281,
322 ; joins the prince of Orange,
380.
Denmark, Anne, princess of, sent
to Bath, 283, 322; retires to
Northampton at the revolution,
382, 450, 454.
D'Estrees, cardinal, 92.
Devonshire, earl of, 98, 318 ; joins
in inviting the prince of Orange,
ibid., 323, 378.
Dissenters, courted by king James,
183; their debates and resolu-
tions, 185.
Dolben, archbishop of York, 121.
Dorchester, countess of, 133, 279.
Dorset, lady, 382.
Doughty, Dr., 450.
Drumlanerick, lord, joins the
prince of Orange, 380.
Dundee, earl of, heads the episco-
pal party in Scotland, 420.
Dundonald, earl of, 35.
Dyckvelt, ambassador to England,
67, 150; sent again with in-
structions how to manage all
sorts of people in England, 197,
198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 205,
353-
Ely, bishop of, 399.
Fagel, pensioner, 146, 150; his
402
INDEX.
letter to Steward, 242, 347,
348.
Farmer, refused to be chosen pre-
sident of Magdalen college, 169,
170.
Fatio, 146.
Fell, bishop of Oxford, 157, 158.
Ferguson, cabals in Holland with
the duke of Monmouth, 27, 29,
50, 53-
Feversham, earl of, commands
against Monmouth, 54, 70, 403;
sent with a message to the
prince of Orange, 405, 406.
Finch, Dr., warden of All Souls,
sent to the prince of Orange,
793-
Finch, Heneage, afterwards earl
of Aylsford, 107.
Fitton, chancellor of Ireland, 131.
Fitz- James made duke of Berwick,
279.
Fletcher, Andrew, 27, 29, 52.
Francis, father, refused his degree
at Cambridge, 166, 167.
French, the, their king, 307, 309;
warns king James of the prince
of Orange's designs, 324 ; offers
him troops, 327 ; and threatens
the States in case of an invasion,
329; prohibits Dutch manu-
factures, 331, 332; his mani-
festo of war against the em-
peror, 333, 334, 335, 336; and
against the pope, 336, 337.
Furstemberg, prince of, dean of
Cologne, 305; made a cardi-
nal, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310;
the French king espouses him,
333 334-
Gaunt, Mrs., 67 ; her execution,
68.
Gee, 117.
George, prince, see Denmark.
Gibson, colonel, deputy governor
of Exeter, 384.
Godolphin, lord, one of the queen's
household, 9 ; sent by king
James to the prince of Orange,
387.
Goodenough, 71.
Gordon, duke of, governor of
Edinburgh castle, 418.
Grafton, duke of, joins the prince
of Orange, 379.
Grey, lord, meets Monmouth in
Holland, 27, 28, 29 ; his ill con-
duct, 51, 52; is pardoned, 62,
139-
Hales, sir Edward, his trial on
the test act, 107, 108; follows
king James beyond sea, 392.
Halewyn, 150, 197.
Hall, made bishop of Oxford, 261,
262.
Halifax, marquis of, 8, 9 ; moves
in council to examine who have
taken the test, 76, 77 ; dismiss-
ed, 79; meets at lord Shrews-
bury's, 206, 317; sent by king
James to the prince of Orange,
387, 406, 409, 425, 448, 449,
453-
Halloway, judge, 268.
Hambden, 24, 63.
Hamilton, duke of, 3, 129; with
others of the Scotch nobility
addresses the prince of Orange,
421.
Hamilton, duchess of, 362.
Hamilton, general, sent to treat
with Tyrconnel, 426.
Hamilton made bishop of Dun-
keld, 129.
Hanover, duke of, 303.
Hedges, sir Charles, 175.
INDEX.
493
Heidegger, of Zurich, 205.
Hemmings, apothecary, his story
of the prince of Wales's death,
290, 291.
Herbert, sir Edward, chief justice,
1 08; goes the western circuit,
114; made an ecclesiastical
commissioner, 120; a judge in
the seven bishops' trial, 268.
Herbert, admiral, against repeal-
ing the test, in; goes over to
Holland, 312; is lieutenant-
genera] of the Dutch fleet, 341,
346, 349> 353> 3"8.
Hesse, landgrave of, 303.
Hicks, a dissenter, 69.
Hooper, Dr., 674.
Hough, Dr., chosen president of
Magdalen college, 1 70 ; turned
out by the ecclesiastical com-
mission, 173, 175.
Howard, cardinal, 92, 187, 191,
247.
Hume, sir Patrick, corresponds
with Argile, 25, 26.
Hyde, chancellor, see Clarendon,
earl of.
James II., king, begins his reign
with great advantage, i ; his
education, 3, 4; learned war
under Turenne, 4 ; is proclaim-
ed with great shouts, 6; ad-
dressed by Oxford and London,
8; customs and excise levied
without law, 9, 10, 1 1, 12 ; goes
openly to mass, 12; his course
of life, 14, 15 ; summons a par-
liament, 17; his coronation, 23;
his success against Monmouth
and Argile, 63 ; cruelties of sol-
diers and of Jefferies in the
west, 64, 65 ; the nation turned
by them, 75; disputes about
the test, ibid., 76; the king's
declaration against the test act,
79; the commons address for
observing the act, 102; some
members closeted, others dis-
graced for their voting, 104;
the judges consulted as to the
king's dispensing power, 108;
the test neglected, 112, 113;
an ecclesiastical commission,
1 20 ; he sends the earl of Mur-
ray to hold a parliament in Scot-
land, 126; the parliament will
not take off the test there, 129 ;
and is dissolved, ibid. ; the king
makes Mrs. Sidley countess of
Dorchester, 133, 134, 135, 136,
137; attempts to bring papists
into the two universities, 163,
164, 1 66, 167, 1 68, 169; the pre-
sident and fellows of Magdalen
college turned out, 175, 176;
the king courts the dissenters,
183, 184; his army encamps
on Houn slow-heath, 186; sends
an ambassador to Rome, 188,
190; and Albeville envoy to
Holland, 196, 197; the king's
designs disclosed by the Je-
suits at Liege, 204 ; by his pro-
clamation in Scotland he claims
absolute power, 206, 207; his
declaration for toleration in
England, 209 ; addresses of the
dissenters, 210, 211; the par-
liament dissolved, 213; the
pope's nuncio received, 213,
214; the king's progress, 215;
changes the magistrates over
England, 217; questions put
about elections, 219; his letter
to the princess of Orange about
religion, 222, 223, 224, 225;
her answer, 225, 226, 227, 228,
494
INDEX.
229, 230; Steward in favour,
242, 243; F. Petre a privy
counsellor, 246; the king de-
mands his regiments in the
States' service, 249 ; a new de-
claration for toleration, 251 ; the
clergy refuse to read it, 255 ;
the bishops petition against it,
*5 6 > 2 57> 258 ; are sent to the
Tower, 264 ; are tried in West-
minster-hall, 265,266, 267, 268;
great joy at their acquittal, 269,
270; the clergy cited, 270; the
queen gives out she is with
child, 278, 280, 281 ; an ac-
count of the birth of that child,
280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285,
286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291,
292, 293, 294, 295, 296; a fleet
sent out, 297 ; the court alarmed,
302, 324; lord Dartmouth com-
mands the fleet, 325 ; Irish re-
cruits refused by the officers of
the army, 326; the French
troops refused, 327, 328; the
earl of Sunderland prevents the
seizing suspected persons, 357,
358, 359 J proofs of the birth of
the pretended prince of Wales,
361,362,363,364,365,366,367;
the fleet is forced back into
Portsmouth, 374 ; the king
comes to Salisbury, 376 ; many
forsake him, 378 ; the princess
of Denmark does, 381, 382;
he returns to London, 385;
sends for the lords there, and
by their advice sends to treat
with the prince of Orange, 387;
strange counsel of the priests,
389 ; the king goes away in
disguise, 391, 3^2; taken and
brought to Feversham, 395;
advices given as to his person,
402, 403; brought to White-
hall, 404 ; sent under a Dutch
guard to Rochester, 411; his
queen presses him to come to
France, 417.
Jane, Dr., 136.
Jefferies, lord, his cruelty in the
west, 65 ; made a baron, 67 ;
and lord chancellor, 99, 120,
168, 188, 241, 360, 397; sent
to the Tower, 398.
Innocent XI., pope, 91.
Johnstoune, 316, 323.
Jurien, M., 149.
Ken, bishop, attends the duke of
Monmouth at his execution,
58.
Kirk, 64, 135, 241, 318.
Langston, colonel, 377.
Lavardin, count, enters Rome in
a hostile manner, 306.
Leyburn, a bishop, sent from
Rome, 247.
Lilibulero, song so called, 383.
Lisle, lord, 69 ; his lady's cha-
racter and execution, ibid., 70,
7-
Lloyd, bishop, 163, 292, 293,
463.
Lob advises sending the bishops
to the Tower, 259.
Lorge, marshal, 13.
Louvoy dragoons the protestants,
87, 145, 146, 324.
Lucas, lord, seizes the Tower, and
declares for the prince of Orange,
398.
Lumley, lord, 56, 315, 323, 378.
Lunenburg, duke of, 303.
Macclesfield, earl of, 351.
Macom, 126.
INDEX.
495
Magdalen college, Oxford, attempt
upon by king James, 169, 359,
360.
Magna Charta, an original in the
author's hands, 436.
Maintenon, Madame de, 96, 200.
Mary, queen, wife of king James
II., went to Bath, 279; the
mysterious management of her
supposed childbirth, 281, 282,
283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288,
289, 290, 291, 292, 293; went
to France, 391 ; engaged king
James to follow her, 417.
Mary, queen of Scots, 149.
Massey, dean of Christ Church,
163.
Maynard, sergeant, 46; his re-
partee to king William, 415.
Meaux, bishop of, 83.
Melfort, earl of, 40, 41, 77, 78,
357-
Melvill, lord, 25.
Middleton, earl of, his advice to
Paterson, 128, 135, 233, 410.
Millington, Dr., 283.
Modena, duchess of, 280.
Monmouth, duke of, dismissed
from Holland, 15, 16, 19, 21,
24, 26 ; forced to an unripe in-
vasion, 27, 28, 30, 31; lands
at Lime, 48 ; attainted by par-
liament, 49; defeated and taken,
56; executed, 58, 59, 60; dies
calmly, 61.
Mordaunt, lord, 100, 312, 351.
Morgan, father, 230.
Mountague, earl of, 82.
Mountjoy, lord, 422, 427.
Mulgrave, earl of, 134.
Murray, earl of, 126.
Musgrave, sir Christopher, 44.
Nelthorp, 650.
Norfolk, duke of, his repartee to
king James, 135.
North, chief justice, his character,
98.
Northumberland, earl of, 3.
Nottingham, earl of, attacks lord
Guilford, 98; meets at lord
Shrewsbury's, 206, 317; sent
by king James to treat with the
prince of Orange, 387, 416;
for a prince regent, 432, 434.
Nuncio from the pope, solemnly
receivedbykingJames,2i3,2i4.
Oates, Titus, convicted of perjury,
and cruelly whipped, 41.
Odescalchi, Livio, 91.
Orange, William Henry, prince
of, dismisses the duke of Mon-
mouth, 15; keeps fair with
king James, 21, 22, 140; in-
vites Dr. Burnet to the Hague,
144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149,
150, 151, 152, 153, 154, I55
156, 157; addressed by the
church and clergy to interpose,
180,181; his answer to D'Albe-
ville's propositions, 201; his
friends meet at the earl of
Shrewsbury's to concert mea-
sures, 206; Fagel's answers to
Steward's letters, 244, 245, 246,
247, 248, 249; his answer to
Russel, 274; congratulates on
the birth of the pretended prince
of Wales, 295; communicates
his intended expedition to the
elector of Brandenburgh, 302 ;
Cologne affords a pretence for
arming, 304, 305, 306, 307,
308,309,310, 3" 5 the States
fit out a fleet, 311; what Eng-
lish engaged, 312, 313, 314* 3 J 5>
316, 317, 3 l8 > 3 1 9> 3 20 > 3 21 >
496
INDEX.
322, 323, 324 ; affairs in Ger-
many favour the design, 333,
334, 335. 33 6 J tne Dutch fleet
at sea, 340 ; the prince's decla-
ration, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345,
346, 347 348, 350, 35M it is
amended, 352, 353, 354, 355;
the fleet forced back, 356, 368,
369; they return to sea, 370;
land at Torbay,372; the prince's
behaviour, ibid., 373 ; proceeds
to Exeter, 375 ; many desert to
him, 376, 377, 378 ; an associa-
tion, 383 ; he is invited to Ox-
ford, 384; his answer to the
lords sent by king James, 389 ;
the privy council invite him to
London, 398, 399 ; learns that
king James was fled, 400; at
Windsor, that he was returned
to Whitehall, 402, 404, 405;
sends him a message to remove,
410; comes to London, 411,
412, 413 ; calls a convention of
estates, 416 ; the Scotch declare
for him, 419, 423, 424, 425,
427, 428 ; the convention meets,
428, 430; their debates, 431,
432. 433 434, 435, 43 6 437,
43 8 439 44, 44i ; about the
word abdicate, 442, 443; a mo-
tion for examining the birth of
the pretended prince of Wales,
444; rejected, 445; other mo-
tions, 448 ; the prince's beha-
viour all this while, 452 ; it is
carried to put the prince and
princess jointly on the throne,
456; protests in the house of
lords, ibid. ; the oaths altered,
460, 461 ; the notion of a king
de facto, and a king de jure, 461,
462.
Orange, princess of, her letters to
king James, 222, 223, 224, 225,
226, 227, 228, 229, 230; arrives
in England, 465.
Orleans, duchess of, 333, 334.
Ormond, duke of, 79.
Oxford, earl of, 389.
Oxford, university of, promises to
obey James II. without limita-
tion, 8; invites the prince of
Orange, 384 ; signs the associa-
tion, 400.
Palmer, earl of Castlemain, sent
to Rome, 188.
Parker, Dr., made bishop of Ox-
ford, 161, 173, 174, 175; his
death, 260.
Parliament, English, 17, 18, 19,
43 ; grant the civil list for life,
43 ; a bill to make words trea-
son, 46 ; act of attainder of the
duke of Monmouth, 49 ; a new
session, 96, 97, 98 ; the com-
mons' address for observing the
test, 1 02 ; the parliament pro-
rogued, 104 ; and dissolved,
213; a convention called, 416,
428 ; debates there, 428456 ;
declare the prince and princess
of Orange king and queen, and
pass a claim of rights, 456;
offer them the crown, 468.
Parliament, Scotch, 37 ; grant all
that is asked, 39 ; they will not
take off the penal laws, 129;
are dissolved, ibid.
Paterson, bishop, 128, 129 ; made
archbishop, 129.
Patrick, bishop, 117, 136.
Pearson, bishop, his death and
character, 157, 158.
Pembroke, earl of, 399.
Pen, the quaker,68, 72, 155, 156,
157. 185, 242, 252.
INDEX.
497
Perth, countess of, turns Roman
catholic, 124, 125.
Perth, lord, turns papist, 77, 78 ;
has a chapel for mass, 125; is
imprisoned, 422.
Petre, father, 113, 132, 156, 189;
a privy councillor, 246, 251,
259, 262, 264.
Pierce, Mrs., her deposition, 364.
Plymouth garrison declare for the
prince of Orange, 385.
Pope Innocent, his character, 191,
192; his disputes with France,
193-
Porter, sir Charles, 80, 81.
Powel, judge, his opinion in the
trial of the seven bishops, 268.
Powis, countess of, 283.
Powis made solicitor general and
attorney general, 107, 266.
Presbyterians, Scotch, insolent to
the episcopal clergy, 419.
Preston, lord, 44 ; made secretary
of state, 358.
Princess Anne, see Denmark.
Prince George, see Denmark.
Protestant religion, 83.
Quakers, the, 185.
Queen Mary, see Mary.
Queen of Scots, see Mary queen
of Scots.
Queensbury, marquis of, made a
duke, 37 ; his scheme, 37, 38 ;
gets the better of the earl of
Perth, 77; is disgraced and in
danger, 78, 126, 129.
Renaldi of Este made a cardinal,
189.
Rochester, earl of, made lord trea-
surer, 8, 9, u, 19; and one of
the ecclesiastical commission,
1 20, 1 23 ; his conference about
religion, 136; loses the white
staff, 139; for a prince regent,
432.
Ross, Dr., archbishop of Glasgow,
129.
Rouvigny, ambassador from
France, 13, 83, 85.
Rumbold, 32.
Rumsey, 71, 72.
Russel, lord, 61.
Russel, admiral, meets at lord
Shrewsbury's, 206 ; goes to the
Hague, 273, 274; his charac-
ter, 314, 3i5> 323> 35 i, So 2 ,
371-
Russel, Mr., lord Russel's brother,
376.
Sancroft, archbishop, is one of
the ecclesiastical commission,
1 20, 162, 163; joins in the pe-
tition of the seven bishops, 254,
2 55> 256; met with the privy
councillors that invited the
prince of Orange, 398, 414 ;
absents from the convention,
430.
Saville, George, see Halifax, mar-
quis of.
Sawyer, attorney general, 266.
Scarborough, Dr., 282, 283.
Schomberg, marshal, quits the
French and Portuguese service,
339' 340, 346, 3 68 > 372.
Sedley, Mrs., 14, 15, 23; created
countess of Dorchester, 133,
see Dorchester.
Seimour, sir Edward, 45; joins
the prince of Orange, and pro-
poses an association, 383; is
governor of Exeter, 384.
Sharp, Dr. John, preaches against
popery, 118, 119, 122, 124.
Shrewsbury, earl of, meetings at
498
I N D E X.
his house in favour of the prince
of Orange, 206 ; his character,
3*3 3*4; goes over to Hol-
land, 323, 351, 384, 389, 409,
453-
Sibbald, sir Robert, 127.
Sidley, see Sedley.
Sidney, Mr., in high favour with
the prince of Orange, 300 ; his
character, 315, 316, 317, 344,
35'-
Skelton, envoy at the Hague, 14,
48; and at Paris, 196; is sent
to the Tower, 329.
Solmes, count, 409, 411.
Somerset, duke of, 214.
Sprat, bishop of Rochester, 121,
270.
Steward, a lawyer, his letters to
Fagel, 242, 244, 246.
Stewart, Dr., 223.
Stillingfleet, Dr., 117, 136, 318.
Stouppe, brigadier, 91.
Sunderland, earl of, 9 ; made pre-
sident of the council, 79, 113,
203; advises moderate mea-
sures, 297 ; turns papist, 299 ;
advises the rejecting a French
army, 327 ; is turned out, 357,
358.
Sunderland, countess of, 286, 362.
Talbot, Richard, made earl of Tir-
connell, 80, see Tirconnell.
Temple, sir William, 424, 426,
428.
Tennison, Dr., 59, 117.
Tesse, mareschal, 95.
Tillotson, Dr., 117, 136, 318.
Tirconnell, earl of, 130; made
lieutenant of Ireland, 131, 407,
421, 422, 424, 425, 426, 427.
see Talbot, Richard.
Trelawney, bishop of Bristol, 258,
318.
Trelawney, general, 318.
Truraball, sir William, 330.
Turenne, mareschal, his character
of the duke of York, 4, 5.
Turner, bishop, 22, 23, 24 ; at-
tends the duke of Monmouth at
execution, 58, 59.
Van Hulst, 353.
Villeroy, duke of, 13.
Wade, 27.
Wake, Dr., 117.
Walgrave, 282, 291.
Walker, Obadiah, 118.
Ward, bishop, 160.
Wentworth, lady, 27, 58, 59, 364.
Weymouth, viscount, 399.
Wharton, lord, 376.
Whitby, Dr., 117.
White, marquis d'Albeville, see
Albeville.
Whitford, 127.
Wildman, 16, 350, 352, 368, 447.
William III., joint sovereign with
queen Mary, see Orange.
Williams, bishop, 117.
Williams, sir William, 266.
Windebank, Dr., 291.
Witherby, Dr., 283.
Wright, chief justice, 268, 269.
Zulestein, 295, 402.
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
Abdication,, the, lord Pembroke's
remark on, 442 ; debate on, 456.
Abingdon, earl of, 407.
Ailoffe stabs himself, 37.
Albeville, marquis of, 330.
Aldworth, Dr., 171, 177.
Alford,his account of Monmouth's
landing, 49.
Anne, princess of Denmark, con-
duct to her husband, 54, 139,
222; her remarks on the queen's
being pregnant, 281, 284, 291,
367 ; leaves her father, 381 ;
her pious restitution of the first
fruits, 222.
Annesley, Richard, dean of Exeter,
375-
Argyle, earl of, 30, 31, 33, 34.
Army, the king's address to the,
379' 394> 404, 4ii-
Arnold, a brewer, one of the jury
at the trial of the bishops, 269.
Arran, countess of, 363.
Arran, lord, afterwards duke of
Hamilton, 411.
Arundel of Wardour, lord, 259.
Aylesbury, Bruce, earl of, extract
of a letter from him on the
Magdalen college affair, 164;
his opinion of lord Sunderland,
298, 411.
Bagshaw, captain, 171.
Balcarras, earl of, his and lord
Dundas'interviewwith the king,
404.
Balderston, Dr., 168.
Bandinel, Dr., 126.
Barillon, 21 ; attempts divisions
among the peers, 328 ,
Barlow, bishop, 162.
Bath, John Granville, earl of,
385.
Bayley, Dr., fellow of Magdalen
college, Oxford, 165.
Baxter, captain, 241.
Beaumont, lieutenant-colonel, 32 1 .
326.
Bellasis, lady, her deposition, 287.
Bentinck, ambassador from the
prince of Orange, afterwards
earl of Portland, urges Mon-
mouth's execution, 29, 412.
Berkeley, Mrs., 381.
Berwick, duke of, 279.
Bill for the preservation of king
James II., 47, 48.
Bishops, the seven, acquitted by
the jury, but after much debate,
269.
Bliss, Dr., 31.
Bolingbroke, lord, a fine senti-
ment of his respecting the duke
of Marlborough, 319.
Bond, made president of Magda-
len college, Oxford, by queen
Elizabeth, 169.
Bonrepaus, the French agent, 132,
175, 325> 330-
Boyle, Michael, archbishop of Ar-
magh, his character, 80.
K k 2
500
INDEX.
Bradford, bishop, stumbled at the
coronation of George II, 23.
Bradford, earl of, 297, 298.
Braybroke, lord, has some ori-
ginal papers relating to the
Magdalen college visitation, 170,
172.
Brudenel, lord, turns protestant,
3I3-
Burnet, bishop, profession of his
fidelity as an historian, 147 ;
his account of himself, 152 ;
set by the prince of Orange to
prevail on the princess to yield
all authority to him, 155, 184;
outlawry, 238; design against
him, 241; a statement of his
confuted, 274 ; corrected, 280;
blameable for his account of the
queen's delivery, and the warm-
ing-pan story, 292 ; his vanity
and want of fidelity according to
lord Dartmouth, 304; conversa-
tion with the prince of Orange,
372, 446, 447 J MS - draught of
his own life cited, 412, 457;
seemed to regret that James II.
was detained, 402 ; a pamphlet
of his publicly burnt, 464; ac-
count of his Autograph, 474, Ap-
pend. ; defended, 479, Append.
Burnet, Thomas, son of the author,
afterwards judge Burnet, author
of a pamphlet, called New Proofs
of the Pretender's being truly
James the Third, 282, 290, 293,
364, 475, Append.
Butler, sir Nicholas, 298.
Caesar, Mr., sent to the Tower, 9.
Calamy, Dr., quoted, 72.
Cambridge university elect arch-
bishop Sancroft chancellor, 432.
Carlingford, earl of, 199.
Carstares, Mr., his paper of dis-
bursements, 29, 238, 372.
Cartwright, bishop, 161, 177.
Castlemain, lord, disliked at Rome,
195-
Chamberlayne, Dr. Hugh, his ac-
count of the queen's delivery,
289.
Chandos, Brydges, duke of, 357.
Charles I., treatment of, 169 ; his
wishes respecting mandatory
letters, 170; promotes the au-
thority of the church, 222.
Charles II. much lamented, 6,53.
Char nock sides with James II. in
the affair of Magdalen college,
171, 172,177.
Chrysostom's, St., epistle to Cae-
sarius, 117.
Chudleigh offends the prince of
Orange, 14, 29.
Church the, its meddling with
politics unadvisable, 253.
Churchill, captain, 385.
Churchill, George, 322.
Churchill, John, lord, 321,322,
see Marlborough, duke of.
Cibber, Colley, 6.
Citters, the Dutch envoy, 325.
Clancarty, earl of, 160.
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, earl of,
his letter to Dr. Oliver, 169.
Clarendon, countess of, 293.
Clarendon, Henry Hyde, earl of,
139; desertion of his son ap-
parently without his privity,
377 ; treats with the lords sent
by James II, 389, 412.
Clement VIII, pope, 189.
Clerke, Dr., president of Magda-
len college, 171.
Cobbett, his observation on the
national debt, 150.
Cogan's Tracts, 205, 251.
INDEX.
501
Coke, Mr., of Derbyshire, 103.
Compton, Henry, bishop of Lon-
don, 182, 359; anecdote of him,
382 ; votes against a regency,
457-
Constitution of England, 460.
Continuator of Mackintosh's His-
tory of the Revolution shews
that the king did not abandon
his army, 385; frequently cited.
Cornbury, lord, 376.
Cotton, sir John Hynde, 408.
Coxe, archdeacon, 322.
Cradock, Mr., 166.
Craven, earl of, wished to fight
the Dutch troops, 409. [The
stout earl of Craven, as the duke
of Bucks calls him, was above
eighty at this time. He had
opposed the king's nomination
of a Roman catholic at the
Charter House.]
Creation of peers to obtain a ma-
jority a violation of the consti-
tution, 298.
Crewe, bishop, 161.
Customs levied by James II, 10.
Cutler, sir Thomas, 73.
Dada, cardinal, his good sense,
191, 192, 265.
Dalrymple, sir John, his character
of lord keeper North, 99.
Danby, Thomas Osborne, earl of,
prevents a plan against lord
Nottingham, 318, 451.
Dangerfield, the informer, wound-
ed, 42.
Danvers, John, accusation against,
62, 300.
Dare, of Taunton, 52, 53.
Dartmouth, George Legge, lord,
60, 325, 391, 47 1 - Append. 47 8 -
Dartmouth, William Legge, earl
of, 184; answers the duke
D'Aumount, 214.
D'Avaux, the French ambassador,
29.
D'Aumount, duke, 214.
Davia, Donna Victoria, 471, Ap-
pend.
Dawson, Mrs., 287.
Declaration of king James II,
258, 260, 272, 274.
De Croise, madame, her prophecy
respecting the duke of Marl-
borough, 320.
Derby, countess of, made groom
of the stole, 467.
D'Este, CaBsar, 189.
Dispensing Power, in, 112, 179.
Dissenters comply with James II,
1 86; majority of them defended,
ibid., 246.
Divine right, origin of the doc-
trine, 463.
Dixwell, sir Basil, 395.
Dodwell's interview with bishop
Pearson, 158; an unpublished
collection of Letters to him from
the bishops Fell and Lloyd, 182.
Dorset, Charles Sackville, earl of,
the supposed author of Lilibu-
lero, 383.
D'Oyly, Dr., refutes an assertion
of Burnet's, 399, 4i4> 43 1 ' 479-
Dundee, viscount, his interview
with the king, 404, 420.
Dutch, suspicions of their design
against England, 311, 3 12 -
Dykvelt, 452.
Edward II, his deposition, 43 6 -
Elections for the first parliament
of James II, 18.
Elizabeth, queen, 169 ; her conduct
in 1588 defended on the plea of
necessity, 459-
502
INDEX.
Ellis, sir Henry, 292, 397, 468.
Episcopacy abolished in Scotland
by king William III, 419.
Evelyn, John, his Memoirs cited,
u, 18,34, 274,319.
Eugene, prince, his character of
the duke of Marlborough, 319.
Fagel, the pensionary of Holland,
381,452-
Fairfax, Dr., 171, 177.
Fairfax, general, 171.
Farmer, Mr., recommended to
Magdalen college, by James II,
i?i> '77-
Fell, bishop, character of him,
159, 1 60.
Fenwick, sir John, 65, 352, 411.
Feversham, earl of, 394; sent to
protect king James, 403 ; im-
prisoned, but soon set at liberty,
406, 477, Append.
Fitzharding, lady, 381.
Fletcher, of Salton, his character,
27, 29.
Frampton, bishop, 257.
France, league against, approved
of by the pope, 337.
Francis thrusts out Dangerfield's
eye, 42.
Fuller, William, 294.
George, prince of Denmark, brave
but indolent, 54 ; Charles the
Second's opinion of him, ibid. ;
his character, ibid., 380.
Giffard, Bonaventure, 262.
Giffard, lady, writes a life of her
brother,sir William Temple,424-
Godden, an eminent Romanist,
116, 138.
Godfrey, colonel, 322.
Godolphin, Sidney, earl of, in the
queen's confidence, 9 ; obliges
princess Anne, 139; employs
Penn, 156; accompanies the
queen to St. James's, 285 ; ad-
vises James 1 1. to withdraw, 393.
Goodenough, 71.
Grafton, duke of, introduces the
pope's nuncio, 214, 379, 380,
403-
Greek church, 224.
Grey, lord, this perfidious person
made earl of Tankerville, 56;
the cause of Monmouth's de-
claring himself king, 60.
Hales, sir Edward, his case, u i,
179.
Halifax, Charles Montague, earl
of, 457.
Halifax, George Saville, marquis
of, 98, 206 ; his conduct when
king James's commissioner,
393' 409, 4M; his reason for
keeping up an army, 425 ; dis-
putes with lord Danby, 45 1 , 454.
Hall, bishop of Oxford, 162.
Hamilton, duchess of, 363.
Harcourt, sir Simon, afterwards
lord Harcourt, 109.
Hawkins, Dr., refuses to read the
declaration, 270.
Hedges, sir Charles, made secre-
tary of state, 175.
Hemings, 293, 294.
Henry VII, king of England, his
case, 153.
Henry IV. of France, his statue
removed from before St. John
Lateran, 193.
Herbert, admiral, a severe reply
to him by king James II, as
to conscience, 112; disliked,
34i,36i.
Herbert, sir Edward, created earl
Portland by king James, 108;
INDEX.
503
leaves his estate and library to
lords Lincoln and Harcourt,
ibid. ; vindicates the king's dis-
pensing power, in; but dis-
tinguishes in favour of Magda-
len college, 179.
Hereditary right, 463.
Hey wood, sergeant, 47.
Hickes, George, dean of Worces-
ter, said to have refused solicit-
ing for the pardon of his bro-
ther, 69 ; the lady Wentworth's
relation to him respecting the
birth of the prince of Wales, a
MS. cited, 293, 365, 367, 447.
Higgons, Bevill, 18, 42, 391 ; his
View of English History quoted,
263, 296.
Holden's letter, 175.
Holt, sir John, 415.
Holte, sir Charles, 220.
Hook, brigadier, a confession of
his, 62.
Hough, Dr. John, 165; elected
president of Magdalen college,
172, 175, 176, 177 i?8.
Howard, cardinal, beloved at
Rome, 195.
Hume, sir Patrick, afterwards earl
ofMarchmont, 28; Marchmont
papers cited, 205.
Huntingdon, earl of, 385.
Ironside, Dr., his information to
Dr. Smith, 179; his discourse
with king James II, 180182.
James II, king of England, his
character by speaker Onslow,
2 ; his additional speech, 7 ;
receives money from France,
13; bill for his preservation,
47, 48; dislikes Jeffries's se-
verity, 73; his sharp reply to
admiral Herbert, 112 ; pretend-
ed order in his name to ex-
pel eighty students of Christ
Church, 172; sends for and
chides the fellows of Magdalen
college, Oxford, 174; discourse
with the vice-chancellor of Ox-
ford, 180182 ; refuses to set a-
side the princess of Orange, 222 ;
his ignorance of the petition of
Magdalen college, 179, 182; [It
seems referred to in Hough's
letter about Mr. Penn.] be-
trayed by White, 197 ; thought
by foreigners to hurt the Roman
catholics by his measures, 199 ;
regulation of corporations con-
trary to his judgment, 219;
disapproves of the princess's
journey to Bath, 283, 312, 325;
a saying of the French king
relative to him, 357, 358, 359,
360, 361 ; his declarations con-
cerning the birth of his son,
366; addresses the officers of
his army, 379, 383, 385; at-
tempts to leave the kingdom,
390, 391, 39 2 > 393J detained at
Feversham, 395, 402 > nis mind
overset by his misfortunes, 395 ;
rudely treated, 396, 397, 4 2 >
403, 404; the city of London
decline receiving him, 405;
doubts as to what was to be
done with him, 407, 4 IO > 4 IX
412, 417, 4195 his character,
430; his affection for his chil-
dren, 467. 477 Append.
Jane, Dr., 138.
Jeffries, judge, 10, 43 > his cruelt ^'
66, 72 ; conference with Dr.
Sharp, 73; opposes lord keeper
North, 98 ; behaves with de-
cency at lord Delemere's trial,
504
INDEX.
107, 1 80 ; endeavours to escape,
but is recognised by one who
had been frightened by him,
397-
Jekyll, sir Joseph, 72.
Jenner, baron, his MS. account
of the visitation of Magdalen
college, 165, 177, 178, 180.
Jesuits, their ingratitude and hos-
tility to cardinal Howard, 195;
pretended letter of, 205.
Johnson, Samuel, his "Julian the
Apostate," 386.
Ken, bishop, relieves the prisoners
at Wells, 73.
Kendal, captain, his reply to lord
Middleton, 101.
King, dejure and de facto, 461.
Kings, their interest to support
the law, 272.
Kirk, colonel, caressed by king
William, 64, 379.
Fortescue-Knottesford, Mr. Fran-
cis, 288, 448.
Lamplugh, archbishop of York,
257 ; [where his name has been
omitted, ' Lamplugh of Exeter.']
assists at the coronation of
William III, 375.
De Lauzun, Monsieur, conducts
the queen to France, 471 474,
Append.
Leeds, Thomas Osborne, duke of,
454-
I^egge, colonel William, the
younger, conducts the duke of
Monmouth to London, 60.
Le Neve, his letter, 160.
Leslie, Charles, 445.
Leyburn, Dr., an eminent Roman-
ist, 138.
Lilibulero, song, author of, 383.
Lincoln, earl of, 109.
Lingard's History of England,
cited 10, 28, 42, 45, 52, 70,
11 9> *33 !3 8 20 3 414.
Lisle, bishop of Norwich, 118.
Lisle, 70.
Lisle, Mrs., cruelly used, 69.
Litchfield, earl of, 411.
Lloyd, bishop, assists an anony-
mous writer in a pamphlet on
the birth of the pretender, 293,
368,431 ; appears to have been
in the secret of the intended
revolution, 182 ; active for the
prince of Orange, with whom
he corresponded, 431.
Lloyd, bishop of Norwich, 257.
Lob, Mr., 298.
Locke, John, mistakingly said to
assist Argyle, 26; his removal
from Christ Church, 160.
Lonsdale,lord, Memoir by, quoted,
47, 104, 214.
Louis XIV, king of France, 21,
3*5 344. 357-
Louisa, princess, daughter of
James II, 294.
Louvois advises the quartering of
troops on the protestants in
France, 87.
Lucas, lord, 398, 478, Append.
Lumley, lord, turns protestant,
313; Swift's opinion of, 315.
Macclesneld, Gerard, earl of, said
to have proposed the murder of
James II, 61.
Mackenzie, sir George, confutes
the warming-pan story, 288.
Magdalen college, 164, 165; full
account of their contest with
king James, 171, 172, 173, 174,
175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180,
181, 182, 361.
INDEX.
505
Magna Charta, 259.
Mansfield, lord, his observation
on the funds, 150.
Mangey, Dr., 118.
Marlborough, John Churchill,
duke of, prince Eugene's cha-
racter of, 319,321,322, 379, 381.
Marlborough, Sarah, duchess of,
her Memoirs, 320, 322, 323;
her account of the princess
Anne's flight, ibid.; her ac-
count of the princess of Orange
contradicted, 466 ; " Duchess
of Marlborough's Conduct, Re-
view of," cited, 467.
Mary of Modena, queen of James
II, a phrase used by her, 113;
account of her pregnancy and
delivery, 280, 281, 282, 283,
284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289,
290, 291, 292, 293, 294; her
account of her son's illness,
292 ; quits the kingdom, 390,
391, 468.
Massey, dean, sets up a Roman
catholic chapel, 163; his in-
teresting account of the me-
thods taken to ruin James II,
172.
Manwaring, Arthur, 320.
Maynard, Dr., 172.
Melfort papers, 16.
Meuschen, Heer, gives a false ac-
count of Chamberlayne's evi-
dence, 288, 289.
Mews, bishop of Winchester, 170,
257 3 6l > 395-
Middleton, earl of, reproaches cer-
tain members for voting against
the king, 101, 287, 403, 479-
Miller, sir John, his MS. Minutes,
477, Append.
Modena, duchess of, time of her
death, 280.
Monmouth, duke of, 26, 29, 30
45 ; lands, 49, 52, 55 ; his in-
terview with James II, 57.
interview with his wife, 58, 59 ]
anecdote in favour of him,6i, 99.
Monmouth, duchess of, her cor-
roboration of the queen's de-
livery, 289.
Montague, Ralph, afterwards duke
of, 82 ; desires a dukedom, and
his plea for the request, 457.
Montague, Sidney Wortley, 457.
Montgomery, sir James, his pam-
phlet, "Great Britain's Just
Complaint," cited, 113, 114,
219, 283, 405.
Mordaunt, earl of Peterborough,
35L 352.
Nelthorp, 69.
Newton, sir Isaac, 461.
Norfolk, duke of, encourages his
son to turn protestant, 313.
North, lord keeper, a proposal of
his relative to levying the cus-
toms and excise not acted upon,
10; a good character of him,
98, 99 ; his. loyalty to James II,
ibid.; nicknamed "Slyboots,"
99.
North, Roger, his "Life of the
Lord Keeper North," found
fault with and excused, 74, 99.
Northampton, earl of, removed
from the lord lieutenancy of
Warwickshire (perhaps North-
amptonshire), 220.
Nottingham, Heneage Finch, earl
of, makes Hedges secretary to
keep out Vernon, 175, 206; a
proposal to destroy him, 318,
412; his observation, 464.
Oglethorpe, sir Theophilus, 326.
506
INDEX.
Old mix on's History of the Stuarts
and of England, cited, 52, 65,
294, 362.
Oliver, Dr., president of Magda-
len college, Oxford, lord Cla-
rendon's letter to him, 169.
Onslow, sir Richard, afterward
lord, 101.
Orange, princess of, 222; accused
of being too gay on her arrival
at Whitehall, 466.
Orange, William, prince of, angry
with Charles the Second's en-
voy, 14; said to encourage the
duke of Monmouth in order to
ruin him, 29, 74; accused by
Jeffries, 75, 99; looks forward
to being king of England, 151 ;
not a good husband, 154, 245,
296, 325 ; suspects that he is
betrayed, 376, 386, 399, 414,
431, 460, 479, Append.
Orkney, lady, 154.
Onnond, James Butler, first duke
of, observation by him, 80 ; fore-
bodes the coming storm, 105.
Onnond, James Butler, second
duke of, communicates a design
against the author, 241, 323,
380,381.
Ossory, countess of, her prediction
to Dr. Hough, 176.
Oxford, Robert Harley, earl of,
352, 39-
Oxford, university of, 159 ; suffers
for its steadiness to the church,
'<>4, 173-
Parker, bishop, 161, 177.
Parliament of James II, com-
posed of men of fortune and
rank, 18; division on the dis-
pensing power, roi; unanimous
address of, ibid., 213.
Passages Suppressed,475, Append.
Passive obedience, 429.
Paston, captain, 326.
Patrick, bishop, 138.
Peachel, Dr., starves himself. 167;
threatened with deprivation of
his headship, 168.
Pearson, bishop, failure of his in-
tellect, 158.
Pembroke, earl of, 399, 442.
Penn, William, king James the
Second's opinion of, 156 ; letter
formerly supposed to be written
by him to Dr. Bay ley of Mag-
dalen college, 165; the letter
disowned by him, ibid. ; ac-
count of his interview with Dr.
Hough, ibid.
Pepys's Diary, cited, 168, 175.
Peter, St., infallibility, not con-
fined to him by Acts xv, 224.
Petition of the archbishop and
bishops to James II, published
immediately after its delivery,
363-
Petre, lord, 113.
Petre, father, intrigues with lord
Sunderland, 113; generally dis-
liked, ibid., 232; made a privy
councillor, 251 ; but contrary
to lord A rondel's opinion, 259,
298.
Philip, king of Spain, excluded
from power in England, 153; his
marriage with queen Mary, 450.
Pollexfen, his opinion on the prince
of Orange's taking the govern-
ment, 415.
Pope, Alexander, cited, 351, 352.
Popish controversy, 115, 1 16, 1 17.
Powis, lady, 289.
Powis, sir Thomas, character of,
107.
Preston, lord, 478, Append.
INDEX.
507
Pretender, prince of Wales's legi-
timacy, 280, 281, 282, 283
296, 33 8 35i, 361, 363, 365,
366, 367, 368, 390 ; sent into
France, 391, 414, 445, 446, 447,
448; relation of his departure,
471474. Append.
Protestant religion, free inquiry
allowed by it productive of civil
liberty, 2.
Prussia, king of, made so by king
William's means, 277 ; a smart
reply to, ibid.
Pudsey, Dr., 171.
Queensbury, duke of, 380.
Ralph, his History of England, 29,
30, 36, 45, 50, 99, 104 ; an error
in his History pointed out, 104,
249, 269 ; confutes an assertion
of the author's, 274, 280, 361,
395. 397. 399 403. 479-
Rapin's demand of further evidence
for the prince of Wales's legiti-
macy satisfied, 365.
Reading, town of, skirmish there at
the time of the revolution, 401.
Regency for life, those against
changing the government op-
posed to it, 440.
Resistance, allowable, 429.
Revenue, proposals to give it to
James II. and William III. for
a limited period, 19.
Richard II, his deposition, 436.
Rochester, Laurence Hyde, earl
of, 21 ; attempt to pervert him
fails, 137 ; declines assisting the
princess Anne, 139, 388, 478,
Append.
Rome, church of, acknowledged
to hold the fundamentals of the
Christian religion, 92.
Romans, modern, undeserving of
the name according to Voltaire
188.
Ronquillo, the Spanish ambassa-
dor* 325. 330. 397-
Rose, George, accuses Burnet of
mistaking a fact, but is confuted
by sergeant Hey wood, 43, 47, 49.
Russell, admiral, has an audience
with the prince of Orange, 274,
322, 341-
Russell, lord, 62.
Salisbury, earl of, 478, Append.
Salmon's "Examination of Bur-
net," 47, 70.
Sancroft, archbishop, thanks king
James for his speech, 7; the
author's account of him con-
futed, 121 ; desires to be ex-
cused from attendance on the
ecclesiastical commission, ibid.,
167; vindicated, 253; forbid-
den the court, 257, 258, 264,
265; assures the king that he
had not invited the prince of
Orange, 359; assertions con-
cerning him refuted, 399, 414 ;
his answer to the clergy on the
prince of Orange's arrival in
London, 431; offered to be
elected chancellor of Cambridge,
431, 432, 479, Append.
Savoy, duke of, observation on
prince George of Denmark,
54-
Sawyer, sir Robert, 266, 478, Ap-
pend.
Schomberg, duke of, 389.
Scott, Dr., 72.
Scott, sir Walter, his admirable
tales, 421.
Seymour, sir Edward, speaks con-
cerning the elections, 45, 384.
508
INDEX.
Shakespear, much read by arch-
bishop Sharp, 118; speaker
Onslow's opinion of his works,
118.
Sharp, archbishop of York, visits
Jeffries in the Tower, 73 ;
advises young divines to read
Shakespear and the Scriptures,
118, 119, 120,398.
Ship-money, case of, 459.
Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot, earl
and duke of, 313; an account
of his, 318, 409.
Sidley, Catharine, countess of
Dorchester, eccentric, 134.
Sidney, Henry, his character, 315.
Skinner's Ecclesiastical History of
Scotland, quoted, 130.
Smith, Dr. Thomas, 171, 172,
177; his narrative, 179, 182;
twice deprived of his fellowship,
262, 361.
Srnythe, sir Robert, marries Wal-
ler's Sacharissa, 300.
Smythe, sir Sydney Stafford, 300.
Solms, count, 410.
Somers, lord, 72.
Somerset, duke of, refuses to in-
troduce the pope's nuncio, 214.
Spanish ambassador's house burnt
down, 397.
Speke, Hugh, 380, 386.
Sprat, bishop, 74, 162; trembles
at reading the declaration for
toleration, 260, 359.
Stewart, sir James, 208 ; his con-
duct and character, 243.
Stouppe, 91.
Stuart family, not suited to govern
England, 20.
Sunderland, Robert Spencer, earl
of, pensioned by France, 21,
203; affronts lord keeper North,
9^, IJ 3> 132; his plan to re-
move lord Rochester, 137, 171,
172, 177, 178, 180, 203; made
lord lieutenant of Warwick-
shire (perhaps Northampton-
shire) instead of the earl of
Northampton, 220; of the se-
cret council to James II, 251,
259 ; his treacherous conduct,
297, 298, 299; turns papist,
and his reason why, 30x5 ; ad-
vised pardoning the bishops,
301 ; makes a good minister to
king William, ibid., 302, 311,
325-
Sunderland, countess of, 298,
300; her deposition on the
birth of the prince of Wales,
363-
Taaf, count (the earl of Carling-
ford), 199.
Temple, sir Richard, moved for
the impeachment of the duke
of M >nmoutli , 50.
Temple, sir William, 424.
Temple, son of sir William, de-
stroys himself, 428.
Tenison, archbishop, made col-
lections for a life of Fell, 160,
295-
Test act, 245.
Thistle, order of, revived, 418.
Torrington, Arthur, earl of, 109.
Trelawney, bishop, 182, 258;
votes against a regency, 457.
Trelawney, general, 375.
Tyrconnell, Richard Talbot, duke
of, his scheme to separate Ire-
land from England, 132, 133,
425-
Vane, Christopher, made a privy
councillor, 246.
Vane, sir Henry, 246.
INDEX.
509
Vernon, disliked by lord Notting-
ham, 175.
Villiers, Mrs., occasions some un-
happiness between tbe prince
and princess of Orange, 154 ;
see lady Orkney.
Universities, English, said to be
degenerating, 159.
Voltaire, 188.
Wake, archbishop, reprints Bi-
got's edition of St.Chrysostom's
Epistle to Caesarius, 117, 118;
a MS. life of the archbishop by
himself, 431.
Walcot, 161.
Ward, Seth, bishop of Salisbury,
257-
Walker, Dr., governor of London-
derry, no mention made of him
by Burnet, 422.
Walpole, sir Robert, prevents the
publication of the duchess of
Marlborough's Memoirs, 320.
Warming-pan story refuted, 286,
287.
Wellesley, Dr., 472, Append.
Wei wood, Dr., corroborates the
acclamations with which king
James II. was crowned, 6.
Wentworth, Isabella, lady, cor-
roborates the truth of the
queen's delivery, 293, 365, 446,
447-
Weymouth, lord, 398; his cha-
racter by lord Dartmouth, 399;
sent by the lords to the prince
of Orange, ibid. ; the kind host
of bishop Ken, ibid., 43>
[Where correct, at this time of
the notice of the king's] 478,
Append.
Wharton,Henry,ii 7 ,i8 3 . [Where
correct p. 134 for p. 139 ; enim
for sibij et for ac ; and add
illos after armis.']
Wharton, lord, 376, 478, Append.
Wharton, sir Michael, 451.
Wharton, Mr. Thomas, after-
ward marquis and duke of,
joins the prince of Orange,
376.
White, marquis of Albeville, be-
trays king James II, 197.
White, bishop, 359.
William III, king of England,
Burnet's further character of
him, never before printed, 147;
recommended the abrogation of
the corporation test, 245, 348 ;
his answer to Burnet, 372 ;
speaker Onslow's justly high
opinion of his abilities, 452.
Winchelsea, earl of, gives good
advice to king James II, 395.
Windebank, doctor, certificated
account of his conversation with
Dr. Waldgrave, 282.
Wood, Anthony, his account of
bishop Fell, 159, 163, 465.
Wright, Michael, publishes an ac-
count of lord Castlemain's em-
bassy, 188.
Wright, chief justice, 177.
Wynn, sir W. W., in opposition
to government, 266.
Zuylestein, 410.
Corrections.
Page 73. col. 2. lin. 13. "This was formerly written." Correct,
" This remark was formerly made."
P. 163. col. 2. L6. " notwithstanding," " nevertheless."
P. 183. col. 2. 1. 4. It now appears, that bishop Lloyd cor-
responded with the prince.
P. 280. col. 2. 1. 9. " account," " accounts."
P. 298. col. 2. 1. 10. "not to oppose." Perhaps the author of
this correctly cited passage wrote, " not to propose''
P. 320. 1. 9. After " favour", the words " though she used none
of the common arts of a court to maintain it : for she did
not beset the princess nor flatter her." were omitted by
mistake.
P. 375. col. i. last line, "the king's first departure." If the
king mentioned his being chased away from his own house
by the prince of Orange, it must have been on his second
departure.
P. 389. 1. 1 8. "within thirty miles of London." Perhaps
" twenty miles" is more correct.
P. 399. col. i . 1.7. The Declaration of the peers, in which the prince
of Orange was invited to take on himself the government
for a limited time, and which was signed by the archbishop,
justifies bishop Burnet ; whom we erroneously stated at
p. 414 to have misrepresented him.
P. 401. 1. 3. " an equality," " an inequality."
P. 431. col. 2. 1. 25. " he," "Lloyd."
P. 508. col. 2. 1. 4. " (perhaps Northamptonshire)" to be omitted.
December 1885.
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