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Full text of "History of the Republican party in Illinois 1854-1912 : with a review of the aggressions of the slave-power"

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Copyright 1912 


Rockford, 111. 










THE continuous ascendancy of the Republican party 
in Illinois has few parallels in the histories of the 
several states. In 1856 William H. Bissell was 
elected governor of the commonwealth as a Republican. In 
the fifty-six years that have elapsed, with the exception of 
two years, from 1893 to 1895, the party has been in control 
of the legislature or executive department of the state gov- 
ernment; and during nearly all of that period the party has 
had the governor and both branches of the general assembly. 
The story of the Republican party in Illinois is therefore the 
political history of the state from the days of Fremont and 

In 1854 Senator Douglas, of Illinois, led the movement 
for the repeal of the Missouri compromise, one of the land- 
marks of freedom which had been held sacred and inviolate. 
The Republican party was the organized protest of the nation- 
al conscience against this act of sacrilege. In 1858 Illinois 
was the battle-ground of giants, and the gaze of the nation 
was intently fixed upon Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham 
Lincoln. The contest was primarily for a seat in the United 
States senate, but it was essentially a struggle between two 
civilizations ; between the old order of things that was about 
to pass away, and a new dispensation of liberty. These facts 
give special interest and value to the history of the great 
awakening in Illinois. 

Many interesting details are necessarily omitted from a 
volume of this kind; and in his treatment of the subject the 
author does not claim absolute accuracy of statement nor 

vi Foreword 

infallibility of judgment. He is confident, however, that he 
has produced not only a reliable manual of information, but 
a rational interpretation of the causes underlying the historic 
movement. No attempt has been made in this history to 
include the election of justices of the appellate and supreme 
courts. There has been a tendency to separate the judiciary 
from partisan politics, and this policy has received popular 

The author is confident that no other work covering 
this particular field has ever been published. There have 
been many general histories of Illinois, to which the author 
acknowledges his obligations. Several of these works are 
voluminous and expensive, none of them are brought down to 
date, and several are out of print. 

These facts justify the belief that the "History of the 
Republican Party in Illinois" will be welcomed as a worthy 
accession to the history of this imperial commonwealth. 


Rockford, Illinois, September 9, 1912. 






COMPROMISE. .... Page 1 










TICKET. ...... 29 


viii Contents 




SPEECH. ...... 38 




AT OTTAWA. . . . . . 46 










Contents ix 























x Contents 














LEY'S CABINET. . . . . .175 





HOUSE. 187 

Contents xi 














WORD. 23 1 


"The First American" . . . Frontispiece 

Lyman Trumbull . . 28 

Stephen A. Douglas .... 56 

Richard Yates ... . . 76 

Richard J. Oglesby . 96 

Ulysses S. Grant . 143 
John A. Logan .... 

John M. Palmer . 170 

Joseph G. Cannon . . . 197 

Charles S. Deneen . . 207 

Shelby M. Cullom 226 







REPRESENTATIVE government is necessarily ad- 
ministered through political organization. Parties, 
like nations, may have their rise, decline and fall ; but 
others will speedily emerge from their ruins. James A. Gar- 
field did not state the case too strongly when he said : "Organ- 
izations may change or dissolve, but when parties cease to exist, 
liberty will perish." Parties are born, not made, and they have 
their own organic life and individuality, which outlive the men 
who make up their rank and file. Early in the administration 
of President Washington two general principles of govern- 
ment became incarnated in Hamilton and Jefferson. They 
represented the two poles of political thought. The one be- 
lieved in the centralization of power ; the other was the apostle 
of individualism. Amid all the mutations of a century and a 
quarter these conceptions of government have been in the fore- 
front, and the lines were never more sharply drawn than they 
are today. There may be so-called "eras of good feeling," 
times when the claims of party are disregarded ; but these are 
transitional periods rather than a normal status. When any 
established order is about to pass away, there will surely 
follow a re-alignment upon new and living issues. 

The history of the Republican party has for sixty years, 
with two brief intervals, been the political history of the 


2 Republican Party in Illinois 

nation. Illinois has from the first been a stronghold of 
Republicanism. Only once since 1856 has the enemy suc- 
cessfully stormed the citadel. The beginnings of the Repub- 
lican party in Illinois is a story of thrilling interest ; it is full 
of the romance of history. The heroes were not Quixotic 
adventurers waging fierce battles with imaginary foes. They 
were men of heroic mold, whom the old Norsemen would 
have enrolled among the heroes in the halls of Valhalla. 
They were knights of true chivalry, who drew their swords 
for freedom, liberty and law. The rise of this party to power 
will make its appeal to the student of state history, irrespec- 
tive of his personal opinion. A brief survey of earlier politi- 
cal history will afford the necessary background. 

African slavery existed in the United States nearly two 
and a half centuries. In August, 1619, a Dutch vessel 
entered James river with twenty slaves. They were pur- 
chased by the colonists, and their offspring endured perpetual 
servitude. One year later the pilgrims landed on Plymouth 
rock. Thus there were transplanted to the virgin soil of the 
new world, almost simultaneously, the civilizations of the 
Puritan and the cavalier. 

From 1619 until 1775, a period of one hundred and 
fifty-six years, the colonial policy of England was under the 
control of the friends of slavery and the slave trade. Her 
merchants and manufacturers quickly caught the spirit 
that emanated from parliament and the throne. Under 
the fostering care of the mother country, slavery flourished in 
the colonies. More than three hundred thousand bondsmen 
were imported ; and colonial legislation designed to restrict 
or prohibit the traffic was nullified by the home government. 
Henry Wilson tells the story in a single sentence: "British 
avarice planted slavery in America; British legislation sane- 

Republican Party in Illinois 3 

tioned and maintained it; British statesmen sustained and 
guarded it." 

When the declaration of independence was promulgated 
by the continental congress in 1776 African slavery had been 
established in every one of the thirteen colonies. 

The treaty of Paris was signed in 1783, by which the 
independence of the colonies was acknowledged. Between 
the thirty-first and forty-seventh parallels of latitude was a 
vast unorganized territory that was conceded to be embraced 
within the limits of the new republic. This domain was 
claimed by the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New 
York, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia, by virtue of 
their respective royal charters. These claims were resisted 
by the other states, which contended that the territory which 
had been acquired in a common struggle should inure to 
the good of all. Virginia solved the problem by magnani- 
mously surrendering the larger portion of her territory. Other 
states relinquished their shadowy claims. By these means a 
magnificent national domain was created beyond the Alle- 

The slavery question quickly came to the front. In 1784 
the continental congress accepted from the Old Dominion 
a deed of cession of all the lands claimed by her northwest of 
the Ohio river. A select committee prepared a plan of govern- 
ment for this territory and for any other domain that might 
be subsequently ceded. This plan provided that slavery 
should not be permitted after the year 1800. This provision 
failed to pass and thus Liberty suffered defeat in her very first 
contest with the Slave-Power. This measure would have 
secured to freedom not only the great Northwest territory, 
but also Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi. 

In 1787 a congressional committee, of which Nathan Dane 

4 Republican Party in Illinois 

was chairman, reported an ordinance for the government of 
the territory northwest of the Ohio river. It provided that 
slavery should be forever prohibited. This ordinance was 
promptly passed by congress and the territory now comprised 
within the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and 
Wisconsin, was forever consecrated to freedom. In 1789 the 
first congress under the constitution passed a bill, without 
opposition in either house, which gave emphatic sanction to 
the ordinance of 1787. Freedom had now won a victory in 
the outposts of civilization, which proved an impregnable 
Gibraltar. This was the first territory over which the general 
government had exclusive control and the prompt prohibition 
of slavery therein is a significant fact. 

When the constitutional convention assembled in 1787, 
slavery existed in twelve of the thirteen states. Massachu- 
setts had become a free state through a decision of her supreme 
court, based on a clause in her bill of rights in her new con- 
stitution. The compromises on the slavery question made 
possible the adoption of the constitution and the founding of 
a federal government. Without these concessions it would 
have then been impossible for the thirteen struggling states 
to form "a more perfect union." There were three compro- 
mises: The African slave trade was not to be prohibited 
within twenty years; three-fifths of the slaves were to be 
counted in the apportionment of representatives in congress; 
and fugitives from service were to be returned to their owners. 
In accordance with the last named condition congress enacted 
in 1793 a fugitive slave law, which remained in force until 

The fathers of the republic did not desire to perpetuate 
slavery. On the contrary, they believed that by the provis- 
ions of the constitution they had placed the evil where the 

Republican Party in Illinois 5 

public could rest in the belief that it was in the course of ul- 
timate extinction. These hopes might have been realized 
had it not been for the invention of the cotton gin by Eli 
Whitney in 1792. This machine greatly facilitated the prep- 
aration of cotton for market. The demand for slave labor 
was greatly enhanced. Slavery, instead of being placed in 
process of extinction, fastened its poisonous coils upon the 
young republic. 

Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia made cessions of 
southern territory to the general government, but each exacted 
the stipulation that slavery should not be prohibited. From 
this domain were created the slave states of Kentucky, Tenn- 
essee, Alabama and Mississippi. Thus the Ohio river became 
the dividing line between slavery and freedom. "North of 
it freedom was forever decreed. South of it slavery was firm- 
ly established." The republic became half slave and half 
free, but it could not in this way permanently endure. 

The next struggle came without warning. The north and 
the south suddenly found themselves arrayed against each 
other with relentless energy. The fates seemed to conspire 
against freedom. The purchase of Louisiana appeared to 
offer a wide field for the expansion of southern principles. 
This vast domain beyond the Father of Waters was like a 
vision of Canaan to the slavery propagandists. Stimulated 
by the use of the cotton gin, cotton planting had become 
within thirty years the most remunerative industry in the 
south. At this juncture the struggle over the admission of 
Missouri appears on the horizon. 

The "Missouri question" formally appeared in congress 
in 1818. When the bill for the admission of Missouri 
as a slave state came before the house, James Tallmadge, Jr., 
a member from New York, offered an amendment which 

6 Republican Party in Illinois 

would ultimately destroy slavery in the new state. The house 
passed the bill with the amendment, but the senate refused to 
concur. In the following year the house again passed the bill 
in the same form. The senate voted to admit Maine provided 
Missouri was admitted as a slave state. The house rejected 
the proposal. At this point Jesse B. Thomas, a senator from 
Illinois, offered what is known as the famous "Missouri com- 
promise." This feature forever prohibited slavery north of 
thirty-six degrees thirty minutes in all territory acquired from 
France by the Louisiana purchase. The house agreed to the 
compromise and Missouri was given permission to enter the 
union as a slave state, subject to the compromise, which formed 
a part of the enabling act. 

The people of Missouri, however, were disconcerted at 
the prospect of three adjoining free states. In a resentful 
mood, and led by extremists, they inserted a provision in the 
state constitution requiring the legislature to enact laws to 
prevent free negroes or mulattoes from coming into the state. 
A bitter parliamentary struggle ensued in congress and there 
were frequent threats of dissolving the union. After a pro- 
longed contest, and through the instrumentality of a joint 
committee, a second compromise was effected. The admission 
of Missouri was secured upon condition that her legislature 
should never enact a law enforcing the odious provision in 
her constitution. Missouri made a virtue of necessity and 
promptly but not gracefully accepted the humiliating con- 
dition. Thus was effected a prolonged truce in the "irrepres- 
sible conflict." 





MISSOURI came into the union as the twenty-fourth 
state. With the settlement of this question the 
anti-slavery agitation quickly subsided. The north 
believed it had secured to freedom all the territory above the 
compromise line. The south insisted upon the right to create 
new slave states below that boundary. This implied under- 
standing was accepted by the great political parties, and for 
the next twenty years there was no discussion of the slavery 
issue in their national conventions. 

Meanwhile the leaven of abolitionism was at w r ork. A 
radical group of reformers arose, pledged to the utter over- 
throw of slavery by any lawful means. They recognized the 
limitations imposed by the constitution, and urged only such 
reforms as clearly came within the scope of congress. These 
men demanded the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia, and in the forts, arsenals and dock yards; the 
prohibition of the interstate slave trade ; that American ships 
sailing on the high seas should not be allowed to carry slaves 
as cargo. These Abolitionists would not assist in the return 
of fugitive slaves because it did violence to their conscience. 
Among the leaders of this movement were James G. Birney, 
William Lloyd Garrison, Theodore Parker, Wendell 
Phillips, John G. Whittier and Charles Sumner. 


8 Republican Party in Illinois 

The Abolitionists were a leavening rather than a directly 
constructive force. They pledged their lives, their fortunes 
and their sacred honor to the eternal law of justice and be- 
lieved the universe was pledged to their cause. The reformer 
and his reform rarely succeed in the same age; but time vin- 
dicated the faith of these prophets. The method of deliver- 
ance was yet to be revealed. The Arbiter of nations was so 
to execute his sovereign will that the wrath of man should 
praise him. This heroic band of idealists assailed wickedness 
in high places. It was a time when Truth was on the scaffold, 
and Wrong on the throne. But these men had a vision of 
truth like unto the stone cut without hands from the moun- 
tain, in the vision of Daniel's king, that broke in pieces the 
great image, and filled the whole earth. 

During the decade from 1840 to 1850 the Slave-Power 
became aggressive. It dictated the policy of the nation. 
Texas revolted from Mexico in 1835, declared itself inde- 
pendent in 1836, and in the following year its independence 
was recognized by the United States. Americans emigrated 
to that province and became the dominant power in the young 
republic. Thenceforward the annexation of Texas was re- 
ceived with more or less favor in the United States; but it 
was not until 1844 that it became a political issue. The 
scheme had many supporters in the Democratic party in 1836, 
but the leaders were afraid of it. In 1840 Mr. Van Buren, 
who was again aspiring to the presidency, desired to avoid the 
issue and it was omitted from the party's declaration of prin- 
ciples. It was reserved for the administration of John Tyler 
to accomplish the long-cherished plan of annexation. 

After the retirement of Webster and the tragic death of 
Upshur, John C. Calhoun became secretary of state in the 
cabinet of President Tyler. The president wanted the an- 

Republican Party in Illinois 9 

nexation of Texas to be the distinctive feature of his admin- 
istration. Mr. Calhoun loved the south, and he fully believed 
that he now had the opportunity of his life to extend her 
power. Southward and westward the star of empire should 
take its way. A treaty of annexation was sent to the senate 
in April, 1844. Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren, the respec- 
tive leaders of the two parties, were anxious to eliminate the 
Texas question from the ensuing presidential campaign; and 
the treaty failed in the senate. 

In May, 1844, the Whig party nominated Mr. Clay in 
Baltimore on a platform that was silent on the Texas 
question. The Democrats were more courageous. In the 
convention which repudiated Van Buren and nominated 
James K. Polk for president, they boldly declared for annexa- 
tion. During the progress of the campaign, Mr. Clay real- 
ized that his attitude against annexation, as declared in his 
famous Raleigh letter published in the National Intelligencer, 
was jeopardizing his prospects. He thereupon wrote to 
Stephen Miller, of Tuscaloosa, what is known as his Alabama 
letter, in which he said that, "far from having any personal 
objection to the annexation of Texas," he "would be glad to 
see it annexed, without dishonor, without war, with the com- 
mon consent of the union, and upon just and fair terms." 
This letter proved to be Mr. Clay's death warrant. He lost 
prestige in the free states, where thousands of anti-slavery 
Whigs cast their votes for James G. Birney, turned the bal- 
ance of power against Clay, and elected Polk. The Democrats 
had won the election on the square issue of annexation. Mr. 
Clay and Mr. Van Buren had defeated the treaty negotiated 
by Mr. Calhoun, and they in turn were overruled by the 
popular vote. 

The plan of annexation was quickly consummated. Mr. 

10 Republican Party in Illinois 

Calhoun sought quick revenge. He devised the short cut 
scheme of annexation by joint resolution of congress, which 
passed both houses in time to receive President Tyler's sig- 
nature three days before he retired from office. Texas ac- 
cepted the terms of the resolution and in December following 
was admitted into the union as a slave state. The Slave-Power 
had triumphed. The country was soon to pay the price of 
blood, for grim-visaged war was already seen upon the horizon. 

The United States had annexed a neighboring republic. 
Mexico had never acknowledged the independence of her 
rebellious territory, nor abandoned her purpose of subjugation. 
The Mexican minister at Washington entered a formal pro- 
test against the proceeding, demanded his passports and left 
the country. In his message to congress President Polk an- 
nounced that he had sent a squadron to the west Mexican 
coast and troops to the western border of Texas. This act 
was throwing down the gauntlet to the enemy. Mexico ac- 
cepted the challenge. It was believed in the north the pres- 
ident intended to grasp even more territory beyond the Rio 
Grande. This suspicion produced an immediate revival of 
the anti-slavery agitation. There was a revolt throughout 
the country against the war-policy of the president. In the 
south both parties, by the supposed necessity of the situation, 
upheld slavery and the president's purpose to give it new 
worlds to conquer. In the north each party had its pro- 
slavery and anti-slavery wing. The union was a house 
divided against itself. 

From the foundation of the government to the inaugura- 
tion of President Polk the balancing of forces between slave 
and free states had been maintained with absolute precision. 
Slave and free states had been admitted into the union in pairs. 
Seven of the thirteen original states had become free. Fifteen 

Republican Party in Illinois 11 

states were admitted into the union prior to the annexation 
of Texas. Eight were slave and seven free. Thus in March, 
1845, there were twenty-eight states, fourteen slave and four- 
teen free. 

The occupation of the valley of the Rio Grande by Gen- 
eral Taylor in the winter of 1845-46 precipitated hostilities. 
May 13, 1846, the two republics were formally declared to be 
at war. The United States used the giant's power against 
a weaker neighbor, and the struggle lasted less than two years. 
A treaty of peace was signed February 2, 1848, by which 
Mexico relinquished her claim to Texas and ceded Upper 
California and New Mexico. New territory was gained, 
but the honor of the nation was compromised. 

During the war, in August, 1846, David Wilmot, a mem- 
ber of congress from Pennsylvania, submitted an amendment 
to a bill appropriating two million dollars to be "applied 
under the direction of the president to any extraordinary ex- 
penses which may be incurred in our foreign intercourse." 
Mr. Wilmot's proviso declared it to be "an express and fun- 
damental condition to the acquisition of any territory from 
Mexico, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall 
exist therein." 

The proviso failed in both houses of congress, but it created 
a more profound impression in the country than the Missouri 
compromise. "The consecration of the territory of the United 
States to freedom became from that day a rallying cry for 
every shade of anti-slavery opinion." 

A king of ancient Babylon decreed that those who would 
not bow to his image of gold should be cast into a burning, 
fiery furnace. So the Slave-Power demanded the allegiance 
of all political parties. The Whigs became alarmed, aban- 
doned the purpose of the Wilmot proviso, and in 1848 nomi- 

12 Republican Party in Illinois 

nated General Taylor, with no declaration of principles. The 
leaders adopted a non-committal policy on slavery as the only 
hope of the party. The Democrats reaffirmed the essential 
features of its platform of 1844, and nominated General 
Lewis Cass for president. General Taylor's military renown 
gave him prestige and he was elected. 

But there was an increasing number of those in both par- 
ties who would not bow the knee to Baal. There were "con- 
science" Whigs and "barn-burner" Democrats ; and these co- 
operated with the old Abolitionists, and, under the name of 
the "Free-Soil party," nominated Martin Van Buren and 
Charles Francis Adams. This presidential ticket received 
291,678 votes. In 1844 James G. Birney had received 58,879 
votes as the abolition candidate for president, and in 1840 
Mr. Birney had been able to command only 6,745 votes. 
This rapid gain in eight years in the numerical strength of the 
anti-slavery vote, and the moral earnestness and power it rep- 
resented, portended a still greater conflict. It was not long 

With the election of Zachary Taylor, the slavery question 
was still undecided. The country awaited with almost pain- 
ful interest the announcement of his cabinet and his policy. 
The weight of influence in the personnel of his cabinet was 
with the north. The pro-slavery leaders were disconcerted 
and feared "the south had sown and the north would reap." 
They wanted positive legislation to establish their right to 
carry their slaves into the territories, and to extend the Mis- 
souri compromise line to the Pacific. But Fate or Providence 
decreed otherwise. Gold was discovered in California in 
1848, and the territory was quickly settled by a sturdy, liberty- 
loving people. They promptly organized a state government, 

Republican Party in Illinois 13 

with a constitution forever excluding slavery, and in 1849 
sought admission into the union. 

President Taylor's message to congress in December, 
1849, was a dividing sword. It inspired the friends of the 
union and alarmed the slavery propagandists. The president 
recommended the immediate admission of California as a free 
state, and that New Mexico be continued under her existing 
military organization until she was ready to adopt a state 
constitution. In a subsequent special message the president 
said the claim of Texas to a portion of New Mexico could 
not be judicially determined while the latter remained a 
territory. These recommendations intensified sectional feel- 
ing, and the entire country felt its impulse. 

At this crisis Henry Clay re-entered the senate in the role 
of peacemaker. In January, 1850, he introduced a series of 
resolutions to secure an "amicable arrangement of all questions 
in controversy between the free and slave states growing out 
of the subject of slavery." These resolutions were referred 
to a special committee, of which Mr. Clay was chairman. 
Mr. Clay reported a bill embodying the measures which were 
considered necessary to pacify the country. It was in support 
of these measures that Mr. Webster made his memorable "7th 
of March speech." The administration opposed Mr. Clay's 
"omnibus bill," as it was called, but in the heat of the debate 
President Taylor suddenly died. Mr. Fillmore, who suc- 
ceeded, supported the compromise measures. They were 
finally defeated, however, in July, by striking out every 
feature except the provision for the organization of the 
territory of Utah. 

After the Utah bill was passed, without prohibition or per- 
mission of slavery, separate bills followed for the admission of 
California; the organization of New Mexico, with the same 

14 Republican Party in Illinois 

condition respecting slavery which had applied to Utah ; for 
the adjustment of the Texas boundary and payment of in- 
demnity to that state ; for the abolition of slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, and for a more drastic fugitive slave law. 
Congress thus enacted the bills separately which it had refused 
to pass together. Mr. Clay's policy had triumphed. 

The fugitive slave law was especially repugnant to the 
moral sense of the north. The protest made by Theodore 
Parker in Boston against the return of the fugitive slave Sims 
is perhaps the most powerful piece of invective in American 

The Democratic and Whig parties in their conventions 
of 1852 adopted resolutions declaring the compromise meas- 
ures a finality on the slavery question. This policy prevailed 
in Whig councils against a powerful minority, led by Seward, 
Fessenden and Wade, who demanded that not a single foot 
of the virgin soil of the territories should ever be under the 
curse of slavery. The triumph of the Democratic party and 
the dissolution of the Whigs appeared to settle the prolonged 
struggle. But no question is ever permanently settled until 
it is settled right; and unsettled questions have no mercy on 
the peace of nations. 




FRANKLIN PIERCE was inaugurated president of 
the United States March 4, 1853. In his inaugural 
address he committed himself without reserve to the 
support of Mr. Clay's compromise measures. In his message 
to congress the following December the president congratu- 
lated the country that the compromise legislation had "re- 
stored a sense of repose and security to the public mind," and 
assured his countrymen he would do nothing to enkindle again 
the flame of party strife. A majority of the people, north and 
south, were satisfied with the situation. It was another era 
of good feeling, like that which prevailed during the pres- 
idency of James Monroe ; but it was a calm before a storm. 

The outlook, however, was discouraging to the little band 
of Free-Soilers. Chase and Sumner stood alone in the senate. 
The pro-slavery party controlled every branch of the govern- 
ment. It could make, execute and interpret the laws. It was 
Freedom's darkest hour. There was little resistance to the 
existing order, and the conscience of the nation seemed dead. 
But it was soon to be awakened. 


16 Republican Party in Illinois 

The results of the Mexican war had disappointed the 
slavery propagandists. Their over-vaulting ambition had de- 
feated itself. They had drawn the sword and now they 
feared they were about to perish by it. The admission of 
California created a vast empire devoted to freedom. The 
south had been checkmated in the desperate game of national 
politics. The soil and climate of Utah and New Mexico 
were natural barriers to the extension of slavery, which was 
surrounded by free territory, like a Chinese wall, on the north 
and west. Slavery would ultimately become extinct if it 
could not expand; and its supporters determined to remove 
all restrictions, peaceably if they could, forcibly if they must. 

The westward tide of emigration had prepared the way 
for the organization of new territories. In December, 1852, 
toward the close of President Fillmore's administration, 
William Hall, of Missouri, introduced a bill in the house to 
organize the territory of "the Platte." This region included 
what is now known as Kansas and Nebraska. Mr. Hall's 
bill passed the house, but failed in the senate. Every senator 
from the slave-holdng states except those from Missouri voted 
against it. The bill recognized the binding force of the 
Missouri compromise, and this fact, it was subsequently 
shown, caused its defeat. 

The question was revived at the next session of congress. 
January 4, 1854, Senator Douglas, from the committee on 
territories, reported a bill introduced by Mr. Dodge of Iowa, 
to organize the territory of Nebraska. In the report which 
accompanied the bill Mr. Douglas declared it was based on 
the principles of the compromise measures of 1850. January 
16, Archibald Dixon, who had succeeded Henry Clay as a 
senator from Kentucky, offered an amendment repealing the 

Republican Party in Illinois 17 

Missouri compromise, so that "the citizens of the several 
states shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves within 
any of their territories." Mr. Douglas is said to have at first 
remonstrated; but there is a tradition he was convinced by 
Mr. Dixon that the Missouri compromise was unconstitu- 
tional and unfair to the south. Douglas yielded. "This 
proceeding," he said, "may end my political career, but, acting 
under the sense of duty which animates me, I am prepared to 
make the sacrifice. I will do it." 

Mr. Douglas kept his word. January 23 he reported a 
substitute for the Nebraska bill. Instead of a single territory, 
it provided for two, Kansas and Nebraska. The Missouri 
compromise was declared to be inoperative and void because 
it was "inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by 
congress with slavery in the states and territories, as recog- 
nized by the compromise measures of 1850." The bill also 
declared "its true intent and meaning was not to legislate 
slavery into any territory or state, and not to exclude it there- 
from, but to leave the people perfectly free to regulate their 
domestic institutions in their own way." The bill was before 
the house four months. It was passed in the senate March 
3 by a vote of twenty-seven to fourteen. The bill passed the 
house May 24, and was signed by President Pierce six days 

Thus the ancient landmark which the fathers had set was 
removed, through the utter destruction of good faith between 
the sections. The north was stirred to a white heat of frenzy 
by the astounding proposition made by Mr. Douglas, who 
now turned to the difficult task of defending it before the 
country. The Missouri compromise had come to be regarded 
as sacred. It was the ark of the covenant. Stephen A. 
Douglas had undertaken to throw open to slavery a vast 


18 Republican Party in Illinois 

domain that had been forever consecrated to freedom. He 
drafted the bill of his own motion and in his own house. 
While the initiative in this revolutionary proceeding is ac- 
credited to Mr. Dixon, its consummation was due to Mr. 
Douglas, and it stands out as the most notable achievement in 
his remarkable parliamentary career. 

Historians differ as to whether Mr. Douglas was true to 
himself in this transaction. On the one hand, he is credited 
with inventing the pretense that the compromise of 1 820 was 
in conflict with the compromise of 1850 and that it was nec- 
essary to repeal the former in order that the doctrine of non- 
intervention with slavery in the territories should be recog- 
nized as the settled policy of the nation. Mr. Douglas is 
charged with resorting to this doctrine as a matter of self- 
defense; for he himself confessed that he could travel from 
Boston to Chicago by the light of his own effigies. But Time 
softens asperities, and a late biographer of Mr. Douglas 
throws the mantle of charity over his course in these words: 
"It is enough to decide he took a wrong course, and to point 
out how Ambition may very well have led him into it. 
It is too much to say he knew it was wrong, and took it solely 
because he was ambitious." 

History moves like a pendulum. An extreme is always 
followed by a reaction. The effect, if not the actual purpose, 
of the Kansas-Nebraska bill was to give slavery an even chance 
with freedom in the territories. The progress of righteous- 
ness has ever been due as much to the errors of its enemies as 
to the wisdom of its friends ; and thus it came to pass that the 
achievement of Mr. Douglas stirred a tidal wave of resistance 
that swept over his own state of Illinois. 

The organized counter-movement in Illinois during its 
formative period was known simply as the anti-Nebraska 

Republican Party in Illinois 19 

party. It was rapidly absorbing the more progressive elements 
in the old organizations. Congressmen and members of the 
legislature were being nominated on the new issue of no more 
slave territory. 

The selection of the name "Republican" for the new up- 
rising was a matter of development rather than any definite 
and formal christening. "Seven cities fought for Homer 
dead." Many cities have likewise claimed the distinction of 
giving the Republican party its "start in the world." Great 
movements are in the air in any marked period of transition. 
No man or city can exclusively claim them. They are rather 
the result of the awakened conscience of a people. From this 
fact arises the difficulty, if not impossibility, of determining the 
birthplace of this great American party of freedom. 

There are, however, certain facts that have been estab- 
lished with reasonable certainty concerning the origin of 
the name. Henry Wilson, former vice-president of the United 
States, in his "Rise and Fall of the Slave-Power," is authority 
for the statement that on the night following the final passage 
of the Kansas-Nebraska act, a meeting of senators and repre- 
sentatives in congress who had opposed that measure indorsed 
the plan for such an organization. At an anti-Nebraska meet- 
ing in Ripon, Wisconsin, March 29, 1854, Alvin E. Bovay 
suggested the name Republican for the new party. It is now 
generally conceded that Michigan took the lead in formally 
adopting the name Republican at a state convention held at 
Jackson July 6, 1854. In 1904, on the fiftieth anniversary 
of that event, President Roosevelt declined the honor of an 
invitation to be present on the ground that the birthplace of 
the party was a matter of dispute, and that he did not wish to 
give official recognition to any of the rival claimants. 

Wisconsin followed Michigan July 13, and Vermont, at 

20 Republican Party in Illinois 

a state convention the same day, selected the name Republican. 
It was adopted in Massachusetts at a mass meeting July 20. 
In Illinois there was hesitancy among the anti-Nebraska 
leaders, and it required some time to overcome this prejudice 
and acquiesce in the action of neighboring states. The anti- 
Nebraska convention, held at Springfield in October, 1854, 
which will be subsequently considered, adopted a platform in 
harmony with what afterward became the principles of the 
Republican party. The name, however, was not adopted, 
although Mr. Lincoln, in a letter to Ichabod Codding, 
referred to "the Republican party." Even the convention 
held in Bloomington in 1856, which has been designated as 
the first Illinois state Republican convention, was not called 
as such, and the name was nowhere used in the proceedings. 

The claim made for Rockford, that it was the scene of 
the first convention for the nomination of a member of con- 
gress in Illinois under the name Republican, is well founded. 
The citizens of Winnebago county, who were largely of New 
England blood and traditions, were among the first in Illinois 
to demand resistance to the encroachments of the Slave-Power. 
With this end in view, a call was issued August 8, 1854, to 
the voters of the First congressional district, consisting of 
Lake, McHenry, Boone, Winnebago, Stephenson, Jo Daviess, 
Carroll and Ogle counties. The call was signed by forty-six 
citizens of Rockford and vicinity, as follows: 

"To the Electors of the First Congressional District: In 
view of the rapidly increasing influence of the Slave-Power, 
as developed in the recent act of congress, and the treachery 
of so large a number of representatives chosen to guard the 
interests of freemen, the undersigned citizens of Winnebago 
county most urgently request the electors of this congressional 
district who have the interests of our common country at heart, 

Republican Party in Illinois 21 

irrespective of party, to meet at the court house in Rockford, 
on Wednesday, the 30th of August, instant, either by delegates 
or in mass, to consult upon the great question now at issue, 
and to adopt such measures as shall be deemed most efficient 
for combining our efforts and energies at the approaching 
congressional and state elections, so as to prevent the still 
further extension of slavery, and to protect the great interests 
of free labor and free men from being sacrificed to the interest 
or ambition of trading politicians." 

C. W. Sheldon, of Rockford, is the only survivor of this 
protesting group. John Travis, another signer, was the first 
soldier from Winnebago county killed in the civil war. He 
was shot through the heart at the battle of Shiloh. There 
were thirteen Democrats in the convention and the others were 
Whigs and Free-Soilers. It was understood that E. B. Wash- 
burne would be nominated. This fact called forth a protest 
from the anti-Nebraska Democrats, who were not favorable 
to Mr. Washburne, who had already served one term in 
congress as a Whig. 

This historic mass meeting was first called to order in the 
court house and from there adjourned to the grove west of 
the First Baptist church, between Court and Winnebago 
streets. Mr. Washburne was a candidate before the conven- 
tion. There were other Richmonds in the field: Thomas 
J. Turner and Martin P. Sweet, of Freeport; James L. 
Loop, of Rockford, and Stephen A. Hurlbut, of Belvidere. 

A committee on resolutions, consisting of one member 
from each county, was nominated. There was ambition 
mixed with patriotism. It was a time of the breaking up of 
old parties, and the future was uncertain. How far would it 
be safe to declare against the action of congress? This was 
a serious question. The leaders were against Mr. Washburne, 

22 Republican Party in Illinois 

but the people were for him. There is a tradition that the 
committee on resolutions was directed somewhat by the sug- 
gestions of Mr. Hurlbut, in preparing anti-slavery resolutions 
so radical that Mr. Washburne, it was thought, could not 
accept a nomination upon them. But Mr. Washburne was 
equal to the occasion, and he declared the resolutions met his 
most hearty approval. Whereupon James Loop remarked, 
in language more emphatic than pious, that Washburne would 
swallow anything. Mr. Washburne was therefore nominated 
by this mass convention. 

The claim that this was a real Republican convention is 
sustained by a paragraph from the official minutes, signed by 
U. D. Meacham, of Freeport, one of the secretaries. This 
paragraph says: "On motion Hon. E. B. Washburne was 
nominated by acclamation as the candidate of the Republican 
party of the First congressional district of Illinois, for con- 
gress, to be supported at the coming election." A local news- 
paper, in an editorial comment on the convention, said: 
"After settling a few other matters, the convention adjourned 
without day, and the Republican party was supposed to be 
born." The Belvidere Standard, edited by Ralph Roberts, an 
anti-Nebraska Democrat, did not recognize Mr. Washburne's 
ability. A lengthy editorial on the convention contained this 
paragraph : "The speeches were mainly short, but they were 
pointed and practical, except Washburne's. He may be a 
practical man, but he gets off more hifalutin, bombastic non- 
sense, when he speaks on the slavery question, than any other 
man we ever knew." 

The regular Whig convention for the First district was 
held at Rockford one week later, September 6. Mr. Wash- 
burne was nominated, and, with the support of newly-made 
"Republicans" and old Whigs, he was elected in November. 

Republican Party in Illinois 23 

The anti-Nebraska Democrats nominated E. P. Ferry, of 
Lake county. 

An anti-Nebraska convention was held for the Second 
district at Aurora September 28, when James H. Woodworth 
was nominated for congress. A convention held at Blooming- 
ton for the Third district nominated Jesse O. Norton. In the 
Alton and Belleville district Lyman Trumbull was nomi- 
nated and elected as an avowed anti-Nebraska Democrat. 
In the other five congressional districts of the state the nom- 
inations were made on the old party lines. 

These congressional conventions were preceded by local 
conventions of a similar character in nearly all the northern 
counties, as well as in some of the central and southern sections 
of the state. In the absence of previous organization these 
were generally mass meetings composed of self-appointed 

September 7, 1854, the Free West, a weekly newspaper 
printed in Chicago and edited by Zebina Eastman, published 
a call for a state mass convention to be held at Springfield 
October 5, 1854, "for the organization of a party which shall 
put the government upon a Republican tack and to secure to 
non-slave-holders throughout the union their just and consti- 
tutional weight and influence in the councils of the nation." 
The date finally chosen, however, for the assembling of the 
convention was October 4, the second day of the state fair, 
although the principal business was transacted on the following 
day. Thus the first state anti-Nebraska convention in Illinois 
was held in the state house at Springfield, October 4, 1854. 
This gathering was called as a "mass convention." The first 
state convention to which regularly accredited delegates were 
chosen was held at Bloomington two years later. This was 

24 Republican Party in Illinois 

really a mass meeting, as well as a representative body. The 
convention of 1854 was its forerunner. 

There is no contemporary report of this convention. 
Neither of the two papers published in Springfield gave an 
accurate account of the proceedings. The State Journal, 
which still adhered to the Whig party, disposed of the subject 
in two or three lines. The State Register, the Democratic 
organ, eleven days later published a series of radical resolu- 
tions, purporting to have been adopted at the Springfield con- 
vention. As a matter of fact, these resolutions were adopted 
at the convention of the Second congressional district held in 
Aurora. Senator Douglas, in his second debate with Lincoln 
at Freeport, was humiliated by the fact that he had been duped 
by his own newspaper organ into charging these resolutions 
against the "black Republicans" at Springfield. 

History is indebted to the Chicago Daily Democrat of 
November 2, 1860, for the best newspaper account of the 
Springfield convention. It was evidently written by an eye- 
witness of the proceedings. When the delegates arrived at 
the capital they found the people bound hand and foot by a 
timid conservatism. They had not obtained the use of the 
state house for the convention, nor had any local notice been 
given of the meeting. One of the outside delegates, after his 
arrival, set up the type and printed handbills announcing the 

There is a tradition that only twenty-six persons attended 
the first day's session of this "mass convention." Historians 
have widely differed concerning the political complexion of the 
personnel. William Eleroy Curtis, in his book, "The True 
Abraham Lincoln," calls it "a small group of Abolitionists." 
William H. Herndon, another biographer of Lincoln, also 
refers to them in similar manner. Mr. Herndon, writing 

Republican Party in Illinois 25 

upon the assumption that the convention was dominated by 
Abolitionists, declares that they were determined to force Mr. 
Lincoln to espouse their cause ; that Owen Lovejoy was about 
to invite Mr. Lincoln to address their meeting when Herndon 
advised him to leave the city as quickly as possible. Mr. 
Herndon was a radical Abolitionist, but he knew his partner's 
political ambition, and did not believe it would be wise for him 
to become identified with the so-called extremists. 

The fact that Owen Lovejoy, an Abolitionist firebrand, 
was a member of the convention, gives color to the statement. 
The conservative character of the platform, however, dis- 
proves the statement that it was the work of a "groUp of 
Abolitionists." The platform opposed the extension of slavery, 
but did not urge the repeal of the fugitive slave law, nor pro- 
pose to interfere with slavery where it already existed under 
the constitution. There was a meeting of Abolitionists on the 
evening of October 4, and it is probable that in the lapse of 
time the proceedings of this gathering and those of the anti- 
Nebraska convention became confused by the later historians. 

The anti-Nebraska convention was called to order by 
Tuthill King. A. C. Throop was elected chairman and 
C. C. Flint secretary. John E. McClun, of McLean, was 
nominated for state treasurer, the only state officer to be 
elected in November. A state central committee was chosen, 
of which Mr. Lincoln was made a member. Mr. Lincoln, 
however, did not attend the convention, and declined to serve 
as a member of the committee. 

Such was the birth of the forerunner of the Republican 
party in Illinois. Its origin was as obscure as that of the great 
commoner who first led it to victory. The anti-Nebraska 
convention adopted a platform in harmony with the principles 
of later Republicanism. No organization was perfected, as 

26 Republican Party in Illinois 

the state central committee failed to serve, but the convention 
had stood for a principle. Its leaders were like a voice crying 
in the wilderness ; they were the forerunners of a new era. 

All political parties took advantage of the state fair to hold 
conventions and mass meetings and discuss the issues of the 
day. Among the leaders present on this occasion were 
Richard Yates, John M. Palmer, John A. Logan, Lyman 
Trumbull, Elihu B. Washburne, Stephen T. Logan, Owen 
Lovejoy, Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln. The 
disruption of the Whig party had left Mr. Lincoln a political 
orphan. He was adrift for a time, and did not readily find new 
affiliations. He had always despised slavery, but he did not 
sympathize with the Abolitionists, one of whose leaders had 
said the compact between the north and the south was "a 
covenant with death and an agreement with hell." Mr. 
Lincoln needed the stimulus of a crisis before he could find 
anchor and show what manner of man he was. The repeal 
of the Missouri compromise aroused the sleeping lion, and he 
became in time the acknowledged leader of the new movement. 

Abraham Lincoln was an ambitious man. Mr. Herndon, 
his law partner and biographer, says his ambition was a little 
engine that knew no rest. But his ambition was always sub- 
ordinated to his passionate love of truth. In 1837 Rev. Peter 
Akers preached a powerful discourse at Salem on the evils 
of slavery, and the possibility of civil war. "Who knows," 
said the preacher, in a startling climax, "but the man who shall 
lead the nation in that awful time may be in this audience 
today?" Abraham Lincoln was there; and who shall say- 
there may not have come to him some foregleam of his destiny, 
like the dawning of the consciousness of power that came to 
Joseph, the young Hebrew, when the sun, moon and eleven 
stars did obeisance unto him in the wheat fields of Canaan ! 

Republican Party in Illinois 27 

A notable feature of the state fair was the discussions of 
Senator Douglas and Abraham Lincoln. Tuesday evening, 
October 3, Mr. Douglas expounded his doctrine of "popular 
sovereignty" before an enthusiastic throng. Although he made 
an able and audacious speech, he was embarassed throughout 
by the fact that he was on the defensive. Mr. Lincoln replied 
the following day in a masterly address. His audience felt 
that a man of power had arisen, a Moses to lead the people. 

Mr. Lincoln had foreseen and studied the inevitable issue, 
and was prepared for it when it came. He could interpret it 
beyond the power of any other American. He abhorred 
slavery and believed that the declaration of independence 
referred alike to black and white men. As a strict construc- 
tionist of the constitution, he was committed against interfer- 
ing with slavery where it already existed ; but he would utter 
the voice of warning against its extension into new territory. 
Mr. Lincoln's speech is a masterful exposition of the principles 
upon which the Republican party was founded. 

Senator Douglas made a rejoinder the following day. 

During the campaign of this year Illinois was visited by 
such distinguished anti-slavery orators as Cassius M. Clay, 
Salmon P. Chase and Joshua R. Giddings. At the election in 
November E. B. Washburne, Jesse O. Norton and James 
Knox, Republicans, were elected members of congress from 
the First, Third and Fourth districts, respectively. James 
H. Woodvvorth, William A. Richardson, Thomas L. Harris, 
James C. Allen, Lyman Trumbull and Samuel S. Marshall 
were chosen from the Second, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth 
and Ninth districts, respectively. Woodworth and Trumbull 
were classified as anti-Nebraska Democrats. 

The anti-Nebraska men had a majority in the legislature, 
to which Mr. Lincoln had been elected a member. It was a 

28 Republican Party in Illinois 

difficult task to classify politically the members of the general 
assembly when it convened January 1, 1855. There were 
old line Whigs, straight Democrats, anti-Nebraska Democrats, 
Know-Nothings, Free-Soilers and Abolitionists. 

Mr. Lincoln was ambitious to succeed General Shields in 
the United States senate. It required fifty-one votes to elect a 
senator, and the forty-six anti-Nebraska Whigs were prac- 
tically a unit for Mr. Lincoln. He resigned his seat in the 
legislature and became a candidate. The few Abolitionists 
distrusted him, and the five anti-Nebraska Democrats held the 
balance of power. These were John M. Palmer, Norman B. 
Judd, Burton C. Cook, G. T. Allen and Henry S. Baker. 
After several votes, to prevent the election of Governor Mat- 
teson, a Douglas Democrat, Mr. Lincoln with remarkable 
magnanimity, withdrew, and Lyman Trumbull was elected on 
the tenth ballot. Mr. Lincoln's time had not yet come. 

Judge Trumbull's election was the first fruit of that 
political revolution in Illinois out of which sprang the Repub- 
lican party. He was descended from one of the most distin- 
guished families in New England, and was born in Colchester, 
Connecticut, October 12, 1813. He removed to Illinois in 
early manhood, and in 1841 he became secretary of state. In 
1848 he was elected one of the justices of the supreme court 
of Illinois. Judge Trumbull was one of the five Republican 
senators who voted for acquittal in the impeachment trial of 
Andrew Johnson. He possessed a remarkably acute and an- 
alytical mind; and a contemporary says he was regarded as 
the most cold-blooded man who had ever appeared in public 
life in Illinois. Judge Trumbull occupied a position of 
influence as chairman of the judiciary committee of the senate. 





THE failure of the Springfield convention to effect a 
permanent organization made it necessary for such 
initiative to be taken by others. This duty devolved 
upon a group of anti-Nebraska editors. If there is any one 
man in Illinois who can be especially designated as the father 
of the Republican party as a state organization in Illinois, it 
is Paul Selby, now living in Chicago. In 1856 Mr. Selby was 
editor of the Morgan Journal at Jacksonville. Early in 
January of that year there appeared in the editorial columns 
of the Journal a suggestion that a conference of anti-Nebraska 
editors be called. Its purpose was to outline political action 
for the ensuing state and national campaigns. The first 
endorsement came from the Winchester Chronicle, then under 
the editorship of the late John Moses, who became the private 
secretary of the first Governor Richard Yates, and still later 
the author of Moses' History of Illinois. The Illinois State 
Chronicle, published at Decatur, announced a similar approval, 
and, upon the suggestion of the Chronicle, Decatur was chosen 
as the place of meeting and February 22 as the date. Other 
early endorsers were the Pike County Press and the Chicago 

A formal call for an editorial conference was issued, which 
was endorsed by twenty-five newspapers. Among these were 


30 Republican Party in Illinois 

the Tribune, Staats Zeitung and Journal, of Chicago, and the 
Pike County Press, at Pittsfield, then edited by the late John 
G. Nicolay, who became a private secretary and later a 
biographer of Abraham Lincoln. 

The conference was called to order at the appointed time. 
The editors met in the Cassell house, later the Oglesby house, 
and subsequently the St. Nicholas hotel. There were an even 
dozen anti-Nebraska editors at the conference. A heavy snow 
storm the night before blockaded railroads and prevented a 
number from attending. Two or three, however, arrived in 
the evening, but too late to take part in the proceedings. 
Those present at the first session were : Dr. Charles H. Ray, 
Chicago Tribune ; George Schneider, Chicago Staats Zeitung ; 
V. Y. Ralston, Quincy Whig; O. P. Wharton, Rock Island 
Advertiser; Thomas J. Pickett, Peoria Republican; E. C. 
Daugherty, Rockford Register; E. W. Blaisdell, Jr., Rock- 
ford Republican ; Charles Faxon, Princeton Post ; A. N. Ford, 
Lacon Gazette ; B. F. Shaw, Dixon Telegraph ; W. J. Usrey, 
Decatur Chronicle; Paul Selby, Morgan Journal. Mr. 
Selby is the only survivor. 

An organization was effected with Paul Selby as chair- 
man and W. J. Usrey, secretary. Charles H. Ray, George 
Schneider, V. Y. Ralston, O. P. Wharton, E. C. Daugherty 
and Thomas J. Pickett were appointed a committee on 
resolutions. A. N. Ford, Charles Faxon and B. F. Shaw 
were the committee on credentials. 

The most important work of the conference was trans- 
acted through the committee on resolutions. Mr. Lincoln 
came from Springfield and was in conference with the com- 
mittee; and there is reason to believe that the platform, 
reported through Dr. Ray as the chairman, and adopted by 
the conference, bears the stamp of his peculiar intellect. Mr. 

Republican Party in Illinois 31 

Lincoln was the only outsider admitted to the deliberations 
of the conference, and his relations were wholly with the 
committee on resolutions. 

The platform disavowed any intention of interfering with 
slavery in the states; protested against the introduction of 
slavery into territory already free; demanded the restoration 
of the Missouri compromise; opposed "Know-nothingism," 
which had swept over the country, and concluded with a 
demand for reform in the state government. It was a con- 
servative platform, so far as slavery was concerned. 

The conference adopted an independent resolution, which 
recommended that a state convention be held at Bloomington 
May 29. A state central committee was appointed, con- 
sisting of one member from each congressional district, and 
two for the state at large. The following citizens were the 
members of the committee, chosen in the order of their dis- 
tricts: Selden M. Church, Rockford; W. B. Ogden, 
Chicago; G. D. A. Parks, Joliet; T. J. Pickett, Peoria; 
Edward A. Dudley, Quincy ; W. H. Herndon, Springfield ; 
R. J. Oglesby, Decatur; Joseph Gillespie, Edwardsville ; 
D. L. Phillips, Jonesboro, with Gustavus Koerner, of Belle- 
ville, and Ira O. Williams of Rock Island, for the state at 

The members of this committee, with three exceptions, 
united in calling the convention at Bloomington. These 
exceptions were W. B. Ogden, R. J. Oglesby and Gustavus 
Koerner. Dr. John Evans and Colonel I. C. Pugh filled the 
places of Ogden and Oglesby respectively. 

In the evening a banquet was tendered the editors by the 
citizens of Decatur at the Cassell house. R. J. Oglesby 
presided and Abraham Lincoln made the principal address. 
In replying to the suggestion of his name as a candidate for 

32 Republican Party in Illinois 

governor, Mr. Lincoln magnanimously urged the nomination 
of an anti-Nebraska Democrat and finally named William 
H. Bissell as the logical candidate. 

The first Illinois state Republican convention was held 
in Bloomington, May 29, 1856. As stated in a preceding 
chapter, the name Republican was not mentioned in the call, 
and it does not occur in the proceedings. By common consent, 
however, it has become known in the history of the state as a 
Republican convention. Thirty counties sent no delegates 
and manj* of those who were present from the central and 
southern sections were self-appointed and represented no con- 
stituencies. Other counties were represented not only by 
duly appointed delegates, but by prominent citizens who lent 
the weight of their personal influence to the new movement. 

The convention was a melting pot in which Democrats, 
Whigs, Abolitionists and Know-nothings were to be fused 
into a new party that was to win its first victory in the state 
six months later. The convention was of such importance 
that a certain distinction has always attached to the delegates. 
The actual transactions are a matter of record, but there were 
no reports of the speeches and the historian is obliged to 
depend mainly upon tradition. 

The old party leaders were there. Among them were 
Trumbull, Palmer, Lincoln, Oglesby, Went/worth, Brown- 
ing, Yates, Lovejoy and Koerner. There was also a younger 
group of men who were in the line of apostolic succession for 
leadership. This list included William Pitt Kellogg, who 
became governor of Louisiana during the troublous days of 
reconstruction; Thomas J. Henderson, Thomas J. Pickett, 
Stephen A. Hurlbut, Joseph Medill and John F. Farnsworth. 
Mr. Medill had come to Chicago from Ohio in 1855 and 
with two partners purchased the Tribune. Mr. Medill was 

Republican Party in Illinois 33 

the Greeley of the west, and under his editorial management 
the Tribune became a powerful exponent of Republican prin- 

John M. Palmer presided over the convention, and 
Richard Yates, William Ross, John H. Bryant, David L. 
Phillips, James M. Ruggles, G. D. A. Parks, John Clark, 
Abner C. Harding and J. H. Marshall were vice-presidents. 
The secretaries were Henry S. Baker, of Madison county; 
Charles L. Wilson, of Cook; John Tillson, of Adams; Wash- 
ington Bushnell, of La Salle and B. J. F. Hanna, of Ran- 

The platform embraced the following declaration of prin- 
ciples: Opposition to the Democratic administration; that 
congress possessed the power to abolish slavery in the terri- 
tories and should exercise that power to prohibit the extension 
of slavery into all territory heretofore free ; opposition to the 
repeal of the Missouri compromise, and in favor of making 
Kansas and Nebraska free states ; loyalty to the union and the 
constitution ; a demand for the immediate admission of Kansas 
under the free constitution adopted by her people ; liberty of 
conscience as well as political freedom, proscribing no one on 
account of religious opinions or place of birth. 

William H. Bissell was nominated for governor. Colonel 
Bissell had returned as a hero from the Mexican war. He 
had commanded a regiment of the bravest of Illinois men, of 
whom he was the idol. He fought in several battles and 
distinguished himself at Buena Vista. After his return to 
civil life he was elected to congress several terms without 
opposition. While in congress he denounced Jefferson Davis, 
who had cast reflections upon Illinois men who had fought 
in the war with Mexico. Davis challenged his adversary to 
fight a duel. Bissell accepted, and chose muskets to be used 

34 Republican Party in Illinois 

at such short range that it meant sure death to one or both. 
Through the intercession of President Zachary Taylor, Davis' 
father-in-law, the challenge was withdrawn. 

Francis A. Hoffman was nominated for lieutenant-gov- 
ernor; Ozias M. Hatch for secretary of state; Jesse K. 
Dubois for auditor of public accounts; James Miller for 
treasurer; William H. Powell for superintendent of public 
instruction. It was found that Mr. Hoffman, who was a 
native of Germany, had not been a resident of the state four- 
teen years, and was therefore ineligible under the constitution. 
John Wood, of Adams county, was subsequently nominated 
for lieutenant-governor. 

The nominations were not made in the usual manner. 
Bissell and Hoffman were nominated by acclamation, and the 
others upon the recommendation of a committee, of which 
Abraham Lincoln was chairman. The old state central com- 
mittee was continued. The ticket was a concession to the old 
Whig and Democratic elements in the convention. No rad- 
ical Republican received recognition. 

Eloquent orators enkindled the fire of devotion on this 
new altar of freedom. John M. Palmer spoke from the 
standpoint of an old school Democrat ; Browning as a Whig ; 
while Lovejoy, in the words of John Moses, spoke "from a 
pinnacle of vision to which others had not been able hitherto 
to climb." 

The last speaker was Abraham Lincoln, who made what 
some historians have called the greatest effort of his life. 
Tradition says the large audience arose to its feet, stood upon 
chairs and benches and was moved at will by this new prophet 
of righteousness. Lincoln was newly baptised with the spirit 
of freedom, and he spoke with a Pentecostal flame. Mr. 
Herndon, in his Life of Lincoln, says of this speech: "He 

Republican Party in Illinois 35 

had the fervor of a new convert; the smothered flame broke 
out; enthusiasm, unusual to him, blazed up; his eyes were 
aglow with an inspiration ; he felt justice ; his heart was alive 
to the right; his sympathies, remarkably deep for him, burst 
forth and he stood before the throne of the eternal right, in 
the presence of his God, and then and there unburdened his 
penitential and fired soul." 

That address has never been preserved to the world, and 
it is known as the "lost speech." The reporters threw down 
their pens and lived only in the inspiration of the hour. 

The Democratic state convention met at Springfield May 
1. William A. Richardson was nominated for governor on 
the third ballot. Richard Jones Hamilton, of Chicago, was 
nominated for lieutenant-governor; William H. Snyder, of 
St. Clair, for secretary of state ; Samuel K. Casey, of Frank- 
lin, for auditor; John Moore, the incumbent, for treasurer; 
and J. H. St. Matthew, of Tazewell, for state superintend- 
ent of public instruction. 

The first national convention held in 1856 was that of 
the American party, which assembled at Philadelphia February 
19. Millard Fillmore was nominated for president, and 
Andrew J. Donelson for vice-president. 

The first national Republican convention opened in Phil- 
adelphia June 17. John C. Fremont was nominated for pres- 
ident, and William L. Dayton for vice-president. Abraham 
Lincoln was the closest rival to Mr. Dayton for the vice- 
presidency. The platform declared it to be "both the right 
and the imperative duty of congress to prohibit in the terri- 
tories those twin relics of barbarism polygamy and slavery." 

The national Democratic convention was held at Cincin- 
nati June 2. Senator Douglas was a candidate, but James 

36 Republican Party in Illinois 

Buchanan was nominated for president on the sixteenth ballot. 
John C. Breckenridge was nominated for vice-president. The 
platform flatly opposed the doctrine of the congressional pro- 
hibition of slavery. 

The issue was squarely joined. Of the popular vote, 
1,838,169 were cast for Buchanan, and 1,341,264 for Fre- 
mont. The Republican party had suffered nominal defeat, 
but had gained a moral victory. 

A notable event of these formative days was the utter 
destruction of the Whig party. With the exception of one 
senator and seven members of the house, the entire Whig 
delegation in congress from the south had sustained that 
measure. Thenceforward the northern and the southern 
wings must part company. Like Lucifer, the Whig party 
had fallen, "never to rise again." 

The campaign of 1856 in Illinois abounded in exciting 
incidents. The Democrats sought to identify the Abolition- 
ists with the "Black Republicans," and the cudgel was not 
without its effect. The result at the polls was a divided 
victory. The entire Republican state ticket was elected by 
a plurality of 4,732 votes. The party also elected four 
congressmen and the Democrats five. The Democrats secured 
both branches of the legislature. The senate stood thirteen 
Democrats to twelve Republicans. In the house there were 
thirty-eight Democrats, thirty-one Republicans and six Amer- 

Millard Fillmore was able to hold a sufficient number of 
Know-Nothing votes to give the electoral vote of the state to 
James Buchanan by a plurality of 9,159. 

In the brief space of two years a revolution had been 
wrought in Illinois. The long continued ascendancy of the 

Republican Party in Illinois 37 

Democrat party had been arrested, and not even the genius 
of Stephen A. Douglas could stem the tide. It was the dawn- 
ing of a new day. 




THERE are two national events of such political sig- 
nificance that the story of the Republican party in 
Illinois cannot be continued without some reference 
to them. The first is the Dred Scott decision, and the second 
is the sanguinary struggle over the slavery question in Kansas. 
March 7, 1857, three days after the inauguration of James 
Buchanan, the supreme court of the United States rendered 
the famous Dred Scott decision. Dred Scott, a negro slave, 
was taken by his master, Dr. Emerson, a surgeon in the regular 
army, into Illinois, a free state, and later into Minnesota. 
This territory was a region from which slavery had been 
excluded by the Missouri compromise. While in Minnesota, 
Scott was married, with his master's consent. He was brought 
back to Missouri and he and his family were sold to another 
master, John F. A. Sanford, of New York. Scott brought 
action for trespass before a St. Louis court, which declared he 
was a free man. The supreme court of Missouri reversed 
this decision, and the case was appealed in 1854 to the federal 
circuit court, which decided Scott was still a slave. 

The case came before the supreme court of the United 
States in 1855. According to popular belief the case was 


Republican Party in Illinois 39 

argued in ample time for an earlier decision and was 
held until after the presidential election in 1856 for a political 
purpose. The decision of this court of last resort was radical 
and far reaching. The court declared the Missouri com- 
promise was unconstitutional. The repeal of that measure 
was therefore approved and its re-enactment forbidden. Slav- 
ery was held to be as much entitled to protection in the national 
domain as any other institution, and it was not within the 
power of congress or a territorial legislature to decree freedom 
for a territory. 

Benjamin R. Curtis, one of the two dissenting justices, 
maintained the absolute right of congress to prohibit slavery 
in the territories. It was generally believed the court had 
gone beyond the question at issue. This decision gave the 
Slave-Power a new weapon. The argument for slavery was 
made by Chief Justice Taney, but it was received with indig- 
nation in the north. The people, with Charles Sumner, knew 
"the fallibility of judicial tribunals." 

The somewhat extended reference to the struggle for the 
possession of Kansas is not made in its strict chronological 
order. The attitude of Senator Douglas in this crisis had such 
a bearing upon his immediate political fortunes in Illinois that 
it forms an almost necessary introduction to the campaign of 
1858 and the Lincoln and Douglas debates. 

When the Kansas-Nebraska bill was passed, Charles Sum- 
ner exultantly exclaimed: "It sets Freedom and Slavery face 
to face and bids them grapple." The struggle for the posses- 
sion of Kansas is a dark chapter in American history. As 
organized, Kansas included a large part of what is now 
Colorado ; New Mexico also included Arizona ; Utah included 
all of Nevada. The repeal of the Missouri compromise had 
given the south new courage. It had apparently gained a 

40 Republican Party in Illinois 

great victory, but it was of little value unless it could regain 
the equality it had lost in the senate by the admission of Cal- 
ifornia. The status of Nebraska would also be settled as 
free territory. If Kansas could be made a slave state there 
was a chance for the south to retrieve its waning fortunes. 
If it failed, all was lost. The dissolution of the union might 
be the only alternative. This was not an idle threat. Kansas 
occupied the precise territorial center of the vast North 
American continent. Situated on the very highway between 
two oceans, it became the scene of a seven years' war, from 
1854 to 1861. It was a veritable reign of terror. 

Under the terms of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, slavery 
was not to be legislated into the territories, nor excluded there- 
from. The struggle at once began. The proximity of slave 
states gave the south an obvious advantage. Emigrants from 
Arkansas and Missouri immediately began to pour into Kansas 
to hold the territory in the interest of slavery. Colonists from 
New England sought to preserve the state to freedom. 
Andrew H. Reeder, a pro-slavery Democrat from Pennsyl- 
vania, was made the first territorial governor and began his 
duties in October, 1854. November 29, armed bodies of 
Missourians invaded the territory and openly voted in such 
numbers as to elect one of their own confederates, named 
Whitfield, as territorial delegate to congress. March 30 fol- 
lowing, a territorial legislature was elected by means of fraud- 
ulent votes. This legislature met in July and promptly voted 
Kansas a slave territory by enacting bodily the laws of 

The free-state settlers organized a counter-movement. A 
meeting was held at Lawrence, which issued a call for the 
election of delegates to a convention to be held at Topeka. 
This convention assembled October 23, and framed a con- 

Republican Party in Illinois 41 

stitution forbidding slavery, which was ratified by popular 
vote December 15. A petition was presented to congress pray- 
ing for the admission of Kansas as a free state. Thus, when 
congress convened in December, 1855, it was confronted with 
the question whether it would recognize the fraudulent legis- 
lature or the Topeka convention as the representatives of the 

A popular election was held January 15, 1856. The 
Free-Soilers elected a legislature and Charles Robinson their 
first governor. The constitution under which this election 
was held was repudiated by President Pierce, who had recog- 
nized the fraudulent legislature. The Free-Soil legislature 
ignored the action of the president, who placed the military 
forces of the government at the disposal of Governor Shannon, 
who had succeeded Governor Reeder. This legislature, sitting 
at Topeka, was subsequently dispersed by federal troops. The 
strife that ensued may be regarded as the opening battle of the 
civil war, and the distracted country was given the name of 
"bleeding Kansas." 

In March, 1856, Senator Douglas, from the committee on 
territories, presented a report on all that had occurred in 
Kansas. He opposed the Topeka constitution, and then offered 
a bill for the admission of Kansas as soon as her population 
should reach ninety-three thousand, with such constitution as 
her people might adopt. It was during the debate that fol- 
lowed that Charles Sumner delivered his famous speech in the 
senate on "The Crime Against Kansas." Mr. Sumner had 
a sublime faith in the all-conquering power of a principle. In 
the course of his speech he referred to Senator Douglas in 
these prophetic words: "The senator dreams that he can 
subdue the north. . . He is but a mortal man; against 
him is an immortal principle. With finite power he wrestles 

42 Republican Party in Illinois 

with the infinite, and he must fail. Against him are stronger 
batallions than any marshalled by mortal arm the inborn, 
ineradicable, invincible sentiments of the human heart ; against 
him is nature, in all her subtle forces; against him is God. 
Let him try to subdue these." 

This speech, in the words of the poet Whittier, was "a 
grand and terrible philippic." On May 22, following, Mr. 
Sumner was brutally assaulted in the senate chamber by Pres- 
ton S. Brooks, a representative from South Carolina. These 
circumstances combined to create an enormous demand for 
Mr. Sumner's speech. Hon. E. B. Washburne, in a letter to 
a constituent, now in possession of the writer, made this 
prophecy: "If we make no mistake and act earnestly and 
discreetly, the rule of the Slave-Power now ceases. Mr. 
Sumner is getting along. He was terribly beaten, but his 
blood will be avenged." 

The famous "Lecompton constitution" was adopted by 
the Pro-Slavery party of Kansas at a convention held Septem- 
ber 5, 1857. It sanctioned slavery and prohibited the passage 
of emancipation laws. The constitution was submitted to 
popular vote, with or without slavery. The Anti-Slavery men 
refused to vote and the constitution was adopted. 

When congress met in December, 1857, President 
Buchanan urged the admission of Kansas with the Lecompton 
constitution. Two days later Senator Douglas made a remark- 
able speech in which he repudiated as fraudulent the Lecomp- 
ton constitution, and thus made a significant break with 
President Buchanan. This speech meant freedom for Kansas. 
The Lecompton fraud had divided the Pro-Slavery party. 
Senator Douglas had come to the parting of the ways. He 
had precipitated the Kansas conflict and he now retrieved 
himself in part by lending his powerful influence to the cause 

Republican Party in Illinois 43 

of freedom. His later course may have been prompted by the 
instinct of self-preservation, or high moral purpose. In either 
case he wrought for freedom, and Stephen A. Douglas, with 
all his faults, stands out as one of the most remarkable char- 
acters who have appeared in American political history. 

The Lecompton bill, however, despite Senator Douglas, 
passed the senate. The house was unconquerable. At this 
point Mr. English, of Indiana, introduced a bill which was 
practically a bribe. If Kansas would ratify the Lecompton 
fraud, she should receive a generous grant of land. Her 
refusal would mean an indefinite delay of the question of 
admission. But Kansas would not sell her birthright for a 
mess of pottage. She spurned the bribe and in 1861 came into 
the union as a free state. 

The Kansas struggle had proved one of the critical periods 
in American history. The state of Illinois now becomes the 
great theater of political action, with Abraham Lincoln and 
Stephen A. Douglas as the principal actors. The Republican 
party in the state was confronted with a peculiar combination 
of circumstances. This condition had been precipitated by 
the break of Senator Douglas with President Buchanan. If 
Douglas were successful in securing a re-election it would be 
interpreted as a defeat for the administration. Thus the new 
Republican party of Illinois had an opportunity of aiding a 
Democratic president to defeat a Democratic senator for re- 

There was also a possibility that at the last moment it 
might become necessary for the Republicans to nominate a 
former Democrat for senator, as they had done in 1854. 
Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune advised that the 
Illinois senatorship should be allowed to go to Douglas by 
default. By thus widening the breach between Douglas and 

44 Republican Party in Illinois 

Buchanan, the chance for Republican victory in 1860 would 
be enhanced. 

Mr. Lincoln was on the alert and checkmated the move. 
He addressed letters to prominent Republicans throughout 
the state, advising them against the danger of endorsing 
Douglas merely because he had quarreled with Buchanan. 

The Republican state convention of Illinois met at Spring- 
field, July 16, 1858. James Miller, of McLean county, was 
nominated for state treasurer, and Newton Bateman, of Mor- 
gan county, for superintendent of public instruction. 

After these nominations had been made, the convention 
unanimously adopted the following resolution : "That Hon. 
Abraham Lincoln is our first and only choice to fill the vacancy 
about to be created by the expiration of Mr. Douglas' term of 

Mr. Lincoln expected the honor and had prepared a 
speech with great care. The first paragraph contains this 
famous passage : "A house divided against itself cannot stand. 
I believe this government cannot permanently endure half 
slave and half free. I do not expect the union to be dissolved 
I do not expect the house to fall but I do expect it will 
cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the 
other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further 
spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in 
the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction ; or its 
advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful 
in all the states, old as well as new, north as well as south." 

This was radical doctrine and alarmed Lincoln's friends. 
It is not known whether Mr. Lincoln foresaw that Senator 
Douglas would construe his statement into a desire to dissolve 
the union ; or whether he appreciated the danger that his 
criticism of the Dred Scott decision would be twisted by 

Republican Party in Illinois 45 

Douglas into a revolutionary attack on the supreme court. 
But Abraham Lincoln believed the time had come to speak the 
truth. It seemed like defying the prophets of Baal on Mt. 
Carmel ; but it required less that five years to fulfill his 
prophetic warning. Like Isaiah in Israel and Mazzini in Italy, 
Abraham Lincoln was willing to become a sacrifice, if need be, 
on the altar of his country, that he might be wholly consumed 
in the holy flame. Mr. Lincoln must have believed in the 
ultimate extinction of slavery. It could not permanently 
endure hemmed in and restricted by free territory. Two 
civilizations, one founded on freedom and the other on slavery, 
could not indefinitely co-exist. This was the message of the 
"house divided" speech. 

Another notable feature of this speech was the veiled 
accusation that Stephen A. Douglas, Franklin Pierce, James 
Buchanan and Roger B. Taney had entered into a conspiracy 
to perpetuate and nationalize slavery. Mr. Lincoln's speech 
was a trumpet call to the conscience of the nation to defeat, 
by an enlightened public sentiment, this unholy alliance. 



IN 1858 Illinois was the battle ground of giants. The 
prize was a seat in the United States senate. A more 
tremendous issue, however, was involved. It was a con- 
flict between two civilizations. The question of the hour was 
whether the moral conscience of the nation could be awakened 
and energized to resist the threatened nationalization of Amer- 
ican slavery. From the view-point of far-reaching results, 
only the debate between Webster and Hayne in the senate 
of the United States, nearly thirty years earlier, can be com- 
pared with the contest between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen 
A. Douglas. The disputants were adopted sons of the Prairie 
state. Douglas represented an established order that had 
become entrenched in law and enthroned on the prejudice of 
custom. Lincoln was a John the Baptist of a new dispensa- 
tion. He had come to preach deliverance to the captives, and 
to set at liberty those that were bruised. The history of these 
debates is an old story, but it will never cease to fascinate the 
student of history. The debates were confined exclusively 
to the issue of slavery. 

The three great political rivalries in American politics are 
Hamilton and Jefferson, Clay and Jackson, and Lincoln and 
Douglas. The outcome of the last named has most greatly 
affected the life of the nation. July 24, 1858, Mr. Lincoln, 
in a brief letter, invited Senator Douglas to participate in a 


Republican Party in Illinois 47 

series of joint debates. The invitation was accepted and it 
was arranged to have a discussion in each congressional dis- 
trict in the state, except the Second and Sixth, where they had 
already made addresses. The cities designated were Ottawa, 
Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, Galesburg, Quincy and 

The ambitions of Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lin- 
coln ran in parallel lines. Each was the incarnation of the 
principles he espoused. They were the two poles of the politi- 
cal thought of their time, as Hamilton and Jefferson had been 
in the days of the fathers. Douglas, as an audacious and ready 
debater, has never been surpassed in either branch of congress. 
He had a personal magnetism which made him a popular idol 
and a born leader of men. He was self-confident and even 
arrogant, and was withal a dangerous antagonist. "In that 
peculiar style of debate," says Mr. Blaine, "which, in its 
intensity resembles a physical combat, he had no equal." 
Lincoln, like Jefferson, trembled for his country when he 
remembered that God was just. Douglas was the consum- 
mate master of the commonplace. Lincoln's vision laid hold 
of the unseen and the eternal. Thus equipped, the gladiators 
entered the arena. 

The issue was the restriction of slavery to the states in 
which it already existed. Lincoln advocated such restriction. 
Douglas would allow each new state and territory to settle 
the question for itself. The issue was clearly defined. 

The first joint debate was held at Ottawa, August 21. 
Mr. Douglas, in opening the discussion, alluded to the fact 
that while Whigs and Democrats, prior to 1854, had differed 
on other issues, they had accepted the compromise measures 
of 1850 as a final settlement of the slavery question. Webster 
and Cass had supported the principle laid down by Henry 

48 Republican Party in Illinois 

Clay, that it was the right of the people of each state and 
territory to decide their domestic institutions for themselves. 
Mr. Douglas contended that his Kansas and Nebraska bill 
was based on these compromise measures, which had been 
endorsed by the two parties in Illinois and in their national 
conventions of 1852, and that he introduced it in congress for 
the purpose of carrying out those principles. 

Mr. Douglas reviewed the story of the alleged agreement 
made by Mr. Lincoln and Lyman Trumbull to "abolitionize" 
the two parties in Illinois, send Lincoln to the United States 
senate to succeed Shields, and Trumbull to succeed Douglas. 
He charged that Trumbull had dealt falsely with Lincoln and 
captured the prize. Mr. Douglas also attempted to show that 
Mr. Lincoln had given his sanction to the platform alleged 
to have been adopted by the Springfield convention in 1854. 

Mr. Lincoln's following was somewhat heterogeneous, 
and Douglas knew it. "Their principles," he said on one 
occasion, "in the north are jet black, in the center they are in 
color a decent mulatto, and in lower Egypt they are almost 

Reference was made in Chapter III. to the fact that the 
State Register, the Democratic organ published at Spring- 
field, had published a series of radical resolutions, which were 
purported to have been adopted at the Springfield convention 
in 1854. At the time of the debate in Ottawa neither Lincoln 
nor Douglas knew that these resolutions were really adopted 
at a convention of the Second district held at Aurora. Thus 
in this first encounter Mr. Douglas sought to create a prejudice 
against his antagonist by attempting to identify the Abolition- 
ists with the "Black Republicans." Abolitionism was not 
popular in Illinois at this time, and Mr. Douglas made the 
most of this fact. He therefore propounded seven questions 

Republican Party in Illinois 49 

to his opponent, predicated on the platform falsely alleged 
to have been adopted at Springfield. His motive was to 
entrap Lincoln into a compromising answer "when I trot him 
down to Egypt." These questions were briefly as follows: 
Whether Mr. Lincoln today stands, as he did in 1854, in 
favor of the unconditional repeal of the fugitive slave law; 
whether he still stands pledged against the admission of any 
more slave states, even if the people want them; whether he 
stands against the admission of a new state, with such a con- 
stitution as the people of that state may see fit to make; 
whether he stands pledged to the abolition of slavery in the 
District of Columbia; whether he stands pledged to the 
abolition of the slave trade between the states; whether he 
stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the territories of the 
United States, north as well as south of the Missouri com- 
promise line ; whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any 
new territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein. 

Mr. Douglas then proceeded to assail the cardinal prin- 
ciple of Mr. Lincoln's Springfield speech, that a house divided 
against itself cannot stand. He declared the doctrine threat- 
ened the existence of the government; that the fathers had 
divided the republic into free and slave states ; that it had so 
existed for seventy years, and could thus indefinitely endure. 
Mr. Douglas insisted that when the constitution was adopted 
the doctrine of uniformity preached by Mr. Lincoln would 
have meant the uniformity of slavery, as the slave states were 
then in a majority, and would have made no concession. 

At this point Mr. Douglas discussed Mr. Lincoln's oppo- 
sition to the Dred Scott decision on the ground that it deprived 
the negro of certain natural rights. The senator denied that 
the declaration of independence contemplated negro equality 

and boldly declared his belief that this government was made 

50 Republican Party in Illinois 

by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity 
forever; and that if the Almighty ever intended the negro to 
be the equal of the white man "He has been a long time dem- 
onstrating the fact." He recognized the obligation of giving 
the negro every immunity consistent with the safety of society ; 
but declared it was the right of each state to determine for 
itself the measure of that immunity. Mr. Douglas elaborated 
this principle during the remainder of this speech. 

Mr. Lincoln's reply was a straightforward statement of 
the question at issue, and a complete answer to the plausible 
but fallacious argument of his adversary. He denied the charge 
that he and Judge Trumbull had conspired to "abolitionize" 
the old parties. He struck from the shoulder powerful 
blows against slavery. He quoted from his speech in Peoria 
in 1854, in which he said he hated slavery because of the mon- 
strous injustice of the institution itself ; because it enabled 
the enemies of free institutions to "taunt us as hypocrites" and 
caused the "real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity." 

Even in those days Mr. Lincoln's great heart had no 
room for malice. He threw the mantle of charity over the 
south, and said it was no more responsible than the north for 
the origin of slavery. He recognized the constitutional rights 
of the south, disavowed any right to interfere with slavery 
where it already existed, and would even give it a humane 
fugitive slave law. 

The natural conservatism of Mr. Lincoln is shown in his 
denial of the social and political equality of the negro. He did 
believe, however, the black man was entitled to all the natural 
rights included in the declaration of independence, the right 
to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. 

Mr. Lincoln refused to recognize the binding moral force 
of the Dred Scott decision, which had nationalized slavery so 

Republican Party in Illinois 51 

far as the territories were concerned, although he might obey 
the mandate of the highest tribunal, in so far as it affected the 
case at bar. He did not believe a ruling of the supreme court 
could withstand the omnipotence of public opinion, because 
the voice of the people might become the voice of God. He 
makes his confession of faith in these words at Ottawa: "In 
this and like communities public sentiment is everything. With 
public sentiment nothing can fail; without it nothing can 
succeed." Mr. Lincoln therefore makes his appeal to the 
national conscience. 

Mr. Lincoln reaffirmed the doctrine enunciated in his 
speech at Springfield, "that a house divided against itself 
cannot stand." The great variety in local institutions, arising 
from differences in soil and climate, do not make a "house 
divided." They are rather a bond of union ; they make a 
house united. Slavery, on the other hand, has always been an 
apple of discord, an element of division in the house. The 
union had existed as a divided house to this day because the 
fathers had excluded it from the territories, cut off its source 
by the abrogation of the slave trade, and thus put the seal of 
legislation against its extension. The fathers placed slavery 
where the public rested in the belief it was in the course of 
ultimate extinction. 

Mr. Douglas was charged with placing slavery on the new 
basis of perpetuity and nationalization. This new basis will 
never bring peace. If slavery could again be placed on the 
basis of Washington, Jefferson and Madison, it would be in 
the course of ultimate extinction, and the crisis would be past. 

Mr. Lincoln's analysis of his opponent's doctrine of 
"squatter sovereignty" was keen and convincing. It proposed 
to give each prospective state the right to settle the slavery 
question for itself, but under the Dred Scott decision it simply 


52 Republican Party in Illinois 

allowed "the people to have slavery if they want to, but does 
not allow them not to have it if they do not want it." 

Mr. Lincoln reaffirmed the charge made in his Springfield 
speech, that there was a tendency, if not a conspiracy, to 
nationalize slavery, and repeated his quaint allusion to 
"Stephen, Franklin, Roger and James" as the parties to the 
conspiracy. He viewed with suspicion the words of the 
Nebraska bill, "It being the true intent and meaning of this 
bill not to legislate slavery into any territory or state." Mr. 
Lincoln suspected the word "state" was to prepare the way 
for another Dred Scott decision, whereby the supreme court 
could decide that no "state" under the constitution can exclude 
slavery, just as it had already declared that neither congress 
nor a territorial legislature can make such restriction. Mr. 
Douglas was satisfied with this situation, not because it was 
right in itself, but because it had been "decided by the court," 
and had the force of a "thus saith the Lord." 

Mr. Douglas devoted a considerable portion of his brief 
reply to a second attempt to prove that Lincoln was in sym- 
pathy with the resolutions alleged to have been adopted by 
the Springfield convention of 1854. This insistence was per- 
sonal and political, for the purpose of discrediting his opponent 
in conservative circles. Mr. Lincoln had not definitely 
answered the questions propounded by Mr. Douglas, and the 
latter repeated them in substance. Douglas explained the use 
of the word "state" in the Nebraska bill. Missouri had asked 
to come into the union as a slave state, but was kept out for 
a time by anti-slavery sentiments in the north. Hence the first 
slavery question arose upon a state, and not upon a territory ; 
and for this reason the word "state" was placed in the Nebraska 
bill. The reason was clever, and may have been true; but it 
never convinced Mr. Lincoln. 



THE second joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas 
was held at Freeport, August 27. It has become the 
most famous and historic of the series by reason of 
the questions propounded by Lincoln to Douglas, and the 
attempt of the latter to answer them. These debates were 
not strictly a continuous discussion of the question at issue. 
They were in large measure repetitions of the essential argu- 
ments made to different audiences. There were digressions 
and local allusions, but each debate was designed to be a 
complete statement of the principles advocated by their respec- 
tive champions. Thus a careful study of the discussions at 
Ottawa, Freeport and the last at Alton will suffice for a 
general understanding of the subject. On that bright summer 
day the little unpretentious city of Freeport was the Mecca 
toward which thousands of pilgrims, Republicans and Demo- 
crats, went to hear words of wisdom. Their greatest oracles 
were there. 

Mr. Lincoln first proposed to answer the questions pro- 
pounded to him at Ottawa by Senator Douglas, if the latter 
would agree to answer an equal number of questions. The 
senator made no sign; whereupon Lincoln said he would 
"answer his interrogatories whether he answers mine or not." 
These were the questions based on the "Republican platform" 


54 Republican Party in Illinois 

alleged to have been adopted at Springfield in 1854, to which 
references were made in Chapters III. and VI. It was at 
Freeport that Mr. Lincoln announced the discovery, to the 
great embarrassment of Mr. Douglas, that the resolutions 
were adopted at Aurora instead of Springfield. Mr. Lincoln 
said, however, with dry humor, that the discovery did not 
relieve him in any way, because he was as much responsible 
for the resolutions adopted in Kane county as for those which 
were passed at Springfield, "being exactly nothing in either 
case." Mr. Douglas made a facetious retort, in which he 
referred to the fact of the adoption of certain resolutions, but 
which "were not adopted on the right spot." 

By way of further introduction, Mr. Lincoln said that 
since the organization of the Republican party at Bloomington 
in 1856, he had considered himself bound as a party man by 
the platform of the party then and since ; and if in the questions 
he might answer, he went beyond the scope of these platforms, 
no one but himself could be held responsible. Mr. Lincoln 
then answered the seven questions. These replies constituted 
his political "confession of faith." He first declared that he 
did not now and never did stand in favor of the unconditional 
repeal of the fugitive slave law. He was not now and never 
had been pledged against the admission of any more slave states 
into the union. He did not stand pledged against the admission 
of a new state into the union, with such a constitution as the 
people of that state may see fit to make. He was not pledged 
to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. He 
was not pledged to the abolition of the slave trade between 
the states. To the sixth question he replied that he was im- 
plicitly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the right and 
duty of congress to prohibit slavery in all the United States 
territories. The last question was answered in these words: 

Republican Party in Illinois 55 

"I am not generally opposed to the honest acquisition of terri- 
tory ; and in any given case I would or would not oppose such 
acquisition, accordingly as I might think such acquisition 
would or would not aggravate the slavery question among 

Mr. Lincoln's reply to these vital questions revealed a 
conservatism that completely disproved the taunt of his adver- 
sary that in the north his "principles were jet black." Mr. 
Lincoln despised slavery; yet he would not violate its sanct- 
uary, recognized, as it was, by the federal constitution. 
Lincoln, however, had thus far only negatively defined his 
position. He had confined himself to the strict letter of the 
questions propounded by Douglas and said he was not 
"pledged" on any of the points he had answered. But he is 
not disposed to hang upon the exact form of the questions, and 
proceeds to answer them affirmatively and in detail. 

On the first question Mr. Lincoln expressed the belief 
that under the constitution of the United States the people of 
the south were entitled to a congressional fugitive slave law, 
and said the law then existing should have been framed so as 
to be free from some of its objections, without impairing its 

Mr. Lincoln's answer to the second question was framed 
with consummate skill. He confessed that he would be 
exceedingly sorry to be obliged to pass upon the question of 
admitting more slave states into the union. He would be glad 
to know there would never be another slave state; but if 
slavery should be kept out of the territories during the 
territorial existence of any given territory, and the people 
should, having a fair chance and a clear field, do such an 
extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave constitution, uninflu- 
enced by the active presence of the institution among them, 

56 Republican Party in Illinois 

he saw no alternative but to admit them into the union. The 
possibility of such a situation was so remote that Mr. 
Lincoln's answer, when properly analyzed, could not fail to 
satisfy the most ardent Abolitionist. There was refined sar- 
casm in the suggestion that the people of a territory should 
ever adopt a slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual 
presence of the institution among them. It punctured Mr. 
Douglas' pet doctrine of "popular sovereignty." 

The third question Mr. Lincoln regarded as answered in 
his reply to the second, and made no further comment. 

In discussing the fourth question, Mr. Lincoln said he 
would rejoice in the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia, and believed that congress possessed the power to 
abolish it. He declared, however, that such abolition should 
be gradual ; that it should be on a vote of the majority of the 
qualified electors in the district ; and that compensation should 
be made to unwilling owners. With these conditions Mr. 
Lincoln wanted, in the words of Henry Clay, to "sweep from 
our capital the foul blot on our nation." 

In regard to the fifth proposition, which referred to the 
abolition of the slave trade between the states, Mr. Lincoln 
said he had not given it the mature consideration that would 
justify him in making a positive statement. If he could be 
convinced, however, that congress had the power to abolish 
such traffic, he would not favor its exercise except upon some 
conservative principle similar to that which should govern the 
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. 

Mr. Lincoln's attitude on the sixth question, concerning 
the prohibition of slavery in the territories had been clearly 
defined. He had also fully committed himself against the 
admission of any more slave territory unless slavery should be 
first prohibited therein. 


Republican Party in Illinois 57 

Mr. Lincoln, in these answers, had burned his bridges 
behind him. He repelled the insinuation that he shaded his 
opinions to meet various geographical requirements. These 
moderate statements had been made to a vast audience as 
strongly tending to abolitionism as any that could be assembled 
in Illinois. If they were offensive anywhere in the state, they 
would be repudiated in the northern counties, which consti- 
tuted the stronghold of the new faith. Lincoln told the truth, 
as he saw it, regardless of consequences. The people knew it 
and trusted him. 

Despite his conservatism, Mr. Lincoln's answers were 
frank and adroit. Douglas had gained nothing by his Socratic 
method of argument. He had rather given his opponent an 
opportunity to show his own consummate skill in propounding 
questions. After the first debate at Ottawa, Mr. Lincoln had 
not only carefully prepared his own replies, but he had elab- 
orated a series of questions designed to embarrass Senator 
Douglas, which he could not answer without sooner or later 
invoking disaster upon his political fortunes. 

A few days before the debate at Freeport, Mr. Lincoln 
went to Chicago and took some of his friends into his confi- 
dence. He outlined the questions he proposed to propound to 
Douglas. Lincoln's friends sought to dissuade him. They 
reasoned that if Douglas should reply that the Dred Scott 
decision might be evaded by the people of a territory, and 
slavery prohibited in the face of it, the answer would draw to 
him the sympathies of the radical anti-slavery voters, and 
defeat Lincoln. 

Mr. Lincoln, on the contrary, was anticipating the greater 
campaign two years later, and he was determined the south 
should understand the antagonism between Douglas' latest 
interpretation of popular sovereignty on the one hand, and the 

58 Republican Party in Illinois 

Dred Scott decision, the Nebraska bill and previous platforms 
of the Democratic party on the other. 

The national Democratic convention of 1856, which met 
in Cincinnati, had adopted a very elaborate series of resolutions 
on the subject of slavery. One resolution was cunningly 
devised. From one point of view it seemed to give the people 
of the territories the right to determine the question for them- 
selves and upheld the doctrine of popular sovereignty. A 
closer analysis of this declaration, however, disclosed the fact 
that this "popular sovereignty" could not be exercised until 
the territory was sufficiently populated to adopt a constitution 
and apply for admission into the union. Meanwhile the slave- 
holders could settle in the territories, and be protected in the 
ownership of their slaves. James G. Elaine makes this com- 
ment on the territorial status: "The Democrats flatly op- 
posed the doctrine of congressional prohibition, but left a 
margin for doubt as to the true construction of the constitu- 
tion and of the act repealing the Missouri compromise, thus 
enabling their partisans to present one issue in the north and 
another in the south." 

Douglas has been accused of being a party to this duplex 
construction of the Cincinnati platform. The people of the 
south had been led to believe that slavery would be protected 
by the constitution in the territories against the power of the 
citizens thereof, and against the authority of congress. This 
status would continue until, under an enabling act to form 
a constitution for a state government, the majority should 
decide the question. The south understood, in other words, 
that there was absolutely no power to keep slavery out of the 
territories during their territorial status. The doctrine of 
popular sovereignty, as defined by Douglas, was differently 
interpreted in the north. It was there believed the people of 

Republican Party in Illinois 59 

the territories had the absolute right to settle the question for 
themselves. This doctrine, however, had been totally nulli- 
fied by the Dred Scott decision, and Mr. Douglas had 
approved the opinion of the court. 

All these facts were taken into account by Mr. Lincoln. 
Douglas might answer the crucial question and be elected 
senator. But Lincoln was a prophet. He was looking into 
the future. His friends admonished him that he was con- 
cerned only about the senatorship. "No," replied Mr. 
Lincoln, "not alone exactly. I am killing larger game. The 
great battle of 1860 is worth a thousand of this senatorial 
race." Perhaps he had some foregleam of the fact that he 
and Douglas would be rivals in the greater conflict. 

Mr. Lincoln, in propounding his questions to Senator 
Douglas, naively remarked: "I will bring forward a new 
installment when I get them ready." His questions were as 
follows : 

First: If the people of Kansas shall, by means entirely 
unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a state constitu- 
tion, and ask admission into the union under it, before they 
have the requisite number of inhabitants, according to the 
English bill some ninety-three thousand will you vote to 
admit them? 

Second: Can the people of a United States territory, in 
any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United 
States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation 
of a state constitution? 

Third: If the supreme court of the United States shall 
decide that states cannot exclude slavery from their limits, 
are you in favor of acquiescing in adopting and following such 
decision as a rule of political action ? 

Fourth: Are you in favor of acquiring additional ter- 

60 Republican Party in Illinois 

ritory in disregard of how such acquisition may affect the 
nation on the slavery question? 

In the first debate, when Douglas had the opening speech, 
it was the popular judgment that he had worsted Lincoln. 
A few days after the discussion Theodore Parker wrote to 
a friend: "In the Ottawa meeting, to judge from the 
Tribune report, I thought Douglas had the best of it. He 
questioned Mr. Lincoln on the great matters of slavery, and 
put the most radical questions . . before the people. Mr. 
Lincoln did not meet the issue. He made a technical evasion. 
. . Daniel Webster stood on higher anti-slavery ground 
than Abraham Lincoln does now." At Freeport the tide 
changed. Lincoln's star was now in the ascendant. 

Mr. Douglas replied in ad captandum fashion to three 
of Mr. Lincoln's questions. The first and fourth he answered 
substantially in the affirmative. He displayed a good deal of 
temper in his reply to the third. He declared that Lincoln 
cast an imputation upon the supreme court of the United 
States by supposing it would violate the federal constitution. 
"I tell him that such a thing is not possible. It would be an 
act of moral treason that no man on the bench would ever 
descend to." 

The second question was the crucial test. Douglas recog- 
nized his embarrassment. In the face of the Dred Scott 
decision by the supreme court, he could not affirm that the 
people of a territory could exclude slavery by direct enact- 
ment. If, he admitted, on the other hand, that slavery was 
fastened on the territories, without hope of resistance or 
protest on the part of a majority of the citizens, he would 
concede the very point for which Lincoln had contended. 
Douglas sought to extricate himself from this dilemma in this 
wise: "It matters not what way the supreme court may 

Republican Party in Illinois 61 

hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery 
may or may not go into a territory under the constitution, 
the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it 
as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist for a 
day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported by local police 
regulations. Those police regulations can only be established 
by the local legislature, and if the people are opposed to 
slavery they will elect representatives to that body who will 
by unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduction 
of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, 
their legislature will favor its extension. Hence, no matter 
what the decision of the supreme court may be on that 
abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave 
territory or a free territory is perfect and complete under the 
Nebraska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satis- 
factory on that point." 

Mr. Douglas made this evasive answer with apparent 
sincerity and defiant confidence. It seemed plausible, but was 
not sound reasoning. Lincoln keenly analyzed this ingenious 
doctrine for destroying a constitutional right by a police 
regulation, and riddled it with a single sentence of sarcasm: 
"Under this new doctrine slavery may be driven away from a 
place where it has a lawful right to go." 

Douglas, in this reply, signed his political death warrant. 
He was swept from his mooring without anchor or rudder. 
He was to win a temporary triumph in his return to the 
senate, but Time vindicated Lincoln's prophecy that "Douglas 
could not answer that question in such a way as to be elected 
both senator and president." Douglas could not break with 
his party in Illinois, but by his Freeport doctrine of unfriendly 
legislation he had broken forever with the men who were 
now in control of the southern Democracy. His new doctrine 

62 Republican Party in Illinois 

was really in conflict with the Dred Scott decision, which 
Douglas had always defended. It was heralded throughout 
the southern states as evidence that he had been guilty of 
duplicity on the subject. He was accused of contending for 
the extension of slavery under the decision ; and for its exclu- 
sion under his later doctrine. 

The discussion of these questions occupied only a portion 
of the time at Freeport, but these overshadowed all other 
phases, and the famous "Freeport debate" lives in history by 
reason of the questions asked and answered. 



THE joint debates at Jonesboro, Charleston, Galesburg 
and Quincy were for the most part re-statements 
of the positions enunciated in the two previous dis- 
cussions ; and the author's purpose will be subserved by briefly 
reviewing the seventh and last, which was held at Alton, 
October 15. 

Mr. Douglas opened the discussion with a speech of great 
force. In directness of statement, in precision of phrase, in 
boldness of spirit akin to audacity it was one of his most 
characteristic addresses. If it lacked some of the elements 
of an oratorical masterpiece it was the best possible argument 
for his favorite doctrine of squatter sovereignty, which had 
been emasculated by the Dred Scott decision. 

During the seven weeks preceeding the debate at Ottawa 
Lincoln and Douglas had addressed large audiences in many 
of the central counties of the state. In his speeches at Spring- 
field and Chicago Mr. Lincoln had enunciated three general 
propositions. These were : That the country could not per- 
manently endure half slave and half free ; a criticism of the 
Dred Scott decision ; that the declaration of independence 
was intended by the fathers to include the negro. 

Mr. Douglas again boldly and flatly contradicted the 
"house divided" doctrine as a slander upon the distinguished 


64 Republican Party in Illinois 

framers of the constitution. He believed the government 
could endure forever divided into free and slave states, as 
the fathers had made it, with each state having the right to 
prohibit, abolish or sustain slavery as it pleases. The fathers 
knew the laws and institutions which were well adapted to the 
Green mountains of Vermont were unsuitable to the rice 
plantations of South Carolina. They knew that in a republic 
of such gigantic proportions, with its variety of soil, climate 
and interests, there must be corresponding differences in local 
laws. Thus the union was established on the right of each 
state to be a law unto itself in dealing with slavery. 

Mr. Douglas supposes for the sake of argument that the 
doctrine of Lincoln and the Abolutionists had prevailed when 
the constitution was framed. He imagines the situation if 
his opponent had been a member of the constitutional conven- 
tion and that when its members were about to sign that 
immortal document, Mr. Lincoln had said, "A house divided 
against itself cannot stand." The union was then composed 
of thirteen states, twelve of which were slave and one was 
free. Douglas argued that under Lincoln's doctrine, the 
twelve slave states would have outvoted the one free state, 
and thus fastened slavery by constitutional provision, upon 
every foot of the American republic forever. The question 
now before the voters of Illinois, says Douglas, is, whether 
they are willing, having become the majority section, to 
enforce a doctrine on the minority which they would have 
resisted with their heart's blood, had it been attempted when 
they were such minority. The south had lost her power as 
the majority section in the union, and the free states had 
gained it by the operation of that principle which declares the 
right of the people of each state and territory to regulate their 
domestic institutions in their own way. It was under that 

Republican Party in Illinois 65 

principle that slavery was abolished in New Hampshire, Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- 
vania; it was under that principle that one-half of the slave- 
holding states became free ; under it the number of free states 
had increased until they could control both houses of congress 
and elect a president without the aid of a southern state. 

After accusing Mr. Lincoln of crawfishing in regard to 
the questions propounded at Ottawa, Mr. Douglas made an 
elaborate defense of his course on the Lecompton constitution 
and his consequent break with President Buchanan. He 
asserted that the president had sought to coerce him, and he 
defied the executive in these words: "I resisted this invasion 
of the constitutional rights of a senator, and I intend to resist 
it as long as I have a voice to speak or a vote to give." 

Mr. Douglas urged the Democratic party to stand to- 
gether, as the Democrats and Whigs, under the leadership 
of Cass and Clay, had united their forces in 1850 in support 
of the compromise measures. He affirmed in conclusion, the 
signers of the declaration of independence when they declared 
all men created equal, "did not mean the negro, nor the 
savage Indians, nor the Fejee Islanders. They were speaking 
of white men," and that the government "should be admin- 
istered by white men and none other." 

Mr. Lincoln began his reply by complimenting Senator 
Douglas on the fact that he was gradually improving in his 
warfare with the Buchanan administration. He rather de- 
lighted in the family quarrel, and urged the combatants to 
"go it husband, go it bear !" Douglas, he said, had undertaken 
to involve President Buchanan in an inconsistency. He re- 
minded Douglas that while he was valiantly fighting for the 
Nebraska bill and the repeal of the Missouri compromise, it 

had been but a little while since he had been an ardent 

66 Republican Party in Illinois 

advocate of that compromise. "I want to know," he says, 
"if Buchanan has not as much right to be inconsistent as 
Douglas has? Has Douglas the exclusive right in this 
country of being on all sides of all questions? Is nobody 
allowed that high privilege but himself? Is he to have an 
entire monopoly on that subject ?" 

In this last speech Mr. Lincoln arose to a height of moral 
grandeur. He planted himself squarely upon the solid rock 
of eternal and absolute truth. He uttered words that went 
to the very heart of the matter. Slavery was an economic, 
political and moral wrong. He denied, it is true, he had 
ever complained that the supreme court, in the Dred Scott 
decision, had declared that a negro could never become a 
citizen of the United States. Mr. Lincoln, however, had 
never taken an advanced position on the political rights of 
the negro. He believed the authors of the declaration of 
independence intended to include all men in their declaration 
of equality, but did not mean to declare all men equal in all 
respects. The fathers did not mean to say men were equal in 
intellect, nor in moral or social development. They defined 
with reasonable distinctness their belief that life, liberty and 
the pursuit of happiness are the inalienable rights of all men. 
They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all men 
were actually enjoying that equality, nor that it was to be 
immediately conferred upon them. The makers of the con- 
stitution had no power to confer this equality. They simply 
meant to declare the right, so that its enforcement might 
come as soon as circumstances would permit. 

Mr. Lincoln challenged Senator Douglas to prove that 
up to three or four years previous to these joint discussions, 
the declaration of independence, in the minds of the fathers, 
did not include the negro in the term "all men." There were 

Republican Party in Illinois 67 

men who found this assertion in the way of their schemes, 
and they denied its truth. Senator Petit, of Indiana, had 
declared that the declaration of independence was a "self- 
evident lie" rather than a self-evident truth. 

The principle upon which Mr. Lincoln insisted in this 
canvass related to the founding of new societies. He had 
never sought to apply it to the old states, for the purpose of 
abolishing slavery therein. He declared it a miserable per- 
version of his utterances to assume that Missouri or any other 
slave state should emancipate her slaves. 

Mr. Douglas maintained throughout these debates that 
the fathers "made" the republic part slave and part free. 
Mr. Lincoln denied this statement, and clearly had the facts 
of history to sustain him. Lincoln insisted that the fathers 
"found" the institution existing among them and left it as they 
found it. They recognized the absolute impossibility of its 
immediate removal, but they did place distinctive marks of 
their disapproval upon it. Lincoln developed this thought 
with great clearness and force in his speech at Quincy, when 
he said : "In the first place, I insist that our fathers did not 
make this nation half slave and half free, or part slave and 
part free. I insist that they found the institution of slavery 
existing here. They did not make it so, but they left it so 
because they knew no way to get rid of it at that time. When 
Judge Douglas undertakes to say that, as a matter of choice, 
the fathers of the government made this nation part slave and 
part free, he assumes what is historically a falsehood. More 
than that: When the fathers of the government cut off the 
source of slavery by the abolition of the slave trade, and 
adopted a system of restricting it from the new territories 
where it had not existed, I maintain that they placed it 
where they understood, and all sensible men understood, it 

68 Republican Party in Illinois 

was in the course of ultimate extinction; and even Judge 
Douglas asks me why it cannot continue as our fathers made 
it. I ask him why he and his friends could not let it remain 
as our fathers made it?" 

Mr. Douglas in upholding the right of the states to regu- 
late their own domestic affairs, vehemently defended a prin- 
ciple that Mr. Lincoln never denied. The latter would have 
no controversy with his opponent on that score, although 
Douglas always sought to befog the popular mind on the 
subject. But Mr. Lincoln denied that there was any parallel 
between the institution of slavery and other varied pursuits 
of the states arising from differences in soil and climate. 
There had never been any trouble over the cranberry laws 
of Indiana, or the oyster laws of Virginia or the pine lumber 
laws of Maine, or the fact that Louisiana produces sugar and 
Illinois flour. Slavery, on the other hand, had always been 
an element of discord. The country had been at peace when 
there was no discussion of the question; but there has been 
turmoil whenever the Slave-Power has made an effort to 
extend its dominion. History speaks in thunder tones, affirm- 
ing that the policy which has given peace to the country 
heretofore gives the greatest assurance of peace for the future. 
The struggles over the Missouri compromise, the annexation 
of Texas and the compromises of 1850 sprang from attempts 
to enlarge the borders of slave territory. No party can ever 
disturb the peace of the country; but slavery has divided the 
church itself. It has rent in twain the Methodists and Pres- 
byterians, and brought discord into other religious bodies. 
"What has jarred and shaken the great American Tract 
society recently, not yet splitting it, but sure to divide it in 
the end? Is it not this same mighty, deep-seated power that 
somehow operates on the minds of men, exciting and stirring 

Republican Party in Illinois 69 

them in every avenue of society in politics, in religion, in 
literature, in morals, in all the manifold relations of life ?" 

Douglas was fighting a man of straw when he assumed 
that Lincoln was contending against the right of the states to 
do as they pleased in the matter. His controversy with 
Douglas concerned the new territories. Lincoln disclaimed 
any power as citizens of the free states, or as members of the 
federal union, through the general government, to disturb 
slavery in the states where it already existed. Lincoln was 
not making war upon the rights of "states." He would keep 
the territories free from the blight of slavery while in a ter- 
ritorial condition. He compressed the philosophy of the situ- 
ation into these words: "If you go to the territory opposed 
to slavery, and another man comes upon the same ground with 
his slave, upon the assumption that the things are equal, it 
turns out that he has the equal right all his way, and you have 
no part of it your way. If he goes in and makes it a slave 
territory and by consequence a slave state, is it not time that 
those who would have it a free state were on equal ground?" 

Mr. Douglas raised a false issue when he assumed that 
Lincoln was in favor of introducing social and political 
equality between the races; but Lincoln always repudiated 
that doctrine. His oft-repeated assertion that the country 
could not permanently endure half slave and half free, was 
made purely as an economic proposition. But Lincoln believed 
that an economic wrong is a moral wrong. Henceforth he 
appeals to the conscience as well as to the judgment of his 
hearers. The real issue in the country, he says, is between 
those who believe the institution of slavery is wrong, and those 
who do not so believe. The Republican party regards slavery 
as an evil. "It is the sentiment around which all their actions 
all their arguments circle from which all their proposi- 

70 Republican Party in Illinois 

tions radiate." The party, nevertheless, has a due regard for 
its actual existence in the country, the constitutional obliga- 
tions thrown around it, and the difficulty of its removal. The 
party desires a policy that will not allow the danger to spread ; 
it insists that as far as possible it shall be treated as a wrong. 
One way of thus regarding it is to prohibit its extension. 
The interrogatory form of argument was often used by 
Lincoln with great effectiveness. He had a genius and a 
passion for asking hard questions. Much of the philosophy 
of Americaan history is compressed into these two: "Has 
anything ever threatened the existence of this union save and 
except this very institution of slavery? What has ever 
threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this 
institution of slavery?" 

Mr. Lincoln rises to the "height of this great argument" 
and defines the issue with the skill of a master, in these 
impressive words : "That is the real issue. That is the issue 
that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of 
Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal 
struggle between these two principles right and wrong 
throughout the world. They are the two principles that 
have stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will 
ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of 
humanity, and the other is the divine right of kings. It is 
the same principle, in whatever shape it develops itself." 

The election occurred on the second day of November. 
James Miller, the Republican candidate for state treasurer, 
received 125,430 votes; William B. Fondy, Democrat, 
received 12 1,609; and John Dougherty, Buchanan Democrat, 
5,071. Newton Bateman was elected superintendent of pub- 

Republican Party in Illinois 71 

lie instruction, over A. C. French and John Reynolds, both 
former governors. 

Under the apportionment of February 27, 1854, there 
were twenty-five senators and seventy-five members in the 
house, making a total of one hundred in the general assembly. 
Mr. Lincoln received of the popular vote a majority of over 
four thousand; but the apportionment was such that the 
legislature was against him. There were eleven Republicans 
and fourteen Democrats in the senate and thirty-five Repub- 
licans and forty Democrats in the house. On the joint ballot 
Lincoln received forty-six votes; Douglas received fifty-four 
votes, and was elected. Mr Lincoln took his defeat philoso- 
phically. In a letter to a friend he said: "The cause of 
civil liberty must not be surrendered at the end of one or even 
one hundred defeats." He had suffered a political defeat, 
but had won a glorious moral victory. 

The November election resulted in the choice of four 
Republican congressmen and five Democrats, as follows: 
First district, E. B. Washburne ; Second, John F. Farnsworth ; 
Third, Owen Lovejoy; Fourth, William Kellogg; Fifth, 
Isaac N. Morris; Sixth, Thomas L. Harris; Seventh, Aaron 
Shaw; Eighth, Robert Smith; Ninth, Samuel S. Marshall. 
The first four were Republicans and the last five Democrats. 

A feature of this session of the legislature was the passage 
by both houses of a legislative apportionment bill, which 
gerrymandered the state in the interest of the Democrats. 
The bill was vetoed by Governor Bissell. 

Emerson says an institution is the lengthened shadow of 
a man. Great moral reforms and world-movements become 
incarnated in men. The word must ever become flesh and 
dwell among men. There are born leaders who seem to 

72 Republican Party in Illinois 

belong to the elemental forces and men feel their power as 
they feel the grandeur of the mountain and the sea. 

Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln were the fore- 
most Americans of their time. The eyes of the nation and the 
world were upon them. From the death of Henry Clay to 
1 860, Douglas was the most commanding figure in a senate of 
great men. He was America's nearest approach to the first 
Napoleon. Douglas, like Napoleon, was Ambition's child 
and king. Sumner, Seward and Chase were with him in the 
senate, but in marvelous readiness and headlong force he was 
master of them all. He was the "Little Giant." But the "iron 
pen" of history must be just. Stephen A. Douglas, through- 
out his distinguished career, never said that slavery was 
wrong. He expressed his indifference as to whether it was 
"voted up or down." He eliminated the moral element from 
the supreme issue of the hour. 

Lincoln was the antithesis of Douglas. He was ready to 
die that his cause might triumph. He believed in the moral 
order of the world, and that his own beloved country had 
grievously transgressed that order. Like the prophets of old, 
he "cried aloud and spared not." Lincoln had his appointed 
task. He had a practical method of solving the problem. He 
would arouse the conscience of the nation until it should 
compel a reversal of the Dred Scott decision, and a new 
judicial rule established upon the subject. He would place 
slavery where the fathers placed it, and then trust the evolu- 
tion of the moral sense of his countrymen to effect its ultimate 
extinction. The divided house was to be united, but not in 
the way that Lincoln had hoped. The reunion would not 
come until colossal forces had shaken our broad territory and 
made its -foundations tremble under the tread of uncounted 



IN 1860 Illinois had become the eleventh state in the union 
in wealth and population. With her commercial metro- 
polis on Lake Michigan she was to be henceforth the key- 
stone in the magnificent arch of great western states. Illinois 
occupied a corresponding place in the political history of the 
nation. Under the apportionment of 1861 she was to be en- 
titled to thirteen congressmen, besides one for the state at 
large. This was a gain of six since 1850. The national 
Republican convention of 1860 was held in Chicago, when 
Abraham Lincoln was nominated for president of the 
United States. Stephen A. Douglas was the nominee of one 
of the wings of the disrupted Democracy for the same office. 
These nominations were the outcome of the joint debates two 
years before. 

With the opening of this eventful year Mr. Lincoln was 
frequently mentioned for the presidency. Lincoln at first 
discouraged the efforts of his friends. In the preceding March 
he had sent this message to Thomas J. Pickett: "Seriously, I 
do not think I am fit for the presidency." 

The first organized effort in behalf of Mr. Lincoln was 
taken at a meeting held in the state house early in 1860, in the 
office of O. M. Hatch, secretary of state. Besides Mr. Hatch 


74 Republican Party in Illinois 

there were present Norman B. Judd, chairman of the Repub- 
lican state committee; Leonard Swett, Jesse K. Dubois, 
Lawrence Weldon, A. C. Babcock, William Butler, John 
Bunn, Ebenezer Peck, Jackson Grimshaw, Ward H. Lamon 
and other leaders. Mr. Lamon afterward wrote a life of 
Lincoln. These gentlemen asked Lincoln if they could use 
his name as a candidate for president. Mr. Lincoln wanted 
to defer his answer until the next day. Late in the afternoon 
he authorized his friends, if they thought proper, to place him 
in the field. 

Mr. Lincoln had already received recognition from an 
unexpected source. In the preceding October a committee in 
New York City extended him an invitation to visit the metro- 
polis and deliver an address. After giving the subject much 
thought he accepted the invitation and notified the committee 
that he would visit New York late in February, and discuss 
the political issues of the day. His address is known as the 
famous "Cooper institute speech." Lincoln evidently realized 
the significance of this opportunity and spent much of the inter- 
vening time in the preparation of his speech. It was a master- 
ful effort, characterized by precision of statement, simplicity of 
language, unity of thought and, withal, a perfect sincerity that 
carried conviction. The New York dailies published the speech 
in full and the fact that he had captured the metropolis was 
known and read of all men. From New York Lincoln went 
to New England, and made speeches in Rhode Island and 
Connecticut, where he made a profound impression. 

Mr. Lincoln received a great ovation on his return to 
Springfield. From that time he began to consider himself 
as a presidential possibility. His ambition was aroused, and he 
wrote to party leaders throughout the state. One of his 
biographers says: "I believe the idea prevails that Lincoln 

Republican Party in Illinois 75 

sat still in his chair at Springfield and that one of those un- 
looked-for tides in human affairs came along and cast the 
nomination into his lap. . . . The truth is, Lincoln was 
as vigilant as he was ambitious, and there is no denying the 
fact that he perfectly understood the situation from the start." 

The Illinois state Republican convention assembled on the 
9th of May. The sessions were held in a wigwam erected for 
the purpose. Every county in the state except Pulaski was 
represented and Judge Joseph Gillespie was chosen to preside. 
There were three candidates for governor : Richard Yates, of 
Morgan county; Norman B. Judd, of Cook, and Leonard 
Swett, of McLean. Judd led on the informal ballot, with 245 
votes; Swett 191 and Yates 183. Yates gained fourteen over 
Swett on the first formal ballot. Judd also made a gain. 
Yates and Judd made gains over Swett on the second ballot. 
The third ballot stood: Judd, 252 ; Yates, 238 ; Swett, 246. 
On the fourth ballot Swett's friends went to Yates. He 
received 363 votes and was nominated. 

Francis A. Hoffman, of Cook, was nominated for lieuten- 
ant-governor ; Jesse K. Dubois, auditor; Ozias M. Hatch, 
secretary of state; William Butler, treasurer; and Newton 
Bateman, superintendent of public instruction. 

The delegates from Illinois to the national Republican 
convention at Chicago, chosen at Decatur, were: at large, 
Norman B. Judd, Gustavus Koerner, David Davis and Orville 
H. Browning; First district, Jason Marsh, Solon Cummings; 
Second, George Schneider, George T. Smith ; Third, Burton 
C. Cook, Oliver L. Davis; Fourth, Henry Grove, E. W. 
Hazard ; Fifth, William Ross, James S. Erwin ; Sixth, Stephen 
T. Logan, Nathan M. Knapp ; Seventh Thomas A. Marshall, 
William P. Dole ; Eighth, F. S. Rutherford, David K. Green ; 
Ninth, James C. Sloo, David L. Phelps. 

76 Republican Party in Illinois 

The presidential electors for Illinois were: John M. 
Palmer, Leonard Swett, Allen C. Fuller, William B. Plato, 
Lawrence Weldon, William Pitt Kellogg, James Stark, James 
C. Conkling, Henry P. H. Bromwell, Thomas C. Allen, 
John Olney. 

The result of the Decatur convention was "big with the 
fate of Cato and of Rome." Within one year, Abraham 
Lincoln, as president of the United States, would need a tower 
of strength in the executive chair of his own commonwealth. 
The confidence reposed in Richard Yates by the people of 
Illinois was not betrayed. He became their illustrious war 
governor and his fame is secure. 

Mr. Yates was born in Warsaw, Gallatin county, Ken- 
tucky, January 18, 1815. His father, Henry Yates, impressed 
with the evil of slavery, removed in 1831 to the free state of 
Illinois and settled in Sangamon county. Richard graduated 
in 1835 from Illinois college at Jacksonville and made that 
city his permanent home. He read law in the office of General 
John J. Hardin, and entered upon its practice. The legal 
profession is often an "open sesame" to the arena of politics, 
and so it proved to Richard Yates. He entered political life 
as an ardent Whig, a believer in the principles of Webster and 
Clay. In 1842 he was elected a member of the general assem- 
bly from Morgan county. He was re-elected in 1844 and 
again in 1848. In 1850 Mr. Yates was elected a member of 
congress from the Seventh district, and was the only Whig 
who was thus honored in Illinois that year. His Democratic 
opponent was Major Thomas L. Harris. The state was re- 
apportioned in 1852, and Morgan county was placed in the 
Sixth district. Mr. Yates was elected over John Calhoun. 
He was renominated in 1854, but was defeated by his old 
rival, Major Harris, by a plurality of two hundred. 


Republican Party in Illinois 77 

Richard Yates brought to the executive chair a legislative 
experience of ten years, six in the legislature and four in con- 
gress. His address was courteous and there was a rare charm 
in his personality. The people of Illinois loved Richard Yates 
better than he loved himself. As a public speaker, says his 
old friend, Dr. William Jayne, "he belongs to that group of 
orators in which are classed Emery Storrs, Owen Lovejoy and 
Robert Ingersoll." 

The great event of the convention was the endorsement of 
Abraham Lincoln for president. This was the first public 
movement in Illinois in behalf of her favorite son. It came 
after all the nominations had been made, and was so sudden 
that it was a surprise to the convention itself. It is the function 
of the orator to interpret the deepest feeling of a people to 
themselves. This was the rare fortune of Richard J. Oglesby 
at Decatur, when, as "Uncle Dick" would say, he "got off on 
the right foot first," and made a speech that was like touching 
a torch to powder. The hour and the man had met, and 
Oglesby 's impassioned tribute to Abraham Lincoln electrified 
his countrymen. At the psychological moment "Old John 
Hanks" came up the aisle carrying two fence-rails which were 
made by himself and his kinsman Lincoln on the Sangamon 
bottom in 1830. In the midst of this unsuppressed enthusiasm 
instructions for Lincoln were unanimously adopted and the 
convention adjourned. 

The Democratic state convention assembled at Springfield 
June 13. Hon. William McMurty presided. Judge James 
C. Allen, of Crawford county, was nominated for governor 
on the second ballot. He had served one term in the legislature 
and two terms in congress. L. W. Ross was nominated for 
lieutenant-governor; G. H. Campbell, for secretary of state; 

78 Republican Party in Illinois 

Bernard Arntzen, auditor; Hugh Maher, treasurer; E. R. 
Roe, superintendent of public instruction. 

State conventions were also held by the Buchanan wing of 
the Democracy and by the followers of the Bell- Everett move- 
ment. The former convention nominated T. M. Hope for 
governor, and Thomas Snell for lieutenant-governor. John 
T. Stuart headed the Bell-Everett ticket for governor, and 
Henry S. Blackburn was nominated for lieutenant-governor. 

The national Republican convention assembled at Chicago 
May 16. For a year preceding the convention it was conceded 
that William H. Seward would be nominated. He seemed 
the logical candidate. For twelve years he had been at the 
front of the battle in the senate, where he had expounded the 
doctrine of the "irrepressible conflict" and the "higher law." 
Moreover, his campaign was in the hands of Thurlow Weed, 
the most sagacious politician of his time, and William M. 
Evarts, who had attained great eminence as an orator and 
lawyer. Mr. Seward's availability, however, did not go un- 
challenged. He had been so conspicuous and so radical that 
his strength was discredited. He was also seriously injured 
by the open defection of Horace Greeley. 

Meanwhile there were other candidates, most of whom 
proved to have only the strength of favorite sons. Ohio pre- 
sented Salmon P. Chase; Pennsylvania named Simon Cam- 
eron; New Jersey wanted William L. Dayton; Missouri 
urged the claims of Edward Bates; while Vermont favored 
Jacob Collamer. Mr. Lincoln's campaign was managed 
with consummate skill. Never did a candidate for the 
presidency have more sagacious and enthusiastic supporters. 
Among the chief in counsel were Judge David Davis, Leonard 
Swett, Norman B. Judd and Orville H. Browning. Lin- 
coln's friends would have been content at one time with his 

Republican Party in Illinois 79 

nomination for vice-president; but as the convention drew 
near, opposition to Seward became more threatening. It was 
at this opportune time that the state convention presented 
Lincoln's name with an eclat that could not fail to find an 
echo in Chicago. The selection of Chicago as the convention 
city was fortunate for Lincoln. Mr. Elaine, in recognizing 
the power of the mob, that has dethroned kings and dictated 
candidates, says it is doubtful if Lincoln could have been 
nominated in any city outside of Illinois. 

The convention was held in the historic "wigwam," 
erected on the lake front for this purpose. David Wilmot 
was chosen temporary chairman; while the honor of perma- 
nent presiding officer was accorded George Ashmum, of Mas- 
sachusetts, an old Webster Whig. 

The result can be briefly told. Three ballots were taken. 
The first resulted in 173^/2 votes for Seward and 102 for 
Lincoln. There were 190 delegates holding the balance of 
power, who divided their support between Bates, Cameron, 
Chase, Collamer, Dayton and McLean. On the second 
ballot Seward received 184^, and Lincoln 181. On the 
third ballot Lincoln received 2311^ votes, only one and a 
half less than the number needed to nominate. During the 
progress of the last ballot Mr. Carter, of Ohio, changed four 
votes of that state from Chase to Lincoln. The result was 
quickly followed by a motion to make Lincoln's nomination 
unanimous. The happy result was achieved without offense 
to the other candidates, and was in itself an omen of victory. 
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was nominated for vice-pres- 

The Democratic national convention assembled in 
Charleston, South Carolina, April 23 preceding. The 
northern Democracy was loyal to Douglas, but he had hope- 

80 Republican Party in Illinois 

lessly fallen from grace in the estimation of the south, for 
which he had done so much. No nomination was possible, 
and on May 3 the convention adjourned to meet in Baltimore, 
June 18. The disrupted Democracy failed to reunite. The 
northern wing nominated Douglas for president and Herschel 
V. Johnson, of Georgia, for vice-president. The southern 
delegates nominated John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, for 
president, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for vice-president. 

The Constitutional Union party, representing the suc- 
cessors of the old Whigs and Americans, met at Baltimore 
and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, 
of Massachusetts, for president and vice-president, respec- 

Every shade of political opinion was represented in the 
four presidential tickets. Excitement in Illinois throughout 
the campaign was intense. Both of the leading parties had 
many distinguished speakers. Among the Republicans were 
Richard Yates, Lyman Trumbull, Owen Lovejoy, John 
Wentworth, Stephen A. Hurlbut, John M. Palmer, Richard 
J. Oglesby, Shelby M. Cullom, Thomas J. Henderson, 
William Pitt Kellogg, Isaac N. Arnold, John F. Farnsworth, 
Joseph G. Cannon and Smith D. Atkins. Among those on 
the Democratic side were Robert G. Ingersoll, John A. 
Logan, William R. Morrison, John A. Rawlins, William A. 
Richardson, John A. McClernand and Green B. Raum. 

For the first time in twenty years the voice of Abraham 
Lincoln was not heard in a political campaign in Illinois. 
Douglas, on the other hand, broke all precedents for a presi- 
dential candidate, and went directly before the people. 

A notable incident of the campaign was a series of debates 
in the Fourth congressional district between Robert G. Inger- 
soll and Judge William Kellogg. Notwithstanding Ingersoll 

Republican Party in Illinois 81 

was an ardent Douglas Democrat, he savagely attacked the 
Dred Scott decision and took a more advanced position on 
the great moral issue than his Republican opponent. Clark 
E. Carr, who heard him at Galesburg, says: "I have always 
believed that Robert G. Ingersoll was the greatest orator 
who ever stood before a public audience." Ingersoll became 
a Republican the day Fort Sumter was bombarded. 

During September and October joint discussions were 
held by Judge Allen C. Fuller, of Belvidere, and John A. 
Rawlins, of Galena. One debate was held in each county 
in the First congressional district. Judge Fuller was the 
Republican candidate for presidential elector, and Mr. 
Rawlins was the candidate of the Douglas Democracy. 
These debates have a historic interest by reason of the sub- 
sequent prominence of the participants. Judge Fuller became 
the war adjutant of the state and in this capacity he displayed 
great executive ability, and was the able supporter of Gov- 
ernor Yates in the organization of the military forces of the 
state. Mr. Rawlins was the confidential friend and adviser 
of General Grant during his campaigns, and in 1869 entered 
Grant's cabinet as secretary of war. 

The election resulted in the triumph of the Republican 
party for the first time in Illinois. The Lincoln electors 
received 172,171 votes; Douglas, 160,205; Union party, 
4,913 ; Independent Democrat, 2,332. 

For members of congress four Republicans were elected, 
as follows: First district, E. B. Washburne; Second, Isaac 
N. Arnold ; Third, Owen Lovejoy ; Fourth, William Kel- 
logg. The five Democratic members were: Fifth district, 
John A. McClernand; Sixth, William A. Richardson; 
Seventh, James C. Robinson; Eighth, Philip B. Fouke; 
Ninth, John A. Logan. 

82 Republican Party in Illinois 

The Republicans carried both branches of the legislature. 
Their majority was one in the senate and seven in the house. 

Events moved rapidly in the early months of 1861. The 
general assembly convened January 7. Shelby M. Cullom 
was elected speaker of the house. Mr. Cullom was urged to 
become a candidate by Stephen A. Hurlbut, of Boone, and 
Lawrence S. Church, of McHenry. January 10 the two 
houses met in joint session for the election of a United States 
senator. The Republicans favored the re-election of Lyman 
Trumbull, and the Democrats supported Samuel S. Marshall. 
Trumbull was chosen by a vote of fifty-four to forty-six. "The 
Nemesis of Fate," says John Moses, "with exact mathematical 
accuracy, reversed the ballot of two years before, which had 
resulted in the election of Douglas." 

Governor Yates was inaugurated January 14. His in- 
augural address, which discussed the impending crisis, was 
a remarkable state paper, which brought new courage to the 
hearts of his countrymen. 

One of the acts of the assembly was the new legislative 
apportionment, approved January 31. The state was divided 
into twenty-five senatorial districts, with an equal number 
of senators. There were sixty-five representative districts, 
from which eighty-five members were to be elected. Previous 
to 1870 senatorial and representative districts did not com- 
prise the same territory. 

February 2, in response to an invitation from the state 
of Virginia, Governor Yates appointed commissioners to the 
peace conference at Washington. They were Stephen T. 
Logan, John M. Palmer, John Wood, Burton C. Cook and 
Thomas J. Turner. Mr. Wood as lieutenant-governor, had 
filled out the unexpired term of Governor Bissell, who died 
March 18, 1860. 

Republican Party in Illinois 83 

In March it became necessary for Mr. Lincoln to know 
whether there was any loyal sentiment in South Carolina. 
He sent Stephen A. Hurlbut, of Belvidere, on a special 
mission to Charleston, his native city. Ward H. Lamon 
accompanied him. James L. Petigru, with whom Hurlbut 
had read law four years, was the only union man of promi- 
nence then in Charleston. Mr. Hurlbut consulted with his 
former law instructor, and reported to Mr. Lincoln that 
there was no attachment to the union, and that the sentiment 
of South Carolina was unamimous for separation. 

Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated president of the United 
States March 4, 1861. Never was poetic justice more strik- 
ingly illustrated. Roger B. Taney, chief justice of the 
supreme court, whose Dred Scott decision had precipitated 
the political revolution, administered the oath of office. 
Stephen A. Douglas, a life-long rival, held Lincoln's hat 
when he subscribed to the oath. When, three months later, 
the curtain fell upon the brilliant career of Stephen A. 
Douglas, he was still, at only forty-eight years of age, 
"resolute, vigorous, commanding." He was the second man 
in the nation. Abraham Lincoln was first. 

The election of Lincoln was perhaps the most notable 
event in the history of the nation. He was the divinely 
appointed man for the hour. Such men are instruments in 
the consummation of the divine purpose. It was said of 
Cyrus in the olden time, "I girded thee though thou hast not 
known me." There seem to be certain superhuman adjust- 
ments that philosophy does not explain, that work out 
righteous results. Human wisdom does not foresee them; 
they do not destroy human freedom, but they do achieve their 
results with infallible certainty. The leaders in such events 
are like Aeneas in the fable: they are often covered with a 

84 Republican Party in Illinois 

cloud woven by divine fingers, and men do not see them. 
But when they are needed the cloud breaks away and they 
stand before the world prepared to do their work. Such a 
man was Abraham Lincoln. He was called to lead in a war 
made holy by the quickened moral conscience of the nation. 
Poets and reformers and statesmen had cast up the highway 
for the King, who should visit the nation with chastening. 
This judgment day was at hand because Phillips, and Gar- 
rison and Sumner had come; because Whittier and Lowell 
and Harriet Beecher Stowe had come; because Lincoln and 
Seward and Chase had come; because Grant and Sherman 
and Sheridan had come; because the great and terrible day 
of the Lord had come ! 



APRIL 15, 1861, the day following the surrender of 
Fort Sumter, President Lincoln issued a call for 
seventy-five thousand volunteers to subdue "combina- 
tions too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of 
judicial proceedings, and to cause the laws to be duly exe- 
cuted." Governor Yates immediately convened the legislature 
in special session. The regular session had adjourned February 
22, after a service of forty- seven days. 

The special session convened April 23. The sentiment of 
loyalty to the union, irrespective of party, was dominant in 
both houses. The secretary of war notified Governor Yates 
that the quota of Illinois, under the president's call, was six 
regiments of militia ; and it became the first duty of the general 
assembly to provide for the organization and equipment of 
these regiments. 

While the legislature was in session Senator Douglas 
arrived in Springfield from Washington. He had been asked 
by President Lincoln to visit Illinois, where there was much 
disunion sentiment. Upon invitation he addressed the two 
houses in joint session on the evening of April 25. The senator 
was introduced by Mr. Cullom, speaker of the house. It was 


86 Republican Party in Illinois 

during this speech that Senator Douglas uttered his celebrated 
dictum that in the present crisis there are only two parties, 
"patriots and traitors." "It is a duty we owe to ourselves, 
and our children, and our God, to protect this government, 
and that flag, from every assailant, be he who he may." These 
words meant more to the union, coming from Stephen A. 
Douglas at this time, than they would from any other living 
American. The "Little Giant" was never more masterful. 
It was the farewell message of a great senator in the capitol 
of a great state which had honored him to idolatry. His 
Springfield speech probably saved Illinois to the union. It 
was the turning point in the life of John A. Logan, who had 
a great personal following. He espoused the union cause 
and became an ardent Republican. 

The legislature provided for the creation of a war fund 
of $2,000,000 and enacted other needful war legislation. The 
state was divided into thirteen congressional districts. By an 
error in the apportionment the number of congressmen was 
fixed at thirteen, although the state was entitled to fourteen. 
The error was corrected by electing one member from the 
state at large. The legislature adjourned May 3, after a ses- 
sion of eleven days. 

Governor Yates appointed O. H. Browning to succeed 
Stephen A. Douglas in the United States senate until the 
vacancy should be filled by a regular election. 

An act of the general assembly approved January 31, 
1861, provided for the calling of a constitutional convention 
to amend the state constitution. The act provided for the 
election of seventy-five delegates and these were chosen at an 
election held in November, 1861. The people had become so 
absorbed in the prosecution of the war that too little attention 
was paid to the selection of delegates. The Democrats, whose 

Republican Party in Illinois 87 

leaders were watchful of their advantage, secured forty-five 
delegates; the Republicans elected twenty-one; seven were 
classed as Fusionists, and two as doubtful. Among the Demo- 
cratic members was Melville W. Fuller, who was appointed 
chief justice of the supreme court of the United States by 
President Cleveland. John Wentworth, of Chicago, and 
Luther W. Lawrence, of Boone county, were leaders on the 
Republican side. The delegate from Winnebago county was 
Porter Sheldon. 

The convention assembled at Springfield January 7, 1862. 
William A. Hacker was chosen president, and William M. 
Springer, secretary. The history of Illinois furnishes no par- 
allel to the impertinence and arrogance displayed by the 
dominant element in the convention. Some of the members 
refused to take the oath prescribed by the statute which called 
them together. They assumed a dictatorial policy toward all 
departments of the state government. They demanded reports 
from officers in the field. Major Quincy McNeil, of the 
Second Illinois cavalry, sent a stinging retort to the chairman 
of the committee on military affairs, from which a few lines 
are quoted : "Should I give you the information the resolution 
calls for, I should make as great an ass of myself as the con- 
vention has of you, by asking you to attend to that which is 
none of your business. . . If I am rightly informed, you 
were elected to make a convention for the state of Illinois. 

Why in h don't you do it?" The convention seriously 

debated whether it did not have the power to elect a United 
States senator, to succeed O. H. Browning. Governor Yates 
became exasperated to the limit of endurance and informed the 
convention, in response to a request for a certain report that 
"he did not acknowledge the right of the convention to instruct 
him in the performance of his duty." The climax was reached 

88 Republican Party in Illinois 

when the convention, which was simply called to amend the 
constitution, submitted an entirely new constitution. 

The convention continued in session until March 24. Only 
fifty-four names were signed to the instrument. Messrs. 
Wentworth, Sheldon and Anthony were the only Republicans 
who affixed their names and the latter two did so by proxy. 

The proposed constitution was submitted to the people, at 
a special election June 17, and was repudiated by a majority 
of over sixteen thousand votes. 

In the summer of 1862 popular interest was divided be- 
tween events in the field and the election in November. A year 
before party lines had been practically obliterated in Illinois, 
as the people rallied to the support of the government in the 
prosecution of the war. This unanimity had been changed by 
the progress of events. The reverses sustained during the first 
year of the war could not fail to have a political significance. 

President Lincoln's early conservatism on the slavery ques- 
tion had contributed an element of strength to his war policy. 
As he became more aggressive, sharp political divisions arose. 
The slavery question was still the dividing issue, "and by a 
common instinct throughout the free states," says Mr. Blaine, 
"the Democrats joined in the cry against an abolition war." 
The vote on the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia, the proposal for compensated emancipation in the border 
states, and the act confiscating the property of rebels were on 
strict party lines in congress. 

President Lincoln realized the danger, but his wisdom 
was sufficient for the hour. He knew slavery was the cause 
of the revolt, and its greatest source of strength. He therefore 
determined to strike the fatal blow. His monitory proclama- 
tion of emancipation, September 22, gave notice that on the 
first day of January, 1863, all persons held as slaves in states 

Republican Party in Illinois 89 

which were in revolt against the union, should be forever free. 

Under these conditions the Illinois state conventions assem- 
bled. The Republican convention was held September 24. 
Eben C. Ingersoll was nominated for member of congress for 
the state at large. William Butler and Newton Bateman 
were nominated for treasurer and superintendent of public 
instruction, respectively. The platform endorsed the emanci- 
pation proclamation "as a great and imperative war measure, 
essential to the salvation of the union." 

The Democratic convention was held September 10. 
James C. Allen was nominated for congressman-at-large ; 
Alexander Starne for treasurer, and John P. Brooks for 
superintendent of public instruction. The platform put the 
party on record in favor of the war, although it protested 
against the president's anti-slavery policy. The Democrats 
of Illinois were still frightened by the bugbear of abolition. 

The result of the elections in November was a defeat for 
the Republicans. The Democrats elected their entire ticket 
by a majority of seventeen thousand, and seven of the fourteen 
representatives in congress. The delegation in congress was 
as follows: For the state at large, James C. Allen; First 
district, Isaac N. Arnold; Second district, John F. Farns- 
worth;. Third, Elihu B. Washburne; Fourth, Charles M. 
Harris; Fifth, Owen Lovejoy; Sixth, Jesse O. Norton; Sev- 
enth, John R. Eden; Eighth, John T. Stuart; Ninth, Lewis 
W. Ross; Tenth, Anthony L. Knapp; Eleventh, James C. 
Robinson ; Twelfth, William R. Morrison ; Thirteenth, Wil- 
liam J. Allen. Messrs. Arnold, Farnsworth, Washburne, 
Lovejoy, Norton and Stuart were Republicans. James C. 
Allen died at Olney, Illinois, January 30, 1912, the day 
following his ninetieth birthday. 

90 Republican Party in Illinois 

The Democrats also carried both houses of the legislature. 
In the senate there were twelve Republicans and thirteen Dem- 
ocrats; in the house there were thirty Republicans and fifty- 
eight Democrats. The large number of soldiers in the field, 
who were deprived of the privilege of voting to uphold their 
president, was an important factor in this unfortunate result. 
Eleven states had provided for taking the votes of the soldiers 
in the field. Illinois did not make this provision. 

Although Illinois had repudiated the anti-slavery policy 
of her great war president, the result throughout the country 
was an endorsement of the administration, which obtained a 
working majority in the lower house of congress. 

The twenty-third general assembly has been justly pilloried 
by the historians of Illinois. It was dominated throughout by 
a body of men who devoted their time to violent attacks upon 
the war policy of President Lincoln. The assembly convened 
January 5, 1863. Samuel A. Buckmaster, of Madison county, 
was elected speaker. He received fifty-two votes ; Luther W. 
Lawrence, of Boone, twenty-five, and Selden M. Church, of 
Winnebago, one vote. 

On the evening of the day the legislature assembled, a 
meeting of those opposed to the administration was held in 
the house. The speakers denounced the president as a usurper 
and the war as barbarous. 

On the following day Governor Yates fearlessly faced the 
majority against him in both houses, and delivered an address 
full of lofty patriotism. He defended the emancipation proc- 
lamation and insisted that every son of Illinois be loyal to the 

January 12 the legislature met in joint session for the 
election of a United States senator, to fill the unexpired term 
of Judge Douglas, which O. H. Browning was serving, under 

Republican Party in Illinois 91 

appointment of Governor Yates. William A. Richardson 
received sixty-five votes and was elected. Richard Yates 
received thirty-eight votes. 

Two sets of resolutions on the state of the war were intro- 
duced in the house. Those opposed to the administration were 
drawn by a committee of sixteen, one for each congressional 
district, and three for the state at large. The several resolu- 
tions were referred to the committee on federal relations. 
Majority and minority reports were presented February 4 
and 5. The majority report embraced eleven resolutions, 
which embodied two general propositions: opposition to the 
war under present administrative methods; a demand for an 
armistice, the calling of a national convention to conclude 
terms of peace, and the appointment of commissioners to 
secure these results. 

The majority report was adopted in the house February 
12 by a vote of fifty- two to twenty-eight. The report was 
then sent to the senate. The death of J. M. Rogers, a Demo- 
cratic senator, left the senate a tie, with a Republican presiding 
officer, and the scheme failed in the upper house. February 14 
the legislature adjourned to June 2, when it was proposed to 
receive the report of the peace commissioners appointed under 
the resolutions. 

The passage of the peace resolutions by the house was a 
surprise to the people of the state. Although they had elected 
a Democratic legislature there was a violent reaction against 
their representatives. The peace movement was impracticable 
and ignominously failed. 

The legislature reconvened June 2. There were no peace 
commissioners to hear from and the session was short-lived. 
It had proved a dismal failure, and finally the two houses 
could not agree upon a time for adjournment. At this juncture 

92 Republican Party in Illinois 

Governor Yates availed himself of his constitutional pregro- 
gative, and on June 10 prorogued the legislature. These 
representatives of the people had attempted to array the pres- 
ident's own state against his war policy. They were outwitted 
by a patriotic and courageous governor. The majority in the 
house held that the action of the governor was illegal, but it 
was sustained by the supreme court of the state. 

The Republican state convention assembled at Springfield 
May 25. A. J. Kuykendall presided. The candidates for 
governor were Richard J. Oglesby, Allen C. Fuller, Jesse K. 
Dubois and John M. Palmer. The real contest was between 
Oglesby and Fuller. The latter had made a remarkable 
record as adjutant-general of the state. General Fuller was 
the central figure of the war-power of Illinois, the forger of 
her thunderbolts, the splendid defender of her sons. General 
John C. Black once told the writer that General Fuller was 
a greater executive force than Edwin M. Stanton. Moreover, 
he received the unanimous support of twenty-two northern 
counties, which roll up the Republican majorities. General 
Fuller, however, had a most formidable rival in Richard J. 
Oglesby, the most greatly beloved officer in the western army. 

On the informal ballot Oglesby received 283 votes ; Fuller, 
220; Dubois, 103; Palmer, 75. On the next ballot Oglesby 
received 358 out of 681 votes and was declared the nominee. 
William Bross was nominated for lieutenant-governor ; Sharon 
Tyndale, secretary of state ; Orlin H. Miner, auditor ; James 
H. Beveridge, treasurer ; Newton Bateman, superintendent of 
public instruction ; Samuel W. Moulton, congressman-at-large. 

The platform reported by the committee was too conser- 
vative and it was referred to a new committee. The amended 
platform was an enthusiastic endorsement of the administra- 
tions of President Lincoln and Governor Yates. The presi- 

Republican Party in Illinois 93 

dential electors were: John Dougherty, Francis A. Hoffman, 
Benjamin M. Prentiss, John V. Farwell, Anson S. Miller, 
John V. Eustace, James S. Poague, John I. Bennett, William 
T. Hopkins, Franklin Blades, James C. Conkling, William 
Walker, Thomas W. Harris, N. M. McCurdy, Henry S. 
Baker, Z. S. Clifford. 

The Democratic State convention was held at Springfield, 
June 15. William A. Hacker presided. Delegates to the 
national convention and presidential electors were appointed, 
but no ticket was nominated. The convention for nominating 
candidates met at Springfield September 6. The following 
ticket was named : Governor, James C. Robinson ; lieutenant- 
governor, S. Corning Judd ; auditor, John Hise ; treasurer, 
Alexander Starne; secretary of state, William A. Turney; 
superintendent of public instruction, John P. Brooks; con- 
gressman-at-large, James C. Allen. 

The national Republican convention assembled at Balti- 
more, June 7. The delegates from Illinois were : Burton C. 
Cook, Leonard Swett, J. A. Powell, Augustus H. Burley, 
Henry Dummer, John Huegly, J. Young Scammon, Lorenz 
Brentano, George Bangs, E. P. Ferry, J. Wilson Shaffer, 
James McCoy, Harrison Dills, Solon Burroughs, Henry F. 
Royce, Clark E. Carr, Joseph L. Braden, Washington Bush- 
nell, George N. Rives, James Cone, R. K. Fell, James Brown, 
William A. Grimshaw, W. B. Green, Isaac L. Morrison, 
J. T. Alexander, William H. Robinson, T. H. Sams, John 
Thomas, William Copp, F. S. Rhodes, Morris P. Brown. 

Early in the campaign the opposition to President Lincoln 
developed formidable proportions. The politicians in both 
houses of congress were against him and there were intriguing 
malcontents in his cabinet. But the tide suddenly turned as 
state after state sent delegates instructed for his renomination. 

94 Republican Party in Illinois 

Lincoln would have been nominated by acclamation, had 
it not been for a master stroke of politics on the part of the 
president himself. Missouri sent rival delegations. The con- 
servatives supported Lincoln, while the radicals were for 
General Grant. At a meeting of the Illinois delegation, a 
young man arose and urged the delegates to vote for the admis- 
sion of the radical delegation from Missouri, and the delegates 
recognized the fact at once that Abraham Lincoln was speak- 
ing through his private secretary, John G. Nicolay. 

The reason was obvious. When the radical delegation 
took their seats in the convention they were morally bound by 
its action. On the first ballot Lincoln received 484 votes, and 
Missouri gave her twenty-two votes to General Grant. Before 
the result was announced, however, Missouri changed her vote 
and Lincoln was unanimously renominated. The opposition 
could not say it was a Lincoln party instead of a Republican 
party, and all factions were united. Andrew Johnson, of Ten- 
nessee, was nominated for vice-president. Six weeks before 
the election, John C. Fremont and John Cochrane, who had 
been nominated for president and vice-president by the Repub- 
lican malcontents, withdrew from the field. 

Colonel Clark E. Carr, in his "Day and Generation," 
tells an interesting incident of a Republican mass meeting at 
Quincy during this campaign. Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll 
was one of the speakers. His splendid tribute to the valor of 
the army closed with the following peroration : "God bless 
the soldiers of the army of the United States, wherever they 
may be whether they be fighting on the hillside, the open 
plain or in the dark valley ; whether weary and footsore on 
the long march, whether parched with thirst they are dying 
on the field, or are ministered to by loving hands in the hos- 
pitals, whether they be tossed upon the uncertain waves of the 

Republican Party in Illinois 95 

great deep, whether they be writing letters to their friends by 
the dim light of the camp fire, or reading letters from home, 
God bless the soldiers of the army of the United States. God 
bless their friends and God damn their enemies!" 

"Never did an orator," says Colonel Carr, "express the 
intensity of feeling of a great audience more completely than 
Robert Ingersoll in that prayer and philippic." Rev. Horatio 
Foote, a Congregational clergyman, and a brother of the late 
Hiram Foote, of Rockford, was seated on the platform, enthus- 
iastically pounding his cane. Some one said to him: "Doctor, 
is not that blasphemous?" "Inspiration, gentlemen, inspira- 
tion," was Mr. Foote's reply as he continued to applaud. 

At the election in November Lincoln received every elec- 
toral vote over McClellan, except those of New Jersey, Del- 
aware and Kentucky. His majority in the popular vote was 
nearly half a million. 

Mr. Lincoln's vote in Illinois was 189,496; McClellan's 
158,730. The entire Republican state ticket was elected and 
both branches of the legislature were Republican. In the 
senate there were fourteen Republicans and eleven Democrats ; 
in the house fifty-one Republicans and thirty-four Democrats. 
Eleven congressmen were elected out of fourteen. This was a 
gain of five. The delegation in congress was as follows : State 
at large, S. W. Moulton; First district, John Wentworth; 
Second, John F. Farnsworth; Third, E. B. Washburne; 
Fourth, Abner C. Harding ; Fifth, Eben C. Ingersoll ; Sixth, 
Burton C. Cook ; Seventh, H. P. H. Bromwell ; Eighth, Shelby 
M. Cullom ; Ninth, Lewis W. Ross ; Tenth, Anthony Thorn- 
ton; Eleventh, Samuel S. Marshall; Twelfth, Jehu Baker; 
Thirteenth, A. J. Kuykendall. Ross, Thornton and Marshall 
were Democrats. Ingersoll succeeded Owen Love joy, who 
died in March, 1864. 




RICHARD J. OGLESBY was inaugurated January 17, 
1865, as the third Republican governor of Illinois. 
A more interesting personality, with the possible ex- 
ception of his immediate predecessor, Richard Yates, never 
graced the executive chair of the state. Governor Oglesby 
was born in Oldham county, Kentucky, July 25, 1824. He 
came to Illinois with an uncle in 1836 ; was admitted to the bar 
and began the practice of his profession at Sullivan, in Moul- 
trie county. He began his political career in 1852 as a Whig 
elector, and in 1858 he was an unsuccessful candidate for con- 
gress in the Decatur district. In 1860 Oglesby was elected 
to the state senate. On the outbreak of the civil war he re- 
signed his seat and tendered his services to the government on 
the day President Lincoln issued his first call for troops. He 
had been lieutenant of an Illinois company in the Mexican war. 
With this prestige he quickly arose from the colonelcy of the 
Eighth regiment to the rank of major-general. At the battle 
of Corinth he was shot through the left lung. He partially 
recovered, but resigned from the service in May, 1864. 

Governor Oglesby was highly endowed with those qualities 
which made him a leader of men. He had a sublime faith in 



Republican Party in Illinois 97 

the ability of the people to govern themselves, and the people, 
in turn, as fully believed in their gallant "Uncle Dick." Bluff, 
like Ben Wade, he was a vigorous campaigner and knew no 
fear. He was a great commoner of the old school, kindly, but 
firm, of strict integrity and lofty patriotism. Honor was in 
his blood and bone. His faults arose from his generous nature, 
but they weighed little in the balance against the devotion of 
his life to the highest ideals of civic duty. With a physique of 
large proportions, the gifts of wit and humor, intensity of 
feeling, and the true oratorical temperament, Richard J. 
Oglesby was one of the most commanding figures of his time. 

William Bross, the lieutenant-governor, had won distinc- 
tion as a journalist. He graduated from Williams college in 
1836, and became one of the editors of the Democratic Press 
in Chicago, now the Tribune. After his retirement from 
public life he wrote several books. Among these are a brief 
History of Chicago, History of Camp Douglas, and Tom 
Quick. Mr. Bross died in Chicago, January 27, 1890. 

The administration of Governor Oglesby was peaceful 
and prosperous. The north was emerging victoriously from 
civil war, and the soldiers were about to return to the avoca- 
tions of peace. The notable legislation of the following years 
is an inviting field for the historian ; but the scope of these 
chapters is restricted to the achievements of a single party. 
This fact also forbids detailed reference to the glorious military 
record of Illinois, which sent 226,592 soldiers to the front, to 
fight the battles of the union. The writer can deal only with 
facts of a general political nature. 

The legislature convened January 2. General Allen C. 
Fuller was elected speaker of the house. Three days later 
the legislature met in joint session for the election of a United 
States senator, to succeed William A. Richardson. Richard 


98 Republican Party in Illinois 

Yates, the caucus nominee, was elected on the first ballot. 

On the first day of February the thirteenth amendment to 
the constitution of the United States received the official 
sanction of President Lincoln. Senator Trumbull, chairman 
of the judiciary committee, immediately notified Governor 
Oglesby by telegraph. The executive thereupon sent a mes- 
sage to the general assembly, with a stirring appeal for im- 
mediate action. He said : "Let Illinois be the first state in the 
union to ratify, by the act of her legislature this proposed 
amendment. ... So far as we can, by any act of our 
state, destroy this pestilent cause of civil discord, disruption 
and dissolution the source of so much unhappiness and misery 
to the people of the whole nation, let us do so, and do it now." 

The senate and the house promptly responded and ratified 
the amendment on the very day it had been approved by the 
president. Thus Illinois, the home of the great emancipator, 
was the first state to ratify a constitutional provision for the 
freedom of the slave. Had the general assembly not at once 
responded to the request of the governor, "to do so and do it 
now," Illinois would not have won this distinction, for Rhode 
Island and Michigan ratified the amendment on the following 

This session of the general assembly was signalized by the 
repeal of the odious "black laws." One of these laws had been 
on the statute books since 1819. Another, approved February 
12, 1853, was designed "to prevent the immigration of free 
negroes into the state." A negro who entered Illinois was 
liable to conviction for misdemeanor, with a fine of fifty dol- 
lars. If this fine was not paid, he was advertised to be sold 
to the bidder who would pay the fine and costs, and the negro 
was held in servitude until he had earned the full amount 
advanced. Should the unfortunate black man remain in the 

Republican Party in Illinois 99 

state ten days after his release, he was liable to second prosecu- 

April 9, 1865. Robert E. Lee surrendered to Ulysses S. 
Grant at Appomattox. In scarcely more than a decade the 
Republican party, aided by loyal Democrats, had not only 
prevented the extension of slavery, but had purged the nation 
of the ancient sin and restored the integrity of the union. A 
part of the price was the life of the immortal emancipator; 
but ere he fell by the assassin's bullet, he had seen of the travail 
of his soul, and was satisfied. 

The Republican state convention met at Springfield, 
August 8, 1866. General Green B. Raum presided, and 
James P. Root was chosen secretary. General John A. Logan 
was nominated congressman-at-large ; Newton Bateman was 
renominated by acclamation for superintendent of public in- 
struction ; General George W. Smith, of Chicago, was nom- 
inated for treasurer on the second ballot. 

The platform endorsed the congressional policy of recon- 
struction as opposed to President Johnson, and denied the 
right of the executive to encroach upon the constitutional 
power of the co-ordinate branch of the government. 

The Democratic state convention assembled at Springfield 
August 29. General John A. McClernand presided. Colonel 
T. Lyle Dickey was nominated for congressman-at-large on 
the second ballot; General Jesse J. Phillips for treasurer, by 
acclamation, and Colonel John M. Crebs for superintendent 
of public instruction. Joint discussions were held by candi- 
dates for congress in nearly all the districts. Among the 
debaters were General Raum and W. J. Allen; H. P. H. 
Bromwell and General John C. Black; Shelby M. Cullom 
and Dr. Edwin Fowler ; General Logan and Colonel Dickey. 

100 Republican Party in Illinois 

The elections resulted in decisive victories for the Repub- 
licans all along the line. They elected eleven out of the four- 
teen congressmen, and secured both branches of the legislature. 
The senate had sixteen Republicans and nine Democrats; in 
the house there were sixty Republicans and twenty-five 
Democrats. General Logan's majority for congressman-at- 
large was 55,987. The delegation in congress from 1867 to 
] 869 was as follows : Congressman-at-large, John A. Logan ; 
First district, Norman B. Judd; Second district, John F. 
Farnsworth; Third, E. B. Washburne; Fourth, Abner C. 
Harding; Fifth, Eben C. Ingersoll; Sixth, Burton C. Cook; 
Seventh, H. P. H. Bromwell; Eighth, Shelby M. Cullom; 
Ninth, Lewis W. Ross; Tenth, Albert G. Burr; Eleventh, 
Samuel S. Marshall; Twelfth, Jehu Baker; Thirteenth, 
Green B. Raum. Messrs. Ross, Burr and Marshall were 

The twenty-fifth general assembly convened January 7, 
1867. Franklin Corwin, of La Salle, was elected speaker of 
the house ; Charles E. Lippencott was chosen secretary of the 

The first political work of the session was the election of 
a United States senator to succeed Lyman Trumbull. He 
had already served two terms and a sentiment had developed 
that the honor should go to a soldier. The opposition was 
crystalized on John M. Palmer, who had the active support 
of Generals Oglesby and Logan. The test of strength came 
on a preliminary ballot, when Trumbull received forty-eight 
votes and Palmer twenty-eight. Palmer's name was with- 
drawn ; Trumbull was renominated by acclamation and 
elected on January 16. 

The fourteenth amendment to the constitution of the 
United States was ratified January 15 by a strict party vote 

Republican Party in Illinois 101 

in both houses. The amendment conferred citizenship upon 
all persons born or naturalized in the United States without 
regard to color. 

This session re-created the office of attorney-general, which 
had not existed since 1846. A law, approved February 27, 
provided that an attorney-general should be chosen at each 
succeeding gubernatorial election, and that the governor should 
appoint the first incumbent, who should serve until the election 
of his successor. February 28 Governor Oglesby appointed 
Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll, who served two years. 

The campaign of 1868 opened early. The Democratic 
state convention met in Springfield, April 15. Anthony L. 
Thornton presided. The political features of the platform 
were opposition to the reconstruction policy of congress; that 
the right of suffrage should be limited to the white race, al- 
though each state should determine the question for itself, 
and a resolution endorsing George H. Pendleton for president. 
John R. Eden was nominated for governor ; William H. Van 
Epps, lieutenant-governor; Gustavus Van Hornebecke, secre- 
tary of state; John R. Shannon, auditor; Jesse L. Phillips, 
treasurer; and William O'Brien for congressman-at-large. 

The Republican state convention assembled at Peoria, May 
6. Franklin Corwin presided, and James P. Root was chosen 
secretary. Peoria was the home of Colonel Robert G. Inger- 
soll, who had been favorably mentioned for governor in the 
event that General John M. Palmer would not accept the 
nomination. General Palmer, however, would have been 
nominated by acclamation had the fact been generally known 
he would not decline the honor. On the first ballot Palmer 
received 263 votes; Ingersoll, 117 ; S. W. Moulton, 82; Jesse 
K. Dubois, 17. The second ballot resulted as follows: Pal- 

102 Republican Party in Illinois 

mer, 317 ; Ingersoll, 118; Moulton, 52 ; Dubois, 17. Palmer's 
nomination was then made unanimous. 

John Dougherty was nominated for lieutenant-governor; 
Edward Rummel, secretary of state; Charles E. Lippincott, 
auditor; Erastus N. Bates, treasurer. There was a lively 
contest over the nomination for attorney-general between 
General Stephen A. Hurlbut and Washington Bushnell, 
which resulted in the choice of the latter. General John A. 
Logan was renominated for congressman-at-large by acclama- 

The platform endorsed the reconstruction policy of con- 
gress, denounced the repudiation of any portion of the public 
debt, and endorsed General Ulysses S. Grant for president. 

Delegates to the Republican national convention were 
chosen as follows: At large, John A. Logan, B. J. Sweet, 
A. C. Babcock, J. K. Dubois, E. A. Storrs; district delegates, 
J. R. Jones, Herman Raster, M. L. Joslyn, William Hulin, 
James L. Camp, N. D. Swift, Calvin Truesdale, Ira D. 
Chamberlain, Mark Bangs, W. L. Wiley, Henry Fish, 
Calhoun Grant, J. W. Langley, James H. Steele, Giles A. 
Smith, I. S. Whitmore, Hugh L. Fullerton, C. N. Whitney, 
John Logan, A. C. Vanderwater, J. A. Powell, William H. 
Robinson, P. E. Hosmer, Philip Isenmeyer, B. G. Roots, 
Thomas S. Ridgway. 

The presidential electors were : At large, Stephen A. Hurl- 
but, Gustavus Koerner ; district electors, Thomas J. Hender- 
son, Lorenz Brentano, Jesse S. Hildrup, James McCoy, 
Henry W. Draper, Thomas G. Frost, Joseph O. Glover, 
John W. Blackburn, Samuel C. Parks, Damon G. Tunnicliff, 
John D. Strong, Edward Kitchell, Charles F. Springer, 
Daniel W. Munn. 

Republican Party in Illinois 103 

The national Republican convention met in Chicago May 
21. General Ulysses S. Grant was practically the unanimous 
choice of the delegates. General Logan presented the name 
of General Grant in a brief and stirring speech. Upon the 
roll call of states every one of the 650 votes was given to the 
general. While the enthusiasm was at its height, a large 
portrait of General Grant was unveiled, and the delegates 
again went wild with cheering. Schuyler Colfax was nom- 
inated for vice-president on the fifth ballot. Benjamin F. 
Wade, Reuben E. Fenton and Henry Wilson were candidates. 

General Grant's rise to fame is scarcely without parallel in 
any part of the world. In 1861 he was a discouraged man 
doing clerical work in a dingy, scantily furnished room in the 
adjutant-general's office at Springfield at two dollars per day. 
Within four years he was hailed as one of the conquerors of the 
world; and in another four years he was president of the 
United States. With the exception of a few months as secre- 
tary of war in President Johnson's cabinet, the presidency 
was the only office ever held by General Grant. He was 
born at Point Pleasant, Ohio, April 27, 1822 ; graduated from 
West Point in 1843; served in the Mexican war, after which 
he lived on a farm near St. Louis and then removed to 
Galena. After much humiliation and discouragement he 
received the appointment of colonel of the Twenty-first regi- 
ment of infantry from Governor Yates. From that day the 
stars in their courses fought for him, from Fort Gibson, 
Raymond, Champion Hill, Chattanooga, Vicksburg and "on 
to Richmond." He had Napoleon's genius without his am- 
bition for conquest. In the hour of triumph he displayed the 
simplicity of a child. At Appomattox Lee appeared the con- 
queror and Grant the conquered. Grant's mistakes were in 

104 Republican Party in Illinois 

men, not in measures. He trusted his friends, sometimes not 
wisely, but too much. 

The national Democratic convention began its sessions in 
New York City July 4. Horatio Seymour, of New York, 
was nominated for president on the twenty-second ballot; 
F. P. Blair, of Missouri, was nominated for vice-president. 

The supreme issue was the congressional policy of recon- 
struction. General Grant carried twenty-six states, with 214 
electoral votes; Seymour carried eight states, with eighty 
electoral votes. Grant's majority in Illinois was 51,150; 
General Palmer's was 50,099. The Republicans elected their 
entire state ticket and retained control of both branches of the 
legislature by increased majorities. The delegation in con- 
gress included ten Republicans and four Democrats, as fol- 
lows : State at large, John A. Logan ; First district, Norman 
B. Judd ; Second, J. F. Farnsworth ; Third, E. B. Washburne ; 
Fourth, John B. Hawley; Fifth, Eben C. Ingersoll; Sixth, 
Burton C. Cook; Seventh, Jesse H. Moore; Eighth Shelby 
M. Cullom; Ninth, T. W. McNeely; Tenth, Albert G. 
Burr; Eleventh, Samuel S. Marshall; Twelfth, John B. Hay; 
Thirteenth, John M. Crebs. Messrs. McNeely, Burr, Mar- 
shall and Crebs were Democrats. 

John M. Palmer took the oath of office as governor of 
Illinois January 11, 1869. In his inaugural address he dis- 
cussed the great question of more complete legislative control 
over the franchises of common carriers. This was the first 
time an Illinois executive had undertaken to grapple with 
this problem, which had already assumed such importance in 
some of the eastern states. Governor Palmer was born in 
Eagle Creek, Scott county, Kentucky, September 13, 1817. 
It is an interesting fact that three successive governors of 
Illinois, Richard Yates, Richard J. Oglesby and John M. 

Republican Party in Illinois 105 

Palmer, with Abraham Lincoln who had wrought so glor- 
iously for freedom, should have come from a border slave 
state. Governor Palmer had achieved distinction in civil 
and military life. He was elected colonel of the Fourteenth 
Illinois Volunteers, and arose to the rank of brigadier-general. 
Previous to that time he had been probate judge of Macoupin 
county, state senator, member of a constitutional convention, 
presidential elector and peace commissioner. General Palmer 
was a sturdy type of statesman. Without the eloquence or 
brilliance of Yates and Oglesby, he was the peer of either in 
sheer intellectual force. As a public speaker he marshaled 
his arguments with convincing power. He was pre-eminently 
a lawyer, and the unusual number of his vetoes revealed the 
utmost confidence in his own grasp of large principles. He 
was a noble old Roman, and the honors he received from his 
adopted state were worthily bestowed. 

Colonel John Dougherty brought to the office of lieuten- 
ant-governor the experience of eight years in the house and four 
in the senate. Before the civil war he had been a Democrat. 

The twenty-sixth general assembly, the last under the 
constitution of 1848, convened January 4, 1869. There 
were fifty-eight Republicans and twenty-seven Democrats in 
the house and eighteen Republicans and seven Democrats in 
the senate. Franklin Corwin was elected speaker of the house 
and James P. Root, clerk. 

Governor Palmer's recommendation concerning railroads 
bore immediate fruit. General Fuller, chairman of the senate 
committee on railroads, introduced a bill regulating passenger 
rates. The bill passed both houses, but was vetoed by Gov- 
ernor Palmer, on the ground that it was too drastic. General 
Fuller promptly introduced a new measure, which was more 
in accordance with the governor's views and it became a law 

106 Republican Party in Illinois 

March 10, 1869. Thus to General Fuller belongs the honor 
of the first statute in Illinois for the regulation of railroad 
rates by law. It was superseded, however, by legislation 
under the constitution of 1870. Other notable events of 
Governor Palmer's administration were the lake front and 
Chicago fire controversies. 

The fifteenth amendment to the federal constitution was 
ratified by a strict party vote in each house on the 5th of 
March. It provided that "the right of citizens of the United 
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United 
States, or by any state, on account of race, color or previous 
condition of servitude." 

General Grant was inaugurated president of the United 
States March 4, 1869. The president selected his old 
neighbor, E. B. Washburne, for secretary of state. Mr. 
Washburne had served the Galena district sixteen years in 
congress and was known as the "father of the house," and 
"the watchdog of the treasury." He administered the speak- 
er's oath of office twice to Schuyler Colfax and once to James 
G. Elaine. Mr. Washburne was succeeded in the house by 
Horatio C. Burchard, of Freeport, who achieved a national 
reputation as an authority on coinage. 

Mr. Washburne resigned from the cabinet March 17, 
and President Grant appointed him minister to France, where 
he remained eight years. He was the only representative of 
a foreign government who remained in Paris during the siege 
and the reign of the commune. Mr. Washburne published 
his "Recollections of a Minister to France" in two volumes 
in 1887. 

President Grant honored other Illinois friends with 
diplomatic and consular posts. Among these were General 
Stephen A. Hurlbut, of Belvidere, as minister to the United 

Republican Party in Illinois 107 

States of Colombia; Colonel Clark E. Carr, of Galesburg, 
minister to Denmark; General A. L. Chetlain, of Galena, 
United States consul at Brussels. The president appointed 
General John A. Rawlins, of Galena, secretary of war. 

In 1867 the legislature adopted a resolution recommend- 
ing that the electors, at the general election in 1868, vote on 
the question of calling a convention to frame a new constitu- 
tion. The proposition carried by the narrow margin of 704 
votes. The legislature in 1869 provided for an election to 
be held the following November, for the choice of delegates. 

The convention assembled at Springfield, December 13. 
It consisted of eighty-five members, forty-four of whom were 
Republicans and forty-one Democrats. Hon. Charles Hitch- 
cock was the presiding officer. The final adjournment took 
place May 13, 1870. The constitution was ratified by a vote 
of the people July 6 and went into effect August 8, 1870. 

The distinctive political features of the new constitution 
were the removing of the restriction upon two consecutive 
terms for the governor, and placing it upon the treasurer; 
the offices of attorney-general and superintendent of public 
instruction, heretofore existing only by statute, were perma- 
nently established ; the number of members of the legislature 
was permanently fixed at fifty-one senators and one hundred 
and fifty-three representatives, with a new apportionment 
every ten years; minority representation was established 
through the influence of Joseph Medill; the number of 
supreme court justices was increased from four to seven and 
all special legislation was prohibited. 

The Republican state convention was held at Springfield 
September 1. General Logan was renominated for congress- 
man-at-large ; General Bates for state treasurer; Newton 
Bateman for superintendent of public instruction. 

108 Republican Party in Illinois 

The Democratic convention was held at Springfield, 
September 14. General William B. Anderson was nominated 
for congressman-at-large ; Charles Ridgley for treasurer; 
Charles Feinz for superintendent of public instruction. 

The elections were carried by the Republicans, who elected 
their state ticket, both branches of the legislature, and nine 
of the fourteen congressmen. The Illinois members of the 
forty-second congress were : State at large, John A. Logan ; 
First district, Charles B. Farwell ; Second, J. F. Farnsworth ; 
Third, H. C. Burchard; Fourth, John B. Hawley; Fifth, 
Brad. N. Stevens; Sixth, Burton C. Cook; Seventh, Jesse H. 
Moore ; Eighth, James C. Robinson ; Ninth, T. W. McNeely ; 
Tenth, Edward Y. Rice; Eleventh, Samuel S. Marshall; 
Twelfth, John B. Hay ; Thirteenth, John M. Crebs. Messrs. 
Robinson, McNeely, Rice, Marshall and Crebs were Demo- 

The general assembly convened January 4, 1871. It had 
a larger number of members than any preceding or succeeding 
assembly. Since the apportionment of 1861 there had been 
twenty-five senators and eighty-five representatives. The new 
constitution provided that the legislatures elected in 1872 
and thereafter should consist of fifty-one senators and one 
hundred and fifty-three representatives. Section 15 of the 
schedule of the new constitution also provided, as a provisional 
measure, that the first general assembly elected after its 
adoption should have fifty senators; and Section 13 pro- 
vided that the governor and secretary of state should appor- 
tion the state for the election of representatives. Under this 
apportionment 177 members of the house were elected at the 
general election in 1870. 

Railroad legislation occupied a considerable portion of the 
time. This fact recalls an incident which is without a parallel 

Republican Party in Illinois 109 

in the history of the state, and has escaped the attention of all 
historians. General Fuller, of Belvidere, was chairman of 
the senate committee on railroads; his next door neighbor, 
Hon. Jesse S. Hildrup, was chairman of the house committee 
on railroads. These gentlemen, invested with the power of 
shaping the railroad legislation of Illinois, were from the same 
little town of three thousand people, with only a single rail- 

January 17 the legislature convened in joint session for 
the election of a United States senator to succeed Richard 
Yates. The Republican caucus showed 98 for Logan ; 23 for 
Oglesby and 8 for Koerner. The Democrats supported 
Colonel Thomas J. Turner. The vote in the senate stood: 
Logan, 32; Turner, 18. House, Logan, 99; Turner, 71; 
William R. Snyder, 2. 

Upon the expiration of his senatorial term Mr. Yates 
retired to private life. He died suddenly November 27, 1873, 
in St. Louis, while returning from Arkansas, where he had 
gone as a United States commissioner, to inspect a land sub- 
sidy railroad, under appointment of President Grant. 

The advancement of General Logan to the senate required 
an election of his successor as congressman-at-large. A state 
convention was held at Springfield September 20. General 
John L. Beveridge was nominated, and received a majority 
of 19,000 over his Democratic opponent, Samuel Snowden 



IN a representative government the supremacy of any party 
will not continue unchallenged. Since the Republicans 
first came into full power in Illinois in 1860, they had 
retained control of all branches of the state government, with 
the exception of 1862. In 1872 opposition developed within 
the ranks of the party itself. There were "insurgents" in 
those days, but they adopted another name. 

The reconstruction of the southern states had been prac- 
tically completed during the administration of President 
Johnson. Virginia, Mississippi, Georgia, and Texas were the 
only states that had not complied with the conditions already 
established, and these soon returned to the union. Thus con- 
gress completed its work of reconstruction in 1870. 

The reconstruction policy of the government may be 
briefly summarized. One of the great problems after the 
civil war was to define the status of the states which had 
seceded and to reconstruct their governments. President 
Lincoln had proceeded upon the theory it was only necessary 
that a sufficient number of citizens should form a state gov- 
ernment, of which the officials were loyally desirous of main- 
taining constitutional relations with the federal government. 
The separation of West Virginia from Virginia had been 
accomplished by a Virginia legislature so constituted. Pres- 
ident Johnson proceeded upon the same theory. Other 


Republican Party in Illinois 111 

theories were advanced in congress, and some even went so 
far as to hold that the seceding states had ceased to exist as 
states, and constituted territories, respecting which congress 
was at liberty to make such terms as it chose. 

The view generally held by congress was that the southern 
states could be admitted only on such terms as congress should 
impose. The maintenance of this view was largely due to the 
belief that the substantial results of the war, concerning the 
enfranchisement and the civil rights of the negro, could not 
be secured in any other way, because of the reluctance of some 
southern legislatures to accept these results. 

Before congress convened in December, 1865, President 
Johnson had recognized provisional governments in all the 
southern states, with a single exception, on their acceptance 
of the thirteenth amendment. Congress, however, proposed 
the fourteenth amendment, and insisted on its acceptance as a 
requisite to the re-admission of any state. In 1867 congress 
passed the reconstruction act, which divided the south into 
five military districts, under command of generals of the army, 
who were to secure a registration of voters, including negroes, 
and excluding those disqualified by the fourteenth amendment. 
These voters were to elect delegates to a convention, which 
should form a constitution, to be ratified by popular vote. It 
should then be submitted to congress, and if it was acceptable 
to that body, the state should be re-instated whenever its 
legislature had ratified the fourteenth amendment. The 
result was the "carpet-bag" governments. 

Under this act Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana and 
the Carolinas were re-admitted. Tennessee had already been 
re-admitted by congress in 1866. Georgia, Mississippi, Texas 
and Virginia were also required to ratify the fifteenth amend- 
ment, and were not re-admitted until 1870. In 1868 the 

112 Republican Party in Illinois 

supreme court, in the case of Texas versus White, sustained 
the congressional, as against the presidential, theory of recon- 
struction. It was many years, however, before the southern 
question was settled. 

The administration of President Grant had given great 
dissatisfaction to an influential minority in his own party. 
The discontent first manifested itself in Missouri in 1870, 
when a movement was inaugurated for the repeal of a consti- 
tutional provision disfranchising rebels. Carl Schurz was its 
most distinguished leader. Schurz was at that time an exile 
from the Fatherland, which regarded him as a traitor; and 
those who have read his thrilling experiences, as related in his 
autobiography, will understand why the cause of the disfran- 
chised made an irresistible appeal to him. 

The revolt in Missouri was local in its original scope, but 
the impelling motive struck a responsive chord in other states. 
The Republican party was savagely attacked for its alleged 
despotic treatment of the states lately in rebellion ; and it was 
charged that congressional reconstruction had been a bungling 
piece of business. 

Other grounds of opposition were President Grant's policy 
looking to an early resumption of specie payments ; his desire 
for the annexation of Santo Domingo, and his alleged favorit- 
ism and nepotism, by which the civil service had been degraded. 

These discordant elements in Missouri crystallized in a 
state mass meeting held in Jefferson City, in January, 1872, 
when a call was issued for a national convention of liberal 
Republicans, to be held May 1, in Cincinnati. 

Carl Schurz was permanent presiding officer of the Cincin- 
nati convention. Horace Greeley was nominated for president 
on the sixth ballot. Lyman Trumbull and David Davis, of 
Illinois, received votes on every ballot. B. Bratz Brown, of 

Republican Party in Illinois 113 

Missouri, was nominated for vice-president on the second 

The national Democratic convention met at Baltimore, 
July 9, ratified the nomination of Greeley and Brown and 
adopted the same platform of principles. 

Many distinguished Republicans in Illinois became identi- 
fied with this liberal movement. Among these were Lyman 
Trumbull, John M. Palmer, Newton Bateman, Francis A. 
Hoffman, William Bross, Gustavus Koerner, David Davis, 
Leonard Swett, Jesse K. Dubois, O. M. Hatch, Horace 
White and John Wentworth. 

The Democrats and liberal Republicans "pooled their 
issues" in Illinois. Separate state conventions were held at 
Springfield June 26. General Palmer presided over the 
"liberal" body, and James C. Allen over the Democrats. 
The state ticket was composed of representative candidates 
from each party, who were nominated by a conference com- 
mittee appointed by the two conventions, and confirmed by 
each. This fusion ticket was as follows: For governor, 
Gustavus Koerner; lieutenant-governor, John C. Black; sec- 
retary of state, Edward Rummel; auditor, Daniel O'Hara; 
treasurer, C. H. Lamphier; attorney-general, Lawrence Wei- 
don. Each convention was addressed by Governor Palmer 
and Senator Trumbull, both of whom had been signally hon- 
ored by the Republican party, and by General Shields. 

The Republican state convention opened its sessions at 
Springfield May 22. Judge Stephen T. Logan presided, and 
the proceedings were characterized by harmony and enthus- 
iasm. It had been supposed that Governor Palmer would seek 
a renomination, but about the middle of April he announced 
that he would not be a candidate before the convention on the 
ground that he could not support President Grant for a 


114 Republican Party in Illinois 

second term. This declaration simplified matters for the 
convention, which nominated General Oglesby for governor 
without a dissenting vote. General John L. Beveridge was 
nominated for lieutenant-governor; George H. Harlow, sec- 
retary of state ; Charles E. Lippincott, auditor ; Edward Rutz, 
treasurer ; James K. Edsall, attorney-general. 

The platform defined the relations between state sov- 
ereignty and national supremacy and stated that the principles 
underlying this issue had been previously enunciated, and that 
time had justified the attitude of the party on this question. 
The platform advocated a protective tariff, endorsed the ad- 
ministration of President Grant and instructed the Illinois 
delegates to vote for his renomination. 

The following delegates were chosen to the national con- 
vention : State at large, Stephen T. Logan, Emory A. Storrs, 
Leonard F. Ross, Jasper Partridge; district delegates: J. 
Young Scammon, Lewis Ellsworth, Herman Raster, James 
L. Campbell, Clark W. Upton, William Vocke, J. H. May- 
burn, A. B. Coon, John C. Smith, Edward B. Warner, 
Andrew Crawford, J. W. Templeton, Lyman B. Ray, W. 
M. Sweetland, W. R. Hickox, N. E. Stevens, Enoch Emery, 
Edwin Butler, John McKeeney, Sr., Henry Tubbs, George 
W. Burns, David Pierson, Shelby M. Cullom, John Moses, 
William McGailliard, Thomas Snell, Joseph R. Mosser, 
James Knight, T. A. Apperson, James Steele, H. C. Goodnow, 
J. F. Alexander, Russell Hinckley, A. W. Metcalf, George 
Waters, T. H. Burgess, D. W. Lusk and Israel A. Powell. 

The presidential electors were: Henry Greenbaum, 
David T. Linegar, Chauncey T. Bowen, Lester L. Bond, 
Mahlon D. Ogden, Richard L. Devine, James Shaw, Norman 
H. Ryan, Irus Coy, Joseph J. Cassell, William Selden Gale, 
William D. Henderson, Moses M. Bane, George A. Sanders, 

Republican Party in Illinois 115 

Hugh Fullerton, Martin B. Thompson, Jacob W. Wilkin, 
John P. Van Dorston, John I. Rinaker, John Dougherty, 
William H. Robinson. 

The national Republican convention assembled at Phil- 
adelphia, June 8. President Grant was renominated without 
opposition. Senator Cullom was chairman of the Illinois 
delegation, and nominated Grant in the shortest speech of the 
kind ever made in a national Republican convention. Senator 
Cullom said: "Gentlemen of the convention: On behalf 
of the great Republican party of Illinois, and that of the 
union in the name of liberty, of loyalty, of justice, and of law 
in the interest of economy, of good government, of peace, 
and of the equal rights of all remembering with profound 
gratitude his glorious achievements in the field, and his noble 
statesmanship as chief magistrate of this great nation I nom- 
inate as president of the United States, for a second term, 
Ulysses S. Grant." 

Henry Wilson, United States senator from Massachusetts, 
was nominated for vice-president, after a spirited contest with 
the incumbent, Schuyler Colfax. 

One of the stirring incidents of the convention was the 
speech of Governor Oglesby, who made a wonderful im- 
pression. Senator Cullom, in his "Recollections," describes 
the scene as follows: "I do not recall that I ever saw a man 
electrify an audience as did Governor Oglesby on that occas- 
ion. It was the first convention where there were colored 
men admitted as delegates. Some of the delegates occupied 
the main floor. Old Garret Smith, the great abolitionist, was 
in the gallery, at the head of the New York delegation. 
Oglesby took for his theme first the colored man represented 
there on the floor of that convention, and then Garret Smith. 
He set the crowd wild. They cheered him to the echo. We 

116 Republican Party in Illinois 

adjourned for luncheon immediately after he concluded his 
speech, and many of the delegates asked me who that man 
was. I was proud to be able to tell them that it was Governor 
Oglesby, of Illinois; and the remark was frequently made 
that it was no wonder that Illinois gave sixty thousand Repub- 
lican majority with such a man as its governor." 

There were Democrats in the country who believed the 
fusion with liberal Republicans was a cowardly surrender of 
principle for the sake of a possible victory. Their representa- 
tives assembled in national convention at Louisville, Kentucky, 
September 8, and nominated Charles O'Conor, of New York, 
for president, and John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for 
vice-president. Labor reformers and prohibitionists also held 
conventions and nominated candidates. David Davis, of 
Illinois, who had been nominated by the labor reformers, 
declined the honor four months after it was tendered, and the 
name of Charles O'Conor was substituted. 

With the practical elimination of the labor reformers 
there were four tickets in the field. The leaders who revolted 
against President Grant were very influential, not only in 
Illinois, but throughout the entire country. The Chicago 
Tribune was that year under the editorial management of 
Horace White, who gave its influence to Mr. Greeley. Early 
in the campaign there was much apprehension among Repub- 
licans concerning the outcome. 

A memorable feature of the campaign was Thomas Nast's 
cartoons in Harper's Weekly of Mr. Greeley with his white 
silk hat and overcoat of the same color, from the pockets of 
which always protruded copies of the New York Tribune, 
with articles on "What I Know About Farming." 

One of Nast's most striking cartoons was Charles Sumner 
weeping over the neglected grave of Preston S. Brooks, of 

Republican Party in Illinois 117 

South Carolina. Brooks was the southerner who in 1856 
assaulted Sumner in the senate chamber. Mr. Sumner 
"Greeleyized" during this campaign, and the picture presented 
the distinguished Massachusetts senator as one in spirit with 
the brute who had struck him down. Irony was never more 
powerfully portrayed in a cartoon. 

As the campaign progressed the Republicans became more 
confident and their early alarm proved to be without founda- 
tion. Many of the leaders in the revolt were unable to swing 
their personal followings into line, and, as a result, no serious 
inroads were made into the rank and file of the party. The 
Greeley movement was a complete failure. 

General Grant received 286 electoral votes; combined 
Liberal and Democratic parties, 63; while 17 were not 

The Republicans captured everything in sight in Illinois. 
The Grant electors received 241,237 votes; Greeley electors 
184,772; Grant's plurality, 56,465. Oglesby's plurality for 
governor over Koerner was 40,690, and the pluralities for the 
remainder of the state ticket was above 48,000. Both branches 
of the legislature were Republican, and they elected fourteen 

Under the congressional apportionment of July 1, 1872, 
the state was divided into nineteen congressional districts. The 
delegation of Illinois in the Forty-third congress was as fol- 
lows: First district, John B. Rice; Second, Jasper D. Ward; 
Third, Charles B. Farwell; Fourth, Stephen A. Hurlbut; 
Fifth, H. C. Burchard; Sixth, John B. Hawley; Seventh, 
Franklin Corwin; Eighth Greenbury L. Fort; Ninth, Gran- 
ville Barriere ; Tenth, William H. Ray ; Eleventh, Robert M. 
Knapp ; Twelfth, James C. Robinson ; Thirteenth, John Me 
Nulta; Fourteenth, Joseph G. Cannon; Fifteenth, John R. 

118 Republican Party in Illinois 

Eden ; Sixteenth, James S. Martin ; Seventeenth, William R. 
Morrison; Eighteenth, Isaac Clements; Nineteenth, Samuel 
S. Marshall. 

Messrs. Knapp, Robinson, Eden, Morrison and Marshall 
were Democrats. It will be observed that this was the year 
Joseph G. Cannon entered upon his unique congressional 
career, which in some respects has no parallel in the history 
of the country. 

With the collapse of the Liberal Republican party, its 
leaders sought other affiliations. Some returned to the old 
party fold, while a still larger number became permanently 
identified with the Democratic party. Treason to party is 
not readily forgiven ; and no wandering prodigals had fatted 
calves killed in honor of their return. General Palmer and 
Judge Davis were subsequently elected United States senators 
by Democratic votes. They were men above suspicion of 
changing their party for personal advantage, and their sin- 
cerity was never questioned. Lyman Trumbull may have 
been equally sincere, but he was not so successful in convincing 
the people of the fact. 








GENERAL Oglesby was inaugurated governor of 
Illinois a second time January 13, 1873. The inaug- 
uration, however, was a mere formality, as General 
Oglesby had already been unanimously declared the nominee 
of the Republican caucus for United States senator. Lyman 
Trumbull was the Democratic nominee. The election was 
held January 21, with the following result: Senate, Oglesby, 
33; Trumbull, 16; Coolbaugh, 2; in the house, Oglesby, 84; 
Trumbull, 62. 

Opponents of General Oglesby challenged the validity 
of his election. They contended he was ineligible to the office 
under Section 5, of Article 5 of the state constitution, which 
says: "Neither the governor, lieutenant-governor, auditor of 
public accounts, secretary of state, superintendent of public 
instruction, nor attorney-general shall be eligible to any other 
office during the period for which he shall have been elected." 
The protest had no effect, as each house of congress is sole 
judge of the election and qualification of its own members. 


120 Republican Party in Illinois 

The defeat of Lyman Trumbull resulted in his retirement 
to private life, after eighteen years of conspicuous service in 
the United States senate. His estrangement from his party 
began with his opposition to the impeachment of Andrew 
Johnson and culminated in the Greeley campaign of 1872. 

January 23, two days after his inauguration, Governor 
Oglesby tendered his resignation, and the lieutenant-governor 
succeeded to the office. 

John L. Beveridge was born in Greenwich, Washington 
county, New York, July 6, 1824, of Scotch Presbyterian an- 
cestry. He came with his father's family to Illinois in 1842 
and settled in DeKalb county. He went to Tennessee, where 
he read law and practiced his profession for several years. 
In 1851 he returned to Illinois, resided in Sycamore until 
1854, when he removed to Evanston and opened a law office 
in Chicago. He recruited a company for the Eighth Illinois 
cavalry, of which his law partner, John F. Farnsworth, was 
colonel. Mr. Beveridge subsequently organized the Seven- 
teenth Illinois cavalry and served with distinction. He was 
mustered out of the service February 6, 1866, with the rank 
of brevet brigadier-general. 

Mr. Beveridge's honors in civil life came in quick succes- 
sion. He was elected state senator in 1870. He resigned his 
seat to accept the nomination for congressman-at-large, to 
succeed John A. Logan, who had been elected United States 
senator. Mr. Beveridge resigned this position to become a 
candidate for lieutenant-governor in 1872. Thus within three 
weeks he held the offices of congressman, lieutenant-governor 
and governor. Governor Beveridge administered the affairs 
of his high office with dignity and honor. 

The legislature convened January 8, 1873. There were 
fifty-one senators and 153 representatives. This is the number 

Republican Party in Illinois 121 

which had been definitely fixed by the new constitution. The 
Republicans had a majority of seventeen in the senate, and 
nineteen in the house. 

Upon the organization of the senate, John Early, of Win- 
nebago, was chosen president pro tempore, and thus acting 
lieutenant-governor of the state. In 1870 Mr. Early was 
elected state senator from the Twenty-third district, composed 
of Winnebago, Boone, McHenry and Lake counties. After 
the state had been redistricted he was elected senator in 1872 
from the Ninth district, which included Winnebago and Boone 
counties; and in 1874 he was again elected for the full term 
of four years. 

Shelby M. Cullom was elected speaker of the house a 
second time, over Newton R. Casey. Daniel Shepard was 
chosen clerk. 

This legislature was in session two hundred and four days, 
and finally adjourned March 31, 1874. It enacted much 
important legislation, although there was nothing of a dis- 
tinctively political nature. 

The revolt within the Republican party in 1872 continued 
with more serious results in 1874. Upon the ruins of the 
Liberal Republican organization there was formed an anti- 
monopoly party. The issues incident to the civil war and 
reconstruction had been settled, so far as Illinois was con- 
cerned. Other questions of a different nature had arisen. 
Among these were the currency and the legislative control of 

The order of Patrons of Husbandry had been organ- 
ized a few years before, and, contrary to the alleged purpose 
of its origin, it soon developed into a political power. The 
railroads were determined to disregard the legislation of 1871. 
Moreover, the state supreme court had in 1873 declared in- 

122 Republican Party in Illinois 

operative a portion of the law against discrimination in freight 
rates. The sequel to this decision was the defeat of Judge 
Lawrence, who prepared the opinion, as a candidate for re- 
election as a justice of the supreme court. 

These facts gave significance to the new organization 
which adopted the name of the "Illinois State Independent 
Reform" party. It held the first state convention of the year 
at Springfield, June 10, 1874, and was composed of representa- 
tives from all existing political organizations. J. M. Allen, 
of Henry county, presided. 

Some of the features of the platform were a demand for 
the repeal of the national banking law and the issue of legal 
tender currency direct from the treasury, interchangeable for 
government bonds bearing a low rate of interest ; a declaration 
in favor of railroad legislation ; condemnation of the practice 
of public officials receiving railroad passes; opposition to the 
principle of protective tariff. 

David Gore was nominated for state treasurer, and Samuel 
M. Etter for superintendent of public instruction. 

The Republican state convention assembled at Springfield, 
June 17. Shelby M. Cullom presided. Thomas S. Ridgway 
was nominated for state treasurer, and William H. Powell, 
of Kane county, for superintendent of public instruction. 

The platform reaffirmed the declaration of the national 
convention in 1872, in favor of an early return to specie pay- 
ments; opposed the retiring of $382,000,000 United States 
treasury notes ; favored free banking and the election of pres- 
ident and vice-president by a direct vote of the people. 

A third convention, calling itself "Democratic Liberal," 
was held at Springfield, August 26. Charles Carroll was 
nominated for state treasurer. S. M. Etter, the nominee of 

Republican Party in Illinois 123 

the reformers, was endorsed for superintendent of public in- 

The platform declared for the restoration of gold and 
silver as the basis of currency; for the resumption of specie 
payments as soon as possible; no tariff except for revenue 
purposes ; individual liberty and opposition to sumptuary laws 
were favored. 

The elections resulted in the first defeat of the Republicans 
since the reverses in 1862. Thomas S. Ridgway, the Repub- 
lican candidate for treasurer, was elected; but S. M. Etter, 
the fusion candidate for superintendent, was chosen over 
William B. Powell, Republican. 

The Republicans elected only seven members of congress, 
and the contests were close in several districts. Carter Har- 
rison was elected in the Second Chicago district by only eight 
votes. General Stephen A. Hurlbut had a majority of only 
1,149 over John F. Farnsworth in the Fourth district, one of 
the bulwarks of Republicanism. Illinois was represented in 
the Forty-fourth congress by the following: First district, 
B. G. Caulfield, Second, Carter H. Harrison ; Third, Charles 
B. Farwell; Fourth, Stephen A. Hurlbut; Fifth, H. C. 
Burchard ; Sixth, Thomas J. Henderson ; Seventh, Alexander 
Campbell; Eighth, Greenbury L. Fort; Ninth, Richard H. 
Whiting; Tenth, John C. Bagby; Eleventh, Scot Wike; 
Twelfth, William M. Springer; Thirteenth, A. E. Steven- 
son ; Fourteenth, Joseph G. Cannon ; Fifteenth, John R. Eden, 
Sixteenth, William A. J. Sparks; Seventeenth, William R. 
Morrison; Eighteenth, William Hartzell; Nineteenth, Wil- 
liam B. Anderson. Messrs. Campbell and Anderson were 
Reformers or Greenbackers ; Messrs. Farwell, Hurlbut, Bur- 
chard, Henderson, Fort, Whiting and Cannon were Repub- 

124 Republican Party in Illinois 

licans. Farwell's seat was contested, declared vacant and 
John V. LeMoyne, Democrat, was elected his successor. 

The political complexion of the legislature was decidedly 
mixed. In the senate were 24 Republicans, 19 Democrats, 
and 9 Independents, Liberals and Reformers. The Indepen- 
dents, therefore, held the balance of power in both houses. 

The general assembly convened in January. It was a 
stormy session from beginning to end. The trouble began 
with the contest over the speakership. Mr. Cullom was the 
nominee of the Republican caucus. The Independents sup- 
ported E. M. Haines, of Waukegan, and the fact soon 
developed that the honor would not go to a Democrat. The 
break came after the first ballot, when enough Democrats 
voted for Haines to secure his election. Haines had been a 
Democrat, then a Republican, and was now an Independent 
Reformer. He was a thorough parliamentarian, but his rul- 
ings were arbitrary, and his career as speaker ended in scenes 
of disorder. 

Archibald A. Glenn, a Democrat, was elected president of 
the senate, over John Early, the Republican caucus nominee, 
and thus became acting lieutenant-governor of the state. 

The general assembly adjourned April 18, 1875, and the 
session laws were contained in the smallest volume that had 
been published in forty years. 

The presidential campaign of 1876 was one of the most 
memorable in the history of the republic. The financial panic 
of 1873, the operations of the "whisky ring" and the impeach- 
ment of Secretary Belknap had been unfortunate incidents in 
President Grant's second term. The flames of party passion 
were enkindled early in the year through other causes. The 
political revulsion in 1874 gave the Democrats the control 
of the house when the Forty-fourth congress assembled in 

Republican Party in Illinois 125 

December, 1875. James G. Blaine, who had served three 
terms as speaker, became the leader of the minority. 

During the winter a general amnesty bill was introduced 
to remove the political disabilities of participants in the civil 
war which had been imposed by the fourteenth amendment. 
Mr. Blaine moved to amend by making an exception of 
Jefferson Davis, and supported his amendment with an impas- 
sioned speech. Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia, replied to Mr. 
Blaine, and a period of stormy contention followed. The 
episode attracted national attention and Mr. Blaine added to 
his laurels as a parliamentary leader. Many Republicans, 
however, deplored the fact that he had revived memories of 
the civil war that they were willing to forget. 

The Republican state convention met at Springfield, May 
24, 1876. Henry S. Baker, of Madison county, presided. 
Shelby M. Cullom was nominated for governor on the first 
ballot, over John L. Beveridge, and Thomas S. Ridgway. 
Andrew Shuman was nominated for lieutenant-governor; 
George H. Harlow, secretary of state; Thomas B. Needles, 
auditor ; Edward Rutz, treasurer ; James K. Edsall, attorney- 

The platform condemned leniency toward the people of 
the south who had lately been in rebellion ; favored a lower 
rate of interest for United States bonds; the payment of the 
public debt in good faith, and endorsed the existing system of 
paper currency. 

Delegates were appointed to the national convention as 
follows : For the state at large, Robert G. Ingersoll, Joseph 
W. Robbins, Green B. Raum, George D. Banks; from dis- 
tricts in the numerical order, two from each: Sidney Smith, 
George M. Bogue; John McArthur, S. K. Dow; Frank W. 
Palmer, Charles B. Farwell; William CofHn, E. E. Ayers; 

126 Republican Party in Illinois 

L. Burchell, Alexander Walker ; A. R. Mack, J. W. Hopkins ; 
J. Everts, G. N. Chittenden ; J. F. Culver, A. Burk ; Thomas 
A. Boyd, Enoch Emery ; D. Mack, D. McDill ; J. M. Davis, 
George W. Ware ; William Prescott, N. W. Branson ; C. R. 
Cummings, R. B. Latham ; D. D. Evans, L. J. Bond ; Benson 
Wood, Thomas L. Golden ; James S. Martin, George C. Me 
Cord ; John I. Rinaker, H. L. Baker ; William M. Adams, 
Isaac C. Clements ; F. D, Ham, William H. Robinson. 

The presidential electors were: John I. Rinaker, Peter 
Schuttler, George Armour, Bolivar G. Gill, Louis Schaffner, 
Allen C. Fuller, Joseph M. Bailey, John B. Hawley, Franklin 
Corwin, Jason W. Strevell, Oscar F. Price, Alexander Me 
Lean, David E. Beaty, Philip N. Miniere, Michael Donahue, 
Hugh Crea, George D. Chafee, James M. Truitt, Cyrus 
Happy, George C. Ross, Joseph J. Castles. 

The Greenback or Reform party held its state convention 
at Decatur and nominated Lewis Steward for governor; M. 
M. Hooton, secretary of state ; John Hise, auditor ; Henry T. 
Aspern, treasurer ; Winfield S. Coy, attorney-general. 

The Democrats held two state conventions at Springfield. 
The first was for the purpose of nominating delegates to the 
national convention at St. Louis. The second, held July 27, 
endorsed Lewis Steward, the reform nominee, for governor, 
and nominated A. A. Glenn for lieutenant-governor; S. Y. 
Thornton, secretary of state; John Hise, Fusion, auditor; 
George Gundlack, treasurer; Edmund Lynch, attorney-gen- 

From the day Mr. Elaine met Ben Hill in debate on the 
floor of the house, he was hailed as a Moses to lead his party 
to victory in the impending presidential campaign. 

Mr. Blaine became an avowed candidate for president and 
was anxious to be nominated in the convention by an Illinois 

Republican Party in Illinois 127 

man. He made known his wishes to General Hurlbut, who 
was then representing the Fourth district in the house. Gen- 
eral Hurlbut had been profoundly impressed by Mr. Elaine's 
terrific arraignment of the southern "brigadiers," and became 
an enthusiastic supporter of the "man from Maine." It was 
understood among Hurlbut's friends that he would have been 
appointed secretary of war had Elaine succeeded to the pres- 

General Hurlbut told Mr. Elaine he knew a man in 
Illinois who would properly place him in nomination if he 
would "quit his nonsense long enough." Hurlbut referred to 
Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll, who was then attracting local 
attention by his attacks upon religion. It was arranged that 
General Hurlbut should visit Peoria and secure Colonel Inger- 
soll to make the nominating speech. 

The sequel is familiar history. The national Republican 
convention assembled at Cincinnati, June 14. Colonel Inger- 
soll, in a speech of rare eloquence and noble diction, nominated 
James G. Elaine for the presidency. In graphic word-painting 
Ingersoll was without a peer. He described Elaine's encounter 
with the southern fire-eaters in these words of flame: "Like 
an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Elaine 
marched down the halls of the American congress, and threw 
his shining lance full and fair, against the brazen foreheads of 
the defamers of his country, and the maligners of his honor." 
Although Elaine never became president, he was ever after- 
ward the "plumed knight," and Colonel Ingersoll leaped to 
fame at a single bound. 

Other candidates before the convention were Benjamin H. 
Bristow, Roscoe Conkling, John A. Hartranft, Rutherford 
B. Hayes, Marshall Jewell and Oliver P. Morton. General 
Hayes was nominated on the seventh ballot. William A. 

128 Republican Party in Illinois 

Wheeler, of New York, was nominated for vice-president. 

The national Democratic convention was held at St. Louis, 
June 27. General John A. McClernand, of Illinois, presided. 
Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, was nominated for president 
on the second ballot, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, 
for vice-president. 

The National Greenback party, in convention at Indian- 
apolis, May 17, nominated Peter Cooper, of New York, for 
president, and Samuel F. Gary, of Ohio, for vice-president. 

The story of the campaign that followed, the uncertainty 
of the outcome for months after the election, and the extra- 
constitutional expedient of an electoral commission to deter- 
mine the result belong to the domain of national history. The 
serious complications that may arise when the electoral vote 
is almost evenly divided are indicated in a letter written by 
General Hurlbut to his neighbor, General Fuller, of Belvidere, 
who was a presidential elector. In the letter, now in possession 
of the writer, General Hurlbut said: "I learn from sure 
sources that both Belmont and Barlow, of New York, have 
within forty-eight hours declared their absolute certainty of 
electing Tilden, even if Hayes should receive South Carolina, 
Florida and Louisiana. This may easily be done. If any one 
of our electors should vote a blank vote, it will make a tie and 
throw it into the house. I think some man has been secured to 
do this. It can be done safely if the voting is done by secret 
ballot, and will not appear or be known until the mischief is 
done. We therefore advise all our friends in the state electoral 
colleges to adopt the open ballot, for I do not believe any man 
can be found to do this act of treachery openly. No man 
supposes that any one of our people in Illinois will do it, but 
we want the rule universal. We are on the edge of revolution 

Republican Party in Illinois 129 

already. Things are miserably bad, but do not leave a single 
loop-hole unguarded." 

The Republican electors in Illinois received 277,227 votes ; 
Democratic, 258,445; Peter Cooper, 17,232. General Hayes 
had only the small plurality of 1,560. 

Shelby M. Cullom had a plurality of only 6,798 for gov- 
ernor over Steward. The entire state ticket was elected by 
reduced majorities. 

The Republicans elected eleven of the nineteen congress- 
men. The election resulted as follows: First district, Wil- 
liam Aldrich; Second, Carter H. Harrison; Third, Lorenz 
Brentano ; Fourth, William Lathrop ; Fifth, H. C. Burchard ; 
Sixth, T. J. Henderson; Seventh, Philip C. Hayes; Eighth, 
Greenbury L. Fort ; Ninth, Thomas A. Boyd ; Tenth, Ben- 
jamin F. Marsh; Eleventh, Robert M. Knapp; Twelfth, 
William M. Springer ; Thirteenth, Thomas F. Tipton ; Four- 
teenth, Joseph G. Cannon; Fifteenth, John R. Eden; Six- 
teenth, William A. J. Sparks ; Seventeeth, William R. Mor- 
rison; Eighteenth, William Hartzell; Nineteenth, R. W. 
Townshend. Messrs. Harrison, Knapp, Springer, Eden, 
Sparks, Morrison, Hartzell and Townshend were Democrats. 

The Republicans lost control of the senate, but had a 
majority in the house. In the senate there were 21 Repub- 
licans, 22 Democrats and 8 Independents. The house con- 
tained 79 Republicans, 67 Democrats, 7 Independents. 

Shelby M. Cullom was inaugurated governor January 8. 
He was the fourth consecutively elected governor of Illinois 
who was a native of Kentucky. He was born in Monticello, 
Wayne county, November 22, 1829. Mr. Cullom was elected 
a member of the house of representatives in the Illinois leg- 
islature in 1856, 1860, 1872 and 1874, and was chosen speaker 


130 Republican Party in Illinois 

in 1861 and 1873. From 1865 to 1871 he represented the 
Eighth district in congress. 

Andrew Shuman was born in Lancaster county, Pennsyl- 
vania, in November, 1830. His life was devoted to journalism, 
and his nomination as lieutenant-governor was a recognition of 
his efficient services for the Republican party as one of the 
editors of the Chicago Evening Journal. 

The legislature convened January 3, 1877, in the new 
state house, which was nearly completed. James Shaw, of Mt. 
Carroll, was elected speaker of the house. The notable 
political event of the session was the election of a United 
States senator to succeed General Logan. The motley political 
complexion of both houses made this a difficult task. General 
Logan was the nominee of the Republican caucus, while the 
Democrats supported General Palmer. The first ballot was 
taken January 16. Successive ballots showed that neither 
Logan nor Palmer could be elected. The eight Independents 
in the senate and seven in the house held the balance of power 
on joint ballot. Those in the house were under the leadership 
of Andrew Ashton, of Winnebago county, who had been 
elected in 1874 and re-elected in 1876. Mr. Ashton, in telling 
this story a short time before his death to the writer, said 
Abraham Lincoln was the only man in public life he ever 
idolized, and Lincoln, in turn, highly esteemed Judge Davis. 
Mr. Ashton therefore determined he would support Judge 
Davis for senator. Mr. Ashton and his friends had up to 
this time received no intimation that Judge Davis desired to 
be senator. 

During the contest Jesse Fell, of Normal, a confidential 
friend of Judge Davis, went to Springfield, made the acquain- 
tance of Mr. Ashton and told him that Judge Davis would 

Republican Party in Illinois 131 

accept the senatorship, as his duties on the supreme bench were 
onerous, and he longed to be relieved of them. 

Mr. Ashton and his friends became more determined. 
Meanwhile the deadlock continued. January 22 General 
Palmer's name was withdrawn, and two days later General 
Logan withdrew. Judge Davis was elected January 25 on the 
fortieth ballot. 

Judge Davis was born in Cecil county, Maryland, March 
6, 1815. He settled in Bloomington in 1836, served in the 
house in the fourteenth general assembly in 1844, and was a 
member of the constitutional convention of 1847. The next 
year he was elected judge of the eighth judicial circuit and 
was re-elected in 1855 and 1861. In 1862 he was appointed 
justice of the supreme court of the United States by President 
Lincoln. Judge Davis pursued an independent course after 
his election to the senate, and frequently acted with the Repub- 

It has been said that the course of Mr. Ashton in this 
matter also resulted in the seating of Mr. Hayes as president. 
This tradition is based on the supposition that Judge Davis, 
as a member of the supreme court, would have been chosen the 
fifteenth member of the electoral commission, and would have 
voted to seat Mr. Tilden. The facts, however, are quite the 
reverse. Judge Davis told Mr. Ashton that Mr. Tilden did 
not want him placed on the commission. In view of this fact, 
Judge Davis could, under no circumstances, accept the appoint- 
ment, even if it were tendered him. Thus, while Mr. Ashton 
did not contribute, even indirectly, to the seating of Mr. 
Hayes, it was his determined course that made David Davis, 
upon the death of William A. Wheeler, acting vice-president 
of the United States. 

132 Republican Party in Illinois 

The state campaign of 1878 was characterized by unusual 
interest for an off year. The Republican convention met at 
Springfield, June 26, and was the largest ever held in the state 
up to that time. Charles E. Lippincott was the permanent 
presiding officer, and Daniel Shepard was chosen secretary. 
General John C. Smith was nominated for state treasurer on 
the third ballot. James P. Slade, of St. Clair county, was 
named for superintendent of public instruction on the second 

The platform contained the following reference to the 
currency: "We are also opposed to any further contraction of 
the greenback currency, and are in favor of such currency as 
can be maintained at par with, and convertible into coin at the 
will of the' holder. We are in favor of such currency being 
received for impost duties." Speeches were made by Generals 
Oglesby, Logan and Hurlbut and Emery A. Storrs. 

The Independent Reformers and Democrats were in favor 
of a demand for the repeal of the resumption law, but they 
could not agree upon other issues. The Independents held 
their state convention at Springfield, March 27. General 
Erastus N. Bates was nominated for state treasurer, and 
Frank H. Hall, of Kane county, for state superintendent of 
public instruction. 

The Democrats assembled in state convention April 11. 
Edward L. Cronkrite was nominated for state treasurer on 
the third ballot, and S. M. Etter for superintendent of public 
instruction on the first ballot. 

The revolt within the party which began in 1872 and 
continued several years had spent its force in 1878. General 
John C. Smith received 206,458 votes for state treasurer; 
Cronkrite, Democrat, 170,085; Bates, Greenback Reformer, 
65,689 ; Gorin, Prohibitionist, 2,228 ; James P. Slade received 

Republican Party in Illinois 133 

205,461 votes for superintendent; Etter, Democrat, 171,336; 
Hall, Greenbacker, 65,487; Kate Hopkins, Prohibitionist, 

The Republicans also regained control of both branches of 
the legislature for the first time in six years and elected eleven 
of the nineteen members of congress. 

Illinois was represented in the forty-sixth congress as fol- 
lows: First district, William Aldrich; Second, George R. 
Davis; Third, Hiram Barber; Fourth, John C. Sherwin; 
Fifth, R. M. A. Hawk; Sixth, T. J. Henderson; Seventh, 
Philip C. Hayes ; Eighth, Greenbury L. Fort ; Ninth, Thomas 
A. Boyd; Tenth, Benjamin F. Marsh; Eleventh, James W. 
Singleton; Twelfth, William M. Springer; Thirteenth, A. 
E. Stevenson ; Fourteenth, Joseph G. Cannon ; Fifteenth, A. 
P. Forsythe; Sixteenth, William A. J. Sparks; Seventeenth, 
William R. Morrison; Eighteenth, John R. Thomas; Nine- 
teenth, R. W. Townshend. Messrs. Singleton, Springer, 
Stevenson, Sparks, Morrison and Townshend were Demo- 
crats, and Forsythe a Greenbacker. 

The legislature convened January 8, 1879. The contest 
for the Republican nomination for speaker was unusually 
spirited, as it was involved in the approaching election of a 
United States senator. The candidates were Isaac L. Mor- 
rison, Colonel William A. James, Thomas F. Mitchell and 
former Speaker James Shaw. Colonel James was elected on 
the fifth ballot. James Herrington was the nominee of the 

General Oglesby's term as United States senator was 
about to expire and he was a candidate for re-election. His 
claim was contested by General Logan, who had been de- 
feated at the expiration of his own term by Judge Davis two 
years before. The contest between two gallant and greatly 

134 Republican Party in Illinois 

beloved volunteer generals was an unusual situation; but it 
was conducted in the main in a friendly spirit. General 
Logan secured 80 votes in the Republican caucus and General 
Oglesby 26. General John C. Black was the nominee of the 
Democratic caucus. The election, which was held January 
21, resulted in the choice of General Logan, with a majority 
of eight on joint ballot over all other candidates. 







THE presidential campaign of 1880 has never been 
surpassed in certain elements of popular interest. 
There were no such vital issues as were involved in 
the elections of 1860 and 1864. The interest centered rather 
in the personalities of the several Republican candidates before 
the nominating convention, and in the leaders of the respective 
factions. The leading candidates were General Grant and 
James G. Elaine. 

In the autumn of the preceding year General Grant 
returned from his tour around the world. His journey from 
San Francisco to Chicago was a continuous triumph, surpass- 
ing those of Pompey and Caesar when they entered Rome at 
the head of their conquering legions. The demonstration in 
Grant's honor in Chicago could not fail to strengthen the 
sentiment for his nomination for a third term. His candidacy 
was promoted by a famous senatorial triumvirate, consisting 
of Roscoe Conkling, of New York; J. Donald Cameron, of 
Pennsylvania; and John A. Logan, of Illinois. 

Meanwhile James G. Elaine was still the idol of a large 
element in his party, and was a formidable rival. Mr. 
Elaine's campaign in Illinois was committed to the manage- 
ment of General Stephen A. Hurlbut, Joseph Medill, of the 


136 Republican Party in Illinois 

Chicago Tribune, and Charles B. Farwell. Other candidates 
were John Sherman, E. B. Washburne, William Windom 
and George F. Edmunds. 

The Republican state convention assembled at Springfield, 
May 19. "The political cauldron," says John Moses, "was 
at white heat." General Green B. Raum, a "third termer," 
presided. General Logan and Emery A. Storrs were in charge 
of General Grant's interests, and were determined to send 
a solid delegation to Chicago. General Hurlbut, one of the 
most brilliant orators Illinois ever produced, led in the fight 
for Blaine, and was ably assisted by Kirk Hawes, Senator 
Hunt, J. W. Robbins and others. 

The struggle began over the contesting delegations from 
the First, Second and Third districts, in Cook county. The 
Cook county convention had broken up in a row and two sets 
of delegates were chosen. This placed the first three districts 
in a contest for seats in the state convention, and left the 
Grant forces from other parts of the state in control of the 

When the convention opened the state central committee 
gave seats to the Grant delegates chosen by the bolters of the 
Cook county convention, and this action was ratified by the 
convention by a vote of 341 to 261. 

The second day was devoted to the appointment of dele- 
gates to the national convention. It had been the custom in 
former conventions for the delegates from the congressional 
districts to assemble in separate caucuses and nominate 
members of the several committees, presidential electors and 
delegates to national conventions from their respective dis- 
tricts. It was now proposed that the delegates should be 
selected by a committee appointed by the presiding officer of 
the convention. The debate continued all day and nearly all 

Republican Party in Illinois 137 

night. General Logan, A. W. Metcalf, Richard Rowett 
and Isaac Clements made speeches in favor of the proposed 
change; while Charles Thomas, Kirk Hawes and J. M. 
Beardsley opposed it. A vote was reached at two o'clock in 
the morning of the third day, and was in favor of the Grant 
men by 389 to 304. The vote instructing the delegates to 
vote as a unit for General Grant was 399 to 285. 

The delegates chosen to represent the state at the national 
convention were as follows: For the state at large, John A. 
Logan, Emery A. Storrs, Green B. Raum, D. T. Littler; 
by the committee of the convention: First district, John 
Wentworth, Stephen A. Douglas; Second, A. M. Wright, 
Richard S. Tuthill ; Third, John L. Beveridge, L. J. Kadish ; 
Fourth, N. C. Thompson, N. N. Ravlin ; Fifth, J. B. Brown, 
Miles White; Sixth, Henry T. Noble, W. H. Shepard; 
Seventh, E. F. Bull, E. W. Willard ; Eighth, J. B. Wilson, 
R. J. Hanna ; Ninth, Joel Mershon, William Jackson ; Tenth, 
Hosea Davis, F. P. Burgett; Eleventh, O. B. Hamilton, 
M. D. Massie; Twelfth, George M. Brinkerhoff, C. M. 
Eames ; Thirteenth, John McNulta, V. Warren ; Fourteenth, 
James Heyworth, J. B. Harris; Fifteenth, W. H. Barlow, 
A. P. Green; Sixteenth, J. M. Truitt, Lewis Krueghoff; 
Seventeenth, A. W. Metcalf, Richard Rowett; Eighteenth, 
C. O. Patier, J. M. Davis; Nineteenth, C. W. Pavey, W. 
H. Williams. 

The old Fourth district, comprising Kane, DeKalb, 
McHenry, Boone and Winnebago counties, was divided. 
DeKalb, McHenry and Boone were for Elaine ; Winnebago 
was for Grant; Kane was divided, with a majority in favor 
of Elaine. Hon. C. W. Marsh, of DeKalb, the inventor of 

138 Republican Party in Illinois 

the Marsh harvester, was one of the contestants, as a selected 
delegate from the Fourth district. In his "Recollections," 
Mr. Marsh gives his version of the proceedings. When 
notices were posted by the state central committee, advising 
the delegates from congressional districts of the places and 
purposes of their meetings, the delegates discovered the selec- 
tion of delegates to the national convention had been omitted. 
Mr. Marsh tells the sequel so admirably that it is reproduced 
as follows: 

"As several of our delegates were standing before the 
notice and discussing the omission, Judge Coon, the late A. B. 
Coon, of Marengo, came to us. I asked the old gentleman 
what ought we to do in this case, and he answered, 'Why, 
damn 'em, they don't intend to let us select our own delegates. 
The thing for you to do is to go right ahead, nominate your 
men, as you have always done, send in their names, and then 
we will see what they are going to do about it.' We acted 
on this advice. Two delegates to the national convention and 
their alternates were duly selected. As the first three districts 
were in contest, the Fourth was the first on call ; it was there- 
fore the first to report, to present the names of its delegates 
with those selected for committees. The other anti-Grant 
district delegates followed suit; some having selected their 
men as we had, while others, seeing the point of our action, 
immediately withdrew into the hall or lobby and there hastily 
chose their delegates. But the convention, being under the 
control of the Grant majority, refused to give a hearing to 
such part of our reports as related to the selection of delegates, 
and through a committee named by the chair, appointed Grant 
men to represent our districts in the national convention. 
This was the action from which we appealed to the national 

Republican Party in Illinois 139 

The contesting delegates appointed by the districts, 
ignored by the state convention, but finally seated at Chicago, 
were: First district, W. J. Campbell, Eldridge G. Keith; 
Third, Elliott Anthony, Washington Hesing; Fourth, C. W. 
Marsh, Lot B. Smith; Fifth, Robert E. Logan, W. H. Hoi- 
comb ; Sixth, James K. Edsall, John P. Hand ; Ninth, John 
A. Gray, W. S. Gale ; Tenth, Henry Tebbs, John Fletcher ; 
Thirteenth, E. D. Blinn, F. Low; Seventeenth, W. E. 
Kieffner, Emil Guelsch. 

A tilt between Chairman Raum and General Hurlbut was 
one of the spectacular incidents of the convention. Hurlbut 
arose to address the chair, but the latter did not recognize him. 
Hurlbut was a typical southerner, who never shrank from 
an encounter, and sarcasm was a weapon which he used with 
the consummate skill of Roscoe Conkling. Hurlbut addressed 
the chair a second and a third time, but still received no recog- 
nition from the presiding officer. At length Hurlbut walked 
with great dignity down the aisle of the convention hall, stood 
directly in front of the chairman, and coolly inquired : "Will 
the commissioner of internal revenue recognize the gentleman 
from Boone?" 

Pandemonium instantly broke loose and it was several 
minutes before order could be restored. 

Nominations for state officers were not made until the 
third day. The candidates for governor were Shelby M. 
Cullom, for a second term, General John B. Hawley, General 
John I. Rinaker, Colonel Greenbury L. Fort, Colonel Thomas 
S. Ridgway, Colonel Clark E. Carr and General John C. 
Smith. The contest was spirited throughout and resulted in 
the choice of Mr. Cullom on the fourth ballot. 

John M. Hamilton, of McLean county, was nominated 
for lieutenant-governor on the first ballot ; Henry D. Dement 

140 Republican Party in Illinois 

was nominated for secretary of state on the second ballot ; 
Charles P. Swigert for auditor; Edward Rutz, treasurer; 
James McCartney, attorney-general. 

The presidential electors chosen were : George Schneider, 
Ethelbert Callahan, Robert T. Lincoln, John M. Smyth, 
James A. Kirk, Christopher M. Brazee, Robert E. Logan, 
Isaac H. Elliott, James Goodspeed, Alfred Sample, Sabin D. 
Puterbaugh, Emery C. Humphrey, William A. Grimshaw, 
James C. McQuigg, Jonathan H. Rowell, William R. Jewell, 
Jackson M. Sheets, James W. Peterson, Wilbur T. Norton, 
George W. Smith, William H. Johnson. 

The Democratic state convention was held at Springfield, 
June 10. Lyman Trumbull was nominated for governor by 
acclamation ; Lewis B. Parsons, lieutenant-governor ; John H. 
Oberly, secretary of state ; Lewis C. Starkel, auditor ; Thomas 
Butterworth, treasurer; Lawrence Harmon, attorney-gen- 

The Greenback-Reform party nominated the following 
ticket: Governor, A. J. Streeter; lieutenant-governor, A. M. 
Adair; secretary of state, J. M. Thompson; auditor, W. T. 
Ingram; treasurer, J. W. Evans; attorney-general, H. G. 

The national Republican convention assembled Wednes- 
day, June 2, 1880, in the old Inter-state Exposition building 
in Chicago. The contest was fierce from the start and Illinois 
was the storm center. There were contesting delegations 
from several states, but the one in Illinois was most important, 
as the admission of the contestants would impair the prestige 
of General Grant. 

The committee on credentials, with Senator Conger as 
its chairman, reported in favor of admitting the Illinois con- 
testants, with the exception of those from the Second district. 

Republican Party in Illinois 141 

After an exhaustive discussion, which continued two days, 
the convention adopted the report on Saturday. 

This convention settled, for all time, the question of 
future representation by declaring that the congressional dis- 
trict shall be the unit ; in other words, that the people of such 
district shall have the right to select their own delegates. 
This fatal blow at the "unit rule" was affirmed in a series of 
rules reported from the committee by General Garfield. 

The platform was adopted Saturday and candidates were 
placed in nomination. James F. Joy, of Michigan, presented 
the name of James G. Blaine; Roscoe Conkling nominated 
General Grant, and John Sherman was nominated by General 
Garfield in the most brilliant speech made during the con- 

The balloting began on Monday, the fifth day of the 
convention. There were 756 delegates. On the first ballot 
Grant received 304 votes ; Blaine, 284 ; Sherman, 93 ; with 
the remainder of the votes divided between Washburne, 
Edmunds and Windom. The loyalty of the "old guard" of 
306 delegates to General Grant throughout the convention 
is a rare instance of personal devotion. Repeated ballots 
showed that neither Grant nor Blaine could be nominated. 
On Wednesday Elaine's delegates went over to Garfield, and 
he was nominated on the 36th ballot. 

Chester A. Arthur was nominated for vice-president on 
the first ballot. 

At the national Greenback convention, held in Chicago 
June 9, General James B. Weaver, of Iowa, was nominated 
for president and E. J. Chambers, of Texas, for vice-president. 

The Democrats, in national convention in Cincinnati, 
nominated General Winfield Scott Hancock, of Pennsylvania, 

142 Republican Party in Illinois 

for president, on the second ballot. William H. English, of 
Indiana, was nominated for vice-president. 

The election resulted in a victory for the Garfield electors 
and the entire state Republican ticket. Garfield electors 
received 317,879 votes to 277,314 for Hancock. Cullom 
received 314,565 votes for governor; Trumbull, 277,532. 
The Republicans also carried both houses of the legislature 
and elected thirteen of the nineteen congressmen. Illinois 
was represented in the Forty-seventh congress as follows: 
First district, William Aldrich; Second, George R. Davis; 
Third, Charles B. Farwell ; Fourth, John C. Sherwin ; Fifth, 
R. M. A. Hawk ; Sixth, T. J. Henderson ; Seventh, William 
Cullen; Eighth, Lewis E. Payson; Ninth, John H. Lewis; 
Tenth, Benjamin F. Marsh ; Eleventh, James W. Singleton ; 
Twelfth, William M. Springer; Thirteenth, Dietrich C. 
Smith ; Fourteenth, Joseph G. Cannon ; Fifteenth, Samuel 
W. Moulton ; Sixteenth, William A. J. Sparks ; Seventeenth, 
William R. Morrison; Eighteenth, John R. Thomas; Nine- 
teenth, R. W. Townshend. Messrs. Singleton, Springer, 
Moulton, Sparks, Morrison and Townshend were Democrats. 

One of the incidents of this memorable campaign was the 
estrangement between General Grant and his old neighbor, 
E. B. Washburne. The writer is indebted to General A. L. 
Chetlain, of Galena, as he gives it in his "Recollections." 
When General Grant returned from his tour around the 
world, his friends who were managing his th'ird term campaign 
claimed he could be nominated by acclamation ; and the 
enthusiasm which attended his home-coming from abroad 
seemed to justify this belief. General Grant, when first 
consulted, declared he would not consent to be considered 
a candidate ; but he finally modified this attitude by saying 
that he would make no effort to secure the nomination, and 


Republican Party in Illinois 143 

that it must come to him unsolicited or not at all. Mr. 
Washburne, General Grant's old neighbor at Galena, was 
then residing in Chicago, and promptly gave his support to 
the movement. After the ovations were over, and the anti- 
third term sentiment began to develop in the party, Mr. Wash- 
burne became convinced that General. Grant would not allow 
his name to go before the convention if there was to be a con- 
test ; and he foresaw that a struggle was inevitable. 

General Grant took his family to his home at Galena. 
Shortly afterward he started on a tour through the southern 
states, Cuba and Mexico. It had been arranged that Mr. 
Washburne should join the General and his party in Cuba 
and go with them to Mexico. For some reason which General 
Chetlain declared he never understood, Mr. Washburne did 
not carry out his agreement. As the preliminary campaign 
progressed it became apparent that the anti-third term senti- 
ment was growing rapidly, and especially among German 
Republicans. An appeal was made to Mr. Washburne, as 
General Grant's nearest friend, to arrest the opposition and 
to secure his nomination. The suggestion was then made that 
should General Grant refuse to allow his name to go before 
the convention, that Mr. Washburne himself would be nomi- 
nated. Others appealed to Mr. Washburne to openly avow 
himself a candidate. To all these overtures Mr. Washburne 
promptly replied: "I am a Grant man, and will support him 
for president." 

In March, 1880, a Republican club was organized at Mt. 
Carroll, called the Washburne club, for the purpose of advanc- 
ing the candidacy of Mr. Washburne. He addressed a letter 
to the president of the club, protesting against the use of his 
name, and said he "was a Grant man and not a candidate for 

144 Republican Party in Illinois 

In spite of these protestations, however, Republicans 
throughout the state distrusted the loyalty of Mr. Washburne 
to General Grant. General Chetlain says he urged Mr. 
Washburne to dissuade his friends from openly supporting 
him. Mr. Washburne replied that he had done everything 
possible to prevent his friends from so doing. General Chet- 
lain further admonished him and said: "Your only hope is 
with the Grant supporters. If anything should happen to 
him and you are on the right terms with his adherents, they 
would undoubtedly favor you, but the way things are going 
on, in such an emergency you would be ground to powder." 
To these admonitions Mr. Washburne briefly replied: "I 
have done all I can more I can not do." 

As the spring advanced Mr. Washburne continued to 
receive letters urging him to cut loose from General Grant, 
and openly declare himself a candidate. But he still insisted 
that he was committed to Grant, and would stand by his 
pledge. During all this time, however, Mr. Washburne was 
perplexed over the situation. 

About the first of May General Grant visited Mr. 
Washburne at his home in Chicago. Their former friendly 
relations seemed unchanged. General Grant was on his way 
to Springfield, with a number of Republican leaders, to hold 
a conference. Mr. Washburne joined the party. He was 
somewhat indisposed, although his ailment was more mental 
than physical. At Springfield the party was invited to dine 
with Governor Cullom. The company, including Mr. Wash- 
burne, accepted the invitation. During the dinner, however, 
he asked to be excused on account of illness. He went to his 
hotel, took a late train for the east, and stopped at the home 
of a relative at Bridgeport, Connecticut, where he was de- 
tained several weeks by illness. 

Republican Party in Illinois 145 

During the convention General Grant was at his home in 
Galena. He was kept informed of the proceedings by a 
private telegraph wire in the office of his old staff officer, 
General Rowley. 

June 8, at 11 o'clock, a dispatch came to him stating 
that at 1 o'clock he would be nominated. Instead, however, 
at the appointed hour, General Grant received word that 
General Garfield had been nominated. General Grant ex- 
hibited no emotion. He arose from his seat, lighted a cigar 
and remarked: "Well, I am glad that so good a man as 
Garfield has received the nomination." He then went home 
to tell the news to his wife. 

On the following day General Grant complained to Gen- 
eral Rowley that his friends had not fairly treated him. 
"They assured me," he said, "that there would be no serious 
opposition to me in the convention. I could not afford to go 
before that convention and be defeated." General Grant 
keenly felt his defeat. He did not fully realize the strength 
of the opposition to a third term. 

Mr. Washburne received only a small vote in the con- 
vention, although he was the second choice of many of the 
Grant delegates. He had reached Detroit on his return home 
when General Garfield was nominated. The feeling of the 
Grant men against Mr. Washburne intensified after the con- 
vention, and General Grant shared in this feeling. Mr. 
Washburne was charged with perfidy, and in the excitement 
much was said and done that was unjust to that gentleman. 

General Chetlain believes that the leaders who attempted 
to make General Grant president a third term did so to head 
off a movement to nominate Mr. Washburne. Senator 
Conkling had been his bitter enemy for twenty years ; General 

Logan feared Mr. Washburne's influence in Illinois, and 

146 Republican Party in Illinois 

Senator Cameron did not want to see him president. In 
view of the prestige of General Grant, which had been aug- 
mented by his tour abroad, he was considered the most avail- 
able candidate. Although Mr Washburne joined heartily 
in the movement to make his old friend again president, it is 
believed that by the middle of the winter he became convinced 
that General Grant would not be nominated, and held to 
that opinion to the last. It has been asserted that Mr. Wash- 
burne controlled enough votes in the convention to have nom- 
inated General Grant, had he so desired. This statement is 
not true. Mr. Washburne had a few friends among the anti- 
Grant delegates, but these were not under his control. His 
strength was with the friends of the general. There was no 
combination favoring Mr. Washburne or any one else who 
was opposed to General Grant. The contest was not between 
General Grant and some other candidate, but between General 
Grant and the third term idea. 

The estrangement between these old friends was complete. 
They never met again after the dinner at the executive mansion 
at Springfield. General Grant, in completing his memoirs 
just before his death, almost entirely ignored Mr. Washburne. 
"The breach between these two great men of world- wide 
renown," says General Chetlain, "was the saddest that had 
ever occurred in the history of the nation." 

General Chetlain observes that General Grant ought 
never to have consented to become a candidate for a third 
term; but that he should have urged his friends to work for 
the nomination of Mr. Washburne. 

In February, 1885, General Grant was so ill at his home 
in New York City that his physicians believed that the end 
was near. Mr. Washburne went hurriedly to New York 
and returned in ten days greatly depressed in spirits. In 

Republican Party in Illinois 147 

conversation with a friend, he said with some hesitation, that 
he had gone to New York in the hope that he might meet 
General Grant, and that a reconciliation might be effected. 
He registered at one of the leading hotels in the city, and the 
daily newspapers noticed his arrival. When asked if he had 
made any effort to see General Grant, Mr. Washburne 
replied : "No ; the general knew I was in the city, and if he 
had desired to see me he could easily have notified me. He 
was the greater man, and it was for him to extend his hand, 
which I would have taken with pleasure." 

General Grant distrusted the loyalty of Mr. Washburne. 
In this he erred grievously. Mr. Washburne may have felt 
the quickened flame of ambition stir his manly breast. He 
would scarcely have been human had it been otherwise. Sad, 
indeed, that Damon could not have loved his Pythias to the 
last ! How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the battle ! 
And in their death they were divided. 

The Thirty-second general assembly convened January 5, 

1881. There were 32 Republicans, 18 Democrats and one 
Independent in the senate; and 82 Republicans and 71 Dem- 
ocrats in the house. The senate was organized by the election 
of William J. Campbell, of Cook, president pro tempore. 
Horace H. Thomas was nominated in the Republican caucus 
for speaker by acclamation, and was elected over Bradford 
K. Durfee, of Macon county. Mr. Thomas was the first 
speaker chosen from Chicago. Governor Cullom, in his 
biennial address delivered January 7, announced that "the 
last dollar of the state debt was paid." 

The legislature failed to pass the apportionment bills, and 
it was convened in special session for this purpose March 23, 

1882. The congressional apportionment act of April 29 

148 Republican Party in Illinois 

divided the state into twenty districts. The senatorial appor- 
tionment act was approved May 6. 

James A. Garfield was inaugurated president March 4, 
1881. Illinois was represented in his cabinet by Robert T. 
Lincoln as secretary of war. Among the president's early 
diplomatic appointments was that of General Hurlbut as 
minister to Peru. Hurlbut died at Lima, March 27, 1882. 
There is a tradition that President Garfield wanted to honor 
Colonel Ingersoll with a diplomatic appointment, but he 
feared he would offend the religious sentiment of the country. 

The Republican state convention for 1882 was held at 
Springfield, June 28. General John C. Smith was nominated 
for state treasurer and Charles T. Stratton for state 
superintendent of public instruction. 

At the Democratic state convention, held September 7, 
Alfred Orendorf was nominated for state treasurer, and 
Henry Raab for superintendent of instruction. The nominees 
of the Greenbackers were : Treasurer, Daniel McLaughlin ; 
superintendent, Frank H. Hall. The Prohibitionists nom- 
inated John G. Irwin for treasurer and Elizabeth B. Brown 
for superintendent. 

The elections resulted in a divided victory. General 
Smith was elected treasurer by a plurality of 6,137, and Raab 
led for superintendent by a smaller plurality. The Repub- 
licans, however, secured majorities in both branches of the 
legislature and elected twelve of the twenty members of 
congress. Illinois was represented in the Forty-eighth con- 
gress as follows: First district, R. W. Dunham; Second, 
John F. Finerty; Third, George R. Davis; Fourth, George 
E. Adams; Fifth, Reuben Ellwood; Sixth, Robert R. Hitt; 
Seventh, T. J. Henderson; Eighth, William Cullen; Ninth, 

Republican Party in Illinois 149 

Lewis E. Payson; Tenth, N. E. Worthington; Eleventh, 
William H. Neece ; Twelfth, James M. Riggs ; Thirteenth, 
William M. Springer; Fourteenth, J. H. Rowell; Fifteenth, 
Joseph G. Cannon; Sixteenth, Aaron Shaw; Seventeenth, 
Samuel W. Moulton; Eighteenth, William R. Morrison; 
Nineteenth, R. W. Townshend ; Twentieth, John R. Thomas . 
Messrs. Worthington, Neece, Riggs, Springer, Shaw, Moul- 
ton, Morrison and Townshend were Democrats. 

The legislature convened January 2, 1883. There were 
31 Republicans and 20 Democrats in the senate; and 77 
Republicans and 76 Democrats in the house. Loren C. Col- 
lins, Jr., was elected speaker over Austin O. Sexton. 

The political event of the session was the election of a 
United States senator to succeed David Davis. The Repub- 
lican candidates were Richard J. Oglesby, Shelby M. Cullom, 
Green B. Raum and Thomas J. Henderson. Cullom was 
nominated in caucus on the fifth ballot, and he was elected 
over John M. Palmer, the choice of the Democrats. The 
objection was raised in the legislature that Mr. Cullom was 
not eligible, under the constitution, to election while serving 
as governor. Mr. Cullom entrusted his case to William 
J. Calhoun, who, in an able speech, removed the constitutional 
objection, and Mr. Cullom received every Republican vote 
except that of George E. Adams, a senator from Cook. 

John M. Hamilton succeeded to the governorship. He 
was born in Union county, Ohio, May 28, 1847. He was 
graduated from the Ohio Wesleyan university in 1868, and a 
few years later he occupied a chair of languages in the Illinois 
Wesleyan university at Bloomington. In 1876 he was elected 
state senator from McLean county. He was a lawyer of high 
standing and the youngest man who ever occupied the execu- 
tive chair in Illinois. He died September 23, 1905. 

150 Republican Party in Illinois 

Upon the accession of Mr. Hamilton to the governorship, 
William J. Campbell, president pro tempore of the senate, 
became ex officio lieutenant-governor. 





THE political campaign opened early in Illinois in 1884. 
The Republican state convention assembled in Peoria, 
April 16. Colonel James A. Connolly presided. 
Governor Hamilton had an honorable ambition to be elected 
to the office, which had come to him through the resignation of 
Governor Cullom; but he withdrew from the contest when 
he discovered the drift in the convention was toward another. 
Ex-Governor Oglesby was nominated by acclamation. Gen- 
eral John C. Smith was nominated for lieutenant-governor 
on the first ballot. Other nominations were: Secretary of 
state, Henry D. Dement; treasurer, Jacob Gross; attorney- 
general, George Hunt; auditor, Charles P. Swigert. 

The platform emphasized the importance of state issues, 
including a revision of the criminal code and greater efficiency 
in the civil service. 

The convention was enthusiastic in its support of General 
John A. Logan for president and sent a nearly unanimous 
delegation in his favor to Chicago as follows : State at large, 
Shelby M. Cullom, John M. Hamilton, Burton C. Cook, 
Clark E. Carr; First district, J. L. Woodward, Abner Tay- 
lor; Second, W. H. Ruger, C. E. Piper; Third, George R. 
Davis, J. R. Wheeler; Fourth, Samuel B. Raymond, L. C. 
Collins, Jr.; Fifth, L. M. Kelley, Charles E. Fuller; Sixth, 


152 Republican Party in Illinois 

Norman Lewis, O. C. Towne; Seventh, I. G. Baldwin, 
H. T. Noble ; Eighth, R. W. Willet, A. J. Bell ; Ninth, S. T. 
Rogers, Thomas Vennum; Tenth W. W. Wright, R. H. 
Whiting; Eleventh, C. V. Chandler, C. A. Ballard ; Twelfth, 
A. C. Matthews, William W. Berry ; Thirteenth, Dr. Wil- 
liam Jayne, D. C. Smith; Fourteenth, Joseph W. Fifer, 
George K. Ingham; Fifteenth, Charles G. Eckhart, L. S. 
Wilson; Sixteenth, Charles Churchill, Harrison Black; Sev- 
enteenth, John I. Rinaker, J. M. Truett; Eighteenth, R. A. 
Halbert, H. Reuter ; Nineteenth, Thomas S. Ridgway, C. T. 
Strattan ; Twentieth, T. M. Simpson, W. McAdams. 

The presidential electors were Andrew Shuman, Isaac 
Lesem, George Bass, John C. Tegtmeyer, John M. Smyth, 
James A. Sexton, Albert J. Hopkins, Conrad J. Fry, William 
H. Shepard, Robert A. Childs, David McWilliams, Rufus 
W. Miles, John A. Harvey, Francis M. Davis, J. Otis 
Humphrey, Edward D. Blinn, William O. Wilson, Rufus 
Cope, John H. Dunscomb, Cicero J. Lindly, Jasper Part- 
ridge, Matthew J. Inscore. 

The Democratic state convention met at Peoria, July 2. 
Judge Monroe C. Crawford presided. The following ticket 
was nominated : For governor, Carter H. Harrison ; lieuten- 
ant-governor, Henry Seiter; secretary of state, Michael J. 
Dougherty; treasurer, Alfred Orendorf; auditor, Walter E. 
Carlin; attorney-general, Robert L. McKinlay. 

The Prohibitionists held their state convention at Bloom- 
ington, June 18, and nominated the following ticket: Govern- 
or, J. B. Hobbs ; lieutenant-governor, James L. Ferryman ; sec- 
retary of state, C. W. Enos ; treasurer, Uriah Copp ; auditor, 
A. B. Irwin; attorney-general, Hale Johnson. 

The Greenback party, at its convention held in July, made 
these nominations: Governor, Jesse Harper; lieutenant-gov- 

Republican Party in Illinois 153 

ernor, A. C. Vanderwater ; secretary of state, H. E. Baldwin; 
treasurer, Benjamin W. Goodhue; auditor, E. F. Reeves; 
attorney-general, John N. Gwin. 

The national Republican convention met in Chicago, June 
3, 1884. The candidates for president were James G. Blaine, 
Chester A. Arthur, George F. Edmunds, John A. Logan and 
John Sherman. General Logan was placed in nomination by 
Senator Cullom. Mr. Blaine was nominated on the fourth 
ballot. General Logan was nominated for vice-president by 
a unanimous vote. 

The Democratic party met in national convention in 
Chicago, June 10. Grover Cleveland, of New York, was 
nominated for president on the second ballot; Thomas A. 
Hendricks, of Indiana, was nominated for vice-president. 

The Greenback national party, at its convention held in 
Indianapolis, May 28, nominated General Benjamin F. But- 
ler, of Massachusetts, for president and General A. M. West, 
of Mississippi, for vice-president. 

The Prohibitionists held the last convention of the year 
in Pittsburg, July 23. John P. St. John, of Kansas, was nom- 
inated for president and William Daniel, of Maryland, for 

After two unsuccessful attempts Mr. Blaine seemed about 
to realize the ambition of his life. The nomination of General 
Logan for the second place on the ticket was regarded as an 
element of strength. The great battleground was in New 
York, where the result was so close that the defeat of Mr. 
Blaine might be attributed to any one of several causes: to 
the prominence of the Prohibitionists, to the disaffection of 
Roscoe Conkling; or to Dr. Burchard's unfortunate allitera- 
tion of "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion." All were made 
scapegoats and were never forgiven by the admirers of the 

154 Republican Party in Illinois 

"plumed knight." The impartial historian, however, must 
record the fact that enough votes were stolen in New York to 
defeat Mr. Elaine, on the face of the returns, and give the 
presidency to Grover Cleveland. 

The Elaine electors carried Illinois by a plurality of 25,000 
in round numbers. They received 337,469 votes; Cleveland 
electors, 312,351; St. John, 12,074; Butler, 10,776. 

The entire state ticket was elected by smaller majorities. 
Oglesby received 334,234 votes; Harrison, 319,635. The 
legislature was almost evenly divided in both houses. 

The returns from the Sixth district of Cook county showed 
that Rudolph Brand had received 6,696 votes and Henry W. 
Leman 6,686. The state board of canvassers, however, re- 
ported to Governor Hamilton that from statements and 
affidavits presented with the returns, Leman really had a 
plurality of 390, but in view of all the facts the board declined 
to certify the election of either claimant. 

Governor Hamilton decided that he had a right, under the 
circumstances, of going back of the original returns. He 
became satisfied that Leman had received a majority of the 
votes polled and issued to him a certificate of election. Thus 
Governor Hamilton thwarted a scheme, conceived after the 
election, by which this one vote would have secured a Dem- 
ocratic majority in the legislature and the election of a Demo- 
cratic United States senator to succeed General Logan, and 
probably changed the complexion of the United States senate. 
Thus do trifles sometimes change the current of history. 

The action of Governor Hamilton in converting a min- 
isterial act into a judicial inquiry, was criticized in some 
quarters at the time, but it was finally sustained by the legis- 
lature, the press and the public. 

Republican Party in Illinois 155 

Illinois was represented in the Forty-ninth congress from 
1885 to 1887, by ten Republicans and ten Democrats, as fol- 
lows : First district, R. W. Dunham ; Second, Frank Lawler ; 
Third, James H. Ward; Fourth, George E. Adams; Fifth, 
Albert J. Hopkins; Sixth, Robert R. Hitt; Seventh, T. J. 
Henderson ; Eighth, Ralph Plumb ; Ninth, Lewis E. Payson ; 
Tenth, N. E. Worthington; Eleventh, William H. Neece; 
Twelfth, James M. Riggs ; Thirteenth, William M. Springer ; 
Fourteenth, J. H. Rowell; Fifteenth, Joseph G. Cannon; 
Sixteenth, Silas Z. Landes; Seventeenth, John R. Eden; 
Eighteenth, William R. Morrison ; Nineteenth, R. W. Town- 
shend; Twentieth, John R. Thomas. Messrs. Dunham, 
Adams, Hopkins, Hitt, Henderson, Plumb, Payson, Rowell, 
Cannon and Thomas were Republicans. 

The organization of the senate was completed January 
7, 1885, by the election of William J. Canipbell, president for 
a third term. The senate contained 26 Republicans, 24 Demo- 
crats and one Greenback-Democrat. 

The house was not so easily organized. There were 76 
Republicans, 76 Democrats, with E. M Haines, independent, 
holding the balance of power. Charles E. Fuller, of Boone, 
was nominated for speaker by the Republican caucus ; Edward 
L. Cronkrite, of Stephenson, was the Democratic nominee. 
E. M. Haines was made temporary speaker. A permanent 
organization was not effected until January 29, when the 
Democrats, rinding they could not elect Cronkrite, voted for 
Haines, and he was elected speaker. The final vote stood, 
Haines, 78 ; Fuller, 74 ; and one, Haines, for Cronkrite. 

The new state officials were inaugurated January 30. 
"Uncle Dick" Oglesby had fulfilled his threat, made during 
the campaign that he would "lam Carter Harrison out of his 
boots, so help me God !" For a third time he took the oath of 

156 Republican Party in Illinois 

office as governor of this imperial state. This distinction has 
been conferred upon no other public servant. The honor was 
the more conspicuous because a period of twenty years had 
elapsed between his first and third elections. It is given to 
few men to retain this pre-eminence for such a period. 

General John Corson Smith, the lieutenant-governor, was 
born in Philadelphia, February 13, 1832. He became a 
resident of Galena and from there enlisted as a private in the 
Ninety-sixth regiment. At the close of the war he was brevet- 
ted a brigadier-general. His civil and military career were 
alike honorable. 

One of the results of the November election was the pro- 
longed and dramatic senatorial deadlock of 1885. General 
Logan was about to complete his second term as United 
States senator, and had been nominated by the Republican 
caucus. The Democratic caucus nominated Colonel William 
R. Morrison. The organization of the house had been delayed 
so that the first ballot was not taken until February 10, and 
there was no ballot in joint assembly until February 18, when 
Logan received 101 votes; Morrison 94; Haines, 4; 3 scatter- 
ing. Thus Logan lacked only one vote of election. Ballots 
were taken February 19 and 20, t with practically the same 
result. During the remainder of the month and throughout 
March and April there was not a time when both parties 
voted for senator on the same ballot. The view prevailed 
that only the majority of a quorum, and not a majority of all 
members elected, was necessary to an election. Thus there 
was an ever-present fear that the absence of a member would 
enable the enemy to elect a senator ; and one side and then the 
other would refrain from voting in order to break the quorum. 
As a matter of fact, however, no senator has ever been elected 

Republican Party in Illinois 157 

without the votes of an actual majority of all the members 
being present and voting. 

Three members of the legislature died during the session. 
Representative Robert E. Logan, Republican, of the Nine- 
teenth district, died February 26. Senator Frank M. Bridges, 
Democrat, of the Thirty-seventh district, died March 20. 
Special elections were held. Representative Logan was suc- 
ceeded by a Republican, and Senator Bridges by a Democrat. 
Thus the political complexion of the assembly remained un- 
changed. The third death was that of Representative J. 
Henry Shaw, Democrat, of the Thirty-fourth district. This 
district was a Democratic stronghold, and it was taken for 
granted that Shaw's successor would be a Democrat. Shrewd 
Republican leaders, however, proposed a "still hunt" in the 
district. A special election was called for May 6. The 
Democrats nominated Arthur Leeper. The Republicans made 
no nomination, and, to all appearances, proposed to allow the 
election to go by default. A meeting of Logan's friends was 
held at the Leland hotel in Springfield, at which the details 
of the proposed strategy were completed. Among those in the 
secret were Daniel Shepard, secretary of the state central 
committee; Charles E. Fuller, a member of the house; and 
Jacob Wheeler, then United States marshal, and formerly 
of the Thirty-fourth district. 

Hon. J. McCan Davis, clerk of the Illinois supreme court, 
has given an interesting version of this unique strategy, in a 
paper read before the Illinois State Historical Society in 1909. 
A single paragraph is quoted : "A few days before the sena- 
torial election, pursuant to the plan arranged in Springfield, 
trusted emissaries were sent through the Thirty-fourth dis- 
trict, some in the guise of stock-buyers, others as insurance 
agents, others as sewing machine agents all with plausible 

158 Republican Party in Illinois 

excuses for being in the neighborhood. They visited Repub- 
licans whom they could trust with the secret, and left with 
them tickets bearing the name of Captain William H. Weaver, 
a Republican of Menard county. Instructions were given that 
the Republicans were to manifest the utmost indifference and 
were to remain away from the polls until 3 o'clock or later in 
the afternoon of the day of the election. Then they were to 
go quietly to the polls and deposit the Weaver tickets." 

The Democrats were off their guard, and were defeated 
by this sleight-of-hand performance. Weaver was elected by 
a majority of 336 votes. 

May 14, the day before Weaver was to be sworn in, the 
Democrats made a final effort to avert the inevitable. Every 
member was present, and Morrison received 101 votes. The 
Democrats then concentrated their strength on Judge Lambert 
Tree, but without success. May 19 General Logan was 
elected on the 120th ballot. He received 103 votes; Lambert 
Tree, 96, and 5 scattering. 

The triumph of General Logan was an event of national 
significance, as Democratic successes in other states had made 
the United States senate dangerously close. Congratulations 
by hundreds were sent to General Logan from all parts of the 
country. He had been the hero of many battles, and this 
victory brought him to the pinnacle of his fame. 

General Logan lived to serve less than one-third of his 
last senatorial term. He died in Washington, D. C., Decem- 
ber 26, 1886. Although he was only sixty years of age, his 
career was one of remarkable achievement. 

John Alexander Logan was born in Browsville, Jackson 
county, Illinois, February 9, 1826. His father was Doctor 
John Logan, after whom Logan county was named. The son 
served in the Mexican war, enlisting in 1847 with the Fifth 


Republican Party in Illinois 159 

Illinois regiment. He was county clerk and prosecuting 
attorney of Jackson county, and a Buchanan presidential elec- 
tor in 1856. Logan's legislative career began in 1852, when 
he was elected a member of the general assembly, and re- 
elected in 1856. In 1858 he was elected member of congress 
as a Douglas Democrat, and re-elected in 1860. He resigned 
his seat in congress early in 1861, raised the Thirty-first 
company of Illinois volunteers and was commissioned its 
colonel by Governor Yates. His military career was brilliant 
and he became a major-general. General Logan re-entered 
congress in 1866, from the state at large, and was re-elected 
in 1868 and 1870. He was elected United States senator in 
1871 and re-elected in 1879. His defeat as a candidate for 
the presidential nomination in 1884, and his failure of election 
to the vice-presidency the same year, did not impair his prestige. 
He was the author of "The Great Conspiracy" and "The 
Volunteer Soldier of America." 

General Logan was the greatest union general of the civil 
war, who entered the service as a volunteer. His career in 
civil life was equally honorable. As chairman of the senate 
committee on military affairs he was in a position of great 
power. The elements of his success are easily analyzed. His 
physical bravery knew no fear; his intellectual honesty was 
above suspicion; his moral heroism was noble. He had the 
imperial will that characterized Stephen A. Douglas and the 
same fearlessness in carrying a fight to a finish. A contem- 
porary historian has said that, "without the logical power of 
Douglas, the legal ability of Palmer, the eloquence of Yates, 
or the invective of Oglesby, Logan was endowed with a certain 
intellectual dash which always commanded attention." Logan 
was the idol of the volunteer soldiers, and it was through his 
initiative as commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the 

160 Republican Party in Illinois 

Republic, that May 30 has been consecrated as Memorial 
Day. Hereafter the reading of General Logan's order setting 
aside this date will be made a part of Memorial day services. 
This order was issued this year by Commander-in-chief 

Illinois has duly honored the memory of her illustrious 
son. In 1897 an equestrian statue was dedicated on the lake 
front in Chicago. The Illinois legislature, in 1907, set apart 
a room in the state house for the preservation of the mementoes 
collected by General Logan and presented to the state by his 

General Logan was a statesman, soldier, patriot, loyal 
friend, and in his latest and best years a Christian gentleman. 

The political events of 1 886 do not call for extended notice. 
The Democrats held the first state convention of the year at 
Springfield, August 26. Henry Francis J. Ricker, of Adams 
county, was nominated for treasurer, and Franklin T. Oldt, 
of Carroll, for superintendent of public instruction. 

The Republican convention assembled September 1, and 
nominated John R. Tanner, of Clay county, for treasurer, and 
Richard Edwards, of Bureau county, for superintendent. 

The platform opposed the ownership of land by non-resi- 
dent aliens, endorsed the proposed constitutional amendment 
concerning contract labor, and approved the inter-state com- 
merce law proposed by Senator Cullom. 

The Greenback party nominated John Budlong, of Win- 
nebago, for treasurer, and Daniel L. Braucher for superinten- 
dent. The nominees of the Prohibitionists were: For treas- 
urer, Henry W. Austin, and Ulrich Z. Gilmer for superin- 

The Republicans elected their state ticket, with increased 
pluralities over 1884. The vote for treasurer was as follows: 

Republican Party in Illinois 161 

Tanner, 276,680; Ricker, 240,864; Budlong, 34,821 ; Austin, 
19,766. For superintendent of public instruction : Edwards, 
276,710; Oldt, 246,782; Braucher, 34,701 ; Gilmer, 19,402. 
The Republicans had a plurality of over 35,000, but were in 
a minority of more than 18,000 in the state. The Republicans 
also secured control of both branches of the legislature and 
elected fourteen of the twenty congressmen. Illinois sent 
the following delegates to the Fiftieth congress: First dis- 
trict, R. W. Dunham; Second, Frank Lawler; Third, Wil- 
liam E. Mason; Fourth, George E. Adams; Fifth, A. J. 
Hopkins ; Sixth, Robert R. Hitt ; Seventh, T. J. Henderson ; 
Eighth, Ralph Plumb; Ninth, Lewis E. Payson; Tenth, 
Philip Sidney Post; Eleventh, William G. Gest; Twelfth, 
G. A. Anderson; Thirteenth, William M. Springer; Four- 
teenth, J. H. Rowell; Fifteenth, Joseph G. Cannon; Six- 
teenth, Silas Z. Landes; Seventeenth, Edward Lane; Eigh- 
teenth, Jehu Baker ; Nineteenth, R. W. Townshend ; Twen- 
tieth, John R. Thomas. Messrs. Lawler, Anderson, Springer, 
Landes, Lane and Townshend were Democrats. 

The Thirty-fifth general assembly convened January 5, 
1887. The senate was composed of 32 Republicans, 17 Dem- 
ocrats, one labor member and one Prohibitionist. August W. 
Bergren was chosen president pro tempore. He was a native 
of Sweden, had served four terms as sheriff of Knox county, 
and had entered upon his second term as senator. 

There were 78 Republicans in the house, 66 Democrats, 
eight labor members and one Prohibitionist, James Lamont, 
of Winnebago county. The candidates for speaker were Dr. 
William F. Calhoun, Joseph B. Messick, Charles E. Fuller 
and David T. Littler. Dr. Calhoun was elected after several 


162 Republican Party in Illinois 

The political event of the session was the election of a 
United States senator to succeed General Logan. Charles 
B. Farwell, John M. Hamilton, L. E. Payson, J. G. Cannon, 
Thomas J. Henderson, Clark E. Carr, Green B. Raum and 
H. C. Burchard received votes in the Republican caucus. Mr. 
Farwell was nominated on the second ballot and was elected 
January 18. William R. Morrison was the nominee of the 

Mr. Farwell was born in Steuben county, New York, July 
1, 1823. With his father's family he settled in Ogle county, 
and in 1844 he removed to Chicago. In 1864 he became a 
member of Farwell, Field & Company, which was later 
known as John V. Farwell & Company. Mr. Farwell served 
six years in congress. He was also given a certificate of elec- 
tion to the Forty-fourth congress, but his seat was contested 
by John V. Le Moyne, to whom it was awarded. Mr. Far- 
well's experience in large business affairs made him a valuable 
member of the senate. 

February 22, 1887, there was a proceeding in the general 
assembly for which there was no precedent. It was a joint 
memorial service in honor of "our deceased distinguished 
citizens, General John A. Logan and Judge David Davis." 





THE Republicans of Illinois and the nation organized 
their forces early in 1888 to defeat the re-election of 
Grover Cleveland to the presidency. Mr. Cleveland 
had been the only Democrat elected to that office since James 
Buchanan, thirty-two years before. 

The Republican state convention met at Springfield, May 
2. There were seven candidates for governor: Joseph W. 
Fifer, John McNulta, Clark E. Carr, James A. Connolly, 
John I. Rinaker, John C. Smith and Francis M. Wright. 
Fifer led on the first ballot, and was nominated on the fifth. 

Lyman B. Ray, of Grundy, was nominated for lieutenant- 
governor on the second ballot. The office of secretary of state 
was sought by I. N. Pearson, of Macomb ; Jasper N. Reece, 
of Sangamon; W. F. Calhoun, of Dewitt, and Thomas C. 
McMillan, of Chicago. Pearson was nominated on the fifth 
ballot. There were ten candidates for auditor, and it required 
six ballots to award the honor to Charles W. Pavey. George 
Hunt was renominated for attorney-general by acclamation, 
and Charles Becker was named for treasurer. 

The platform was mainly devoted to an arraignment of 
President Cleveland's administration. General Walter Q. 
Gresham was endorsed as the candidate of Illinois for the 


164 Republican Party in Illinois 

The Democratic state convention was held at Springfield, 
May 23. John M. Palmer was nominated for governor; 
Andrew J. Bell, lieutenant-governor; N. Douglas Ricks, 
secretary of state; Andrew Welch, auditor; Charles H. 
Wacker, treasurer; Jacob R. Creighton, attorney-general. 
Although General Palmer had reached the age of three 
score and ten, he made a vigorous canvass and secured a larger 
vote than Carter Harrison four years previous. 

The Democrats met in St. Louis June 6. Grover Cleve- 
land was renominated amid great enthusiasm, and Allen G. 
Thurman, of Ohio, was named for vice-president. The 
Republicans met in national convention in Chicago June 20. 
The principal candidates for president were Benjamin 
Harrison, John Sherman, Walter Q. Gresham, Chauncey M. 
Depew, Russell A. Alger and William B. Allison. Mr. 
Harrison was nominated on the eighth ballot. Levi P. 
Morton, of New York, was named for vice-president. 

The main issue of the campaign was the tariff. Up to 
this time Grover Cleveland had been a stranger to defeat in 
his political ambitions. This fact spurred the Republicans 
to a strenuous fight. The result was so decisive that the 
dangers of 1876 and 1884 were averted. 

General Harrison carried Illinois over Cleveland, al- 
though he received a minority of all the votes cast. The result 
was as follows: Harrison, 370,473; Cleveland, 348,378; 
Clinton B. Fisk, Prohibitionist, 21,695 ; A. J. Streeter, Labor, 

For governor, Mr. Fifer fell behind the national ticket, 
and General Palmer made a gain of about seven thousand 
votes. The official figures were: Fifer, 367,860; Palmer, 
355,313; Harts, Prohibitionist, 18,874; Jones, Labor, 6,394. 

Republican Party in Illinois 165 

The vote for the other Republican state officers did not differ 
greatly from that cast for Harrison and Morton. 

The Republicans obtained control of both branches of the 
legislature, and elected thirteen congressmen, as follows: 
First district, Abner Taylor ; Second, Frank Lawler ; Third, 
William E. Mason ; Fourth, George E. Adams ; Fifth, A. J. 
Hopkins; Sixth, Robert R. Hitt; Seventh, T. J. Henderson; 
Eighth, Charles A. Hill; Ninth, Lewis E. Payson; Tenth, 
Philip Sidney Post; Eleventh, William H. Gest; Twelfth, 
Scott Wike; Thirteenth, William M. Springer; Fourteenth, 
J. H. Rowell; Fifteenth, Joseph G. Cannon; Sixteenth, 
George W. Fithian ; Seventeenth, Edward Lane ; Eighteenth, 
William S. Forman; Nineteenth, R. W. Townshend; Twen- 
tieth, George W. Smith. Messrs. Lawler, Wike, Springer, 
Fithian, Lane, Forman and Townshend were Democrats. 
Townshend died in office, and was succeeded by James R. 
Williams, a Democrat. 

The Thirty-sixth general assembly convened January 7, 
1889. There were 35 Republicans, 15 Democrats and one 
labor member in the senate. The Republicans thus had a 
greater majority in this chamber than ever before. The 
house was composed of 80 Republicans, 72 Democrats and 
one labor member. These figures gave the party a larger 
majority on joint ballot than at any session since 1871. 

Theodore Chapman, of Jersey county, was elected pres- 
ident pro tempore of the senate. Colonel Asa C. Matthews, 
of Pike county, was the unanimous choice of the Republican 
caucus for speaker, and he was elected over Clayton E. Crafts, 
of Chicago, the Democratic nominee. 

Colonel Matthews was born in Pike county, Illinois, and 
was graduated from Illinois college in 1855. He enlisted as 
a private in the 99th regiment of volunteer infantry, and in 

166 Republican Party in Illinois 

1864 became its colonel. In 1869 Colonel Matthews was 
appointed collector of internal revenue for his district, and 
retained the office until 1875. He was then made supervisor of 
internal revenue. 

Joseph W. Fifer was inaugurated governor of Illinois 
January 14, 1889. He was born in Stanton, Augusta county, 
Virginia, October 28, 1840. The family removed to McLean 
county, Illinois, in 1857. The son enlisted as a private in the 
Thirty-third regiment, and he has ever since borne the name 
of "Private Joe." He was severely wounded in the assault 
on Jackson, but he recovered and returned to his regiment. 
After the war Mr. Fifer graduated from Wesleyan university 
at Bloomington in 1868, and was admitted to the bar the 
following year. He served eight years as state's attorney of 
McLean county, and in this capacity he attained a high repu- 
tation as a criminal lawyer. Mr. Fifer subsequently entered 
the state senate, where he remained four years. He was an 
able debater and an efficient and faithful executive. 

Lieutenant-Governor Ray was born in Crittenden county, 
Vermont, August 17, 1831, and had been a resident of Illinois 
since 1852. In 1872 he was chosen a member of the house, 
and in 1882 he was elected state senator and served four years. 
He was an able and popular presiding officer. 

Senator Cullom's first term expired March 4, 1889. The 
absolute control by the Republicans in both houses made an 
election of a successor an easy matter. Mr. Cullom was 
renominated in the Republican caucus without a dissenting 
vote, and without leaving his seat in the senate to make a 
canvass. This fact had no precedent in the history of the 
state. Senator Cullom was re-elected January 22 over Gen- 
eral Palmer, the Democratic nominee. Each candidate re- 
ceived the full vote of his party. 

Republican Party in Illinois 167 

Speaker Matthews' service as presiding officer of the 
house was brief. His friends urged President Harrison to 
appoint him commissioner of internal revenue. The president 
was unable to make this appointment, but a short time later 
he named Colonel Matthews for first comptroller of the 
treasury. When the news reached Springfield the house took 
a recess to congratulate Colonel Matthews. This tribute 
came from Democrats as well as Republicans. 

Colonel Matthews resigned the speakership May 10, and 
was succeeded by James H. Miller, of Stark county. 

One of the important acts of the legislature was the pas- 
sage of a bill to create sanitary districts. The law was 
intended primarily for the benefit of Chicago, and it was 
under its provisions that the drainage canal was constructed. 

A special session of the general assembly was called by 
Governor Fifer to convene July 24, 1890, to enact legislation 
made necessary by the selection of Chicago as the site of the 
Columbian exposition. Four days before the legislature as- 
sembled, speaker Miller died at Manitou Springs, Colorado. 
William G. Cochran, of Moultrie county, was chosen his 

The exposition was given the use of all state lands, includ- 
ing parks, in and adjacent to Chicago. A resolution was 
adopted providing for the submission of a constitutional 
amendment, giving the city of Chicago the power upon con- 
sent of her voters, to issue bonds to the amount of $5,000,000. 
The proceeds from the sale of these bonds were to be turned 
over to the managers of the World's Columbian Exposition. 
The special session adjourned August 1. 

The Republican party, not only in Illinois, but through- 
out the nation, suffered in 1890 one of the periodical reverses 
that are sure to come under representative government. The 

168 Republican Party in Illinois 

desire for a change will assert itself now and then with 
irresistible force in individuals, communities and states. The 
wisdom of the change may be challenged, but the fact remains. 

The campaign was opened in Illinois by the Democrats, 
with a state convention held at Springfield, June 3. Edward 
S. Wilson, of Richland county, was nominated for treasurer, 
and Henry Raab, of St. Clair, was named for superintendent 
of public instruction. The convention made an innovation 
by nominating General Palmer for United States senator. 
The platform contained a plank which favored the election 
of senators by a direct vote of the people. 

The Republican convention was held at Springfield, June 
24. General John M. McNulta was chosen permanent pre- 
siding officer. Franz Amberg, of Chicago, was nominated 
for treasurer on the second ballot. Dr. Richard Edwards 
was renominated for superintendent of public instruction 
without opposition 

The platform declared for the Australian ballot system 
and for amending the compulsory education law of 1889. 

The Democratic state ticket was elected. Wilson had 
a majority of 9,847 over Amberg for treasurer, and Raab led 
Edwards by 34,042. The Democrats also elected a majority 
of the members of the house. The Republicans, however, 
retained control of the senate. 

The greatest change was in the complexion of the con- 
gressional delegation. The Democrats elected thirteen con- 
gressmen ; Republicans, six ; while Lewis Steward represented 
the Farmers' Mutual Benevolent Alliance. 

Illinois was represented in the Fifty-second congress as 
follows: First district, Abner Taylor; Second, L. E. Me 
Gann; Third, A. C. Durborow, Jr.; Fourth, Walter C. 
Newberry; Fifth, Albert J. Hopkins; Sixth, Robert R. Hitt; 

Republican Party in Illinois 169 

Seventh, Thomas J. Henderson; Eighth, Lewis Steward; 
Ninth, Herman W. Snow; Tenth, Philip Sidney Post; 
Eleventh, Ben T. Cable ; Twelfth, Scott Wike ; Thirteenth, 
William M. Springer; Fourteenth, Owen Scott; Fifteenth, 
Samuel T. Busey; Sixteenth, George W. Fithian; Seven- 
teenth, Edward Lane ; Eighteenth, William S. Forman ; 
Nineteenth, James R. Williams; Twentieth, George W. 
Smith. Messrs. Taylor, Hopkins, Hitt, Henderson, Post 
and Smith were Republicans. Steward was elected by the 
Farmers' Alliance. Mr. Cannon was defeated for the first 
time since he entered congress in 1872. 

The defeat of the Republican party may be attributed to 
the fact that the McKinley tariff bill had become a law only 
a few weeks before the election, and thus the country was not 
prepared to pass judgment upon its merits. Another factor 
contributed to the result in Illinois. The disparity between 
the majorities for Wilson for treasurer and Raab for superin- 
tendent shows the opposition to the school law was the greatest 
cause of Republican defection. 

The Thirty-seventh general assembly convened January 
7, 1891. There were 27 Republicans and 24 Democrats in 
the senate, which was organized by the election of Milton W. 
Matthews, of Champaign, as president pro tempore. 

The house was composed of 77 Democrats, 73 Republicans 
and three members of the Farmers' Alliance. Clayton E. 
Crafts was elected speaker over David Hunter, of Winnebago, 
the Republican nominee. Dr. Hosea H. Moore, of Wayne 
county, received the vote of the Farmers' Alliance. 

Mr. FarwelFs term as United States senator expired 
March 4, 1891. The Democrats lacked two of a majority on 
joint ballot in the general assembly, with the members of the 
Farmers' Alliance holding the balance of power. These facts 

1 70 Republican Party in Illinois 

resulted in another prolonged senatorial deadlock. General 
Palmer was the Democratic nominee, by virtue of his endorse- 
ment at the preceding state convention. General Oglesby 
was nominated at the Republican caucus. A. J. Streeter was 
the candidate of the Farmers' Alliance. 

On the first ballot every member of both houses was 
present and voted, but there was no election. The struggle 
continued until March 11, when General Palmer was chosen 
on the 154th ballot. He received 103 votes, the exact number 
required to elect him. Two of these were cast by Moore and 
Cockrell, members of the Farmers' Alliance. 

The campaign of 1892 resulted far more disastrously to 
the Republicans than did the off-year election two years 

The first state convention of the year was held by the 
Democrats at Springfield, April 27, and resulted in the nom- 
ination of the following ticket : Governor, John P. Altgeld ; 
lieutenant-governor, Joseph B. Gill; secretary of state, Wil- 
liam H. Hinrichsen; treasurer, Rufus N. Ramsey; auditor, 
David Gore; attorney-general, Maurice T. Moloney; con- 
gressmen-at-large, John C. Black and Andrew J. Hunter. 
Under the act of congress, based on the census of 1890, 
Illinois was entitled to twenty-two congressmen. The legis- 
lature, however, had not made a new apportionment, and the 
two additional congressmen were chosen from the state at 

The Republican state convention assembled at Springfield 
in May. Congressman A. J. Hopkins presided. Joseph W. 
Fifer was chosen for governor; Lyman B. Ray for lieutenant- 
governor; Isaac N. Pierson, secretary of state; Charles W. 
Pavey, auditor. All these were renominations. George W. 
Prince was named for attorney-general; Henry L. Hertz, 


Republican Party in Illinois 171 

treasurer; George S. Willits and Richard Yates, congressmen- 

A state convention of the People's party was held at 
Danville, May 19. Its ticket was as follows: For governor, 
Nathan M. Barrett ; lieutenant-governor, Charles G. Dixon ; 
secretary of state, Frederick G. Blood; treasurer, John Me 
Elroy; auditor S. C. Hill; attorney-general, Jesse Cox; con- 
gressmen-at-large, Jesse Harper and Michael McDonough. 
At the national convention of this party, James B. Weaver, 
of Iowa, was nominated for president, and James G. Field, 
of Virginia, for vice-president. 

The Prohibitionists nominated Robert R. Link for gov- 
ernor ; James Lament, lieutenant-governor ; John T. Killam, 
secretary of state; Thomas S. Marshall, treasurer; Samuel 
D. Noe, auditor; Alonzo P. Wright, attorney-general; con- 
gressmen-at-large, Francis Andrews and James S. Felter. The 
Prohibitionists in national convention nominated John Bid- 
well, of California, for president, and James B. Cranfield, of 
Texas, for vice-president. 

The national Republican convention assembled in Minne- 
apolis June 7. Governor William McKinley, of Ohio, pre- 
sided. President Benjamin Harrison was renominated on the 
first ballot. The vote was as follows : Harrison, 535 ; Me 
Kinley, 182; Elaine, 181; Thomas B. Reed, 4; Robert T. 
Lincoln, 1. Whitelaw Reid, of New York, was nominated 
for vice-president. It is a fact worthy of note that fate closed 
the door of the White House against the greatest three par- 
liamentary leaders in American history : Henry Clay, Stephen 
A. Douglas and James G. Blaine ; as well as against two 
other of the greatest statesmen, Daniel Webster and William 
H. Seward. 

172 Republican Party in Illinois 

The Democratic national convention assembled in Chi- 
cago, June 21. Grover Cleveland was nominated for a third 
time on the first ballot. Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, was 
nominated for vice-president. The election of Mr. Stevenson 
gave Illinois its first vice-president. He had served four years 
in congress and was first assistant postmaster-general from 
1885 to 1889, by appointment of President Cleveland. 

The campaign was fought entirely on the tariff issue, and 
resulted in the election of Mr. Cleveland. 

The result in Illinois was a victory for the Democratic 
national, state and legislative tickets. Eleven Republicans 
and eleven Democrats were elected members of congress. 
It was the first time since 1856 that Illinois had given its 
electoral vote for a Democratic president, and not since 1852 
had the state chosen a governor from that party. The Har- 
rison electors received 399,288 votes, and the Cleveland 
electors 426,281, a plurality of 26,993. 

John P. Altgeld was elected governor by 425,558 votes, 
over Fifer, who received 402,676 votes. Altgeld's plurality 
was 22,882. 

Illinois sent the following delegation to the Fifty-third 
congress : For the state at large, John C. Black and Andrew 
Hunter; First district, J. F. Aldrich; Second, Lawrence E. 
McGann ; Third, A. C. Durborow ; Fourth, Julius Goldzier ; 
Fifth, Albert J. Hopkins; Sixth, Robert R. Hitt; Seventh, 
T. J. Henderson ; Eighth, Robert A. Childs ; Ninth, Hamilton 
K. Wheeler; Tenth, Philip Sidney Post; Eleventh, Benjamin 
F. Marsh ; Twelfth, John J. McDannold ; Thirteenth, W. 
M. Springer; Fourteenth, B. F. Funk; Fifteenth, Joseph G. 
Cannon; Sixteenth G. W. Fithian; Seventeenth, Edward 
Lane; Eighteenth, William S. Forman; Nineteenth, James R. 
Williams; Twentieth, George W. Smith. A feature of the 

Republican Party in Illinois 173 

election was the return of Joseph G. Cannon from the Fif- 
teenth district. His Republican colleagues were Aldrich, 
Hopkins, Hitt, Henderson, Childs, Wheeler, Post, Marsh, 
Funk and Smith. 

The factor which most greatly affected the general result 
in Illinois was the defection of many German Republicans 
in Chicago by reason of the compulsory school law. 

The Thirty-eighth general assembly began its sessions 
January 4, 1893. The senate was composed of 29 Dem- 
ocrats and 22 Republicans. The house was composed of 78 
Democrats and 75 Republicans. Clayton E. Crafts was 
chosen speaker a second time over Edgar C. Hawley, of Kane 
county. The political events of the session were the congres- 
sional apportionment act of June 9, by which the state was 
divided into twenty-two districts, and the senatorial appor- 
tionment of June 15. 

John P. Altgeld and the other state officers were inaugur- 
ated January 10. Governor Altgeld was born at Selters, 
Germany, December 1, 1847, and was the first governor of 
Illinois of foreign birth. He came to America when quite 
young and first resided in Ohio. He entered the union army 
at sixteen years of age and after the war removed to Savannah, 
Missouri. In 1875 he settled in Chicago and became one of 
the judges of the superior court of Cook county. 

The notable features of Governor Altgeld 's administration 
were his pardon of the condemned Chicago anarchists and his 
protest against President Cleveland's action in sending troops 
to Chicago during the railroad strike of 1894. The course 
of the president, however, was vital to the supremacy of 
federal law over interstate commerce, and was approved by 
his countrymen. Governor Altgeld's sincerity may not be 

174 Republican Party in Illinois 

questioned, but any extreme assertion of state's rights has 
always been repudiated by the people of Illinois. 





HE absolute supremacy of the Democratic party in 
Illinois was of short duration. From 1892 to 1894 


"^ there occurred throughout the state and nation the 
greatest revolution in political sentiment ever known in the 
history of popular elections. Historians have not been able to 
fully explain this sudden revulsion. Two factors, however, 
may be briefly noted. The second inauguration of Mr. 
Cleveland was followed by the severe financial stringency of 
1893, which continued until 1897. The Wilson bill, a 
Democratic tariff for revenue measure, became a law in the 
summer of 1894, only about two months before the general 
elections. President Cleveland not only refused to give his 
signature to the bill, but he severely criticized the temporizing 
policy by which the leaders in the house yielded to the senate 
in all its contentions. The president's famous expression, 
"party perfidy and party dishonor," was not without its moral 
effect. Whatever the cause or causes, there was no mistaking 
the fact that the country had quickly revolted against Demo- 
cratic rule. 

The campaign in Illinois opened in 1894 with the Demo- 
crats on the defensive. They held their convention in Spring- 
field in June. Bernard J. Claggett was nominated for state 


176 Republican Party in Illinois 

treasurer, and Henry Raab for superintendent of public in- 
struction. Franklin MacVeagh was endorsed as a candidate 
for United States senator. 

The Republicans held their state convention at Springfield, 
July 25. Henry Wulff was named for treasurer, and Samuel 
M. Inglis for superintendent. 

The People's party named John F. Randolph for treasurer, 
and Lavina E. Roberts for superintendent. The Prohibition 
candidates, named by petition, were: For treasurer, Howell 
J. Puterbaugh ; for superintendent, N. T. Edwards. 

The principal issue of the campaign was the tariff, as it 
had been in 1892. The People's party devoted much attention 
to the silver question and the government ownership of rail- 

Henry Wulff, the Republican candidate for treasurer, had 
a plurality of 133,427 votes over Claggett; while Inglis had a 
plurality of 123,592 over Raab. In spite of the Democratic 
apportionment, the Republicans regained control of both 
branches of the legislature, and elected the entire delegation 
to congress, except the members from the Third and Sixteenth 
districts. Illinois was represented in the Fifty-fourth congress 
as follows : First district, J. Frank Aldrich ; Second, William 
Lorimer ; Third, Lawrence E. McGann ; Fourth, Charles W. 
Woodman; Fifth, George E. White; Sixth, Edward D. 
Cooke ; Seventh, George E. Foss ; Eighth, Albert J. Hopkins ; 
Ninth, Robert R. Hitt; Tenth, Philip Sidney Post; Eleventh, 
Walter Reeves; Twelfth, Joseph G. Cannon; Thirteenth, 
Vespasian Warner; Fourteenth, Joseph V. Graff; Fifteenth, 
Benjamin F. Marsh; Sixteenth, Finis E. Downing; Seven- 
teenth, James A. Connolly ; Eighteenth, Frederick Remann ; 
Nineteenth, Benson Wood ; Twentieth, Orlando Burrell ; 
Twenty-first, Everet J. Murphy ; Twenty-second, George W. 

Republican Party in Illinois 177 

Smith. McGann and Downing were Democrats. McGann's 
seat was contested and given to Hugh R. Belknap, a Repub- 
lican. Philip Sidney Post died in office and was succeeded by 
George W. Prince. Downing's seat was contested and given 
to John I. Rinaker. Thus before the congress expired, Illinois 
had a solid Republican delegation. Remann died July 14, 
1895, and was succeeded by W. F. L. Hadley. 

Mr. Cullom's second term as United States senator was 
about to expire, and he was a candidate for re-election. 
Having been repeatedly honored by the Republicans of the 
state, he felt in honor bound to make an active canvass, al- 
though he had very little hope of personal success. When it 
became known that a Republican legislature had been re- 
elected, opposition to Mr. Cullom developed within his own 
party. George E. Adams and George R. Davis were aspirants, 
but only twenty-one votes were cast against Cullom in the 
Republican caucus. Mr. Cullom's campaign was managed by 
John R. Tanner, who was then chairman of the state central 
committee. Joseph Medill, of the Chicago Tribune, aspired 
to a seat in the senate. He advised with Mr. Tanner and 
asked him if he thought he could be elected if he could secure 
the solid support of the Cook county delegation. Tanner 
replied that Cullom could not be beaten; whereupon Medill 
gave up the fight. Franklin MacVeagh, whom Cullom de- 
feated, is now secretary of the treasury in the cabinet of a 
Republican president. 

The Republican party had made a good beginning in 1894 
in wresting the legislative and executive departments of the 
government from the control of its foes. It required only 
another two years for the American people to re-learn the 
lesson that all the prosperity they had enjoyed had come under 

the reign of the protective principle; and that all the hard 

178 Republican Party in Illinois 

times suffered by them during the same period had been pre- 
ceded either by a heavy reduction of duties on imports, or by 
insufficient protection. Thus the campaign of 1896 was a 
notable turning point in the political history of the nation. 

The rank and file of the Republican party instinctively 
looked to William McKinley as the most available candidate 
for president. Influential party leaders in the east, however, 
were determined to accomplish his defeat, and nominate 
Speaker Thomas B. Reed. Their policy was to have several 
states send delegations instructed for their "favorite sons," 
and thus make a break in the McKinley phalanx. 

Illinois was regarded as the pivotal state. Leaders believed 
that upon its action depended the fate of McKinley. The 
people were for him, while a majority of the old party leaders 
wanted a state delegation instructed for Cullom. The sen- 
ator entered the presidential race in good faith, while Senator 
Allison was the "favorite son" of Iowa. Mr. Cullom believed 
at the time that if he could have received the support of Illinois, 
as Allison had been supported by Iowa, that the McKinley 
boom would have collapsed, and that either Cullom or Allison 
would have been nominated. After the smoke of battle had 
cleared away, Senator Cullom saw that he had been used in 
the interest of Reed ; but he drew some comfort from the fact 
that no combination could have defeated McKinley. 

Mark Hanna may be called the "original McKinley man," 
so far as the work of organization is concerned. He began 
his work in Illinois a year before the national convention. 
There was a group of rising party leaders who were loyal to 
McKinley, because they believed he was the choice of the 
people. Mr. Hanna co-operated with these workers. Charles 
E. Dawes was the recognized leader of the McKinley cam- 
paign in Illinois. Mr. Dawes became comptroller of the 

Republican Party in Illinois 179 

currency, and is now president of the Central Trust bank in 
Chicago. Among Mr. Dawes' associates were W. J. Calhoun, 
now minister to China ; Howard O. Hilton, at present post- 
master of Rockford ; William L. Diston, then of Quincy, now 
surveyor-general of Alaska; Charles Page Bryan, now in the 
diplomatic service, and Charles W. Raymond. This was the 
situation when the campaign opened early in the spring. 

The Republican state convention assembled at Spring- 
field, April 29. State Senator Orville F. Berry was the per- 
manent presiding officer. John R. Tanner, of Clay county, 
then temporarily residing in Chicago, was nominated for 
governor on the first ballot. He received 1,081 votes to 185 
cast for Congressman A. J. Hopkins, of Kane, and 69 for 
Dr. John W. Robbins, of Adams. 

William A. Northcott, of Bond county, was nominated 
for lieutenant-governor on the second ballot. Other nomina- 
tions were: James A. Rose, secretary of state ;Henry L. 
Hertz, treasurer; James McCullough, auditor; Edwin C. 
Akin, attorney-general. 

After these nominations had been made the convention 
considered the matter of instructing the delegates to the 
national convention. The oratorical honors were about evenly 
divided between Charles E. Fuller, who is now representing 
the Twelfth district in congress, and W. J. Calhoun. Mr. 
Fuller argued that in view of Mr. Cullom's long and honor- 
able career, and as a matter of state pride, Illinois should 
instruct for her senior senator. Mr. Calhoun urged the 
claims of McKinley. The result, however, had been predes- 
tined from the first. McKinley received 832 votes, and Cul- 
lom, 503. A resolution instructing for McKinley was then 
adopted by acclamation. In view of the abolition of the "unit 
rule" in 1880, this action only had the effect of re-affirming 

180 Republican Party in Illinois 

the action of the congressional districts, and McKinley received 
all but two of the votes of the delegation at St. Louis. 

The Democrats, in their state convention held at Peoria, 
June 23, made the following nominations: Governor, John 
P. Altgeld ; lieutenant-governor, Monroe C. Crawford ; secre- 
tary of state, Finis E. Downing ; auditor, W. F. Beck ; treas- 
urer, Edward C. Pace; attorney- general, George S. Trude. 
The name of Andrew L. Maxwell was subsequently substi- 
tuted for that of W. F. Beck for auditor. 

The Independent Gold Democrats, Prohibitionists, Na- 
tional party and Socialist Labor party also placed full state 
tickets in the field. 

The national Republican convention assembled at St. 
Louis, June 16. Charles W. Fairbanks was temporary chair- 
man, and John W. Thurston, of Nebraska, was permanent 
presiding officer. William McKinley was nominated for 
president on the first ballot. He received 6611/2 votes; Reed, 
841/2; Allison, 35y 2 ; Morton, 58; Quay, 61l/ 2 . Garret A. 
Hobart, of New Jersey, was nominated for vice-president on 
the first ballot. 

The currency plank was objectionable to a minority. 
Twenty delegates filed a protest and seceded from the conven- 
tion. Among these were Teller, of Colorado; Dubois, of 
Idaho ; Cannon, of Utah, and Pettigrew, of South Dakota. 

The Democrats assembled in national convention in 
Chicago, July 7. The delegates were hopelessly divided on 
the currency question, but the "sixteen to one" silver element 
prevailed and the report of the committee on resolutions em- 
bodied that principle. This convention was made memorable 
by the spectacular appearance of William Jennings Bryan. 
Although he had served one term in congress he was "to 
fortune and to fame unknown" when the convention assem- 

Republican Party in Illinois 181 

bled ; when that body adjourned he was its nominee for pres- 
ident. It was a remarkable scene, and was without precedent. 
The "boy orator of the Platte," only thirty-six years of age, 
electrified the vast assemblage by his famous "cross of gold" 
speech and literally turned the heads and and won the hearts 
of the delegates. A stampede followed, and Mr. Bryan was 
nominated on the fifth ballot. Arthur Sewell, of Maine, was 
nominated for vice-president on the fifth ballot. 

The Gold wing of the Democratic party revolted from 
the action of the Chicago convention, and nominated John M. 
Palmer, of Illinois, for president. The Silver National party 
met at St. Louis and endorsed the nominees and platform of 
the Democrats. The People's party nominated Bryan for 
president and Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, for vice- pres- 
ident. The Socialist-Labor party and the Prohibitionists also 
placed tickets in the field. 

At the outset the Republicans attempted to make the 
tariff the sole issue, and in a sense it remained one of the most 
important. The platform upon which Bryan had been nom- 
inated declared for "free and unlimited coinage of both silver 
and gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one," and 
"that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender 
equally with gold for all debts, public and private." The 
Republicans were therefore compelled to accept silver as an 
issue. It was a comparatively new question; the people did 
not understand it, but they took a lively interest in this cam- 
paign of education and correctly settled the fate of silver. 

An interesting feature of the campaign in Illinois was a 
tour of the state by the "flying squadron" made by a special 
train. The "squadron" comprised all living former governors, 
Oglesby, Beveridge, Hamilton, Fifer and Cullom. The im- 
portance of Illinois in the canvass was emphasized by the fact 

182 Republican Party in Illinois 

that the headquarters of the Republican and Democratic 
national committees were located in Chicago. 

William McKinley was elected president by 271 electoral 
votes over Bryan, who received 176 votes. Notwithstanding 
the number of tickets in the field, McKinley's plurality in 
Illinois was 142,607, the largest ever given any presidential 
or state ticket up to that time. His majority over all candi- 
dates was 123,391. The banner Republican counties were 
Cook, Kane and Winnebago. 

Mr. Tanner's plurality for governor was 113,381. The 
Republicans not only elected their entire state ticket, but they 
secured majorities in both branches of the legislature, and 
eighteen of the twenty-two congressmen. Illinois was repre- 
sented in the Fifty-fifth congress as follows: First district, 
James R. Mann ; Second, William Lorimer ; Third, Hugh R. 
Belknap ; Fourth, Daniel W. Mills ; Fifth, George E. White ; 
Sixth, Edward D. Cooke; Seventh, George E. Foss; Eighth, 
Albert J. Hopkins ; Ninth, Robert R. Hitt ; Tenth, George 
W. Prince; Eleventh, Walter Reeves; Twelfth, Joseph G. 
Cannon ; Thirteenth, Vespasian Warner ; Fourteenth, Joseph 
V. Graff; Fifteenth, Benjamin F. Marsh; Sixteenth, William 
H. Hinrichsen ; Seventeenth, James A. Connolly ; Eighteenth, 
Thomas M. Jett; Nineteenth, Andrew J. Hunter ; Twentieth, 
James R. Campbell ; Twenty-first, Jehu Baker ; Twenty-sec- 
ond, George W. -Smith. Messrs. Hinrichsen, Jett, Hunter, 
and Campbell were Democrats. Edward D. Cooke died in 
office and was succeeded by Henry Sherman Boutell. 

An incident of 1896 was the death of Lyman Trumbull. 
He died in Chicago June 25. Mr. Trumbull was a grand- 
nephew of Governor Jonathan Trumbull, of Connecticut, 
from whom the name "Brother Jonathan" was derived as an 
appellation for Americans. 

Republican Party in Illinois 183 

The legislature convened in regular session January 6, 
1897. There were 38 Republicans, 12 Democrats and one 
member of the People's party in the senate. This branch was 
organized by the election of Hendrick V. Fisher, president pro 
tempore, and James H. Paddock, secretary. Edward C. Cur- 
tis was elected speaker of the house, which consisted of 88 
Republicans, 63 Democrats and two members of the People's 

John R. Tanner was inaugurated governor January 11 
with "pomp and circumstance" far surpassing any similar 
event in the history of the state. Governor Tanner was born 
in Warwick county, Indiana, April 4, 1844. The family 
removed to Illinois and John R. grew to manhood on a farm 
in the vicinity of Carbondale. At the age of nineteen he 
enlisted in the Ninety-eighth Illinois regiment. His father 
and three brothers also served their country as soldiers. The 
father died in a southern prison and is buried in an unknown 
grave. Governor Tanner's public career began in 1870, when 
he was elected sheriff of Clay county. From that time his 
rise was rapid. He became clerk of the circuit court ; served 
four years in the state senate; in 1883 he was appointed 
United States marshal for the southern district of Illinois; 
elected state treasurer in 1886; appointed a member of the 
railroad and warehouse commission in 1891 ; later served as 
United States sub-treasurer at Chicago, and in 1894 he was 
chairman of the Republican state central committee. 

The life and service of John R. Tanner have not always 
been fairly estimated. He was a man of grievous faults ; but 
he had his virtues, too. His convivial habits obtained the 
mastery over him, and he was thus shorn of much of his 
native strength. He became the leader of a political machine, 
which was for a time a source of great influence, but which 

184 Republican Party in Illinois 

resulted in his final undoing. His approval of the famous 
"Allen bill" undermined public confidence in him, although 
there is no evidence that he personally profited by his official 
action. But the ledger must be balanced. John R. Tanner 
feared no man, and he always had the courage of his con- 
victions. Throughout his public career he displayed executive 
ability of a high order. He made friends and held them with 
"hoops of steel." His mausoleum in Springfield, the finest at 
the capital, with the single exception of the Lincoln monument, 
is a perpetual witness to the devotion of those who knew him 
best. Governor Tanner died in Springfield May 23, 1901. 

After the organization of the two houses and the inaugura- 
tion of the state officers, the legislature considered the election 
of a United States senator to succeed General Palmer, whose 
term would expire March 4. William E. Mason had been 
a candidate since 1895, when he was defeated by Senator 
Cullom. The other candidates were Robert R. Hitt, Martin 
B. Madden, Clark E. Carr and Albert J. Hopkins. At the 
formal caucus, held January 19, Mason triumphed over all 
opposition, was nominated by acclamation, and elected the 
following day. Former Governor Altgeld was the Democratic 

William E. Mason was born July 7, 1850, in Cattaraugus 
county, New York. He graduated from Birmingham college, 
in Iowa. Mr. Mason's residence in Illinois began in 1872, 
when he engaged in the practice of law in Chicago. In 1878 
he was elected a member of the legislature. Four years later 
he was elected a member of the state senate. In 1886 he was 
elected member of congress from the Third Chicago district 
and re-elected in 1888. Mr. Mason is given the credit of 
doing more than any other member of congress in securing the 
great Columbian exposition for Chicago. He was the central 

Republican Party in Illinois 185 

figure during the decisive discussion, and the speaker of the 
house declared Mason made the best speech of five minutes 
he had ever heard. Mr. Mason enjoys a wide reputation as 
a campaigner, and as a story-teller he has not been surpassed 
since the days of Lincoln. He is the author of a book, "John, 
the Unafraid," which was published anonymously and has 
had a large sale. 

The legislature, at this session, reduced the number of 
judicial grand divisions of the supreme court from three to 
one, and all the sessions of the court were required to be held 
at Springfield in October, December, February, April and 
June of each year. Since 1847, as provided by the constitution 
adopted that year, the court had held its sessions "on wheels," 
convening alternately in Springfield, Mt. Vernon and Ottawa. 
For the first time since the act of July 1, 1877, a judicial 
apportionment act was passed, dividing the state into seven- 
teen circuits, outside of Cook county. The judicial elections 
of 1897 were held under this law. 

A special session was convened December 7, 1897. The 
political event of the session was the passage of a primary 
election law. The legislature adjourned February 24, 1898. 

Illinois was honored in 1897 by President McKinley, who 
appointed Lyman J. Gage secretary of the treasury. Previous 
to this time only three citizens of Illinois had held positions 
in the president's cabinet. O. H. Browning was appointed 
secretary of the interior in 1866, by President Johnson. John 
A. Rawlins was chosen secretary of war by President Grant 
in 1869, and Robert T. Lincoln entered Garfield's cabinet in 
1881 as secretary of war. This brief list may be supplemented 
by E. B. Washburne, who was secretary of state under Grant 
for ten days; General Schofield, appointed temporarily to the 
war department; and Judge Gresham, who was given the 

186 Republican Party in Illinois 

state portfolio from Illinois by President Cleveland. Judge 
Gresham, however, was only domiciled in Illinois, and should 
be credited to Indiana. 

Mr. Gage had achieved a wide reputation as a financier, 
in the capacity of president of the First National bank of 
Chicago. He gave a successful administration of the treasury 

President McKinley had purposed to appoint Colonel 
Thomas G. Lawler, of Rockford, commissioner of pensions; 
but Mark Hanna had made a promise to H. Clay Evans, 
of Kentucky. President McKinley appointed Abraham E. 
Smith, formerly postmaster of Rockford, consul at Victoria, 
British Columbia, where he has remained fourteen years. 





THE splendid victories achieved by the Republicans of 
Illinois in 1894 and 1896 were continued in 1898. 
The previous year a Republican congress had passed 
the Dingley tariff act, a protective measure which stimulated 
trade and manufacturing, and gave the party an extended 
lease of power. The elections followed closely the termination 
of the Spanish-American war, which had been successfully 
prosecuted by President McKinley and a congress which sup- 
ported him with remarkable unanimity. The American people 
believed the sword had been drawn in a holy cause and this 
fact was not without its influence upon the state elections 
all along the line. 

The Republican state convention assembled at Springfield, 
June 14. Charles A. Works, of Winnebago county, was 
temporary chairman and H. J. Hamlin, of Shelby county, 
was permanent presiding officer. Floyd J. Whittemore, of 
Sangamon county, was nominated for state treasurer by accla- 
mation, and Alfred Bayliss, of La Salle, was named for super- 
intendent of public instruction on the second ballot. 

There was a long and spirited fight in the committee on 
resolutions over the "Allen bill." Judge Carter, of Chicago, 
led in the attack against this unpopular measure. A majority 


188 Republican Party in Illinois 

of the committee was friendly to Governor Tanner and 
desired to have the matter ignored in the platform. Judge 
Carter threatened to present a minority report and continue 
the fight on the floor of the convention. The question was 
referred to a sub-committee, which reported the following 
resolution : "The Republican party will uphold the interests 
of the people. To that end, if any legislative enactment is in 
any way injurious to any part of the people of Illinois and 
proves objectionable, a Republican legislature can be depended 
upon to correct the same, in the interests of the people." The 
resolution became a part of the platform. 

This action averted the embarrassment to which Governor 
Tanner would have been subjected had his championship of 
the act been openly condemned. The platform endorsed the 
war policy of President McKinley, the administration of 
Governor Tanner and the course of Senators Cullom and 
Mason in congress. 

The Democratic state convention was held in Springfield, 
July 12. Willard E. Dunlap, of Jacksonville, was nominated 
for state treasurer, and Perry O. Stiver, of Freeport, for super- 
intendent of public instruction. The Populists and Prohi- 
bitionists also nominated full state tickets. 

The campaign was without special incident. The Repub- 
licans elected their state ticket, fourteen members of congress 
and a majority in both branches of the legislature. Whitte- 
more received 448,940 votes over 405,490 for Dunlap, Dem- 
ocrat, for treasurer. Whittemore's plurality over all candi- 
dates was 43,450. 

Illinois was represented in the Fifty-sixth congress as 
follows: First district, James R. Mann; Second, William 
Lorimer ; Third, George P. Foster ; Fourth, Thomas Cusack ; 
Fifth, Edward T. Noonan ; Sixth, Henry S. Boutell ; Seventh, 

Republican Party in Illinois 189 

George E. Foss; Eighth, Albert J. Hopkins; Ninth, Robert 
R. Hitt; Tenth, George W. Prince; Eleventh, Walter 
Reeves ; Twelfth, Joseph G. Cannon ; Thirteenth, Vespasian 
Warner; Fourteenth, Joseph V. Graff; Fifteenth, Benjamin 
F. Marsh; Sixteenth, William Elza Williams; Seventeenth, 
Benjamin F. Caldwell; Eighteenth, Thomas M. Jett; Nine- 
teenth, Joseph B. Crowley; Twentieth, James R. Williams; 
Twenty-first, William A. Rodenberg ; Twenty-second, George 
W. Smith. Messrs. Foster, Cusack, Noonan, W. E. Williams, 
Caldwell, Jett, Crowley and J. R. Williams were Democrats. 
In 1898 President McKinley appointed John Hay secre- 
tary of state. He was born in Salem, Indiana, October 8, 
1838. Although his earlier and last years were not spent in 
the state, he was essentially a son of Illinois. Hay read law 
in the office of Shelby M. Cullom and Milton Hay in Spring- 
field. It was from this office that President Lincoln called 
him to become one of his private secretaries. President Me 
Kinley appointed Mr. Hay ambassador to England in 1897. 
Upon Mr. Day's retirement from the state department the 
following year, Mr. Hay was appointed his successor, and 
continued to act as secretary of state in President Roosevelt's 
cabinet until his death in 1905. Mr. Cullom says John Hay 
was the most accomplished diplomat who ever occupied the 
high position of secretary of state. Mr. Cullom's position as 
chairman of the senate committee on foreign relations gives 
significance to this estimate of his friend. Mr. Hay achieved 
great distinction in carrying to triumphant conclusion his far 
eastern diplomacy. He also negotiated the Hay-Pauncefote 
treaty which made it possible to construct the Panama canal ; 
and settled the Alaska boundary dispute with Great Britain. 
Mr. Hay's great literary achievement was his Life of Lincoln 
which he collaborated with John G. Nicolay. 

190 Republican Party in Illinois 

The legislature convened January 4, 1899. The senate 
was composed of 34 Republicans, 16 Democrats and one 
Populist. Walter Warder, of Alexander county, was chosen 
president pro tempore. In the house there were 81 Repub- 
licans, 71 Democrats and one Prohibitionist, Frank S. Regan, 
of Winnebago. Lawrence Y. Sherman, of McDonough 
county, was chosen speaker. 

The legislature continued in session one hundred and one 
days. This was the shortest regular session with the single 
exception of 1875, since the adoption of the constitution in 
1870. There was no political legislation. The "Allen bill" 
was repealed; and although the law had been in force two 
years, not a single street railway franchise was granted under 
its provisions. 

Two of Illinois' most famous orators passed away in 1899. 
General Oglesby died at his home in Elkhart, April 24, at the 
age of nearly seventy-five years. Senator Cullom in his vol- 
ume of reminiscences says of him: "Governor Oglesby was 
a remarkable man in many respects. Judged by the standards 
of Lincoln and Grant, he was not a great man. In some 
respects he was a man of far more than ordinary ability. He 
was a wonderfully eloquent speaker and I have heard him on 
occasions move audiences to a greater extent than almost any 
orator, aside from the late Robert G. Ingersoll." 

Colonel Ingersoll died July 21, only a few days before 
his sixty-sixth birthday. His later years were not spent in the 
state ; still he may be regarded as an Illinois man. 

The gubernatorial contest opened in Illinois with Elbridge 
Hanecy, Orrin H. Carter, Walter Reeves and Richard Yates 
as avowed candidates. The state Republican convention as- 
sembled in Peoria, May 8, 1900. Charles G. Dawes was 

Republican Party in Illinois 191 

temporary chairman, and former Governor Fifer was perma- 
nent presiding officer. 

The several candidates for governor had conducted aggres- 
sive campaigns, and the outcome was decidedly uncertain when 
the convention was called to order. There were 1,537 dele- 
gates. Judge Hanecy led on the first ballot with 5731/2 
votes. Carter followed with 359y 2 ; Reeves, 33 1 1 /^; Yates 
272!/2. Two ballots followed without a choice. The decisive 
break came on the fourth ballot, when the Hanecy forces 
threw their strength to Yates. He received 971 votes and 
was nominated. Carter's following went to Reeves, who 
received 566 votes. 

W. A. Northcott was nominated for lieutenant-governor ; 
James A. Rose, secretary of state ; James S. McCullough, 
auditor; M. O. Williamson, treasurer; H. J. Hamlin, attor- 

Governor Tanner had announced that he would not be 
a candidate for re-election, but aspired to succeed Cullom in 
the senate. The principle of the popular election of senators 
was recognized to the extent that both Cullom and Tanner 
sought endorsement by the convention. In this rivalry Cul- 
lom was an easy winner. 

Congressman Hopkins was chairman of the committee on 
resolutions. The platform declared that every pledge made 
by the Republican party in 1896 had been fulfilled. 

The Democratic state convention was held at Springfield 
June 27. The following ticket was nominated : For govern- 
or, Samuel Alschuler ; lieutenant-governor, Elmer E. Terry ; 
secretary of state, James F. O'Donnell; auditor, George B. 
Parsons; treasurer, M. F. Dunlap; attorney-general, James 

192 Republican Party in Illinois 

Full state tickets were also nominated by the Prohibition- 
ists, People's party, Socialist- Labor party, Socialist Democrats, 
United Christian and Union Reform parties. All of these 
parties nominated national tickets. 

President McKinley's renomination in 1900 was a fore- 
gone conclusion. The Dingley tariff bill had been endorsed 
at the elections in 1898, and the president had prosecuted the 
Spanish-American war to a quick and decisive issue. More- 
over, McKinley was probably the most popular president who 
ever occupied the White House. 

The national Republican convention assembled at Phila- 
delphia, June 19. President McKinley was renominated by 
acclamation. Theodore Roosevelt, then governor of New 
York, received every vote except his own for vice-president 
on the first ballot. Roosevelt accepted the honor much against 
his will, and in little more than a year became president. 
Senator Platt, of New York, who prevailed upon Roosevelt 
to go on the ticket, regretted his course to the day of his death. 
Such is the irony of fate. 

The Democratic national convention met at Kansas City, 
July 4. William Jennings Bryan was renominated for pres- 
ident, and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, for vice-president. 

Imperialism was the dominant issue of the campaign. By 
the unforeseen fortunes of war, the United States had come 
into possession of Porto Rico and the Philippines. This fact 
meant abandonment of the traditional policy of isolation, 
and assuming the position of a world power. The Democratic 
party raised the issue of imperialism. Early in the year the 
following resolution was introduced in congress: "Be it 
resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the 
United States of America in congress assembled, that the 
Philippine Islands are territory belonging to the United 

Republican Party in Illinois 193 

States; that it is the intention of the United States to retain 
them as such, and to establish and maintain such governmental 
control throughout the archipelago as the situation may de- 
mand." Congress adopted this resolution and thus the issue 
was clearly defined. 

The Democrats would have abandoned the silver issue, 
but Bryan, who was master of the situation, would not allow 
them to do so. Many gold Democrats voted for McKinley. 
The tariff was scarcely discussed. 

The Republicans elected their entire state ticket in Illinois 
and a majority in both branches of the legislature. The con- 
gressional delegation was evenly divided, eleven Republicans 
and eleven Democrats. McKinley 's vote in the state was 
597,985 ; Bryan's, 503,061 ; while Rev. H. M. Bannen, of 
Rockford, who led the Prohibitionist candidates for electors, 
received 17,626. McKinley 's plurality was 94,924, and his 
majority 64,073. 

Richard Yates received 580,199 votes for governor, to 
518,966 for Samuel Alschuler, and 15,643 for Barnes. Yates' 
plurality was 61,073 and his majority 33,570. 

Illinois was represented in the Fifty-seventh congress as 
follows: First district, James R. Mann; Second, John J. 
Feeley; Third, George P. Foster; Fourth, James McAn- 
drews ; Fifth, William F. Mahoney ; Sixth, Henry S. Boutell ; 
Seventh, George E. Foss ; Eighth, Albert J. Hopkins ; Ninth, 
Robert R. Hitt ; Tenth, George W. Prince ; Eleventh, Walter 
Reeves; Twelfth, Joseph G. Cannon; Thirteenth, Vespasian 
Warner; Fourteenth, Joseph V. Graff; Fifteenth, J. Ross 
Mickey; Sixteenth, Thomas Jefferson Selby; Seventeenth, 
Benjamin F. Caldwell; Eighteenth, Thomas M. Jett; Nine- 
teenth, Joseph B. Crowley ; Twentieth, James R. Williams ; 
Twenty-first, Frederick J. Kern ; Twenty-second, George W. 


194 Republican Party in Illinois 

Smith. Messrs. Mann, Boutell, Foss, Hopkins, Hitt, Prince, 
Reeves, Cannon, Warner, Graff and Smith were Republicans. 

The Forty-second general assembly convened January 9, 
1901. The senate was composed of 32 Republicans and 19 
Democrats. John J. Brenholdt, of Madison, was elected 
president pro tempore. In the house there were 81 Repub- 
licans and 72 Democrats. Lawrence Y. Sherman was re- 
elected speaker. 

Richard Yates was inaugurated governor of Illinois, 
January 14. He is a son of Richard Yates, the famous war 
governor. The Yates family affords the only instance in the 
history of the state of the chief executive office being filled by 
father and son. The younger Yates was nominated for gov- 
ernor on the fortieth anniversary of his father's nomination 
for the same office. He was born in Jacksonville, Illinois, 
December 12, 1860. He was graduated from Illinois college 
in 1880, from the law school of the University of Michigan 
in 1884, and was admitted to the bar the same year. Mr. 
Yates was city attorney of Jacksonville from 1887 to 1891, 
and in 1894 he was elected county judge of Morgan county. 
He was nominated for congressman-at-large in 1892, but was 
defeated in the general Democratic landslide which swept over 
the state. In 1897 he was appointed by President McKinley 
collector of internal revenue for the central Illinois district, 
which comprised forty counties. Mr. Yates has been active 
in state politics since 1881. He has a winning personality 
and is a good campaigner; he is true to his friends, and they 
are loyal to him in return. Mr. Yates' administration was 
creditable, but not eventful. 

Mr. Cullom's fourth term as a United States senator was 
about to expire and he was a candidate for re-election. Cul- 
lom's endorsement by the state convention did not settle the 

Republican Party in Illinois 195 

contest, which was continued until he was nominated by the 
legislative caucus. Senator Cullom had obtained a sufficient 
number of written pledges from members of the legislature to 
secure his election. This fact, however, was not known to 
Congressmen Hitt, Cannon and Prince, all of whom were 
candidates. The most aggressive aspirant was former Govern- 
or Tanner. Senator Cullom, in his recent book, charges that 
Tanner attempted to undo him by means of a secret ballot in 
the caucus. This alleged plan was a failure. Hitt and 
Cannon would not unite on Tanner against Cullom. The 
result was the withdrawal of all other candidates from the 
race. Senator Cullom's name was the only one presented to 
the caucus, and he was re-elected. Cullom ventures the 
opinion that if Tanner had remained loyal to him he would 
have been renominated governor. 

By the act of May 13, 1901, Illinois was divided into 
twenty-five congressional districts. The first election under 
this law was held in November, 1902. A new senatorial 
apportionment was made by the act of May 10. 

Six parties nominated state tickets for the off year 1902. 
These were Republican, Democratic, Prohibitionist, Socialist, 
Socialist-Labor and People's. At the Republican state con- 
vention Fred A. Busse was nominated for state treasurer, and 
Alfred Bayliss for superintendent of public instruction. The 
Democrats nominated George Duddleston for treasurer, and 
Anson L. Bliss for superintendent. 

A light vote was polled at the November election, but it 
resulted in largely increased Republican pluralities over 1900. 
Busse received 450,695 votes for treasurer; Duddleston, 
360,925 ; Truesburg, Prohibitionist, 18,434. Busse's plurality 
was 89,770. The vote for superintendent was: Bayliss, 

196 Republican Party in Illinois 

442,505; Bliss, 359,430; Blanchard, Prohibitionist, 18,517. 
Bayliss' plurality was 83,075. 

The Republicans retained control of both branches of the 
legislature and elected seventeen of the twenty-five congress- 
men. Illinois was represented in the Fifty-eighth congress as 
follows: First district, Martin Emerich; Second, James R. 
Mann ; Third, William Warfield Wilson ; Fourth, George P. 
Foster ; Fifth, James McAndrews ; Sixth, William Lorimer ; 
Seventh, Philip Knopf; Eighth, William F. Mahoney; Ninth, 
Henry S. Boutell; Tenth, George Edmund Foss; Eleventh, 
Howard M. Snapp ; Twelfth, Charles E. Fuller ; Thirteenth, 
Robert R. Hitt; Fourteenth, Benjamin F. Marsh; Fifteenth, 
George W. Prince; Sixteenth, Joseph V. Graff; Seventeenth, 
John A. Sterling; Eighteenth, Joseph G. Cannon ; Nineteenth, 
Vespasian Warner ; Twentieth, Henry T. Rainey ; Twenty- 
first, Benjamin F. Caldwell; Twenty-second, William A. 
Rodenberg; Twenty-third, Joseph B. Crowley; Twenty- 
fourth, James R. Williams; Twenty-fifth, George W. Smith. 
Messrs. Emerich, Foster, McAndrews, Mahoney, Rainey, 
Caldwell, Crowley and Williams were Democrats. 

The legislature convened January 7, 1903. There were 
36 Republicans and 15 Democrats in the senate. John C. 
McKenzie, of Jo Daviess, was chosen president pro tempore. 
The house was composed of 88 Republicans, 62 Democrats, 
two Public Ownership, and one Prohibitionist. 

The political event of the session was the election of 
Albert J. Hopkins to succeed William E. Mason in the United 
States senate. Mr. Hopkins was born in DeKalb county, 
August 15, 1846. He was graduated from Hillsdale college 
in 1870 and began the practice of law in Aurora, Illinois. 
Mr. Hopkins was state's attorney of Kane county from 1872 
to 1876. He was a candidate for the congressional nomina- 


Republican Party in Illinois 197 

tion in 1882 in what was then the Fifth district. He was 
defeated by Reuben Eliwood, of Sycamore. The writer 
recalls the dejected spirit in which Mr. Hopkins addressed 
the Elgin convention after the nomination of his rival. Mr. 
Eliwood was re-elected in 1884, but died the following year. 
Mr. Hopkins was elected to fill the vacancy, and remained in 
the house eighteen years, until he was chosen senator. Mr. 
Hopkins made an honorable record in the senate. He ren- 
dered conspicuous service to Chicago in maintaining her right 
to use water from Lake Michigan for the drainage canal. 

It was not until 1903 that Illinois was given the privilege 
of furnishing the speaker of the lower house of congress. This 
honor was conferred upon Joseph G. Cannon, who was then 
representing the Eighteenth district. Mr. Cannon is one of 
the most unique characters in American public life, the last 
of the frontier type of statesmen, of which Abraham Lincoln 
was first. A few years ago Mr. Cannon dictated an auto- 
biography to a Washington correspondent. He told his life 
story in two sentences: "Cannon was born of God-fearing 
and man-loving parents. He made himself and did a damn 
poor job of it." 

The historian cannot dismiss Mr. Cannon with such brief 
mention. He was born in Guilford, North Carolina, May 7, 
1836. He came to Illinois when a young man and began the 
practice of law. He was state's attorney of Vermillion county 
from 1861 to 1868. He entered congress in 1872 from the 
Danville district and has continued in that office from that 
day to this, a period of forty years, with the single exception 
of one term, when he was defeated in the Democratic land- 
slide of 1890. 

Mr. Cannon, when he completes his present term, will 
have served Illinois and the nation as a member of congress 

198 Republican Party in Illinois 

thirty-eight years. No other man in the history of the gov- 
ernment has made such a remarkable record. A few years 
ago the statement was made that of the twelve thousand con- 
gressmen, only thirty-four had served twenty years or more. 
The longest service was that of John H. Ketcham, of New 
York, who served thirty-four years. 

Mr. Cannon's career as speaker is also without precedent. 
He has served four consecutive terms in the most influential 
position under the government, with the single exception of 
the president. No other speaker has served so many consecu- 
tive terms. Henry Clay was speaker ten years, but his service 
was divided into three periods. 

Mr. Cannon possesses splendid ability. He is a strong, 
courageous man, and like the typical Englishman, he does not 
know when he is whipped. He has had a stormy career in 
the speaker's chair, but he has always been masterful and in 
full control of the situation. 



THE gubernatorial contest in 1904 was the most mem- 
orable and spectacular in the history of the state. 
It began months before the state convention, and 
ended in a deadlock which continued thirteen days. Governor 
Yates had conducted one of his "whirlwind campaigns" 
throughout the state, and was in the lead when the Republican 
state convention assembled at Springfield, May 12. His most 
formidable rivals were Charles S. Deneen and Frank O. 
Lowden. Howland J. Hamlin, Vespasian Warner, Lawrence 
Y. Sherman and John Pierce also had a small number of loyal 
supporters. Speaker Cannon was chosen temporary chairman, 
and Luman T. Hoy, of Woodstock, was permanent presiding 

The first ballot, taken on Friday, May 13, resulted as 
follows: Yates, 507; Lowden, 354; Deneen, 386; Hamlin, 
121 ; Warner, 45 ; Sherman, 87. 

The balloting continued daily for one week, with no 
material change in the result. Yates maintained his lead, 
and the other candidates continued in the same relative 
position. At this juncture Congressman Fuller tried to cut 
the Gordian knot by a plan to nominate first the candidates for 
other state offices and leave the governorship until the close 
of the convention. The proposition did not meet with favor. 


200 Republican Party in Illinois 

On May 20 the fifty-eighth ballot was taken, with the 
following result: Yates, 483%; Lowden, 392%; Deneen, 
385%; Hamlin, 113; Warner, 53; Sherman, 46; Pierce, 29. 
With no prospect of a break of the deadlock in sight, the 
convention adjourned until May 31. 

The delegates reassembled in the hope that the recess 
would afford the candidates an opportunity to effect a com- 
promise and conclude the wearisome business. But it required 
another four days to accomplish the work they were summoned 
to perform. 

The fifty-ninth ballot was taken on the day the conven- 
tion reassembled, with the following result: Yates, 487; 
Lowden, 396%; Deneen, 383%; Hamlin, 116; Warner, 
41 ; Sherman, 50 ; Pierce, 28. 

It was not until June 3 that the deadlock was broken. 
On that day Governor Yates formally withdrew. He was 
followed by Hamlin and Sherman, all of whom threw their 
strength to Deneen, and he was nominated on the seventy- 
ninth ballot. Deneen received 957% votes; Lowden, 522%; 
Warner, 1; Pierce, 1. 

The loyalty of the delegates to their respective candidates 
was remarkable. Yates' ability to hold his friends until he 
released them, on his own initiative, gave evidence of his force- 
ful personality. 

Lawrence Y. Sherman was nominated for lieutenant-gov- 
ernor; James A. Rose, secretary of state; James S. Me 
Cullough, auditor ; Len Small, treasurer ; William H. Stead, 

The platform re-affirmed adherence to the gold standard 
and protective tariff, endorsed the administrations of President 
Roosevelt and Governor Yates, commended the course of 
Senators Cullom and Hopkins and the members of congress, 

Republican Party in Illinois 201 

paid a tribute to the diplomatic achievements of Secretary of 
State John Hay, and urged the delegates to the national con- 
vention to use all means to secure the nomination of Congress- 
man Hitt for vice-president. 

The Democratic state convention assembled at Springfield, 
June 15, and nominated the following ticket: Governor, 
Lawrence B. Stringer ; lieutenant-governor, Thomas F. Ferns ; 
secretary of state, Frank E. Dooling; auditor, Reuben E. 
Spangler; treasurer, Charles B. Thomas; attorney-general, 
Albert Watson. 

The thirteenth national Republican convention assembled 
in Chicago, June 21, 1904, and continued in session three days. 
Elihu Root, of New York, was chosen temporary chairman, 
and delivered a speech of great power on the achievements of 
the party. Joseph G. Cannon, speaker of the house, was 
selected permanent chairman. 

The nomination of a candidate for president was a mere 
formality, yet it was performed amid great enthusiasm. 
There were 994 delegates, and Theodore Roosevelt received 
994 votes. 

Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana, was nominated 
for vice-president by a unanimous viva voce vote. Before 
this action was taken Senator Cullom withdrew the name of 
Congressman Hitt, of Illinois, in response to instructions 
received from that gentleman. 

Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, was chair- 
man of the committee on resolutions. The platform was 
adopted by a unanimous vote, without discussion. 

At the Democratic national convention, held in St. Louis, 
July 6, Judge Alton B. Parker was nominated for president 
on the first ballot, and Henry Gassoway Davis, of West 
Virginia, for vice-president by acclamation. 

202 Republican Party in Illinois 

The Republicans elected their state ticket by tremendous 
majorities. Roosevelt received 632,645 votes, and Parker, 
327,606. The socialist presidential electors polled 69,225 
and the Prohibitionists, 34,770. Roosevelt's plurality was 
305,039. The vote for governor was as follows: Deneen, 
634,029; Stringer, Democrat, 334,880; Patton, Prohibition- 
ist, 35,440; Collins, Socialist, 59,062. Deneen's plurality 
was 299,149. 

The Republicans retained control of both branches of the 
legislature and elected a solid congressional delegation, with 
the exception of Henry T. Rainey, in the Twentieth district. 
Illinois was represented in the Fifty-ninth congress as follows : 
First district, Martin B. Madden ; Second, James R. Mann ; 
Third, William Warfield Wilson ; Fourth, Charles S. Whar- 
ton; Fifth, Anthony Michalek; Sixth, William Lorimer; 
Seventh, Philip Nnopf; Eighth, Charles McGavin; Ninth, 
Henry S. Boutell; Tenth, George Edmund Foss; Eleventh, 
Howard M. Snapp; Twelfth, Charles E. Fuller; Thirteenth, 
Robert R. Hitt ; Fourteenth, Benjamin F. Marsh ; Fifteenth, 
George W. Prince ; Sixteenth, Joseph V. Graff ; Seventeenth, 
John A. Sterling; Eighteenth, Joseph G. Cannon; Nine- 
teenth, William B. McKinley ; Twentieth, Henry T. Rainey ; 
Twenty-first, Zeno S. Rives; Twenty-second, William A. 
Rodenberg; Twenty-third, Frank L. Dickson; Twenty- 
fourth, Pleasant T. Chapman ; Twenty-fifth, George W. 
Smith. Congressman Hitt died in office and was succeeded 
by Frank O. Lowden. Benjamin F. Marsh also died during 
his term of office, and was succeeded by James McKinney. 

The legislature convened in regular session January 4, 
1905. The house was composed of 91 Republicans, 57 Dem- 
ocrats, three Prohibitionists and two Socialists. Edward D. 
Shurtleff, of McHenry county, was elected speaker. There 

Republican Party in Illinois 203 

were 42 Republicans and only nine Democrats in the senate. 
Leon A. Townsend, of Knox county, was elected president 
pro tempore. 

Charles S. Deneen was inaugurated January 9, 1905. 
All the other state officers took the oath at the same time. 
Mr. Deneen was born at Edwardsville, Illinois, May 4, 1863. 
He received his education in the public schools of the state, 
at McKendree college, Lebanon, and in the Union College 
of Law, Chicago. He taught school several years in Chicago, 
until he was established in his profession as a lawyer. At an 
early age he took an active interest in politics, local, state and 
national. He represented his ward in the city and county 
committees of his party for many years, and for ten years was 
a member of the state central committee. In 1892 he was 
elected a member of the general assembly from the Second 
senatorial district in Chicago. In 1895 he was appointed 
attorney for the Chicago sanitary board. The following year 
he was elected state's attorney of Cook county ; was re-elected 
in 1900 by a flattering majority and served until he was 
elected to his present office. 

Governor Deneen possesses executive ability of a high 
order, and has given Illinois two administrations distinguished 
by many notable achievements. The affairs of the state have 
been conducted on business principles, as never before. One 
of his most notable victories was the passage of a civil service 
law in 1905, which was amended in 1911. It now embraces 
4,700 out of a total of 5,500 state employes, or eighty per 
cent of the entire public service. 

Lawrence Y. Sherman, the lieutenant-governor, was born 
in Miami county, Ohio, November 8, 1858. He was gradu- 
ated from McKendree college, and after teaching school sev- 
eral years began the practice of law at Macomb, in Me 

204 Republican Party in Illinois 

Donough county, in 1882. He has served the people as city 
attorney of Macomb, county judge of McDonough county, 
and as representative in the general assembly four consecutive 
terms. He was speaker of the house during the Forty-first 
and Forty-second general assemblies. 

Mr. Sherman is one of the keenest intellects in the public 
service of Illinois today. He is a commoner of the old school ; 
he has kept in touch with the people, and believes in them, in 
their sense of justice and the accuracy of their judgment. He 
is an able debater and a constructive statesman. Mr. Sher- 
man now holds the responsible position of president of the 
state board of administration. 

It is only within recent years that attempts have been made 
in this state to control primary elections by law. Formerly 
all nominations of candidates for office were made by volun- 
tary caucuses, or by primary elections held solely under the 
direction of the committees or managers of the several parties. 
In theory, no person not affiliated with a party could vote in 
its caucuses. As a matter of fact, however, such primary 
elections were often dominated in whole or in part by voters 
not in actual sympathy with such party. Delegates often 
found themselves unable to carry out in convention the pledges 
given the voters at the primaries, by the dictation of party 
leaders. The abuse became notorious before corrective meas- 
ures were devised. 

Governor Deneen is entitled to great credit for his per- 
sistent efforts to secure a primary election law. Each one of 
the four laws enacted during Deneen's administrations was 
passed by Republican votes ; hence the present statute, which 
is the outcome of previous experiments, may be regarded as 
a distincively Republican measure. 

Republican Party in Illinois 205 

The first sentence in Governor Deneen's first inaugural 
message declared: "Our state needs a compulsory primary 
election law." Before referring to the several direct primary 
laws enacted after Deneen became governor, previous legis- 
lation on the subject may be briefly reviewed. 

The first attempt to regulate the holding of party caucuses 
was made in 1885. In the city election law of that year, 
parties were recognized in the selection of the board of elec- 
tion commissioners in Chicago and in the appointment of 
judges and clerks. A separate law was enacted the same 
year, which made it unlawful for any one to vote at a primary 
election or caucus unless he was at the time a qualified voter 
under the general election laws of the state. 

In 1889 an effort was made to regulate the entire pro- 
cedure of nominating candidates for office ; but this law was 
not compulsory upon political parties. Its use was made 
optional by the committees. When the Australian ballot 
system was adopted in 1891, the law for the first time assumed 
control of many details of elections. It regulated in a general 
way the nomination of candidates for elective offices. Excep- 
tions were made in the case of certain school officers, and road 
officers not under township organization. 

The first compulsory primary law was enacted in 1898. 
It directly applied only to Cook county, although it author- 
ized any county, city or incorporated town to adopt it by vote. 
It was so adopted in some cities and counties. In 1899 a law 
was passed regulating primary elections; but it applied only 
to counties having less than 125,000 population, which meant 
the entire state outside of Cook county. It was to be in force 
only when adopted by popular vote. It was thus adopted in 
several counties. In 1901 an act was passed amending the 
law of 1898 and extending its provisions. 

206 Republican Party in Illinois 

None of these laws were intended to secure a direct vote 
of a party upon the nomination of its candidates for office. 
The law's control was applied to the selection of party dele- 
gates and their action in conventions. 

Agitation for direct primaries began prior to the act of 
1901. In 1904 the question whether such a law should be 
passed was submitted to the people, who voted in favor of 
such a law. Drafts of law T s were prepared, and one was 
introduced in the legislature in 1905 ; but it was not adopted, 
nor was the principle of direct nominations recognized in the 
primary election law of that year. 

The primary law of May 18, 1905, was the first which 
applied to and was compulsory upon, the entire state. A 
separate system was created by this law, which applied directly 
to elections in Cook county. The vote in the general assembly 
was as follows: House of representatives, for the bill: 
Republicans, 84 ; Democrats, 28 ; against the bill : Democrats, 
18; Prohibitionists, 1; Socialists, 1. In the senate, for the 
bill : Republicans, 40 ; Democrats, 1 ; against the bill : Repub- 
licans, 1 ; Democrats, 3. 

This law was declared unconstitutional by the supreme 
court, April 5, 1906, on four essential points, as follows: 
That it contained provisions by which the legislature attempt- 
ed to delegate part of its legislative functions to political 
organizations in that it allowed county managing committees 
outside of Chicago to decide whether nominations under the 
law should be by pluralities or majorities; that it required the 
payment of a fee from the man desiring to be a candidate for 
the office, thus discriminating between the man who has money 
to pay and the man who has not ; that it made a new qualifica- 
tion necessary for candidates for the state legislature, in the 
provision that but one candidate might be nominated from 


Republican Party in Illinois 207 

any one county in a senatorial district, thus setting up a 
geographical qualification not recognized by the constitution ; 
that it made one set of requirements for one part of the state, 
and another for another, and that it was in reality two laws 
in one. No state election was ever held under this law. The 
supreme court declared the primary act of 1901 to be still in 

Within six hours after the supreme court had rendered its 
decision, Governor Deneen issued a call for a special session 
of the general assembly to convene April 10. Another pri- 
mary election bill passed the house by a vote of 77 to 61. All 
the affirmative votes were cast by Republicans, except one, 
a Prohibitionist. The negative votes were given by 56 Dem- 
ocrats and 5 Republicans. There was no opposition in the 
senate. The law was approved May 23, and went into effect 
July 1, 1906. Under this law the primaries of all parties 
were held on the same day in all parts of the state. Two 
ballots were used. One contained the names of all candidates 
for nomination ; the other contained the names of the delegates 
to the convention. The vote on the official ballot served as 
instructions to the delegations, but they were binding only 
for one roll call. Primary elections were held under this law 
in August, 1906. A direct vote was also taken at that time 
for candidates for a United States senator, to fill the vacancy 
arising March 4, 1907. 

This law was also declared unconstitutional by the 
supreme court October 2, 1907. Six of the seven justices 
concurred in the opinion. Justice Carter dissented. The 
main contention against the law was that it invested county 
central committees with power to create delegate districts, 
which is the exclusive function of a duly organized legislative 

208 Republican Party in Illinois 

October 8, 1907, Governor Deneen addressed to the gen- 
eral assembly, then in special session, a message urging the 
enactment of a third primary law. During a legislative recess, 
Governor Deneen made a personal campaign in fifty-three 
counties. The legislature enacted a law which was approved 
February 21, 1908. The primaries of that year were held 
under this law. June 16, 1909, the supreme court declared 
this law unconstitutional. A fatal objection to the law was 
that it invested senatorial committees with power to determine 
the number of representatives to be nominated in a district. 

Governor Deneen was persistent. December 11, 1909, 
he re-convened the legislature in special session. A fourth 
direct primary law was passed, which has been upheld by the 
supreme court. This in brief is the story of the struggle for 
a compulsory, state-wide primary election law in Illinois. 

The campaign of 1906 was anomalous. It marked the 
passing of the old convention system, which had prevailed 
since the organization of political parties in Illinois. It was 
also during this year that the first imperfect experiment was 
made in direct primary elections. 

These primaries were held throughout the state August 4. 
They included an advisory vote on United States senator. 
Shelby M. Cullom and Richard Yates were candidates, and 
the venerable senator proved an easy winner, although Mr. 
Yates made a vigorous canvass. 

The Republican state convention assembled at Springfield 
August 21. Senator O. F. Berry was temporary chairman, 
and Speaker Shurtleff permanent presiding officer. The pri- 
mary law released the delegates from their instructions after 
the first ballot; so this convention actually nominated the 
state ticket. John F. Smulski was nominated for state treas- 
urer on the second ballot over Andrew J. Russel. Francis 

Republican Party in Illinois 209 

Blair was nominated for superintendent on the second ballot. 

The Democrats, in state convention at Peoria, August 22, 
nominated Nicholas L. Piotrowski for treasurer, and Caroline 
Grote for superintendent. The Prohibitionist, Socialist and 
Socialist-Labor parties also nominated state tickets. 

During the campaign the state suffered a great loss in the 
death of Congressman Hitt. This distinguished statesman 
died at his summer home in Narragansett Pier, Rhode Island, 
September 20. Mr. Hitt's congressional career was long and 
honorable. He was first elected to succeed Robert M. A. 
Hawk, who died suddenly in 1882, and he was returned at 
every election until his death, a period of 24 years. Mr. Hitt 
was a native of Ohio, and came with his parents to Ogle 
county, Illinois, at an early age. His first public service was 
as official stenographer for the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Mr. 
Hitt had a varied diplomatic experience. He was secretary 
of the United States legation in Paris in 1874. He remained 
there until 1881, when he became assistant secretary of state. 
He was chairman of the committee on foreign relations in the 
Fifty-sixth congress. In 1898 President McKinley appointed 
him a member of the commission to establish the government 
of Hawaii on its annexation to the United States. Mr. Hitt 
was Secretary Elaine's most intimate friend, and there is a 
tradition that Elaine never decided a diplomatic question 
without consulting the Illinois congressman. 

The November elections resulted in a victory for the 
Republicans on state, congressional and legislative tickets. 
Smulski had a plurality of 145,960 over Piotrowski. 

Illinois was represented in the Sixtieth congress as follows : 
First district, Martin B. Madden ; Second, James R. Mann ; 
Third, William W. Wilson ; Fourth, James T. McDermott : 

Fifth, Adolph J. Sabath; Sixth, William Lorimer; Seventh, 

210 Republican Party in Illinois 

Philip Knopf; Eighth, Charles McGavin; Ninth, Henry S. 
Boutell; Tenth, George Edmund Foss; Eleventh, Howard 
M. Snapp; Twelfth, Charles E. Fuller; Thirteenth, Frank 
O. Lowden; Fourteenth, James McKinney; Fifteenth, George 
W. Prince; Sixteenth, Joseph V. Graff; Seventeenth, John 
A. Sterling; Eighteenth, Joseph G. Cannon; Nineteenth, 
William B. McKinley ; Twentieth, Henry T. Rainey ; Twen- 
ty-first, Benjamin F. Caldwell ; Twenty-second, William A. 
Rodenberg; Twenty-third, Martin D. Foster; Twenty- 
fourth, Pleasant T. Chapman; Twenty-fifth, George W. 
Smith. Messrs. McDermott, Sabath, Rainey, Caldwell and 
Foster were Democrats. Congressman Smith died in office 
and was succeeded by N. B. Thistlewood. 

The legislature convened January 9, 1907. There were 
89 Republicans in the house, 61 Democrats and three Prohi- 
bitionists. Edward D. Shurtleff was re-elected speaker. The 
senate was composed of 44 Republicans and 7 Democrats. 
Stanton C. Pemberton was chosen president pro tempore. 

The political event of the session was the re-election of 
Shelby M. Cullom United States senator. He was the unan- 
imous choice of the Republican caucus, and received every vote 
in his party on joint ballot. 






THE first notable event in the campaign of 1908 in 
Illinois was the national Republican convention, 
which assembled in Chicago, June 16. President 
Roosevelt had repeatedly declared that he would not be a 
candidate for re-election. In spite of his persistent declara- 
tions, he was the first choice of the convention and would have 
been nominated had he given the slightest encouragement. 
The president, on the contrary, had chosen William Howard 
Taft, of Ohio, as his political heir, and such was his influence 
with his party that his choice was promptly ratified. Mr. 
Taft was nominated for president on the first ballot. James 
Schoolcraft Sherman, a member of congress from the Twenty- 
seventh New York district, was nominated for vice-president. 
Senator Albert J. Hopkins, of Illinois, was chairman of the 
committee on resolutions. 

The national Democratic convention was held in Denver, 
July 7. William Jennings Bryan was nominated for president 
for a third time on the first ballot, and John W. Kern, of 
Indiana, was named for vice-president. The Prohibitionist, 
Socialist, Socialist-Labor, Independent, United Christian and 
People's parties also nominated presidential tickets. 

The first primary election in Illinois for the nomination 
of a full state ticket was held August 8, 1908. It was the 


212 Republican Party in Illinois 

only state-wide primary ever held under this law, which was 
declared unconstitutional the following year. The candidates 
for governor were Charles S. Deneen and Richard Yates. 
There were five aspirants for lieutenant-governor: John G. 
Oglesby, George Shumway, Thomas D. Knight, Samuel J. 
Drew and Frank L. Smith. The office of secretary of state 
was sought by James A. Rose, Fred E. Sterling, John J. 
Brown, Bert H. McCann and William F. Lynch. The two 
candidates for auditor were James S. McCullough and J. W. 
Templeton. Andrew Russel was the only candidate for treas- 
urer, and W. H. Stead for attorney-general. The vote for 
clerk of the supreme court was divided among seven candi- 
dates: Christopher Mamer, J. McCan Davis, Edgar T. 
Davies, Albert D. Calwalader, James Kinney, George W. 
Fisher and George R. S. Hoffman. 

Mr. Deneen's plurality over Yates for governor was 
1 1 ,949. John G. Oglesby, a son of the late Governor Richard 
J. Oglesby, received the highest vote for lieutenant-governor ; 
James A. Rose for secretary of state; James S. McCullough 
for auditor ; Andrew Russel received the full vote of the party 
for treasurer, and William H. Stead for attorney-general. 
Albert J. Hopkins received a plurality of the advisory popular 
vote for United States senator over William E. Mason, 
George Edmund Foss and W. G. Webster. J. McCan Davis 
received the highest vote for clerk of the supreme court. 

The Democratic primaries resulted in the choice of Adlai 
E. Stevenson for governor; Elmer A. Perry, lieutenant-gov- 
ernor ; X. F. Beidler, secretary of state ; Ralph Jeffris, auditor ; 
John B. Mount, treasurer; Ross C. Hall, attorney-general; 
John L. Pickering, clerk of the supreme court. 

The Republican state convention assembled at Springfield, 
September 9, to nominate four trustees for the University of 

Republican Party in Illinois 213 

Illinois, select presidential electors and adopt a platform. 
Speaker Cannon presided and made a speech, in which he said 
this republic was not worth three hurrahs in Hades if it has 
privileged classes, rich or poor, wise or otherwise. 

The platform approved the administrations of President 
Roosevelt and Governor Deneen, commended Senator Hop- 
kins and approved the plan for lakes-to-the-gulf waterway. 

At the November elections the Taft electors received 
629,932 votes in Illinois; Bryan, 450,810. Taft's plurality 
was 179,122. Deneen's plurality over Stevenson for governor 
was 23,164. Both branches of the legislature were Repub- 
lican, and the party elected nineteen of the twenty-five con- 
gressmen. Illinois was represented in the Sixty-first congress 
as follows : First district, Martin B. Madden ; Second, James 
R. Mann; Third, William W. Wilson; Fourth, James T. 
McDermott ; Fifth, Adolph J. Sabath ; Sixth, William Lor- 
imer; Seventh, Fred Lundin; Eighth, Thomas Gallagher; 
Ninth, Henry S. Boutell; Tenth, George Edmund Foss; 
Eleventh, Howard M. Snapp; Twelfth, Charles E. Fuller; 
Thirteenth, Frank O. Lowden ; Fourteenth, James McKin- 
ney; Fifteenth, George W. Prince; Sixteenth, Joseph V. 
Graff: Seventeenth, John A. Sterling; Eighteenth, Joseph 
G. Cannon ; Nineteenth, William B. McKinley ; Twentieth, 
Henry T. Rainey ; Twenty-first, James M. Graham ; Twen- 
ty-second, William A. Rodenberg; Twenty-third, Martin 
D. Foster; Twenty- fourth, Pleasant T. Chapman; Twenty- 
fifth, N. B. Thistlewood. Messrs. McDermott, Gallagher, 
Rainey, Graham, Foster and Sabath were Democrats. 

A referendum vote was taken on the proposition to amend 
the constitution to permit an issue of bonds not to exceed 
$20,000,000 for the construction of a deep waterway between 
Lockport and Utica, and for the equipment and maintenance 

214 Republican Party in Illinois 

of dams, locks, bridges and power plants. The amendment 
was carried by a vote of 692,822 to 195,177. A proposition 
to amend the general banking law was adopted by a vote of 
473,755 to 108,553. 

The legislature convened January 6, 1909. There were 
38 Republicans and 11 Democrats in the senate, and 89 
Republicans and 64 Democrats in the house. E. D. Shurtleff 
was a candidate for re-election as speaker, but he had broken 
with Governor Deneen and could not secure full Republican 
support. His friends formed a bi-partisan alliance with the 
Democrats, struck a bargain for committeeships, and Shurtleff 
was elected. 

January 19 the legislature began the task of electing a 
United States senator. Mr. Hopkins' term would expire 
March 4. He had been endorsed at the primaries the preced- 
ing August, and this fact gave him a moral claim to another 
term. But he could not command the votes. A deadlock 
continued until May 26, when William Lorimer was elected 
senator on the ninety-fifth ballot by a second bi-partisan 
alliance. He received 108 votes, 55 Republican and 53 
Democratic. Mr. Lorimer had represented a Chicago district 
in congress continuously since 1895, with the exception of two 
years, from 1891 to 1893. He was the son of a Presbyterian 
clergyman, and was born in Manchester, England. His 
father came to America and died a few years later. The son 
began life as a bootblack and newsboy and later he became a 
street car conductor. 

April 30, 1910, the Chicago Tribune published a confes- 
sion of Charles A. White, a Democratic representative from 
the Forty-ninth district, that he had received $1,000 from 
Lee O'Neil Browne for his vote for Mr. Lorimer. May 5, 
H. J. C. Beckemeyer, a Democrat, representing the Forty- 

Republican Party in Illinois 215 

second district, made a similar confession. Two days later, 
Michael S. Link, a Democratic representative from the Forty- 
seventh district, also confessed that he had received the same 
amount. Lee O'Neil Browne resided at Ottawa, and repre- 
sented the Thirty-ninth district as a Democrat. He was 
promptly indicted for bribery by the Cook county grand jury. 
The first trial ended in a disagreement of the jury, and the 
second trial resulted September 9 in his acquittal. Mean- 
while, May 28, 1910, State Senator Holstlaw confessed be- 
fore the grand jury in Sangamon county that he had received 
$2,500 for his vote for Lorimer. 

These charges demanded the attention of the United 
States senate, which has exclusive authority to determine the 
rights of claimants to their seats. A dramatic incident 
occurred September 8, when Theodore Roosevelt, who was 
then at Freeport, Illinois, sent a message to the Hamilton 
club in Chicago, declining to attend its banquet in the evening 
if Senator Lorimer was to be a guest of honor. The com- 
mittee promptly recalled the invitation extended to Senator 
Lorimer, and Colonel Roosevelt attended the function. The 
investigating committee, which had been announced in June, 
began its inquiry September 20, in Chicago, and finished 
October 8. Senator Burrows, of Michigan, was chairman. 
December 12 a sub-committee submitted a report which 
exonerated Mr. Lorimer. His title to his seat was vindicated 
on the ground that, while there was bribery, there was not 
sufficient bribery proved to destroy his majority of fourteen 
votes. A minority of the committee, headed by Senator 
Beveridge, reported January 9, 1911, that Mr. Lorimer was 
not legally elected. 

February 22 Senator Lorimer made a remarkable speech 
in the senate. He met the issue squarely and said it was not 

216 Republican Party in Illinois 

a matter of sympathy, but of right or wrong. The speech was 
a masterpiece of human interest, and several of his colleagues 
were moved to tears. 

March 1, 1911, the senate, by a vote of forty-six to forty, 
declared that Mr. Lorimer had been duly elected a member 
of the United States senate. Senator Cullom upheld his 
colleague's right to his seat. 

While the senatorial inquiry was in progress, the people 
of Illinois were determined to know the truth of the scandal. 
January 4, 1911, the Illinois state senate appointed a com- 
mittee, under the leadership of Senator Helm, to investigate 
charges of corruption in the election of Mr. Lorimer. On the 
following day D. W. Holstlaw resigned as a member of the 
senate. The most sensational feature of the Helm inquiry 
developed April 6, when C. S. Funk testified before the 
committee that Edward Hines asked the International Har- 
vester Company to contribute $10,000 toward a fund of 
$100,000 that had been spsnt in electing Lorimer. May 17 
the Helm committee unanimously reported its conclusion that 
Lorimer would not have been elected except by bribery and 
corruption. On the following day, the senate, by a vote of 
thirty-nine to ten, declared its belief that Lorimer had been 
elected by corruption. 

The incoming of a new congress, with changes in the 
senate, made it possible to reopen the inquiry. Senator Lor- 
imer's friends pressed the technical point of "res adjudicata." 
This means that a case, having been adjudicated, is not subject 
to re-hearing. But the senate would not apply the principle 
in this case. April 6, Senator La Follette introduced a resolu- 
tion to reopen the Lorimer case; and June 1 the senate 
unanimously voted for another investigation, to be conducted 
by the committee on privileges and elections. This committee, 

Republican Party in Illinois 217 

with Senator Dillingham as chairman, began its inquiry June 
20, in Washington, continued it in Chicago in the autumn, 
and finished the inquiry in Washington February 9, 1912. 
Two reports were presented. The majority, signed by five 
members, decided that Senator Lorimer was entitled to his 
seat. The minority report was signed by three members. 
Chairman Dillingham's colleagues on the investigating com- 
mittee were Senators Gamble, Jones, Kenyon, Johnson, 
Fletcher, Kern and Lee. 

The final battle on the floor of the senate was delayed 
until after the presidential and other primaries had been held 
in the states. June 4 Senator Kern, of Indiana, opened the 
fight for Mr. Lorimer's expulsion. The debate continued 
at intervals until July 13, when the senate, by a vote of fifty- 
five to twenty-eight, adopted the following resolution: 
"Resolved, That corrupt methods and practices were employed 
in the election of William Lorimer to the senate of the 
United States from the state of Illinois, and that his election, 
therefore, was invalid." Eight other senators were paired, 
and two did not vote. Senator Cullom voted to unseat his 

During the agitation of the Lorimer case, which con- 
vulsed the country more than two years, Mr. Lorimer's 
private life was conceded, even by his enemies, to be above 
reproach. Thus there came to be two facts in the public 
mind: Lorimer and "Lorimerism." This distinction was 
admirably made in the final paragraph of Senator Kern's 
speech. He said: "Mr. President, it is not to William 
Lorimer, the self-made man, the devoted head of an interest- 
ing family, that objection is made. That William Lorimer 
will have the approval of every man of generous impulses ; but 
the system of which William Lorimer is a part, the 

218 Republican Party in Illinois 

system which undertakes by corrupt methods to thwart 
the popular will, must be condemned. It is the William 
Lorimer who represents these methods, who carries them 
out through the Lee O'Neil Brownes and the Brodericks, 
that is on trial here, and who must stand or fall, not because 
of his personal or domestic qualities, but by the record he has 
made in this senatorial contest and the acts of his accredited 
agents. We may regard the man with admiration because of 
good personal qualities; but the vicious system of politics, 
which stifles patriotic sentiment, belittles popular rights, 
and corrupts the very fountain-head of American liberty, must 
receive condemnation at the hands of the American senate." 
William Lorimer is the only man who has ever been 
actually expelled from the United States senate because of 
an election secured through corruption. On the day that 
Mr. Lorimer was expelled former Senator Hopkins sent a 
message to the Chicago Tribune, claiming that he was still 
the logical candidate of his party for senator. If there was 
no election of a senator May 26, 1909, there has never been 
a vacancy, under a strict construction of the law, and Govern- 
or Deneen has no power to name a successor. Attorney-gen- 
eral Stead has given an opinion to this effect. 




THE primary election law now in force in Illinois pro- 
vides that primaries for the nomination of officers to 
be elected in November shall be held on the second 
Tuesday in April. The law, however, was not approved until 
March 9, 1910, and it was therefore necessary to make an 
exception for that year. .The primaries were held September 
15. Edward E. Mitchell, Republican, was nominated over 
James W. Templeton, and Francis G. Blair was nominated 
for superintendent of public instruction. At the Democratic 
primaries Alphaus K. Hartley was nominated for state treas- 
urer, and Conrad M. Bardwell for superintendent. 

Three insurgent candidates for congress were nominated 
over standpatters. F. H. Gansbergen defeated Henry S. 
Boutell in the Ninth district, but was defeated in November. 
Colonel Ira C. Copley, the first man to announce himself as 
an insurgent candidate, defeated George W. Conn. Con- 
gressman Lowden had declined to be a candidate for renom- 
ination, and J. C. McKenzie, a Progressive, was nominated 
in the Thirteenth district. 

The Republican state convention for 1910 was held at 
Springfield, September 23. Mrs. Mary A. Busey, O. W. 
Hoyt and W. L. Abbott were nominated for trustees of the 
state university. The platform favored the appointment of 
a permanent tariff commission, commended the state-wide 


220 Republican Party in Illinois 

civil service law for Illinois, the abrogation of minority repre- 
sentation, simplifying the process of securing commission form 
of government, favored the initiative and referendum, direct 
vote for United States senator, and denounced recent legis- 
lative scandals. Speeches were made by Governor Deneen, 
Speaker Cannon and Congressman Prince. 

Edward E. Mitchell was elected treasurer over Hartley, 
Democrat, by a plurality of 60,438. Francis G. Blair was 
elected superintendent over Bardwell, Democrat, by 59,462 
plurality. The Republicans secured a majority in both 
branches of the legislature and elected fourteen congressmen. 
Illinois is represented in the present congress by the following : 
First district, Martin B. Madden ; Second, James R. Mann ; 
Third, William W. Wilson ; Fourth, James T. McDermott ; 
Fifth, Adolph J. Sabath; Sixth, Edmund J. Stack; Seventh, 
Frank Buchanan; Eighth, Thomas Gallagher; Ninth, Lyn- 
den Evans; Tenth, George Edmund Foss; Eleventh, Ira C. 
Copley; Twelfth, Charles E. Fuller; Thirteenth, John C. 
McKenzie ; Fourteenth, James McKinney ; Fifteenth, George 
W. Prince; Sixteenth, Claude U. Stone; Seventeenth, John 
A. Sterling; Eighteenth, Joseph G. Cannon; Nineteenth, 
William B. McKinley ; Twentieth, Henry T. Rainey ; Twen- 
ty-first, James M. Graham; Twenty-second, William A. 
Rodenberg; Twenty-third, Martin D. Foster; Twenty- 
fourth, H. Robert Fowler; Twenty-fifth, N. B. Thistlewood. 
McDermott, Sabath, Stack, Buchanan, Gallagher, Stone, 
Rainey, Graham, Foster, Fowler and Evans are Democrats. 

A feature of the election was the large plurality of Con- 
gressman Fuller in the Twelfth district. He led J. W. 
Rausch, his Democratic rival, by a plurality of 11,480. This 
was the largest plurality received by any congressman in 
Illinois and possibly in the United States. Mr. Fuller enjoys 

Republican Party in Illinois 221 

the distinction of never having been defeated for any office by 
a vote of the people. He was in the state senate eight years, 
in the house six years, and judge in the Seventeenth circuit six 
years. He has been in congress ten years. His public life 
covers thirty years, practically without a break, besides offices 
of a local nature. At the primaries in 1912 Mr. Fuller re- 
ceived 21,290 votes. This is the largest vote received by any 
candidate of any party for congressman. 

A special election was held November 8, at which the 
people voted on the proposition that the legislature should 
submit an amendment to the state constitution providing for 
the initiative and referendum; for a state civil service law, 
and a corrupt practices act limiting- the expenditures of a 
candidate for office. All of these measures were carried by 
large majorities. 

The assembly convened January 4, 1911. Charles Adkins, 
of Piatt, was chosen speaker. 




THE campaign of 1912 began in the closing months of 
the preceding year. There were several features 
which made it one of the most remarkable contests 
in the history of the state. Some of these may be briefly noted. 
The April primary was the most successful test of a state- 
wide law that had been made. Lorimerism was an issue, and 
the primary was the first opportunity that had been afforded 
the people for expressing their belief that money had been 
corruptly used in Mr. Lorimer's election to the United States 
senate. The presidential primary was an innovation, and 
proved a popular measure. The personal touch was given by 
the unusually large number of aspirants for the various state 

There were eight candidates for governor on the Repub- 
lican ticket, four on the Democratic, one on the Prohibitionist 
and one on the Socialist. The Republican candidates were 
Charles S. Deneen, Len Small, John E. W. Wayman, Charles 
F. Hurburgh, John J. Brown, Walter C. Jones, J. McCan 
Davis, Richard Yates. All these gentlemen, except Mr. 
Davis, made active personal campaigns of the entire state. 
Governor Deneen established a precedent in asking for a third 
consecutive term. He made his fight on his record as governor, 
and presented a convincing appeal to the conservative voters 


Republican Party in Illinois 223 

of the state. Mr. Jones, a state senator from the Fifth district, 
conducted his campaign as a progressive, and made able 
speeches in defense of the five planks of his platform, which 
were a direct primary law, popular election of United States 
senators, the initiative, referendum and recall. Len Small 
opposed the last three measurers espoused by Mr. Jones. He 
was accompanied by Senator Lorimer, who presented argu- 
ments against these innovations that commanded a respectful 
hearing. Mr. Hurburgh, a senator from the Forty-third dis- 
trict, conducted his campaign on the issue of greater economy 
in state administration. 

John G. Oglesby sought renomination for lieutenant-gov- 
ernor and was opposed by Kinnie A. Ostewig. James A. Rose 
asked a fifth term as secretary of state. His opponent was 
Chester W. Church. James S. McCullough desired another 
term as auditor. John K. Ball and George A. Smith were 
also candidates. There were four candidates for treasurer: 
Andrew Russel, Louis L. Emmerson, William E. Rothermel 
and Herman R. Heimberger. The office of attorney-general 
was sought by William H. Stead, Frank R. Reid and John 
B. Weaver. 

There were four candidates for United States senator: 
Lawrence Y. Sherman, Shelby M. Cullom, Hugh S. Magill 
and William Grant Webster. Senator Cullom made no 
canvass. Mr. Sherman conducted a vigorous campaign and 
inspired confidence among the people. Mr. Magill repre- 
sented the Progressive wing of the party and strengthened his 
reputation as a vigorous speaker. 

Under the last congressional apportionment, based on the 
census of 1910, Illinois is entitled to twenty-seven congress- 
men. The legislature failed to make a re-apportionment, and 

224 Republican Party in Illinois 

the state will therefore elect two congressmen from the state 
at large. There were ten candidates. 

The spectacular feature of the closing days of the cam- 
paign was Theodore Roosevelt's tour through the state. 
Illinois was regarded as a pivotal state, whose action would 
determine that of other states. Colonel Roosevelt was the 
choice of the people, but there can be no doubt that he greatly 
added to his plurality by his brief visit on the eve of election, 
which in turn had its moral effect upon other sections of the 

March 25 Governor Deneen called the legislature in 
special session to pass a presidential preferential primary act. 
The senate promptly passed a bill, which on March 30 was 
accepted without change by the house by a unanimous vote, 
and was immediately approved by the governor. Illinois 
was the eighth state to pass a presidential primary law. 
Oregon was the first and was followed by New Jersey, 
Wisconsin, Nebraska, California, North Dakota and Mass- 

The primary election was held April 9. Theodore Roose- 
velt carried the state for president by a large plurality over 
President Taft and Robert M. La Follette. Roosevelt carried 
ninety-seven counties and received 266,917 votes. Taft 
carried five counties and received 127,481. Roosevelt's 
plurality was 139,436. La Follette received 42,692 votes. 

Governor Deneen carried fifty-four counties, and his vote 
was 152,997. He had a plurality over Len Small of 64,168. 
Wayman was third in the race, and Yates fourth. 

Lawrence Y. Sherman received 178,063 votes for United 
States senator. He carried sixty-four counties. This gave 
him a plurality of 48,688 over Senator Cullom, who carried 
thirty-two counties. 

Republican Party in Illinois 225 

James A. Rose carried every county in the state for sec- 
retary of state. John G. Oglesby was nominated lieutenant- 
governor; James S. McCullough, auditor; Andrew Russel, 
treasurer ; W. H. Stead, attorney-general. 

William E. Mason and B. M. Chiperfield were nom- 
inated congressmen-at-large. Mason carried ninety-seven 
counties, and Chiperfield seventy-nine. Other congressmen 
in the order of their districts were nominated, as follows: 
M. B. Madden, James R. Mann, W. W. Wilson, C. J. 
Tomkiewicz, J. Gartenstein, Arthur W. Fulton, Niels Juul, 
W. G. Hermann, Fred A. Britten, George E. Foss, Ira C. 
Copley, Charles E. Fuller, J. C. McKenzie, Charles J. Searle, 
G. W. Prince, F. H. Smith, J. A. Sterling, Joseph G. Cannon, 
W. B. McKinley, no candidate in Twentieth district, H. 
Clay Wilson, W. A. Rodenberg, R. B. Clark, J. B. Blackman, 
N. B. Thistlewood. Congressman Prince, if he finishes 
another term, will have served twenty years. Members of 
the state central committee were elected as follows : Chauncey 
Dewey, Roy O. West, Charles W. Vail, Thomas J. Healy, 
Max Levitan, George E. Nye, Kai P. Hammer, John F. 
Devine, Francis A. Becker, Henry D. Capitian, Richard J. 
Barr, Charles E. Hook, Delos W. Baxter, Walter A. Rosen- 
field, Charles H. Williamson, Garrett De F. Kinney, Frank 
L. Smith, John H. Harrison, Charles G. Eckhart, Homer J. 
Tice, Lewis H. Miner, W. C. Hadley, Alfred H. Jones, W. 
S. Phillips, James A. White. Roy O. West was chosen chair- 
man, and is also serving as a member of the national committee 
for Illinois. C. J. Doyle, at this writing, is secretary of the 
state committee. Mr. Dewey tendered his resignation as a 
member after the Chicago convention. 

An incident of the primaries is the retirement of Shelby 
M. Cullom from the United States senate after a service of 


226 Republican Party in Illinois 

thirty consecutive years. This is twelve years longer than 
the time served by his nearest Illinois rival, Lyman Trumbull. 
Scarcely a half dozen men in the history of the government 
have had such a career in the senate. Mr. Cullom was first 
elected in 1883 to succeed David Davis. 

Mr. Cullom's senatorial career is only one of his achieve- 
ments as an office-holder. He has served eight years in the 
lower house of the Illinois legislature, being elected in 1856, 
1860,1872 and 1874. From 1865 to 1871, six years, he 
represented the Eighth Illinois district in congress, and from 
1877 to 1883 he was governor of the state. 

This is a total of an even half century of public life. But 
this is not all. He has been city attorney of Springfield. He 
was speaker of the Illinois house four years, from 1861 to 
1863, and from 1873 to 1875. He was a Fillmore presidential 
elector in 1856; chairman of the Illinois delegation at the 
national Republican convention in 1872 and nominated Gen- 
eral Grant for president; was a delegate to the national 
convention in 1884; and a member of a commission appointed 
by President McKinley to prepare a system of government 
for the Hawaiian islands. Mr. Cullom cannot say from the 
heart that republics are ungrateful. 

This remarkable career is admirably summarized by 
Colonel Clark E. Carr in his "Illini" as follows: "He 
entered public life when Lincoln and Douglas were at the 
zenith of their fame and has served cotemporaneously with 
Yates, Trumbull, Palmer, Logan, Oglesby, Davis and other 
distinguished Illinoisans. He is a plain, practical, sincere, 
earnest man, and while his friends can point to nothing bril- 
liant in his utterances, neither malice nor envy can find any- 
thing foolish or frivolous upon the innumerable pages of the 
Congressional Record where his speeches are printed. Scarcely 


Republican Party in Illinois 227 

any man in congress is so richly endowed with the genius of 
common sense. Senator Cullom is not so brilliant as was 
Yates ; he is not so logical and incisive as was Trumbull ; he 
is not so aggressive as was Logan ; he has none of the magnetic 
power of Oglesby ; Davis, Browning and Palmer all excelled 
him as lawyers; yet still it may be doubted whether, outside 
the military service, and always excepting Lincoln and 
Douglas, any other Illinoisan has accomplished more for his 
state and country." 

The Democratic primaries resulted in the nomination of 
Edward F. Dunne for governor. The Prohibitionists nom- 
inated Edwin R. Worrell, and the Socialists, John C. 

The Republican state convention met at Springfield, April 
19. It was one of the shortest on record, and, in view of the 
long and spirited campaign, it was one of general good feeling. 
Party chiefs buried the hatchet and smoked the pipe of peace. 
Presidential electors were chosen as follows: George Postel, 
Solon W. Crowell, George W. Dixon, Axel Chytraus, Wil- 
liam Chalmers Covert, James Rosenthal, Harry B. Staver, 
Edward R. Litzinger, Isaac Shapiro, Ninian H. Welch, 
Irwin R. Hazen, John F. Haas, John R. Philip, Benjamin 
H. Miller, William Grote, Samuel D. Holderman, Delos 
W. Baxter, John Y. Whiteman, John C. Work, William J. 
Conzelman, John Y. Chisholm, Thomas G. Vennum, Charles 
D. Thomas, Theodore S. Chapman, Frank R. Milnor, Louis 
F. Lumaghi, John J. Brown, Noah C. Bainum, George E. 
Martin. Messrs. Covert, Counselman, Chrisholm and Thom- 
as resigned, and their places were filled by the state central 

The platform endorsed the administration of President 
Taft, eulogized at length the achievements of Theodore 

228 Republican Party in Illinois 

Roosevelt, and instructed the delegates-at-large to vote for 
his nomination. The state administration was endorsed, de- 
mands were made for changes in the primary law, and jackpot 
methods were condemned. 

Early in 1912 President Taft appointed Miss Julia C. 
Lathrop, of Rockford, to the newly created office of chief of 
the children's bureau at Washington. Miss Lathrop is the 
first woman to be appointed head of a government department. 
She is a daughter of the late William Lathrop, who repre- 
sented the Rockford district in congress from 1877 to 1879. 
Miss Lathrop has served several years as a member of the 
state board of charities, and has been associated with Miss 
Jane Addams, of Hull House. 

James A. Rose, secretary of state of Illinois since 1897, 
died suddenly in Springfield, May 29. Death followed hem- 
orhage of the stomach, with which the secretary had been 
attacked the previous evening. The funeral was held May 
31 at Golconda, Pope county, the former home of Mr. Rose. 
Services were held in the First Presbyterian church, of which 
the secretary had been an elder. The obsequies were attended 
by Governor Deneen, other state officers, members of the 
general assembly and detachments of the national guard. 

Mr. Rose was born in Golconda, October 13, 1850. He 
was elected superintendent of schools of Pope county in 1873, 
and state's attorney in 1881. During Governor Fifer's ad- 
ministration he was trustee of the reformatory at Pontiac and 
commissioner of the penitentiary at Chester. He was elected 
secretary of state in 1896, and re-elected in 1900, 1904 and 
1908. He had thus served more than fifteen years, the longest 
term of service in the history of the state. Mr. Rose began 
in 1903 the biennial publication of the "Blue Book," an 
invaluable manual of information concerning the political 

Republican Party in Illinois 229 

history of the state. Illinois lost a capable public servant 
of the old school in the death of Mr. Rose. 

The importance of the secretary's office required that a 
successor to Mr. Rose be chosen without delay. June 1 Gov- 
ernor Deneen appointed Cornelius J. Doyle to fill the unex- 
pired term. The same day Mr. Doyle was selected as the 
candidate for the office by the state central committee. 

Mr. Doyle's rise has been rapid. He was born in Carlin- 
ville, Illinois, December 6, 1871. His first office was that of 
parole agent for the Chester penitentiary, to which he was 
appointed by Governor Yates. He was subsequently appointed 
secretary of the state board of arbitration by the same execu- 
tive, and held the office during Governor Deneen's first term. 
He resigned this office to become general attorney for the state 
insurance department. His next office was that of state fire 
marshal, to which he was appointed by Governor Deneen. 
Mr. Doyle is a lawyer of ability. He was one of the attorneys 
for Caleb Powers, and argued the petition before Governor 
Willson, of Kentucky, which resulted in his pardon. 

Chester W. Church, a member of the house from the 
Eleventh district in Chicago, who had been a candidate for 
secretary of state at the primaries in April, attempted to have 
his name placed on the Republican ticket. He introduced a 
bill providing that in the event the high man dies or becomes 
ineligible between the time for closing nominating petitions 
and the time the official vote is canvassed, the second man 
in the race shall be declared the nominee. Mr. Church was 
the only contestant against Mr. Rose at the primaries, and 
his bill would therefore apply to his own case. The bill was 
laid on the table by a ruling of Speaker Adkins. Mr. Church 
also attempted to secure a writ of mandamus to compel the 
state board of canvassers to certify his name to the secretary 

230 Republican Party in Illinois 

of state as the Republican candidate. He contended that in 
view of Mr. Rose's death, his own name should be certified. 
The supreme court held that the duties of the canvassers 
are purely ministerial, and that they cannot inquire whether 
any of the candidates have died since the primary election was 






THE fifteenth national Republican convention assem- 
bled in Chicago, June 18, 1912. There were 1,078 
delegates. Illinois was represented by fifty-eight 
delegates, as follows: From the state at large, Charles 
S. Deneen, Roy O. West, B. A. Eckhart, Chauncey 
Dewey, L. Y. Sherman, Robert D. Clark, L. L. Em- 
merson, W. A. Rosenfield; from the twenty-five con- 
gressional districts, Francis P. Brady, M. B. Madden, 
John J. Hanberg, Isaac N. Powell, William H. Weber, 
Charles W. Vail, Thomas J. Healy, Albert C. Heiser, Charles 
J. Happel, William J. Cooke, Homer K. Galpin, Allen S. 
Ray, Abel Davis, D. A. Campbell, John F. Devine, Isadore 
H. Hines, Fred W. Upham, R. R. McCormick, James Pease, 
John E. Wilder, Ira C. Copley, John Lambert, Fred E. 
Sterling, H. W. Johnson, James A. Cowley, J. T. William, 
Frank G. Allen, William J. Graham, Harry E. Brown, 
Clarence E. Snively, Edward N. Woodruff, Cairo A. Trimble, 
G. J. Johnson, Frank B. Stitt, John L. Hamilton, Len Small, 
W. L. Shellabarger, Elim J. Hawbaker, J. A. Glenn, W. W. 
Watson, Logan Hay, William H. Provine, Edward E. Miller, 
Henry J. Schmidt, William F. Bundy, Aden Knoph, Randolph 
Smith, James B. Barker, P. H. Eisenmayer, Walter Wood. 
These delegates, with the exception of Happel and Cooke, in 


232 Republican Party in Illinois 

the Fifth district, were instructed for Colonel Roosevelt. 
June 1 the Illinois delegates were the guests of Colonel 
Roosevelt at his home at Oyster Bay. He had invited them 
to visit him and discuss his candidacy before the convention 
at Chicago. 

The convention was held in the Coliseum. The details of 
that stormy and epoch-making assemblage belong to the polit- 
ical history of the nation. In so far, however, as Illinois had 
a part in the convention, the record has a place in this volume. 
The preliminary contest was before the national committee. 
There were 252 delegates whose seats were contested. Of 
this number, 238 Taft delegates were seated, while Roosevelt 
was given fourteen. Among those whose seats were contested 
were seventy-four delegates-at-large from the fourteen states 
of Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, 
Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Texas, 
Virginia and Washington. 

The next contest was over the temporary chairman. In 
the presence of nearly twelve thousand persons, constituting 
the most distinguished assemblage ever in attendance at a 
national convention, the oratorical battle over the temporary 
organization was fought. The stormy petrels of the party 
were there. James Watson, of Indiana, nominated Elihu 
Root, of New York, for temporary chairman. Governor 
McGovern, of Wisconsin, was the Progressive candidate. 
He was nominated by Henry J. Cochems, of Wisconsin. 
This nomination was repudiated by the friends of Mr. La 
Follette, and the vote of Wisconsin was divided. Seven 
Illinois delegates voted for Mr. Root, as follows : Robert D. 
Clark, of Peoria ; Dan Campbell, Chicago ; Fred W. Upham, 
Chicago; Harry E. Brown, Geneseo; C. E. Snively, Canton; 
jLen Small, Kankakee; Edward E. Miller, East St. Louis. 

Republican Party in Illinois 233 

Mr. Root was elected chairman. He received 558 votes; 
McGovern, 502; scattering, 18. 

The seating of contested delegates was next in order. 
Colonel Roosevelt contended that contested and provisionally 
seated delegates ought not to vote on any question before the 
convention, and least of all on one another's cases. The ruling 
of the chair was that contested delegates might vote on all 
cases except their own. "The principle," said Mr. Root, 
"that no man should sit as a judge in his own case does not 
disqualify any delegate on the temporary roll of the conven- 
tion from voting on another man's right to a seat or from par- 
ticipating in any other regular business of the convention." 
Senator Root quoted precedents not only of national conven- 
tions, but of congress in support of his position, and argued, 
moreover, that the Roosevelt theory would enable minorities 
to capture conventions by contesting as many seats as might 
suit their purpose. Indeed, conventions could be tied up and 
prevented from transacting any business whatever by means 
of flimsy and insincere contests. 

It is plain to the fair-minded bystander that neither con- 
tention is free from fallacy, weakness and practical danger. 
This, as Senator Borah has said, proves the need of vital 
changes in the organization and government of parties. It 
may, as he suggests, be found necessary and expedient to give 
the states "home rule" in the matter and set up some high 
local authority to pass on contests and give delegates their 

After six hours of intense conflict, the session closed with 
the friends of Mr. Taft in control of the temporary organiza- 
tion. Saturday evening, June 23, William H. Taft was 
renominated for president on the first ballot. He received 561 
votes; Roosevelt, 107; La Follette, 41 ; Cummins, 17. More 

234 Republican Party in Illinois 

than three hundred delegates refused to vote. These were 
the supporters of Colonel Roosevelt. The vote of the^Illinois 
delegation was as follows : Taf t, 2 ; Roosevelt, 53 ; not voting, 
2; absent, 1. Mr. Roosevelt insisted that the Illinois dele- 
gation should not vote on the decisive ballot, but they had 
previously decided in caucus that they would not bolt. 

James Schoolcraft Sherman was renominated for vice- 

Scarcely had the cheers which greeted the renomination 
of President Taft died away in the Coliseum, when the friends 
of Mr. Roosevelt met in Orchestra hall and nominated him for 
president. A provisional campaign committee was appointed. 
July 7 Senator Joseph W. Dixon, of Montana, Colonel Roose- 
velt's campaign manager, issued a call for a national Progres- 
sive convention.. The call was signed in behalf of Illinois by 
Medill McCormick, Chauncey Dewey and La Verne W. 

The convention was held in Chicago, August 5. Theodore 
Roosevelt was nominated for president, and Hiram W. John- 
son, governor of California, for vice-president. Colonel 
Roosevelt coined the only battle cry of the campaign thus far. 
In his speech at Chicago, while the first convention was in 
progress, he said: "We are at Armageddon, and the battle 
is the Lord's." The phrase is suggested by a passage in the 
Apocalypse of St. John, which refers to the final conflict of 
world forces. 

Previous to the assembling of the Progressive convention 
Colonel Roosevelt had assumed a dictatorial attitude toward 
Governor Deneen, and demanded that he should give a pledge 
of support to the Progressive ticket. Governor Deneen had 
discharged his obligation to Roosevelt at the first convention, 

Republican Party in Illinois 235 

and refused to break away from the party which had nom- 
inated him for governor. 

A call was issued for a state Progressive convention to be 
held at Chicago, August 3. The following ticket was nom- 
inated: Governor, Frank H. Funk; lieutenant-governor, 
Dean Franklin; attorney-general, Fletcher Dobbyns; secre- 
tary of state, E. O. Peterson ; treasurer, Philip Decker ; 
auditor, Edward Winter. 

On July 2, at the national Democratic convention, which 
had assembled at Baltimore, Woodrow Wilson, governor of 
New Jersey, was nominated for president on the forty-sixth 
ballot. Thomas R. Marshall, governor of Indiana, was nom- 
inated for vice-president. 

Mr. Roosevelt's platform may be expressed in the words 
of the old French monarch, "I am the state." His declaration 
of principles, so far as Illinois is concerned, has no significance. 
The present state administration is fully committed to pro- 
gressive measures, in theory and in fact. Evidence of this 
truth is shown in Governor Deneen's calling the legislature in 
special session to pass a presidential primary law, by which it 
was made possible for Colonel Roosevelt to appeal to the 
people in this state. Certain planks in Roosevelt's platform 
will not commend themselves to the sober second thought of 
the American people. Among these is the proposed recall of 
the judiciary. The legal profession of the country owes a 
debt of gratitude to President Taft for his uncompromising 
attitude against this dangerous experiment. The indepen- 
dence of the judiciary is fundamental. The corrupt judge 
may be impeached under existing law. 

The Republican party is progressive. From the beginning 
it has stood for the highest ideals in representative government. 
Its leaders have been constructive statesmen who incarnated 

236 Republican Party\in Illinois 

these ideals in institutions and laws. So continuously has the 
party been in power that the story of its achievements consti- 
tutes the political history of the state and nation for more 
than half a century. There are in nature centripetal and 
centrifugal forces, which proceed toward or fly from a given 
center. The Republican party supplies an analogy, and the 
evolution of its principles has resulted in the anomalous fact 
of both the centralization and the distribution of power. 

The old Federal party was founded upon the political 
philosophy of Alexander Hamilton, the greatest statesman of 
his day. The Republican party, as its legitimate successor, 
has upheld the principle of centralized power strong enough 
to maintain its efficiency and integrity against every domestic 
or foreign foe. The doctrine of Jefferson, who represented 
the other pole of political thought,, as opposed to Hamilton, 
has had its day. The present demand is not more rights for 
the single state, but a larger opportunity for the individual. 

The Republican party was baptised in the spirit of freedom. 
It was the crystalization of public sentiment against the nation- 
alization of slavery which in 1854 seemed all but consum- 
mated. In 1861, when the conflict between two civilizations 
reached its crisis, it was the Republican party, assisted by 
many loyal Democrats, that preserved the integrity of the 
union. After the civil war, it grappled with the gigantic 
problem of reconstruction, by which the seceding states could 
resume their former status in the union. The Republican 
party has given the country the best currency system known 
to the world; it has established the revenues of the nation 
upon the basis of a protective tariff. When the fortunes of 
war resulted in the acquisition of colonial possessions, the 
party was called to meet a new situation. Under the leader- 
ship of President McKinley, a colonial policy was inaugurated. 

Republican Party in Illinois 237 

America had become too great to continue her isolation, for 
the time had come for her to take her place as a recognized 
world power. 

High civic virtues are developed in the times that try 
men's souls. They are the product of the whirlwind and the 
storm. These occasions are usually followed by periods of 
moral declension, when party leaders seem to lose sight of the 
original ideals, and engage in politics merely for the spoils of 
office. The Republican party has been no exception to this 
rule. There has been more than one campaign in which there 
was no clearly defined issue, in which abusive personalities 
held high carnival, and in which party spirit was seen at its 
worst. But amidst all the strife there was manifestly at work 
a "power not in ourselves that makes for righteousness." An 
observer with no prophetic sense might be in camp or on a 
battlefield and see only guns, swords and bayonets, soldiers on 
guard or dying in the trenches. But when Julia Ward Howe 
visited the Army of the Potomac, there came to her a spiritual 
vision as real as that which assured the prophet of Israel at 
Dotham that the mountain was full of horses and chariots of 
fire round about Elisha. On that night the inspired author 
of the Battle Hymn of the Republic saw more than the terrible 
swift sword and the burnished rows of steel, and she exclaimed 
in rapture, "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of 
the Lord!" Thus, amid all the tumult of the hour, men, 
parties and nations may sometimes build wiser than they know. 

The Republican party cannot live upon the achievements 
of the past. Mere momentum soon becomes a spent force. 
"New occasions teach new duties." The problems of today 
and of the immediate future are not political, but economic 
and industrial. The party must meet them. This is an age 
of individualism, and the common man must have his day in 

238 Republican Party x in Illinois 

court. In the ultimate analysis, however, the common man, 
in the rank and file of his party, must work out his own salva- 
tion. It is not the function of government to furnish him 
bread, but to give him a fair chance, a "square deal." The 
citizen must not eliminate the moral element from the account. 
Washington, in his farewell address, says religion and morality 
are indispensable supports of political prosperity; and that 
"in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to 
public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be 
enlightened." A nation is composed of units, and the admoni- 
tion of Washington applies to the unit, the individual man. 
Thus the church and the school house, the preacher and the 
teacher, will fill a larger place than ever before in the new 
social order. 

America is the "melting pot" of the nations. To her shores 
are coming from the old world all sorts and conditions of men, 
whose faces tell of toil and sorrow, to be fused into a new 
Americanism. Zangwell, in the closing words of his great 
drama, gives a glimpse of the crucible in its purifying work: 
"Yes, east and west, north and south, the palm and the pine, 
the pole and the equator, the crescent and the cross how the 
great Alchemist melts and fuses them in his purging flame! 
Here shall they all unite to build the republic of man and the 
kingdom of God. Ah, Vera, what is the glory of Rome and 
Jerusalem, where all nations come to worship and look back, 
compared with the glory of America, where all races and 
nations come to labor and look forward!" This modern 
Hebrew dramatist has outlined the duty and the privilege of 
the party of Abraham Lincoln : to make this a government of, 
by and for the people in fact as well as in theory, so that its 
humblest citizen may say, in all honesty and pride, Above us 
there is nothing but the nation; above the nation there is 
nothing but God. 


Page 77 the name "Emory Storrs" should read "Emery A. 

Page 92 the date of the Republican state convention should 
read "May 25, 1864." 

Page 101 the name "Jesse L. Phillips" should read "Jesse J. 

Page 107 the date of the Republican state convention should 
read "September 1, 1870." 

Page 108 the name "Charles Ridgley" should read "Charles 

Page 109 the name "William R. Snyder" should be "William 
H. Snyder." 

Page 126 the name "H. L. Baker" should read "Henry S. 

Page 123 the name "Scot Wike" should read "Scott Wike." 

Page 170 the name "Isaac N. Pierson" should be spelled "Isaac 
N. Pearson." 


Index of Names 

Names which appear only as Presidential Electors, Delegates to National 
Conventions, or members of the State Central Committee for 1912 are not 
indexed individually; but are given iu the lists of Electors, Delegates and 
Committeemen for the respective years. 

Abbott, W. L 219 

Adair, A. M 140 

Adams, Charles Francis 12 

Adams, George E., 148, 149, 155, 

161, 165, 177. 

Adams, John Quincy 116 

Addams, Jane 228 

Adkins, Charles 221, 229 

Akers, Rev. Peter 26 

Akin, Edwin C 179 

Aldrich, J. F., 172, 173, 176, 180 
Aldrich, William, 129, 133, 142 

Alger, Russell A 164 

Allen, G. T 28 

Allen, James C., 27, 77, 89, 93, 


Allen, J. M 122 

Allen, William J 89, 99 

Allison, William B., 164, 178, 180 

Alschuler, Samuel 191, 193 

Altgeld, John P., 170, 172, 173, 

180, 184. 

Amberg, Franz 168 

Anderson, G. A 161 

Anderson, William B., 108, 123 

Andrews, Francis 171 

Anthony, Elliott 88 

Arnold, Isaac N 80, 81, 89 

Arntzen, Bernard 78 

Arthur, Chester A 141, 153 

Ashmum, George 79 

Aspern, Henry T 126 

Ashton, Andrew 130, 131 

Atkins, Smith D 80 

Austin, Henry W 160, 161 

Babcock, A. C 74 

Bagby, John C 123 

Baker, Henry S., 28, 33, 93, 125, 

Baker, Jehu ....95, 100, 161, 182 

Baldwin, H. E 153 

Ball, John K 223 

Bannen, Rev. H. M 193 

Barber, Hiram 133 

Bardwell, Conrad M 219, 220 

Barlow, New York Elector, 128 

Barnes, V. V 193 

Barrett, Nathan M 171 

Barrierre, Granville 117 

Bateman, Newton, 44, 70, 75, 89, 

92, 99, 107, 113. 

Bates, Edward 78, 79 

Bates, Erastus 102, 107, 132 

Bayliss, Alfred 187, 195, 196 

Beardsley, J. M 137 

Beck, W. F 180 

Becker, Charles 163 

Beckemeyer, H. J. C 214 

Beidler, X. F 212 

Belknap, Hugh R 177, 182 

Belknap, Secretary 124 

Bell, Andrew J 164 

Bell, John 80 

Belmont, New York Elector, 128 

Bergren, August W 161 

Berry, Orville F 179, 208 

Beveridge, A. J 215 

Beveridge, James H 92 

Beveridge, General John L., 109, 

114, 120, 125, 137, 181. 

Bidwell, John 171 

Birney, James G 7, 9, 12 

Bissell, William H., 32, 33, 34, 

71, 82. 
Black, General John C., 92, 99, 

113, 134, 170, 172. 

Blackburn, Henry S 78 

Blackman, J. B 225 

Blain, James G., 47, 58, 79, 88, 

106, 125, 126, 127, 135, 136, 

137, 141, 153, 154, 171, 209. 
Blair, Francis G., 209, 219, 220 

Blair, F. P 104 

Blaisdell, E. W 30 

Blanchard, Charles A 196 

Bliss, Anson L 195, 196 

Blood, Frederick G 171 

Borah, Senator 233 

Boutell, Henry S., 182, 188, 193, 

194, 196, 202, 210, 213, 219. 

Bovay, Alvin E 19 

Boyd, Thomas A 129, 133 

Brand, Rudolph 154 

Braucher, Daniel L 160, 161 

Breckenridge, John C 36, 80 

Brenholdt, John J 194 

Brentano, Lorenz, 93, 102, 129 

Bridges, Frank M 157 

Bristow, Benjamin H 127 

Britten, Fred A 225 

Broderick, Senator ....218 

Bromwell, H. P. H., 76, 95, 99, 


Brooks, John P 89, 93 

Brooks, Preston S., 42, 116, 117 

Bross, William 92, 97, 113 

Brown, B. Gratz 112, 113 

Brown, Elizabeth 148 

Brown, John J 212, 222 

Brown, Harry E 232 

Browne, Lee O'Neil, 214, 215, 

Browning, O. H., 32, 34, 75, 78, 

86, 87, 90, 185, 227. 

Bryan, Charles Page 179 

Bryan, William J., 180, 181, 182, 

192, 193, 211, 213, 241. 

Bryant, John H 33 

Buchanan, Frank . 220 



Buchanan, James, 36, 38, 42, 43, 

44, 45, 52, 65, 66, 163. 

Buckmaster, Samuel A 90 

Budlong, John 160, 161 

Bunn, John 74 

Burchard, Dr 153 

Burchard, H. C., 106, 108, 117, 

123, 129, 162. 

Burr, Albert G 100, 104 

Burrell, Orlando 176 

Burrows, Senator 215 

Busey, Mrs. Mary A 219 

Busey, Samuel T 169 

Bushnell, Washington, 33, 93, 


Busse, Fred A 195 

Butler, Benjamin F 153, 154 

Butler, William 74, 75, 89 

Butterworth, Thomas 140 

Cable, Ben T. . ....169 

Caldwell, Benjamin F., 189, 193, 

196, 210. 

Calhoun, John 76 

Calhoun, John C 8, 9, 10 

Calhoun, William F 161, 163 

Calhoun, W. J 149, 179 

Calwalader, A. D 212 

Cameron, J. Donald 135, 146 

Cameron, Simon 78, 79 

Campbell, Alexander 123 

Campbell, Dan 232 

Campbell, G. H 77 

Campbell, James II 182 

Campbell, William J., 139, 147, 

150, 155. 

Cannon, Congressman, Utah, 180 
Cannon, Joseph G., 80, 117, 118, 

123, 129, 133, 142, 149, 155, 

161, 162, 165, 169, 172, 173, 

176, 182, 189, 193, 194, 195, 

196, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 

210, 213, 220, 225. 

Carlin, Walter E 152 

Carr, Clark E., 81, 93, 94, 95, 

107, 139, 151, 162, 163, 184, 


Carroll, Charles 122 

Carter, Judge O. H., 187, 188, 

190, 191, 207. 

Carter, Ohio Delegate 79 

Cary, Samuel F 128 

Casey, Newton R 121 

Casey, Samuel K 35 

Cass, Lewis 12, 47, 65 

Caulfield, B. G 123 

Chambers, E. J 141 

Chapman, Pleasant T., 202, 210, 

Chase, Salmon P., 15, 27, 72, 78, 

79, 84. 

Chapman, Theodore 165 

Chetlain, General A. L., 107, 

142, 143, 144, 145, 146. 

Childs, Robert A 172, 173 

Chiperfield, B. M 225 

Church, Chester W 223, 229 

Church, Lawrence S 82 

Church, Selden M 31, 90 

Claggett, Bernard J 175, 176 

Clark, John 33 

Clark, R. B 225 

Clark, Robert D 232 

Clay, Cassius M 27 

Clay, Henry, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 46, 

48, 56, 65, 72, 76, 171. 
Clements, Isaac ....118, 126, 137 
Cleveland, Grover, 87, 153, 154, 
163, 164, 172, 173, 175, 186, 

Cochems, Henry J 232 

Cochran, William G 167 

Cochrane, John 94 

Cockrell, James 170 

Codding, Ichabod 20 

Colfax, Schuyler, 103, 106, 115 

Collamer, Jacob 78, 79 

Collins, John 202 

Collins, Loren C., Jr 149, 151 

Conger, Senator 140 

Conkling, Roscoe, 127, 135, 139, 
141, 153. 

Conn, George W 219 

Coon, A. B 114, 138 

Cook, Burton C., 28, 75, 82, 93, 
95, 100, 104, 108, 151. 

Cooke, Edward D 176, 182 

Connolly, James A., 151, 163, 
176, 182. 

Coolbaugh, W. F 119 

Cooper, Peter 128, 129 

Copley, Ira C., 219, 220, 225, 231 

Copp, Uriah 152 

Corwin, Franklin, 100, 101, 105, 
117, 126. 

Cox, Jesse 171 

Coy, Winfleld S : 126 

Crafts, Wilbur F., 165, 169, 173 

Cranfleld, James B 171 

Crawford, Monroe C., 152, 180 
Crebs, Colonel John M., 99, 104, 

Creighton, Jacob R 164 

Cronkrite, Edward L 132, 155 

Crowley, Joseph B., 189, 193, 196 
Cullom, Shelby M., 80, 82, 85, 
95, 99, 100, 104, 114, 115, 121, 
122, 124, 125, 129, 139, 142, 
144, 147, 149, 151, 153, 160, 
166, 177, 178, 179, 181, 184, 
188, 189, 190, 191, 194, 195, 
200, 201, 208, 210, 216, 217, 
223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 

Cummins, Senator 233 

Curtis, Benjamin R 39 

Curtis, Edward C 183 

Curtis, William Eleroy 24 

Cusack, Thomas 188, 189 

Dane, Nathan , , 3 

Daniel, William 153 

Daugherty, E. C 30 

Davies, Edgar T 212 



Davis, David, 75, 78, 112, 113, 
116, 118, 130, 131, 133, 149, 
162, 226, 227. 

Davis, George R., 133, 142, 148, 
151, 177. 

Davis, Henry Gassoway 201 

Davis, Jefferson 33, 34, 125 

Davis, J. McCann, 157, 212, 222 
Dawes, Charles E., 178, 179, 190 

Day, W. R 189 

Dayton, William L., 35, 78, 79 

Decker, Philip 235 

Delegates national convention, 
1860, 75; 1864, 93; 1868, 102; 
1872, 114; 1876, 125-126; 1880, 
137, 139; 1884, 151-152; 1912, 

Dement, Henry D 139, 151 

Deneen, Charles S., 199, 200, 202, 
203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 212, 
213, 214, 218, 220, 222, 224, 
228, 229, 231, 234, 235. 

Depew, Chauncey M 164 

Dewey, Chauncey, 225, 231, 234 

Dickey, Colonel T. Lyle 99 

Dickson, Frank L 202 

Dillingham, Senator 217 

Dixon, Archibald 16, 17, 18 

Dixon, Charles G 171 

Dixon, Joseph W 234 

Diston, W. L 179 

Dobbyns, Fletcher 235 

Dodge, Augustus C 16 

Donelson, Andrew J 35 

Dooling, Frank E 201 

Dougherty, John, 70, 102, 105, 

Dougherty, Michael J 152 

Douglas, Stephen A., 16, 17, 18, 
24, 26, 27, 35, 37, 39, 41, 42, 
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 
51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 
59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 
67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 
80, 82, 83, 85, 86, 90, 159, 
171, 226, 227. 

Doyle, C. J 225, 229 

Downing, Finis E., 176, 177, 180 

Drew, Samuel J 212 

Dubois, Jesse K., 34, 74, 75, 92, 
101, 102, 113. 

Du Bois, Senator 180 

Duddleston, George 195 

Dudley, Edward A 31 

Dunham, R. W 148, 155, 161 

Dunlap, M. F 191 

Dunlap, Willard E 188 

Dunne, Edward P 227 

Durborow, A. C., Jr., 168, 172 
Durfee, Bradford K 147 

Early, John 121, 124 

Eastman, Zebina 23 

Eden, John R., 89, 101, 118, 123, 
129, 155. 

Edmunds, George F., 136, 141, 

Edsall, James K., 114, 125, 139 

Edwards, N. T 176 

Edwards, Richard, 160, 161, 168 

Ellwood, Reuben 148, 197 

Emerich, Martin 196 

Emerson, Dr 38 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo 71 

Emmerson, Louis L 223, 231 

English, W. H 43, 142 

Enos, C. W 152 

Etter, Samuel M., 122, 123, 132, 


Evans, H. Clay 186 

Evans, Dr. John 31 

Evans, J. W 140 

Evans, Lyndon 220 

Evarts, William M 78 

Everett, Edward 80 

Fairbanks, Charles W., 180, 201 
Farnsworth, John F., 32, 71, 80, 

89, 95, 100, 104, 108, 120, 123 
Farwell, Charles B., 108, 117, 

123, 124, 125, 136, 142, 162, 


Farwell, John V 93, 162 

Faxon, Charles 30 

Feeley, John J 193 

Feinz, Charles 108 

Fell, Jesse 130 

Felter, James S. 171 

Fenton, Reuben E 103 

Ferry E. P 23, 93 

Ferns, Thomas F 201 

Fessenden, W. P 14 

Field, James G 171 

Fifer, Joseph W., 152, 163, 164, 

166, 167, 170, 172, 181, 191, 

Fillmore, Millard, 13, 16, 35, "56 

Finerty, John F 148 

Fisher, George W 212 

Fisher, Hendrick V 183 

Fisk, Clinton B 164 

Fithian, George W., 165, 169, 172 

Fletcher, Senator 217 

Flint, C. C 25 

Foote, Rev. Hiram 95 

Foote, Rev. Horatio 95 

Fondy, William 70 

Ford, A. N 30 

Forman, William S., 165, 169, 


Forsythe, A. P 133 

Fort, Greenbury L., 117, 123, 

129, 133, 139. 
Foss, George Edmund, 176, 182, 

189, 193, 194, 196, 202, 210, 

212, 213, 220, 225. 
Foster, George P., 188, 189, 193, 

Foster, Martin D., 210, 213, 220 

Fouke, Philip B 81 

Fowler, Dr. Edwin 99 



Fowler, H. Robert 220 

Franklin, Dean 235 

Fremont, John C 35, 36, 94 

French A. C 71 

Fuller, General Allen C., 76, 81, 

92, 97, 105, 106, 109, 126, 128 
Fuller, Charles E.. 151, 155, 157, 

161, 179, 196, 199, 202, 210, 

213, 220, 221, 225. 

Fuller, Melville W 87 

Fulton, Arthur W 225 

Funk, B. F 172, 173 

Funk, C. S 216 

Funk, Frank H 235 

Gage, Lyman J 185, 186 

Gallagher, Thomas 213, 220 

Gamble, Senator 217 

Gansbergen, F. H 219 

Garfield, James A., 1, 141, 142, 

145, 148, 185. 
Garrison, William Lloyd, 7, 84 

Gartenstein, J 225 

Gest, William G 161, 165 

Giddings, Joshua R 27 

Gill, Joseph B 170 

Gillespie, Joseph 31, 75 

Gilmer, Ulrich Z 160, 161 

Glenn, Archibald A 124, 126 

Goldzier, Julius 172 

Goodhue, Benjamin W 153 

Gore, David 122, 170 

Gorin, J. A 132 

Graff, Joseph V., 176, 182, 189, 
193, 194, 196, 202, 210, 213 

Graham, James M 213, 220 

Grant, Ulysses S., 81, 84, 94, 99, 
102, 103, 104, 106, 109, 112, 
113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 124, 
135, 136, 137, 140, 141, 142, 
143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 185, 
190, 226. 
Greeley, Horace, 43, 78, 112, 113, 

116, 117. 

Gresham, Walter Q., 163, 164, 
185, 186. 

Grimshaw, Jackson 74 

Gross, Jacob 151 

Grote, Caroline 209 

Gundlack, George 126 

Gwin, John N 153 

Hacker, William A 87, 93 

Hadley, W. F. L 177 

Haines, E. M 124, 155, 156 

Hall, Frank H 132, 133, 148 

Hall, Ross C 212 

Hall, William 16 

Hamilton, Alexander, 1, 46, 47, 

Hamilton, John M., 139, 149, 

150, 151, 154, 162, 181. 

Hamilton, Richard Jones 35 

Hamlin, Hannibal 79 

Hamlin, H. J., 187, 191, 199, 200 
Hancock, Winfleld Scott, 141, 


Hanecy, Elbridge 190, 191 

Hanks, John 77 

Hanna, B. J. F 33 

Hanna, Mark 178, 186 

Hardin, John J 76 

Harding, Abner C 33, 95, 100 

Harlow, George H 114, 125 

Harmon, Lawrence 140 

Harper, Jesse, 152, 171 

Harris, Charles M 89 

Harris, Thomas L 27, 71, 76 

Harrison, Benjamin, 164, 165, 

166, 171. 
Harrison, Carter, 123, 129, 152, 

154, 155, 164. 

Hartley, Alphaus K 219, 220 

Hartranft, John A 127 

Harts, David H 164 

Hartzell, William 123, 129 

Hatch, Ozias M., 34, 73, 75, 113 

Hay, John 189, 201 

Hay, John B 104, 108 

Hay, Milton 189 

Hayes, Philip C 129, 133 

Hayes, Rutherford B., 127, 128, 

129, 131. 

Hayes, Samuel Snowden 108 

Hawes, Kirk 136, 137 

Hawk, R. M. A., 133, 142, 209 

Hawley, Edgar C 173 

Hawley, John B., 104, 108, 117, 

126, 139. 

Hayne, Senator 46 

Heimberger, Herman R 223 

Helm, Senator 216 

Henderson, Thomas J., 32, 80, 

102, 123, 129, 133, 142, 148, 

149, 155, 161, 162, 165, 169, 

172, 173. 
Hendricks, Thomas A., 128, 153 

Herman, W. G 225 

Herndon, William H., 24, 26, 31, 


Herrington, James 133 

Hertz, Henry L 170, 179 

Hildrup, Jesse S 102, 109 

Hill, Benjamin H 125, 126 

Hill, Charles A 165 

Hill, S. C 171 

Hilton, Howard 179 

Hines, Edward 216 

Hinrichsen, William H., 170, 182 

Hise, John 93, 126 

Hitchcock, Charles 107 

Hitt, Robert R., 148, 155, 161, 

165, 168, 172, 173, 176, 182, 

184, 189, 193, 194, 195, 196, 

201, 202, 209. 

Hobart, Garret A 40 

Hobbs, J. B 152 

Hoffman, Francis A., 34, 35, 75, 

93 113 

Hoffman, George R. S 212 

Holstlaw, Senator 215, 216 

Hooton, M. M 126 

Hope, T. M 78 



Hopkins, Albert J., 162, 155, 161, 
165, 168, 170, 172, 173, 176, 
179, 182, 184, 189, 191, 193, 
194, 196, 197, 200, 211, 212, 
213, 214, 218. 

Hopkins, Kate 133 

Howe, Julia Ward 237 

Hoy, Luman T 199 

Hoyt, O. W 219 

Hunt, George 136, 151, 103 

Hunter, Andrew J., 170, 172, 182 

Hunter, David 169 

Hurburgh, Charles F 222, 223 

Hurlbut, Stephen A., 21, 22, 32, 
80, 82, 83, 102, 106, 117, 123, 
127, 128, 132, 135, 136, 139, 

Ingersoll, Eben C., 89, 95, 100, 

Ingersoll, Robert G., 77, 80, 81, 

94, 95, 101, 102, 125, 127, 148, 


Inglis, Samuel M 176 

Ingram, W. T 140 

Irwin, A. B 152 

Irwin, John G 148 

Jackson, Andrew 46 

James, William A 133 

Jayne, Dr. William 77, 152 

Jefferson, Thomas, 1, 46, 47, 51, 


Jeffris, Ralph 212 

Jett, Thomas M., 182, 189, 193 

Jewell, Marshall 127 

Johnson, Andrew, 28, 94, 99, 103, 

110, 111, 185. 

Johnson, Hale 152 

Johnson, Herschel V 80 

Johnson, Hiram W 234 

Johnson, Senator, 217 

Jones, Senator 217 

Jones, Walter C 222, 223 

Jones, Willis J 164 

Joy, James F 141 

Judd, Norman B., 28, 74, 75, 78, 

100, 104. 

Judd, S. Corning 93 

Juul, Niels 225 

Kellogg, William 71, 80, 81 

Kellogg, William Pitt, 32, 76, 80 

Kennedy, John C 227 

Kenyon, Senator 217 

Kern, Frederick J 193 

Kern, John W 211, 217 

Ketcham, John H 198 

Killam, John T 171 

King, Tuthill 25 

Kinney, James 212 

Knapp, Anthony L 89 

Knapp, Robert M., 117, 118, 129 

Knight, Thomas D 212 

Knox, James 27 

Knopf, Philip 196, 202, 210 

Koerner, Gustavus, 31, 32, 75, 

102, 109, 113, 117. 
Kuykendall, A. J 92, 95 

La Follette, R. M., 216, 224, 232, 

Lamon, Ward H 74, 83 

Lamont, James 161, 171 

Lamphier, C. H 113 

Landes, Silas Z 155, 161 

Lane, Edward, 161, 165, 169, 172 

Lane, Joseph, 80 

Lathrop, Julia C 228 

Lathrop, William 129, 228 

Lawler, Frank, 155, 161, 165 

Lawler, Thomas G 186 

Lawrence, Judge C. B 122 

Lawrence, Luther W 87, 90 

Lee, Robert E 99, 103 

Lee, Senator 217 

Leeper, Arthur 157 

Leman, Henry W 154 

Le Moyne, John V 124, 162 

Lewis, John H 142 

Lincoln, Abraham, 20, 24, 25, 
26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 
51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 
60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 
69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 
77, 78, 79, 80, 83, 84, 85, 88, 
90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 105, 
110, 130, 185, 189, 190, 197, 
226, 227, 238. 

Lincoln, Robert T., 140, 148, 
171, 185. 

Lindly, Cicero J 152 

Link, Michael S 215 

Link, Robert R 171 

Lippincott, Charles E., 100, 102, 
114, 132. 

Littler, David T 137, 161 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 201 

Logan, Dr. John 158 

Logan, John A., 26, 80, 81, 86, 
90, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 107, 
108, 109, 120, 130, 131, 132, 
133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 145, 
151, 153, 154, 156, 158, 159, 
160, 162, 226, 227. 
Logan, Robert E., 139, 140, 157 
Logan, Stephen T. 26, 75, 82, 
113, 114. 

Loop, James L 21, 22 

Lorimer, William, 176, 182, 188, 
196, 202, 209, 213, 214, 215, 
216, 217, 218, 222, 223. 
Lovejoy, Owen, 25, 26, 32, 34, 

71, 77, 80, 81, 89, 95. 
Lowden, Frank O., 199, 200, 202, 
210, 213, 219. 

Lowell, James Russell 84 

Lundin, Fred 213 

Lynch, Edmund 126 

Lynch, William F 212 



McAndrews, James 193, 196 

McCann. Bert H 212 

McCartney, James 140 

McClellan, George B 95 

McClernand, John A., 80, 81, 99, 


McClun, John E 25 

McCormick, Medill 234 

McCullough, James S., 179, 191, 

200, 212, 223, 225. 

McDannold, John J 172 

McDermott, James T., 209, 210, 

213 220. 

McDonough, Michael 171 

McElroy, John 171 

McGann, L. E., 168, 172, 176, 


McGavin, Charles 202, 210 

McGovern, Governor, 232, 233 
McKenzie, John C., 196, 219, 220, 


McKinlay, Robert L 152 

McKinley, William, 171, 178, 

179, 180, 182, 185, 186, 187, 

188, 189, 192, 193, 209, 226, 

McKinley, William B., 202, 210, 

213, 220, 225. 
McKinney, James, 202, 210, 213, 


McLaughlin, Daniel 148 

McLean, John 79 

McMillan, Thomas C 1G3 

McMurty, William 77 

McNeely, T. W 104, 108 

McNeil, Major Quincy 87 

McNulta, John, 117, 137, 163, 


Mac Veagh, Franklin, 176, 177 
Madden, Martin B. 184, 202, 

209, 213, 220, 225, 231. 

Madison, James 51 

Magill, Hugh S 223 

Maher, Hugh 78 

Mahoney, William F., 193, 196 

Mamer, Christopher 212 

Mann, James R., 182, 188, 193, 

194, 196, 202, 209, 213, 220, 

Marsh, Benjamin F., 129, 133, 

142, 172, 173, 176, 182, 189, 

196, 202. 

Marsh, C. W 137, 138, 139 

Marshall, J. H 33 

Marshall, Samuel S., 27, 71, 82, 

95, 100, 104, 108, 118. 

Marshall, Thomas R 235 

Marshall Thomas S 171 

Mason, William E., 161, 165, 

184, 185, 188, 196, 212, 225 

Martin, James S 118 

Matteson, Joel A 28 

Matthews, Asa C., 165, 166, 167 

Matthews, Milton W. 169 

Maxwell, A. L, 180 

Mazzini 45 

Meacham, U. D 22 

Medill, Joseph, 32, 107, 135, 177 

Mesick, Joseph B 161 

Metcalf, A. W 137 

Michalek, Anthony 202 

Mickey, J. Ross 193 

Miller, Edward E 232 

Miller, James 34, 44, 70 

Miller, James H 167 

Miller, Stephen 9 

Mills, Daniel W 182 

Miner, Orlin H 92 

Mitchell, Edward E 219, 220 

Mitchell, Thomas F 133 

Moloney, Maurice T 170 

Monroe, James 15 

Moore, Hosea H 169, 170 

Moore, Jesse H 104, 108 

Moore, John 35 

Morris, Isaac N 71 

Morrison, Isaac L 133 

Morrison, William R., 80, 89 

118, 123, 129, 133, 142, 149 

155, 156, 158, 162. 
Morton, Levi P., 163, 164. 165, 


Morton, Oliver P 127 

Moses, John ....29, 34, il4, 136 
Moulton, Samuel W., 92, 95 

101, 102, 142, 149. 

Mount, John B 212 

Murphy, Everet J 176 

Napoleon, 1 72, 103 

Nast, Thomas 116 

Neece, William H 149, 155 

Needles, Thomas B 125 

Newberry, Walter C 168 

Noe, Samuel D 171 

Nicolay, John G., 30, 94, 189 

Noonan, Edward T 188, 189 

Northcott, William A., 179, 191 

Norton, Jesse 23, 27, 89 

Noyes, LaVerne W 234 

Oberly, John H. . 
O'Brien, William 
O'Conor, Charles 
O'Donnell, James 

Ogden, W. B 

Oglesby, Richard 

80, 92, 96, 97, 

104, 105, 109, 

117, 119, 120, 

149, 151, 154, 

181, 190, 212, 

Oglesby, John G. 

O'Hara, Daniel . 

Oldt, Franklin T. 

Ostewig, Kinnie 

Orendorf, Alfred 







J., 31, 32, 77, 
98, 100, 101, 
114, 115, 116, 
132, 133, 134, 
155, 159, 170, 
226, 227. 
, 212, 223, 225 


160, 161 

A 223 

148, 152 

Pace, Edward C 180 

Paddock, James H 183 

Palmer, John M., 26, 28, 32, 33, 
34, 76, 80, 82, 92, 100, 101, 



102, 104, 105, 106, 113, 118, 
130, 131, 149, 159, 164, 166, 
168, 170, 181, 184, 226, 227 

Parks, G. D. A 31, 33 

Parker, Alton B 201, 202 

Parker, Theodore 7, 14, 60 

Parsons, George B 191 

Parsons, Lewis B 140 

Patton, Robert H 202 

Pavey, Charles W., 137, 163, 170 
Payson, Lewis E., 142, 149, 155, 

161, 162, 165. 

Pearson, I. N 163, 170 

Peck, Ebenezer 74 

Pemberton, Stanton C 210 

Pendleton, George H 101 

Perry, Elmer A 212 

Ferryman, James L 152 

Peterson, E. 235 

Pettigrew, Senator 180 

Petigru, James L ....83 

Petit, Senator 67 

Phillips, D. L 31, 33 

Phillips, General Jesse J., 99, 


Phillips, Wendell 7, 84 

Pickering, John L 212 

Pickett, Thomas J., 30, 31, 32, 73 
Pierce, Franklin, 15, 17, 41, 45, 


Pierce, John 199, 200 

Piotrowski, Nicholas L 209 

Platt, Thomas C 192 

Plumb, Ralph 155, 161 

Polk, James K 9, 10 

Post, Philip Sidney, 161, 165, 

169, 172, 173, 176, 177. 
Powell, William H., 34, 122, 123 

Powers, Caleb 229 

Presidential electors, 1860, 76; 

1864, 93; 1868, 102; 1872, 114- 

115; 1876, 126; 1880, 140; 

1884, 152; 1912, 227. 
Prince, George W., 170, 177, 

182, 189, 193, 194, 195, 196, 

202, 210, 213, 220, 225. 

Pugh, I. C 31 

Puterbaugh, Howell J 176 

Quay, Matthew S 180 

Rabb, Henry, 148, 168, 169, 176 
Rainey, Henry T., 196, 202, 210, 

213, 220. 

Ralston, V. Y 30 

Ramsey, Rufus N 170 

Randolph, John F 176 

Raum, Green B., 80, 99, 100, 125, 

136, 137, 139, 149, 162. 

Rausch, J. W 220 

Rawlins, John A., 80 81, 107, 


Ray, Dr. Charles H 30 

Ray, Lyman B., 163, 166, 170 

Ray, William H 117 

Raymond, Charles W 179 

Reece, Jasper N 163 

Reeder, Andrew 40, 41 

Reed, Thomas B., 171, 178, 180 

Regan, Frank S 190 

Reid, Frank R 223 

Reid, Whitelaw 171 

Remann, Frederick 176, 177 

Reeves, E. F 153 

Reeves, Walter, 176, 182, 189, 

190, 191, 193, 194. 

Reynolds, John ....71 

Rice, Edward Y 108 

Rice, John B 117 

Richardson, William A., 27, 35, 

80, 81, 91, 97. 
Ricker, Henry Francis J., 160, 


Ricks, N. Douglas 164 

Ridgely, Charles 108 

Ridgway, Thomas S., 102, 122, 

123, 125, 139, 152. 

Riggs, James M 149, 155 

Rinaker, John I., 115, 126, 139, 

152, 163, 177. 

Rives, Zeno S 202 

Roberts, Lavina E 176 

Roberts, Ralph 22 

Robbins, J. W 136, 179 

Robinson, Charles 41 

Robinson, James C., 81, 89, 93, 

108, 117, 118. 
Rodenberg, William A., 189, 

196, 202, 210, 213, 220, 225. 

Roe, E. R 78 

Rogers, J. M 91 

Rose, James A., 179, 191, 200, 

212, 223, 225, 228, 229. 230 
Ross, L. W., 77, 89, 95, 100. 

Ross, William 33, 75 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 19, 189, 

192, 200, 201, 202, 211, 213, 

215, 224, 228, 232, 233, 234, 


Root/Elihu 201, 232, 233 

Root, James P 99, 101, 105 

Rothermel, William E 223 

Rowell, J. H., 149, 155, 161, 165 

Rowett, Richard 137 

Rowley, General 145 

Ruggles, James M 33 

Rummel, Edward 102, 113 

Russel, Andrew J., 208, 212, 223, 

Rutz, Edward 114, 125, 140 

Sabath, Adolph J., 209, 210, 213, 

Sanford, John F. A 38 

Schneider, George 30, 75, 140 

Schofield, General 185 

Schurz, Carl 112 

Scott, Dred 38 

Scott, Owen 169 

Searle, Charles J 225 

Seiter, Henry 152 

Selby, Paul 29, 30 



Selby, Thomas Jefferson ....193 
Seward, W. H. ( 14, 72, 78, 79, 

84, 171. 

Sewell, Arthur 181 

Sexton, Austin 149 

Seymour, Horatio 104 

Shannon, Governor 41 

Shannon, John R 101 

Shaw, Aaron 71, 149 

Shaw, B. F 30 

Shaw, James 114, 130, 133 

Shaw, J. Henry 157 

Sheldon, C. W 21 

Sheldon, Porter 87, 88 

Shepard, Daniel, 132, 157 

Sheridan General P. H 84 

Sherman, James S 211, 234 

Sherman, John, 136, 141, 151, 

153, 164. 
Sherman, Lawrence Y., 190, 194, 

199, 200, 203, 204, 223, 224, 


Sherman, General W. T 84 

Sherwin, John C 133, 142 

Shields, James 28, 48, 113 

Shuman, Andrew, 125, 130, 152 

Shumway, George 212 

Shurtleff, Edward D., 202, 208, 

210, 214. 

Sims, fugitive slave 14 

Singleton, James W., 133, 142 

Slade, James P 132 

Small, Len, 200, 222, 223, 224, 

231, 232. 

Smith, Abraham E ....186 

Smith, Dietrich C. ... ....142 

Smith, Garret 115 

Smith, F. H 225 

Smith, Frank L 212 

Smith, George A 223 

Smith, General George W 99 

Smith, George W., 165, 169, 172, 

173, 176, 177, 182, 189, 194, 

196, 202, 210. 
Smith, General John C., 114, 

132, 139, 148, 151, 156, 163 

Smith, Robert 71 

Smulski, John F 208, 209 

Snapp, Howard M., 196, 202, 210, 

Snell, Thomas .. ....78 

Snively, C. E 232 

Snow, Herman W 169 

Snyder, William H 35, 109 

Spangler, Reuben E 201 

Sparks, William A. J., 123, 129, 

133, 142. 

Springer, William M., 87, 123, 
129, 133, 142, 149, 155, 161, 
165, 169, 172. 

St. John, John P 153, 154 

St. Matthew, J. H 35 

Stack, Edmund J 220 

Stanton, Edwin M 92 

Starkel, Lewis C 140 

Starne, Alexander 89, 93 

State central committee, 1912, 

Stead, William H., 200, 212, 218, 

223 225 

Sterling, Fred E 212, 231 

Sterling, John A., 196, 202, 210, 

213, 220, 225. 

Stevens, Brad N 108 

Stevenson, A. E., 123, 133, 172, 

192, 212, 213. 
Steward, Lewis, 126, 129, 168, 


Stiver, Perry 188 

Stone, Claude U 220 

Storrs, Emery A., 77, 102, 114, 

132, 136, 137. 

Stowe, Harriet Beecher 84 

Stratton, Charles T 148 

Streeter, A. J 140, 164, 170 

Stringer, Lawrence B., 201, 202 

Stuart, John T 78, 89 

Sumner, Charles, 7, 15, 39, 41, 

42, 72, 84, 116, 117. 

Sweet, Martin P 21 

Swett, Leonard, 74, 75, 76, 78, 

93, 113. 
Swigert, Charles P 140, 151 

Taft, William H., 211, 213, 224, 

227, 228, 232, 233, 234, 235 

Tallmadge, James, Jr 5 

Taney, Chief Justice, 39, 45, 52, 

Tanner, John R., 160, 161, 177, 

179, 182, 183, 184, 188, 191, 


Taylor, Abner 165, 168. 

Taylor, Zachary, 11, 12, 13, 34 

Teller, Senator 180 

Templeton, J. W., 212, 213, 219 

Terry, Elmer E 191 

Thistlewood, N. B., 210, 213, 220, 


Thomas, Charles 137 

Thomas, Charles B 201 

Thomas, Horace H 147 

Thomas, Jesse B 6 

Thomas, John R., 133, 142, 149, 

155, 161. 

Thompson, J. M 140 

Thornton, Anthony 95, 101 

Thornton, S. Y 126 

Throop, A. C 25 

Thurman, Allen G 164 

Thurston, John W 180 

Tillson, John 33 

Tilden, Samuel J 128, 131 

Tipton, Thomas F 129, 133 

Todd, James 191 

Tomkiewicz, C. J 225 

Townsend, Leon A 203 

Townshend, R. W., 129, 133, 142, 

149, 155, 161, 165. 

Travis, John 21 

Tree, Lambert 158 



Trimble, Commander-in-Chief, 


Trude, George S 180 

Truesburg, Charles II 195 

Trumbull, Jonathan 182 

Trumbull, Lyman, 23, 26, 27, 28, 

32, 48, 50, 80, 82, 98, 100, 112, 

113, 118, 119, 120, 140, 142, 

182, 226, 227. 
Turner, Thomas J., 21, 82, 109 

Turney, William A 93 

Tyler, John 8, 10 

Tyndale, Sharon 92 

Upham, Fred W. 232 

Upsher, Abel P 8 

Usrey, W. J 30 

Van Buren, Martin ... ....8, 9, 12 

Van Bpps, William H 101 

Vanderwater, A. C 153 

Van Hornebecke, Gustavus ..101 

Waker, Charles H 164 

Wade, B. F 14, 97, 103 

Ward, James H 155 

Ward, Jasper D 117 

Warder, Walter 190 

Wasburne, B. B., 21, 22, 26, 27, 

42, 71, 81, 89, 95, 100, 104, 106, 

136, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 

146, 147, 185. 
Washington, George, 1, 51, 238 

Watson, James 232 

Watson, Thomas B 181 

Wayman, John E. W., 222, 224 
Warner, Vespasian, 176, 182, 

189, 193, 194, 196, 199, 200 

Weaver, James B 141, 171 

Weaver, John B 223 

Weaver, William H 158 

Webster, Daniel, 8, 13, 46, 47, 

60, 76, 171. 

Webster, W. G 212, 223 

Weed, Thurlow 78 

Welch, Andrew 164 

Weldon, Lawrence, 74, 76, 113 
Wentworth, John, 32, 80, 87, 88, 

95, 113, 137. 

West, A. M 153 

West, Roy 225, 231 

Wharton, Charles S 202 

Wharton, O. P 30 

Wheeler, Hamilton K., 172, 173 

Wheeler, Jacob 157- 

Wheeler, William A 128, 131 

White, Charles A 214 

White, George B 176, 182 

White, Horace 113, 116 

Whitfleld, Kansas territorial 

delegate 40 

Whitlock, H. G 140 

Whiting, Richard H 123 

Whitney, Eli 5 

Whittier, John G 7, 42, 84 

Whittemore, Floyd J., 187, 188 

Wike, Scott 123, 165, 169 

Williams, Ira 31 

Williams, James R., 165, 169, 

172, 189, 193, 196. 

Williamson, M. 191 

Williams, William Elza 189 

Willits, George S 171 

Willson, Governor 229 

Wilmot, David 11, 79 

Winter, Edward 235 

Wilson, Charles L 33 

Wilson, Henry, 2, 19, 103, 115 

Wilson, H. Clay 225 

Wilson, Richard S 168, 169 

Wilson, William W., 196, 202, 

209, 213, 220, 225. 

Wilson, Woodrow 235 

Windom, William 136, 141 

Wood, Benson 176 

Wood, John 34, 82 

Woodman, Charles W 176 

Woodworth, James H 23, 27 

Works, Charles A 187 

Worrell, Edwin R 227 

Worthington, N. E 149, 155 

Wright, Alonzo P 171 

Wright, Francis M 163 

Wulff, Jacob 176 

Yates, Henry 76 

Yates, Richard (Elder), 26, 29, 
32, 33, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 85, 
86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 
103, 104, 105, 109, 159, 194, 
226, 227. 

Yates, Richard (Younger), 171, 
190, 191, 193, 194, 199, 200, 
208, 212, 222, 224, 229. 

Zangwell, Israel 238