/
S. 6. & £. L. ELBERT
■
J»J
j&femm® iff
mt.
kTO
x«
KATHABIHE E. COMAN
m
(Liu
^mnwn m laxiDDiA
CSM
///// '
^H m
■1
Hi
lillSis
BHBhkSS
01
It
^jyBran I? ^wmm^m
///// ■
^///^' mm, c?/tf\
EHW^®G&Ka
Published bfJokn S Taj'br
tea®.
THE HISTORY
OF THE
RISE, PROGRESS, AND ACCOMPLISHMENT
OF THE
ABOLITION
OF THE
AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE,
BY THE
BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
BY THOMAS CLARKSON, M. A
IN THREE VOLUMES,
VOL. I.
NEW-YORK:
PUBLISHED BY JOHN S.TAYLOR,
CORNER OF PARK-ROW AND NASSAU-STREET,
OPPOSITE THE CITY HALL.
1836.
*
CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
FAGS.
CHAPTER I.
Estimate of the evil of the Slave-trade — and of the blessing
of the Abolition of it. — Usefulness of the contemplation
of this subject. 9
CHAPTER II.
Those who favored the cause of the Africans previously to
1787, were so many necessary forerunners in it — Cardinal
Ximenes — and others 30
CHAPTER III.
Forerunners continued to 1787 — divided now into four classes
— First consists of persons in England of various descrip-
tions, Godwyn, Baxter, and others. .... 40
CHAPTER IV.
Second, of the Quakers in England, George Fox, and his
religious descendants 89
CHAPTER V.
Third, of the Quakers in America — Union of these with
individuals of other religious denominations in the same
cause 104
CHAPTER VI.
Facility of junction between the members of these three dif-
ferent classes. 149
CHAPTER VII.
Fourth consists of Dr. Peckard — Then of the Author — Author
wishes to embark in the cause — Falls in with several of the
members of these classes. , . . . . .156
Vlll CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER VIII.
Fourth class continued — Langton — Baker — and others — Au-
tlior now embarks in the cause as a business of his life. . 16?
CHAPTER IX.
Fourth class continued — Sheldon — Mackworth — and others
— Author seeks for further information on the subject —
and visits members of Parliament .... 177
CHAPTER X.
Fourth class continued — Author enlarges his knowledge —
Meeting at Mr. Wilberforce's — Remarkable junction of all
the four classes, and a Committee formed out of them, in
May, 1787, for the Abolition of the Slave-trade. . . 186
CHAPTER XI.
History of the preceding classes, and of their junction, shown
by means of a map. ....... 197
CHAPTER XII.
Author endeavors to do away the charge of ostentation in
consequence of becoming so conspicuous in this work. . 203
CHAPTER XIII.
Proceedings of the committee — Emancipation declared to be
no part of its object — Wrongs of Africa by Mr. Roscoe. . 209
CHAPTER XIV.
Author visits Bristol to collect information — 111 usage of sea-
men in the Slave-trade — Articles of African produce —
Massacre at Calebar 220
CHAPTER XV.
Mode of procuring and paying seamen in that trade — Their
mortality in it — Construction and admeasurement of Slave-
ships — Difficulty of procuring evidence — Cases of Gardi-
ner and Arnold 241
CHAPTER XVI.
Author meets with Alexander Falconbridge — Visits ill-treated
and disabled seamen — takes a mate out of one of the Slave-
vessels — and puts another in prison for murder. . . 259
PROSPECTUS
OF THE
CABINET OF FREEDOM
To all who note the signs of the times, it must be ob-
vious that the character and consequences of American
slavery, the plans proposed for its removal, and the in-
fluence of those plans on the union and prosperity of the
nation, are to become topics of general and absorbing
interest. It is natural and proper that the citizens of a
free country should carefully investigate the nature of an
institution necessarily affecting the moral and political
welfare of themselves and their posterity, and should
anxiously inquire what conduct respecting it is required
by duty and prudence. Discussion has been excited
and will not and cannot be suppressed. In the social
circle, and in the crowded assembly, in the pulpit, and in
the legislative hall, slavery is the theme of frequent and
earnest inquiry ; and the press is pouring forth its mul-
titudinous publications on the same momentous topic.
The subscriber flatters himself that by collecting in a
cheap but neat form, the most valuable and instructive
works relating to the great subject that is now agitating
the whole country, he will not only gratify the prevailing
thirst for information, but also promote the cause of
truth and justice.
The Cabinet will comprise both original and select-
ed articles, embracing, among other topics, the history
2 PROSPECTUS.
of the legal abolition of the African Slave-trade — the
history and consequences of emancipation in the British
West India Islands — the past and present state of St.
Domingo — discussions on the lawfulness of slavery —
the actual condition of the slaves in the United States,
and an examination of the various modes of emancipating
them which have been recommended.
The selections will from time to time be made by
gentlemen whose names will be given to the public, and
who will be responsible for the general character of the
articles, but not for all the opinions and assertions they
may contain.
As the Cabinet of Freedom will be devoted to
subjects connected with slavery, its name may be thought
singularly inappropriate to its contents. The incon-
gruity, however, is only apparent, since the subscriber
trusts that the Cabinet will exert an influence favorable
to the cause of immediate and universal emancipation.
The Cabinet will appear regularly every two weeks,
commencing in March, 1836. Each number will con-
tain 48 pages duodecimo, and will be sold in numbers,
if required, at 6~ cents, except when illustrated with en-
gravings, the price of such numbers will be increased
according to the expense of the engraving.
Terms two dollars per annum, payable in advance.
The Hon. Wm. Jay,. Rev. Prof. Bush, of the New-
York University, and Gerrit Smith, Esq., have consented
to select the articles for the Cabinet until further notice.
All communications for the Cabinet of Freedom, to be
addressed to
JOHN S. TAYLOR,
Bookseller, New York.
ADVERTISEMENT.
It has been thought that no work could be selected
more appropriate for the commencement of the Cabinet,
than Clarkson's celebrated History of the Abolition of
the Slave-Trade. Its accuracy has never been question-
ed, and the importance of the subject to the cause of
humanity is almost unparalleled. The examples af-
forded by this history, of the combined strength of self-
ishness and prejudice, and of the still greater strength of
Christian truth, zeal, and perseverance, are not only in-
structive in themselves, but are peculiarly interesting and
useful at the present moment, when the same great
principles and motives of action which distinguished the
struggle for the Abolition of the African Slave-trade, are
employed in assailing and defending American slavery.
It will be seen from the subjoined extract from the
journals of Congress, how respectfully the donation of
this work to the National Library was received ; and it
affords matter for serious and humiliating reflection, that
the same legislature which has pronounced the African
trade to be piracy, should pertinaciously sanction an
ADVERTISEMENT.
American traffic, in many respects, scarcely less atro-
cious than the other.
House of Representatives, 18th Feb., 1809.
" Resolved, That the Speaker be requested to ac-
knowledge the receipt and acceptance of Clarkson's
History of Slavery presented by the American Conven-
tion for promoting the abolition of slavery, and improving
the condition of the Africans, and that the said work be
deposited in the library."
THE
HISTORY OF THE ABOLITION
OF THE
SLAVE-TRADE.
CHAPTER I.
no subject more pleasing than that of the removal of evils. —
Evils have existed almost from the beginning of the world-*-
but there is a power, in. our nature to counteract them. — this
power increased by christianity. — of the evils removed by
Christianity one of the greatest is the Slave-trade. — The joy
WE OUGHT to feel ON ITS abolition from a contemplation of the
nature of it— and of the extent of IT — AND of the difficulty
OF SUBDUING IT.— USEFULNESS ALSO OF THE CONTEMPLATION OF THIS
SUBJECT.
I scarcely know of any subject, the contem-
plation of which is more pleasing than that of
the correction or of the removal of any of the
acknowledged evils of life ; for while we rejoice
to think that the sufferings of our fellow-creatures
have been thus, in any instance, relieved, we must
rejoice equally to think that our own moral con-
dition must have been necessarily improved by
the change.
That evils, both physical and moral, have ex-
isted long upon earth there can be no doubt. One
of the sacred writers, to whcm we more imme-
diately appeal for the early history of mankind,
10 THE HISTORY OF THE
informs us that the state of our first parents was
a state of innocence and happiness, but that, soon
after their creation, sin and misery entered into
the world. The poets in their fables, most of
which, however extravagant they may seem, had
their origin in truth, speak the same language.
Some of these represent the first condition of man
by the figure of the golden, and his subsequent de-
generacy and subjection to suffering by that of the
silver, and afterwards of the iron, age. Others
tell us that the first female was made of clay ;
that she was called Pandora, because every ne-
cessary gift, qualification, or endowment, was
given to her by the gods, but that she received
from Jupiter at the same time, a box, from which,
when opened, a multitude of disorders sprung,
and that these spread themselves immediately
afterwards among all of the human race. Thus
it appears, whatever authorities we consult, that
those which may be termed the evils of life ex-
isted in the earliest times. And what does sub-
sequent history, combined with our own expe-
rience, tell us, but that these have been continued,
or that they have come down, in different degrees,
through successive generations of men, in all the
known countries of the universe, to the present
day?
But though the inequality visible in the dif
ferent conditions of life, and the passions inter
woven into our nature, (both which have been
allotted to us for wise purposes, and without which
we could not easily afford a proof of the existence
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 11
of that which is denominated virtue,) have a ten-
dency to produce vice and wretchedness among
us, yet we see in this our constitution what may
operate partially as preventives and correctives
of them. If there be a radical propensity in our
nature to do that which is wrong, there is on the
other hand a counteracting power within it, or an
impulse, by means of the action of the Divine
Spirit upon our minds, which urges us to do that
which is right. If the voice of temptation, clothed
in musical and seducing accents, charms us one
way, the voice of holiness, speaking to us from
within in a solemn and powerful manner, com-
mands us another. Does One man obtain a vic-
tory over his corrupt affections 1 an immediate
perception of pleasure, like the feeling of a reward
divinely conferred upon him, is noticed. Does
another fall prostrate beneath their power ? a
painful feeling, and such as pronounces to him
the sentence of reproof and punishment, is found
to follow. If one, by suffering his heart to be-
come hardened, oppresses a fellow-creature, the
tear of sympathy starts up in the eye of another,
and the latter instantly feels a desire, involun-
tarily generated, of flying to his relief. Thus
impulses, feelings, and dispositions have been im-
planted in our nature for the purpose of preventing
and rectifying the evils of life. And as these
have operated so as to stimulate some men to
lessen them by the exercise of an amiable charity,
so they have operated to stimulate others, in
various other ways, to the same end. Hence the
12 THE HISTORY OF THE
philosopher has left moral precepts behind him
in favor of benevolence, and the legislator has
endeavored to prevent barbarous practices by the
introduction of laws.
In consequence then of these impulses and
feelings, by which the pure power in our nature
is thus made to act as a check upon the evil part
of it, and in consequence of the influence which
philosophy and legislative wisdom have had in
their respective provinces, there has been always,
in all times and countries, a counteracting energy,
which has opposed itself more or less to the crimes
and miseries of mankind. But it seems to have
been reserved for Christianity to increase this
energy, and to give it the widest possible domain.
It was reserved for her, under the same Divine
influence, to give the best views of the nature,
and of the present and future condition of man ;
to afford the best moral precepts, to communicate
the most benign stimulus to the heart, to produce
the most blameless conduct, and thus to cut off
many of the causes of wretchedness, and to heal
it wherever it was found. At her command,
wherever she has been duly acknowledged, many
of the evils of life have already fled. The pris-
oner of war is no longer led into the amphitheatre
to become a gladiator, and to imbrue his hands
in the blood of his fellow-captive for the sport of
a thoughtless multitude. The stern priest, cruel
through fanaticism and custom, no longer leads
his fellow-creature to the altar, to sacrifice him to
fictitious gods. The venerable martyr, courage-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 13
ous through faith and the sanctity of his life, is
no longer hurried to the flames. The haggard
witch, poring over her incantations by moon-
light, no longer scatters her superstitious poison
among her miserable neighbors, nor suffers for her
crime.
But in whatever way Christianity may have
operated towards the increase of this energy, or
towards a diminution of human misery, it has
operated in none more powerfully than by the
new views, and consequent duties, which it intro-
duced on the subject of charity, or practical be-
nevolence and love. Men in ancient times looked
upon their talents, of whatever description, as their
own, which they might use or cease to use at their
discretion. But the author of our religion was the
first who taught that, however in a legal point of
view the talent of individuals might belong exclu-
sively to themselves, so that no other person had a
right to demand the use of it by force, yet in the
Christian dispensation they were but the stewards
of it for good ; that so much was expected from
this stewardship, that it was difficult for those who
were intrusted with it to enter into his spiritual
kingdom ; that these had no right to conceal their
talent in a napkin ; but that they were bound to
dispense a portion of it to the relief of their fel-
low-creatures ; and that in proportion to the mag-
nitude of it they were accountable for the exten-
siveness of its use. He was the first, who pro-
nounced the misapplication of it to be a crime, and
to be a crime of no ordinary dimensions. He was
VOL. I. 2
14 THE HISTORY OF THE
the first, who broke down the boundary between
Jew and Gentile, and therefore the first, who
pointed out to men the inhabitants of other coun-
tries for the exercise of their philanthropy and
love. Hence a distinction is to be made both in
the'principle and practice of charity, as existing in
ancient or in modern times. Though the old phi-
losophers, historians, and poets, frequently incul-
cated benevolence, we have no reason to conclude
from any facts they have left us, that persons in
their days did any thing more than occasionally
relieve an unfortunate object, who might present
himself before them, or that, however they might
deplore the existence of public evils among them,
they joined in associations for their suppression, or
that they carried their charity, as bodies of men,
into other kingdoms. To Christianity alone we
are indebted for the new and sublime spectacle of
seeing men going beyond the bounds of individual
usefulness to each other ; of seeing them associate
for the extirpation of private and public misery ;
and of seeing them carry their charity, as a united
brotherhood, into distant lands. And in this wider
field of benevolence it would be unjust not to con-
fess, that no country has shone with more true
lustre than our own, there being scarcely any case
of acknowledged affliction, for which some of her
Christian children have not united in an attempt
to provide relief.
Among the evils, corrected or subdued, either
by the general influence of Christianity on the
minds of men, or by particular associations of
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. IS
Christians, the African* Slave-trade appears to
me to have occupied the foremost place. The
abolition of it, therefore, of which it has devolved
upon me to write the history, should be accounted
as one of the greatest blessings, and, as such,
should be one of the most copious sources of our
joy. Indeed I know of no evil, the removal of
which should excite in us a higher degree of plea-
sure. For in considerations of this kind, are we
not usually influenced by circumstances 1 Are not
our feelings usually affected according to the situ-
ation, or the magnitude, or the importance of these -
Are they not more or less elevated as the evil unde .
our contemplation has been more or less produc-
tive of misery, or more or less productive of guilt %
Are they not more or less elevated, again, as we
have found it more or less considerable in extent %
Our sensations will undoubtedly be in proportion to
such circumstances, or our joy to the appreciation
or mensuration of the evil which has been removed.
To value the blessing of the abolition as we
ought, or to appreciate the joy and gratitude which
we ought to feel concerning it, we must enter a
little into the circumstances of the trade. Our
statement, however, of these needs not be long.
A few pages will do all that is necessary ! A glance
only into such a subject as this will be sufficient to
affect the heart ; to arouse our indignation and
our pity ; and to teach us the importance of the
victory obtained.
* Slavery had been before annihilated by Christianity, I mean in
the west of Europe, at the close of the twelfth century.
16 THE HISTORY OF THE
The first subject for consideration, towards ena-
bling us to make the estimate in question, will
be that of the nature of the evil belonging to the
Slave-trade. This may be seen by examining it
in three points of view : First, As it has been
proved to arise on the continent of Africa in the
course of reducing the inhabitants of it to slavery ;
Secondly, In the course of conveying them from
thence to the lands or colonies of other nations ;
And, Thirdly, In continuing them there as slaves.
To see it as it has been shown to arise in the
first case, let us suppose ourselves on the Continent
just mentioned. Well then : we are landed ; Ave
are already upon our travels ; we have just passed
through one forest ; we are now come to a more
open place, which indicates an approach to habita-
tions. And what object is that, which first obtrudes
itself upon our sight ? Who is that wretched
woman, whom we discover under that noble tree,
wringing her hands, and beating her breast, as if
in the agonies of despair ? Three days has she
been there at intervals to look and to watch, and
this is the fourth morning, and no tidings of her
children yet. Beneath its spreading boughs they
were accustomed to play : but alas ! the savage
manstealer interrupted their playful mirth, and
has taken them for ever from her sight.
But let us leave the cries of this unfortunate
woman, and hasten into another district : and what
do we first see here 1 Who is he that just now
started across the narrow pathway, as if afraid of
a human face 1 What is that sudden rustling
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 17
among the leaves'? Why are those persons flying
from our approach, and hiding themselves in yon
darkest thicket ] Behold, as we get into the plain,
a deserted village ! The rice-field has been just
trodden down around it. An aged man, venerable
by his silver beard, lies wounded and dying near
the threshold of his hut. War, suddenly insti-
gated by avarice, has just visited the dwellings
which we see. The old have been butchered,
because unfit for slavery, and the young have been
carried off, except such as have fallen in the con-
flict, or have escaped among the woods behind us.
But let us hasten from this cruel scene, which
gives rise to so many melancholy reflections. Let
us cross yon distant river, and enter into some
new domain. But are we relieved even here from
afflicting spectacles ? Look at that immense crowd,
which appears to be gathered in a ring. See the
accused innocent in the middle. The ordeal of
poisonous water has been administered to him, as
a test of his innocence or his guilt. He begins to
be sick, and pale. Alas ! yon mournful shriek of
his relatives confirms that the loss of his freedom
is now sealed.
And whither shall we go now ? The night is
approaching fast. Let us find some friendly hut,
where sleep may make us forget for a while the
sorrows of the day. Behold a hospitable native
ready to receive us at his door ! Let us avail our-
selves of his kindness, And now let us give our-
selves to repose. But why, when our eyelids are
but just closed, do we find ourselves thus suddenly
vol. i. 2 *
18 THE HISTORY OF THE
awakened ? What is the meaning" of the noise
around us, of the trampling of people's feet, of
the rustling of the bow, the quiver, and the lance ?
Let us rise up and inquire. Behold ! the inhabit-
ants are all alarmed! A wakeful woman has
shown them yon distant column of smoke and
blaze. The neighboring village is on fire. The
prince, unfaithful to the sacred duty of the pro-
tection of his subjects, has surrounded them. He
is now burning their habitations, and seizing, as
saleable booty, the fugitives from the flames.
Such then are some of the scenes that have
been passing in Africa in consequence of the exist-
ence of the Slave-trade ; or such is the nature of
the evil, as it has shown itself in the first of the
cases we have noticed. Let us now estimate it as
it has been proved to exist in the second ; or let
us examine the state of the unhappy Africans,
reduced to slavery in this manner, while on board
the vessels, which are to convey them across the
ocean to other lands. And here I must observe at
once, that, as far as this part of the evil is con-
cerned, I am at a loss to describe it. Where shall
I find words to express properly their sorrow, as
arising from the reflection of being parted for ever
from their friends, their relatives, and their coun-
try ] Where shall I find language to paint in
appropriate colors the horror of mind brought on
by thoughts of their future unknown destination,
of which they can augur nothing but misery from
all that they have yet seen ? How shall I make
known their situation, while laboring under pain-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 19
ful disease, or while struggling in the suffocating
holds of their prisons, like animals inclosed in an
exhausted receiver *? How shall I describe their
feelings as exposed to all the personal indignities,
which lawless appetite or brutal passion may sug-
gest % How shall I exhibit their sufferings as
determining to refuse sustenance and die, or as
resolving to break their chains, and, disdaining to
live as slaves, to punish their oppressors 1 How
shall I give an idea of their agony, when under
various punishments and tortures for their reputed
crimes 1 Indeed every part of this subject defies
my powers, and I must therefore satisfy myself
and the reader with a general representation, or in
the words of a celebrated member of Parliament,
that " Never was so much human suffering con-
densed in so small a space."
I come now to the evil, as it has been proved to
arise in the third case ; or to consider the situation
of the unhappy victims of the trade, when their
painful voyages are over, or after they have been
landed upon their destined shores. And here we
are to view them first under the degrading light
of cattle. We are to see them examined, handled,
selected, separated, and sold. Alas ! relatives are
separated from relatives, as if, like cattle, they had
no rational intellect, no power of feeling the near-
ness of relationship, nor sense of the duties belong-
ing to the ties of life ! We are next to see them
laboring, and this for the benefit of those, to whom
they are under no obligation, by any law either
natural or divine, to obey. We are to see them^
20 THE HISTORY OF THE
if refusing the commands of their purchasers, how-
ever weary, or feeble, or indisposed, subject to cor-
poreal punishments, and, if forcibly resisting them,
to death. We are to see them in a state of general
degradation and misery. The knowledge, which
their oppressors have of their own crime in having
violated the rights of nature, and of the disposi-
tion of the injured to seek all opportunities of
revenge, produces a fear which dictates to them
the necessity of a system of treatment by which
they shall keep up a wide distinction between the
two, and by which the noble feelings of the latter
shall be kept down, and their spirits broken. We
are to see them again subject to individual perse-
cution, as anger, or malice, or any bad passion may
suggest. Hence the whip ; the chain ; the iron
collar. Hence the various modes of private tor-
ture, of which so many accounts have been truly
given. Nor can such horrible cruelties be discov-
ered so as to be made punishable, while the testi-
mony of any number of the oppressed is invalid
against the oppressors, however they may be
offences against the laws. And, lastly, we are to
see their innocent offspring, against whose personal
liberty the shadow of an argument cannot be
advanced, inheriting all the miseries of their pa-
rents' lot.
The evil then, as far as it has been hitherto
viewed, presents to us in its three several depart-
ments a measure of human suffering not to be
equalled; not to be calculated ; not to be described,
But would that we could consider this part of the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 21
subject as dismissed ! Would that in each of the
departments now examined there was no counter-
part left us to contemplate ! but this cannot be.
For if there be persons, who suffer unjustly, there
must be others, who oppress. And if there be
those who oppress, there must be to the suffering,
which has been occasioned, a corresponding portion
of immorality or guilt.
We are obliged then to view the counterpart of
the evil in question, before we can make a proper
estimate of the nature of it. And, in examining
this part of it, we shall find that we have a no less
frightful picture to behold than in the former cases ;
or that, while the miseries endured by the unfor-
tunate Africans excite our pity on the one hand,
the vices, which are connected with them, provoke
our indignation and abhorrence on the other. The
Slave-trade, in this point of view, must strike us
as an immense mass of evil on account of the crim-
inality attached to it, as displayed in the various
branches of it, which have already been examined.
For, to take the counterpart of the evil in the first
of these, can we say, that no moral turpitude is to
be placed to the account of those, who living on
the continent of Africa, give birth to the enormities
which take place in consequence of the prosecution
of this trade 1 Is not that man made morally
worse, who is induced to become a tiger to his
species, or who, instigated by avarice, lies in wait
in the thicket to get possession of his fellow-man 1
Is no injustice manifest in the land, where the
prince, unfaithful to his duty, seizes his innocent
22 THE HISTORY OF THE
subjects, and sells them for slaves ] Are no moral
evils produced among those communities, which
make war upon other communities for the sake of
plunder, and without any previous provocation or
offence ] Does no crime attach to those, who
accuse others falsely, or who multiply and divide
crimes for the sake of the profit of the punishment,
and who for the same reason continue the'use of
barbarous and absurd ordeals as a test of innocence
or guilt 1
In the second of these branches the counterpart
of the evil is to be seen in the conduct of those,
who purchase the miserable natives in their own
country, and convey them to distant lands. And
here questions, similar to the former, may be asked.
Do they experience no corruption of their nature,
or become chargeable with no violation of right,
who, when they go with their ships to this conti-
nent, know the enormities which their visits there
will occasion, who buy their fellow-creature man,
and this, knowing the way in which he comes into
their hands, and who chain, and imprison, and
scourge him % Do the moral feelings of those per-
sons escape without injury, whose hearts are hard-
ened ] And can the hearts of those be otherwise
than hardened, who are familiar with the tears and
groans of innocent strangers forcibly torn away
from every thing that is dear to them in life, who
are accustomed to see them on board their vessels
in a state of suffocation and in the agonies of de-
spair, and wTho are themselves in the habits of the
cruel use of arbitrary power ?
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 23
The counterpart of the evil in its third branch
is to be seen in the conduct of those, who, when
these miserable people have been landed, purchase
and carry them to their respective homes. And
let us see whether a mass of wickedness is not
generated also in the present case. Can those
have nothing to answer for, who separate the faith-
fid ties which nature and religion have created %
Can their feelings be otherwise than corrupted,
who consider their fellow-creatures as brutes, or
treat those as cattle, who may become the temples
of the Holy Spirit, and in whom the Divinity dis-
dains not himself to dwell 1 Is there no injustice
in forcing men to labor without wages 1 Is there
no breach of duty, when we are commanded to
clothe the naked, and feed the hungry, and visit
the sick and in prison, in exposing them to want,
in torturing them by cruel punishment, and in
grinding them down by hard labor, so as to shorten
their days 1 Is there no crime in adopting a sys-
tem, which keeps down all the noble faculties of
their souls, and which positively debases and cor-
rupts their nature 1 Is there no crime in perpetu-
ating these evils among their innocent offspring ?
And finally, besides all these crimes, is there not
naturally in the familiar sight of the exercise, but
more especially in the exercise itself, of uncon-
trolled power, that which vitiates the internal man?
In seeing misery stalk daily over the land, do not
all become insensibly hardened 1 By giving birth
to that misery themselves, do they not become
abandoned ] In what state of society are the cor-
24 THE HISTORY OF THE
rupt appetites so easily, so quickly, and so fre-
quently indulged, and where else, by means of
frequent indulgence, do these experience such a
monstrous growth 1 Where else is the temper sub-
ject to such frequent irritation, or passion to such
little control 1 Yes ; if the unhappy slave is in an
unfortunate situation, so is the tyrant who holds
him. Action and reaction are equal to each other,
as well in the moral as in the natural world. You
cannot exercise an improper dominion over a fel-
low-creature, but by a wise ordering of Providence
you must necessarily injure yourself.
Having now considered the nature of the evil of
the Slave-trade in its three separate departments
of suffering, and in its corresponding counterparts
of guilt, I shall make a few observations on the
extent of it.
On this subject it must strike us, that the misery
and the crimes included in the evil, as it has been
found in Africa, were not like common maladies,
which make a short or periodical visit and then are
gone, but that they were continued daily. Nor
were they like diseases, which from local causes,
attack a village or a town, and by the skill of the
physician, under the blessing of Providence, are
removed, but they affected a whole continent.
The trade with all its horrors began at the river
Senegal, and continued, winding with the coast,
through its several geographical divisions to Cape
Negro ; a distance of more than three thousand
miles. In various lines or paths formed at right
angles from the shore, and passing into the heart
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 25
of the country, slaves were procured and brought
down. The distance, which many of them trav-
elled) was immense. Those, who have been in
Africa, have assured us, that they came as far as
from the sources of their largest rivers, which we
know to be many hundred miles inland, and the
natives have told us5 in their way of computation,
that they came a journey of many moons.
It must strike us again, that the misery and the
crimes, included in the evil, as it has been shown
in the transportation, had no ordinary bounds.
They were not to be seen in the crossing of a river,
but of an ocean. They did not begin in the morn-
ing and end at night, but were continued for many
weeks, and sometimes by casualties for a quarter
of the year. They were not limited to the pre-
cincts of a solitary ship, but were spread among
many vessels ; and these were so constantly pass-
ing, that the ocean itself never ceased to be a
witness of their existence.
And it must strike us finally, that the misery
and crimes, included in the evil as it has been
found in foreign lands, were not confined within
the shores of a little island. Most of the islands
of a continent, and many of these of considerable
population and extent, were filled with them. And
the continent itself, to which these geographically
belong, was widely polluted by their domain.
Hence, if we were to take the vast extent of space
occupied by these crimes and sufferings from the
heart of Africa to its shores, and that which they
filled on the continent of America and the islands
VOL. I. 3
26 i THE HISTORY OF THE
adjacent, and were to join the crimes and sufferings
in one to those in the other by the crimes and suf-
ferings which took place in the track of the vessels
successively crossing the Atlantic, we should be-
hold a vast belt as it were of physical and moral
evil, reaching through land and ocean to the length
of nearly half the circle of the globe.
The next view, which I shall take of this evil,
will be as it relates to the difficulty of subduing it.
This difficulty may be supposed to have been
more than ordinarily great. Many evils of a pub-
lic nature, which existed in former times, were the
offspring of ignorance and superstition, and they
were subdued of course by the progress of light
and knowledge. But the evil in question began
in avarice. It was nursed also by worldly interest.
It did not therefore so easily yield to the usual
correctives of disorders in the world. We may
observe also, that the interest by which it was thus
supported, was not that of a few individuals, nor
of one body, but of many bodies of men. It was
interwoven again into the system of the commerce
and of the revenue of nations. Hence the mer-
chant ; the planter ; the mortgagee ; the manu-
facturer ; the politician ; the legislator ; the cabinet
minister ; lifted up their voices against the anni-
hilation of it. For these reasons the Slave-trade
may be considered, like the fabulous hydra, to
have had a hundred heads, every one of which it
Was necessary to cut off before it could be subdued.
And as none but Hercules was fitted to conquer
the one, so nothing less than extraordinary pru-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. %7
dence, courage, labor, and patience, could over-
come the other. To protection in this manner by
his hundred interests it was owing-, that the mon-
ster stalked in security for so long a time. He
stalked too in the open day, committing his mighty
depredations. And when good men, whose duty
it was to mark him as the object of their destruc-
tion, began to assail him, he did not fly, but
gnashed his teeth at them, growling savagely at
the same time, and putting himself into a posture
of defiance.
We see then, in whatever light we consider the
Slave-trade, whether we examine into the nature
of it, or whether we look into the extent of it, or
whether we estimate the difficulty of subduing it,
we must conclude that no evil more monstrous
has ever existed upon earth. But if so, then we
have proved the truth of the position, that the
abolition of it ought to be accounted by us as one
of the greatest blessings, and that it ought to be
one of the most copious sources of our joy. In-
deed I do not know, how we can sufficiently ex-
press what we ought to feel upon this occasion.
It becomes us as individuals to rejoice. It becomes
us as a nation to rejoice. It becomes us even to
perpetuate our joy to our posterity. I do not mean
however by anniversaries, which are to be cele-
brated by the ringing of bells and convivial meet-
ings, but by handing down this great event so
impressively to our children, as to raise in them,
if not continual, yet frequently renewed thanks-
givings, to the great Creator of the universe, for
28 THE HISTORY OF THE
the manifestation of this his favor, in having dis-
posed our legislators to take away such a portion
of suffering from our fellow-creatures, and such a
load of guilt from our native land.
And as the contemplation of the removal of this
monstrous evil should excite in us the most pleas-
ing and grateful sensations, so the perusal of the
history of it should afford us lessons, which it
must be useful to us to know or to be reminded
of. For it cannot be otherwise than useful to us
to know the means which have been used, and the
different persons who have moved, in so great a
cause. It cannot be otherwise than useful to us
to be impressively reminded of the simple axiom,
which the perusal of this history will particularly
suggest to us, that "the greatest works must have
a beginning;" because the fostering of such an
idea, in our minds cannot but encourage us to un-
dertake the removal of evils, however vast they
may appear in their size, or however difficult to
overcome. It cannot again be otherwise than
useful to us to be assured (and this history will
assure us of it) that in any work, which is a work
of righteousness, however small the beginning may
be, or however small the progress may be that we
may make in it, we ought never to despair ; for
that, whatever checks and discouragements we
may meet with, "no virtuous effort is ever ulti-
mately lost." And finally, it cannot be otherwise
than useful to us to form the opinion, which the
contemplation of this subject must always pro-
duce, namely, that many of the evils, which are
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVETRADE. 29
still left among us, may, by an union of wise and
virtuous individuals, be greatly alleviated, if not
entirely done away : for if the great evil of the
Slave-trade, so deeply intrenched by its hundred
interests, has fallen prostrate before the efforts of
those who attacked it, what evil of a less magni-
tude shall not be more easily subdued? O may
reflections of this sort always enliven us, always
encourage us, always stimulate us to our duty !
May we never cease to believe, that many of
the miseries of life are still to be remedied, or to
rejoice that we may be permitted, if we will only
make ourselves worthy by our endeavors, to heal
them ! May we encourage for this purpose every
generous sympathy that arises in our hearts, as
the offspring of the Divine influence for our good,
convinced that we are not born for ourselves alone,
and that the Divinity never so fully dwells in us,
as when we do his will ; and that we never do his
will more agreeably, as far as it has been revealed
to us, than when we employ our time in works of
charity towards the rest of our fellow-creatures !
vol. i. 3*
30 THE HISTORY OF THE
CHAPTER II.
AS IT IS DESIRABLE TO KNOW THE TRUE SOURCES OF EVENTS IN HISTORY,
SO THIS WILL BE REALIZED IN THAT OF THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-
TRADE. — Inquiry as to those who favored the cause of the Afri-
cans PREVIOUSLY TO THE YEAR 1787. — ALL THESE TO BE CONSIDERED
as necessary forerunners in that cause. — flrst forerunners
were Cardinal Ximenes, the Emperor Charles the Fifth, Pope
Leo the Tenth, Elizabeth Queen of England, Louis the Thir-
teenth of France.
It would be considered by many, who have stood
at the mouth of a river, and witnessed its torrent
there, to be both an interesting" and a pleasing
journey to go to the fountainhead, and then to
travel on its banks downwards, and to mark the
different streams in each side, which should run
into it, and feed it. So I presume the reader will
not be a little interested and entertained in view-
ing with me the course of the abolition of the
Slave-trade, in first finding its source, and then in
tracing the different springs which have con-
tributed to its increase. And here I may observe
that, in doing this, we shall have advantages,
which historians have not always had in develop-
ing the causes of things. Many have handed
down to us events, for the production of which
they have given us but their own conjectures.
There has been often, indeed, such a distance be-
tween the events themselves and the lives of those
who have recorded them, that the different means
and motives belonging to them have been lost
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 31
through time. On the present occasion, however,
we shall have the peculiar satisfaction of knowing
that we communicate the truth, or that those,
which we unfold, are the true causes and means.
For the most remote of all the human springs,
which can be traced as having any bearing upon
the great event in question, will fall within the
period of three centuries, and the most powerful
of them within the last twenty years. These cir-
cumstances indeed have had their share in inducing
me to engage in the present history. Had I mea-
sured it by the importance of the subject, 1 had
been deterred : but believing that most readers
love the truth, and that it ought to be the object
of all writers to promote it, and believing, moreover,
that I was in possession of more facts on this sub-
ject than any other person, I thought I was pecu-
liarly called upon to undertake it.
In tracing the different streams from whence the
torrent arose, which has now happily swept away
the Slave-trade, I must begin with an inquiry as to
those who favored the cause of the injured Afri-
cans from the year 1516 to the year 1787, at which
latter period a number of persons associated them-
selves in England for its abolition. For though
they, who belonged to this association, may, in
consequence of having pursued a regular system,
be called the principal actors, yet it must be ac-
knowledged that their efforts would never have
been so effectual, if the minds of men had not been
prepared by others, who had moved before them.
Great events have never taken place without pre-
32 THE HISTORY OF THE
viously disposing causes. So it is in the case be-
fore us. Hence they, who lived even in early times,
and favored this great cause, may be said to have
been necessary precursors in it. And here it may
be proper to observe, that it is by no means neces-
sary that ail these should have been themselves
actors in the production of this great event. Per-
sons have contributed towards it in different ways.
Some have written expressly on the subject, who
have had no opportunity of promoting it by per-
sonal exertions. Others have only mentioned it
incidentally in their writings. Others, in an ele-
vated rank and station, have cried out publicly
concerning it, whose sayings have been recorded.
All these, however, may be considered as neces-
sary forerunners in their day. For all of them have
brought the subject more or less into notice. They
have more or less enlightened the mind upon it.
They have more or less impressed it. And there-
fore each may be said to have had his share in
diffusing and keeping up a certain portion of
knowledge and feeling concerning it, which has
been eminently useful in the promotion of the
cause.
It is rather remarkable, that the first forerunners
and coadjutors should have been men in power.
So early as in the year 1503 a few slaves had
been sent from the Portuguese settlements in Africa
into the Spanish colonies in America. In 1511,
Ferdinand the Fifth, king of Spain, permitted them
to be carried in greater numbers. Ferdinand, how-
ever, must have been ignorant in these early times
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 33
of the piratical manner in which the Portuguese
had procured them. He could have known nothing
of their treatment when in bondage, nor could he
have viewed the few uncertain adventurous trans-
portations of them into his dominions in the west-
ern world, in the light of a regular trade. After
his death, however, a proposal was made by Bar-
tholomew de las Casas, the bishop of Chiapa, to
cardinal Ximenes, who held the reins of the gov-
ernment of Spain till Charles the Fifth came to
the throne, for the establishment of a regular sys-
tem of commerce in the persons of the native
Africans. The object of Bartholomew de las Casas
was undoubtedly to save the American Indians,
whose cruel treatment and almost extirpation he
had witnessed during his residence among them,
and in whose behalf he had undertaken a voyage
to the court of Spain. It is difficult to reconcile
this proposal with the humane and charitable spirit
of the bishop of Chiapa. But it is probable he
believed that a code of laws would soon be estab-
lished in favor both of Africans and of the natives
in the Spanish settlements, and that he flattered
himself that, being about to return and to live in
the country of their slavery, he could look to the
execution of it. The cardinal, however, with a
foresight, a benevolence, and a justice, which will
always do honor to his memory, refused the pro-
posal, not only judging it to be unlawful to consign
innocent people to slavery at all, but to be very
inconsistent to deliver the inhabitants of one coun-
try from a state of misery by consigning to it those
34 THE HISTORY OF THE
of another. Ximenes therefore may be considered
as one of the first great friends of the Africans
after the partial beginning of the trade.
This answer of the cardinal, as it showed his
virtue as an individual, so it was peculiarly honor-
able to him as a public man, and ought to operate
as a lesson to other statesmen, how they admit
any thing new, among political regulations and
establishments, which is connected in the smallest
degree with injustice. For evil, when once sanc-
tioned by governments, spreads in a tenfold degree,
and may, unless seasonably checked, become so
ramified, as to affect the reputation of a country,
and to render its own removal scarcely possible
without detriment to the political concerns of the
state. In no instance has this been verified more
than in the case of the Slave-trade. Never was
our national character more tarnished, and our
prosperity more clouded by guilt. Never was
there a monster more difficult to subdue. Even
they, who heard as it were the shrieks of oppres-
sion, and wished to assist the sufferers, were fearful
of joining in their behalf. While they acknowl-
edged the necessity of removing one evil, they
were terrified by the prospect of introducing an-
other ; and were therefore only able to relieve their
feelings, by lamenting in the bitterness of their
hearts, that this traffic had ever been begun at all.
After the death of cardinal Ximenes, the em-
peror Charles the Fifth, who had come into power,
encouraged the Slave-trade. In 1517 he granted
a patent to one of his Flemish favorites, contain-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 35
ing an exclusive right of importing four thousand
Africans into America. But he lived long enough
to repent of what he had thus inconsiderately
done. For in the year 1542 he made a code of
laws for the better protection of the unfortunate
Indians in his foreign dominions ; and he stopped
the progress of African slavery by an order, that
all slaves in his American islands should be made
free. This order was executed by Pedro de la
Gasca. Manumission took place as well in His-
paniola as on the continent. But on the return of
Gasca to Spain, and the retirement of Charles into
a monastery, slavery was revived.
It is impossible to pass over this instance of the
abolition of slavery by Charles in all his foreign
dominions, without some comments. It shows
him, first, to have been a friend both to the Indians
and the Africans, as a part of the human race.
It shows he was ignorant of what he was doing
when he gave his sanction to this cruel trade. It
shows when legislators give one set of men an
undue power over another, how quickly they abuse
it ; or he never would have found himself obliged
in the short space of twenty-five years to undo
that which he had countenanced as a great state-
measure. And while it confirms the former lesson
to statesmen, of watching the beginnings or prin-
ciples of things in their political movements, it
should teach them never to persist in the support
of evils, through the false shame of being obliged
to confess that they had once given them their
sanction, nor to delay the cure of them because,
36 THE HISTORY OP THE
politically speaking, neither this nor that is the
proper season ; but to do them away instantly, as
there can only be one fit or proper time in the eye
of religion, namely, on the conviction of their
existence.
From the opinions of cardinal Ximenes and of
the emperor Charles the Fifth, I hasten to that
which was expressed much about the same time,
in a public capacity, by pope Leo the Tenth. The
Dominicans in Spanish America, witnessing the
cruel treatment which the slaves underwent there,
considered slavery as utterly repugnant to the
principles of the gospel, and recommended the
abolition of it. The Franciscans did not favor
the former in this their scheme of benevolence ;
and the consequence was, that a controversy on
this subject sprung up between them, which was
carried to this pope for his decision. Leo exerted
himself, much to his honor, in behalf of the poor
sufferers, and declared " That not only the Chris-
tian religion, but that Nature herself cried out
against a state of slavery." This answer was cer-
tainly worthy of one, who was deemed the head
of the Christian church. It must, however, be con-
fessed that it would have been strange if Leo, in
his situation as pontiff, had made a different reply.
He could never have denied that God was no re-
specter of persons. He must have acknowledged
that men were bound to love each other as breth-
ren. And, if he admitted the doctrine, that all
men were accountable for their actions hereafter,
he could never have prevented the deduction, that
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 37
it was necessary they should be free. Nor could
he, as a man of high attainments, living early in
the sixteenth century, have been ignorant of what
had taken place in the twelfth ; or that, by the
latter end of this latter century, Christianity had
obtained the undisputed honor of having extirpated
slavery from the western part of the European
world*
From Spain and Italy I come to England. The
first importation of slaves from Africa by our coun-
trymen was in the reign of Elizabeth, in the year
1562. This great princess seems on the very com-
mencement of the trade to have questioned its
lawfulness. She seems to have entertained a reli-
gious scruple concerning it, and, indeed, to have
revolted at the very thought of it. She seems to
have been aware of the evils to which its continu-
ance might lead, or that, if it were sanctioned, the
most unjustifiable means might be made use of to
procure the persons of the natives of Africa. And
in what light she would have viewed any acts of
this kind, had they taken place, we may conjec-
ture from this fact ; that when captain (afterwards
Sir John) Hawkins returned from his first voyage
to Africa and Hispaniola, whither he had carried
slaves, she sent for him, and, as we learn from
Hill's Naval History, expressed her concern lest
any of the Africans should be carried off without
their free consent, declaring that " It would be
detestable, and call down the vengeance of Heaven
upon the undertakers." Captain Hawkins prom-
ised to comply with the injunctions of Elizabeth
VOL. I. 4
38 THE HISTORY OF THE
in this respect. But he did not keep his word ;
for when he went to Africa again, he seized many
of the inhabitants, and carried them off as slaves,
which occasioned Hill, in the account he gives of
his second voyage, to use these remarkable words :
" Here began the horrid practice of forcing the
Africans into slavery, an injustice and barbarity
which, so sure as there is vengeance in heaven for
the worst of crimes, will sometime be the destruc-
tion of all who allow or encourage it." That the
trade should have been suffered to continue under
such a princess, and after such solemn expressions
as those which she has been described to have
uttered, can be only attributed to the pains taken
by those concerned in it to keep her ignorant of
the truth.
From England I now pass over to France. La-
bat, a Roman missionary, in his account of the
isles of America, mentions, that Louis the Thir-
teenth was very uneasy when he was about to
issue the edict, by which all Africans coming into
his colonies were to be made slaves, and that this
uneasiness continued, till he was assured, that the
introduction of them in this capacity into his
foreign dominions was the readiest way of convert-
ing them to the principles of the Christian religion.
These, then> were the first forerunners in the
great cause of the abolition of the Slave-trade.
Nor have their services towards it been of small
moment. For, in the first place, they have ena-
bled those, who came after them, and who took
an active interest in the same cause, to state the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 39
great authority of their opinions and of their ex-
ample. They have enabled them, again, to detail
the history connected with these, in consequence
of which circumstances have been laid open, which
it is of great importance to know. For have they
not enabled them to state, that the African Slave-
trade never would have been permitted to exist but
for the ignorance of those in authority concerning
it ; that at its commencement there was a revolt-
ing of nature against it ; a suspicion ; a caution ;
a fear ; both as to its unlawfulness and its effects'?
Have they not enabled them to state, that false-
hoods were advanced, and these concealed under
the mask of religion, to deceive those who had the
power to suppress it ] Have they not enabled
them to state, that this trade began in piracy, and
that it was continued upon the principles of force 1
And, finally, have not they, who have been ena-
bled to make these statements, knowing all the
circumstances connected with them, found their
own zeal increased, and their own courage and
perseverance strengthened ; and have they not,
by the communication of them to others, produced
many friends and even laborers in the cause 1
40 THE HISTORY OF THE
CHAPTER III.
Forerunners continued to 1787 — divided from this time into four
classes. — First class consists principally of persons in Great
Britain of various descriptions— Godwyn — Baxter — Tryon— South-
ern— Primatt — Montesquieu — Hutcheson— Sharp — Ramsay — and a
multitude of others, whose names and services follow.
I have hitherto traced the history of the fore-
runners in this great cause only up to about the
year 1640. If I am to pursue my plan, I am to
trace it to the year 1787. But in order to show
what I intend in a clearer point of view, I shall
divide those who have lived within this period, and
who will now consist of persons in a less elevated
station, into four classes : and I shall give to each
class a distinct consideration by itself.
Several of our old English writers, though they
have not mentioned the African Slave-trade, or the
slavery consequent upon it, in their respective
works, have yet given their testimony of condem-
nation against both. Thus our great Milton :
" O execrable son, so to aspire
Above his brethren, to himself assuming
Authority usurped, from God not given ;
He gave us only over beast, fish, fowl,
Dominion absolute ; that right we hold
By hip donation ; but man over men
He made not lord, such title to himself
Reserving, human left from human free."
I might mention bishop Saunderson and others,
who bore a testimony equally strong against the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 41
lawfulness of trading in the persons of men, and
of holding them in bondage, but as I mean to con-
fine myself to those, who have favored the cause
of the Africans specifically, I cannot admit their
names into any of the classes which have been
announced.
Of those who compose the first class, defined as
it has now been, I cannot name any individual who
took a part in this cause till between the years 1670
and 1680. For in the year 1640, and for a few
years afterwards, the nature of the trade and of the
slavery was but little known, except to a few indi-
viduals, who were concerned in them ; and it is
obvious that these would neither endanger their
own interest nor proclaim their own guilt by ex-
posing it. The first, whom I shall mention, is
Morgan Godwyn, a clergyman of the established
church. This pious divine wrote a Treatise upon
the subject, which he dedicated to the then arch-
bishop of Canterbury. He gave it to the world,
at the time mentioned, under the title of " The
Negroes and Indians Advocate." In this treatise
he lays open the situation of these oppressed peo-
ple, of whose sufferings he had been an eyewit-
ness in the Island of Barbadoes. He calls forth
the pity of the reader in an affecting manner, and
exposes with a nervous eloquence the brutal senti-
ments and conduct of their oppressors. This seems
to have been the first work undertaken in England
expressly in favor of the cause.
The next person, whom I shall mention, is
Richard Baxter, the celebrated divine among the
vol. i, 4*
42 THE HISTORY OF THE
Nonconformists. In his Christian Directory, pub-
lished about the same time as the Negroes and In-
dians Advocate, he gives advice to those masters
in foreign plantations, who have Negroes and other
slaves. In this he protests loudly against this
trade. He says expressly that they, who go out
as pirates, and take away poor Africans, or people
of another land, who never forfeited life or liberty,
and make them slaves and sell them, are the worst
of robbers, and ought to be considered as the com-
mon enemies of mankind ; and that they, who buy
them, and use them as mere beasts for their own
convenience, regardless of their spiritual welfare,
are fitter to be called demons than Christians. He
then proposes several queries, which he answers in
a clear and forcible manner, showing the great
inconsistency of this traffic, and the necessity of
treating those then in bondage with tenderness
and a due regard to their spiritual concerns.
The Directory of Baxter was succeeded by a
publication called " Friendly Advice to the Plant-
ers : in three parts." The first of these was, "A
brief Treatise of the principal Fruits and Herbs
that grow in Barbadoes, Jamaica, and other Plant-
ations in the West Indies." The second was,
" The Negroes Complaint, or their hard Servitude,
and the Cruelties practised upon them by divers
of their Masters professing Christianity." And
the third was, " A Dialogue between an Ethiopian
and a Christian, his Master, in America." In the
last of these, Thomas Tryon, who was the author,
inveighs both against the commerce and the slavery
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 43
of the Africans, and in a striking manner examines
each by the touchstone of reason, humanity, jus-
tice, and religion.
In the year 1696, Southern brought forward his
celebrated tragedy of Oronooko, by means of which
many became enlightened upon the subject, and
interested in it. For this tragedy was not a repre-
sentation of fictitious circumstances, but of such
as had occurred in the colonies, and as had been
communicated in a publication by Mrs. Behn.
The person, who seems to have noticed the sub-
ject next was Dr. Primatt. In his " Dissertation
on the Duty of Mercy, and on the Sin of Cruelty
to Brute Animals," he takes occasion to advert to
the subject of the African Slave-trade. " It has
pleased God," says he, " to cover some men with
white skins, and others with black ; but as there is
neither merit nor demerit in complexion, the white
man, notwithstanding the barbarity of custom and
prejudice, can have no right by virtue of his color
to enslave and tyrannize over the black man. For
whether a man be white or black, such he is by
God's appointment, and, abstractedly considered,
is neither a subject for pride, nor an object of
contempt."
After Dr. Primatt, we come to baron Montes-
quieu. " Slavery," says he, " is not good in itself.
It is neither useful to the master nor to the slave.
Not to the slave, because he can do nothing from
virtuous motives. Not to the master, because he
contracts among his slaves all sorts of bad habits,
and accustoms himself to the neglect of all the
44 THE HISTORY OF THE
moral virtues. He becomes haughty, passionate,
obdurate, vindictive, voluptuous, and cruel." And
with respect to this particular species of slavery he
proceeds to say, " It is impossible to allow the Ne-
groes are men, because, if we allow them to be
men, it Avill begin to be believed that we ourselves
are not Christians."
Hutcheson, in his System of Moral Philosophy,
endeavors to show that he, who detains another
by force in slavery, can make no good title to him,
and adds, " Strange that in any nation where a
sense of liberty prevails, and where the Christian
religion is professed, custom and high prospect of
gain can so stupify the consciences of men and all
sense of natural justice, that they can hear such
computations made about the value of their fellowr
men and their liberty without abhorrence and
indignation !"
Foster, in his Discourses on Natural Religion
and Social Virtue, calls the slavery under our con-
sideration " a criminal and outrageous violation
of the natural rights of mankind." I am sorry
that I have not room to say all that he says on this
subject. Perhaps the following beautiful extracts
may suffice : —
" But notwithstanding this, we ourselves, who
profess to be Christians, and boast of the peculiar
advantages we enjoy by means of an express reve-
lation of our duty from heaven, are in effect these
very untaught and rude heathen countries. With
all our superior light we instil into those, whom
we call savage and barbarous, the most despicable
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 45
opinion of human nature. We, to the utmost of
our power, weaken and dissolve the universal tie,
that binds and unites mankind. We practise what
we should exclaim against as the utmost excess
of cruelty and tyranny, if nations of the world,
differing in color and form of government from
ourselves, were so possessed of empire, as to be
able to reduce us to a state of unmerited and bru-
tish servitude. Of consequence we sacrifice our
reason, our humanity, our Christianity, to an un-
natural sordid gain. We teach other nations to
despise and trample under foot all the obligations
of social virtue. We take the most effectual
method to prevent the propagation of the gospel,
by representing it as a scheme of power and bar-
barous oppression, and an enemy to the natural
privileges and rights of man."
" Perhaps all that I have now offered may be
of very little weight to restrain this enormity, this
aggravated iniquity. However, I shall still have
the satisfaction of having entered my private pro-
test against a practice, which, in my opinion, bids
that God, who is the God and Father of the Gen-
tiles unconverted to Christianity, most daring and
bold defiance, and spurns at all the principles both
of natural and revealed religion."
The next author is Sir Richard Steele, who, by
means of the affecting story of Inkle and Yarico,
holds up this trade again to our abhorrence.
In the year 1735, Atkins, who was a surgeon
in the navy, published his voyage to Guinea, Bra-
zil, and the West Indies, in his majesty's ships
46 THE HISTORY OF THE
Swallow and Weymouth. In this work he de-
scribes openly the manner of making the natives
slaves, such as by kidnapping, by unjust accusa-
tions and trials, and by other nefarious means.
He states also the cruelties practised upon them
by the white people, and the iniquitous ways and
dealings of the latter, and answers their argument,
by which they insinuated that the condition of the
Africans was improved by their transportation to
other countries.
From this time the trade beginning to be better
known, a multitude of persons of various stations
and characters sprung up, who by exposing it are
to be mentioned among the forerunners and coad-
jutors in the cause.
Pope, in his Essay on Man, where he endeavors
to show that happiness in the present depends,
among other things, upon the hope of a future
state, takes an opportunity of exciting compassion
in behalf of the poor African, while he censures
the avarice and cruelty of his master : —
" Lo, the poor Indian ! whose untutor'd mind
Sees God in clouds, or hears him in the wind ;
His soul proud Science never taught to stray
Far as the solar walk, or milky- way ;
Yet simple Nature to his hope has giv'n
Behind the cloud-topp'd hill an humbler heav'n ;
Some safer world in depth of woods embrac'd,
Some happier island in the watery waste,
Where slaves once more their native land behold,
No fiends torment, no Christians thirst for gold."
Thomson also, in his Seasons, marks this traffic
as destructive and cruel, introducing the well-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 47
known fact of sharks following the vessels em-
ployed in it : —
" Increasing still the terrors of these storms,
His jaws horrific arm'd with threefold fate,
Here dwells the direful shark. Lur'd by the scent
Of steaming crowds, of rank disease, and death ;
Behold ! he rushing cuts the briny flood,
Swift as the gale can bear the ship along;
And, from the partners of that cruel trade,
Which spoils unhappy Guinea of her sons,
Demands his share of prey ; demands themselves.
The stormy fates descend : one death involves
Tyrants and slaves ; when straight, their mangled limbs
Crashing at once, he dyes the purple seas
With gore, and riots in the vengeful meal."
Neither was Richard Savage forgetful in his
poems of the injured Africans : he warns their
oppressors of a day of retribution for their barba-
rous conduct. Having personified Public Spirit,
he makes her speak on the subject in the following
manner : —
" Let by my specious name no tyrants rise,
And cry, while they enslave, they civilize !
Know, Liberty and I are still the same
Congenial — ever mingling flame with flame!
Why must I Afric's sable children see
Vended for slaves, though born by Nature free,
The nameless tortures cruel minds invent
Those to subject whom Nature equal meant?
If these you dare (although unjust success
Empow'rs you now unpunish'd to oppress)
Revolving empire you and yours may doom —
(Rome all subdu'd — yet Vandals vanquish'd Rome)
Yes — Empire may revolt — give them the day,
And yoke may yoke, and blood may blood repay."
Wallis, in his System of the Laws of Scotland,
48 THE HISTORY OF THE
maintains, that " neither men nor governments
have a right to sell those of their own species.
Men and their liberty are neither purchaseable nor
saleable." And after arguing the case, he says,
" This is the law of Nature, which is obligatory
on all men, at all times, and in all places. Would
not any of us, who should be snatched by pirates
from his native land, think himself cruelly abused,
and at all times entitled to be free 1 Have not
these unfortunate Africans, who meet with the
same cruel fate, the same right 1 Are they not
men as well as we 1 And have they not the same
sensibility ] Let us not therefore defend or sup-
port a usage, which is contrary to all the laws of
humanity,"
In the year 1750 the Reverend Griffith Hughes,
rector of St. Lucy, in Barbadoes, published his
Natural History of that island. He took an op-
portunity, in the course of it, of laying open to the
world the miserable situation of the poor Africans,
and the waste of them by hard labor and other
cruel means, and he had the generosity to vindi-
cate their capacities from the charge, which they
who held them in bondage brought against them,
as a justification of their own wickedness in con-
tinuing to deprive them of the rights of men.
Edmund Burke, in his account of the European
settlements, (for this work is usually attributed to
him,) complains " that the Negroes in our colonies
endure a slavery more complete, and attended with
far worse circumstances, than what any people in
their condition suffer in any other part of the world,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 49
or have suffered in any other period of time. Proofs
of this are not wanting. The prodigious waste,
which we experience in this unhappy part of our
species, is a full and melancholy evidence of this
truth," And he goes on to advise the planters for
the sake of their own interest to behave like good
men, good masters, and good Christians ; and to
impose less labor upon their slaves, and to give
them recreation on some of the grand festivals,
and to instruct them in religion, as certain pre-
ventives of their decrease.
An anonymous author of a pamphlet, entitled,
An Essay in Vindication of the Continental Col-
onies of America, seems to have come forward
next. Speaking of slavery there, he says, " It is
shocking to humanity, violative of every generous
sentiment, abhorrent utterly from the Christian re*
ligion ; there cannot be a more dangerous maxim
than that necessity is a plea for injustice, for who
shall fix the degree of this necessity ? What vil-
lain so atrocious, who may not urge this excuse,
or, as Milton has happily expressed it,-*-
" and with necessity,
The tyrant's plea, excuse his dev'lish deed ?"
" That our colonies," he continues, " want peo-
ple, is a very weak argument for so inhuman a
violation of justice. Shall a civilized, a Christian
nation, encourage slavery, because the barbarous,
savage, lawless African hath done it 1 To what
end do we profess a religion whose dictates we so
flagrantly violate 1 Wherefore have we that pat*
vol. i. 5
50 THE HISTORY OF THE
tern of goodness and humanity, if we refuse to
follow it 1 How long shall we continue a practice
which policy rejects, justice condemns, and piety
revolts at 3"
The poet Shenstone, who comes next in order,
seems to have written an Elegy on purpose to stig-
matize this trade. Of this elegy I shall copy only
the following parts : —
" See the poor native quit the Lybian shores,
Ah ! not in love's delightful fetters bound !
No radiant smile his dying peace restores,
No love, nor fame, nor friendship heals his wound.
" Let vacant bards display their boasted woes ;
Shall I the mockery of grief display ?
No ; let the muse his piercing pangs disclose,
Who bleeds and weeps his sum of life away !
" On the wild heath in mournful guise he stood
Ere the shrill boatswain gave the hated sign ;
He dropp'd a tear unseen into the flood,
He stole one secret moment to repine. —
" Why am I ravish'd from my native strand ?
What savage race protects this impious gain ?
Shall foreign plagues infest this teeming land,
And more than sea-born monsters plough the main ?
"Here the dire locusts' horrid swarms prevail ;
Here the blue asps with livid poison swell ;
Here the dry dipsa writhes his sinuous mail ;
Can we not here secure from envy dwell ?
" When the grim Hon urg'd his cruel chase,
When the stern panther sought his midnight prey,
What fate reserved me for this Christian race ?
A race more polish'd, more severe, than they. —
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 51
" Yet shores there are, bless'd shores for us remain,
And favor'd isles, with golden fruitage crown'd,
Where tufted flow'rets print the verdant plain,
And ev'ry breeze shall med'cine ev'ry wound."
In the year 1755, Dr. Hayter, bishop of Nor-
wich, preached a sermon before the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel, in which he bore his
testimony against the continuance of this trade.
Dyer, in his poem called The Fleece, expresses
his sorrow on account of this barbarous trade, and
looks forward to a day of retributive justice on ac-
count of the introduction of such an evil.
In the year 1760, a pamphlet appeared, entitled,
" Two Dialogues on the Man-trade, by John Phil-
more." This name is supposed to be an assumed
one. The author, however, discovers himself to
have been both an able and a zealous advocate in
favor of the African race.
Malachi Postlethwaite, in his Universal Diction-
ary of Trade and Commerce, proposes a number
of queries on the subject of the Slave-trade. I
have not room to insert them at full length. But
I shall give the following as the substance of some
of them to the reader : " Whether this commerce
be not the cause of incessant wars among the Afri-
cans ; whether the Africans, if it were abolished,
might not become as ingenious, as humane, as in-
dustrious, and as capable of arts, manufactures, and
trades, as even the bulk of Europeans ; whether,
if it were abolished, a much more profitable trade
might not be substituted, and this to the very cen-
tre of their extended country, instead of the trifling
52 THE HISTORY OF THE
portion which now subsists upon their coasts ; and
whether the great hindrance to such a new and
advantageous commerce has not wholly proceeded
from that unjust, inhuman, unchristian-like traffic,
called the Slave-trade, which is carried on by the
Europeans.''" The public proposal of these and
other queries by a man of so great commercial
knowledge as Postlethwaite, and by one who was
himself a member of the African Committee, was
of great service in exposing the impolicy as well as
immorality of the Slave-trade.
In the year 1761, Thomas Jeffery published an
account of a part of North America, in which he
lays open the miserable state of the slaves in the
West Indies, both as to their clothing, their food,
their labor, and their punishments. But, without
going into particulars, the general account he gives
of them is affecting : £i It is impossible,*' he says,
'•'for a human heart to reflect upon the slavery of
these dregs of mankind, without in some measure
feeling" for their rniserv. which ends but with their
lives ; nothing can be more wretched than the
condition of this people."
Sterne, in his account of the Negro Girl, in his
Life of Tristram Shandy, took decidedly the part
of the oppressed Africans. The pathetic, witty,
and sentimental manner, in which he handled this
subject, occasioned many to remember it, and pro-
cured a certain poition of feeling in their favor.
Rousseau contributed not a little in his day to
the same end.
Bishop Warburton preached a sermon in the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 53
year 1766, before the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel, in which he took up the cause of the
miserable Africans, and in which he severely rep-
robated their oppressors. The language in this
sermon is so striking, that I shall make an extract
from it. " From the free savages," says he, " I
now come to the savages in bonds. By these I
mean the vast multitudes yearly stolen from the
opposite continent, and sacrificed by the colonists
to their great idol the god of gain. But what then,
say these sincere worshippers of mammon 1 They
are our own property which we offer up. Gracious
God ! to talk, as of herds of cattle, of property in
rational creatures, creatures endued with all our
faculties, possessing all our qualities but that of
color, our brethren both by nature and grace,
shocks all the feelings of humanity, and the dic-
tates of common sense ! But, alas ! what is there,
in the infinite abuses of society, which does not
shock them 1 Yet nothing is more certain in itself
and apparent to all, than that the infamous traffic
for slaves directly infringes both divine and human
law. Nature created man free, and grace invites
him to assert his freedom.
" In excuse of this violation it hath been pre-
tended, that though indeed these miserable out-
casts of humanity be torn from their homes and
native country by fraud and violence, yet they
thereby become the happier, and their condition
the more eligible. But who are you, who pretend
to judge of another man's happiness ; that state,
which each man under the guidance of his Maker
VOL. I. 5*
54 THE HISTORY OF THE
forms for himself, and not one man for another ?
To know what constitutes mine or your happiness
is the sole prerogative of him who created us, and
cast us in so various and different moulds. Did
your slaves ever complain to you of their unhappi-
ness amidst their native woods and deserts 1 or
rather let me ask, did they ever cease complaining
of their condition under you their lordly masters,
where they see indeed the accommodations of civil
life, but see them all pass to others, themselves
unbenefited by them 1 Be so gracious then, ye
petty tyrants over human freedom, to let your
slaves judge for themselves, what it is which makes
their own happiness, and then see whether they
do not place it in the return to their own country,
rather than in the contemplation of your grandeur,
of which their misery makes so large a part ; a
return so passionately longed for, that, despairing
of happiness here, that is, of escaping the chains
of their cruel task-masters, they console themselves
with feigning it. to be the gracious reward of heaven
in their future state."
About this time certain cruel and wicked prac-
tices, which must now be mentioned, had arrived
at such a height, and had become so frequent in
the metropolis, as to produce of themselves other
coadjutors to the cause.
Before the year 1700, planters, merchants, and
others, resident in the West Indies, but coming to
England, were accustomed to bring with them cer-
tain slaves to act as servants with them during
their stay. The latter, seeing the freedom and the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 55
happiness of servants in this country, and consider-
ing what would be their own hard fate on their re-
turn to the islands, frequently absconded. Their
masters of course made search after them, and
often had them seized and carried away by force.
It was, however, thrown out by many on these oc-
casions, that the English laws did not sanction
such proceedings, for that all persons who were
baptized became free. The consequence of this
was, that most of the slaves, who came over with
their masters, prevailed upon some pious clergyman
to baptize them. They took of course godfathers
of such citizens as had the generosity to espouse
their cause. When they were seized they usually
sent to these, if they had an opportunity, for their
protection. And in the result, their godfathers,
maintaining that they had been baptized, and that
they were free on this account as well as by the
general tenor of the laws of England, dared those,
who had taken possession of them, to send them
out of the kingdom.
The planters, merchants, and others, being thus
circumstanced, knew not what to do. They were
afraid of taking their slaves away by force, and
they were equally afraid of bringing any of the
cases before a public court. In this dilemma, in
1729 they applied to York and Talbot, the attorney
and solicitor-general for the time being, and ob-
tained the following strange opinion from them :
" We are of opinion, that a slave by coming from
the West Indies into Great Britain or Ireland, either
with or without his master, does not become free,
56 THE HISTORY OF THE
and that his master's right and property in him is
not thereby determined or varied, and that bap-
tism doth not bestow freedom on him, nor make
any alteration in his temporal condition in these
kingdoms. We are also of opinion, that the mas-
ter may legally compel him to return again to the
plantations."
This cruel and illegal opinion was delivered in
the year 1729. The planters, merchants, and
others, gave it of course all the publicity in their
power. And the consequences were as might easily
have been apprehended. In a little time slaves
absconding were advertised in the London papers
as runaways, and rewards offered for the appre-
hension of them, in the same brutal manner as we
find them advertised in the land of slavery. They'
were advertised also, in the same papers, to be sold
by auction, sometimes by themselves, and at others
with horses, chaises, and harness. They were
seized also by their masters, or by persons employed
by them, in the very streets, and dragged from
thence to the ships ; and so unprotected now were
these poor slaves, that persons in nowise concerned
with them began to institute a trade in their per-
sons, making agreements with captains of ships
going to the West Indies to put them on board at
a certain price. This last instance shows how far
human nature is capable of going, and is an an-
swer to those persons, who have denied that kid-
napping in Africa was a source of supplying the
Slave-trade. It shows as all history does from the
time of Joseph, that, where there is a market for
ABOLITION OP THE SLAVE-TRADE. 67
the persons of human beings, all kinds of enormities
will be practised to obtain them.
These circumstances then, as I observed before,
did not fail of producing new coadjutors in the
cause. And first they produced that able and in-
defatigable advocate Mr. Granville Sharp. This
gentleman is to be distinguished from those who
preceded him by this particular, that, whereas
these were only writers, he was both a writer and
an actor in the cause. In fact, he was the first
laborer in it in England. By the words " actor"
and " laborer," I mean that he determined upon a
plan of action in behalf of the oppressed Africans,
to the accomplishment of which he devoted a con-
siderable portion of his time, talents, and substance.
What Mr. Sharp has done to merit the title of co-
adjutor in this high sense, I shall now explain.
The following is a short history of the beginning
and of the course of his labors.
In the year 1765, Mr. David Lisle had brought
over from Barbadoes Jonathan Strong, an African
slave, as his servant. He used the latter in a bar-
barous manner at his lodgings in Wapping, but
particularly by beating him over the head with a
pistol, which occasioned his head to swell. When
the swelling went down, a disorder fell into his
eyes, which threatened the loss of them. To this
an ague and fever succeeded, and a lameness in
both his legs.
Jonathan Strong, having been brought into this
deplorable situation, and being therefore wholly
useless, was left by his master to go whither he
58 THE HISTORY OF THE
pleased. He applied accordingly to Mr. William
Sharp, the surgeon, for his advice, as to one who
gave up a portion of his time to the healing of the
diseases of the poor. It was here that Mr. Gran-
ville Sharp, the brother of the former, saw him.
Suffice it to say, that in process of time he was
cured. During this time Mr. Granville Sharp,
pitying his hard case, supplied him with money, and
he afterwards got him a situation in the family of
Mr. Brown, an apothecary, to carry out medicines.
In this new situation, when Strong had become
healthy and robust in his appearance, his master
happened to see him. The latter immediately
formed the design of possessing him again. Ac-
cordingly, when he had found out his residence,
he procured John Ross, keeper of the Poultry-
compter, and William Miller, an officer under the
lord mayor, to kidnap him. This was done by
sending for him to a public house in Fenchurch
street, and then seizing him. By these he was
conveyed, without any warrant, to the Poultry-
compter, where he was sold by his master, to John
Kerr, for thirty pounds.
Strong, in this situation, sent, as was usual, to
his godfathers, John London and Stephen Nail, for
their protection. They went, but were refused
admittance to him. At length he sent for Mr.
Granville Sharp. The latter went, but they still
refused access to the prisoner. He insisted, how-
ever, upon seeing him, and charged the keeper of
the prison at his peril to deliver him up till he had
been carried before a magistrate.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 59
Mr. Sharp, immediately upon this, waited upon
Sir Robert Kite, the then lord mayor, and entreated
him to send for Strong, and to hear his case. A
day was accordingly appointed. Mr. Sharp at-
tended, and also William M'Bean, a notary publics
and David Laird, captain of the ship Thames,
which was to have conveyed Strong to Jamaica,
in behalf of the purchaser, John Kerr. A long
conversation ensued, in which the opinion of York
and Talbot was quoted. Mr. Sharp made his
observations. Certain lawyers, who were present,
seemed to be staggered at the case, but inclined
rather to recommit the prisoner. The lord mayor,
however, discharged Strong, as he had been taken
up without a warrant.
As soon as this determination was made known,
the parties began to move off. Captain Laird, how-
ever, who kept close to Strong, laid hold of him
before he had quitted the room, and said aloud,
"Then I now seize him as my slave." Upon this,
Mr. Sharp put his hand upon Laird's shoulder, and
pronounced these words : " I charge you in the
name of the king, with an assult upon the person of
Jonathan Strong, and all these are my witnesses."
Laird was greatly intimidated by this charge, made
in the presence of the lord mayor and others, and
fearing a prosecution, let his prisoner go, leaving
him to be conveyed away by Mr. Sharp.
Mr. Sharp, having been greatly affected by this
case, and foreseeing how much he might be engaged
in others of a similar nature, thought it time that
the law of the land should be known upon this
60 THE HISTORY OF THE
subject. He applied therefore to Doctor Blackstone,
afterwards Judge Blackstone, for his opinion upon
it. He was, however, not satisfied with it when he
received it ; nor could he obtain any satisfactory
answer from several other lawyers, to whom he
afterwards applied. The truth is, that the opinion
of York and Talbot, which had been made public
and acted upon by the planters, merchants, and
others, was considered of high authority, and
scarcely any one dared to question the legality of
it. In this situation, Mr. Sharp saw no means of
help but in his own industry, and he determined
immediately to give up two or three years to the
study of the English law, that he might the better
advocate the cause of these miserable people. The
result of these studies was the publication of a book
in the year 1769, which he called "A Representa-
tion of the Injustice and dangerous Tendency of
Tolerating Slavery in England." In this work he
refuted, in the clearest manner, the opinion of York
and Talbot. He produced against it the opinion
of the Lord Chief Justice Holt, who many years
before had determined, that every slave coming into
England became free. He attacked and refuted it
again by a learned and laborious inquiry into all the
principles of Villanage. He refuted it again, by
showing it to be an axiom in the British constitution,
" That every man in England was free to sue for
and defend his rights, and that force could not be
used without a legal process," leaving it to the
judges to determine, whether an African was a man.
He attacked, also, the opinion of Judge Blackstone,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 61
and showed where his error lay. This valuable
book, containing these and other kinds of arguments
on the subject, he distributed, but particularly
among the lawyers, giving them an opportunity
of refuting or acknowledging the doctrines it
contained.
While Mr. Sharp was engaged in this work,
another case offered, in which he took a part.
This was in the year 1768. Hylas, an African
slave, prosecuted a person of the name of Newton
for having kidnapped his wife, and sent her to the
West Indies. The result of the trial was, that dam-
ages to the amount of a shilling were given, and the
defendant was bound to bring back the woman,
either by the first ship, or in six months from this
decision of the court.
But soon after the work just mentioned was out
and when Mr. Sharp was better prepared, a third
case occurred. This happened in the year 1770.
Robert Stapylton, who lived at Chelsea, in conjunc-
tion with John Malony and Edward Armstrong
two waterman, seized the person of Thomas Lewis,
an African slave, in a dark night, and dragged
him to a boat lying in the Thames ; they then
gagged him, and tied him with a cord, and rowed
him down to a ship, and put him on board to be sold
as a slave in Jamaica. This base action took place
near the garden of Mrs. Banks, the mother of the
present Sir Joseph Banks. Lewis, it appears, on
being seized, screamed violently. The servants of
Mrs. Banks, who heard his cries, ran to his assis-
tance but the boat was gone. On informing their
VOL. I. 6
62 THE HISTORY OF THE
mistress of what had happened, she sent for Mr.
Sharp, who began now to be known as the friend of
the helpless Africans, and professed her willingness
to incur the expense of bringing the delinquents to
justice. Mr. Sharp, with some difficulty, procured
a habeas corpus, in consequence of which Lewis
was brought from Gravesend just as the vessel was
on the point of sailing. An action was then com-
menced against Stapylton, who defended himself,
on the plea, " That Lewis belonged to him as his
slave." In the course of the trial, Mr. Dunning,
who was counsel for Lewis, paid Mr. Sharp a hand-
some compliment, for he held in his hand Mr.
Sharp's book on the injustice and dangerous ten-
dency of tolerating slavery in England, while he was
pleading; and in his address to the jury he spoke
and acted thus : " I shall submit to you," says Mr.
Dunning, " What my ideas are upon such evidence,
reserving to myself an opportunity of discussing it
more particularly, and reserving to myself a right
to insist upon a position, which I will maintain (and
here he held up the book to the notice of those pres-
ent) in any place and in any court of the kingdom,
that our laws admit of no such property."* The
result of the trial was, that the jury pronounced the
plaintiff not to have been the property of the defen-
dant, several of them crying out, "No property, no
property."
After this, one or two other trials came on, in
* It is lamentable to think, that the same Mr. Duninng, in a
cause of this kind, which came on afterwards, took the opposite
side of the question.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 63
which the oppressor was defeated, and several cases
occurred, in which poor slaves were liberated from
the holds of vessels, and other places of confine-
ment, by the exertions of Mr. Sharp. One of these
cases was singular. The vessel on board which a
poor African had been dragged and confined had
reached the ■ Downs, and had actually got under
weigh for the West Indies. In two or three hours
she would have been out of sight ; but just at this
critical moment the writ of habeas corpus was car-
ried on board. The officer, who served it on the
captain, saw the miserable African chained to the
mainmast, bathed in tears, and casting a last
mournful look on the land of freedom, which was
fast receding from his sight. The captain, on re-
ceiving the writ, became outrageous ; but, knowing
the serious consequences of resisting the law of the
land, he gave up his prisoner, whom the officer
carried safe, but now crying for joy, to the shore.
But though the injured Africans, whose causes
had been tried, escaped slavery, and though many,
who had been forcibly carried into dungeons,
ready to be transported into the Colonies, had been
delivered out of them, Mr. Sharp was not easy in
his mind. Not one of the cases had yet been
pleaded on the broad ground, "Whether an African
slave coming into England became free V This
great question had been hitherto studiously avoided.
It was still, therefore, left in doubt. Mr. Sharp
was almost daily acting as if it had been deter-
mined, and as if he had been following the known
law of the land. He wished therefore that the
64 THE HISTORY OF THE
next cause might be argued upon this principle.
Lord Mansfield, too, who had been biased by the
opinion of York and Talbot, began to waver in
consequence of the different pleadings he had
heard on this subject. He saw also no end of
trials like these, till the law should be ascertained,
and he was anxious for a decision on the same
basis as Mr. Sharp. In this situation the follow-
ing case offered, which was agreed upon for the
determination of this important question.
James Somerset, an African slave, had been
brought to England by his master, Charles Stew-
art, in November, 1769. Somerset, in process of
time, left him. Stewart, took an opportunity of
seizing him, and had him conveyed on board the
Ann and Mary, Captain Knowles, to be carried
out of the kingdom, and sold as a slave in Jamaica.
The question was, " Whether a slave, by coming
into England, became free I"
In order that time might be given for ascertain-
ing the law fully on this head, the case was argued
at three different sittings. First, in January, 1772 ;
secondly, in February, 1772 ; and thirdly, in May,
1772. And that no decision otherwise than what
the law warranted might be given, the opinion of
the Judges was taken upon the pleadings. The
great and glorious result of the trial was, that as
soon as ever any slave set his foot upon English
territory, he became free.
Thus ended the great case of Somerset, which,
having been determined after so deliberate an in-
vestigation of the law, can never be reversed while
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 65
the British constitution remains. The eloquence
displayed in it by those who were engaged on the
side of liberty, was perhaps never exceeded on any
occasion ; and the names of the counsellors Davy,
Glynn, Hargrave, Mansfield, and Alleyne, ought
always to be remembered with gratitude by the
friends of this great cause. For when we consider
in how many crowded courts they pleaded, and
the number of individuals in these, whose minds
they enlightened, and whose hearts they interested
in the subject, they are certainly to be put down
as no small instruments in the promotion of it :
but chiefly to him, under Divine Providence, are
we to give the praise, who became the first great
actor in it, who devoted his time, his talents, and
his substance to this Christian undertaking, and
by whose laborious researches the very pleaders
themselves were instructed and benefited. By
means of his almost incessant vigilance and atten-
tion, and unwearied efforts, the poor African
ceased to be hunted in our streets as a beast of
prey. Miserable as the roof might be, under which
he slept, he slept in security. He walked by the
side of the stately ship, and he feared no dungeon
in her hold. Nor ought we, as Englishmen, to be
less grateful to this distinguished individual than
the African ought to be upon this occasion. To
him we owe it, that we no longer see our public
papers polluted by hateful advertisements of the
sale of the human species, or that we are no longer
distressed by the perusal of impious rewards for
bringing back the poor and the helpless into sla-
vol. i. 6 *
66 THE HISTORY OF THE
very, or that we are prohibited the disgusting-
spectacle of seeing man bought by his fellow-man.
To him, in short, we owe this restoration of the
beauty of our constitution ; this prevention of the
continuance of our national disgrace.
I shall say but little more of Mr. Sharp at pres-
ent, than that he felt it his duty, immediately after
the trial, to write to Lord North, then principal
minister of state, warning him in the most earnest
manner, to abolish immediately both the trade and
the slavery of the human species in all the British
dominions, as utterly irreconcilable with the prin-
ciples of the British constitution, and the estab-
lished religion of the land.
Among other coadjutors, whom the cruel and
wicked practices which have now been so amply
detailed brought forward, was a worthy clergy-
man, whose name I have not yet been able to
learn. He endeavored to interest the public feel-
ing in behalf of the injured Africans, by writing
an epilogue to the Padlock, in which Mungo ap-
peared as a black servant. This epilogue is so
appropriate to the case, that I cannot but give it
to the reader. Mungo enters, and thus addresses
the audience : —
" Thank you, my Massas ! have you laugh your fill ?
Then let me speak, nor take that freedom ill.
E'en from my tongue some heart-felt truths may fall,
And outrag'd Nature claims the care of all.
My tale in any place would force a tear,
But calls for stronger, deeper feelings here ;
For whilst I tread the free-born British land,
Whilst now before me crowded Britons stand,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 67
Vain, vain that glorious privilege to me,
I am a slave, where all things else are free.
"Yet was I born, as you are, no man's slave,
An heir to all that lib'ral Nature gave ;
My mind can reason, and my limbs can move
The same as yours ; like yours my heart can love ;
Alike my body food and sleep sustain ;
And e'en like yours — feels pleasure, want, and pain.
One sun rolls o'er us, common skies surround ;
One globe supports us, and one grave must bound.
" Why then am I devoid of all to live
That manly comforts to a man can give ?
To live — untaught religion's soothing balm,
Or life's choice arts ; to live — unknown the calm
Of soft domestic ease ; those sweets of life,
The duteous offspring, and th' endearing wife ?
To live — to property and rights unknown,
Not e'en the common benefits my own !
No arm to guard me from Oppression's rod,
My will subservient to a tyrant's nod !
No gentle hand, when life is in decay,
To sooth my pains, and charm my cares away;
But helpless left to quit the horrid stage,
Harass'd in youth ; and desolate in age !
"But I was born in Afric's tawny strand,
And you in fair Britannia's fairer land.
Comes freedom, then, from color? — Blush with shame!
And let strong Nature's crimson mark your blame.
I speak to Britons. — Britons, then, behold
A man by Briton's snared, and seized, and sold !
And yet no British statute damns the deed,
Nor do the more than murd'rous villains bleed.
" O sons of freedom ! equalize your laws,
Be all consistent, plead the Negro's cause ;
That all the nations in your code may see
The British Negro, like the Briton, free.
. But, should he supplicate your laws in vain,
To break, for ever, this disgraceful chain,
68 THE HISTORY OP THE
At least, let gentle usage so abate
The galling terrors of its passing state,
That he may share kind Heav'n's all social plan ;
For though no Briton, Mungo is — a man."
I may now add, that few theatrical pieces had a
greater run than the Padlock ; and that this epi-
logue, which was attached to it soon after it came
out, procured a good deal of feeling for the unfortu-
nate sufferers, whose cause it was intended to serve.
Another coadjutor* to whom these cruel and
wicked practises gave birth, was Thomas Day,
the celebrated author of Sandford and Merton, and
whose virtues were well known among those who
had the happiness of his friendship. In the year
1773 he published a poem, which he wrote ex-
pressly in behalf of the oppressed Africans. He
gave it the name of The Dying Negro. The pref-
ace to it was written in an able manner by his
friend, counsellor Bicknell, who is therefore to be
ranked among the coadjutors in this great cause.
The poem was founded on a simple fact, which
had taken place a year or two before. A poor
Negro had been seized in London, and forcibly
put on board a ship, where he destroyed himself,
rather than return to the land of slavery. To the
poem is affixed a frontispiece, in which the Negro
is represented. He is made to stand in an atti-
tude of the most earnest address to Heaven, in the
course of which, with the fatal dagger in his hand,
he breaks forth in the following words : — ■
" To you this unpolluted blood I pour,
To you that spirit, which ye gave, restore."
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 69
This poem, which was the first ever written ex-
pressly on the subject, was read extensively ; and
it added to the sympathy in favor of suffering hu-
manity, which was now beginning to show itself
in the kingdom.
About this time the first edition of the Essay
on Truth made its appearance in the world. Dr.
Beattie took an opportunity, in this work, of vin-
dicating the intellectual powers of the Africans
from the aspersions of Hume, and Of condemning
their slavery as a barbarous piece of policy, and
as inconsistent with the free and generous spirit
of the British nation.
In the year 1774, John Wesley, the celebrated
divine, to whose pious labors the religious world
will be long indebted, undertook the cause of the
poor Africans. He had been in America, and had
seen and pitied their hard condition. The work
which lie gave to the world in consequence, was
entitled Thoughts on Slavery. Mr. Wesley had
this great cause much at heart, and frequently
recommended it to the support of those who at-
tended his useful ministry.
In the year 1776, the abbe Proyart brought out,
at Paris, his History of Loango, and other king-
doms in Africa, in which he did ample justice to
the moral and intellectual character of the natives
there.
The same year produced two new friends in
England, in the same cause, but in a line in which
no one had yet moved. David Hartley, then a
member of Parliament for Hull, and the son of
70 THE HISTORY OF THE
Dr. Hartley, who wrote the Essay on Man, found
it impossible any longer to pass over without no-
tice the case of the oppressed Africans. He had
long felt for their wretched condition, and, avail-
ing himself of his legislative situation, he made a
motion in the House of Commons^ " That the
Slave-trade was contrary to the laws of God, and
the rights of men." In order that he might in-
terest the members as much as possible in his mo-
tion, he had previously obtained some of the chains
in use in this cruel traffic, and had laid them upon
the table of the House of Commons. His motion
was seconded by that great patriot and philan-
thropist, Sir George Saville. But though I am
now to state that it failed, I cannot but consider
it as a matter of pleasing reflection, that this great
subject was first introduced into Parliament by
those who were worthy of it ; by those who had
clean hands and irreproachable characters, and to
whom no motive of party or faction could be im-
puted, but only such as must have arisen from a
love of justice, a true feeling of humanity, and
a proper sense of religion.
About this time two others, men of great talents
and learning, promoted the cause of the injured
Africans, by the manner in which they introduced
them to notice in their respective works.
Dr. Adam Smith, in his Theory of Moral Sen-
timents, had, so early as the year 1759, held them
up in an honorable, and their tyrants in a degrad-
ing, light. " There is not a Negro from the coast
of Africa, who does not, in this respect, possess a
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 71
degree of magnanimity, which the soul of his sor-
did master is too often scarce capable of conceiv-
ing. Fortune never exerted more cruelly her em-
pire over mankind, than when she subjected those
nations of heroes to the refuse of the jails of
Europe, to wretches who possess the virtue nei-
ther of the countries they came from, nor of those
they go to, and whose levity, brutality, and base-
ness, so justly expose them to the contempt of the
vanquished." And now, in 1776, in his Wealth
of Nations, he showed in a forcible manner (for
he appealed to the interest of those concerned) the
dearness of African labor, or the impolicy of em-
ploying slaves.
Professor Millar, in his Origin of Ranks, fol-
lowed Dr. Smith on the same ground. He ex-
plained the impolicy of slavery in general, by its
bad effects upon industry, population, and morals.
These effects he attached to the system of agricul-
ture as followed in our islands. He showed, be-
sides, how little pains were taken, or how few
contrivances were thought of, to ease the laborers
there. He contended that the Africans ought to
be better treated, and to be raised to a better con-
dition ; and he ridiculed the inconsistency of those
who held them in bondage. " It affords," says
he, " a curious spectacle to observe that the same
people, who talk in a high strain of political liberty,
and who consider the privilege of imposing their
own taxes as one of the inalienable rights of
mankind, should make no scruple of reducing a
great proportion of their fellow-creatures into cir-
TZ THE HISTORY OF THE
cumstances, by which they are not only deprived
of property, but almost of every species of right.
Fortune perhaps never produced a situation more
calculated to ridicule a liberal hypothesis, or to
show how little the conduct of men is at the bot-
tom directed by any philosophical principles." It
is a great honor to the university of Glasgow, that
it should have produced, before any public agita-
tion of this question, three Professors,* all of whom
bore their public testimony against the continu-
ance of the cruel trade.
From this time, or from about the year 1776, to
about the year 1 782, I am to put down three other
coadjutors, whose labors seem to have come in a
right season for the promotion of the cause.
The first of these was Dr. Robertson. In his
History of America, he laid open many facts rela-
tive to this subject. He showed himself a w^arm
friend both of the Indians and Africans. He lost
no opportunity of condemning that trade which
brought the latter into bondage : " a trade," says
he, " which is no less repugnant to the feelings of
humanity than to the principles of religion." And
in his Charles the Fifth, he showed in a manner
that was clear and never to be controverted, that
Christianity was the great cause in the twelfth
century of extirpating slavery from the West of
Europe. By the establishment of this fact he
rendered important services to the oppressed Afri-
cans. For if Christianity, when it began to be
felt in the heart, dictated the abolition of slavery,
* The other was Professor Hucheson, before mentioned in p. 44.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 73
it certainly became those who lived in a Christian
coimtry, and who professed the Christian religion,
to put an end to this cruel trade.
The second was the abb6 Raynal. This author
gave an account of the laws, government, and re-
ligion of Africa, of the produce of it, of the man-
ners of its inhabitants, of the trade in slaves, of
the manner of procuring these, with several other
particulars relating to the subject. And at the
end of his account, fearing lest the good advice
he had given for making the condition of the
slaves more comfortable should be construed into
an approbation of such a traffic, he employed
several pages in showing its utter inconsistency
with sound policy, justice, reason, humanity, and
religion.
" I will not here," says he, " so far debase my-
self as to enlarge the ignominious list of those
writers, who devote their abilities to justify by
policy what morality condemns. In an age where
so many errors are boldly laid open, it would be
unpardonable to conceal any truth that is interest-
ing to humanity. If whatever I have hitherto
advanced hath seemingly tended only to alleviate
the burden of slavery, the reason is, that it was
first necessary to give some comfort to those un-
happy beings, whom we cannot set free, and con-
vince their oppressors, that they were cruel, to the
prejudice of their real interests. But, in the mean
time, till some considerable revolution shall make
the evidence of this great truth felt, it may not be
improper to pursue this subject further. I shall
vol. i. 7
74 THE HISTORY OF THE
then first prove" that there is no reason of state,
which can authorize slavery. I shall not be afraid
to cite to the tribunal of reason and justice those
governments, which tolerate this cruelty, or which
even are not ashamed to make it the basis of their
power."
And a little further on he observes : " Will it be
said that he, who wants to make me a slave, does
me no injury, but that he only makes use of his
rights ? Where are those rights 1 Who hath
stamped upon them so sacred a character as to
silence mine V9
In the beginning of the next paragraph he
speaks thus : " He, who supports the system of
slavery is the enemy of the whole human race.
He divides it into two societies of legal assassins ;
the oppressors, and the oppressed. It is the same
thing as proclaiming to the world, if you would
preserve your life, instantly take- away mine, for I
want to have yours."
Going on two pages further, we find these
words : " But the Negroes, they say, are a race
born for slavery ; their dispositions are narrow,
treacherous, and wicked ; they themselves allow
the superiority of our understandings, and almost
acknowledge the justice of our authority. Yes ;
the minds of the Negroes are contracted, because
slavery destroys all the springs of the soul. They
are wicked, but not equally so with you. They
are treacherous, because they are under no obli-
gation to speak truth to their tyrants. They ac-
knowledge the superiority of our understandings
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 75
because we have abused their ignorance. They
allow the justice of our authority, because we
have abused their weakness.
" But these Negroes, it is further urged, were
born slaves. Barbarians ! will you persuade me,
that a man can be the property of a sovereign, a
son^'we property of a father, a wife the property
of a husband, a domestic the property of a master,
a Negro the property of a planter V9
But I have no time to follow this animated au-
thor, even by short extracts, through the varied
strains of eloquence which he displays upon this
occasion. I can only say, that his labors entitle
him to a high station among the benefactors to the
African race.
The third was Dr. Paley, whose genius, talents,
and learning have been so eminently displayed in
his writings in the cause of natural and revealed
religion. Dr. Paley did not write any essay ex-
pressly in favor of the Africans. But in his Moral
Philosophy, where he treated on slavery, he took
an opportunity of condemning, in very severe
terms, the continuance of it. In this work he de-
fined what slavery was, and how it might arise
consistently with the law of nature ; but he made
an exception against that which arose from the
African trade.
" The Slave-trade," says he, " upon the coast of
Africa, is not excused by these principles. When
slaves in that country are brought to market, no
questions, I believe are asked about the origin or
justice of the venders title. It may be presumed.
76 THE HISTORY OF THE
therefore, that this title is not always, if it be ever,
founded in any of the causes above assigned.
" But defect of right in the first purchase is the
least crime with which this traffic is chargeable.
The natives are excited to war and mutual depre-
dation, for the sake of supplying their contracts,
or furnishing the markets with slaves. Witt ' this
the wickedness begins. The slaves, torn away
from their parents, wives and children, from their
friends and companions, from their fields and
flocks from their home and country, are trans-
ported to the European settlements in America,
with no other accommodation on shipboard than
what is provided for brutes. This is the second
stage of the cruelty, from which the miserable ex-
iles-are delivered only to be placed, and that for
life, in subjection to a dominion and system of
laws, the most merciless and tyrannical that ever
were tolerated upon the face of the earth : and
from all that can be learned by the accounts of
people upon the spot, the inordinate authority,
which the Plantation laws confer upon the slave-
holder, is exercised by the English slaveholder,
especially, with rigor and brutality.
" But necessity is pretended, the name under
which every enormity is attempted to be justified ;
and after all, what is the necessity ? It has never
been proved that the land could not be cultivated
there, as it is here, by hired servants. It is said
that it could not be cultivated with quite the same
conveniency and cheapness, as by the labor of
slaves ; by which means, a pound of sugar, which,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 77
the planter now sells for sixpence, could not be
afforded under sixpence-halfpenny ; and this is the
necessity !
" The great revolution, which has taken place
in the western world, may probably conduce (and
who knows but that it was designed) to acceler-
ate the fall of this abominable tyranny : and now
that this contest and the passions which attend it
are no more, there may succeed perhaps a season
for reflecting, whether a legislature, which had so
long lent assistance to the support of an institution
replete with human misery, was fit to be trusted
with an empire, the most extensive that ever ob-
tained in any age or quarter of the world."
The publication of these sentiments may be sup-
posed to have produced an extensive effect. For
the Moral Philosophy was adopted early by some
of the colleges in our universities into the system
of their education. It soon found its way also
into most of the private libraries of the kingdom ;
and it was, besides, generally read and approved.
Dr. Paley, therefore, must be considered as hav-
ing been a considerable coadjutor in interesting
the mind of the public in favor of the oppressed
Africans.
In the year 1783, we find Mr. Sharp coming
again into notice. We find him at this time taking
a part in a cause, the knowledge of which, in pro-
portion as it was disseminated, produced an earn-
est desire among all disinterested persons, for the
abolition of the Slave-trade.
In this year, certain underwriters desired to be
vol. I. 7*
78 THE HISTORY OF THE
heard against Gregson and others of Liverpool, in
the case of the ship Zong, Captain Collingwood,
alleging that the captain and officers of the said
vessel threw overboard one hundred and thirty-two
slaves alive into the sea, in order to defraud them,
by claiming the value of the said slaves, as if they
had been lost in a natural way. In the course of
the trial, which afterwards came on, it appeared,
that the slaves on board the Zong were very sick-
ly ; that sixty of them had already died ; and
several were ill and likely to die ; when the cap-
tain proposed to James Kelsall, the mate, and
others, to throw several of them overboard, stat-
ing " that if they died a natural death, the loss
would fall upon the owners of the ship, but that,
if they were thrown into the sea, it would fall
upon the underwriters." He selected accordingly
one hundred and thirty-two of the most sickly
of the slaves. Fifty-four of these were immedi-
ately thrown overboard, and forty-two were made
to be partakers of their fate on the succeeding day.
In the course of three days afterwards the remain-
ing twenty-six were brought upon deck to com-
plete the number of victims. The first sixteen
submitted to be thrown into the sea ; but the rest
with a noble resolution would not suffer the offi-
cers to touch them, but leaped after their com-
panions and shared their fate.
The plea which was set up in behalf of this
atrocious and unparalleled act of wickedness, was,
that the captain discovered, when he made the
proposal, that he had only two hundred gallons
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 79
of water -on board, and that he had missed his
port. It was proved, however, in answer to this,
that no one had been put upon short allowance ;
and that, as if Providence had determined to af-
ford an unequivocal proof of the guilt, a shower
of rain fell and continued for three days immedi-
ately after the second lot of slaves had been de-
stroyed, by means of which they might have filled
many of their vessels* with water, and thus have
prevented all necessity for the destruction of the
third.
Mr. Sharp was present at this trial, and procured
the attendance of a short hand writer to take
down the facts, which should come out in the
course of it. These he gave to the public after-
wards. He communicated them also, with a copy
of the trial, to the Lords of the Admiralty, as the
guardians of justice upon the seas, and to the
Duke of Portland, as principal minister of state.
No notice, however, was taken by any of these,
of the information which had been thus sent them.
But though nothing was done by the persons
then in power, in consequence of the murder of
so many innocent individuals, yet the publication
of an account of it by Mr. Sharp in the newspa-
pers, made such an impression upon others, that
new coadjutors rose up. For, soon after this, we
find Thomas Day entering the lists again as the
champion of the injured Africans. He had lived
to see his poem of The Dying Negro, which had
* It appeared that they filled six.
80 THE HISTORY OF THE
been published in 1773, make a considerable im-
pression. In 1776, he had written a letter to a
friend in America, who was the possessor of slaves,
to dissuade him by a number of arguments from
holding such property. And now, when the knowl-
edge of the case of the ship Zong was spreading,
he published that letter under the title of Frag-
ment of an Original Letter on the Slavery of the
Negroes.
In this same year, Dr. Porteus, bishop of Ches-
ter, but now bishop of London, came forward as a
new advocate for the natives of Africa. The way
in which he rendered them service, was by preach-
ing a sermon in their behalf, before the Society for
the Propagation of the Gospel. Of the wide cir-
culation of this sermon, I shall say something in
another place, but much more of the enlightened
and pious author of it, who from this time never
failed to aid, at every opportunity, the cause which
he had so ably undertaken.
In the year 1784, Dr. Gregory produced his
Essays Historical and Moral. He took an oppor-
tunity of disseminating in these a circumstantial
knowledge of the Slave-trade, and an equal abhor-
rence of it at the same time. He explained the
manner of procuring slaves in Africa ; the treat-
ment of them in the passage, (in which he men-
tioned the case of the ship Zong,) and the wicked
and cruel treatment of them in the colonies. He
recited and refuted also the various arguments
adduced in defence of the trade. He showed that
it was destructive to our seamen. He produced
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 81
many weighty arguments also against the slavery
itself. He proposed clauses for an act of Parlia-
ment for the abolition of both ; showing the good
both to England and her colonies from such a
measure, and that a trade might be substituted in
Africa, in various articles, for that which he pro-
posed to suppress. By means of the diffusion of
light like this, both of a moral and political nature,
Dr. Gregory is entitled to be ranked among the
benefactors to the African race.
In the same year, Gilbert Wakefield preached a
sermon at Richmond in Surry, where, speaking of
the people of this nation, he says, " Have we been
as renowned for a liberal communication of our re-
ligion and our laws as for the possession of them?
Have we navigated and conquered to save, to
civilize, and to instruct ; or to oppress, to plunder,
and to destroy 1 Let India and Africa give the
answer to these questions. The one we have ex-
hausted of her wealth and her inhabitants by vio-
lence, by famine, and by every species of tyranny
and murder. The children of the other we daily
carry from off the land of their nativity, like sheep
to the slaughter, to return no more. We tear
them from every object of their affection, or, sad
alternative, drag them together to the horrors of a
mutual servitude ! We keep them in the profound*
est ignorance. We gall them in a tenfold chain,
with an unrelenting spirit of barbarity, inconceiva-
ble to all but the spectators of it, unexampled
among former ages and other nations, and unre-
corded even in the bloody registers of heathen per-
82 THE HISTORY OF THE
secution. Such is the conduct of us enlightened
Englishmen, reformed Christians ! Thus have we
profited by our superior advantages, by the favor
of God, by the doctrines and example of a meek
and lowly Saviour. Will not the blessings which
we have abused loudly testify against us 1 Will
not the blood which we have shed cry from the
ground for vengeance upon our sins ?"
In the same year, James Ramsay, vicar of Tes-
ton in Kent, became also an able, zealous, and
indefatigable patron of the African cause. This
gentleman had resided nineteen years in the island
of St. Christopher, where he had observed the
treatment of the slaves, and had studied the laws
relating to them. On his return to England,
yielding to his own feelings of duty and the solici-
tations of some amiable friends, he publised a
work, which he called An Essay on the Treat-
ment and Conversion of the African Slaves in the
British Sugar Colonies. After having given an
account of the relative situation of master and slave
in various parts of the world, he explained the
low and degrading situation which the Africans
held in society in our own islands. He showed
that their importance would be increased, and the
temporal interest of their masters promoted, by
giving them freedom, and by granting them other
privileges. He showed the great difficulty of in-
structing them in the state in which they then
were, and such as he himself had experienced both
in his private and public attempts, and such as
others had experienced also. He stated the way
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 83*
in which private attempts of this nature might
probably be successful. He then answered all
objections against their capacities, as drawn from
philosophy, form, anatomy, and observation ; and
vindicated these from his own experience. And
lastly, he threw out ideas for the improvement of
their condition, by an establishment of a greater
number of spiritual pastors among them ; by giv-
ing them more privileges than they then possessed ;
and by extending towards them the benefits of a
proper police. Mr. Ramsay had no other motive
for giving this work to the public, than that of hu-
manity, or a wish to serve this much injured part
of the human species. For he compiled it at the
hazard of forfeiting that friendship, which he had
contracted with many during his residence in the
islands, and of suffering much in his private prop-
erty, as well as subjecting himself to the ill-will
and persecution of numerous individuals.
The publication of this book by one, who pro-
fessed to have been so long resident in the islands,
and to have been an eyewitness of facts, produced,
as may easily be supposed, a good deal of conver-
sation, and made a considerable impression, but
particularly at this time, when a storm was visibly
gathering over the heads of the oppressors of the
African race. These circumstances occasioned
one or two persons to attempt to answer it, and
these answers brought Mr. Ramsay into the first
controversy ever entered into on this subject, dur-
ing which, as is the case in most controversies,
the cause of truth was spread.
84 THE HISTORY OF THE
The works which Mr. Ramsay wrote upon this
subject, were, the Essay, just mentioned, in 1784.
An Inquiry, also, into the Effects of the Abolition
of the Slave-trade, in 1784. A reply to personal
Invectives and Objections, in 1785. A Letter to
James Tobin, Esq. in 1787. Objections to the
Abolition of the Slave-trade, with Answers : and
an Examination of Harris's Scriptural Researches
on the Licitness of the Slave-trade, in 1788 ; and
An Address on the proposed Bill for the Abolition
of the Slave-trade, in 1789. In short, from the
time when he first took up the cause, he was
engaged in it till his death, which was not a little
accelerated by his exertions. He lived, however,
to see this cause in a train for parliamentary in-
quiry, and he died satisfied, being convinced, as
he often expressed, that the investigation must
inevitably lead to the total abolition of the Slave-
trade.
In the next year, that is, in the year 1785,
another advocate was seen in Monsieur Necker,
in his celebrated work on the French Finances,
which had just been translated into the English
language from the original work, in 1784. This
virtuous statesman, after having given his estimate
of the population and revenue of the French West
Indian colonies, proceeds thus: "The colonies
of France contain, as Ave have seen, near five
hundred thousand slaves, and it is from the num-
ber of these poor wretches that the inhabitants set
a value on their plantations. What a dreadful
prospect ! and how profound a subject for reflec-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 85
tion ! Alas ! how little are we both in our morality
and our principles ! We preach up humanity, and
yet go every year to bind in chains twenty thou-
sand natives of Africa ? We call the Moors bar-
barians and ruffians, because they attack the lib-
erty of Europeans at the risk of their own ; yet
these Europeans go, without danger, and as mere
speculators, to purchase slaves by gratifying the
avarice of their masters, and excite all those
bloody scenes, which are the usual preliminaries
of this traffic !" He goes on still further in the
same strain. He then shows the kind of power
which has supported this execrable trade. He
throws out the idea of a general compact, by
which all the European nations should agree to
abolish it. And he indulges the pleasing hope, that
it may take place even in the present generation.
In the same year we find other coadjutors com-
ing before our view, but these in a line different
from that, in which any other belonging to this
class had yet moved. Mr. George White, a clergy-
man of the established church, and Mr. John
Chubb, suggested to Mr. William Tucket, the
mayor of Bridgewater, where they resided, and to
others of that town, the propriety of petitioning
Parliament for the abolition of the Slave-trade.
This petition was agreed upon, and when drawn
up, was as follows : —
" The humble petition of the inhabitants of
Bridgewater showeth,
" That your petitioners, reflecting with the
deepest sensibility on the deplorable condition of
vol. i. 8
86 THE HISTORY OF THE
that part of the human species, the African Ne-
groes, who by the most flagitious means are re-
duced to slavery and misery in the British colo-
nies, beg leave to address this honorable house
in their behalf, and to express a just abhorrence
of a system of oppression, which no prospect of
private gain, no consideration of public advantage,
no plea of political expediency, can sufficiently
justify or excuse.
" That, satisfied as your petitioners are that this
inhuman system meets with the general execration
of mankind, they flatter themselves the day is not
far distant when it will be universally abolished.
And they most ardently hope to see a British
Parliament, by the extinction of that sanguinary
traffic, extend the blessings of liberty to millions
beyond this realm, hold up to an enlightened
world a glorious and merciful example, and stand
foremost in the defence of the violated rights of
human nature."
This petition was presented by the honorable
Ann Poulet, and Alexander Hood, Esq., (now
Lord Bridport,) who were the members for the
town of Bridgewater. It was ordered to lie on the
table. The answer which these gentlemen gave
to their constituents relative to the reception of it
in the House of Commons, is worthy of notice :
" There did not appear," say they in their com-
mon letter, " the least disposition to pay any fur-
ther attention to it. Every one almost says, that
the abolition of the Slave-trade must immediately
throw the West Indian islands into convulsions,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 87
and soon complete their utter ruin. Thus they
will not trust Providence for its protection for so
pious an undertaking."
In the year 1786, Captain J. S. Smith of the
royal navy offered himself to the notice of the
public in behalf of the African cause. Mr. Ram-
say, as I have observed before, had become in-
volved in a controversy in consequence of his
support of it. His opponents not only attacked
his reputation, but had the effrontery to deny
his facts. This circumstance occasioned Captain
Smith to come forward. He wrote a letter to his
friend Mr. Hill, in which he stated that he had
seen those things, while in the West Indies, which
Mr. Ramsay had asserted to exist, but which had
been so boldly denied. He gave also permission
to Mr. Hill to publish this letter. Too much
praise cannot be bestowed on Captain Smith, for
thus standing forth in a noble cause, and in behalf
of an injured character.
The last of the necessary forerunners and coad-
jutors of this class, whom I am to mention, was
our much admired poet, Cowper ; and a great
coadjutor he was, when we consider what value
was put upon his sentiments, and the extraordi-
nary circulation of his works. There are few
persons, who have not been properly impressed by
the following lines : —
. " My ear is pain'd,
My soul is sick with every day's report
Of wrong and outrage with which this earth is fill'd.
There is no flesh in man's obdurate heart,
It does not feel for man. The nat'ral bond
88 THE HISTORY OF THE
Of brotherhood is sever'd as the flax
That falls asunder at the touch of fire.
He finds his fellow guilty of a skin
Not color'd like his own, and having pow'r
T' inforce the wrong for such a worthy cause
Dooms and devotes him as his lawful prey.
Lands intersected by a narrow frith
Abhor each other. Mountains interpos'd
Make enemies of nations, who had else,
Like kindred drops, been mingled into one.
Thus man devotes his brother, and destroys ;
And, worse than all, and most to be deplor'd
As human nature's broadest, foulest blot,
Chains him, and tasks him, and exacts his sweat
With stripes, that mercy with a bleeding heart
Weeps, when she sees inflicted on a beast.
Then what is man ? And what man, seeing this,
And having human feelings, does not blush
And hang his head to think himself a man ?
I would not have a slave to till my ground,
To carry me, to fan me while I sleep,
And tremble when I wake, for all the wealth
That sinews bought and sold have ever earn'd.
No : dear as freedom is, and in my heart's
Just estimation priz'd above all price,
I had much rather be myself the slave,
And wear the bonds, than fasten them on him.
We have no slaves at home — then why abroad ?
And they themselves once ferried o'er the wave
That parts us, are emancipate and loos'd.
Slaves cannot breathe in England ; if their lungs
Receive our air, that moment they are free ;
They touch our country, and their shackles fall.*
That's noble, and bespeaks a nation proud
And jealous of the blessing. Spread it then,
And let it circulate through every vein
Of all your empires — that where Britain's pow'r
Is felt, mankind may feel her mercy too."
* Expressions used in the great trial, when Mr. Sharp obtained the verdict
in favor of Somerset.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 89
CHAPTER IV.
Second class of forerunners and coadjutors, up to May, 1787, con-
sists of the Quakers in England — of George Fox, and others. —
Of the body of the Quakers assembled at the yearly meeting
in 1727— and at various other times.— quakers, as a body, peti-
TION Parliament — and circulate books on the subjfct. — Individ-
uals AMONG THEM BECOME LABORERS AND ASSOCIATE IN BEHALF OF
the Africans— Dilwyn — Harrison — and others. — This the first
association ever formed in england for the purpose.
The second class of the forerunners and coad-
jutors in this great cause up to May, 1787, will
consist of the Quakers in England.
The first of this class was George Fox, the
venerable founder of this benevolent society.
George Fox was cotemporary with Richard
Baxter, being born not long after him, and dying
much about the same time. Like him, he left his
testimony against this wicked trade. When he
was in the island of Barbadoes, in the year 1671,
he delivered himself to those who attended his
religious meetings in the following manner : —
" Consider with yourselves," says he, " if you
were in the same condition as the poor Africans
are, who came strangers to you, and were sold to
you as slaves ; I say, if this should be the condi-
tion of you or yours, you would think it a hard
measure ; yea, and very great bondage and cru-
elty. And therefore consider seriously of this ;
and do you for them, and to them, as you would
willingly have them, or any others do unto you,
vol. i. 8*
90 THE HISTORY OF THE
were you in the like slavish condition, and bring
them to know the Lord Christ." And in his
Journal, speaking of the advice, which he gave his
friends at Barbadoes, he says, " I desired also,
that they would cause their overseers to deal
mildly and gently with their Negroes, and not to
use cruelty towards them, as the manner of some
had been, and that after certain years of servitude
they should make them free."
William Edmundson, who was a minister of
the Society, and, indeed, a fellow-traveller with
George Fox, had the boldness in the same island
to deliver his sentiments to the governor on the
same subject. Having been brought before him
and accused of making the Africans Christians, or,
in other words, of making them rebel and destroy
their owners, he replied, " that it was a good
thing to bring them to the knowledge of God and
Christ Jesus, and to believe in him who died for
them and all men, and that this would keep them
from rebelling, or cutting any person's throat ;
but if they did rebel and cut their throats, as the
governor insinuated they would, it would be their
own doing, in keeping them in ignorance and
under oppression, in giving them liberty to be
common with women, like brutes, and, on the
other hand in starving them for want of meat and
clothes convenient ; thus giving them liberty in
that which God restrained, and restraining them
in that which was meat and clothing."
I do not find any individual of this society
moving in this cause for some time after the death
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 91
of George Fox and William Edmundson. The
first circumstance of moment, which I discover,
is a Resolution of the whole Society on the sub-
ject, at their yearly meeting held in London in
the year 1727. The resolution was contained in
the following w^ords : " It is the sense of this
meeting, that the importing of Negroes from their
native country and relations by Friends, is not a
commendable nor allowed practice, and is there-
fore censured by this meeting."
In the year 175S, the Quakers thought it their
duty, as a body, to pass another Resolution upon
this subject. At this time the nature of the trade
beginning to be better known, we find them more
animated upon it, as the following extract will
show : —
" We fervently warn all in profession with us,
that they carefully avoid being any way concerned
in reaping the unrighteous profits arising from the
iniquitous practice of dealing in Negro or other
slaves ; whereby, in the original purchase, one
man selleth another, as he doth the beasts that
perish, without any better pretension to a property
in him than that of superior force ; in direct vio-
lation of the Gospel rule, which teacheth all to
do as they would be done by, and to do good to
all ; being the reverse of that covetous disposition,
which furnisheth encouragement to those poor ig-
norant people to perpetuate their savage wars, in
order to supply the demands of this most unnatural
traffic, by which great numbers of mankind, free
by nature, are subject to inextricable bondage ;
92 THE HISTORY OF THE
and which hath often been observed to fill their
possessors with haughtiness, tyranny, luxury, and
barbarity, corrupting the minds and debasing the
morals of their children, to the unspeakable preju-
dice of religion and virtue, and the exclusion of
that holy spirit of universal love, meekness, and
charity, which is the unchangeable nature and the
glory of true Christianity. We therefore can do
no less than, with the greatest earnestness, impress
it upon Friends everywhere, that they endeavor
to keep their hands clear of this unrighteous gain
of oppression."
The Quakers hitherto, as appears by the two
resolutions which have been quoted, did nothing
more than seriously warn all those in religious pro-
fession with them, against being concerned in this
trade. But in three years afterwards, or at the
yearly meeting in 1761, they came to a resolution,
as we find by the following extract from their
Minutes, that any of their members having a con-
cern in it should be disowned. " This meeting
having reason to apprehend that divers under our
name are concerned in the unchristian traffic in
Negroes, doth recommend it earnestly to the care
of Friends everywhere, to discourage, as much as
in them lies, a practice so repugnant to our Chris-
tian profession; and to deal with all such as shall
persevere in a conduct so reproachful to Chris-
tianity; and to disown them, if they desist not
therefrom."
The yearly meeting of 1761, having thus agreed
to exclude from membership such as should be found
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 93
concerned in this trade, that of 1763 endeavored
to draw the cords still tighter, by attaching crimi-
nality to those, who should aid and abet the trade
in any manner. By the minute, which was made
on this occasion, I apprehend that no one, belong-
ing to the Society, could furnish even materials
for such voyages. " We renew our exhortation,
that Friends everywhere be especially careful to
keep their hands clear of giving encouragement in
any shape to the Slave-trade, it being evidently
destructive of the natural rights of mankind, who
are all ransomed by one Saviour, and visited by one
divine light, in order to salvation ; a traffic calcu-
lated to enrich and aggrandize some upon the
misery of others, in its nature abhorrent to every
just and tender sentiment, and contrary to the
whole tenor of the Gospel."
Some pleasing intelligence having been sent on
this subject by the Society in America to the Society
in England, the yearly meeting of 1772 thought
it their duty to notice it, and to keep their former
resolutions alive by the following minute : " It ap*-
pears that the practice of holding Negroes in oppres-
sive and unnatural bondage hath been so success-
fully discouraged by Friends in some of the colonies,
as to be considerably lessened. We cannot but ap-
prove of these salutary endeavors, and earnestly
entreat they may be continued, that, through the
favor of divine Providence, a traffic so unmerciful
and unjust in its nature to a part of our own species,
made equally with ourselves, for immortality, may
come to be considered by all in its proper light,
94 THE HISTORY OF THE
and be utterly abolished as a reproach to the
Christian name."
I must beg leave to stop here for a moment, just
to pay the Quakers a due tribute of respect for the
proper estimation, in which they have uniformly
held the miserable outcasts of society, who have
been the subject of these minutes. What a contrast
does it afford to the sentiments of many others con-
cerning them ! How have we been compelled to
prove by a long chain of evidence, that they had the
same feelings and capacities as ourselves ! How
many, professing themselves enlightened, even now
view them as of a different species ! But in the min-
utes, which have been cited, we have seen them
uniformly represented as persons " ransomed by one
and the same Saviour;5' "as visited by one and
the same light for salvation ;" and " as made
equally for immortality as others." These practi-
cal views of mankind, as they are highly honora-
ble to the members of this society, so they afford a
proof both of the reality and of the consistency of
their religion.
But to return : From this time there appears
to have been a growing desire in this benevolent
society to step out of its ordinary course in behalf
of this injured people. It had hitherto confined
itself to the keeping of its own members unpolluted
by any gain from their oppression. But it was
now ready to make an appeal to others, and to bear
a more public testimony in their favor. Accord-
ingly, in the month of June, 1783, when a bill
had been brought into the House of Commons for
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 95
certain regulations to be made with respect to the
African trade, the Society sent the following peti-
tion to that branch of the legislature : —
" Your petitioners, met in this their annual as-
sembly, having solemnly considered the state of the
enslaved Negroes, conceive themselves engaged,
in religious duty, to lay the suffering situation
of that unhappy people before you, as a subject
loudly calling for the humane interposition of the
legislature.
" Your petitioners regret that a nation, profes-
sing the Christian faith, should so far counteract
the principles of humanity and justice, as by the
cruel treatment of this oppressed race to fill their
minds with prejudices against the mild and benefi-
cent doctrines of the Gospel.
" Under the countenance of the laws of this
country many thousands of these our fellow-crea-
tures entitled to the natural rights of mankind, are
held as personal property in cruel bondage ; and
your petitioners being informed that a Bill for the
Regulation of the African Trade is now before the
House containing a clause which restrains the
officers of the African Company from exporting
Negoes, your petitioners, deeply affected with a
consideration of the rapine, oppression, and blood-
shed, attending this traffic, humbly request that
this restriction may be extended to all persons
whomsoever, or that the House would grant such
other relief in the premises as in its wisdom may
seem meet."
This petition was presented by Sir Cecil Wray,
96 THE HISTORY OF THE
who, on introducing it, spoke very respectfully of
the Society. He declared his hearty approbation
of their application, and said he hoped he should
see the day when not a slave would remain within
the dominions of this realm. Lord North seconded
the motion, saying he could have no objection to
the petition, and that its object ought to recom-
mend it to every humane breast ; that it did credit
to the most benevolent society in the world ; but
that, the session being so far advanced, the subject
could not then be taken into consideration; and he
regretted that the Slave-trade, against which the
petition was so justly directed, was in a commer-
cial view become necessary to almost every nation
of Europe. The petition was then brought up and
read, after which it was ordered to lie on the table.
This was the first petition, (being two years earlier
than that from the inhabitants of Bridgewater,)
which was ever presented to Parliament for the
abolition of the Slave-trade,
But the Society did not stop here ; for having
at the yearly meeting of 1783, particularly recom-
mended the cause to a standing committee ap-
pointed to act at intervals, called the Meeting for
Sufferings, the latter in this same year resolved
upon an address to the public, entitled, The Case
of our Fellow-creatures, the oppressed Africans,
respectfully recommended to the serious Consider-
ation of the Legislature of Great Britain, by the
People called Quakers : in which they endeav-
ored in the most pathetic manner to make the
reader acquainted with the cruel nature of this
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 97
trade ; and they ordered two thousand copies of it
to be printed.
In the year 1784, they began the distribution of
this case. The first copy was sent to the King-
through Lord Carmarthen, and the second and the
third, through proper officers, to the Queen and
the Prince of Wales. Others were sent by a depu-
tation of two members of the society to Mr. Pitt,
as prime-minister; to the Lord Chancellor Thur-
low ; to Lord Grower, as president of the council ;
to Lords Carmarthen and Sidney, as secretaries of
state ; to Lord Chief Justice Mansfield ; to Lord
Howe, as first lord of the Admiralty; and to C.
F. Cornwall, Esq., as speaker of the House of
Commons. Copies were sent also to every mem-
ber of both Houses of Parliament.
The Society, in the same year, anxious that the
conduct of its members should be consistent with
its public profession on tlnV great subject, recom-
mended it to the quarterly and monthly meetings
to inquire through their respective districts, whether
any, bearing its name, were in any way concerned
in the traffic, and to deal with such, and to report
the success of their labors in the ensuing year.
Orders were also given for the reprinting and cir-
culation of ten thousand other copies of "The
Case."
In the year 1785, the Society interested itself
again in a similar manner. For the meeting for
sufferings, as representing it, recommended to the
quarterly meetings to distribute a work, written by
Anthony Benezet, in America, called, A Caution
VOL. I. 9
98 THE HISTORY OF THE
to Great Britain and her Colonies, in a short Rep-
resentation of the calamitous State of the enslaved
Negroes in the British Dominions. This book was
accordingly forwarded to them for this purpose.
On receiving it, they sent it among several public
bodies, the regular and dissenting clergj^ justices
of the peace, and particularly among the great
schools of the kingdom, that the rising youth might
acquire a knowledge, and at the same time a de-
testation, of this cruel traffic. In this latter case, a
deputation of the Society waited upon the masters,
to know if they would allow their scholars to recieve
it. The schools of Westminster, the Charter-house,
St. Paul, Merchant-Taylors, Eton, Winchester,
and Harrow, were among those visited. Several
academies also were visited for this purpose.
But I must now take my leave of the Quakers
as a public body,* and go back to the year 1783,
to record an event, which will be found of great
importance in the present history, and in which
only individuals belonging to the Society were
concerned. This event seems to have arisen nat-
urally out of existing or past circumstances. For
the Society, as I have before stated, had sent a
petition to Parliament in this year, praying for the
abolition of the Slave-trade. It had also laid the
foundation for a public distribution of the books as
just mentioned, with a view of enlightening others
on this great subject. The case of the ship Zong,
which I have before had occasion to explain, had
* The Quakers, as a public body, kept the subject alive at their
yearly meeting in 1784, 1785, 1787, &c.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 99
occurred this same year. A letter also had been
presented, much about the same time, by Benjamin
West, from Anthony Benezet before mentioned, to
our Queen, in behalf of the injured Africans, which
she had received graciously. These subjects oc-
cupied at this time the attention of many Quaker
families, and among1 others, that of a few indi-
viduals, who wereun close intimacy with each
other. These, when they met together frequently
conversed upon them. They perceived, as facts
came out in conversation, that there was a growing
knowledge and hatred of the Slave-trade, and that
the temper of the times was ripening towards its
abolition. Hence a disposition manifested itself
among these, to unite as laborers for the further-
ance of so desirable an object. An union was at
length proposed and approved of, and the follow-
ing persons (placed in alphabetical order) came
together to execute the offices growing out of it :
William Dillwyn, Thomas Knowles, M. D.,
George Harrison, John Lloyd,
Samuel Hoare, Joseph Woods.
The first meeting was held on the seventh of
July, 1783. At this "they assembled to consider
what steps they should take for the relief and liber-
ation of the Negro slaves in the West Indies, and
for the discouragement of the Slave-trade on the
coast of Africa."
To promote this object they conceived it neces-
sary that the public mind should be enlightened
respecting it. They had recourse, therefore, to the
public papers, and they appointed their members
100 THE HISTORY OF THE
in turn to write in these, and to see that their
productions were inserted. They kept regular
minutes for this purpose. It was not, however,
known to the world that such an association
existed.
It appears that they had several meetings in the
course of this year. Before the close of it they
had secured a place in the General Evening Post,
in Lloyd's Evening Post, in the Norwich, Bath,
York, Bristol, Sherborne, Liverpool, Newcastle,
and other provincial papers, for such articles as
they chose to send to them. These consisted
principally of extracts from such authors, both in
prose and verse, as they thought would most en-
lighten and interest the mind upon the subject of
their institution.
In the year 1784 they pursued the same plan ;
but they began now to print books. The first was
from a manuscript composed by Joseph Woods,
one of the committee. It was entitled, Thoughts
on the Slavery of the Negroes. This manuscript
was well put together. It was a manly and yet
feeling address in behalf of the oppressed Africans.
It contained a sober and dispassionate appeal to
the reason of all, without offending the prejudices
of any. It was distributed at the expense of the
association, and proved to be highly useful to the
cause which it was intended to promote.
A communication having been made to the com-
mittee, that Dr. Porteus, then bishop of Chester,
had preached a sermon before the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel, in behalf of the in-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 101
jured Africans, (which sermon was noticed in the
last chapter,) Samuel Hoare was deputed to ob-
tain permission to publish it. This led him to
a correspondence with Mr. Ramsay before men-
tioned. The latter applied in consequence to the
bishop, and obtained his consent. Thus this val-
uable sermon was also given to the world.
In the year 1785 the association continued their
exertions as before ; but I have no room to spe-
cify them. I may observe, however, that David
Barclay, a grandson of the great apologist of that
name, assisted at one of their meetings, and (what
is singular) that he was in a few years after-
wards unexpectedly called to a trial of his prin-
ciples on this very subject. For he and his
brother John became, in consequence of a debt
due to them, possessed of a large grazing farm,
or pen, in Jamaica, which had thirty-two slaves
upon it. Convinced, however, that the retaining
of their fellow-creatures in bondage was not only
irreconcileable with the principles of Christianity,
but subversive of the rights of human nature,
they determined upon the emancipation of these.
And they* performed this generous office to the
satisfaction of their minds, to the honor of their
characters, to the benefit of the public, and to
* They engaged an agent to embark for Jamaica in 1795 to
effect this business, and had the slaves conveyed to Philadelphia,
where they were kindly received by the Society for improving the
Condition of free Black People. Suitable situations were found
for the adults, and the young ones were bound out apprentices to
handicraft trades, and to receive school learning.
VOL. I. 9 *
102 THE HISTORY OF THE
the happiness of the slave.* I mention this anec-
dote, not only to gratify myself, by paying a proper
respect to those generous persons who sacrificed
their interest to principle, but also to show the
sincerit}r of David Barclay (who is now the only
surviving brother) as he actually put in practice
what at one of these meetings he was desirous of
recommending to others.
Having now brought up the proceedings of this
little association towards the year 1786, I shall
take my leave of it, remarking, that it was the
first ever formed in England for the promotion of
the abolition of the Slave-trade. That Quakers
have had this honor is unquestionable. Nor is it
extraordinary that they should have taken the
lead on this occasion, when we consider how
advantageously they have been situated for so
doing. For the Slave-trade, as we have not long
ago seen, came within the discipline of the Society
in the year 1727. From thence it continued to
be an object of it till 1783. In 1783 the Society
petitioned Parliament, and in 1784 it distributed
books to enlighten the public concerning it. Thus
we see that every Quaker, born since the year
1727, was nourished as it were in a fixed hatred
* James Pemberton, of Philadelphia, made the following obser-
vation in a letter to a Friend in England : " David Barclay's hu-
mane views towards the blacks from Jamaica have been so far
realized, that these objects of his concern enjoy their freedom with
comfort to themselves, and are respectable in their characters, keep-
ing up a friendly intercourse with each other, and avoiding to inter-
mix with the common blacks of this city, being sober in their con-
duct and industrious in their business."
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 103
against it. He was taught, that any concern in it
was a crime of the deepest dye. He was taught,
that the bearing of his testimony against it was a
test of unity with those of the same religious pro-
fession. The discipline of the Quakers was there-
fore a school for bringing them up as advocates
for the abolition of this trade. To this it may
be added, that the Quakers knew more about the
trade and the slavery of the Africans, than any
other religious body of men, who had not been
in the land of their sufferings. For there had
been a correspondence between the Society in
America and that in England on the subject, the
contents of which must have been known to the
members of each. American ministers also were
frequently crossing the Atlantic on religious mis-
sions to England. These, when they travelled
through various parts of our island, frequently
related to the Quaker families in their way the
cruelties they had seen and heard of in their own
country. English ministers were also frequently
going over to America on the same religious
errand. These, on their return, seldom failed to
communicate what they had learned or observed,
but more particularly relative to the oppressed
Africans, in their travels. The journals also of
these, which gave occasional accounts of the suf-
ferings of the slaves, were frequently published.
Thus situated in point of knowedge, and brought
up moreover from their youth in a detestation of
the trade, the Quakers were ready to act whenever
a favorable opportunity should present itself.
104 THE HISTORY OF THE
CHAPTER V.
Third class of forerunners and coadjutors, up to 1787, consists of
the Quakers and others in America. — Yearly meeting for Penn-
sylvania and the Jerseys takes up the subject in 16y6 — and con»
tinue it till 1787. — other five yearly meetings take similar
measures. — Quakers as individuals, also become laborers.— Wil-
liam Burling and others. — Individuals of other religious de-
nominations TAKE UP THE CAUSE ALSO. — JUDGE SEWELL AND OTHERS. —
Union of the Quakers with others in a society for Pennsyl-
vania, in 1774. — James Pemberton — Dr. Rush. — Similar union of
the Quakers with others for New York and other provinces.
The next class of the forerunners and coad-
jutors, up to the year 1787, will consist, first, of
the Quakers in America ; and then of others, as
they were united to these for the same object.
It may be asked, How the Quakers living there
should have become forerunners and coadjutors in
the great work now under our consideration. I
reply, first, That it was an object for many years
with these to do away the Slave-trade as it was
carried on in their own ports. But this trade was
conducted in part, both before and after the inde-
pendence of America, by our own countrymen.
It was, secondly, an object with these to annihi-
late slavery in America ; and this they have been
instruments in accomplishing to a considerable
extent. But any abolition of slavery within given
boundaries must be a blow to the Slave-trade
there. The American Quakers, lastly, living in
a land where both the commerce and slavery ex-
isted, were in the way of obtaining a number of
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE, 105
important facts relative to both, which made for
their annihilation ; and communicating many of
these facts to those in England, who espoused the
same cause, they became fellow-laborers, with
these in producing the event in question.
The Quakers in America, it must be owned,
did most of them originally as other settlers there
with respect to the purchase of slaves. They had
lands without a sufficient number of laborers, and
families without a sufficient number of servants,
for their work. Africans were poured in to obviate
these difficulties, and these were bought promiscu-
ously by all. In these days, indeed, the purchase
of them was deemed favorable to both parties, for
there was little or no knowledge of the manner in
which they had been procured as slaves. There
was no charge of inconsistency on this account,
as in later times. But though many of the Qua-
kers engaged, without their usual consideration,
in purchases of this kind, yet those constitutional
principles, which belong to the Society, occasion-
ed the members of it in general to treat those
whom they purchased with great tenderness, con-
sidering them, though of a different color, as
brethren, and as persons for whose spiritual wel-
fare it became them to be concerned ; so that
slavery, except as to the power legally belonging
to it, was in general little more than servitude in
their hands.
This treatment, as it was thus mild on the con-
tinent of America where the members of this so-
ciety were the owners of slaves, so it was equally
106 THE HISTORY OF THE
mild in the West India islands where they had
a similar property. In the latter countries, how-
ever, where only a few of them lived, it began
soon to be productive of serious consequences ; for
it was so different from that, which the rest of
the inhabitants considered to be proper, that the
latter became alarmed at it. Hence in Barbadoes
an act was passed in 1676, under governor Atkins,
which was entitled, An Act to prevent the people
called Quakers from bringing their Negroes into
their meetings for worship, though they held
these in their own houses. This act was founded
on the pretence, that the safety of the island
might be endangered, if the slaves were to imbibe
the religious principles of their masters. Under
this act Ralph Fretwell and Richard Sutton were
fined in the different sums of eight hundred and
of three hundred pounds, because each of them
had suffered a meeting of the Quakers at his own
house, at the first of which eighty Negroes, and at
the second of which thirty of them were present.
But this matter was carried still further ; for in
1680, Sir Richard Dutton, then governor of the
island, issued an order to the deputy provost mar-
shal and others, to prohibit all meetings of this
society. In the island of Nevis the same bad
spirit manifested itself. So early as in 1661, a
law was made there prohibiting members of this
society from coming on shore. Negroes were put
in irons for being present at their meetings, and
they themselves were fined also. At length, in
1677, another act was passed, laying a heavy pe-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 107
nalty on every master of a vessel, who should
even bring a Quaker to the island. In Antigua
and Bermudas similar proceedings took place, so
that the Quakers were in time expelled from this
part of the world. By these means a valuable
body of men were lost to the community in these
islands, whose example might have been highly
useful ; and the poor slave, who saw nothing but
misery in his temporal prospects, was deprived
of the only balm, which cculd have soothed his
sorrow, the comfort of religion.
But to return to the continent of America.
Though the treatment, which the Quakers adopt-
ed there towards those Africans who fell into
their hands, was so highly commendable, it did
not prevent individuals among them from becom-
ing uneasy about holding them in slavery at all.
Some of these bore their private testimony against
it from the beginning as a wrong practice, and
in process of time brought it before the notice of
their brethren as a religious body. So early as in
the year 1688, some emigrants from Krieshiem in
Germany, who had adopted the principles of Wil-
liam Penn, and followed him into Pennsylvania,
urged in the yearly meeting of the Society there,
the inconsistency of buying, selling, and holding
men in slavery, with the principles of the Christian
religion.
In the year 1696, the yearly meeting for that
province took up the subject as a public concern,
and the result was advice to the members of it
to guard against future importations of African
108 THE HISTORY OF THE
slaves, and to be particularly attentive to the
treatment of those, who were then in their pos-
session.
In the year 1711, the same yearly meeting- re-
sumed the important subject, and confirmed and
renewed the advice, which had been before given.
From this time it continued to keep the subject
alive ; but finding at length, that, though individ-
uals refused to purchase slaves, yet others con-
tinued the custom, and in greater numbers than
it was apprehended would have been the case
after the public declarations which had been made,
it determined, in the year 1754, upon a fuller and
more serious publication of its sentiments ; and
therefore it issued, in the same year, the follow-
ing pertinent letter to all the members within its
jurisdiction.
" Dear Friends,
" It hath frequently been the concern of our
yearly meeting to testify their uneasiness and
disunity with the importation and purchasing of
Negroes and other slaves, and to direct the over-
seers of the several meetings to advise and deal
with such as engage therein. And it hath like-
wise been the continual care of many weighty
Friends to press those, who bear our name, to
guard as much as possible, against being in any
respect concerned in promoting the bondage of
such unhappy people. Yet, as we have with sor-
row to observe, that their number is of late in-
creased among us, we have thought it proper to
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 109
make our advice and judgment more public, that
none may plead ignorance of our principles there-
in ; and also again earnestly to exhort all to avoid,
in any manner, encouraging that practice, of
making slaves of our fellow-creatures.
" Now, dear Friends, if we continually bear in
mind the royal law of doing to others as we would
be done by, we should never think of bereaving
our fellow-creatures of that valuable blessing, lib-
erty ; nor endure to grow rich by their bondage.
To live in ease and plenty by the toil of those,
whom violence and cruelty have put in our power,
is neither consistent with Christianity nor com-
mon justice ; and, we have good reason to believe,
draws down the displeasure of Heaven ; it being
a melancholy but true reflection, that, where slave-
keeping prevails, pure religion and sobriety decline,
as it evidently tends to harden the heart, and
render the soul less susceptible of that holy spirit
of love, meekness, and charity, which is the pe-
culiar characteristic of a true Christian.
" How then can we, who have been concerned
to publish the Gospel of universal love and peace
among mankind, be so inconsistent with ourselves,
as to purchase such as are prisoners of war, and
thereby encourage this antichristian practice ; and
more especially as many of these poor creatures
are stolen away, parents from children, and chil-
dren from parents ; and others, who were in good
circumstances in their native country, inhumanly
torn from what they esteemed a happy situation,
and compelled to toil in a state of slavery, too
vol. i. 10
110 THE HISTORY OF THE
often extremely cruel ! What dreadful scenes of
murder and cruelty those barbarous ravages must
occasion in these unhappy people's country are too
obvious to mention. Let us make their case our
own, and consider what we should think, and how
we should feel, were we in their circumstances.
Remember our blessed Redeemer's positive com-
mand ; to do unto others as we would have them
do unto us ; and that with what measure we mete,
it shall be measured to us again. And we entreat
you to examine, whether the purchasing of a Ne-
gro, either born here or imported, doth not con-
tribute to a further importation, and, consequently,
to the upholding of all the evils above mentioned,
and to the promoting of man-stealing, the only
theft which by the Mosaic law was punished with
death ; ' He that stealeth a man, and selleth him ;
or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be
put to death.'
" The characteristic and badge of a true Chris-
tian is love and good works. Our Saviour's
whole life on earth was one continual exercise of
them. 'Love one another,' says he, 'as I have
loved you.' But how can we be said to love our
brethren, who bring, or for selfish ends, keep
them, in bondage 1 Do wTe act consistently with
this noble principle, who lay such heavy burthens
on our fellow-creatures ? Do we consider that
they are called, and do we sincerely desire that
they may become heirs with us in glory, and that
they may rejoice in the liberty of the sons of God,
whilst we are withholding from them the common
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. Ill
liberties of mankind 1 Or can the Spirit of God5
by which we have always professed to be led, be
the author of those oppressive and unrighteous
measures % Or do we not thereby manifest, that
temporal interest hath more influence on our con-
duct herein, than the dictates of that merciful,
holy, and unerring Guide %
"And we likewise earnestly recommend to all,
who have slaves, to be careful to come up in the
performance of their duty towards them, and to
be particularly watchful over their own hearts, it
being by sorrowful experience remarkable, that
custom, and a familiarity with evil of any kind,
have a tendency to bias the judgment and to de-
prave the mind. And it is obvious that the future
welfare of these poor slaves, who are now in bon-
dage, is generally too much disregarded by those
who keep them. If their daily task of labor be
but fulfilled, little else perhaps is thought of. Nay,
even that which in others would be looked upon
with horror and detestation, is little regarded in
them by their masters, such as the frequent sepa-
ration of husbands from wives and wives from
husbands, whereby they are tempted to break their
marriage covenants, and live in adultery, in direct
opposition to the laws of God and men, although
we believe that Christ died for all men without
respect of persons. How fearful then ought we
to be of engaging in what hath so natural a ten-
dency to lessen our humanity, and of suffering
ourselves to be inured to the exercise of hard and
cruel measures, lest thereby in any degree we lose
112 THE HISTORY OF THE
our tender and feeling sense of the miseries of our
fellow-creatures, and become worse than those
who have not believed.
" And, dear Friends, you, who by inheritance
have slaves born in your families, we beseech you
to consider them as souls committed to your trust,
whom the Lord will require at your hand, and
who, as well as you, are made partakers of the
Spirit of Grace, and called to be heirs of salvation.
And let it be your constant care to watch over
them for good, instructing them in the fear of
God, and the knowledge of the Gospel of Christ,
that they may answer the end of their creation,
and that God may be glorified and honored by
them as well as by us. And so train them up,
that if you should come to behold their unhappy
situation, in the same light, that many worthy
men, who are at rest, have done, and many of
your brethren now do, and should think it your
duty to set them free, they may be the more ca-
pable of making proper use of their liberty.
" Finally, brethren, we entreat you, in the bow-
els of gospel love, seriously to weigh the cause of
detaining them in bondage. If it be for your own
private gain, or any other motive than their good,
it is much to be feared that the love of God and
the influence of the Holy Spirit are not the pre-
vailing principles in you, and that 3^our hearts are
not sufficiently redeemed from the world, which,
that you with ourselves may more and more come
to witness, through the cleansing virtue of the
Holy Spirit of Jesus Christ, is our earnest desire.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 113
With the salutation of our love, we are your friends
and brethren.
" Signed, in behalf of the yearly meeting, by
"John Evans, Abraham Farringdon,
John Smith, Joseph Noble,
Thomas Carleton, James Daniel,
William Trimble, Joseph Gibson,
John Scarborough, John Shotwell,
Joseph Hampton, Joseph Parker."
This truly Christian letter, which was written
in the year 1754, was designed, as we collect
from the contents of it, to make the sentiments of
the Society better known and attended to on the
subject of the Slave-trade. It contains, as we see,
exhortations to all the members within the yearly
meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, to de-
sist from purchasing and importing slaves, and,
where they possessed them, to have a tender con-
sideration of their condition. But that the first
part of the subject of this exhortation might be
enforced, the yearly meeting for the same provin-
ces came to a resolution in 1755, That if any of
the members belonging to it bought or imported
slaves, the overseers were to inform their respec-
tive monthly meetings of it, that "these might
treat with them, as they might be directed in the
wisdom of truth."
In the year 1774, we find the same yearly meet-
ing legislating again on the same subject. By the
preceding resolution they, who became offenders,
were subjected only to exclusion from the meet-
VOL. I. 10*
114 THE HISTORY OF THE
ings for discipline, and from the privilege of con-
tributing to the pecuniary occasions of the Society;
but by the resolution of the present year, all mem-
bers, concerned in importing, selling, purchasing,
giving, or transferring Negro or other slaves, or
otherwise acting in such manner as to continue
them in slavery beyond the term limited by law*
or custom, were directed to be excluded from
membership or disowned. At this meeting also
all the members of it were cautioned and advised
against acting as executors or administrators to
estates, where slaves were bequeathed, or likely
to be detained in bondage.
In the year 1776, the same yearly meeting car-
ried the matter still further. It was then enacted,
That the owners cf slaves, who refused to execute
proper instruments for giving them their freedom,
were to be disowned likewise.
In 1778 it was enacted by the same meeting,
That the children of those, who had been set free
by members, should be tenderly advised, and have
a suitable education given them.
It is not necessary to proceed further on this
subject. It may be sufficient to say, that from
this time, the Minutes of the yearly meeting for
Pennsylvania and the Jerseys exhibit proofs of
an almost incessant attention, year after year,f
* This alludes to the term of servitude for white persons in these
provinces.
f Thus in 1779, 1780, 1, 2, 4, 5, 6. The members also of this
meeting petitioned their own legislature on this subject both in
1783 and in 1786.
ABOLITION OP THE SLAVE-TRADE. 115
to the means not only of wiping- away the stain
of slavery from their religious community, but
of promoting the happiness of those restored to
freedom, and of their posterity also. And as the
yearly meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jerseys
set this bright example, so those of New Eng-
land, New York, Maryland, Virginia, and of the
Carolinas and Georgia, in process of time fol-
lowed it.
But whilst the Quakers were making these
exertions at their different yearly meetings in
America, as a religious body, to get rid both of
the commerce and slavery of their fellow-creatures,
others in the same profession were acting as in-
dividuals (that is, on their own grounds and inde-
pendently of any influence from their religious
communion) in the same cause, whose labors it
will now be proper, in a separate narrative, to
detail.
The first person of this description in the So-
ciety, was William Burling of Long Island. He
had conceived an abhorrence of slavery from
early youth. In process of time he began to
bear his testimony against it, by representing the
unlawfulness of it to those of his own Society,
when assembled at one of their yearly meet-
ings. This expression of his public testimony
he continued annually on the same occasion. He
wrote also several tracts with the same design,
one of which, published in the year 1718, he
addressed to the elders of his own church, on the
inconsistency of compelling people and their pos*
116 THE HISTORY OF THE
terity to serve them continually and arbitrarily,
and without any proper recompense for their
services.
The next was Ralph Sandiford, a merchant in
Philadelphia. This worthy person had many
offers of pecuniary assistance, which would have
advanced him in life, but he declined them all be-
cause they came from persons, who had acquired
their independence by the oppression of their
slaves. He was very earnest in endeavoring to
prevail upon his friends, both in and out of the
Society, to liberate those whom they held in bon-
dage. At length he determined upon a work
called The Mystery of Iniquity, in a brief Exami-
nation of the Practice of the Times. This he
published in the year 1729, though the chief
judge had threatened him if he should give it
to the world, and he circulated it free of expense
wherever he believed it would be useful. The
above work was excellent as a composition. The
language of it was correct. The style manly and
energetic. And it abounded with facts, senti-
ments, and quotations, which, while they showed
the virtue and talents of the author, rendered it a
valuable appeal in behalf of the African cause.
The next public advocate was Benjamin Lay,*
who lived at Abington, at the distance of ten
miles from Philadelphia. Benjamin Lay was
* Benjamin Lay attended the meetings for worship, or associated
himself with the religious society of the Gluakers. His wife, too*
was an approved minister of the gospel in that Society. But I be^
lieve he was not long an acknowledged member of it himself.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 117
known, when in England, to the royal family of
that day, into whose private presence he was ad-
mitted. On his return to America, he took an
active part in behalf of the oppressed Africans.
In the year 1737, he published a treatise on Slave-
keeping. This he gave away among his neigh-
bors and others, but more particularly among the
rising youth, many of whom he visited in their
respective schools. He applied also to several of
the governors for interviews, with whom he held
conferences on the subject. Benjamin Lay was
a man of strong understanding and of great integ-
rity, but of warm and irritable feelings, and more
particularly so when he was called forth on any
occasion in which the oppressed Africans were
concerned. For he had lived in the island of
Barbadoes, and he had witnessed there scenes of
cruelty towards them, which had greatly disturbed
his mind, and which unhinged it, as it were,
whenever the subject of their sufferings was
brought before him. Hence if others did not
think precisely as he did, when he conversed with
them on the subject, he was apt to go out of due
bounds. In bearing what he believed to be his
testimony against this system of oppression, he
adopted sometimes a singularity of manner, by
which, as conveying demonstration of a certain
eccentricity of character, he diminished in some
degree his usefulness to the cause which he had
undertaken ; as far indeed as this eccentricity
might have the effect of preventing others from
joining him in his pursuit, lest they should be
118 THE HISTORY OF THE
thought singular also, so far it must be allowed
that he ceased to become beneficial. But there
can be no question, on the other hand, that his
warm and enthusiastic manners awakened the
attention of many to the cause, and gave them
first impressions concerning it, which they never
afterwards forgot, and which rendered them useful
to it in the subsequent part of their lives.
The person, who labored next in the Society,
in behalf of the oppressed Africans, was John
Woolman.
John Woolman was born at Northampton, in
the county of Burlington and province of Western
New Jersey, in the year 1720. In his very early
youth he attended, in an extraordinary manner, to
the religious impressions which he perceived upon
his mind, and began to have an earnest solicitude
about treading in the right path. "From what I
had read and heard," says he, in his Journal,* "I
believed there had been in past ages people, who
walked in uprightness before God in a degree ex-
ceeding any, that I knew or heard of, now living.
And the apprehension of there being less steadi-
ness and firmness among people of this age, than
in past ages, often troubled me while I was a
child." An anxious desire to do away, as far as
he himself was concerned, this merited reproach,
operated as one among other causes to induce him
to be particularly watchful over his thoughts and
actions, and to endeavor to attain that purity of
* This short sketch of the life and labors of John Woolman, is
made up from his Journal
ABOLITION OF m :li"E-:?.i:i 119
heart, without which he conceived there could
be no perfection of the Christian character. Ac-
cordingly, in the twenty-second year of his age,
he had given such proof of the integrity of his life,
and of his religions qualifications, that he became
an acknowledged minister of the gospel in his
own Society.
At a time prior to his entering' upon the min-
is :j. being in low circumstance 5. he agreed :
wages to "attend shop for a person at Mount
H--I7. and to keep his books." In this situation
discover, by an occurrence that happened, that
he had thought seriously on the subject, and that
he had conceived proper views of the Christian
unlawfulness :: slavery. KMy employer,55 says
be, "having a Negro woman, sold her, and de-
sired me to write a bill of sale, the man being
waiting, who bought her. The thing was sud-
den, and though the thought of writing an instru-
ment of slavery foe one of my fellow-creatures
made me feel uneasy, yet I remembered I was
hired by the year, that it was my master who
directed me to do it, and that it was an elderly
man, a member of our Society, who bought her.
So through weakness I gate way ;.nd wrote, but,
at executing it, I was so afflicted in my mind,
that 1 said before my master and the friend,
that I believed slave-keeping to be a practice in-
consistent with the Christian religion. This in
some degTee abated my uneasiness ; yet. as often
K I reflec 1 seriously upon it, I thought I should
have been clearer, if I had desired to have been
120 THE HISTORY OF THE
excused from it, as a thing against my conscience;
for such it was. And some time after this, a
young man of our Society spoke to me to write a
conveyance of a slave to him, he having lately
taken a Negro into his house. I told him I was
not easy to write it ; for though many of our
meeting, and in other places, kept slaves, I still
believed the practice was not right, and desired
to be excused from the writing. I spoke to him
in good will ; and he told me that keeping slaves
was not altogether agreeable to his mind, but,
that the slave being a gift to his wife he had
accepted of her."
We may easily conceive that a person so scrupu-
lous and tender on this subject (as indeed John
Woolman was on all others), was in the way of
becoming in time more eminently serviceable to
his oppressed fellow-creatures. We have seen
already the good seed sown in his heart, and it
seems to have wanted only providential seasons
and occurrences to be brought into productive fruit.
Accordingly we find that a journey, which he
took as a minister of the gospel in 1746, through
the provinces of Maryland, Virginia, and North
Carolina, which were then more noted than others
for the number of slaves in them, contributed to
prepare him as an instrument for the advancement
of this great cause. The following are his own
observations upon this journey. " Two things
were remarkable to me in this journey ; First, in
regard to my entertainment. When I ate, drank,
and lodged free-cost, with people who lived in
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 121
ease on the hard labor of their slaves, I felt
uneasy ; and, as my mind was inward to the
Lord, I found, from place to place, this uneasi-
ness return upon me at times through the whole
visit. Where the masters bore a good share of
the burthen, and lived frugally, so that their ser-
vants were well provided for, and their labor
moderate, I felt more easy. But where they
lived in a costly way, and laid heavy burthens on
their slaves, my exercise was often great, and
I frequently had conversations with them in pri-
vate concerning it. Secondly, This trade of im-
porting slaves from their native country being
much encouraged among them, and the white
people and their children so generally living
without much labor, was frequently the subject
of my serious thoughts : and 1 saw in these
southern provinces so many vices and corruptions,
increased by this trade and this way of life, that
it appeared to me as a gloom over the land."
From the year 1747 to the year 1753, he seems
to have been occupied chiefly as a minister of
religion, but in the latter year he published a
work upon Slave- keeping ; and in the same year,
while travelling within the compass of his own
monthly meeting, a circumstance happened, which
kept alive his attention to the same subject.
" About this time," says he, " a person at some
distance lying sick, his brother came to me to
write his will. I knew he had slaves, and, asking
his brother, was told, he intended to leave them
as slaves to his children. As writing was a profit-
VOL. I. 11
122 THE HISTORY OF THE
able employ, and as offending sober people was
disagreeable to my inclination, I was straitened
in my mind, but as I looked to the Lord he inclined
my heart to his testimony; and I told the man,
that I believed the practice of continuing slavery
to this people was not right, and that I had a
scruple in my mind against doing writings of that
kind ; that, though many in our Society kept
them as slaves, still I was not easy to be concerned
in it, and desired to be excused from going to
write the will. I spoke to him in the fear of the
Lord ; and he made no reply to what I said, but
went away : he also had some concerns in the
practice, and I thought he was displeased with
me. In this case, I had a fresh confirmation, that
acting contrary to present outward interest from
a motive of Divine love, and in regard to truth
and righteousness, opens the way to a treasure
better than silver, and to a friendship exceeding
the friendship of men."
From 1753 to 1755, two circumstances of a
similar kind took place, which contributed greatly
to strengthen him in the path he had taken ; for
in both these cases the persons who requested
him to make their wills, were so impressed by the
principle upon which he refused them, and by his
manner of doing it, that they bequeathed liberty
to their slaves.
In the year 1756, he made a religious visit to
several of the Society in Long Island. Here
it was that the seed, now long fostered by the
genial influences of Heaven, began to burst forth
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 123
into fruit. Till this time he seems to have been
a passive instrument, attending only to such cir-
cumstances as came in his way on this subject.
But now he became- an active one, looking out
for circumstances for the exercise of his labors.
"My mind," says he, "was deeply engaged in this
visit, both in public and private ; and at several
places observing that members kept slaves, I found
myself under a necessity, in a friendly way to
labor with them on that subject, expressing, as
the way opened, the inconsistency of that practice
with the purity of the Christian religion, and the
ill effects of it as manifested amongst us.
In the year 1757, he felt his mind so deeply
interested on the same subject, that he resolved
to travel over Maryland, Virginia, and North
Carolina, in order to try to convince persons,
principally in his own Society, of the inconsist-
ency of holding slaves. He joined his brother
with him in this arduous service. Having passed
the Susquehanna into Maryland, he began to
experience great agitation of mind. " Soon after
I entered this province," says he, "a deep and
painful exercise came upon me, which I often
had some feeling of since my mind was drawn
towards these parts, and with which I had ac-
quainted my brother, before we agreed to join as
companions.
" As the people in this and the southern pro-
vinces live much on the labor of slaves, many of
whom are used hardly, my concern was that I
might attend with singleness of heart to the voice
124 THE HISTORY OF THE
of the true Shepherd, and be so supported, as to
remain unmoved at the faces of men."
It is impossible for me to follow him in detail,
through this long and interesting journey, when I
consider the bounds I have prescribed to myself in
this work. I shall say therefore, what I purpose
to offer generally and in a few words.
It appears that he conversed with persons oc-
casionally, who were not of his own Society, with
a view of answering their arguments, and of en-
deavoring to evince the wickedness and impolicy
of slavery. In discoursing with these, however
strenuous he might appear, he seems never to
have departed from a calm, modest, and yet digni-
fied and even friendly demeanor. At the public
meetings for discipline, held by his own Society
in these provinces, he endeavored to display the
same truths and in the same manner, but particu-
larly to the elders of his own Society, exhorting
them, as the most conspicuous rank, to be careful
of their conduct, and to give a bright example in
the liberation of their slaves. He visited also
families for the same purpose : and he had the
well-earned satisfaction of finding his admonitions
kindly received by some, and of seeing a dispo-
sition in others to follow the advice he had given
them.
In the year 1758, he attended the yearly meet-
ing at Philadelphia, where he addressed his breth-
ren on the propriety of dealing with such members,
as should hereafter purchase slaves. On the dis-
cussion of this point he spoke a second time, and
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 125
this to such effect that he had the satisfaction at
this meeting to see minutes made more fully than
any before, and a committee appointed, for the
advancement of the great object, to which he had
now been instrumental in turning the attention of
many, and to witness a considerable spreading of
the cause. In the same year also, he joined him-
self with two others of the Society to visit such
members of it, as possessed slaves in Chester
county. In this journey he describes himself to
have met with several, who were pleased with his
visit, but to have found difficulties with others3
towards whom however he felt a sympathy and
tenderness on account of their being entangled by
the spirit of the world.
In the year 1759, he visited several of the So-
ciety who held slaves in Philadelphia. In about
three months afterwards, he travelled there again,
in company with John Churchman, to see others
under similar circumstances. He then went to
different places on the same errand. In this last
journey he went alone. After this he joined him-
self to John Churchman again, but he confined
his labors to his own province. Here he had the
pleasure of finding that the work prospered. Soon
after this he took Samuel Eastburne as a coad-
jutor, and pleaded the cause of the poor Africans
with many of the Society in Bucks county, who
held them in bondage there.
In the year 1760, he travelled, in company with
his friend Samuel Eastburne, to Rhode Island, to
promote the same object. This island had been
vol. i. 11 *
126 THE HISTORY OF THE
long noted for its trade to Africa for slaves. He
found at Newport, the great sea-port town belong-
ing to it, that a number of them had been lately
imported. He felt his mind deeply impressed on
this account. He was almost overpowered in
consequence of it, and became ill. He thought
once of promoting a petition to the legislature, to
discourage all such importations in future. He
then thought of going and speaking to the House
of Assembly, which was then sitting ; but he was
discouraged from both these proceedings. He
held, however, a conference with many of his own
Society in the meeting-house chamber, where the
subject of his visit was discussed on both sides,
with a calm and peaceable spirit. Many of those
present manifested the concern they felt at their
former practices, and others a desire of taking
suitable care of their slaves at their decease.
From Newport he proceeded to Nantucket ; but
observing the members of the Society there to
have few or no slaves, he exhorted them to perse-
vere in abstaining from the use of them, and re-
turned home.
In the year 1761, he visited several families in
Pennsylvania, and, in about three months after-
wards, others about Shrewsbury and Squan in
New Jersey. On his return he added a second
part to the treatise before published on the keep-
ing of slaves, a care which had been growing
upon him for some years.
In the year 1762, he printed, published, and
distributed this treatise.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 127
In 1767, he went on foot to the western shores
of the same province on a religious visit. After
having crossed the Susquehanna, his old feelings
returned to him; for coming amongst people liv-
ing in outward ease and greatness, chiefly on the
labor of slaves, his heart was much affected, and
he waited with humble resignation, to learn how
he should further perform his duty to this injured
people. The travelling on foot, though it was
agreeable to the state of his mind, he describes to
have been wearisome to his body. He felt himself
weakly at times, in consequence of it, but yet con-
tinued to travel on. At one of the quarterly meet-
ings of the Society, being in great sorrow and
heaviness, and under deep exercise on account of
the miseries of the poor Africans, he expressed
himself freely to those present, who held them in
bondage. He expatiated on the tenderness and
loving kindness of the apostles, as manifested
in labors, perils, and sufferings, towards the poor
Gentiles, and contrasted their treatment of the
Gentiles with it, whom he described in the persons
of their slaves ; and was much satisfied with the
result of his discourse.
From this time we collect little more from his
journal concerning him, than that, in 1772, he
embarked for England on a religious visit. After
his arrival there, he travelled through many coun-
ties, preaching in different meetings of the Society,
till he came to the city of York. But even here,
though he was far removed from the sight of those
whose interests he had so warmly espoused, he was
128 THE HISTORY OF THE
not forgetful of their wretched condition. At the
quarterly meeting for that county, he brought their
case before those present in an affecting manner.
He exhorted these to befriend their cause. He
remarked that as they, the Society, when under
outward sufferings, had often found a concern to
lay them before the legislature, and thereby, in
the Lord's time, had obtained relief: so he recom-
mended this oppressed part of the creation to their
notice, that they might, as the way opened, rep-
resent their sufferings as individuals, if not as a
religious society, to those in authority in this land.
This was the last opportunity that he had of in-
teresting himself in behalf of this injured people ;
for soon afterwards he was seized with the small-
pox at the house of a friend in the city of York,
where he died.
The next person belonging to the Society of the
Quakers, who labored in behalf of the oppressed
Africans, was Anthony Benezet. He was born
before, and he lived after, John Woolman; of
course he was cotemporary with him. I place
him after John Woolman, because he was not so
much known as a laborer, till two or three years
after the other had begun to move in the same
cause.
Anthony Benezet was born at St. Quintin in
Picardy, of a respectable family, in the year 1713.
His father was one of the many protestants, who,
in consequence of the persecutions which followed
the revocation of the edict of Nantz, sought an
asylum in foreign countries. After a short stay in
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 129
Holland, he settled, with his wife and children in
London, in 1715.
Anthony Benezet, having received from his fa-
ther a liberal education, served an apprenticeship
in an eminent mercantile house in London* In
1731, however, he removed with his family to
Philadelphia, where he joined in profession with
the Quakers. His three brothers then engaged
in trade, and made considerable pecuniary acquisi-
tions in it. He himself might have partaken both
of their concerns and of their prosperity ; but he
did not feel himself at liberty to embark in their
undertakings. He considered the accumulation
of wealth as of no importance, when compared
with the enjoyment of doing good ; and he chose
the humble situation of a schoolmaster, as accord-
ing best with this notion, believing, that by en-
deavoring to train up youth in knowledge and vir-
tue, he should become more extensively useful than
in any other way to his fellow-creatures.
He had not been long in his new situation, be-
fore he manifested such an uprightness of conduct,
such a courtesy of manners, such a purity of inten-
tion, and such a spirit of benevolence, that he at-
tracted the notice, and gained the good opinion,
of the inhabitants among whom he lived. He had
ready access to them, in consequence, upon all
occasions ; and, if there were any whom he failed
to influence at any of these times, he never went
away without the possession of their respect.
In the year 1756, when a considerable number
of French families were removed from Acadia into
130 THE HISTORY OF THE
Pennsylvania, on account of some political sus-
picions, he felt deeply interested about them. In
a country where few understood their language,
they were wretched and helpless ; but Anthony
Benezet endeavored to soften the rigor of their sit-
uation, by his kind attention towards them. He
exerted himself also in their behalf, by procuring
many contributions for them, which, by the con-
sent of his fellow-citizens, where entrusted to his
care.
As the principle of benevolence, when duly
cultivated, brings forth fresh shoots, and becomes
enlarged, so we find this amiable person extending
the sphere of his usefulness, by becoming an advo-
cate for the oppressed African race. For this ser-
vice he seems to have been peculiarly qualified.
Indeed, as in all great works a variety of talents
is necessary to bring them to perfection, so Provi-
dence seems to prepare different men as instru-
ments, with dispositions and qualifications so vari-
ous, that each, in pursuing that line which seems
to suit him best, contributes to furnish those parts,
which, when put together, make up a complete
whole. In this point of view, John Woolman
found, in Anthony Benezet, the coadjutor, whom,
of all others, the cause required, the former had
occupied himself principally on the subject of Sla-
very. The latter went to the root of the evil,
and more frequently attacked the Trade. The
former chiefly confined his labors to America, and
chiefly to those of his own Society there. The
latter, when he wrote, did not write for America
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 131
only, but for Europe also, and endeavored to
spread a knowledge and hatred of the traffic
through the great society of the world.
One of the means which Anthony Benezet took
to promote the cause in question, (and an effectual
one it proved, as far as it went) was to give his
scholars a due knowledge and proper impressions
concerning it. Situated as they were likely to
be, in after-life, in a country where slavery was a
custom, be thus prepared many, and this annually,
for tbe promotion of his plans.
To enlighten others, and to give them a similar
bias, he had recourse to different measures from
time to time. In tbe almanacs published annually
in Philadelphia, he procured articles to be inserted,
which he believed would attract tbe notice of the
reader, and make him pause, at least for a while,
as to tbe licitness of the Slave-trade. He wrote,
also, as he saw occasion, in the public papers of
the day. From small things he proceeded to
greater. He collected, at length, further informa-
tion on the subject, and, winding it up with obser-
vations, and reflections, he produced several little
tracts, which he circulated successively (but gen-
erally at his own expense) as he considered them
adapted to the temper and circumstances of the
times.
In the course of this his employment, having
found some who had approved his tracts and to
whom, on that account, he wished to write, and
sending his tracts to others, to whom he thought
it proper to introduce them by letter, he found
132 THE HISTORY OF THE
himself engaged in a correspondence, which much
engrossed his time, but which proved of great
importance in procuring many advocates for his
cause.
In the year 1762, when he had obtained a still
greater store of information, he published a larger
work. This, however, he entitled, A short Ac-
count of that Part of Africa inhabited by the Ne-
groes. In 1767 he published, A Caution and
Warning to Great Britain and her Colonies, on the
Calamitous State of the enslaved Negroes in the
British Dominions: and soon after this, appeared,
An Historical Account of Guinea, its Situation,
Produce, and the General Disposition of its Inhabit-
ants ; with an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress
of the Slave-trade, its Nature, and Calamitous
Effects. This pamphlet contained a clear and
distinct development of the subject, from the best
authorities. It contained also the sentiments of
many enlightened men upon it; and it became
instrumental, beyond any other book ever before
published, in disseminating a proper knowledge
and detestation of this trade.
Anthony Benezet may be considered as one of
the most zealous, vigilant, and active advocates,
which the cause of the oppressed Africans ever
had. He seemed to have been born and to have
lived for the promotion of it, and therefore he
never omitted any the least opportunity of serving
it. If a person called upon him who was going a
journey, his first thoughts usually were, how he
could make him an instrument in its favor; and
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 133
he either gave him tracts to distribute, or he sent
letters by him, or he gave him some commission
on the subject, so that he was the means of em-
ploying several persons at the same time, in vari-
ous parts of America, in advancing the work he
had undertaken.
In the same manner he availed himself of every
other circumstance, as far as he could, to the
same end. When he heard that Mr. Granville
Sharp had obtained, in the year 1772, the noble
verdict in the cause of Somerset the slave, he
opened a correspondence with him, which he kept
up, that there might be an union of action between
them for the future, as far as it could be effected,
and that they might each give encouragement to
the other to proceed.
He opened also a correspondence with George
Whitfield and John Wesley, that these might as-
sist him in promoting the cause of the oppressed.
He wrote also a letter to the Countess of Hun-
tingdon on the following subject. She had found-
ed a college, at the recommendation of George
Whitfield, called the Orphan-house, near Savan-
nah, in Georgia, and had endowed it. The ob-
ject of this institution was, to furnish scholastic
instruction to the poor, and to prepare some of them
for the ministry. George Whitfield, ever attentive
to the cause of the poor Africans, thought that
this institution might have been useful to them
also ; but soon after his death, they who succeeded
him bought slaves, and these in unusual numbers,
to extend the rice and indigo plantations belonging
vol. i. 12
134 THE HISTORY OF THE
to the college. The letter then in question was
written by Anthony Benezet, in order to lay before
the Countess, as a religious woman, the misery
she was occasioning in Africa, by allowing the
managers of her college in Georgia to give en-
couragement to the Slave-trade. The Countess,
replied, that such a measure should never have
her countenance, and that she would take care
to prevent it.
On discovering that the Abbe Raynal had
brought out his celebrated work, in which he
manifested a tender feeling in behalf of the in-
jured Africans, he entered into a correspondence
with him, hoping to make him yet more useful
to their cause.
Finding, also, in the year 1783, that the
Slave-trade, which had greatly declined during
the American war, was reviving, he addressed
a pathetic letter to our Queen, (as I mentioned
in the last chapter) who, on hearing the high
character of the writer of it from Benjamin West,
received it with marks of peculiar condescension
and attention. The following is a copy of it.
" To Charlotte Queen of Great Britain.
" Impressed with a sense of religious duty,
and encouraged by the opinion generally enter-
tained of thy benevolent disposition to succor
the distressed, I take the liberty, very respect-
fully, to offer to thy perusal some tracts, which,
I believe faithfully describe the suffering condi-
tion of many hundred thousands of our fellow-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 135
creatures of the African race, great numbers of
whom, rent from every tender connexion in life,
are annually taken from their native land, to
endure, in the American islands and plantations,
a most rigorous and cruel slavery ; whereby many,
very many of them, are brought to a melancholy
and untimely end.
" When it is considered that the inhabitants of
Great Britain, who are themselves so eminently
blessed in the enjoyment of religious and civil
liberty, have long been, and yet are, very deeply
concerned in this flagrant violation of the com-
mon rights of mankind, and that even its national
authority is exerted in support of the African
Slave-trade, there is much reason to apprehend,
that this has been, and, as long as the evil ex-
ists, will continue to be, an occasion of drawing
down the Divine displeasure on the nation and
its dependencies. May these considerations in-
duce thee to interpose thy kind endeavors in be-
half of this greatly injured people, whose abject
situation gives them an additional claim to the
pity and assistance of the generous mind, inas-
much as they are altogether deprived of the means
of soliciting effectual relief for themselves ; that
so thou mayest not only be a blessed instrument
in the hand of him * by whom kings reign and
princes decree justice,' to avert the awful judg-
ments by which the empire has already been so
remarkably shaken, but that the blessings of
thousands ready to perish may come upon thee,
at a time when the superior advantages attendant
136 THE HISTORY OF THE
on thy situation in this world will no longer be
of any avail to thy consolation and support.
" To the tracts on this subject to which I have
thus ventured to crave thy particular attention,
I have added some which at different times I
have believed it my duty to publish,* and which,
I trust, will afford thee some satisfaction, their
design being for the furtherance of that universal
peace and good will amongst men, which the
Gospel was intended to introduce.
" I hope thou wilt kindly excuse the freedom
used on this occasion by an ancient man, whose
mind, for more than forty years past, has been
much separated from the common intercourse of
the world, and long painfully exercised in the
consideration of the miseries under which so large
a part of mankind, equally with us the objects of
redeeming love, are suffering the most unjust and
grievous oppression, and who sincerely desires thy
temporal and eternal felicity, and that of thy royal
consort.
"Anthony Benezet."
Anthony Benezet, besides the care he bestowed
upon forwarding the cause of the oppressed Afri-
cans in different parts of the world, found time to
promote the comforts and improve the condition
of those in the state in which he lived. Appre-
hending that much advantage would arise both
to them and the public, from instructing them
* These related to the principles of the religious society of the
Quakers.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 137
in common learning, he zealously promoted the
establishment of a school for that purpose. Much
of the two last years of his life he devoted to a
personal attendance on this school, being earnest-
ly desirous that they who came to it might be
better qualified for the enjoyment of that free-
dom to which great numbers of them had been
then restored. To this he sacrificed the superior
emoluments of his former school, and his bodily
ease also, although the weakness of his consti-
tution seemed to demand indulgence. By his
last will he directed, that, after the decease of his
widow, his whole little fortune (the savings of the
industry of fifty years), should, except a few very
small legacies, be applied to the support of it.
During his attendance upon it he bad the happi-
ness to find, (and his situation enabled him to
make the comparison), that Providence had been
equally liberal to the Africans in genius and
talents as to other people.
After a few days illness, this excellent man
died at Philadelphia in the spring of 1784. The
interment of his remains was attended by several
thousands of all ranks, professions, and parties,
who united in deploring their loss. The mourn-
ful procession was closed by some hundreds of
those poor Africans, who had been personally
benefited by his labors, and whose behavior on
the occasion showed the gratitude and affection
they considered to be due to him as their own
private benefactor, as well as the benefactor of
their whole race.
vol. i. 12*
138 THE HISTORY OF THE
Such, then, were the labors of the Quakers, in
America, of individuals, from 1718 to 1784, and
of the body at large, from 1696 to 1787, in this
great cause of humanity and religion. Nor were
the effects produced from these otherwise than
corresponding with what might have been ex-
pected from such an union of exertion in such a
cause ; for both the evils, that is, the evil of buy-
ing and selling, and the evil of using, slaves,
ceased at length with the members of this benevo-
lent Society. The leaving off all concern with
the Slave-trade took place first. The abolition of
slavery, though it followed, was not so speedily
accomplished ; for, besides the loss of property,
when slaves were manumitted without any pecu-
niary consideration in return, their owners had to
struggle, in making them free, against the laws
and customs of the times. In Pennsylvania,
where the law in this respect was the most favor-
able, the parties wishing to give freedom to a
slave were obliged to enter into a bond for the
payment of thirty pounds currency, in case the
said slave should become chargeable for main-
tenance. In New Jersey the terms were far less
favorable, as the estate of the owner remained
liable to the consequences of misconduct in the
slave, or even in his posterity. In the southern
parts of America manumission was not permitted,
but on terms amounting nearly to a prohibition.
But, notwithstanding these difficulties, the Qua-
kers could not be deterred, as they became con-
vinced of the unlawfulness of holding men in
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 139
bondage^ from doing that which they believed
to be right. Many liberated their slaves, what-
ever the consequences were, and some gave the
most splendid example in doing it, not only by
consenting, as others did, thus to give up their
proper ty, and to incur the penalties of manumis-
sion, but by calculating and giving what was due
to them, over and above their food and clothingj
for wages* from the beginning of their slavery
to the day when their liberation commenced.
Thus manumission went on, some sacrificing
more, and others less ; some granting it sooner,
and others later; till, in the year 17.87, f there
was not a slave in the possession of an acknowl-
edged Quaker.
Having given to the reader the history of the
third class of forerunners and coadjutors, as it con-
sisted of the Quakers in America, I am now to
continue it, as it consisted of an union of these
with others on the same continent in the year
1774, in behalf of the African race. To do this I
shall begin with the causes which led to the pro-
duction of this great event.
And in the first place, as example is more
powerful than precept, we cannot suppose that the
Quakers could have shown these noble instances
* One of the brightest instances was that afforded by Warner
Mifflin. He gave unconditional liberty to his slaves. He paid all
the adults, on their discharge, the sum, which arbitrators, mutually
chosen, awarded them.
t Previously to the year 1787, several of the states had made
the terms^ of manumission more easy.
140 THE HISTORY OF THE
of religious principle, without supposing also that
individuals of other religious denominations would
be morally instructed by them. They who lived
in the neighborhood where they took place, must
have become acquainted with the motives which
led to them. Some of them must at least have
praised the action, though they might not them-
selves have been ripe to follow the example.
Nor is it at all improbable that these might be
led, in the course of the workings of their own
minds, to a comparison between their own con-
duct and that of the Quakers on this subject, in
which they themselves might appear to be less
worthy in their own eyes. And as there is some-
times a spirit of rivalship among the individuals
of religious sects, where the character of one is
sounded forth as higher than that of another ;
this, if excited by such a circumstance, would
probably operate for good. It must have been
manifest also to many, after a lapse of time, that
there was no danger in what the Quakers had
done, and that there was even sound policy in the
measure. But whatever were the several causes,
certain it is, that the example of the Quakers in
leaving off all concern with the Slave-trade, and in
liberating their slaves (scattered as they were over
various parts of America) contributed to produce
in many of a different religious denomination from
themselves, a more tender disposition than had
been usual towards the African race.
But a similar disposition towards these op-
pressed people was created in others by means of
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 141
other circumstances or causes. In the early part
of the eighteenth century, Judge Sewell of New
England came forward as a zealous advocate for
them. He addressed a memorial to the legisla-
ture, which he called The Selling of Joseph, and
in which he pleaded their cause both as a law-
yer and a Christian. This memorial produced an
effect upon many, but particularly upon those of
his own persuasion ; and from this time the Pres-
byterians appear to have encouraged a sympathy
in their favor.
In the year 1739, the celebrated George Whit-
field became an instrument in turning the atten-
tion of many others to their hard case, and of be-
getting in these a fellow sympathy towards them.
This laborious minister, having been deeply af-
fected with what he had seen in the course of his
religious travels in America, thought it his duty
to address a letter from Georgia to the inhabitants
of Maryland, Virginia, and North and South Car-
olina. This letter was printed in the year above
mentioned, and is in part as follows : —
" As I lately passed through your provinces in
my way hither, I was sensibly touched with a
fellow-feeling for the miseries of the poor Negroes.
Whether it be lawful for Christians to buy slaves,
and thereby encourage the nations from whom
they are bought to be at perpetual war with each
otker, I shall not take upon me to determine.
Sure I am it is sinful, when they have bought
them, to use them as bad as though they were
brutes, nay worse ; and whatever particular ex-
142 THE HISTORY OF THE
ceptions there may be (as I would charitably
hope there are some), I fear the generality of you.
who own Negroes, are liable to such a charge ;
for your slaves, I believe, work as hard, if not
harder than the horses whereon you ride. These,
after they have done their work, are fed and taken
proper care of; but many Negroes when wearied
with labor in your plantations, have been obliged
to grind their corn after their return home. Your
dogs are caressed and fondled at your table ; but
your slaves, who are frequently styled dogs or
beasts, have not an equal privilege. They are
scarce permitted to pick up the crumbs which
fall from their master's table. Not to mention
what numbers have been given up to the inhu-
man usage of cruel taskmasters who, by their un-
relenting scourges have ploughed their backs, and
made long furrows, and at length brought them
even unto death. When passing along I have
viewed your plantations cleared and cultivated,
many spacious houses built, and the owners of
them faring sumptuously every day, my blood has
frequently almost run cold within me, to consider
how many of your slaves had neither convenient
food to eat nor proper raiment to put on, not-
withstanding most of the comforts you enjoy were
solely owing to their indefatigable labors."
The letter, from which this is an extract, pro-
duced a desirable effect upon many of those who
perused it, but particularly upon such as began
to be seriously disposed in these times. And as
George Whitfield continued a firm friend to the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 143
poor Africans, never losing an opportunity of
serving them, he interested, in the course of his
useful life, many thousands of his followers in
their favor.
To this account it may be added, that from
the year 1762, ministers, who were in the con-
nection of John Wesley, began to be settled in
America, and that as these were friends to the
oppressed Africans also, so they contributed in
their turn* to promote a softness of feeling towards
them among those of their own persuasion.
In consequence then of these and other causes,
a considerable number of persons of various re-
ligious denominations had appeared at different
times in America, besides the Quakers, who,
though they had not distinguished themselves by
resolutions and manumissions as religious bodies,
were yet highly friendly to the African cause.
This friendly disposition began to manifest itself
about the year 1770 : for when a few Quakers, as
individuals, began at that time to form little asso-
ciations in the middle provinces of North America,
to discourage the introduction of slaves among
people in their own neighborhoods, who were not
of their own Society, and to encourage the manu-
* It must not be forgotten that the example of the Moravians
had its influence, also, in directing men to their duty towards these
oppressed people ; for though, when they visited this part of the
world for their conversion, they never meddled with the political
state of things, by recommending it to masters to alter the condi-
tion of their slaves, as believing religion could give comfort in the
most abject situations in life, yet they uniformly freed those slaves,
who came into their own possession.
144 THE HISTORY OF THE
mission of those already in bondage, they were
joined as colleagues by several persons of this de-
scription,* who co-operated with them in the pro-
motion of their design.
This disposition, however, became more mani-
fest in the year 1772 ; for the House of Burgesses
of Virginia presented a petition to the King, be-
seeching his majesty to remove all those restraints
on his governors of that colony, which inhibited
their assent to such laws, as might check that in-
human and impolitic commerce, the Slave-trade :
and it is remarkable, that the refusal of the British
government to permit the Virginians to exclude
slaves from among them by law, was enumerated
afterwards among the public reasons for separat-
ing from the mother country.
But this friendly disposition was greatly in-
creased in the year 1773, by the literary labors
of Dr. Benjamin Rush of Philadelphia,")* who, I
believe, is a member of the Presbyterian church.
For in this year, at the instigation of Anthony
Benezet, he took up the cause of the oppressed
Africans in a little work, which he entitled, An
Address to the Inhabitants of the British Settle-
ments on the Slavery of the Negroes ; and soon
afterwards in another, which was a vindication of
* It then appeared that individuals among those of the church of
England, Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, Methodists, and others,
had begun in a few instances to liberate their slaves.
•J- Dr. Rush has been better known since for his other literary
works ; such as his Medical Dissertations, his Treatises on the Dis-
cipline of Schools, Criminal Law, &c.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 145
the first, in answer to an acrimonious attack by a
West Indian planter. These publications con-
tained many new observations. They were writ-
ten in a polished style ; and while they exhibited
the erudition and talents, they showed the liber-
ality and benevolence of the author. Having had
a considerable circulation, they spread conviction
among many, and promoted the cause for which
they had been so laudably undertaken. Of the
great increase of friendly disposition towards the
African cause in this very year, we have this re-
markable proof; that when the Quakers, living
in East and West Jersey, wished to petition the
legislature to obtain an act of assembly for the
more equitable manumission of slaves in that
province, so many others of different persuasions
joined them, that the petition was signed by up-
wards of three thousand persons.
But in the next year, or in the year 1774,* the
increased good will towards the Africans became so
apparent, but more particularly in Pennsylvania,
where the Quakers were more numerous than in
any other state, that they, who considered them-
selves more immediately as the friends of these
injured people, thought it right to avail themselves
of it ; and accordingly James Pemberton, one of
the most conspicuous of the Quakers in Pennsyl-
vania, and Dr. Rush, one of the most conspicuous
* In this year, Elhanan Winchester, a supporter of the doctrine
of universal redemption, turned the attention of .many of his hearers
to this subject, both by private interference and by preaching ex-
pressly upon it.
VOL. I. 13
146 THE HISTORY OF THE
of those belonging to the various other religious
communities in that province, undertook, in con-
junction with others, the important task of bring-
ing those into a society who were friendly to this
cause. In this undertaking they succeeded. And
hence arose that union of the Quakers with others,
to which I have been directing the attention of the
reader, and by which the third class of forerun-
ners and coadjutors becomes now complete. This
society, which was confined to Pennsylvania, was
the first ever formed in America, in which there
was an union of persons of different religious de-
nominations in behalf of the African race.
But this society had scarcely begun to act, when
the war broke out between England and America,
which had the effect of checking its operations.
This was considered as a severe blow upon it.
But as those things which appear most to our dis-
advantage, turn out often the most to our benefit,
so the war, by giving birth to the independence of
America, was ultimately favorable to its progress*
For as this contest had produced during its con-
tinuance, so it left, when it was over, a general
enthusiasm for liberty. Many talked of little else
but of the freedom they had gained. These were
naturally led to the consideration of those among
them, who were groaning in bondage. They be-
gan to feel for their hard case. They began to
think that they should not deserve the new bless-
ing which they had acquired, if they denied it to
others. Thus the discussions, which originated in
this contest, became the occasion of turning the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 14?
attention of many, who might not otherwise have
thought of it, towards the miserable condition of
the slaves.
Nor were writers wanting, who, influenced by
considerations on the war and the independence
resulting from it, made their works subservient to
the same benevolent end. A work, entitled, A
Serious Address to the Rulers of America on the
Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting Slavery,
forming a Contrast between the Encroachments
of England on American Liberty and American
Injustice in tolerating Slavery, which appeared in
1783, was particularly instrumental in producing
this effect. This excited a more than usual atten-
tion to the case of these oppressed people, and
where most of all it could be useful. For the
author compared in two opposite columns the ani-
mated speeches and resolutions of the members of
Congress in behalf of their own liberty with their
conduct in continuing slavery to others. Hence
the legislature began to feel the inconsistency of
the practice ; and so far had the sense of this in-
consistency spread there, that when the dele-
gates met from each state, to consider of a federal
union, there was a desire that the abolition of the
Slave-trade should be one of the articles in it.
This was, however, opposed by the delegates from
North and South Carolina, Virginia, Maryland,
and Georgia, the five states which had the greatest
concern in slaves. But even these offered to agree
to the article, provided a condition was annexed
to it, (which was afterwards done), that the power
148 THE HISTORY OF THE
of such abolition should not commence in the
legislature till the first of January 1808.
In consequence then of these different circum-
stances, the society of Pennsylvania, the object of
which was " for promoting the abolition of slavery
and the relief of free Negroes unlawfully held in
bondage," became so popular, that in the year 1787
it was thought desirable to enlarge it. Accord-
ingly several new members were admitted into
it. The celebrated Dr. Franklin, who had long
warmly espoused the cause of the injured Afri-
cans, was appointed president ; James Pemberton
and Jonathan Penrose were appointed vice-presi-
dents ; Dr. Benjamin Rush and Tench Coxe, sec-
retaries ; James Star, treasurer ; William Lewis,
John D. Coxe, Miers Fisher, and William Rawle,
counsellors ; Thomas Harrison, Nathan Boys,
James Whiteall, James Reed, John Todd, Thomas
Armatt, Norris Jones, Samuel Richards, Francis
Bayley, Andrew Carson, John Warner, and Jacob
Shoemaker, Jr., an electing committee ; and
Thomas Shields, Thomas Parker, John Oldden,
William Zane, John Warner, and William M'El-
henny, an acting committee for carrying on the
purposes of the institution.
I shall now only observe further upon this sub-
ject, that as a society, consisting of an union of
the Quakers, with others of other religious de-
nominations, was established for Pennsylvania in
behalf of the oppressed Africans, so different so-
cieties, consisting each of a similar union of per-
sons, were established in New York, Connecticut,
ABOLITION OP THE SLAVE-TRADE. 149
New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and other states
for the same object, and that these afterwards
held a correspondence and personal communion
with each other for the promotion of it.
CHAPTER VI.
Observations on the three classes already introduced.— Coinci-
dence op extraordinary circumstances. — Individuals in each of
these classes, who seem to have had an education as it were to
qualify them for promoting the cause of the abolition — sharp
and Ramsay in the first — Dillwyn in the second — Femberton and
Rush in the third. — These, with their respective classes, acted
on motives of their own, and independently of each other —
and yet, from circumstances neither foreseen nor known by
them, they were in the way of being easily united in 1787. —
William Dillwyn the great medium of connexion between
THEM ALL.
If the reader will refer to his recollection, he
will find, that I have given the history of three
of the classes of the forerunners and coadjutors in
the great cause of the abolition of the Slave-trade
up to the time proposed. He will of course ex-
pect that I should proceed with the history of the
fourth. But, as 1 foresee that, by making certain
observations upon the classes already introduced in
the present rather than in any future place, I shall
be able to give him clearer views on the subject,
I shall postpone the history of the remaining class
to the next chapter.
The account, which I shall now give, will ex-
hibit a concurrence of extraordinary and important
VOL. I. 13 *
150 THE HISTORY OF THE
circumstances. It will show, first, that in each of
the three classes now introduced, there were indi-
viduals in the year 1787, who had been educated
as it were for the purpose of becoming peculiarly
qualified to act together for the promotion of the
abolition of the Slave-trade. It will show, second-
ly, that these, with their respective classes, acted
upon their own principles, distinctly and independ-
ently of each other. And, lastly, that by means
of circumstances, which they themselves had
neither foreseen nor contrived, a junction between
them was rendered easily practicable, and that
it was beginning to take place at the period
assigned.
The first class of forerunners and coadjutors
consisted principally, as it has appeared, of persons
in England of various descriptions. These, I may
observe, had no communication with each other
as to any plan for the abolition of the Slave-trade.
There were two individuals, however, among
them, who were more conspicuous than the rest,
namely, Granville Sharp, the first laborer, and
Mr. Ramsay, the first controversial writer in the
cause.
That Granville Sharp received an education as
if to become qualified to unite with others, in the
year 1787, for this important object, must have
appeared from the history of his labors, as detailed
in several of the preceding pages. The same
may be said of Mr. Ramsay ; for it has already
appeared that he lived in the island of St. Christo-
pher, where he made his observations, and studied
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 151
the laws, relative to the treatment of slaves, for
nineteen years.
That Granville Sharp acted on grounds distinct
from those in any of the other classes is certain.
For he knew nothing at this time either of the
Quakers in England or of those in America, any
more than that they existed by name. Had it not
been for the case of Jonathan Strong, he might
never have attached himself to the cause. A
similar account may be given of Mr. Ramsay; for,
if it had not been for what he had seen in the
island of St. Christopher, he had never embarked
in it. It was from scenes, which he had witnessed
there, that he began to feel on the subject. These
feelings he communicated to others on his return
to England, and these urged him into action.
With respect to the second class, the reader
will recollect that it consisted of the Quakers in
England : first, of George Fox ; then of the Qua-
kers as a body ; then of individuals belonging to
that body, who formed themselves into a com-
mittee, independently of it, for the promotion of
the object in question. This committee, it may be
remembered, consisted of six persons, of whom one
was William Dillwyn.
That William Dillwyn became fitted for the sta-
tion, which he was afterwards to take, will be seen
shortly. He was born in America, and was a
pupil of the venerable Benezet, who took pains
very early to interest his feelings on this great sub-
ject. Benezet employed him occasionally, I mean
in a friendly manner, as his amanuensis, to copy
152 THE HISTORY OF THE
his manuscripts for publication, as well as several
of his letters written in behalf of the cause. This
gave his scholar an insight into the subject^ who,
living besides in the land where both the Slave-
trade and slavery were established, obtained an
additional knowledge of them, so as to be able to
refute many of those objections, to which others
for want of local observation could never have
replied.
In the year 1772, Anthony Benezet introduced
William Dillwyn by letter to several of the prin-
cipal people of Carolina, with whom he had him-
self before corresponded on the sufferings of the
poor Africans, and desired him to have interviews
with them on the subject. He charged him
also to be very particular in making observations
as to what he should see there. This journey
was of great use to the latter in fixing him as the
friend of these oppressed people, for he saw so
much of their cruel treatment in the course of it,
that he felt an anxiety ever afterwards, amounting
to a duty, to do every thing in his power for their
relief.
In the year 1773, William Dillwyn, in conjunc-
tion with Richard Wells and Daniel Smith, two
of his own Society, wrote a pamphlet in answer to
arguments then prevailing, that the manumission
of slaves would be injurious. This pamphlet,
which was entitled, Brief Considerations on Sla-
very, and the Expediency of its Abolition, with
some Hints on the Means whereby it may be grad-
ually effected, proved that in lieu of the usual
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 153
security required, certain sums paid at the several
periods of manumission would amply secure the
public, as well as the owners of the slaves, from
any future burdens. In the same year also, when
the society, joined by several hundreds of others
in New Jersey, presented a petition to the legisla-
ture (as mentioned in the former chapter) to
obtain an act of assembly for the more equitable
manumission of slaves in that province, William
Dillwyn was one of a deputation, which was heard
at the bar of the assembly for that purpose.
In 1774 he came to England, but his attention
was still kept alive to the subject. For he was
the person, by whom Anthony Benezet sent his
letter to the Countess of Huntingdon, as before
related. He was also the person, to whom the
same venerable defender of the African race sent
his letter before spoken of, to be forwarded to the
Queen.
That William Dillwyn and those of his own
class in England acted upon motives very distinct
from those of the former class may be said with
truth, for they acted upon the constitutional prin-
ciples of their own Society, as incorporated into
its discipline, which principles would always have
incited them to the subversion of slavery, as far
as they themselves were concerned, whether any
other persons had abolished it or not. To which
it may be added, as a further proof of the origi-
nality of their motives, that the Quakers have
had ever since their institution as a religious body,
but little intercourse with the world.
154 THE HISTORY OF THE
The third class, to which I now come, consisted,
as we have seen, first of the Quakers in America ;
and secondly, of an union of these with others on
the same continent. The principal individuals
concerned in this union were James Pemberton
and Dr. Rush. The former of these, having taken
an active part in several of the yearly meetings of
his own Society relative to the oppressed Africans,
and having been in habits of intimacy and friend-
ship with John Woolman and Anthony Benezet,
with the result of whose labors he was acquainted,
may be supposed to have become qualified to take
a leading station in the promotion of their cause.
Dr. Rush also had shown himself, as has appeared,
an able advocate, and had even sustained a con-
troversy in their favor. That the two last men-
tioned acted also on motives of their own, or inde-
pendently of those belonging to the other two
classes when they formed their association in
Pennsylvania, will be obvious from these circum-
stances ; first, that most of those of the first class,
Who contributed to throw the greatest light and
odium upon the Slave-trade, had not then made
their public appearance in the world. And,
with respect to the second class, the little com-
mittee belonging to it had neither been formed
nor thought of.
And as the individuals in each of the three
classes, who have now been mentioned, had an
education as it were to qualify them for acting to-
gether in this great cause, and had moved inde-
pendently of each other, so it will appear that, by
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 155
means of circumstances which they themselves
had neither foreseen nor contrived, a junction be-
tween them was rendered easily practicable, and
that it was beginning to take place at the period
assigned.
To show this, I must first remind the reader
that Anthony Benezet, as soon as he heard of the
result of the case of Somerset, opened a corres-
pondence with Granville Sharp, which was kept
up to the encouragement of both. In the year
1774, when he learned that William Dillwyn was
going to England, lie gave him letters to that
gentleman-. Thus one of the most conspicuous of
the second class was introduced, accidentally as it
were, to one of the most conspicuous of the first.
In the year 1775, William Dillwyn went back to
America, but, on his return to England to settle,
he renewed his visits to Granville Sharp. Thus
the connexion was continued. To these observa-.
tions I may now add ; that Samuel Hoare, of the
same class as William Dillwyn, had, in conse^
quence of the Bishop of Chester's sermon, begun
a correspondence in 1784, as before mentioned,
with Mr. Ramsay, who was of the same class as
Mr. Sharp. Thus four individuals of the two
first classes were in the way of an union with one
another.
But circumstances equally natural contributed
to render an union between the members of the
second and the third classes easily practicable
also. For what was more natural than that Wil-
liam Dillwyn, who was born and who had resided
156 THE HISTORY OF THE
long in America, should have connexions there 1
He had long cultivated a friendship (not then
knowing to what it would lead) with James
Pemberton. His intimacy with him was like
that of a family connexion. They corresponded
together. They corresponded also as kindred
hearts, relative to the Slave-trade. Thus two
members of the second and third classes had
opened an intercourse on the subject, and thus
was William Dillwyn the great medium, through
whom the members of the two classes now
mentioned, as well as the members of all the
three might be easily united also, if a fit occasion
should offer.
CHAPTER VII.
Fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors up to 1787. — Dr.
Peckard, vice-chancellor of the University of Cambridge, the
first of these — gives out the slave-trade as the subject for
one of the annual prizes. — author writes and obtains the first
of these. — Reads his Dissertation in the Senate-house in the
summer of 1785. — His feelings on the subject during his return
home. — Is desirous of aiding the cause of the Africans, but sees
GREAT DIFFICULTIES — DETERMINES TO PUBLISH HIS PRIZE ESSAY FOR
THIS PURPOSE — IS ACCIDENTALLY THROWN INTO THE WAY OF JAMES
Phillips, who introduces him to W. Dillwyn, the connecting
MEDIUM OF THE THREE CLASSES BEFORE MENTIONED — AND TO G.
Sharp, and Mr. Ramsay — and to R. Phillips.
I proceed now to the fourth class of forerun-
ners and coadjutors up to the year 1787, in the
great cause of the abolition of the Slave-trade.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 157
The first of these was Dr. Peckard, This gen*
tleman had distinguished himself in the earlier
part of his life by certain publications on the inter-
mediate state of the soul, and by others in favor
of civil and religious liberty. To the latter cause
he was a warm friend, seldom omitting any oppor-
tunity of declaring his sentiments in its favor.
In the course of his preferment he was appointed
by Sir John Griffin, afterwards Lord Howard, of
Walden, to the mastership of Magdalen College
in the University of Cambridge. In this high
office he considered it to be his duty to support
those doctrines which he had espoused when in
an inferior station ; and accordingly, when in the
year 1784, it devolved upon him to preach a ser-
mon before the University of Cambridge, he chose
his favorite subject, in the handling of which he
took an opportunity of speaking of the Slave-
trade in the following nervous manner : —
" Now, whether we consider the crime, with
respect to the individuals concerned in this most
barbarous and cruel traffic, or whether we consider
it as patronized and encouraged by the laws of the
land, it presents to our view an equal degree of
enormity. A crime, founded on a dreadful pre-
eminence in wickedness : a crime which, being
both of individuals and the nation, must some
time draw down upon us the heaviest judgment
of Almighty God, who made of one blood ail the
sons of men, and who gave to all equally a natural
right to liberty j. and who, ruling all the kingdoms
of the earth with equal providential justice, can-
vol i. 14
158 THE HISTORY OF THE
not suffer such deliberate, such monstrous iniquity,
to pass long unpunished."
But Dr. Peckard did not consider this delivery
of his testimony, though it was given before a
learned and religious body, as a sufficient discharge
of his duty, while any opportunity remained of
renewing it with effect. And, as such an one
offered in the year 1785, when he was vice-chan-
cellor of the University, he embraced it. In con-
sequence of his office, it devolved upon him to
give out two subjects for Latin dissertations, one
to the middle bachelors, and the other to the senior
bachelors of arts. They who produced the best
were to obtain the prizes. To the latter, he pro-
posed the following: " Anne liceat Invitos in Ser-
vitutem dare ?" or, " Is it right to make slaves of
others against their will'?"
This circumstance of giving out the subjects for
the prizes, though only an ordinary measure, be-
came the occasion of my own labors, or of the
real honor which I feel in being able to consider
myself as the next coadjutor of this class in the
cause of the injured Africans. For it happened
in this year that, being of the order of senior bach-
elors, I became qualified to write. I had gained
a prize for the best Latin dissertation in the former
year, and, therefore, it was expected that I should
obtain one in the present, or I should be considered
as having lost my reputation both in the eyes of
the University and of my own College. It had
happened also, that I had been honored with the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 159
first of the prizes* in that year, and therefore it
was expected again, that I should obtain the first
on this occasion. The acquisition of the second,
however honorable, would have been considered
as a falling off, or as a loss of former fame. I felt
myself, therefore, particularly called upon to main-
tain my post. And, with feelings of this kind, 1
began to prepare myself for the question.
In studying the thesis, I conceived it to point
directly to the African Slave-trade, and more par-
ticularly as I knew that Dr. Peckard, in the ser-
mon which I have mentioned, had pronounced so
warmly against it. At any rate, I determined to
give it this construction. But, alas ! I was wholly
ignorant of this subject ; and, what was unfortun-
ate, a few weeks only were allowed for the com-
position. I was determined, however, to make the
best use of my time. I got access to the manu-
script papers of a deceased friend, who had been in
the trade. I was acquainted also with several
officers who had been in the West Indies, and
from these I gained something. But I still felt
myself at a loss for materials, and I did not know
where to get them ; when going by accident into
a friend's house, I took up a newspaper then lying
on his table. One of the articles, which attracted
my notice, was an advertisement of Anthony Ben-
ezet's Historical Account of Guinea. I soon left
my friend and his paper, and, to lose no time,
* There are two prizes on each subject, one for the best and the
other for the second-best essays.
160 THE HISTORY OF THE
hastened to London to buy it. In this precious
book I found almost all I wanted. I obtained, by
means of -it a knowledge of, and gained access to,
the great authorities of Adanson, Moor, Barbot,
Smith, Bosnian, and others. It was of great con-
sequence to know what these persons had said
upon this subject. For, having been themselves
either long resident in Africa, or very frequently
there, their knowledge of it could not be questioned.
Having been concerned also in the trade, it was
not likely that they would criminate themselves
more than they could avoid. Writing too at a
time, when the abolition was not even thought of,
they could not have been biased with any view to
that event. And, lastly, having been dead many
years, they could not have been influenced, as liv-
ing evidences may be supposed to have been, either
to conceal or to exaggerate, as their own interest
might lead them, either by being concerned in the
continuance of the trade, or by supporting the
opinions of those of their patrons in power, who
were on the different sides of this question.
Furnished then in this manner, I began my
work. But no person can tell the severe trial,
which the writing of it proved to me. I had ex-
pected pleasure from the invention of the argu-
ments, from the arrangement of them, from the
putting of them together, and from the thought in
the interim that I was engaged in an innocent con-
test for literary honor. But all my pleasure was
damped by the facts which were now continually
before me. It was but one gloomy subject from
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 161
morning to night. In the day-time I was uneasy.
In the night I had little rest. I sometimes never
closed my eyelids for grief. It became now not
so much a. trial for academical reputation, as for
the production of a work, which might be useful
to injured Africa. And keeping this idea in my
mind ever after the perusal of Benezet, I always
slept with a candle in my room, that I might rise
out of bed and put down such thoughts as might
occur to me in the night, if I judged them valua-
ble, conceiving that no arguments of any moment
should be lost in so great a cause. Having at
length finished this painful task, I sent my Essay
to the vice-chancellor, and soon afterwards found
myself honored as before, with the first prize.
As it is usual to read these essays publicly in
the senate-house soon after the prize is adjudged,
I was called to Cambridge for this purpose. I
went and performed my office. On returning how-
ever to London, the subject of it almost wholly
engrossed my thoughts. I became at times very
seriously affected while upon the road. I stopped
my horse occasionally, and dismounted and walk-
ed. I frequently tried to persuade myself in these
intervals that the contents of my Essay could not
be true. The more however I reflected upon
them, or rather upon the authorities on which they
were founded, the more I gave them credit. Com-
ing in sight of Wades Mill in Hertfordshire, I sat
down disconsolate on the turf by the road-side
and held my horse. Here a thought came into
my mind, that if the contents of the Essay were
vol. i. 14*
162 THE HISTORY OF THE
true, it was time some person should see these
calamities to their end. Agitated in this manner
I reached home. This was in the summer of
1785.
In the course of the autumn of the same year I
experienced similar impressions. I walked fre-
quently into the woods, that I might think on the
subject in solitude, and find relief to my mind
there. But there the question still recurred,
" Are these things true V9 Still the answer fol-
lowed as instantaneously " They are." Still the
result accompanied it, " Then surely some person
should interfere." I then began to envy those
who had seats in parliament, and who had great
riches, and widely extended connexions, which
would enable them to take up this cause. Find-
ing scarcely any one at that time who thought of
it, I was turned frequently to myself. But here
many difficulties arose. It struck me, among
others, that a young man of only twenty-four years
of age could not have that solid judgment, or
knowledge of men, manners, and things, which
were requisite to qualify him to undertake a task
of such magnitude and importance; and with
whom was I to unite? I believed also that it
looked so much like one of the feigned labors of
Hercules, that my understanding would be sus-
pected if I proposed it. On ruminating however
on the subject, I found one thing at least practi-
cable, and that this also was in my power. I
could translate my Latin dissertation. I could
enlarge it usefully. I could see how the public
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 163
received it, or how far they were likely to favor
any serious measures, which should have a ten-
dency to produce the abolition of the Slave-trade.
Upon this then I determined : and in the middle
of the month of November 1785, I began my
work.
By the middle of January, I had finished half
of it, though I had made considerable additions.
I now thought of engaging with some bookseller
to print it when finished. For this purpose I call-
ed upon Mr. Cadell, in the Strand, and consulted
him about it. He said, that as the original Essay
had been honored by the University of Cambridge
with the first prize, this circumstance would en*
sure it a respectable circulation among persons of
taste. I own I was not much pleased with his
opinion. I wished the Essay to find its way
among useful people, and among such as would
think and act with me. Accordingly I left Mr.
Cadell, after having thanked him for his civility,
and determined, as I thought I had time sufficient
before dinner, to call upon a friend in the city.
In going past the Royal Exchange, Mr. Joseph
Hancock, one of the religious society of the Qua-
kers, and with whose family my own had been
long united in friendship, suddenly met me. He
first accosted me by saying that I was the person,
whom he was wishing to see. He then asked
me why I had not published my Prize Essay. I
asked him in return what had made him think of
that subject in particular. He replied, that his
own Society had long taken it up as a religious
164 THE HISTORY OF THE
body, and individuals among them were wish-
ing- to find me out. I asked him who. He an-
swered, James Phillips, a bookseller, in George-
yard, Lombard-street, and William Dillwyn, of
Walthamstow, and others. Having but little time
to spare, I desired him to introduce me to one of
them. In a few minutes he took me to James
Phillips, who was then the only one of them in
town : by whose conversation I was so much in-
terested and encouraged, that without any further
hesitation I offered him the publication of my work.
This accidental introduction of me to James Phil-
lips was, I found afterwards, a most happy circum-
stance for the promotion of the cause, which I
had then so deeply at heart, as it led me to the
knowledge of several of those, who became after-
wards material coadjutors in it. It was also of
great importance to me with respect to the work
itself. For he possessed an acute penetration, a
solid judgment, and a literary knowledge, which
he proved by the many alterations and additions
he proposed, and which I believe I uniformly
adopted, after mature consideration, from a sense
of their real value. It was advantageous to me
also, inasmuch as it led me to his friendship,
which was never interrupted but by his death.
On my second visit to James Phillips, at which
time I brought him about half my manuscript for
the press, I desired him to introduce me to Wil-
liam Dillwyn, as he also had mentioned him to me
on my first visit, and as I had not seen Mr. Han-
cock since. Matters were accordingly arranged,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 165
and a day appointed before I left him. On this
day I had my first interview with my new friend.
Two or three others of his own religious society
were present, but who they were I do not now re-
collect. There seemed to be a great desire among
them to know the motive by which I had been
actuated in contending for the prize. I told them
frankly, that I had no motive but that which
other young men in the University had on such
occasions; namely, the wish of being distinguish-
ed, or of obtaining literary honor ; but that I had
felt so deeply on the subject of it, that I had lately
interested myself in it from a motive of duty. My
conduct seemed to be highly approved by those
present, and much conversation ensued, but it was
of a general nature.
As William Dillwyn wished very much to see
me at his house at Walthamstow, I appointed the
thirteenth of March to spend the day with him
there. We talked for the most part, during my
stay, on the subject of my Essay. I soon discov-
ered the treasure I had met with in his local knowl-
edge, both of the Slave-trade and of slavery, as
they existed in the United States, and I gained
from him several facts, which with his permission
I afterwards inserted in my work. But how sur*
prised was I to hear in the course of our conver-
sation of the labors of Granville Sharp, of the
writings of Ramsay, and of the controversy in
which the latter was engaged, of all which I had
hitherto known nothing ! How surprised was I to
learn, that William Dillwyn himself, had two years
166 THE HISTORY OF THE
before associated himself with five others lor the
purpose of enlightening the public mind upon this
great subject ! How astonished was I to find that
a society had been formed in America for the
same object, with some of the principal members
of which he was intimately acquainted! And how
still more astonished at the inference which in-
stantly rushed upon my mind, that he was capable
of being made the great medium of connexion
between them all. These thoughts almost over-
powered me. I believe that after this I talked
but little more to my friend. My mind was over-
whelmed with the thought that I had been provi-
dentially directed to his house ; that the finger of
Providence was beginning to be discernible; that
the day-star of African liberty was rising, and that
probably I might be permitted to become a hum-
ble instrument in promoting it.
In the course of attending to my work, as now
in the press, James Phillips introduced me also to
Granville Sharp, with whom I had afterwards
many interesting interviews from time to time,
and whom I discovered to be a distant relation by
my father's side.
He introduced me also by letter to a corres-
pondence with Mr. Ramsay, who in a short time
afterwards came to London to see me.
He introduced me also to his cousin, Richard
Phillips of Lincoln's Inn, who was at that time
on the point of joining the religious society of the
Quakers. In him I found much sympathy, and a
willingness to co-operate with me; When dull
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 167
and disconsolate, he encouraged me. When in
spirits, he stimulated me further. Him I am now
to mention as a new, but soon afterwards as an
active and indefatigable coadjutor in the cause.
But I shall say more concerning him in a future
chapter. I shall only now add, that my work was
at length printed ; that it was entitled, An Essay
on the Slavery and Commerce of the human
Species, particularly the African, translated from
a Latin Dissertation, which was honored with the
First Prize in the University of Cambridge, for
the year 1785 ; with Additions ; and that it was
ushered into the world in the month of June 1786,
or in about a year after it had been read in the
Senate-house in its first form.
CHAPTER VIII.
Continuation of the fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors
up to 1787 — Bennet Langton — Dr. Baker— Lord and Lady Scars-
dale. — Author visits Ramsay at Teston — Lady Middleton and
Sir Charles (now Lord Barham). — Author declares himself at
the house of the latter ready now to devote himself to the
cause — reconsiders this declaration or pledge — his reasoning-
and struggle upon it^persists in it — returns to london — and
pursues the work as now a business of his life.
I had purposed, as I said before, when I deter-
mined to publish my Essay, to wait to see how the
world would receive it, or what disposition there
would be in the public to favor my measures for
the abolition of the Slave-trade. But the convex
168 THE HISTORY OF THE
sation, which I had held on the thirteenth of
March with William Dillwyn, continued to make
such an impression upon me, that I thought now
there could be no occasion for waiting for such a
purpose. It seemed now only necessary to go
forward. Others I found had already begun the
work. I had been thrown suddenly among these,
as into a new world of friends. I believed also
that a way was opening under Providence for
support. And I now thought that nothing re-
mained for me but to procure as many coadjutors
as I could.
I had long had the honor of the friendship of
Mr. Bennet Langton, and I determined to carry
him one of my books, and to interest his feelings
in it, with a view of procuring his assistance in
the cause. Mr. Langton was a gentleman of an
ancient family, and respectable fortune in Lincoln-
shire, but resided then in Qneen's-square, West-
minster. He was known as the friend of Dr.
Johnson, Jonas Hanway, Edmund Burke, Sir
Joshua Reynolds, and others. Among his ac-
quaintance indeed were most of the literary, and
eminent professional, and public-spirited men of
the times, At court also he was well known, and
had the esteem of his present majesty, with whom
he frequently conversed. His friends were nu-
merous also in both houses of the legislature. As
to himself, he was much noted for his learning,
but most of all for the great example he gave
with respect to the usefulness and integrity of
his life.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 169
By introducing my work to the sanction of a
friend of such high character and extensive con-
nexions, I thought I should be doing great things.
And so the event proved. For when I went to
him after he had read it, I found that it had made
a deep impression upon his mind. As a friend to
humanity he lamented over -the miseries of the
oppressed Africans, and over the crimes of their
tyrants as a friend to morality and religion. He
cautioned me, however, against being too san-
guine in my expectations, as so many thousands
were interested in continuing the trade. Justice,
however, which he said weighed with him beyond
all private or political interest, demanded a public
inquiry, and he would assist me to the utmost
of his power in my attempts towards it. From
this time he became a zealous and active coadju-
tor in the cause, and continued so to the end of
his valuable life.
The next person, to whom I gave my work with
a like view, was Dr. Baker, a clergyman of the
Establishment, and with whom I had been in
habits of intimacy for some time. Dr. Baker was
a learned and pious man. He had performed the
duties of his profession from the time of his initia-
tion into the church in an exemplary manner,
not only by paying a proper attention to the cus-
tomary services, but by the frequent visitation of
the sick and the instruction of the poor. This he
had done too to admiration in a particularly ex-
tensive parish. At the time I knew him he had
May-fair chapel, of which an unusual portion of
VOL. I. 15
170 THE HISTORY OF THE
the congregation consisted then of persons of rank
and fortune. With most of these he had a per-
sonal acquaintance. This was of great import-
ance to me in the promotion of my views. Hav-
ing left him my book for a month, 1 called upon
him. The result was that which I expected from
so good a man. He did not wait for me to ask
him for his co-operation, but he offered his services
in any way which I might think most eligible,
feeling it his duty, as he expressed it, to become
an instrument in exposing such a complication of
guilt and misery to the world. Dr. Baker became
from this time an active coadjutor also, and con-
tinued so to his death.
The person, to whom I sent my work next, was
the late lord Scarsdale, whose family I had known
for about two years. Both he and his lady read
it with attention. They informed me, after the
perusal of it, that both of them were desirous of
assisting me in promoting the cause of the poor
Africans. Lady Scarsdale lamented that she
might possibly offend near and dear connexions,
who had interests in the West Indies, by so do-
ing ; but that conscious of no intention to offend
these, and considering the duties of religion to be
the first to be attended to, she should be pleased
to become useful in so good a cause. Lord Scars-
dale also assured me, that, if the subject should
ever come before the House of Lords, it should
have his constant support.
While attempting to make friends in this man-
ner, I received a letter from Mr. Ramsay, with an
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 171
invitation to spend a month at his house at Teston,
near Maidstone in Kent. This I accepted, that I
might communicate to him the progress I had
made, that I might gain more knowledge from
him on the subject, and that 1 might acquire new
strength and encouragement to proceed. On
hearing my account of my proceedings, which I
detailed to him on the first evening of our meeting,
he seemed almost overpowered with joy. He said
he had been long of opinion, that the release of
the Africans from the scourges of this cruel trade,
was within the determined views of Providence,
and that by turning the public attention to their
misery, we should be the instruments of beginning
the good work. He then informed me how long he
himself had had their cause at heart ; that com-
municating his feelings to Sir Charles Middleton
(now Lord Barham) and his lady, the latter had
urged him to undertake a work in their behalf ;
that her importunities were great respecting it ;
and that he had on this account, and in obedience
also to his own feelings, as has been before men-
tioned, begun it ; but that, foreseeing the censure
and abuse, which such a subject, treated in any
possible manner, must bring upon the author, he
had laid it aside for some time. He had, how-
ever, resumed it at the solicitation of Dr. Porteus,
then bishop of Chester, after which, in the year
1784, it made its appearance in the world.
I was delighted with this account on the first
evening of my arrival ; but more particularly as I
collected from it, that I might expect in the bishop
172 THE HISTORY OF THE
of Chester and Sir Charles Middleton, two new
friends to the cause. This expectation was after-
wards fully realized, as the reader will see in its
proper place. But I was still more delighted,
when I was informed that Sir Charles and Lady
Middleton, with Mrs. Bouverie, lived at Teston-
hall, in a park, which was but a few yards from
the house in which I then was. In the morning I
desired an introduction to them, which accord-
ingly took place, and I found myself much en-
couraged and supported by this visit.
It is not necessary, nor indeed is there room,
to detail my employments in this village, or the
lonely walks I took there, or the meditations of my
mind at such seasons. I will therefore come at
once to a particular occurrence. When at dinner
one day with the family at Teston-hall, I was
much pleased with the turn which the conversa-
tion had taken on the subject, and in the joy of my
heart, I exclaimed that, " I was ready to devote
myself to the cause." This brought great com-
mendation from those present ; and Sir Charles
Middleton added, that if I wanted any information
in the course of my future inquiries relative to
Africa, which he could procure me as comptroller
of the navy, such as extracts from the journals of
the ships of war to that continent, or from other
papers, I should have free access to his office. This
offer I received with thankfulness, and it operated
as a new encouragement to me to proceed.
The next morning, when I awoke, one of the
first things that struck me was, that I had given a
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE 173
pledge to the company the day before, that I would
devote myself to the cause of the oppressed Afri-
cans. I became a little uneasy at this. I ques-
tioned whether I had considered matters suffi-
ciently to be able to go so far with propriety. I
determined therefore to give the subject a full
consideration, and accordingly I walked to the
place of my usual meditations, the woods.
Having now reached a place of solitude, I be-
gan to balance every thing on both sides of the
question. I considered first, that I had not yet
obtained information sufficient on the subject, to
qualify me for the undertaking of such a work.
But I reflected, on the other hand, that Sir Charles
Middleton had just opened to me a new source of
knowledge ; that I should be backed by the local
information of Dillwyn and Ramsay, and that
surely, by taking pains, I cou]d acquire more.
I then considered, that I bad not yet a sufficient
number of friends to support me. This occasioned
me to review them. I had now Sir Charles
Middleton, who was in the House of Commons.
I was sure of Dr. Porteus, who was in the House
of Lords. I could count upon Lord Scarsdale,
who was a peer also. 1 had secured Mr. Langton,
who had a most extensive acquaintance with mem-
bers of both houses of the legislature. I had also
secured Dr. Baker, who had similar connexions.
I could depend upon Granville Sharp, James Phil-
lips, Richard Phillips, Ramsay, Dillwyn, and the
little committee to which he belonged, as well as
the whole society of the Quakers. I thought
VOL. I. 15*
174 THE HISTORY OF THE
therefore upon the whole, that, considering the
short time I had been at work, I was well off
with respect to support. I believed also that
there were still several of my own acquaintance,
whom I could interest in the question, and I did
not doubt that, by exerting myself diligently,
persons, who were then strangers to me, would be
raised up in time.
I considered next, that it was impossible for
a great cause like this to be forwarded without
large pecuniary funds. I questioned whether some
thousand pounds would not be necessary, and from
whence was such a sum to come 1 In answer to
this, I persuaded myself that generous people
would be found, who would unite with me in con-
tributing their mite towards the undertaking, and
I seemed confident that, as the Quakers had taken
up the cause as a religious body, they would not
be behind hand in supporting it.
I considered lastly, that, if I took up the ques-
tion, I must devote myself wholly to it. I was
sensible that a little labor now and then would be
inadequate to the purpose, or that, where the in-
terests of so many thousand persons were likely
to be affected, constant exertion would be neces-
sary. I felt certain that, if ever the matter were
to be taken up, there could be no hope of success,
except it should be taken up by some one, who
would make it an object or business of his life.
I thought too that a man's life might not be more
than adequate to the accomplishment of the end.
But I knew of no one who could devote such a por-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 175
tion of time to it. Sir Charles Middleton, though
he was so warm and zealous, was greatly occupied
in the discharge of his office. Mr. Langton spent
a great portion of his time in the education of his
children. Dr. Baker had a great deal to do in the
performance of his parochial duty. The Quakers
were almost all of them in trade. I could look
therefore to no person but myself ; and the ques-
tion was, whether I was prepared to make the
sacrifice. In favor of the undertaking I urged
to myself, that never was any cause, which had
been taken up by man in any country or in any
age, so great and important ; that never was there
one in which so much misery was heard to cry
for redress ; that never was there one, in which so
much good could be done ; never one, in which
the duty of Christian charity could be so exten-
sively exercised ; never one, more worthy of the
devotion of a whole life towards it ; and that, if a
man thought properly, he ought to rejoice to have
been called into existence, if he were only permit-
ted to become an instrument in forwarding it in
any part of its progress. Against these sentiments
on the other hand I had to urge, that I had been
designed for the church ; that I had already ad-
vanced as far as deacon's orders in it ; that my
prospects there on account of my connexions were
then brilliant ; that, by appearing to desert my
profession, my family Would be dissatisfied, if not
unhappy. These thoughts pressed upon me, and
rendered the conflict difficult. But the sacrifice
of my prospects staggered me, I own, the most*
176 THE HISTORY OF THE
When the other objections, which I have related,
occurred to me, my enthusiasm instantly, like a
flash of lightning, consumed them : but this stuck
to me, and troubled me. 1 had ambition. I had
a thirst after worldly interest and honors, and I
could not extinguish it at once. I was more than
two hours in solitude under this painful conflict.
At length I yielded, not because I saw any reason-
able prospect of success in my new undertaking,
(for all cool headed and cool hearted men would
have pronounced against it,) but in obedience, I
believe, to a higher Power. And this I can say,
that both on the moment of this resolution, and
for some time afterwards, I had more sublime
and happy feelings than at any former period of
my life.
Having now made up my mind on the subject,
I informed Mr. Ramsay, that in a few days I
should be leaving Teston, that I might begin my
labors, according to the pledge I had given him.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 177
CHAPTER IX.
Continuation of the fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors
up to 1787. — Author resolves upon the distribution of his book. —
Mr. Sheldon — Sir Herbert Mackworth — Lord Newhaven — Lord
Balgonie (now Leven) — Lord Hawke — Bishop Porteus. — Author
visits African vessels in the Thames — and various persons for
further information.— Visits also members of Parliament — Sir
Richard Hill— Mr. Powys (late Lord Lilford) — Mr. Wilberforce
and others — Conduct of the latter on this occasion.
On my return to London, I called upon William
Dillwyn, to inform him of the resolution I had
made at Teston, and found him at his town lodg-
ings in the Poultry. I informed him also, that I
had a letter of introduction in my pocket from
Sir Charles Middleton to Samuel Hoare, with
whom I was to converse on the subject. The
latter gentleman had interested himself the year
before as one of the committee for the black poor
in London, whom Mr. Sharp was sending under
the auspices of government to Sierra Leone. He
was also, as the reader may see by looking back,
a member of the second class of coadjutors, or
of the little committee which had branched out
of the Quakers in England as before described.
William Dillwyn said he would go with me and
introduce me himself. On our arrival in Lombard-
street, I saw my new friend, with whom we con-
versed for some time. From thence I proceeded*
accompanied by both, to the house of James Phil-
lips in George-yard, to whom 1 was desirous o&
178 THE HISTORY OF THE
communicating my resolution also. We found
him at home, conversing with a friend of the
same religious society, whose name was Joseph
Gurney Bevan. I then repeated my resolution
before them all. We had much friendly and satis-
factory conversation together. I received much
encouragement on every side, and I fixed to meet
them again at the place where we then were in
three days.
On the evening of the same day 1 waited upon
Granville Sharp to make the same communica-
tion to him. He received it with great pleasure,
and he hoped I should have strength to proceed.
From thence I went to the Baptist-head coffee-
house, in Chancery-lane, and having engaged
with the master of the house, that I should always
have one private room to myself when 1 wanted
it, I took up my abode there, in order to be near
my friend Richard Phillips of Lincoln's Inn, from
whose advice and assistance I had formed con-
siderable expectations.
The first matter for our deliberation, after we
had thus become neighbors, was Avhat plan I ought
to pursue to give effect to the resolution I had
taken.
After having discussed the matter two or three
times at his chambers, it seemed to be our opin-
ion, That as members of the legislature could do
more to the purpose in this question than any
other persons, it would be proper to circulate all
the remaining copies of my work among these, in
order that they might thus obtain information
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 179
upon the subject. Secondly, That it would be
proper that I should wait personally upon several
of these also. And thirdly, That I should be
endeavoring in the interim to enlarge my own
knowledge, that I might thus be enabled to answer
the various objections, which might be advanced
on the other side of the question, as well as be-
come qualified to be a manager of the cause.
On the third day, or at the time appointed, I
went with Richard Phillips to George-yard, Lom-
bard-street, where I met all my friends as before.
I communicated to them the opinion we had
formed at Lincoln's Inn, relative to my future
proceedings in the three different branches as now
detailed. They approved the plan. On desiring
a number of my books to be sent to me at my
new lodgings for the purpose of distribution,
Joseph Gurney Bevan, who was stated to have
been present at the former interview, seemed
uneasy, and at length asked me if I was going
to distribute these at my own expense. I re-
plied, I was. He appealed immediately to those
present whether it ought to be allowed. He
asked whether, when a young man was giving
up his time from morning till night, they, who
applauded his pursuit and seemed desirous of
co-operating with him, should allow him to make
such a sacrifice, or whether they should not at
least secure him from loss ; and he proposed
directly that the remaining part of the edition
should be taken off by subscription, and in order
that my feelings might not be hurt from any sup*
180 THE HISTORY OF THE
posed stain arising from the thought of gaining
any thing by such a proposal, they should be paid
for only at the prime cost. I felt myself much
obliged to him for this tender consideration about
me, and particularly for the latter part of it, under
which alone I accepted the offer. Samuel Hoare
was charged with the management of the sub-
scription, and the books were to be distributed as
I had proposed, and in any way which I myself
might prescribe.
This matter having been determined upon, my
first care was that the books should be put into
proper hands. Accordingly I went round among
my friends from day to day, wishing to secure
this before I attended to any of the other objects.
In this I was much assisted by my friend Richard
Phillips. Mr. Langton began the distribution of
them. He made a point either of writing to or
of calling upon those, to whom he sent them.
Dr. Baker took the charge of several for the same
purpose. Lord and Lady Scarsdale of others.
Sir Charles and Lady Middleton of others. Mr.
Sheldon, at the request of Richard Phillips, intro-
duced me by letter to several members of parlia-
ment, to whom I wished to deliver them myself.
Sir Herbert Mackworth, when spoken to by the
latter, offered his services also. He seemed to be
particularly interested in the cause. He went
about to many of his friends in the House of Com-
mons, and this from day to day, to procure their
favor towards it. Lord Newhaven was applied
to, and distributed some. Lord Balgonie (now
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 181
Leven), took a similar charge. The late Lord
Hawke, who told me that he had long felt for the
sufferings of the injured Africans, desired to be
permitted to take his share of the distribution
among members of the House of Lords, and Dr.
Porteus, now bishop of London, became another
coadjutor in the same work.
This distribution of my books having been con-
signed to proper hands, I began to qualify myself,
by obtaining further knowledge, for the manage-
ment of this great cause. As 1 had obtained the
principal part of it from reading, I thought I ought
now to see what could be seen, and to know from
living persons what could be known, on the sub-
ject, with respect to the first of these points, the
river Thames presented itself as at hand. Ships
were going occasionally from the port of London
to Africa, and why could I not get on board them
and examine for myself 1 After diligent inquiry,
I heard of one which had just arrived. I found
her to be a little wood vessel, called the Live-
ly, captain Williamson, or one which traded to
Africa in the natural productions of the country,
such as ivory, beeswax, Malaguetta pepper, palm-
oil, and dyewoods. I obtained specimens of some
of these, so that 1 now became possessed of some
of those things of which I had only read before.
On conversing with the mate, he showed me one
or two pieces of the cloth made by the natives,
and from their own cotton. L prevailed upon
him to sell me a piece of each. Here new feel-
ings arose, and particularly when I considered that
VOL. I. 16
182 THE HISTORY OF THE
persons of so much apparent ingenuity, and capa-
ble of such beautiful work as the Africans, should
be made slaves, and reduced to a level with the
brute creation. My reflections here on the better
use which might be made of Africa by the substi-
tution of another trade, and on the better use
which might be made of her inhabitants, served
greatly to animate, and to sustain me amidst the
labor of my pursuits.
The next vessel I boarded was the Fly, captain
Colley : Here I found myself for the first time on
the deck of a slave-vessel. The sight of the
rooms below and of the gratings above, and of
the barricado across the deck, and the explanation
of the uses of ail these, filled me both with mel-
ancholy and horror. I found soon afterwards a
fire of indignation kindling within me. I had
now scarce patience to talk with those on board.
I had not the coolness this first time to go leisurely
over the places that were open tome. I got away
quickly. But that which I thought I saw horrible
in this vessel had the same effect upon me as that
which I thought I had seen agreeable in the other,
namely, to animate and to invigorate me in my
pursuit.
But I will not trouble the reader with any fur-
ther account of my water-expeditions, while at-
tempting to perfect my knowledge on this subject.
I was equally assiduous in obtaining intelligence
wherever it could be had; and being now always
on the watch, I was frequently falling in with in-
dividuals, from whom I gained something. My
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 188
object was to see all who had been in Africa, but
more particularly those who had never been in-
terested, or who at any rate were not then inter-
ested, in the trade. I gained accordingly access
very early to general Rooke ; to lieutenant Dal-
rymple, of the army ; to captain Fiddes, of the
engineers ; to the reverend Mr. Newton ; to Mr.
Nisbett, a surgeon in the Minories ; to Mr. De-
vaynes, who was then in parliament, and to many
others ; and I made it a rule to put down in writ-
ing, after every conversation, what had taken
place in the course of it. By these means things
began to unfold themselves to me more and more,
and I found my stock of knowledge almost daily
on the increase.
While, however, I was forwarding this, I was
not inattentive to the other objects of my pursuit,
which was that of waiting upon members person-
ally. The first I called upon was sir Richard
Hill. At the first interview he espoused the cause.
I waited then upon others, and they professed
themselves friendly ; but they seemed to make
this profession more from the emotion of good
hearts, revolting at the bare mention of the Slave-
trade than from any knowledge concerning it.
One, however, whom I visited, Mr. Powys (the
late lord Lilford), with whom I had been before
acquainted in Northamptonshire, seemed to doubt
some of the facts in my book, from a belief that
human nature was not capable of proceeding to
such a pitch of wickedness. I asked him to name
his facts. He selected the case of the hundred
184 THE HISTORY OF THE
and thirty-two slaves who were thrown alive into
the sea to defraud the underwriters. I promised
to satisfy him fully upon this point, and went
immediately to Granville Sharp, who lent me
his account of the trial, as reported at large from
the notes of the short-hand writer, whom he had
employed on the occasion. Mr. Powys read the
account. He became, in consequence of it, con-
vinced, as, indeed, he could not otherwise be, of
the truth of what I had asserted, and he declared
at the same time that, if this were true, there was
nothing so horrible related of this trade, which
might not immediately be believed. Mr. Powys
had been always friendly to this question, but now
he took a part in the distribution of my books.
Among those whom I visited, was Mr. Wilber-
force. On my first interview with him, he stated
frankly, that the subject had often employed his
thoughts, and that it was near his heart. He
seemed earnest about it, and also very desirous
of taking the trouble of inquiring further into it.
Having read my book, which I had delivered to
him in person, he sent for me. He expressed
a wish that I would make him acquainted with
some of my authorities for the assertions in it,
which I did afterwards to his satisfaction. He
asked me if I could support it by any other evi-
dence. I told him I could. I mentioned Mr.
Newton, Mr. Nisbett, and several others to him.
He took the trouble of sending for all these. He
made memorandums of their conversation, and,
sending for me afterwards, showed them to me.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 185
On learning my intention to devote myself to the
cause, he paid me many handsome compliments.
He then desired me to call upon him often, and
to acquaint him with my progress from time to
time. He expressed also his willingness to afford
me any assistance in his power in the prosecution
of my pursuits.
The carrying on of these different objects,
together with the writing which was connected
with them, proved very laborious, and occupied
almost all my time. I was seldom engaged less
than sixteen hours in the day. When I left Tes-
ton to begin the pursuit as an object of my life,
I promised my friend Mr. Ramsay a weekly ac-
count of my progress. At the end of the first
week my letter to him contained little more than
a sheet of paper. At the end of the second it
contained three ; at the end of the third six ;
and at the end of the fourth I found it would
be so voluminous, that I was obliged to decline
writing it.
VOL. V 16
*
186 THE HISTORY OF THE
CHAPTER X.
Continuation of the fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors
up to 1787. — Author goes on to enlarge his knowledge in the
different departments of the subject — communicates more fre-
QUENTLY with Mr. Wilberforce. — Meetings now appointed at the
house of the latter.— Dinner at Mr. Langton's — Mr. Wilber-
force pledges himself there to take up the subject in Parlia-
ment.— Remarkable junction, in consequence, of all the four
classes of forerunners and coadjutors before mentioned. — Com-
mittee formed out of these on the 22d of May, 1787, for the
abolition of the slave-trade.
The manner in which Mr. Wilberforce had
received me, and the pains which he had taken,
and was still taking, to satisfy himself of the truth
of those enormities which had been charged upon
the Slave-trade, tended much to enlarge my hope,
that they might become at length the subject of a
parliamentary inquiry. Richard Phillips also, to
whom I made a report at his chambers almost
every evening of the proceedings of the day, had
begun to entertain a similar expectation. Of
course, we unfolded our thoughts to one another.
From hence a desire naturally sprung up in each
of us to inquire, whether any alteration in conse-
quence of this new prospect should be made in my
pursuits. On deliberating upon this point, it
seemed proper to both of us, that the distribution
of the books should be continued ; that I should
still proceed in enlarging my own knowledge ; and
that I should still wait upon members of the legis-
lature, but with this difference, that I should never
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 187
lose sight of Mr. Wilberforce, but, on the other
hand, that I should rather omit visiting some
others, than paying a proper attention to him.
One thing however appeared now to be neces-
sary, which had not yet been done. This was to
inform our friends in the city, upon whom I had
all along occasionally called, that we believed the
time was approaching, when it would be desirable
that we should unite our labors, if they saw no
objection to such a measure ; for, if the Slave-
trade were to become a subject of parliamentary
inquiry with a view to the annihilation of it, no
individual could perform the work which would
be necessary for such a purpose. This work must
be a work of many ; and who so proper to assist
in it as they, who had before so honorably la-
bored in it ? In the case of such an event large
funds also would be wanted, and who so proper to
procure and manage them as these ? A meeting
was accordingly called at the house of James
Phillips, when these our views were laid open.
When I stated that from the very time of my
hopes beginning to rise I had always had those
present in my eye as one day to be fellow -laborers.
William Dillwyn replied, that from the time they
had first heard of the Prize Essay, they also had
had their eyes upon me, and, from the time they
had first seen me, had conceived a desire of mak-
ing the same use of me as I had now expressed
a wish of making of them, but that matters did
not appear ripe at our first interview. Our pro-
posal, however, was approved, and an assurance
188 THE HISTORY OP THE
was given, that an union should take place, as
soon as it was judged to be seasonable. It was
resolved also, that one day in the week* should
be appointed for a meeting at the house of James
Phillips, where as many might attend as had
leisure, and that I should be there to make a
report of my progress, by which we might all
judge of the fitness of the time of calling our-
selves an united body. Pleased now with the
thought that matters were put into such a train,
I returned to my former objects.
It is not necessary to say any thing more of
the first of these objects, which was that of the
further distribution of my book, than that it was
continued, and chiefly by the same hands.
With respect to the enlargement of my knowl-
edge, it was promoted likewise. I now gained
access to the Custom-house in London, where
I picked up much valuable information for my
purpose.
Having had reason to believe that the Slave-
trade was peculiarly fatal to those employed in
itj I wished much to get copies of many of the
muster-rolls from the Custom-house at Liverpool
for a given time. James Phillips wrote to his
friend William Rathbone, who was one of his
own religious society, and who resided there, to
* At these weekly meetings I met occasionally Joseph "Woods,
George Harrison, and John Lloyd, three of the other members, who
belonged to the committee of the second class of forerunners and
coadjutors as before described. I had seen all of them before) but
I do not recollect the time when I first met them.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 189
procure them. They were accordingly sent up.
The examination of these, which took place at
the chambers of Richard Phillips, was long and
tedious. We looked over them together. We
usually met for this purpose at nine in the evening,
and we seldom parted till one, and sometimes
not till three in the morning. When our eyes
were inflamed by the candle, or tired by fatigue,
we used to relieve ourselves by walking out with-
in the precincts of Lincoln's Inn, when all seemed
to be fast asleep, and thus, as it werej in solitude
and in stillness to converse upon them, as well
as upon the best means of the further promotion
of our cause. These scenes of our early friend-
ship and exertions I shall never forget. I often
think of them both with astonishment and with
pleasure. Having recruited ourselves in this man-
ner, we used to return to our work. From these
muster-rolls I may now observe, that we gained
the most important information. We ascertained
beyond the power of contradiction, that more than
half of the seamen, who went out with the ships
in the Slave-trade, did not return with them, and
that of these so many perished, as amounted to
one-fifth of all employed. As to what became
of the remainder, the muster-rolls did not inform
us. This, therefore, was left to us as a subject
for our future inquiry.
In endeavoring to enlarge my knowledge, my
thoughts were frequently turned to the West In-
dian part of the question, and in this department
my friend Richard Phillips gained me important
190 THE HISTORY OF THE
intelligence. He put into my hands several doc-
uments concerning estates in the West Indies,
which he had mostly from the proprietors them-
selves, where the slaves by mild and prudent usage
had so increased in population, as to supersede
the necessity of the Slave-trade.
By attending to those and to various other parts
of the subject, I began to see as it were with
new eyes : I was enabled to make several neces-
sary discriminations, to reconcile things before
seemingly contradictory, and to answer many
objections which had hitherto put on a formida-
ble shape. But most of all was I rejoiced at
the thought that I should soon be able to prove
that which I had never doubted, but which had
hitherto been beyond my power in this case, that
Providence, in ordaining laws relative to the
agency of man, had never made that to be wise
which was immoral, and that the Slave-trade
would be found as impolitic as it was inhuman
and unjust.
In keeping up my visits to members of parlia-
ment, I was particularly attentive to Mr. Wilber-
force, whom I found daily becoming more inter-
ested in the fate of Africa. I now made to him
a regular report of my progress, of the sentiments
of those in parliament whom I had visited, of the
disposition of my friends in the city of whom he
had often heard me speak, of my discoveries from
the Custom-houses of London and Liverpool, of
my documents concerning West India estates, and
of all, indeed, that had occurred to me worth
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 191
mentioning. He had himself also been making
his inquiries, which he communicated to me in
return. Our intercourse had now become frequent,
no one week elapsing without an interview. At
one of these, I suggested to him the propriety
of having occasional meetings at his own house,
consisting of a few friends in parliament, who
might converse on the subject. Of this he ap-
proved. The persons present at the first meeting
were Mr. Wilberforce, the honorable John Villiers,
Mr. Powys, Sir Charles Middleton, Sir Richard-
Hill, Mr. Granville Sharp, Mr. Ramsay, Dr. Gre-
gory, (who had written on the subject, as before
mentioned) and myself. At this meeting I read
a paper, giving an account of the light I had
collected in the course of my inquiries, with ob-
servations as well on the impolicy as on the
wickedness of the trade. Many questions arose
out of the reading of this little essay. Many
answers followed. Objections were started and
eanvassed. In short, this measure was found so
useful, that certain other evenings as well as
mornings were fixed upon for the same purpose.
On reporting my progress to my friends in the
city, several of whom now assembled once in the
week, as I mentioned before to have been agreed
upon, and particularly on reporting the different
meetings which had taken place at the house of
Mr. Wilberforce, on the subject, they were of
opinion that the time was approaching when we
might unite, and that this union might prudently
commence as soon as ever Mr. Wilberforce would
192 THE HISTORY OF THE
give his word that he would take up the question
in parliament. Upon this I desired to observe,
that though the latter gentleman had pursued the
subject with much earnestness, he had never yet
dropped the least hint that he would proceed so
far in the matter, but I would take care that the
question should be put to him, and I would bring
them his answer.
In consequence of the promise I had now made,
I went to Mr. Wilberforce. But when I saw
him, I seemed unable to inform him of the object
of my visit. Whether this inability arose from
any sudden fear that his answer might not be
favorable, or from a fear that I might possibly in-
volve him in a long and arduous contest upon
this subject, or whether it arose from an awful
sense of the importance of the mission, as it re-
lated to the happiness of hundreds of thousands
then alive, and of millions then unborn, I cannot
say. But I had a feeling within me for which I
could not account, and which seemed to hinder
me from proceeding. And I actually went away
without informing him of my errand.
In this situation I began to consider what to do,
when I thought I would call upon Mr. Langton,
tell him what had happened, and ask his advice.
I found him at home. We consulted together.
The result was, that he was to invite Mr. Wilber-
force and some others to meet me at a dinner at
his own house, in two or three days, when he said
he had no doubt of being able to procure an an-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 193
swer, by some means or other, to the question
which I wished to have resolved.
On receiving a card from Mr. Langton, I went
to dine with him. I found the party consist
of Sir Charles Middleton, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr.
Hawkins Browne, Mr. Windham, Sir Joshua
Reynolds, and Mr. Boswell. The latter was then
known as the friend of Dr. Johnson, and after-
wards as the writer of his Tour to the Hebrides.
After dinner the subject of the Slave-trade was
purposely introduced. Many questions were put
to me, and I dilated upon each in my answers,
that I might inform and interest those present as
much as I could. They seemed to be greatly im-
pressed with my account of the loss of seamen in
the trade, and with the little samples of African
cloth, which I had procured for their inspection.
Sir Joshua Reynolds gave his unqualified appro-
bation of the abolition of this cruel traffic. Mr.
Hawkins Browne joined heartily with him in
sentiment ; he spoke with much feeling upon it,
and pronounced it to be barbarous, and contrary
to every principle of morality and religion. Mr.
Boswell, after saying the planters would urge that
the Africans were made happier by being car-
ried from their own country to the West Indies,
observed, " Be it so. But we have no right to
make people happy against their will." Mr.
Windham, when it was suggested that the great
importance of our West Iudian islands, and the
grandeur of Liverpool, would be brought against
those who should propose the abolition of the
vol. i. 17
194 THE HISTORY OF THE
Slave-trade, replied " We have nothing to do with
the policy of the measure. Rather let Liverpool
and the islands be swallowed up in the sea, than
this monstrous system of iniquity be carried on."*
While such conversation was passing-, and when
all appeared to be interested in the cause, Mr.
Langton put the question, about the proposal of
which I had been so diffident, to Mr. Wilberforce,
in the shape of a delicate compliment. The latter
replied, that he had no objection to bring forward
the measure in Parliament, when he was better
prepared for it, and provided no person more
proper could be found. Upon this, Mr. Hawkins
Browne and Mr. Windham both said they would
support him there. Before I left the company, I
took Mr. Wilberforce aside, and asked him if I
might mention this his resolution to those of my
friends in the city, of whom he had often heard
me speak, as desirous of aiding him by becoming
a committee for the purpose. He replied, I
might. I then asked Mr. Langton, privately, if
he had any objection to belong to a society of
which there might be a committee for the abo-
lition of the Slave-trade. He said he should be
pleased to become a member of it. Having
received these satisfactory answers, I returned
home.
The next day, having previously taken down
* I do not know upon what grounds, after such strong expres-
sions, Mr. Bos well, in the next year, and Mr. Windham, after
having supported the cause for three or four years, became in-
imical to it.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 195
the substance of the conversation at the dinner, I
went to James Phillips, and desired that our friends
might be called together as soon as they conve-
niently could, to hear my report. In the interim I
wrote to Dr. Peckard, and waited upon Lord
Scarsdale, Dr. Baker, and others, to know (sup-
posing a society were formed for the abolition of
the Slave-trade) if I might say they would belong
to it 1 All of them replied in the affirmative, and
desired me to represent them, if there should be
any meeting for this purpose.
At the time appointed, I met my friends. I
read over the substance of the conversation which
had taken place at Mr. Langton's. No difficulty
occurred. All were unanimous for the formation
of a committee. On the next day we met by
agreement for this purpose. It was then resolved
unanimously, among other things, That the Slave-
trade was both impolitic and unjust. It was
resolved also, That the following persons be a
committee for procuring such information and
evidence, and publishing the same, as may tend
to the abolition of the Slave-trade, and for direct-
ing the application of such moneys as have been
already, and may hereafter be collected for the
above purpose : —
Granville Sharp, Thomas Clarkson,
William Dillwyn, Richard Phillips,
Samuel Hoare, John Barton,
George Harrison, Joseph Hooper,
John Lloyd, James Phillips,
Joseph Woods, Philip Sansom.
196 THE HISTORY OF THE
All these were present. Granville Sharp, who
stands at the head of the list, and who, as the
father of the cause in England, was called to the
chair, may be considered as representing the
first class of forerunners and coadjutors, as it has
been before described. The five next, of whom
Samuel Hoare was chosen as the treasurer, were
they who had been the committee of the second
class, or of the Quakers in England, with the
exception of Dr. Knowles, who was then dying,
but who, having heard of our meeting, sent a
message to us, to exhort us to proceed. The third
class, or that of the Quakers in America, may
be considered as represented by William Dillwyn,
by whom they were afterwards joined to us in
correspondence. The two who stand next, and
in which I am included, may be considered as
representing the fourth, most of the members of
which we had been the means of raising. Thus,
on the twenty-second of May 1787, the represen-
tatives of all the four classes, of which I have
been giving a history from the year 1516, met
together, and were united in that committee, to
which I have been all along directing the atten-
tion of the reader ; a committee, which, laboring
afterwards with Mr. Wilberforce as a parliamen-
tary head, did, under Providence, in the space of
twenty years, contribute to put an end to a trade
which, measuring its magnitude by its crimes and
sufferings, was the greatest practical evil that
ever afflicted the human race.
Xw-Ycrk,Pub. by John S. Taylor
J^pTTTT,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 197
After the formation of the committee,* notice
was sent to Mr. Wilberforce of the event, and a
friendship began, which has continued uninter-
ruptedly between them, from that to the present
day.
CHAPTER XI.
The preceding history of the different classes of the fore-
runners AND COADJUTORS, TO THE TIME OF THE FORMATION OF THE
COMMITTEE, COLLECTED INTO ONE VIEW BY MEANS OF A MAP. — EXPLANA-
TION OF THIS MAP — AND OBSERVATIONS UPON IT.
As the preceding history of the different classes
of the forerunners and coadjutors, to the time
of their junction, or to the formation of the com-
mittee, as just explained, may be thought inter-
esting by many, I have endeavored, by means
of the annexed map, so to bring it before the
reader, that he may comprehend the whole of it
at a single view.
The figure beginning at A and reaching down
to X represents the first class of forerunners, and
coadjutors up to the year 1787, as consisting of so
many springs or rivulets, which assisted in making
and swelling the torrent which swept away the
Slave-trade.
* All the members were of the society of the Quakers, except
Messrs. Sharp, Sansom, and myself. Joseph Gurney Bevan was
present on the day before this meeting. He desired to belong to
the society, but to be excused from belonging to the committee.
VOL. I. 17*
198 • THE HISTORY OF THE
The figure from B to C and from C to X repre-
sents the second class, or that of the Quakers in
England, up to the same time. The stream on
the right hand represents them as a body, and that
on the left, the six individuals belonging to them,
who formed the committee in 1783.
The figure from B to D represents the third
class, or that of the Quakers in America when
joined with others in 1774. The stream passing
from D through E to X shows how this class was
conveyed down, as it were, so as to unite witrl
the second. That passing from D to Y shows its
course in its own country, to its enlargement in
1787. And here 1 may observe, that as the dif-
ferent streams which formed a junction at X,
were instrumental in producing the abolition of
the Slave-trade in England, in the month of
March 1807, so those, whose effects are found
united at Y, contributed to produce the same
event in America, in the same month of the same
year.
The figure from F to X represents the fourth
class up to 1787.
X represents the junction of all the four classes
in the committee instituted in London on the
twenty-second day of May, 1787.
The parallel lines G, H, I, K, represent differ-
ent periods of time, showing when the forerunners
and coadjutors lived. The space between G and
H includes the space of fifty years, in which we
find but few laborers in this cause. That between
H and I includes the same portion of time in
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 199
which we find them considerably increased, or
nearly doubled. That between I and K repre-
sents the next thirty-seven years. But here we
find their increase beyond all expectation, for we
find four times more laborers in this short term,
than in the whole of the preceding century.
In looking over the map, as thus explained, a
number of thoughts suggest themselves, some of
which it may not be improper to detail. And
first, in looking between the first and second paral-
lel, we perceive, that Morgan Godwyn, Richard
Baxter, and George Fox, the first a clergyman of
the Established Church, the second a divine at the
head of the Nonconformists, and the third the
founder of the religious society of the Quakers,
appeared each of them the first in his own class,
and all of them about the same time, in behalf of
the oppressed Africans. We see then this great
truth first apparent, that the abolition of the Slave-
trade took its rise, not from persons, who set up a
cry for liberty, when they were oppressors them-
selves, nor from persons who were led to it by
ambition, or a love of reputation among men, but
Where it was most desirable, namely, from the
teachers of Christianity in those times.
This account of its rise will furnish us with
some important lessons. And first, it shows us
the great value of religion. We see, when moral
disorders become known, that the virtuous are
they who rise up for the removal of them. Thus
Providence seems to have appointed those who
devote themselves most to his service, to the hon-
200 THE HISTORY OF THE
orable office of becoming so many agents, under
his influence, for the correction of the evils of life.
And as this account of the rise of the abolition of
the Slave-trade teaches us the necessity of a due
cultivation of religion, so it should teach us to
have a brotherly affection for those, who, though
they may differ from us in speculative opinions
concerning it, do yet show by their conduct that
they have a high regard for it. For though God-
wyn, and Baxter, and Fox, differed as to the arti-
cles of their faith, we find them impelled by the
spirit of Christianity, which is of infinitely more
importance than a mere agreement in creeds, to
the same good end.
In looking over the different streams in the map,
as they are discoverable both in Europe and Amer-
ica, we are impressed with another truth on the
same subject, which is, that the Christian religion
is capable of producing the same good fruit in all
lands. However men may differ on account of
climate, or language, or government, or laws, or
however they may be situated in different quarters
of the globe, it will produce in them the same vir-
tuous disposition, and make them instruments for
the promotion of happiness in the world.
In looking between the two first parallels, where
we see so few laborers, and in contemplating the
great increase of these between the others, we are
taught the consoling lesson, that however small
the beginning and slow the progress may appear
in any good work which we may undertake, we
need not be discouraged as to the ultimate result
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 201
of our labors; for though our cause may appear
stationary, it may only become so, in order that it
may take a deeper root, and thus be enabled to
stand better against the storms which may after-
wards beat about it.
In taking the same view again, we discover the
manner in which light and information proceed
under a free government in a good cause. An
individual, for example, begins; he communicates
his sentiments to others. Thus, while alive, he
enlightens ; when dead, he leaves his works behind
him. Thus, though departed, he yet speaks, and
his influence is not lost. Of those enlightened
by him, some become authors, and others actors
in their turn. While living, they instruct, like
their predecessors; when dead, they speak also.
Thus a number of dead persons are encouraging
us in libraries, and a number of living are convers-
ing and diffusing zeal among us at the same
time. This, however, is not true in any free and
enlightened country with respect to the propaga-
tion of evil. The living find no permanent en-
couragement, and the dead speak to no purpose
in such a case.
This account of the manner in which light and
information proceed in a free country, furnishes
us with some valuable knowledge. It shows us,
first, the great importance of education; for all
they who can read may become enlightened.
They may gain as much from the dead as from
the living. They may see the sentiments of for-
mer ages. Thus they may contract, by degrees^
202 THE HISTORY OF THE
habits of virtuous inclination, and become fitted
to join with others in the removal of any of the
evils of life.
It shows us, secondly, how that encouraging-
maxim may become true, That no good effort is
ever lost. For if he, who makes the virtuous
attempt, should be prevented by death from suc-
ceeding in it, can he not speak, though in the
tomb \ Will not his works still breathe his senti-
ments upon it. ] May not the opinions, and the
facts, which he has recorded, meet the approbation
of ten thousand readers, of whom it is probable,
in the common course of things, that some will
branch out of him as authors, and others as actors
or laborers, in the same cause ?
And, lastly, it will show us the difficulty (if any
attempt should be made) of reversing permanently
the late noble act Of the legislature for the aboli-
tion of the Slave-trade. For let us consider how
many, both of the living and the dead, could be
made to animate us. Let us consider too, that
this is the cause of mercy, justice, and religion ;
that as such, it will always afford renewed means
of rallying ; and that the dead will always be
heard with interest^ and the living with enthu-
siasm, upon it.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 203
CHAPTER XII.
Author devotes this chapter to considerations relative to him
self— fears that by the frequent introduction of himself to
the notice of the reader he may incur the charge of osten
TATioN. — Observations on such a charge.
Having brought my History of the Abolition of
the Slave-trade up to the month of May, 1787, I
purpose taking the liberty, before I proceed with
it, to devote this chapter to considerations relative
to myself. This, indeed, seems to be now neces-
sary : for 1 have been fearful for some pages past,
and, indeed, from the time when 1 began to intro-
duce myself to the notice of the reader, as one of
the forerunners and coadjutors in this great cause,
that I might appear to have put myself into a
situation too prominent, so as even to have incur-
red the charge of ostentation. But if there should
be some, who, in consequence of what they have
already read of this history, should think thus
unfavorably of me, what must their opinion ulti-
mately be, when unfortunately, I must become
still more prominent in it ! Nor do I know in
what manner I shall escape their censure. For
if, to avoid egotism, I should write, as many have
done, in the third person, what would this profit
me? The delicate situation, therefore, in which I
feel myself to be placed, makes me desirous of
saying a few words to the reader on this subject.
And first, I may observe, that several of my
204 THE HISTORY OF THE
friends urged me from time to time, and this long
before the abolition of the Slave-trade had been
effected, to give a history of the rise and progress
of the attempt, as far as it had been then made.
But I uniformly resisted their application.
When the question was decided last year, they
renewed their request. They represented to me,
that no person knew the beginning and progress
of this great work so well as myself; that it was
a pity that such knowledge should die with me ;
that such a history would be useful ; that it would
promote good feelings among men ; that it would
urge them to benevolent exertions ; that it would
supply them with hope in the midst of these; that
it would teach them many valuable lessons ; these
and other things were said to me. But, encour-
aging as they were, I never lost sight of the ob-
jection, which is the subject of this chapter ; nor
did I ever fail to declare, that though, considering
the part I had taken in this great cause, I might
be qualified better than some others, yet it was a
task too delicate for me to perform. I always
foresaw that I could not avoid making myself too
prominent an object in such a history, and that I
should be liable, on that account, to the suspicion
of writing it for the purpose of sounding my own
praise.
With this objection my friends were not satis-
fied. They answered, that I might treat the
History of the Abolition of the Slave-trade as a
species of biography, or as the history of a part of
my own life : that people, who had much less
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 205
weighty matters to communicate, wrote their own
histories ; and that no one charged them with
vanity for so doing.
I own I was not convinced by this answer. I
determined, however, in compliance with their
wishes, to examine the objection more minutely,
and to see if I could overcome it more satisfac-
torily tomy own mind. With this view, I endeav-
ored to anticipate the course which such a his-
tory would take. I saw clearly, in the first place,
that there were times, for months together, when
the committee for the abolition of the Slave-trade
was laboring without me, and when I myself for
an equal space of time was laboring in distant
parts of the kingdom without them. Hence I per-
ceived that, if my own exertions were left out,
there would be repeated chasms in this history,
and, indeed, that it could not be completed with-
out the frequent mention of myself. And I was
willing to hope that this would be so obvious to
the good sense of the reader, that if he should
think me vain-glorious in the early part of it, he
would afterwards, when he advanced in the peru-
sal of it, acquit me of such a charge. This con-
sideration was the first, which removed my objec-
tion on this head. That there can be no ground
for any charge of ostentation, as far as the origin
of this history is concerned, so I hope to convince
him there can be none, by showing him in what
light I have always viewed myself in connexion
with the committee, to which I have had the
honor to belong.
vol. i. 18
206 THE HISTORY OF THE
I have uniformly considered our committee for
the abolition of the Slave-trade, as we usually
consider the human body, that is, as made up of
a head and of various members, which had dif-
ferent offices to perform. Thus, if one man was
an eye, another was an ear, another an arm, and
another a foot. And here I may say, with great
truth, that I believe no committee was ever made
up of persons, whose varied talents were better
adapted to the work before them. Viewing" then
the committee in this light, and myself as in con-
nexion with it, I may deduce those truths, with
which the analogy will furnish me. And first, it
will follow, that if every member has performed
his office faithfully, though one may have done
something more than another, yet no one of them
in particular has any reason to boast. With what
propriety could the foot, though in the execution
of its duty it had become weary, say to the finger,
" Thou hast done less than I ;" when the finger
could reply with truth, " I have done all that has
been given me to do !" It will follow also, that
as every limb is essentially necessary for the com-
pletion of a perfect work ; so in the case before
us, every one was as necessary in his own office,
or department, as another. For what, for exam-
ple, could I myself have done if I had not derived
so much assistance from the committee ? What
could Mr. Wilberforce have done in Parliament,
if I, on the other hand, had not collected that
great body of evidence, to which there was such
a constant appeal ? And what could the com-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 207
mittee have done without the parliamentary aid
of Mr. Wilberforce 1 And in mentioning this neces-
sity of distinct offices and talents for the accom-
plishment of the great work, in which we have
been all of us engaged, I feel myself bound by the
feelings of justice to deliver it as my opinion in
this place, (for, perhaps, I may have no other
opportunity,) that knowing, as I have done, so
many members of both houses of our legislature,
for many of whom I have had a sincere respect,
there was never yet one, who appeared to me to
be so properly qualified, in all respects, for the
management of the great cause of the abolition
of the Slave-trade, as he, whose name I have just
mentioned. His connexions, but more particu-
larly his acquaintance with the first minister of
state, were of more service in the promotion of it,
than they, who are but little acquainted with po-
litical movements, can well appreciate. His habits
also of diligent and persevering inquiry made him
master of all the knowledge that was requisite
for conducting it. His talents both in and out of
Parliament made him a powerful advocate in its
favor. His character, free from the usual spots
of human imperfection, gave an appropriate lustre
to the cause, making it look yet more lovely, and
enticing others to its support. But most of all,
the motive, on which he undertook it, insured
its progress. For this did not originate in views
of selfishness, or of party, or of popular applause,
but in an awful sense of his duty as a Christian.
It was this, which gave him alacrity and courage
208 THE HISTORY OF THE
in his pursuit. It was this, which made him
continue in his elevated situation of a legislator,
though it was unfavorable, if not to his health,
at least to his ease and comfort. It was this,
which made him incorporate this great object
among the pursuits of his life, so that it was daily
in his thoughts. It was this, which, when year
after year of unsuccessful exertion returned, oc-
casioned him to be yet fresh and vigorous in
spirit, and to persevere till the day of triumph.
But to return : There is yet another considera-
tion, which I shall offer to the reader on this
subject, and with which I shall conclude it. It
is this ; that no one ought to be accused of vanity
until he has been found to assume to himself some
extraordinary merit. This being admitted, I shall
now freely disclose the view, which I have always
been desirous of taking of my own conduct on
this occasion, in the following words : —
As Robert Barclay, the apologist for the Qua-
kers, when he dedicated his work to Charles the
Second, intimated to this prince, that any merit,
which the work might have, would not be derived
from his patronage of it, but from the Author
of all spiritual good ; so I say to the reader, with
respect to myself, that I disclaim all praise on
account of any part I may have taken in the pro-
motion of this great cause, for that I am desirous
above all things to attribute my best endeavors
in it to the influence of a superior Power ; of
Him, I mean, who gave me a heart to feel ; who
gave me courage to begin ; and perseverance to
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 209
proceed ; and that I am thankful to Him, and
this with the deepest feeling of gratitude and hu-
mility, for having permitted me to become useful,
in any degree, to my fellow creatures.
CHAPTER XIII.
Author returns to his history. — Committee formed as before
mentioned — its proceedings. — author produces a summary view
of the Slave-trade and of the probable consequences of its
abolition.— Wrongs of Africa, by Mr. Roscoe, generously pre-
sented to The committee. — Important discussion as to the object
of the committee. — Emancipation declared to be no part of it. —
Committee decides on its public title. — Author requested to
go to Bristol, Liverpool and Lancaster, to collect further in-
formation on the subject of the trade.
I return now, after this long digression, to the
continuation of my history.
It was shown in the latter part of the tenth
chapter, that twelve individuals, all of whom were
then named, met together, by means which no one
could have foreseen, on the twenty-second of May,
1787 ; and that, after having voted the Slave-trade
to be both unjust and impolitic, they formed them-
selves into a committee for procuring such infor-
mation and evidence, and for publishing the same,
as might tend to the abolition of it, and for direct-
ing the application of such money, as had been
already and might hereafter be collected for that
purpose. At this meeting it was resolved also, that
no less than three members should form a quo-
vol. i. 18*
$10 THE HISTORY OF THE
rum ; that Samuel Hoare should be the treasurer ;
that the treasurer should pay no money but by
order of the committee ; and that copies of these
resolutions should be printed and circulated, in
which it should be inserted that the subscriptions
of all such as were willing to forward the plans
of the committee, should be received by the trea-
surer or any member of it.
On the twenty-fourth of May, the committee
met again to promote the object of its institution.
The treasurer reported at this meeting, that the
subscriptions already received, amounted to one
hundred and thirty-six pounds.
As I had foreseen, long before this time, that
my Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the
Human Species was too large for general circula-
tion, and yet that a general circulation of knowl-
edge on this subject was absolutely necessary, I
determined, directly after the formation of the
committee, to write a short pamphlet consisting
only of eight or ten pages for this purpose. I
called it A Summary View of the Slave-trade, and
of the probable Consequences of its Abolition. It
began by exhibiting to the reader the various un-
justifiable ways in which persons living on the
coast of Africa became slaves. It then explained
the treatment which these experienced on their
passage, the number dying in the course of it, and
the treatment of the survivors in the colonies of
those nations to which they were carried. It then
announced the speedy publication of a work on the
Impolicy of the Trade, the contents of which, as
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 211
far as I could then see, I gave generally under the
following heads : Part the first, it was said, would
show, that Africa was capable of offering to us a
trade in its own natural productions as well as in
the persons of men ; that the trade in the persons
of men was profitable but to a few ; that its value
was diminished from many commercial consid-
erations ; that it was also highly destructive to
our seamen ; and that the branch of it, by which
we supplied the island of St. Domingo with slaves,
was peculiarly impolitic on that account. Part
the second, it was said, would show, that, if the
slaves were kindly treated in our colonies, they
would increase ; that the abolition of the trade
would necessarily secure such a treatment to them,
and that it would produce many other advantages
which would be then detailed.
This little piece I presented to the committee at
this their second meeting. It was then duly read
and examined ; and the result was, that, after
some little correction, it was approved, and that
two thousand copies of it were ordered to be
printed, with lists of the subscribers and of the
committee, and to be sent to various parts of the
kingdom.
On June the seventh the committee met again
for the dispatch of business, when, among other
things, they voted their thanks to Dr. Baker, of
Lower Grosvenor-street, who had been one of my
first assistants, for his services to the cause.
At this committee, John Barton, one of the
members of it, stated that he was commissioned
212 THE HISTORY OF THE
by the author of a poem, entitled, The Wrongs of
Africa, to offer the profits, which might arise from
the sale of that work, to the committee, for the
purpose of enabling them to pursue the object of
their institution. This circumstance was not only
agreeable, inasmuch as it showed us, that there
were others who felt with us for the injured Afri-
cans, and who were willing to aid us in our de-
signs, but it was rendered still more so, when we
were given to understand that the poem was writ-
ten by Mr. Roscoe of Liverpool, and the preface
to it by the late Dr. Currie, who then lived in the
same place. To find friends to our cause rising
up from a quarter, where we expected scarcely
any thing but opposition, was very consolatory and
encouraging. As this poem was well written, but
cannot now be had, I shall give the introductory
part of it, which is particularly beautiful, to the
perusal of the reader. It begins thus :
" Offspring of Love divine, Humanity !
To whom, his eldest born, th' Eternal gave
Dominion o'er the heart ; and taught to touch
Its varied stops in sweetest unison ;
And strike the string that from a kindred breast
Responsive vibrates ! from the noisy haunts
Of mercantile confusion, where thy voice
Is heard not ; from the meretricious glare
Of crowded theatres, where in thy place
Sits Sensibility, with wat'ry eye,
Dropping o'er fancied woes her useless tear ; —
Come thou, and weep with me substantial ills ;
And execrate the wrongs, that Afric's sons,
Torn from their natal shore, and doom'd to bear
The yoke of servitude in foreign climes,
Sustain. Nor vainly let our sorrows flow,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 213
Nor let the strong emotion rise in vain ;
But may the kind contagion widely spread,
Till in its flame the unrelenting heart
Of avarice melt in softest sympathy —
And one bright blaze of universal love
In grateful incense rises up to Heaven !
u Form'd with the same capacity of pain,
The same desire of pleasure and of ease,
Why feels not man for man ! When nature shrinks
From the slight puncture of an insect's sting,
Faints, if not screen'd from sultry suns, and pines
Beneath the hardship of an hour's delay
Of needful nutriment ; — when Liberty
Is priz'd so dearly, that the slightest breath.
That ruffles but her mantle, can awake
To arms un warlike nations, and can rouse
Confed'rate states to vindicate her claims: —
How shall the suff'rer man his fellow doom
To ills he mourns or spurns at ; tear with stripes
His quiv'ring flesh ; with hunger and with thirst
Waste his emaciate frame ; in ceaseless toils
Exhaust his vital powers ; and bind his limbs
In galling chains ! Shall he, whose fragile form
Demands continual blessing to support
Its complicated texture, air, and food,
Raiment, alternate rest, and kindly skies,
And healthful seasons, dare with impious voice
To ask those mercies, whilst his selfish aim
Arrests the general freedom of their course ;
And, gratified beyond his utmost wish,
Debars another from the bounteous store !"
In this manner was the subject of this beautiful
poem introduced to the notice of the public. But
I have no room for any further extracts, nor time
to make any further comment upon it. I can
only add, that the committee were duly sensible as
well of its merits, as of the virtuous and generous
214 THE HISTORY OF THE
disposition of the author, and that they requested
John Barton to thank him in an appropriate man-
ner for his offer, which he was to say they ac-
cepted gratefully.
At this sitting, at which ten members were
present out of the twelve, a discussion unexpect-
edly arose on a most important subject. The
committee, finding that their meetings began to
be approved by many, and that the cause under
their care was likely to spread, and foreseeing
also the necessity there would soon be of making
themselves known as a public body throughout
the kingdom, thought it right that they should
assume some title, which should be a permanent
one, and which should be expressive of their future
views. This gave occasion to them to reconsider
the object for which they had associated, and to
fix and define it in such a manner, that there
should be no misunderstanding about it in the
public mind. In looking into the subject, it ap-
peared to them that there were two evils, quite
distinct from each other, which it might become
their duty to endeavor to remove. The first was
the evil of the Slave-trade, in consequence of
which many thousand persons were every year
fraudulently and forcibly taken from their country,
their relations, and friends, and from all that they
esteemed valuable in life. The second was the
evil of slavery itself, in consequence of which the
same persons were forced into a situation, where
they were deprived of the rights of men, where
they were obliged to linger out their days subject
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 215
to excessive labor and cruel punishments, and
where their children were to inherit the same
hard lot. Now the question was, which of the
two evils the committee should select as that, to
which they should direct their attention with a
view of the removal of it ; or whether, with the
same view, it should direct its attention to both
of them.
It appeared soon to be the sense of the com*-
mittee, that to aim at the removal of both would
be to aim at too much, and that by doing this we
might lose all.
The question then was, which of the two they
were to take as their object. Now in considering
this question it appeared that it did not matter
where they began, or which of them they took,
as far as the end to be produced was the thing
desired. For, first, if the Slave-trade should be
really abolished, the bad usage of the slaves in
the colonies, that is, the hard part of their slavery,
if not the slavery itself, would fall. For, the
planters and others being unable to procure more
slaves from the coast of Africa, it would follow
directly, whenever this great event should take
place, that they must treat those better, whom
they might then have. They must render mar-
riage honorable among them. They must estab-
lish the union of one man with one wife. They
must give the pregnant women more indulgences.
They must pay more attention to the rearing of
their offspring. They must work and punish the
adults with less rigor. Now it was to be appre-
216 THE HISTORY OP THE
hended that they could not do these things, with-
out seeing the political advantages which would
arise to themselves from so doing ; and that, rea-
soning upon this, they might be induced to go
on to give them greater indulgences, rights, and
privileges in time. But how would every such
successive improvement of their condition operate,
but to bring them nearer to the state of freemen 1
In the same manner it was contended, that the bet-
ter treatment of the slaves in the colonies, or that
the emancipation of them there, when fit for it,
would of itself lay the foundation for the abolition
of the Slave-trade. For, if the slaves were kindly
treated, that is, if marriage were encouraged
among them; if the infants who should be born
were brought up with care ; if the sick were
properly attended to ; if the young and the adult
were well fed and properly clothed, and not over-
worked, and not worn down by the weight of
severe punishments, they would necessarily in-
crease, and this on an extensive scale. But if the
planters were thus to get their laborers from the
births on their own estates, then the Slave-trade
would in time be no longer necessary to them,
and it would die away as an useless and a noxious
plant. Thus it was of no consequence, which
of the two evils the committee were to select as
the object for their labors ; for, as far as the end
in view only was concerned, that the same end
would be produced in either case.
But in looking further into this question, it
seemed to make a material difference which of the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 217
two they selected, as far as they had in view the
due execution of any laws, which might be made
respecting them, and their own prospect of success
in the undertaking. For, by aiming at the aboli-
tion of the Slave-trade, they were laying the axe
at the very root. By doing this, and this only,
they would not incur the objection, that they were
meddling with the property of the planters, and
letting loose an irritated race of beings, who, in
consequence of all the vices and infirmities, which
a state of slavery entails upon those who undergo
it, were unfit for their freedom. By asking the
government of the country to do this, and this
only, they were asking for that, which it had an
indisputable right to do ; namely, to regulate or*
abolish any of its branches of commerce ; whereas
it was doubtful, whether it could interfere with
the management of the internal affairs of the colo-
nies, or whether this was not wholly the province
of the legislatures established there. By asking
the government, again, to do this and this only,
they were asking what it could really enforce. It
could station its ships of war, and command its
custom-houses, so as to carry any act of this kind
into effect. But it could not ensure that an act
to be observed in the heart of the islands should
be enforced.* To this it was added, that if the
* The late correspondence of the governors of our colonies with
Lord Camden in his official situation, but particularly the state-
ments made by Lord Seaforth and General Prevost, have shown
the wisdom of this remark, and that no dependence was to be
had for the better usage of the slaves but upon the total abolition,
of the trade,
VOL. I. 19
218 THE HISTORY OF THE
committee were to fix upon the annihilation of
slavery as the object of their labors, the Slave-
trade would not fall so speedily as it would by a
positive law for the abolition ; because, though
the increase from the births might soon supply
all the estates now in cultivation with laborers,
yet new plantations might be opened from time to
time in different islands, so that no period could
be fixed upon, when it could be said that it would
cease.
Impressed by these arguments, the committee
were clearly of opinion, that they should define
their object to be the abolition of the Slave-trade,
and not of the slavery which sprung from it.
Hence from this time, and in allusion to the
month when this discussion took place, they styled
themselves in their different advertisements, and
reports, though they were first associated in the
month of May, The committee instituted in June
1787, for effecting the Abolition of the Slave-
trade. Thus, at the very outset, they took a
ground which was for ever tenable. Thus they
were enabled also to answer the objection, which
was afterwards so constantly and so industriously
circulated against them, that they were going to
emancipate the slaves. And I have no doubt that
this wise decision contributed greatly to their suc-
cess ; for I am persuaded that, if they had adopted
the other object, they could not for years to come,
if ever, have succeeded in their attempt.
Before the committee broke up, I represented
to them the necessity there was of obtaining
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 219
further knowledge on all those individual points,
which might be said to belong to the great subject
of the abolition of the Slave-trade. In the first
place, this knowledge was necessary for me, if I
were to complete my work on the Impolicy of
this Trade, which work the Summary View, just
printed, had announced to the world. It would
be necessary also, in case the Slave-trade should
become a subject of parliamentary inquiry ; for
this inquiry could not proceed without evidence,
And if any time was peculiarly fit for the procur-
ing of such information or evidence, it was the
present. At this time the passions of men had
not been heated by any public agitation of the
question, nor had interest felt itself biased to
conceal the truth. But as soon as ever it should
be publicly understood, that a parliamentary in-
quiry was certain, (which we ourselves believed
would be the case, but which interested men did
not then know,) we should find many of the ave-
nues to information closed against us. I proposed
therefore that some one of the committee should
undertake a journey to Bristol, Liverpool, and
Lancaster, where he should reside for a time to
collect further light upon this subject ; and that
if others should feel their occupations or engage-
ments to be such as would make such a journey
unsuitable, I would undertake it myself. I beg-
ged therefore the favor of the different members
of the committee, to turn the matter over in their
minds by the next meeting, that we might then
220 THE HISTORY OF THE
talk over and decide upon the propriety of the
measure.
The committee held its fourth meeting on the
twelfth of June. Among the subjects which were
then brought forward, was that of the journey
before mentioned. The propriety, and indeed even
the necessity of it was so apparent, that I was
requested by all present to undertake it, and a
minute for that purpose was entered upon our
records. Of this journey, as gradually unfolding
light on the subject, and as peculiarly connected
with the promotion of our object, I shall now give
an account ; after which I shall return to the pro-^
ceedings of the committee.
CHAPTER XIY.
Author arrives at Bristol. — Introduction to Quaker families
there. — Objects of his inquiry. — III usage of seamen on board
the ship Brothers. — Obtains a knowledge of several articles of
African produce. — DR. Camplin— Dean Tucker — Mr. Henry Sul-
gar. — Procures an authenticated account of the treacherous
massacre at Calebar. — III usage of the seamen of the ship Al-
fred.— Painful feelings of the author on this occasion.
Having made preparations for my journey, I
took my leave of the different individuals of the
committee. I called upon Mr. Wilberforce, also,
with the same design. He was then very ill, and
in bed. Sir Richard Hill and others were sitting
by his bed-side. After conversing as much as he
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 221
well could in his weak state, he held out his
hand to me, and wished me success. When I
left him, I felt much dejected. It appeared to
me as if it would be in this case, as it is often
in that of other earthly things, that we scarcely
possess what we repute a treasure, when it is
taken from us.
I determined to take this journey on horse-
back, not only on account of the relaxed state in
which I found myself, after such close and con-
stant application, but because I wished to have all
my time to myself upon the road, in order the
better to reflect upon the proper means of promot-
ing this great cause. The first place I resolved
to visit was Bristol. Accordingly 1 directed my
course thither. On turning a corner, within about
a mile of that city, at about eight in the evening,
I came within sight of it. The weather was
rather hazy, which occasioned it to look of un-
usual dimensions. The bells of some of the
churches were then ringing ; the sound of them
did not strike me,- till I had turned the corner
before mentioned, when it came upon me at once.
It filled me almost directly, with a melancholy
for which I could not account. I began now to
tremble, for the first time, at the arduous task I
had undertaken, of attempting to subvert one of
the branches of the commerce of the great place
which was then before me. I began to think of
the host of people I should have to encounter in
it. I anticipated much persecution in it also ; and
I questioned whether I should even get out of it
VOL. I. 19*
222 THE HISTORY OF THE
alive, But in journeying on, I became more calm
and composed. My spirits began to return. In
these latter moments I considered my first feelings
as useful, inasmuch as they impressed upon me
the necessity of extraordinary courage, and activity,
and perseverance, and of watchfulness, also, over
my own conduct, that I might not throw any stain
upon the cause I had undertaken. When, there-
fore, I entered the city, I entered it with an un-
daunted spirit, determining that no labor should
make me shrink, nor danger, nor even persecution,
deter me from my pursuit.
My first introduction was by means of a letter
to Harry Gandy, who had then become one of the
religious society of the Quakers. This introduc-
tion to him was particularly useful to me, for he
had been a seafaring man. In his early youth he
had been of a roving disposition ; and, in order
to see the world, had been two voyages in the
Slave-trade, so that he had known the nature and
practices of it. This enabled him to give me
much useful information on the subject ; and as
he had frequently felt, as he grew up, deep afflic-
tion of mind for having been concerned in it, he
was impelled to forward my views as much as
possible under an idea that he should be thus
making some reparation for the indiscreet and
profane occupations of his youth.
I was also introduced to the families of James
Harford, John Lury, Matthew Wright, Philip De-
bell Tucket, Thomas Bonville, and John Waring ;
all of whom were of the same religious society. I
ABOLITION OP THE SLAVE-f HADE. 22&
gained an introduction, also, soon afterwards, to
George Fisher. These were my first and only
acquaintance at Bristol for some time. I derived
assistance in the promotion of my object from all
of them ; and it is a matter of pleasing reflection,
that the friendships then formed have been kept
alive to the present time.
The objects I had marked down as those to be
attended to, were : to ascertain what were the na-
tural productions of Africa, and, if possible, to ob-
tain specimens of them, with a view of forming a
cabinet or collection ; to procure as much infor-
mation as I could, relative to the manner of ob-
taining slaves on the continent of Africa, of trans-
porting them to the West Indies, and of treating
them there ; to prevail upon persons, having a
knowledge of any or all of these circumstances,
to come forward to be examined as evidences
before parliament, if such an examination should
take place ; to make myself still better acquainted
with the loss of seamen in the Slave-trade ; also
with the loss of those who were employed in the
other trades from the same port ; to know the
nature, and quantity, and value of the imports and
exports of goods in the former case : there were
some other objects, which I classed under the
head of Miscellaneous.
In my first movements about this city, I found
that people talked very openly on the subject of
the Slave-trade. They seemed to be well ac-
quainted with the various circumstances belonging
to it. There were facts, in short, in every body's
224 THE HISTORY OF THE
mouth, concerning it ; and every body seemed to
execrate it, though no one thought of its abolition.
In this state of things I perceived that my course
was obvious ; for I had little else to do, in pursu-
ing two or three of my objects, than to trace the
foundation of those reports which were in cir-
culation.
On the third of July I heard that the ship Bro-
thers,* then lying in King-road for Africa, could
not get her seamen, and that a party which had
been put on board, becoming terrified by the pros^>
pect of their situation, had left her on Sunday
morning. On inquiring further, I found that those
who had navigated her on her last voyage, thirty-
two of whom had died, had been so dreadfully
used by the captain, that he could not get hands
in the present. It was added, that the treatment
of seamen was a ciying evil in this trade, and
that consequently few would enter into it, so that
there was at all times a great difficulty in procur-
ing them, though they were ready enough to
enter into other trades.
The relation of these circumstances made me
acquainted with two things, of which I had not
before heard : namely, the aversion of seamen to
engage, and the bad usage of them when engaged,
in this cruel trade ; into both which, I determined
immediately to inquire.
* I abstain from mentioning the names of the captain of this or
of other vessels, lest the recording of them should give pain to rela-
tives who can have had no share in their guilt,
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. &25
1 conceived that it became me to be very cau-
tious about giving ear too readily to reports; and
therefore, as I cOuld easily learn the truth of one
of the assertions which had been made to me, I
thought it prudent to ascertain this, and to judge,
by the discovery I should make concerning it,
what degree of credit might be due to the rest.
Accordingly, by means of my late friend, Truman
Harford, the eldest son of the respectable family
of that name, to which I have already mentioned
myself to have been introduced, I gained access to
the muster-roll of the ship Brothers. On looking
Over the names of her last crew, I found the mel-
ancholy truth confirmed, that thirty-two of them
had been placed among the dead.
Having ascertained this circumstance, I became
eager to inquire into the truth of the others, but
more particularly of the treatment of one of the
seamen, which, as it was reported to me, exceeded
all belief. His name was John Dean ; he was a
black man, but free. The report was, that for a
trifling circumstance, for which he was in nowise
to blame, the captain had fastened him with his
belly to the deck, and that, in this situation, he
had poured hot pitch upon his back, and made
incisions in it with hot tongs.
Before, however, I attempted to learn the truth
of this barbarous proceeding, I thought I Would
look into the ship's muster-roll, to see if I could
find the name of such a man. On examination
I found it to be the last on the list. John Dean, it
appeared, had been one of the original crew, hav*.
226 THE HISTORY OF THE
ing gone on board, from Bristol, on the twenty-
second day of July, 1785.
On inquiring where Dean was to be found, my
informant told me that he had lately left Bristol for
London. I was shown, however, to the house
where he had lodged. The name of his landlord
was Donovan. On talking with him on the sub-
ject, he assured me that the report which I had
heard was true ; for that while he resided with
him he had heard an account of his usage from
some of his ship-mates, and that he had often
looked at his scarred and mutilated back.
On inquiring of Donovan if any other person in
Bristol could corroborate this account, he referred
me to a reputable tradesman living in the Market-
place. Having been introduced to him, he told
me that he had long known John Dean to be a
sober and industrious man ; that he had seen the
terrible indentures on his back ; and that they
were said to have been made by the captain, in
the manner related, during his last voyage.
While I was investigating this matter further, I
was introduced to Mr. S}7denham Teast, a respect-
able ship-builder in Bristol, and the owner of ves-
sels trading to Africa in the natural productions
of that country. I mentioned to him by accident
what I had heard relative to the treatment of
John Dean. He said it was true. An attorney*
* I afterwards found out this attorney. He described the trans-
action to me, as by report, it had taken place> and informed me
that he had made the captain of the Brothers pay for his barbarity.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 227
in London had then taken up his cause, in conse-
quence of which the captain had been prevented
from sailing, till he could find persons who would
be answerable for the damages which might be
awarded against him in a court of law. Mr.
Teast further said, that, not knowing, at that time,
the cruelty of the transaction to its full extent,
he himself had been one of the securities for the
captain at the request of the purser* of the ship.
Finding, however, afterwards, that it was as the
public had stated3 he was sorry that he had ever
interfered in such a barbarous case.
This transaction, which I now believed to be
true, had the effect of preparing me for crediting
whatever I might hear concerning the barbarities
said to be practised in this trade. It kindled also
a fire of indignation within me, and produced in
me both anxiety and spirit to proceed. But that
which excited these feelings the most, was the
consideration, that the purser of this ship, know-
ing, as he did, of this act of cruelty, should have
sent out this monster again. This, I own, made
me think that there was a system of bad usage to
be deliberately practised upon the seamen in this
employment, for some purpose or other which I
could then neither comprehend nor ascertain.
But while I was in pursuit of this one object, I
was not unmindful of the others which I had
* The purser of a ship, at Bristol, is the person who manages
the out-fit, as well as the trade, and who is often in part owner of
her.
228 THE HISTORY OF THE
marked out for myself. I had already procured
an interview, as I have mentioned, with Mr. Sy-
denham Teast. I had done this with a view of
learning from him what were the different produc-
tions of the continent of Africa, as far as he had
been able to ascertain from the imports by his own
vessels. He was very open and communicative.
He had imported ivory, red-wood, cam-wood, and
gum-copal. He purposed to import palm oil.
He observed that bees-wax might be collected also
upon the coast. Of his gum-copal he gave me a
specimen. He furnished me also with two differ-
ent specimens of unknown woods, which had the
appearance of being useful. One of his captains,
he informed me, had been told by the natives, that
cotton, pink in the pod, grew in their country.
He was of opinion, that many valuable produc-
tions might be found upon this continent.
Mr. Biggs, to whom I gained an introduction
also, was in a similar trade with Mr. Teast ; that
is, he had one or two vessels, which skimmed, as
it were, the coast and rivers, for what they could
get of the produce of Africa, without having any
concern in the trade for slaves. Mr. Biggs gave
me a specimen of gum Senegal, of yellow wood,
and of Mailaguetta and Cayenne pepper. He
gave me also small pieces of cloth made and dyed
by the natives, the colors of which they could
only have obtained from materials in their own
country. Mr. Biggs seemed to be assured, that
if proper persons were sent to Africa on discovery,
they would find a rich mine of wealth in the nat-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 229
ural productions of it, and in none more advan-
tageous to this as a manufacturing nation, than in
the many beautiful dyes which it might furnish.
From Thomas Bonville I collected two speci-
mens of cloth made by the natives, and from others
a beautiful piece of tulip-wood, a small piece of
wood similar to mahogany, and a sample of fine
rice, all of which had been brought from the same
continent.
Among the persons whom I found out at Bris-
tol, and from whom I derived assistance, were
Dr. Camplin, and the celebrated Dean Tucker.
The former was my warm defender ; for the West-
Indian and African merchants, as soon as they
discovered my errand, began to calumniate me.
The Dean, though in a very advanced age, felt
himself much interested in my pursuit. He had
long moved in the political world himself, and
was desirous of hearing of what was going for-
ward that was new in it, but particularly about so
desirable a measure as that of the abolition of the
Slave-trade.* He introduced me to the Custom-
house at Bristol. He used to call upon me at the
Merchant's Hall, while I was transcribing the
muster-rolls of the seamen there. In short, he
seemed to be interested in all my movements.
He became also a warm supporter both of me and
of my cause.
* Dean Tucker, in his Reflections on the Disputes between
Great Britain and Ireland, published in 1785, had passed a severe
censure on the British planters for the inhuman treatment of their
slaves.
vol. i. 20
230 THE HISTORY OF THE
Among others, who were useful to me in my
pursuit, was Mr. Henry Sulgar, an amiable min-
ister of the gospel belonging to the religious soci-
ety of the Moravians in the same city. From him
I first procured authentic documents relative to
the treacherous massacre at Calabar. This cruel
transaction had been frequently mentioned to me ;
but as it had taken place twenty years before, I
could not find one person who had been engaged
in it, nor could I come, in a satisfactory manner,
at the various particulars belonging to it. My
friend, however, put me in possession of copies of
the real depositions which had been taken in the
ease of the King against Lippincott and others
relative to this event, namely, of captain Floyd, of
the city of Bristol, who had been a witness to the
scene, and of Ephraim Robin John, and of Anco-
na Robin Robin John, two African chiefs, who
had been sufferers by it. These depositions had
been taken before Jacob Kirby, and Thomas Sy-
mons, esquires, commissioners at Bristol for taking
affidavits in the court of King's Bench. The
tragedy, of which they gave a circumstantial ac-
count, I shall present to the reader in as concise a
manner as I can.
In the year 1767, the ships Indian Queen, Duke
of York, Nancy, and Concord, of Bristol, the Ed-
gar, of Liverpool, and the Canterbury, of London,
lay in Old Calabar river.
It happened at this time that a quarrel subsisted
between the principal inhabitants of Old Town
and those of New Town, Old Calabar, which had:
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 231
originated in a jealousy respecting slaves. The
captains of the vessels now mentioned joined in
sending several letters to the inhabitants of Old
Town, but particularly to Ephraim Robin John,
who was at that time a grandee or principal inhab-
itant of the place. The tenor of these letters
was, that they were sorry that any jealousy or
quarrel should subsist between the two parties ;
that if the inhabitants of Old Town would come
on board, they would afford them security and
protection ; adding at the same time, that their
intention in inviting them was, that they might
become mediators, and thus heal their disputes.
The inhabitants of Old Town, happy to find
that their differences were likely to be accom-
modated, joyfully accepted the invitation. The
three brothers of the grandee just mentioned, the
eldest of whom was Amboe Robin John, first en-
tered their canoe, attended by twenty-seven others^
and, being followed by nine canoes, directed their
course to the Indian Queen. They were dispatch-
ed from thence the next morning to the Edgar,
and afterwards to the Duke of York, on board of
which they went, leaving their canoe and attend-
ants by the side of the same vessel. In the mean
time the people on board the other canoes were
either distributed on board, or lying close to, the
other ships.
This being the situation of the three brothers^
and of the principal inhabitants of the place, the
treachery now began to appear. The crew of
the Duke of York, aided by the captain and matesj
232 THE HISTORY OF THE
and armed with pistols and cutlasses, rushed into
the cabin, with an intent to seize the persons
of their three innocent and unsuspicious guests.
The unhappy men, alarmed at this violation of the
rights of hospitality, and struck with astonish-
ment at the behaviour of their supposed friends,
attempted to escape through the cabin windows,
but being wounded were obliged to desist, and to
submit to be put in irons.
In the same moment, in which this atrocious
attempt had been made, an order had been given
to fire upon the canoe, which was then lying by
the side of the Duke of York. The canoe soon
filled and sunk, and the wretched attendants were
either seized, killed, or drowned. Most of the
other ships followed the example. Great numbers
were additionally killed and drowned on the occa-
sion, and others were swimming to the shore.
At this juncture the inhabitants of New Town,
who had concealed themselves in the bushes by
the water side, and between whom and the com-
manders of the vessels the plan had been pre-
viously concerted, came out from their hiding
places, and, embarking in their canoes, made for
such as were swimming from the fire of the ships.
The ships' boats also were manned, and joined in
the pursuit. They butchered the greatest part
of those whom they caught. Many dead bodies
were soon seen upon the sands, and others were
floating upon the water ; and including those who
were seized and carried off, and those who were
drowned and killed, either by the firing of the
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 233
ships or by the people of New Town, three hun-
dred were lost to the inhabitants of Old Town on
that day.
The carnage, which I have been now describ-
ing, was scarcely over, when a canoe, full of the
principal people of New Town, who had been the
promoters of the scheme, dropped along-side of
the Duke of York. They demanded the person
of Amboe Robin John, the brother of the grandee
of Old Town, and the eldest of the three on
board. The unfortunate man put the palms of
his hands together, and beseeched the commander
of the vessel, that he would not violate the rights
of hospitality by giving up an unoffending stranger
to his enemies. But no entreaties could avail.
The commander received from the New Town
people a slave, of the name of Econg, in his stead,
and then forced him into the canoe, where his
head was immediately struck off in the sight
of the crew, and of his afflicted and disconsolate
brothers. As for them, they escaped his fate ; but
they were carried off with their attendants to the
West Indies, and sold for slaves.
The knowledge of this tragical event now fully
confirmed me in the sentiment, that the hearts of
those, who were concerned in this traffic, became
unusually hardened, and that I might readily be-
lieve any atrocities, however great, which might
be related of them. It made also my blood boil
as it were within me. It gave a new spring to
my exertions. And I rejoiced, sorrowful as I
otherwise was, that I had visited Bristol, if it had
vol. i. 20*
234 THE HISTORY OF THE
been only to gain an accurate statement of this
one fact.
In pursuing my objects, I found that reports
were current, that the crew of the Alfred slave-
vessel, which had just returned, had been barbar-
ously used, but particularly a young man of the
name of Thomas, who had served as the surgeon's
mate on board her. The report was, that he had
been repeatedly knocked down by the captain ;
that he had become in consequence of his ill
usage so weary of his life, that he had three times
jumped overboard to destroy it ; that on being
taken up the last time he had been chained to
the deck of the ship, in which situation he had
remained night and day for some time ; that in
consequence of this his health had been greatly
impaired ; and that it was supposed he could not
long survive this treatment.
It was with great difficulty, notwithstanding all
my inquiries, that I could trace this person. I dis-
covered him, however, at last. He was confined
to his bed when I saw him, and appeared to me
to be delirious. I could collect nothing from him-
self relative to the particulars of his treatment.
In his intervals of sense, he exclaimed against
the cruelty both of the captain and of the chief
mate, and pointing to his legs, thighs and body,
which were all wrapped up in flannel, he endeav-
ored to convince me how much he had suffered
there. At one time he said he forgave them.
At another he asked, if I came to befriend him.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 235
At another he looked wildly, and asked if I meant
to take the captain's part and to kill him.
I was greatly affected by the situation of this
poor man, whose image haunted me both night
and day, and I was meditating how most effectu-
ally to assist him, when I heard that he was
dead.
I was very desirous of tracing something fur-
ther on this subject, when Walter Chandler, of
the society of the Quakers, who had been daily
looking out for intelligence for me, brought a
young man to me of the name of Dixon. He had
been one of the crew of the same ship. He told
me the particulars of the treatment of Thomas,
with very little variation from those contained in
the public report. After cross-examining him in
the best manner I was able, I could find no incon-
sistency in his account.
I asked Dixon how the captain came to treat
the surgeon's mate in particular so ill. He said
he had treated them all much alike. A person
of the name of Bulpin, he believed, was the only
one who escaped bad usage in the ship. With
respect to himself, he had been cruelly used so
early as in the outward bound passage, which
had occasioned him to jump overboard. When
taken up he was put into irons, and kept in these
for a considerable time. He was afterwards ill
used at different times, and even so late as within
three or four days of his return to port. For just
before the Alfred made the island of Lundy, he
236 THE HISTORY OF THE
was struck by the captain, who cut his under lip
into two. He said that it had bled so much, that
the captain expressed himself as if much alarmed ;
and having the expectation of arriving1 soon at
Bristol, he had promised to make him amends, if
he would hold his peace. This he said he had
hitherto done, but he had received no recompense.
In confirmation of his own usage, he desired me
to examine his lip, which I had no occasion to do,
having already perceived it, for the wound was
apparently almost fresh.
I asked Dixon, if there was any person in Bris-
tol, besides himself, who could confirm to me this
his own treatment, as well as that of the other un-
fortunate man who was now dead. He referred
me to a seaman of the name of Matthew Pyke.
This person, when brought to me, not only related
readily the particulars of the usage in both cases,
as I have now stated them, but that which he re-
ceived himself. He said that his own arm had
been broken by the chief mate in Black River,
Ja,maica, and that he had also by the captain's
orders, though contrary to the practice in merchant
vessels, been severely flogged. His arm appeared
to be then in pain. And I had a proof of the
punishment by an inspection of his back.
I asked Matthew Pyke, if the crew in general
had been treated in a cruel manner. He replied,
they had, except James Bulpin. I then asked
where James Bulpin was to be found. He told
me where he had lodged, but feared he had gone
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TfeADE. 23?
home to his friends in Somersetshire, I think some-
where in the neighborhood of Bridgewater.
I thought it prudent to institute an inquiry into
the characters of Thomas, Dixon, and Matthew
Pyke, before I went further. The two former I
found were strangers in Bristol, and I could collect
nothing about them. The latter was a native of
the place, had served his time as a seaman from
the port, and was reputed of fair character.
My next business was to see James Bulpin. I
found him just setting off for the country. He
stopped, however, to converse with me. He was a
young man of very respectable appearance and of
mild manners. His appearance, indeed, gave me
reason to hope that I might depend upon his state-
ments ; but I was most of all influenced by the
consideration, that, never having been ill used
himself, he could have no inducement to go be*
yond the bounds of truth on this occasion. He
gave me a melancholy confirmation of all the
three cases. He told me also that one Joseph
Cunningham had been a severe sufferer, and that
there was reason to fear that Charles Horselerj
another of the crew, had been so severely beaten
over the breast with a knotted end of a rope
(which end was of the size of a large ball, and
had been made on purpose) that he died of it.
To this he added, that it was now a notorious
fact, that the captain of the Alfred, when mate
of a slave-ship, had been tried at Barbadoes for
the murder of one of the crew, with whom he
238 THE HISTORY OF THE
had sailed* but that he had escaped by bribing the
principal witness to disappear.*
The reader will see, the further I went into the
history of this voyage, the more dismal it became.
One miserable account, when examined, only
brought up another. I saw no end to inquiry.
The great question was, what was I to do ? I
thought the best thing would be to get the captain
apprehended, and make him stand his trial either
for the murder of Thomas or of Charles Horseler.
I communicated with the late Mr. Bulges, an emi-
nent attorney and the deputy town-clerk, on this
occason. He had shown an attachment to me on
account of the cause I had undertaken, and had
given me, privately, assistance in it. I say pri-
vately ; because, knowing the sentiments of many
of the corporate body at Bristol, under whom he
acted, he was fearful of coming forward in an open
manner. His advice to me was, to take notes of
the case for my own private conviction, but to take
no public cognizance of it. He said that seamen,
as soon as their wages were expended, must be off
to sea again. They could not generally, as lands-
men do, maintain themselves on shore. Hence I
should be obliged to keep the whole crew at my
own expense till the day of trial, which might not
be for months to come. He doubted not that, in
the interim, the merchants and others would in-
* Mr. Sampson, who was surgeon's mate of the ship, in which
the captain had thus served as a mate, confirmed to me afterwards
this assertion, having often heard him boast in the cabin, " how he
had tricked the law on that occasion."
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 239
veigle many of them away by making them boat-
swains and other inferior officers in some of their
ships ; so that, when the day of trial should come,
I should find my witnesses dispersed and gone.
He observed moreover, that, if any of the officers
of the ship had any notion of going out again
under the same owners,* I should have all these
against me. To which he added that, if I were
to make a point of taking up the cause of those
whom I found complaining of hard usage in this
trade, I must take up that of nearly all who sailed
in it ; for that he only knew of one captain from
the port in the Slave-trade, who did not deserve
long ago to be hanged. Hence I should get into
a labyrinth of expense, and difficulty, and uneasi-*.
ness of mind, from whence I should not easily find
a clew to guide me.
This advice, though it was judicious, and
founded on a knowledge of law proceedings, I
found it very difficult to adopt. My own disposi-
tion was naturally such, that whatever I engaged
in I followed with more than ordinary warmth.
* The seamen of the Alfred informed the purser of their ill usage.
Matthew Pyke not only showed him his arm and his back, but
acquainted him with the murder of Charles Horseler, stating that
he had the instrument of his death in his possession. The purser
seemed more alive to this than to any other circumstance, and
wished to get it from him. Pyke, however, had given it to me.
Now what will the reader think, when he is informed that the
purser, after all this knowledge of the captain's cruelty, sent him
out again, and that he was the same person who was purser of
the Brothers, and who had also sent out the captain of that ship a
second time, as has been related, notwithstanding his barbarities in
£brmer voyages !
240 THE HISTORY OF THE
I could not be supposed therefore, affected and
interested as I then was, to be cool and tranquil
on this occasion. And yet what would my worthy
friend have said, if in this first instance I had
opposed him ? I had a very severe struggle in my
own feelings on this account. At length, though
reluctantly, I obeyed. But as the passions, which
agitate the human mind, when it is greatly in-
flamed, must have a vent somewhere, or must
work off as it were, or in working together must
produce some new passion or effect ; so I found
the rage, which had been kindling within me,
subsiding into the most determined resolutions
of future increased activity and perseverance. I
began now to think that the day was not long
enough for me to labor in. I regretted often the
approach of night, which suspended my work,
and I often welcomed that of the morning, which
restored me to it. When I felt myself weary, I
became refreshed by the thought of what I was
doing ; when disconsolate, I was comforted by it.
I lived in hope that every day's labor would fur-
nish me with that knowledge, which would bring
this evil nearer to its end ; and I worked on,
under these feelings, regarding neither trouble nor
danger in the pursuit.
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 241
CHAPTER XV.
Author confers with the inhabitants of Bridgewater relative
to a petition to parliament in behalf of the abolition — re-
TURNS to Bristol — discovers a scandalous mode of procuring sea-
men for the Slave-trade — and of paying them — makes a com-
parative VIEW of their loss in this and in other trades —
PROCURES IMPORTS AND EXPORTS— EXAMINES THE CONSTRUCTION AND
ADMEASUREMENT OF SLAVE-SHIPS — OF THE FLY AND NEPTUNE. — DIFFI-
CULTY OF PROCURING EVIDENCE. — CASE OF GARDINER OF THE PIL-
GRIM—OF Arnold of the Ruby — some particulars of the latter
IN HIS FORMER VOYAGES.
Having heard by accident, that the inhabitants
of the town of Bridgewater had sent a petition to
the House of Commons, in the year 1785, for the
abolition of the Slave-trade, as has been related
in a former part of the work, I determined, while
my feelings were warm, to go there, and to try to
find out those who had been concerned in it, and
to confer with them as the tried friends of the
cause. The time seemed to me to be approaching,
when the public voice should be raised against
this enormous evil. I was sure that it was only
necessary for the inhabitants of this favored island
to know it, to feel a just indignation against it.
Accordingly I set off. My friend George Fisher,
who was before mentioned to have been of the
religious society of the Quakers, gave me an in-
troduction to the respectable family of Ball, which
was of the same religious persuasion. I called
upon Mr. Sealey, Anstice, Crandon, Chubb, and
others. I laid open to those, whom 1 saw, the
vol. i. 21
242 THE HISTORY OF THE
discoveries I had made relative to the loss and ill
treatment of seamen ; at which they seemed to
be much moved ; and it was agreed, that, if it
should be thought a proper measure, (of which I
would inform them when I had consulted the
committee,) a second petition should be sent to
Parliament from the inhabitants, praying for the
abolition of the Slave-trade. With this view I
left them several of my Summary Views, before
mentioned, to distribute, that the inhabitants
might know more particularly the nature of the
evil, against which they were going to complain.
On my return to Bristol, I determined to inquire
into the truth of the reports that seamen had an
aversion to enter, and that they were inveigled,
if not often forced, into this hateful employment.
For this purpose 1 was introduced to a landlord
of the name of Thompson, who kept a public
house called the Seven Stars. He was a very
intelligent man, was accustomed to receive sailors,
when discharged at the end of their voyages, and
to board them till their vessels went out again,
or to find them births in others. He avoided,
however, all connexion with the Slave-trade, de-
claring that the credit of his house would be
ruined, if he were known to send those, who put
themselves under his care, into it.
From him I collected the truth of all that had
been stated to me on this subject. But I told
him I should not be satisfied until I had beheld
those scenes myself, which he had described to
me ; and I entreated him to take me into them>
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 243
saying that I would reward him for all his time
and trouble, and that I would never forget him
while I lived. To this he consented ; and as
three or four slave-vessels at this time were pre-
paring for their voyages, it was time that we
should begin our rounds. At about twelve at
night we generally set out, and were employed till
two and sometimes three in the morning. He led
me from one of those public houses to another,
which the mates of the slave-vessels used to
frequent to pick up their hands. These houses
were in Marsh-street, and most of them were
then kept by Irishmen. The scenes witnessed in
these houses were truly distressing to me ; and
yet, if I wished to know practically what I had
purposed, I could not avoid them. Music, dan-
cing, rioting, drunkenness, and profane swearing,
were kept up from night to night. The young
mariner, if a stranger to the port, and unacquaint-
ed with the nature of the Slave-trade, was sure
to be picked up. The novelty of the voyages,
the superiority of the wages in this over any
other trade, and the privileges of various kinds,
were set before him. Gulled in this manner he
was frequently enticed to the boat, which was
waiting to carry him away. If these prospects
did not attract him, he was plied with liquor till
he became intoxicated, when a bargain was made
over him between the landlord and the mate.
After this his senses were kept in such a constant
state of stupefaction by the liquor, that in time
the former might do with him what he pleased.
244 THE HISTORY OF THE
Seamen also were boarded in these houses, who,
Avhen the slave-ships were going out, but at no
other time, were encouraged to spend more than
they had money to pay for ; and to these, when
they had thus exceeded, but one alternative was
given, namely, a slave-vessel, or a jail. These dis-
tressing scenes I found myself obliged frequently
to witness, for I was no less than nineteen times
occupied in making these hateful rounds. And
I can say from my own experience, and all the
information I could collect from Thompson and
others, that no such practices were in use to obtain
seamen for other trades.
The treatment of the seamen employed in the
Slave-trade had so deeply interested me, and now
the manner of procuring them, that I was deter-
mined to make myself acquainted with their
whole history ; for I found by report, that they
were not only personally ill-treated, as I have
already painfully described, but that they were
robbed by artifice of those wages, which had been
held up to them as so superior in this service.
All persons were obliged to sign articles, that, in
case they should die or be discharged during the
voyage, the wages then due to them should be
paid in the currency where the vessel carried her
slaves, and that half of the wages due to them
on their arrival there should be paid in the same
manner, and that they were never permitted to
read over the articles they had signed. By means
of this iniquitous practice the wages in the Slave-
trade, though nominally higher in order to induce
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 245
seamen to engage in it, were actually lower than
in other trades. All these usages I ascertained
in such a manner, that no person could doubt the
truth of them. I actually obtained possession of
articles of agreement belonging to these vessels,
which had been signed and executed in former
voyages. I made the merchants themselves, by
sending those seamen, who had claims upon
them, to ask for their accounts current with their
respective ships, furnish me with such documents
as would have been evidence against them in any
court of law. On whatever branch of the system
I turned my eyes, I found it equally barbarous.
The trade was, in short, one mass of iniquity from
the beginning to the end.
I employed myself occasionally in the Mer-
chant's Hall, in making copies of the muster-rolls
of ships sailing to different parts of the world, that
I might make a comparative view of the loss of
seamen in the Slave-trade, with that of those in
the other trades from the same port. The result
of this employment showed me the importance of
it : for, when I considered how partial the inhabit-
ants of this country were to their fellow citizens,
the seamen belonging to it, and in what estima-
tion the members of the legislature held them,
by enforcing the Navigation Act, which they con-
sidered to be the bulwark of the nation, and by
giving bounties to certain trades, that these might
become so many nurseries for the marine, I
thought it of great importance to be able to prove,
as I was then capable of doing, that more persons
vol. i. 21 *
246 THE HISTORY OF THE
would be found dead in three slave-vessels from
Bristol, in a given time, than in all the other ves-
sels put together, numerous as they were, belong-
ing to the same port.
I procured, also, an account of the exports and
imports for the year 1786, by means of which I
was enabled to judge of the comparative value of
this and the other trades.
In pursuing another object, which was that of
going on board the slave-ships, and learning their
construction and dimensions, I was greatly struck,
and indeed affected, by the appearance of two
little sloops, which were fitting out for Africa, the
one of only twenty-five tons, which was said to be
destined to carry seventy ; and the other of only
eleven, which was said to be destined to carry
thirty slaves. I was told also that which was
more affecting, namely, that these were not to act
as tenders on the coast, by going up and down
the rivers, and receiving three or four slaves at a
time, and then carrying them to a large ship,
which was to take them to the West Indies, but
that it was actually intended, that they should
transport their own slaves themselves ; that one
if not both of them were, on their arrival in the
West Indies, to be sold as pleasure vessels, and
that the seamen belonging to them were to be
permitted to come home by what is usually called
the run.
This account of the destination of these little
vessels, though it was distressing at first, appeared
to me afterwards, on cool reasoning, to be incred-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 247
ifole. I thought that my informants wished to im-
pose upon me, in order that I might make state-
ments which would carry their own refutation
with them, and that thus I might injure the great
cause which I had undertaken. And I was much
inclined to be of this opinion, when I looked again
at the least of the two : for any person, who was
tall, standing upon dry ground by the side of her,
might have overlooked every thing upon her deck.
I knew also that she had been built as a pleasure
boat for the accommodation of only six persons
upon the Severn. I determined, therefore, to sus-
pend my belief till I could take the admeasure-
ment of each vessel. This I did ; but lest, in the
agitation of my mind on this occasion, I should
have made any mistake, I desired my friend
George Fisher to apply to the builder for his ad-
measurement also. With this he kindly complied.
When he obtained it he brought it me. This
account, which nearly corresponded with my own,
was as follows : — In the vessel of twenty-five tons,
the length of the upper part of the hold, or roof,
of the room where the seventy slaves were to be
stowed, was but little better than ten yards, or
thirty-one feet. The greatest breadth of the bot-
tom, or floor, was ten feet four inches, and the
least five. Hence, a grown person must sit down
all the voyage, and contract his limbs within the
narrow limits of three square feet. In the vessel
of eleven tons, the length of the room for the
thirty slaves was twenty-two feet. The greatest
breadth of the floor was eight, and the least four,
248 THE HISTORY OF THE
The whole height from the keel to the beam was
but five feet eight inches, three feet of which were
occupied by ballast, cargo, and provisions, so that
two feet eight inches remained only as the height
between the decks. Hence, each slave would
have only four square feet to sit in, and, when in
this posture, his head, if he were a full-grown per-
son, would touch the ceiling, or upper deck.
Having now received this admeasurement from
the builder, which was rather more favorable than
my own, I looked upon the destination of these
little vessels as yet more incredible than before.
Still the different persons, whom 1 occasionally
saw on board them, persisted in it that they were
going to Africa for slaves, and also for the num-
bers mentioned, which they were afterwards to
carry to the West Indies themselves. I desired,
however, my friends, George Fisher, Truman
Harford, Harry Gandy, Walter Chandler, and
others, each to make a separate inquiry for me
on this subject ; and they all agreed that, im-
probable as the account both of their destination,
and of the number they were to take, might ap-
pear, they had found it to be too true. I had
soon afterwards the sorrow to learn from official
documents from the Custom-house, that these
little vessels actually cleared out for Africa, and
that now nothing could be related so barbarous
of this traffic, which might not instantly be be-
lieved.
In pursuing my different objects there was one,
which, to my great vexation, I found it extremely
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 249
difficult to attain. This was the procuring of any
assurance from those, who had been personally-
acquainted with the horrors of this trade, that they
would appear, if called upon, as evidence against
it. My friend, Harry Gandy, to whom I had
been first introduced, had been two voyages, as I
before mentioned ; and he was willing, though at
an advanced age, to go to London, to state pub-
licly all he knew concerning them. But with
respect to the many others in Bristol, who had
been to the coast of Africa, I had not yet found
one, who would come forward for this purpose.
There were several old Slave-captains living there,
who had a great knowledge of the subject. I
thought it not unreasonable, that I might gain
one or two good evidences out of these, as they
had probably long ago left the concern, and were
not now interested in the continuance of it. But
all my endeavors were fruitless. I sent messages
to them by different persons, i met them in all
ways. I stated to them, that if there was nothing
objectionable in the trade, seeing it labored under
such a stigma, they had an opportunity of coming
forward and of wiping away the stain. If, on
the other hand, it was as bad as represented, then
they had it in their power, by detailing the crimes
which attached to it, of making some reparation,
or atonement, for the part they had taken in it.
But no representations would do. All intercourse
was positively forbidden between us ; and when-
ever they met me in the street, they shunned me
as if I had been a mad dog. I could not for some
250 THE HISTORY OF THE
time account for the strange disposition which
they thus manifested towards me ; but my friends
helped me to unravel it, for I was assured that
one or two of them, though they went no longer
to Africa as captains, were in part owners of
vessels trading there ; and, with respect to all of
them, it might be generally said, that they had
been guilty of such enormities, that they would be
afraid of coming forward in the way I proposed,
lest any thing should come out by which they
might criminate themselves. I was obliged then
to give up all hope of getting any evidence from
this quarter, and I saw but little prospect of
getting it from those, who were then actually de-
riving their livelihood from the trade. And yet
I was determined to persevere. For I thought
that some might be found in it, who were not yet
so hardened as to be incapable of being awakened
on this subject. I thought that others might be
found in it, who wished to leave it upon princi-
ple, and that these would unbosom themselves to
me. And I thought it not improbable that I
might fall in with others, who had come unex-
pectedly into a state of independence, and that
these might be induced, as their livelihood would
be no longer affected by giving me information,
to speak the truth.
I persevered for weeks together under this hope,
but could find' no one of all those, who had been
applied to, who would have any thing to say to
me. At length Walter Chandler had prevailed
upon a young gentleman, of the name of Gardi*
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 251
ner, who was going out as surgeon of the Pilgrim,
to meet me. The condition was, that we were to
meet at the house of the former, but that we were
to enter in and go out at different times, that is,
we were not to be seen together.
Gardiner, on being introduced to me said at
once, that he had often wished to see me on the
subject of my errand, but that the owner of the
Pilgrim had pointed me out to him as a person,
whom he would wish him to avoid. He then
laid open to me the different methods of obtain^
ing slaves in Africa, as he had learned from those
on board his own vessel in his first, or former,
voyage. He unfolded also the manner of their
treatment in the Middle Passage, with the various
distressing scenes which had occurred in it. He
stated the barbarous usage of the seamen as he
had witnessed it, and concluded by saying, that
there never was a subject, which demanded so
loudly the interference of the legislature as that
of the Slave-trade.
When he had finished his narrative, and an-
swered the different questions which I had pro-
posed to him concerning it, I asked him in as
delicate a manner as I could, How it happened,
that seeing the trade in this horrible light, he had
consented to follow it again 1 He told me frankly,
that he had received a regular medical education,
but that his relations, being poor, had not been
able to set him up in his profession. He had
saved a little money in his last voyage. In that,
which he was now to perform, he hoped to save a
252 THE HISTORY OF THE
little more. With the profits of both voyages
together, he expected he should be able to furnish
a shop in the line of his profession, when he would
wipe his hands of this detestable trade.
I then asked him, Whether upon the whole he
thought he had judged prudently, or whether the
prospect of thus enabling himself to become in-
dependent, would counterbalance the uneasiness
which might arise in future *? He replied, that he
had not so much to fear upon this account. The
trade, while it continued, must have surgeons.
But it made a great difference both to the crew
and to the slaves, whether these discharged their
duty towards them in a feeling manner, or not.
With respect to himself, he was sure that he
should pay every attention to the wants of each.
This thought made his continuance in the trade
for one voyage longer more reconcileable. But he
added, as if not quite satisfied, " Cruel necessity !"
and he fetched a deep sigh.
We took our leave, and departed, the one a few
minutes after the other. The conversation of this
young man was very interesting. I was much
impressed both by the nature and the manner of
it. I wished to secure him, if possible, as an evi-
dence for Parliament, and thus save him from his
approaching voyage : but I knew not what to do»
At first, I thought it would be easy to raise a sub-
scription to set him up. But then, I was aware
that this might be considered as bribery, and make
his testimony worth nothing. I then thought that
the committee might detain him as an evidence^
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 253
and pay him, in a reasonable manner, for his sus-
tenance, till his testimony should be called for.
But I did not know how long it would be before
his examination might take place. It might be
a year or two. I foresaw other difficulties also ;
and I was obliged to relinquish what otherwise
I should have deemed a prize.
On reviewing the conversation which had pass-
ed between us after my return home, I thought,
considering the friendly disposition of Gardiner
towards us, I had not done all I could for the
cause ; and, communicating my feelings to Walter
Chandler, he procured me another interview. At
this, I asked him if he would become an evidence,
if he lived to return. He replied, very heartily,
that he would. I then asked him, if he would
keep a journal of facts during his voyage, as it
would enable him to speak more correctly, in case
he should be called upon for his testimony. He
assured me, he would, and that he would make
up a little book for that purpose. I asked him,
lastly, When he meant to sail. He said, As soon
as the ship could get all her hands. It was the
intention to sail to-morrow, but that seven men,
whom the mates had brought drunk out of Marsh-
street the evening before, were so terrified when
they found they were going to Africa, that they
had seized the boat that morning, and had put
themselves on shore. I took my leave of him,
entreating him to follow his resolutions of kindness
both to the sailors and the slaves, and wished him
a speedy and a safe return.
VQL. I, %%
254 THE HISTORY OF THE
On going one day by the Exchange, after this
interview with Gardiner, I overheard a young
gentleman say to another, " that it happened on
the coast, last year, and that he saw it." I wish-
ed to know who he was, and to get at him if I
could. I watched him at a distance for more
than half an hour, when I saw him leave his com-
panion. I followed him till he entered a house.
I then considered whether it would be proper, and
in what manner, to address him when he should
come out of it. But I waited three hours, and I
never saw him. I then concluded that he either
lodged where I saw him enter, or that he had gone
to dine with some friend. I therefore took notice
of the house, and, showing it afterwards to several
of my friends, desired them to make him out for
me. In a day or two I had an inteiview with him.
His name was James Arnold. He had been two
voyages to the coast of Africa for slaves ; one
as surgeon's mate in the Alexander, in the year
1785, and the other as surgeon in the Little Pearl,
in the year 1786, from which he had not then
very long returned.
I asked him if he was willing to give me any
account of these voyages, for that I was making
an inquiry into the nature of the Slave-trade.
He replied, he knew that I was. He had been
cautioned about falling in with me. He had,
however, taken no pains to avoid me. It was a
bad trade, and ought to be exposed.
I went over the same ground as I had gone with
Gardiner relative to the first of these voyages, or
ABOLITION OP THE SLAVE-TRADE. 255
that in the Alexander. It is not necessary to de-
tail the particulars. It is impossible, however, not
to mention, that the treatment of the seamen on
board this vessel was worse than I had ever before
heard of. No less than eleven of them, unable to
bear their lives, had deserted at Bonny on the
coast of Africa, which is a most unusual thing",
choosing all that could be endured, though in a
most inhospitable climate, and in the power of the
natives, rather than to continue in their own ship.
Nine others also, in addition to the loss of these,
had died in the same voyage. As to the rest, he
believed, without any exception, that they had
been badly used.
In examining him with respect to his second
voyage, or that in the Little Pearl, two circum-
stances came out with respect to the slaves, which
I shall relate in few words.
The chief mate used to beat the men-slaves on
very trifling occasions. About eleven one even-
ing, the ship then lying off the coast, he heard a
noise in their room. He jumped down among
them with a lanthorn in his hand. Two of those,
who had been ill-used by him, forced themselves
out of their irons, and, seizing him, struck him
with the bolt of them, and it was with some diffi-
culty that he was extricated from them by the
crew.
The men-slaves, unable now to punish him, and
finding they had created an alarm, began to pro-
ceed to extremities. They endeavored to force
themselves up the gratings, and to pull down a
256 THE HISTORY OF THE
partition which had been made for a sick-birth ;
when they were fired upon and repressed. The
next morning they were brought up one by one ;
when it appeared that a boy had been killed, who
was afterwards thrown into the sea.
The two men, however, who had forced them-
selves out of irons, did not come up with the rest,
but found their way into the hold, and armed
themselves with knives from a cask, which had
been opened for trade. One of them being called
to in the African tongue by a black trader, who
was then on board, came up, but with a knife in
each hand ; when one of the crew, supposing him
yet hostile, shot him in the right side, and killed
him on the spot.
The other remained in the hold for twelve
hours. Scalding water mixed with fat was poured
down upon him, to make him come up. Though
his flesh was painfully blistered by these means,
he kept below. A promise was then made to him
in the African tongue by the same trader, that
no injury should be done him, if he would come
among them. To this at length he consented.
But on observing, when he was about half way
up, that a sailor was armed between decks, he
flew to him, and clasped him, and threw him
down. The sailor fired his pistol in the scuffle,
but without effect. He contrived, however, to
fracture his skull with the butt-end of it, so that
the slave died on the third day.
The second circumstance took place after the
arrival of the same vessel at St. Vincent's. There
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 257
was a boy-slave on board, who was very ill and
emaciated. The mate, who, by his cruelty, had
been the author of the former mischief, did not
choose to expose him to sale with the rest, lest
the small sum he would fetch in that situation
should lower the average price, and thus bring
down* the value of the privileges of the officers
of the ship. This boy was kept on board, and
no provisions allowed him. The mate had sug-
gested the propriety of throwing him overboard,
but no one would do it. On the ninth day he ex-
pired, having never been allowed any sustenance
during that time.
I asked Mr. Arnold if he was willing to give
evidence of these facts in both cases. He said
he had only one objection, which was, that in two
or three days he was to go in the Ruby, on his
third voyage : but on leaving me, he said that he
would take an affidavit before the mayor of the
truth of any of those things which he had related
to me, if that would do ; but, from motives of
safety, he should not choose to do this till within
a few hours before he sailed.
In two or three days after this, he sent for me.
He said the Ruby would leave King-road the
next day, and that he was ready to do as he had
* Officers are said to be allowed the privilege of one or more
slaves, according to their rank. When the cargo is sold, the sum
total fetched is put down, and this being divided by the number of
slaves sold, gives the average price of each. Such officers, then,
receive this average price for one or more slaves, according to their
privileges, but never the slaves themselves.
vol. i. 22*
258 THE HISTORY OF THE
promised. Depositions were accordingly made
out from his own words. I went with him to the
residence of George Daubeny, esquire, who was
then chief magistrate of the city, and they were
sworn to in his presence, and witnessed as the law
requires.
On taking my leave of him, I asked him how
he could go a third time in such a barbarous em-
ploy. He said he had been distressed. In his
voyage in the Alexander he had made nothing ;
for he had been so ill used, that he had solicited
his discharge in Grenada, where, being paid in
currency, he had but little to receive. When he
arrived in Bristol from that island, he was quite
penny less ; and finding the Little Pearl going out,
he was glad to get on board her as her surgeon,
which he then did entirely for the sake of bread.
He said, moreover, that she was but a small ves-
sel, and that his savings had been but small in
her. This occasioned him to apply for the Ruby,
his present ship ; but if he survived this voyage
he would never go another. I then put the same
question to him as to Gardiner, and he promised to
keep a journal of facts and to give his evidence,
if called upon, on his return.
The reader will see, from this account, the dif-
ficulty I had in procuring evidence from this port.
The owners of vessels employed in the trade
there, forbad all intercourse with me. The old
captains, Avho had made their fortunes in it, would
not see me. The young, who were making them,
could not be supposed to espouse my cause, to
ABOLITION OP THE SLAVE-TRADE. 259
the detriment of their own interest. Of those
whose necessities made them go into it for a
livelihood^ I could not get one to come forward,
without doing so much for him as would have
amounted to bribery. Thus, when I got one of
these into my possession, I was obliged to let him
go again. I was, however, greatly consoled by
the consideration, that I had procured two senti-
nels to be stationed in the enemy's camp, who
keeping a journal of different facts, would bring me
some important intelligence at a future period.
CHAPTER XVL
Author goes to Monmouth — confers relative to a petition from
that place — returns to bristol — is introduced to alexander
Falconbridge— takes cne of the mates of the Africa out of
that ship — visits disabled seamen from the ship thomas — puts
a chief mate into prison for the murder of wllliam llnes. —
ill usage of seamen in various other slave-vessels — secures
Crutwell's Bath paper in favor of the abolition — lays the
foundation of a committee at bristol — and of a petition from
thence also — takes his leave of that city.
By this time I began to feel the effect of my
labors upon my constitution. It had been my
practice to go home in the evening to my lodg-
ings, about twelve o'clock, and then to put down
the occurrences of the day* This usually kept me
up till one, and sometimes till nearly two in the
morning. When I went my rounds in Marsh-
street, I seldom got home till two, and into bed
260 THE HISTORY OF THE
till three. My clothes, also, were frequently wet
through with the rains. The cruel accounts I was
daily in the habit of hearing, both with respect to
the slaves, and to the seamen employed in this
wicked trade, from which, indeed, my mind had
no respite, often broke my sleep in the night, and
occasioned me to awake in an agitated state. All
these circumstances concurred in affecting my
health. I looked thin ; my countenance became
yellow. I had also rheumatic feelings. My
friends, seeing this, prevailed upon me to give
myself two or three days relaxation. And as a
gentleman, of whom I had some knowledge, was
going into Carmarthenshire, I accompanied him
as far as Monmouth.
After our parting at this place, I became rest-
less and uneasy, and longed to get back to my
work. I thought, however,, that my journey ought
not to be wholly useless to the cause ; and hear-
ing that Dr. Davis, a clergyman at Monmouth,
was a man of considerable weight among the in-
habitants, I took the liberty of writing him a let-
ter, in which I stated who I was, and the way in
which I had lately employed myself, and the great
wish I had to be favored with an interview with
him ; and I did not conceal that it would be very
desirable, if the inhabitants of the place could
have that information on the subject which would
warrant them in so doing, that they should peti-
tion the legislature for the abolition of the Slave-
trade. Dr. Davis returned me an answer, and
received me. The questions which he put to me
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 261
Were judicious. He asked me, first, whether, if
the slaves were emancipated, there would not be
much confusion in the islands ? I told him that
the emancipation of them was no part of our plan.
We solicited nothing but the stopping of all future
importations of them into the islands. He then
asked what the planters would do for laborers.
I replied, they would find sufficient from an in-
crease of the native population, if they were obliged
to pay attention to the latter means. We dis*
coursed a long time upon this last topic. I have
not room to give the many other questions he pro-
posed to me. No one was ever more judiciously
questioned. In my turn, I put him into posses-
sion of all the discoveries I had made. He ac-
knowledged the injustice of the trade. He con-
fessed, also, that my conversation had enlightened
him as to the impolicy of it ; and taking some
of my Summary Views to distribute, he said, he
hoped that the inhabitants would, after the pe-
rusal of them, accede to my request.
On my return to Bristol, my friends had pro*,
cured for me an interview with Mr. Alexander
Falconbridge, who had been to the coast of Africa,
as a surgeon, for four voyages ; one in the Tartar,
another in the Alexander, and two in the Emilia,
slave-vessels.
On my introduction to him, I asked him if he
had any objection to give me an account of the
cruelties, which were said to be connected with
the Slave-trade. He answered, without any re*,
serve, that he had not ; for that he had now done
262 THE HISTORY OF THE
with it. Never were any words more welcome
to my ears than these, " Yes ; I have done with
the trade," and he said also, that he was free to
give me information concerning it. Was he not,
then, one of the very persons, whom I had so long
been seeking, but in vain 1
To detail the accounts which he gave me at
this and at subsequent interviews, relative to the
different branches of this trade, would fill no ordi-
nary volume. Suffice it to say in general terms,
as far as relates to the slaves, that he confirmed
the various violent and treacherous methods of pro-
curing them in their own country ; their wretched
condition, in consequence of being crowded to-
gether, in the passage ; their attempts to rise in
defence of their own freedom, and when this was
impracticable, to destroy themselves by the refusal
of sustenance, by jumping overboard into the sea,
and in other ways ; the effect also of their situa-
tion upon their minds, by producing insanity and
various diseases ; and the cruel manner of dis-
posing of them in the West Indies, and of separa-
ting relatives and friends.
With respect to the seamen employed in this
trade, he commended captain Frazer for his kind
usage to them, under whom he had so long serv-
ed. The handsome way in which he spoke of
the latter pleased me much, because I was wil-
ling to deduce from it his own impartiality, and
because I thought I might infer from it also his
regard to truth as to other parts of his narrative.
Indeed I had been before acquainted with this cir-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 263
eumstance. Thompson, of the Seven Stars, had
informed me that Frazer was the only man sail-
ing out of that port for slaves, who had not been
guilty of cruelty to his seamen : and Mr. Burges
alluded to it, when he gave me advice not to pro-
ceed against the captain of the Alfred ; for he then
said, as I mentioned in a former chapter, " that
he knew but one captain in the trade, who did not
deserve long ago to be hanged." Mr. Falcon-
bridge, however, stated, that though he had been
thus fortunate in the Tartar and Emilia, he had
been as unfortunate in the Alexander ; for he be-
lieved there were no instances upon naval record,
taken altogether, of greater barbarity, than of that
which had been exercised towards the seamen in
this voyage. In running over these, it struck me
that I had heard of the same from some other
quarter, or at least that these were so like the
others, that I was surprised at their coincidence.
On taking out my notes, I looked for the names
of those whom I recollected to have been used in
this manner ; and on desiring Mr. Falconbridge
to mention the names of those also to whom he
alluded, they turned out to be the same. The
mystery, however, was soon cleared up, when I
told him from whom I had received my intelli-
gence : for Mr. Arnold, the last-mentioned person
in the last chapter, had been surgeon's mate under
Mr. Falconbridge in the same vessel.
There was one circumstance of peculiar impor-
tance, but quite new to me, which I collected
from the information which Mr. Falconbridge had
264 THE HISTORY OF THE
given me. This was, that many of the seamen,
who left the slave-ships in the West Indies were
in such a weak, ulcerated, and otherwise dis-
eased state, that they perished there. Several
also of those who came home with the vessels,
were in the same deplorable condition. This was
the case, Mr. Falcoubridge said, with some who
returned in the Alexander. It was the case also
wxith many others ; for he had been a pupil, for
twelve months, in the Bristol Infirmary, and had
had ample means of knowing the fact. The
greatest number of seamen, at almost all times,
who were there, were from the slave-vessels.
These, too, were usually there on account of dis-
ease, whereas those from other ships were usually
there on account of accidents. The health of
some of the former was so far destroyed, that they
were never wholly to be restored. This informa-
tion was of great importance ; for it showed that
they who were reported dead upon the muster-
rolls, were not all that were lost to the country by
the prosecution of this wicked trade. Indeed, it
was of so much importance, that in all my future
interviews with others, which were for the purpose
of collecting evidence, I never forgot to make it a
subject of inquiry.
I can hardly say how precious I considered the
facts with which Mr. Falconbridge had furnished
me from his own experience, relative to the dif-
ferent branches of this commerce. They were so
precious, that I began now to be troubled lest I
should lose them. For, though he had thus pri-
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 265
vately unbosomed himself to me, it did not fol-
low that he would come forward . as a public evi-
dence. I was not a little uneasy on this account.
I was fearful lest, when I should put this question
to him, his future plan of life, or some little nar-
row consideration of future interest, would pre-
vent him from giving his testimony, and I delayed
asking him for many days. During this time,
however, I frequently visited him ; and at length,
when I thought I was better acquainted, and
probably in some little estimation, with him, I
ventured to open my wishes on this subject. He
answered me boldly, and at once, that he had left
the trade upon principle, and that he would state
all he knew concerning it, either publicly or pri-
vately, and at any time when he should be called
upon to do it. This answer produced such an
effect upon me, after all my former disappoint-
ments, that I felt it all over my frame. It ope-
rated like a sudden shock, which often disables
the impressed person for a time. So the joy I
felt rendered me quite useless, as to business, for
the remainder of the day.
I began to perceive in a little time the advan-
tage of having cultivated an acquaintance with
Thompson of the Seven Stars. For nothing could
now pass in Bristol, relative to the seamen em-
ployed in this trade, but it was soon brought to
me. If there was any thing amiss, I had so
arranged matters that I was sure to hear of it,
He sent for me one day to inform me that several
qf the seamen, who had been sent out of Marsh-
vol. i. 23
266 THE HISTORY OF THE
street into the Prince, which was then at King-
road, and on the point of sailing to Africa for
slaves, had, through fear of ill usage on the voy-
age, taken the boat and put themselves on shore.
He informed me at the same time that the sea-
men of the Africa, which was lying there also and
ready to sail on a like voyage, were not satisfied,
for that they had been made to sign their articles
of agreement, without being permitted to see
them. To this he added that Mr. Sheriff, one of
the mates of the latter vessel, was unhappy also
on this account. Sheriff had been a mate in the
West India trade, and was a respectable man in
his line. He had been enticed by the captain of
the Africa, under the promise of peculiar advan-
tages, to change his voyage. Having a wife and
family at Bristol, he was willing to make a sacri-
fice on their account. But when he himself was
not permitted to read the articles, he began to sus-
pect bad work, and that there would be nothing
but misery in the approaching voyage. Thomp-
son entreated me to extricate him, if I could.
He was sure, he said, if he went to the Coast with
that man, meaning the captain, that he would
never return alive.
I was very unwilling to refuse any thing to
Thompson. I was deeply bound to him in grati-
tude for the many services he had rendered me,
but I scarcely saw how I could serve him on this
occasion. I promised, however, to speak to him
in an hour's time. I consulted my friend Truman
Harford in the interim ; and. the result was, that
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE* 267
he and I should proceed to King-road in a boat,
go on board the Africa, and charge the captain in
person with what he had done, and desire him to
discharge Sheriff, as no agreement, where fraud
or force was used in the signatures, could be
deemed valid. If we were not able to extricate
Sheriff by these means, we thought that at least
we should know, by inquiring of those whom we
should see on board, whether the measure of hin-
dering the men from seeing their articles on sign-
ing them had been adopted. It would be useful
to ascertain this, because such a measure had
been long reported to be usual in this, but was
said to be unknown in any other trade.
Having passed the river's mouth and rowed
towards the sea, we came near the Prince first,
but pursued our destination to the Africa. Mr.
Sheriff was the person who received us on board.
I did not know him till I asked his name. I then
told him my errand, with which he seemed to be
much pleased. On asking him to tell the captain
that I wished to speak with him, he replied that he
was on shore. This put me to great difficulty, as
I did not know then what to do. I consulted with
Truman Harford, and it was our opinion, that we
should inquire of the seamen, but in a very quiet
manner, by going individually to each, if they had
ever demanded to see the articles on signing them,
and if they had been refused. We proposed this
question to them. They replied, that the captain
had refused them in a savage manner, making use
of threats and oaths. There was not one contra-
268 THE HISTORY OF THE
dictory voice on this occasion. We then asked
Mr. Sheriff what we were to do. He entreated
vis by all means to take him on shore. He was
sure that under such a man as the captain, and
particularly after the circumstance of our coming
on board should be made known to him, he would
never come from the coast of Africa alive. Upon
this, Truman Harford called me aside, and told
me the danger of taking an officer from the ship ;
for that, if any accident should happen to her, the
damage might all fall upon me. I then inquired
of Mr. Sheriff if there was any officer on board,
who could manage the ship. He pointed one out
to me, and I spoke to him in the cabin. This
person told me I need be under no apprehension
about the vessel, but that every one would be
sorry to lose Mr. Sheriff. Upon this ground, Tru-
man Harford, who had felt more for me than for
himself, became now easy. We had before con-
cluded, that the obtaining any signature by fraud
or force would render the agreement illegal. We
therefore joined in opinion, that we might take
away the man. His chest was accordingly put
into our boat. We jumped into it with our rowers,
and he followed us, surrounded by the seamen,
all of whom took an affectionate leave of him, and
expressed their regret at parting. Soon after this
there was a general cry of " Will you take me
too V*. from the deck ; and such a sudden move-
ment appeared there, that we were obliged to push
off directly from the side, fearing that many would
jump into our boat and go with us.
ABOLITION OP THE SLAVE-TRADE. 269
After having left the ship, Sheriff corroborated
the desertion of the seamen from the Prince, as be-
fore related to me by Thompson. He spoke also
of the savage disposition of his late captain, which
he had even dared to manifest though lying in an
English port. I was impressed by this account of
his rough manners ; and the wind having risen
before and the surf now rolling heavily, I began
to think what an escape I might have had ; how
easy it would have been for the savage captain, if
he had been on board, or for any one at his insti-
gation, to have pushed me over the ship's side.
This was the first time I had ever considered the
peril of the undertaking. But we arrived safe ;
and though on the same evening I left my name
at the captain's house, as that of the person who
had taken away his mate, I never heard more
about it.
In pursuing my inquiries into the new topic
suggested by Mr. Falconbridge, I learnt that two
or three of the seamen of the ship Thomas, which
had been arrived now nearly a year from the
Coast, were in a very crippled and deplorable
state. I accordingly went to see them. One of
them had been attacked by a fever, arising from
circumstances connected with these voyages. The
inflammation, which had proceeded from it, had
reached his eyes. It could not be dispersed ; and
the consequence was, that, he was then blind. The
second was lame. He had badly ulcerated legs,
and appeared to be very weak. The third was a
mere spectre. I think he was the most pitiable
vol. i. 23 *
270 THE HISTORY OF THE
object I ever saw. I considered him as irrecover-
ably gone. They all complained to me of their
bad usage on board the Thomas. They said they
had heard of my being in Bristol, and they hoped
I would not leave it, without inquiring into the
murder of William Lines.
On inquiring who William Lines was, they in-
formed me that he had been one of the crew of the
same ship, and that all on board believed that he
had been killed by the chief mate ; but they them-
selves had not been present when the blows were
given him. They had not seen him till after-
wards ; but their shipmates had told them of his
cruel treatment, and they knew that soon after-
wards he had died.
In the course of the next day, the mother of
Lines, who lived in Bristol, came to me and re-
lated the case. I told her there was no evidence
as to the fact, for that I had seen three seamen,
who could not speak to it from their own knowl-
edge. She said there were four others then in
Bristol who could. I desired her to fetch them.
When they arrived I examined each separately,
and cross-examined them in the best manner I
was able. I could find no variation in their ac-
count, and I was quite convinced that the murder
had taken place. The mother was then importu-
nate that I should take up the case. I was too
much affected by the narration I had heard to re-
fuse her wholly, and yet I did not promise that I
would. I begged a little time to consider of it.
During this I thought of consulting my friend
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 2T1
Burges. Bat I feared he would throw cold water
upon it, as he had done in the case of the captain
of the Alfred. I remembered well what he had
then said to me, and yet I felt a strong disposition
to proceed. For the trade was still going on.
Every day, perhaps, some new act of barbarity
was taking place. And one example, if made,
might counteract the evil for a time. I seemed
therefore to incline to stir in this matter, and
thought, if I should get into any difficulty about
it, it would be better to do it without consulting
Mr. Burges, than, after having done it, to fly as
it were in his face. I then sent for the woman,
and told her, that she might appear with the wit-
nesses at the Common Hall, where the magis-
trates usually sat on a certain day.
We all met at the time appointed, and I deter-
mined to sit as near to the mayor as I could get.
The hall was unusually crowded. One or two
slave-merchants, and two or three others, who
were largely concerned in the West India trade,
were upon the bench. For I had informed the
mayor the day before of my intention, and he, it
appeared, had informed them. I shall never for-
get the savage looks which these people gave me ;
which indeed were so remarkable, as to occasion
the eyes of the whole court to be turned upon
me. They looked as if they were going to speak
to me, and the people looked as if they expected
me to say something in return. They then got
round the mayor, and began to whisper to him, as
I supposed, on the business before it should come
%1% THE HISTORY OF THE
on. One of them, however, said aloud to the for-
mer, but fixing his eyes upon me, and wishing me
to overhear him, " Scandalous reports had lately
been spread, but sailors were not used worse in
Guineamen than in other vessels." This brought
the people's eyes upon me again. I was very
much irritated, but I thought it improper to say
any thing. Another, looking savagely at me,
said to the mayor, " that he had known captain
Vicars a long time ; that he was an honorable
man,* and would not allow such usage in his
ship. There were always vagabonds to hatch up
things :" and he made a dead point at me, by put-
ting himself into a posture which attracted the
notice of those present, and by staring me in the
face. I could now no longer restrain myself, and
I said aloud in as modest a manner as 1 could,
"You, sir, may know many things which 1 do not.
But this I know, that if you do not do your duty,
you are amenable to a higher court." The mayor
upon this looked at me, and directly my friend
Mr. Burges, who was sitting as the clerk to the
magistrates, went to him and whispered some-
thing in his ear ; after which all private conver-
* "We may well imagine what this person's notion of another
man's honor was ; for he was the purser of the Brothers and of the
Alfred, who, as before mentioned, sent the captains of those ships
out a second voyage, after knowing their barbarities in the former.
And he was also the purser of this very ship Thomas, where the
murder had been committed. I by no means, however, wish by
these observations to detract from the character of captain Vicars^
as he had no concern in the cruel deed*
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 273
sation between the mayor and others ceased, and
the hearing was ordered to come on.
I shall not detain the reader by giving an ac-
count of the evidence which then transpired. The
four witnesses were examined, and the case was
so far clear. Captain Vicars, however was sent
for. On being questioned, he did not deny that
there had been bad usage, but said that the young
man had died with the flux. But this assertion
went for nothing when balanced against the facts
which had come out ; and this was so evident,
that an order was made out for the apprehension
of the chief mate. He was accordingly taken up.
The next day, however, there was a rehearing of
the case, when he was returned to the jail, where
he was to lie till the Lords of the Admiralty
should order a sessions to be held for the trial of
offences committed on the high seas.
This public examination of the case of William
Lines, and the way in which it ended, produced
an extraordinary result ; for after this time the
slave-captains and mates, who used to meet me
suddenly, used as suddenly to start from me, in-
deed to the other side of the pavement, as if I had
been a wolf, or tiger, or some dangerous beast
of prey. Such of them as saw me before hand,
used to run up the cross streets or lanes, which
were nearest to them, to get away. Seamen, too,
came from various quarters to apply to me for
redress. One came to me, who had been treated
ill in the Alexander, when Mr. Falconbridge had
been the surgeon of her. Three came to me, who
274 THE HISTORY OF THE
had been ill used in the voyage which followed,
though she had then sailed under a new captain.
Two applied to me from the Africa, who had been
of her crew in the last voyage. Two from the
Fly. Two from the Wasp. One from the Little
Pearl, and three from the Pilgrim or Princess,
when she was last upon the coast.
The different scenes of barbarity, which these
represented to me, greatly added to the affliction
of my mind. My feelings became now almost
insupportable. I was agonized to think that this
trade should last another day. I was in a state
of agitation from morning till night. I determined
I would soon leave Bristol. I saw nothing but
misery in the place. I had collected now, I be-
lieved, all the evidence it would afford ; and to
stay in it a day longer than was necessary, would
be only an interruption for so much time both of
my happiness and of my health. I determined
therefore to do only two or three things, which
I thought to be proper, and to depart in a few
days.
And first I went to Bath, where I endeavored
to secure the respectable paper belonging to that
city in favor of the abolition of the Slave-trade.
This I did entirely to my satisfaction, by relating
to the worthy editor all the discoveries I had
made, and by impressing his mind in a forcible
manner on the subject. And it is highly to the
honor of Mr. Crutwell, that from that day he
never ceased to defend our cause ; that he never
made a charge for insertions of any kind ; but that
ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. 275
he considered all he did upon this occasion in the
light of a duty, or as his mite given in charity to
a poor and oppressed people.
The next attempt was to lay the foundation of
a committee in Bristol, and of a petition to Par-
liament from it for the abolition of the Slave-
trade. I had now made many friends. A gen-
tleman of the name of Paynter had felt himself
much interested in my labors. Mr. Joseph Har-
ford, a man of fortune, of great respectability of
character, and of considerable influence, had at-
tached himself to the cause. Dr. Fox had as-
sisted me in it. Mr. Hughes, a clergyman of the
Baptist church, was anxious and ready to serve it.
Dr. Camplin, of the Establishment, with several of
his friends, continued steady. Matthew Wright,
James Harford, Truman Harford, and all the
Quakers to a man, were strenuous, and this on
the best of principles, in its support. To all
these I spoke, and I had the pleasure of seeing
that my wishes were likely in a short time to be
gratified in both these cases.
It was now necessary that I should write to the
committee in London. I had written to them only
two letters, during my absence ; for I had devoted
myself so much to the great object I had under-
taken, that I could think of little else. Hence
some of my friends among them were obliged to
write to different persons at Bristol, to inquire if I
was alive. I gave up a day or two, therefore, to
this purpose. I informed the committee of all my
discoveries in the various branches to which my
276 THE HISTORY OF THE
attention had been directed, and desired them in
return to procure me various official documents
for the port of London, which I then specified.
Having done this, I conferred with Mr. Falcon-
bridge, relative to being with me at Liverpool. I
thought it right to make him no other offer than
that his expenses should be paid. He acceded
to my request on these disinterested terms ; and
I took my departure from Bristol, leaving him to
follow rne in a few days.
END OF VOL. I.
BOOKS
PUBLISHED AND FOR SALE BY
JOHN S. TAYLOR,
THEOLOGICAL . AND SUNDAY SCHOOL BOOKSELLER,
BRICK CHURCH CHAPEL,
CORNER OF PARK-ROW AND NASSAU-STREET,
OPPOSITE THE CITY HALL, NEW YORK.
Hints to Parents on the Early Reli-
gions Education of Children. By Gardiner
Spring, D. D.f Pastor of the Brick Presbyterian Church,
New- York. 18mo. with a steel engraving. Price 37^ cts.
From the New-York Weekly Messenger and Young Men's Advocate.
Dr. Spring's Hints to Parents. — One of the prettiest lit-
tle works of this class that we have ever met with, is just
published ; it is called " Hints to Parents on the Religious
Education of Children. By Gardiner Spring, D. D." The
author has been long and favorably known to the public as
a chaste, powerful, and popular writer. The subject of the
present work is one of great moment — one in which every
parent has a real interest. And we commend this little
volume, not only to pious parents, but to all who desire to
bring up their children in such a manner as to make them
an honor to themselves and a blessing- to their fellow-men.
, From the Commercial Advertiser,
Hints to Parents, on the Religious Education of Chil-
dren. By Gardiner Spring, D. D. This beautiful little vo-
lume, coming out at this time, will be peculiarly acceptable
to the congregation of the able and excellent author, and
will have the effect of a legacy of his opinions on a most
important subject, now that for a lime they are deprived of
his personal instructions. It is a work that should be in the
hands of every parent throughout our country, who has the
temporal and eternal interest of his offspring at heart. The
few and leading maxims of the Christian religion are plain-
ly and practically enforced,, and the parent's duties are des-
canted on in a train of pure and beautiful eloquence, which
a father's mind, elevated by religion, only could have dictat-
ed. We believe that a general knowledge of this little vo-
lume would be attended with consequences beneficial to so-
ciety, since a practice of its recommendations could scarcely
be refused to its solemn and affectionate spirit of entreaty.
The Ministry we Need. By S. H. Cox, D. D.,
and others. 37J cents.
From the Literary and Theological Review.
This neat little volume comprises the inaugural charge
and address which were delivered on occasion of inducting
the Professor of Sacred Rhetoric and Pastoral
Theology in the Theological Seminary at Auburn. The
friends of Dr. Cox will not be disappointed in his inaugu-
ral address. It bears the impress of his talents and piety —
his enlarged views and catholic spirit. To analyze it
would convey no adequate idea of its merits. His theme
is the ministry of reconciliation — " the chosen medium by
which God conciliates men — the mighty moral enginery
that accomplishes his brightest wonders — the authentic
diplomacy of the King of kings working salvation in the
midst of the earth." The manner in which he treats his
subject, in relation to the importance of the Christian min-
istry, and the kind of ministry needed in this age and na-
tion, we need hardly remark will amply repay the perusal
of his brethren, if not be interesting and instructive to the
church at large.
" Error scenting notoriety " may not altogether like the
3
©dor of this little book; and the "lynx-eyed defecters oj
heresy " will not be forward to approve a work in which
they are handled with unsparing severity; but by "all the
favorers on principle of a pious, sound, educated, scriptural,
and accomplished ministry in the church of God, and
throughout the whole world, as the ministry we need,
to whom this little volume is most respectfully inscribed,"
it' will be read, and, we trust, circulated.
THe. Christianas Pocket Companion* —
Selected from the works of John Rogers, Dr. Owen,
David Brainerd, President Edwards, and others,
with an Introduction by Rev. John Blatchford, of
Bridgeport, Conn. 25 cents.
The folio wi«g is from Mr. filatchlbrd's Letter to Ihe Publisher:
I am happy to learn, through your letter of last evening,
your design of publishing the little work containing the
private rules by which the lives of such men as Edwards,
and Brainerd, and Rogers, and Mason, were regulated.
That little volume (which is the only copy that I have
ever met with) was, for many of the last years of his life,
the pocket-companion of my honored father, the late Sa-
muel Blatchford, D. D. of Lansingburgh. This circum-
stance alone Would give it a value in my estimation — as
also with the many who were associated with him as a
father in the ministry, as well as those who were per-
mitted to receive "the message of salvation from his lips.'1
But in addition to this, who is there that loves the cause
of Christ and the souls of men among the ministers of the
Lord Jesus in our day, that has not often, amid the .toils
and discouragements and anxieties which so thickly beset
their path, turned away to such men, and inquired the se-
cret, if any there was, by which they accomplished so
much for the Church, and secured to themselves a charac-
ter for such eminent holiness? This little book answers
these questions, and introduces us to these "men of God,"
in the closet, in the family, in the social circle, in the la-
bors of the pull pit, and in the discharge of their multiplied
parochial duties^ and I am confident that no one can rise
from its perusal without being incited to more prayer and
more diligfence in their varied efforts to adorn the "doc-
, 4
trines of Christ their Savior " themselves, and in preach-
ing Christ and him crucified to others.
Wishing you all success in your undertaking, I would
most fervently commend it to the blessing of God, believing
that in giving it to the public, you will greatly subserve the
best of causes, and in a very acceptable manner.
JOHN BLATCHFORD.
From the New-York Observer.
Christian's Pocket- Companion, — This very small but
neat manual, just published, is a compilation of some of
the purest sentiments and holiest aspirations of such men
as Owen, Rogers, Brainerd, and President Edwards. We
venture to say that no Christian can make it the familiar
companion of his heart, as well as "pocket," without be-
coming evidently a holier and a happier man.
Practical Thoughts, By the late Dr. Nevins,
of Baltimore. 50 cents.
Thoughts on Popery* By Dr. Nevins. 50 cts.
From the New-York Observer of April 9th, 1836.
The Practical Thoughts consists of forty-six articles on
prayer, praise, professing Christ, duties to Sabbath Schools,
the monthly concert, the conversion of the world, viola-
tions of the Sabbath, liberality, man's inconsistency, the
pity of the Lord, Christian duty, death, &c. ; the last of
which are " Heaven's Attractions " and " The Heavenly
Recognition," closing with the words, " By the time we
have done what I recommend, we shall be close upon the
celestial confines — perhaps within heaven's limits." * * *
There the sainted author laid down his pen, leaving the
article unfinished, and went, none can doubt, to enjoy the
blessed reality of the scenes he had been so vividly de-
scribing.
These articles combine great simplicity, attractiveness,
and vivacity of thought and style, with a spiritual unction
scarcely to be found in any other writer. Thousands of
minds were impressed with them as they first appeared :
they reproved the inconsistent Christian, roused the slum-
bering, and poured a precious balm into many an afflicted
bosom. While writing them, the author buried a beloved
wife, and had daily more and more sure indications that
the hour of his own departure was at hand; and God en-
abled him, from the depths of his own Christian experience,
to open rich fountains of blessing for others.
The Thoughts on Popery are like, and yet unlike, the
other series. There is the same sprightliness of the imagi-
nation, the same clearness, originality, and richness of
thought, with a keenness of argument, and sometimes
irony, that exposes the baseness and shamelessness of the
dogmas and superstitions of Popery, and that must carry
home conviction to the understanding and heart of every
unprejudiced reader. Piece by piece the delusion, not to
say imposition, of that misnamed church are exposed, un-
der the heads of the Sufficiency of the Bible, the Nine
Commandments, Mortal and Venial Sins, Infallibility, Idola-
try, Relics, the Seven Sacraments, Penance, the Mass, Celi-
bacy of the Clergy, Purgatory, Canonizing Saints, Lafay-
ette not at Rest, The Leopold Reports, Supererogation,
Convents, &c. We know of nothing that has yet been
issued which so lays open the deformities of Popery to
common minds, or is so admirably adapted to save our
country from its wiles, and to guard the souls of men from
its fatal snares.
A View of the American Slavery Ques-
tion. By E. P. Barrows, Pastor of the First Free Pres-
byterian Church. 31 \ cents.
From the New-York American of March 26th, 1836.
A View of the American Slavery Question, by E. P.
Barrows, Jun. Pastor of the First Free Presbyterian
Church, New- York. — John S. Taylor. In this little
volume is embodied the substance of two discourses, preach-
ed, as we learn from the Introduction, " by the Author,
in October, 1835, with particular reference to the condition
of his own church." " Their result was a spirit of har-
mony and good feeling in the church." Such will not,
we apprehend, be the result of their publication ; for they
maintain modestly, but firmly and conscientiously, the
right and duty of reasoning and remonstrating with our
6
southern brethren against the enormity of slavery, and of
urging, in all lawful ways, its extinction. The North —
partly from mercenary and partly from political motives3
and with too many, perhaps, from culpable indifference —
seem anxious to stultify all their past efforts against sla-
very, and yield up even the right of discussing its evils,
and exhorting to its abandonment ; and hence Mr. Bar-
rows' modest and sincere efforts will not be very welcome
to northern recusants, while its doctrines will of course be
abhorrent to that chivalrous region where slavery is deemed
an ornament and a privilege. Nevertheless, Mr. Barrows
may console himself with having borne his testimony to
the truth.
Pleasure and Profit, vol. 1, or The Museum.
By Uncle Arthur. 37J cents.
Pleasure and Profit, vol. 2, or The Boy's
Friend. By Uncle Arthur. 37J cents.
Pleasure and Profit, vol. 3, or Mary and
Florence. By Uncle Arthur. 37£. cents.
Missionary Remains, or Sketches of Evarts,
Cornelius, and Wisner. By Gardiner Spring, D. D.
and others. 37J cents.
Advice to a Brother. By a Missionary. Price
31 cents.
Early Piety. By Rev. Jacob Abbott. 18 j cents*
Scripture Gems, Morocco, gilt. 25 cents.
Sermons by Rev. Charles G. Finney. With a
Portrait. $1 00.
The Works of Rev. Daniel A. Clark.
In three volumes. $3 00.
Prevailing Prayer. By Rev. C. G. Finney,
32mo. 25 cents.
The National Preacher, printed in an ele-
gant pamphlet form, each number containing two Sermons
from living Ministers. Monthly. Edited by Rev. Austin
Dickinson. Price one dollar a year in advance.
Also Publisher of
The Cabinet Of Freedom. Under the super-
vision of the Hon. William Jay, Rev. Prof. Bush, of
the University of New- York, and Gerrit Smith, Esq.
Terms, two dollars per annum, payable in advance.
Also Agent for
The Sabbath School Visiter, published by
the .Massachusetts Sabbath School Society. Edited by
Rev. Asa Bullard, Boston. 50 cents.
Also Agent for
The Missionary Herald. Published for the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.
Monthly. $1 50 a year.
Also Publisher of
The Naval Magazine. Edited by the Rev. C. S.
Stewart, M. A. of the U. S. Navy. $3 00 a year, payable
in advance.
J. S. T. has also a large and choice selection of Mis-
cellaneous works, suitable for Sunday School Libraries;
together with Theological, Classical, Moral, and Religious
Books, Stationary, &c. all of which he will sell at the low-
est prices.
A constant supply of the Publications of the Massachu-
setts Sabbath School Society, the American Sunday School
8
Union, and of the Protestant Episcopal Sunday School
Union, at the same prices as sold at their respective Depo-
sitories.
'%
N. B. Orders from the country will be immediately
attended to, and books forwarded according to directions.
Should the selection of books for Sunday Schools be left
with J. S. T., and he should forward any which should not
suit the purchaser, they may be returned, and the money
will be refunded, or other books given in exchange. Those
wishing to purchase, are invited to call and examine his
stock.
s