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F N E S 1 S 


The First Green Berets 

The Corps & 
The ^Revivals k 
April 6, 1758-December 24, 1783 



Burt Garfield Loescher 



All rights reserved. No part of this book may be 
reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means 
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, re- 
cording, or by any information storage and retrieval 
system, without permission in writing from the author. 











THE HISTORY OF ROGERS RANGERS ' The Beginnings' , Jan 17 55- Apr 6, 
1758. A def init ive study based on exhaus t ive research among the 
original contemporary documents bringing to light much new evidence 
on the character izat ion and exploits of 'Major Rogers' and his men 
in the French & Indian War. Three colored plates depict ing the ran- 
gers in their exact uniform (heretofore Unknown). Documentary appen- 
dices on Rogers counter fe it trial; the Rangers Whipping Post Mutiny; 
uniforms and equipment ; all the battles and scouts and other illtis- 
trative appendices . Three maps of all the important battles. Half 
tone illustrat ions. 443 pages, Cloth Bound. Limited autographed and 
numbered edition. Copies ava liable from B. Loescher 464 Fathom ttr ive 
San Mateo, California, 94404, at $6.95 ($7.25 with mailing). 

Comments and Reviews: 'The first volume of your excc.Ufnt history of 
Rogers Rangers has reached us and 1 am delight- 
ed with it. It is a splendid volume and one which we greately need- 
ed. 1 am amazed at your diligence. Congratulations on publishing 
such a fine volume. Helene Loescher' s illustrations add much to the- 
value of the work. .' -Vail, Director , N.Y, Historical Society. 

'I think you have donea magni ficent job. The book shows the most 
ama2 ir.g amount of research and the set will undoubtedly be the last. 
word on Major Rogers and his Rangers. Congratulat ions! ' -S .H.P. Pell, 
Director, Fort Ticonderoga. 

'The Volume is such a good reference book because of its documen- 
tation, and yet one that will appeal to many reader s. ' -Edna L. Ja - 
cobsen, Head, Manuscr ipts & History Sect ion , N.Y. State Library . 

'I was very much interested in the first volume of THE HISTORY OF 
ROGERS RANGERS. It would be a great pity not to finish the job.' 
Kenneth Roberts, author of NORTHWEST PASSAGE. 

'..The story of the organizations first years is engagingly told. 
They were exciting years. The Rangers seemingly existed only because 
Rogers willed that his would be a group .like no other. .Some thrill- 
ing episodes. For instance, the events of the Second Crown Point- 
Village Raid, the Cattle Tongue Scout, and the Battle of La Barbue 
Creek are both exciting and well told. .Mr. Loescher has not been sa- 
tisfied with Rogers' one sided r cord. He has tracked down and dug 
out every bit of corroborating evidence he cr-i'ld find. He has search- 
ed letters and diaries and reminiscences and official and private re- 
ports; and he has located, noted, and used all the French accounts.. 
The result is that there are over 175 pages of notes-nearly all of 
them as rewarding as the text itself. Of particular importance by 
the way, are the extensive memoranda on t !<e uniforms of the Rangers. 
It seems a curious commentary on university presses that some of 
them have not published this series.. instead of the author doing his 
own. More power to hi .ml ' -Col t on Storm, William L. Clements Library, 
reviewed in MICHIGAN HISTORY. 

'To be appreciated the book should be read with reference to the 
author's notes and maps. Mr. Loescher has assembled the material for 
his book with a rare combination of enthusiasm for his subject and a 
thorough knowledge of the ground he sets out to cover; the result 
represents a monument to his effort and to the legacy left by the 
Rangers. ' -Genevieve N. Dougine in The New York Geneologica 1 and Bio- 

graphical Record. 

vivals Apr 6, 1758-Dec 24, 1783. Maps & new portrait of Major Ro- 
gers by Embleton. Uniform plate by author. Appendix . Comphrehen- 
sive Index. A definitive companion to THE HISTORY OF ROGERS RANGERS 
'The Beginnings' . The last word on the Rangers' History . 


Rare biographical data. Limited Ed it ion. Indexed. Copies available 
unbound at $5.95 (6.25 with mailing) from same address as above. 

'..a biographical dictionary of officers and some of the Rangers . . 
gehea logically as well as histor ically valuable ..' -Doug ine . 

Other books in the ROGERS RANGERS series completed and scheduled to 
appear in close sequence are : 

sure. A definitive study of the Raid and the 'Aphrodite ' based on 
much new evidence including a DIARY of a Ranger officer discovered - 
by author. Invaluable appendices inc luding one of 'Rogers Rangers 
in Miniature' . Comphre hens ive Index. 1 1 lust rated by the author. 
Documented Maps of every party. Limited autographed edit ion. 

'..This may well be the culminating definitive account of Rogers 
St. Francis Raid. . So much new evidence has been turned up, thata 
separate volume on the Raid was imperative, with an exhaustive illu- 
minating Appendix and detailed maps of the actual routes making the 
study a complete source of reference for the historian, the treas - 
ure hunter, as well as the lover of exciting Americana. Of .intri- 
guing interest is the discovery of the ABENAKI APHRODITE . A study: 
in environmental in-fluence, resulting in her stedfast loyalty tothe 
Abenalcis, in spite of her white origin. Her savage instincts, both- 
amoral and tribal. She was the Aphrodite of the Abenaki full moon. 
An amazing encounter with this actual forest beauty. Her incredible 
escapades are substantiated in the author's newly discovered docu- 
ment, 'Diary of a Rogers Ranger'...'. 

ROGERS RANGERS-O/" ficers and Men-17 55 -17 >i3 . 

A register of all known Rogers Rangers with many rare biographi- 
cal sketches with emphasis on their act ivit ies as Rogers Rangers . 
A complete c omphre hens ive name Index covering all volumes in the 
series. Includes a unique B i l liography of all known Diaries , Jour- 
nals and Narrat ives of individua 1 Rogers Rangers. 

RANGER GOODWIN'S RUM Droll tales of an actual 'Rum Connoisseur' . 

A collection of ten stories with an incredible surprise ending, 

all woven into a histor ica 1 novel with an il luminat ing Append ix 

conta ining such essent ia 1 append ices as 'Ranger Quaffing Recipes' . 

Subscr ipt ions sought for a minimal pub 1 ica t ion. As soon as the 
subscript ion is filled the awaiting publisher will proceed. IF you 
wish to subscribe please inform the author and copies will be re- 
served. Do not remit now, announcements will be sent to Subscr ib- 
ers as the books are ready. 

WRITE-Burt G. Loescher, 464 Fathom Drive , San Mateo, Calif., 94404 


For their generous assistance in furnishing material for this History 
and for their words of advice and encouragement - the author is most 
deeply grateful to the following living or deceased : 

Fred M. Caswell, Manchester, New Hampshire. 

Reverend Thomas M. Char land , O.P. , Historian of Les Abenakis, Montreal. 

Buchanan Charles , President, Grand Manan Historical Society. 

William C. Copper, Dandalk, Maryland. 

Robert C. Davis, Madison, Wisconsin. For help on Tute and Atherton. 

Genevieve N. Dougine , N. Y. Geneological & Biographical Society. 

R. S. Embleton, England. For inspirational paintings of the Rangers. 

Colonel William A. Foote , San Diego, California. 

F. Dwight Foster, Brooklyn, New York. 

Mae Gilman, Librarian, Maine Historical Society. 

Colonel Edward P. Hamilton, Director, Fort Ticonderoga. 

Helen M. Harriss & Emma Melvin, McClung Historical Society. 

If. S. Herr ington, Napanee, Ontario, Canada. 

Elizabeth H. Jervey, Secretary, S. C. Historical Society. 

Joseph Henry Jackson, Book Review Editor, The San Francisco Chronicle. 

Edna L. Jacobsen, Head, Manuscripts, N. Y. State Library, Albany, N. Y. 

Librar ian & Staff, Huntington Library, San Marino, California. 

David A. Loescher , Editor, The Mountain View Eagle (The Editor). 

ttelene S. Loescher , Casa Laguna, San Mateo, California. 

Edward Franklin Loescher , Loescher Farms, Conejo, California. 

Howard Parker Moore, an inspirational friend. Biographer of J. Stark. 

Eleanor M. Murray, Librarian, Fort Ticonderoga. 

Stanley M. Parge His , Librarian, Newberry Library. 

S. H. P. Pell, President, Fort Ticonderoga Association. 

Stanley R. Putnam, Jr., Albany, New York. 

Kenneth Roberts, Kennebunkport , Maine. 

Enzo Serafini, The Homestead, Sugar Hill, N. H. A continuing friend. 

H. A. Sherlock , Canton, Ohio. 

Colton Storm, William L. Clements Library. 

Melvin C. Tucker, Laconia, N. H. For unstinting help and inspiration. 

S. W. G. Vail, Director, N. Y. Historical Soc. For unfailing encourage. 

Ma«on Wade, Cornish. Biographer of Parkman. 

Ross M. A. Wilson, Toronto, Canada. A most helpful friend. 



Books By The Author ii 

Introduction ix 


I 1758-Abercrombie's Eyes 1 

II 1758-Louisbourg Front 27 

III 1759-Amherst's Advance Guard for Conquest. . . 36 

IV 1759-Wolfe's Scouting Arm 72 
V 1760-Conquest of Canada-Lake Champlain Front 83 

VI 1760-Conquest of Canada-Quebec Front 112 

VII 1760-Conquest of Canada-Great Lakes Front ... 123 

VIII 1760-Disbandment and Winter Service 135 

IX 1761-1762-Conquest of the French West Indies . 142 

X 1761-The Cherokee-English War 146 


XI 1763-Pontiac's War 153 

XII Interlude-Major Rogers Character Extraordinary 160 

XIII American Revolution-Rogers' Queen's Rangers 167 

XIV American Revolution-Rogers' King's Rangers . . 179 


Rogers Rangers Uniforms 1758-1783, by the author 6 

'On Party,' Maj. Rogers, by Embleton, owned by author 71 

Battle of Ticonderoga River, June 15, 1758 10 

Battle of Ticonderoga Falls, July 6, 1758 10 

Stations & Actions of Rogers Rangers-Siege of Louisbourg 19 

Marin's Defeat, August 8, 1758 19 

The Three Battles, March 7, 1759 97 

Battle of Pointe au Fer, June 6, 1760 97 

Action at Old Lorette, March, 1760 116 

The Last Battle, August 31, 1760 116 

Second Battle of Etchoe Pass, June 10, 1761 121 


I - Battle Honours of Rogers Rangers 202 

II - Sources for Actions, Expeditions May 1758-Jan 1783 203 

III - Sources for Every Recorded Scout, Apr 1758-1783 233 

IV - Uniforms of Rogers Rangers 1758-1783 248 

Historical Notes (Footnotes) 251 

Bibliography of Principal Sources 284 

Index 302 


The Green Berets, America's elite force in South Viet- 
nam, claim Rogers Rangers of two centuries past on their fam- 
ily tree. If not by direct unbroken descent at least by an affinity 
of method and tactics and certain aspects of dress, particularly 
their headgear and uniform color. 

Rogers Rangers, the falcons of the Champlain Valley lakes 
in the old French and Indian War, swooped down upon their op- 
ponents. Like their counterparts The Green Berets, they dif- 
fered only by the contemporary method of the times. Rogers' 
famous and definite Ranging Rules for bush fighting have been 
the Rangers' link, or badge, which have been handed down and 
adapted by Darby's Rangers in World War II and The Green 
Berets repelling communism in Vietnam. No other body of 
American fighting men has piqued the interest of the Americans, 
British and Canadians, nor maintained their curiosity during 
the many decades since Rogers Rangers flowed and ebbed from 
their various encampments to harry the enemy and form a vital 
role in the formulative period of our early history. 

This continuing interest in Rogers Rangers and lack of a 
complete chronicle of their history has stimulated this genesis 
or history of the corps from their shady beginnings * in the 
French and Indian War through their revivals and final exile 
after the American Revolution. If this story of Rogers Rang- 
ers appears monumental, it was intended so. Many documen- 
tary sources heretofore unknown, were consulted to create this 
definitive monument to the Rangers. Although, it has taken 
two decades for the unveiling of the completion, it was never 
intended so. 

Rogers Rangers were a synonym for the free spirit stir- 
ring throughout the American colonies in the mid 18th century 
increasing in intensity to the storm of the American Revolution 
two decades later. As a body of men they, as one of their dis- 
cerning officers wrote, personified the new breed of free men 
that so startled the English officers with their Yankee independ- 
ence. There was a camaraderie with the men that evoked the 
best from them. They shared the equality of freedom of ex- 
pression and left a legacy of great men. The John Stark, Mo- 
ses Hazen, the Brewers, Jonathan and David, Joseph Wait, 
great Ranger captains, were but a few of the Rangers to lead 
the fight to independence in the Revolution. 

A fraternity of men, whether a regiment, or a nation, 
must have its heroes and they become a symbol. The Rangers' 
devotion gave Major Rogers his stature and by so doing he gave 
it back because his renown became theirs. Unfortunately their 
hero was only mortal and he faded, a few ill chosen trails and 
he was surpassed by his Rangers as the saga will tell. 

Chapter I 



The Spring of 1758 on the Lake George front brought forth 
the unparalleled splendor of northern New York's green cam- 
paign dress. In harmony with the grandeur of this predominate 
color could be seen patches of green moving ever northward, 
slowly, warily. Then, like a falling star to break the tranquil 
expanse of an unbroken sky, pin-points of red would shatter 
the green tranquility and the same green patches could be seen 
ebbing or flowing with accented speed as grey-white and brown 
patterns entered the panorama. 

These preying scouts of Rogers Rangers prior to Aber- 
crombie's advance on Ticonderoga were particularly successful 
during the months of April and May. They were daring in na- 
ture for the Corps strived to retaliate for their crushing defeat 
at Rogers' Rock. 

Returning to Rogers' Island the Rangers' base at Fort 
Edward with his coveted Major's commission which he had lit- 
erally wrested from Abercrombie, the new English Command- 
er-in-Chief, * a Rogers hurled the above scouts at Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point. They consisted of five different thrusts: Cap- 
tain John Stark scouted Ticonderoga on the west side of Lake 
George. The Stockbridge Indian Company under Captain Jacob 
Naunauphtaunk was now enlisted for the campaign and Jacob 

was sent down the east side of the lake with a detachment of 
his Rogers Rangers Indians . Captain Shepherd was dispatched 
into the 'drowned lands' of South Bay.^^" 4 ^ Captain Burbank 
also moved forward with a party of Rangers. III_5 All of these 
scouts were sent primarily to bring in prisoners from the 
French forts who might reveal the strength and movements at 
the forts, which was so necessary to the British- Colonial in- 
vasion army. Major Rogers departed at the same time with 
18 men to Crown Point and ambushed a working party three 
miles above the fort, took three prisoners and one scalp. On 
the very same day (May 5) Captain Stark executed a bit of au- 
dacity by taking two prisoners at Ticonderoga and gathering up 
four French escaped prisoners who were making their labori- 
ous way north from their confinement on Long Island. II1-5 ^ 

Captain Jacob's scout was probably the most successful. 
His party consisted of 18 Stockbridges and one white Ranger. 
Lying opposite to Ticonderoga they ambushed a wood-cutting 
party, in all 45 men, crossing the lake in three batteaus to cut 
wood for the storehouse. Allowing the first batteau to land, 
Jacob surrounded the 17 occupants, took ten prisoners and 
killed and scalped the seven who resisted. The other batteaus 
fled. n " 23 

A few days later, in the middle of May, all offensive 
scouting was halted while Lieutenant Simon Stevens of Stark's 
Company was sent to Ticonderoga under a flag of truce to ne- 
gotiate for the exchange of Colonel Schuyler. 2 

No sooner had Stevens returned than the game of ambus- 
cade was renewed with Rogers Rangers losing this round. En- 
sign Etowaukaum of Jacob's Company was returning from a Ti- 
conderoga scout with his party of 21 Stockbridges and four white 
Rangers. His back trail had been picked up by the French Can- 
adian Outetat and 30 Algonquins who were returning from a 
Wood Creek scout. They set an ambuscade six miles from Ti- 
conderoga and completely enveloped Etowaukaum 's men. The 
Ensign and 12 Stockbridges fought their way free and managed 
to reach Fort Edward. Of the remainder of his party, two white 
Rangers and two Stockbridges were killed, and two white Rang- 
ers and seven Stockbridges were taken prisoners. Two of the 
Indians were sold and shipped to France as slaves but after 

many hardships they escaped and made their way to a neutral 
port where they found passage to America in 1759. H-24 

On May 28th Rogers Rangers were given notice that Aber- 
crombie's invasion was taking shape for Major Rogers received 
"positive orders" from Abercrombie to order all Ranger of- 
ficers who were on furlough or recruiting to join their respec- 
tive Companies as soon as possible and to be at the Lake George 
front before June 10th. 3 

While the Ranger recruiting officers endeavored to re- 
plenish the Corps' weakened sinews from their terrific loss of 
124 officers and men at the bloody Battle of Rogers' Rock on 
March 13, Rogers and his men continued their deadly forest 
duel. Again the Corps suffered a rebuff but managed to exe- 
cute a brilliant retreat. Rogers' self-appointed pupil, Lord 
Howe, 4 arrived at Fort Edward on June 8 with half the army 
and immediately ordered his colleague, Rogers, to make an 
accurate map of the landing spot at the north end of Lake George 
and the present roads, terrain and fortifications of Ticonderoga 
valley. This was in preparation for the landing of Abercrom- 
bie' s army and its subsequent march on Ticonderoga. 

Rogers' force of 50 men including Ensign Downing of the 
55th who went as a volunteer and Lieutenant Porter with a de- 
tachment of Rogers Mohegan-Rangers From Brewer's Company, 
and Captain Jacob with some of his Stockbridge Rangers. The 
balance were white Rangers. 

They left Fort Edward on June 12, and arrived at the site 
of Fort William Henry and embarked the next day inwhaleboats 
brought up in wagons. Arriving near the abandoned French ad- 
vanced post of Coutre Coeur, Rogers landed on the east side of 
Ticonderoga River and left Captain Jacob with 35 of his party 
while Lieutenant Porter was sent forward to reconnoitre Ti- 
conderoga and Rogers took three men and proceeded to Rattle- 
snake Mountain and made the map that Howe desired. Rogers 
was returning to his main body and was within 300 yards of 
them when Jacob was attacked on three sides by Leiutenant 
Wolfe and 30 to 50 French and Indians. Caught by surprise 
Jacob overestimated Wolfe's force and thought it best to im- 
mediately retire after the first volley with all the Mohegan- 
Rangers who seemed only too glad to follow his example. Or- 

dinarily this would have been the wisest thing to do. Jacob 
probably had visions of being completely surrounded as was 
his Ensign Etowaukaun a short time ago. However, in this in- 
stance Wolfe's encirclement was broken by Ticonderoga River 
at the Rangers' rear. Here lay their whaleboats and although 
Captain Jacob called to the white Rangers "to run likewise," 
these veterans, well trained in Rogers' Ranging Rules for ex- 
tricating themselves from a difficult position, spread out fan- 
wise and maintained a steady fire while they retired in order 
to their boats. Rogers skirted Wolfe's flank and rallied his 
Rangers at the river bank. The loading and embarking of the 
whaleboats was a difficult operation under the focused fire of 
attackers. Fortunately the French Indians were not all sober 
and their fire was not as accurate as it could have been. This 
factor enabled Rogers Rangers to withdraw from their disad- 
vantageous field of action with a loss of only five men killed 
and three taken prisoners. Among the latter was Ensign Down- 
ing, the volunteer from the 55th Regiment. The hardy Rogers 
was among those wounded. He received a flesh wound in his 
leg while bravely covering the embarkation of his men to the 
whaleboats. Wolfe lost three men killed including one of his 
best Indians. 

Lieutenant Porter with his Ticonderoga scout was re- 
turning to rejoin Jacob, when, hearing the intensity of the ac- 
tion, he thought it prudent to bypass the battle and return to 
Fort Edward. It is unfortunate that Porter was unaware of 
Wolfe's exact numbers for if he had he might have thrown his 
10 or 11 Rangers on Wolfe's rear and effected a surprise that 
could have altered the battle in favour of Rogers Rangers. Un- 
fortunately the bulk of Porter's detail were Mohegan-Rangers 
and their refusal to throw their weight into an unequal contest 
influenced Porter's decision. Returning to Half- Way Brook, 
Porter and Jacob had found Lord Howe advanced with 3,000 
men who they informed that "Rogers must be either killed or 
taken." But Rogers, the 'Wobi Madaondo' (White Devil) of 
the French Indians, led a charmed existence, for he returned 
on the 17th, much "to the joy and surprise of all. " Lieutenant 
Wolfe followed Rogers in the next night under a flag of truce to 
discuss Schuyler's exchange. His interview with Abercrombie 

proved detrimental to Rogers' accurate report of the battle. 
Abercrombie was exceedingly annoyed because three prison- 
ers had been taken, particularly Ensign Downing. In a letter 
to Prime Minister Pitt he blamed Rogers for being "out of Zeal 
for the service" when, "He, contrary to his Instructions, pro- 
ceeded with his Whale Boats too far down the Lake." Aber- 
crombie feared that the three prisoners taken would reveal too 
much about his advance and when Wolfe informed him of the 
true strength of his attacking party and implied that Rogers 
Rangers had made a cowardly retreat, Abercrombie turned to 
Rogers who was present and (according to Wolfe's report to 
French officers) scolded him "very severly and reproached 
him with having run away the moment his troops were engaged. " 

Consequently Rogers, who was not even present at the 
beginning of the action, received the blame for Jacob's ill- 
timed flight. Abercrombie' s obtuseness in even considering 
the truth of a French report against that of Rogers without at 
least weighing the two, portrays the character of the Comman- 
der-in-Chief who was soon to send so many men to their un- 
timely death. 11 " 28 

Rogers was now ordered to join Lord Howe with all his 
Rangers and together they proceeded to the ruins of Fort Wil- 
liam Henry and encamped on the 22nd of June. Rogers Rangers 
formed their encampment 400 yards in advance of the army on 
the west side of the lake and this location served as the base 
for the Corps for the rest of the campaign. 5 The Ranger com- 
panies under Rogers' immediate command were led by Captains 
John Stark, John Shepherd, Jonathan Burbank (who succeeded 
Charles Bulkeley— killed at Rogers' Rock), Rogers' own, the 
two Jacobs (of fifty each) and Moses Brewer. The last three 
captained Stockbridge and Mohegan Indian Companies. 

Over 1,000 Rangers had been raised in New England dur- 
ing the Winter and Spring for Rogers' various companies for 
service in different theaters of action. The Ranger recruiting 
officers were sent into New Hampshire and Massachusetts (the 
two principal New England Provinces for recruiting Rangers) 
to replenish thelosses sustained by the four veteran Companies 
(Major Robers' own, John Stark's, John Shepherd's and Bur- 
bank's) in the battle of Rogers' Rock found these provinces 


*Or,£ts QtlEENS 


1758 - 1783 

drained of likely Rangers. Therefore, three of these four com- 
panies mustered almost the same number on June 25, as they 
did after Rogers' Rock. Only the recruiters for Major Rogers' 
own company were successful. This model Company showed a 
strength of 106 privates against 71 for Shepherd's, 54 for 
Stark's and only 43 for Bulkeley's, nowBurbanks. 

When Abercrombie arrived at Lake George on June 28, 
and learned the numbers of the above companies he ordered 
Rogers to beat up the Provincial Regiments for volunteers to 
be 'drafted' into Rogers Rangers to serve the campaign. Five 
officers, five Sergeants and 164 Privates responded (of these, 
one Ensign, one Sergeant and 24 Privates served in Moses 
Brewer's Company) and swelled the Companies to their au- 
thorized strength of 100 men. 7 

While Abercrombie' s army gathered in strength, Rogers 
Rangers were employed as usual in protecting the camp from 
surprise attacks. On June 16, "Orders were given for daily 
Scouts and Patrols being sent round the Camp, through the 
woods. . . "8 This service was effectively executed and the ar- 
my suffered no losses but unfortunately the Rangers did, and 
at the hands of the very men they were protecting: 

On June 20, Sergeant Hartwell came into Fort Edward 
with his patrol. They were challenged by a British picket, but 
it being a windy night, they did not hear the guard's voice. He 
fired and killed Hartwell and the same hungry bullet passed 
through the stomach of the next Ranger. It was taken out near 
his back. One accident like this was disquieting, but two of the 
same nature within four days of each other was as tragic as 
being twice scalped by the same Indian. HI- 56 

Sergeant David Kerr of Major Rogers' Company was re- 
turning to camp with his patrol on the evening of June 24th. He 
was likewise fired at and killed by a Regular sentry and the bul- 
let also passed through another Ranger who recovered. HI-57 

The Rangers were surprised and overjoyed on June 25, 
when they read a "Placecard" posted in camp stating that the 
capitulation of Fort William Henry was broken, due to the mas- 
sacre which followed after the capitulation had been signed. 
This was good news to the members of Richard Rogers' Com- 
pany who were in the capitulation, for this meant that they could 


take up arms again. 9 

In preparation for Abercrombie's invasion Rogers threw 
out four scouts on June 23rd— three of them were small parties 
(one to the narrows of South Bay, one to the west side of Lake 
George and the other to Ticonderoga) sent out by land. 111 " 5 ^ 
Unfortunately the fourth party traveled by whaleboats and were 
spotted by the enemy. Lieutenants Simon Stevens and Nathan 
Stone commanded 17 picked Rangers to make "discoveries." 
They were surrounded by a superior body of the enemy at the 
Second Narrows on the 25th and all were taken prisoners. Their 
captors were well led by Ensign de Langy-Montegron, the Rang- 
ers' most daring rival. H-29 He na( j a j so b een so instrumental 
in defeating Rogers Rangers at Rogers' Rock. In less than two 
weeks though, the Corps more than balanced their accounts with 
this worthy Canadian and also retaliated for all their other ac- 
cumulative losses since the turn of the year. 10 

Abercrombie's grand invasion Army embarked on Lake 
George the 5th of July. Rogers Rangers were posted on the left 
and comprised the advance guard. Rogers' 50 whaleboats had 
not proceeded far in the early dawn when they saw 150 French 
and Indians in boats lying near Sloop Island evidently waiting 
to renew old acquaintances. But their commander, Langy, had 
no desire to renew their deadly forest duel when he saw 600 
Rangers bearing down on him. He hastily withdrew and lost 
himself among the islands of the First Narrows before the sun 
rose. 11 

Abercrombie's army of 15,400 men reached Sabbath Day 
Point at dusk and rested until 10 that night. Rogers, Howe and 
Bradstreet headed the army and Ranger Lieutenant Robert 
Holmes, was sent forward by Howe to obtain intelligence on 
the French strength at Montcalm's Landing. HI-59 Holmes re- 
turned to the above threesome ^ about daybreak and reported 
seeing fires at the landing place. After daybreak, a confirm- 
ing reconnaissance by the three chiefs substantiated Holmes' 
report and the army landed at noon. 13 Rogers Rangers landed 
first and found the enemy too weak to oppose them for Mont- 
calm had no intention of bringing on an engagement here when 
he had concentrated his force in entrenchments before Ticon- 
deroga. Rogers threw out bush-fighters who drove the landing 

guard before them as they made an hour march to rising ground 
within a quarter of a mile where Montcalm was encamped with 
1, 500 men. ^"^ Here, in accordance with the bumptious or- 
ders of Abercrombie's aid, Captain Abercrombie, Rogers 
posted his Corps. They were joined shortly by the Provincial 
Regiments of Fitch and Lyman. 14 

Rogers sent out small reconnoitering parties who in- 
formed him of Montcalm's location. One of these scouts, con- 
sisting of four men, had a harrowing encounter with the French 
Indians. Led by Sergeant Paige, the party consisted of two oth- 
er Provincial drafts into Rogers Rangers (Corporal Wright, 
Private Thompson Maxwell) and one veteran Ranger Private, 
Morris O' Brian of Burbank's company. In va. attack and pur- 
suit, the Corporal was killed and O' Brian wounded and captured. 
In a grim race Private Maxwell outdistanced all but two sava- 
ges. He shot one dead and escaped the other when he hurdled 
a fallen hemlock. His pursuer lost the race when he failed to 
clear the obstacle and fell upon it with a grunt. Rejoining Ser- 
geant Paige at Ticonderoga River it appeared that they would 
still lose the race; for safety lay across the stream and Max- 
well could not swim. The stalwart Sergeant solved their dif- 
ficulties when he swam the river with Maxwell and their two 
muskets on his back. Provincial recruits such as Paige and 
Maxwell were worthy additions to Rogers Rangers and enhanced 
the Corps' fame. 11 " 34 

The hour of reckoning with Langy was soon at hand. The 
French advance party of 350 Regulars and Canadians under 
Captain Trepezac and Ensign Langy had been watching the ad- 
vance of the army down the lake from atop Rogers' Rock, but 
they had been slow in retiring and were now cut off from Mont- 
calm. In working their way back to ^iconderoga they were ap- 
proaching the first rapids (from Lake George) when Lord Howe 
fell upon them as he was marching towards Rogers with a strong 
advance guard of his brigade. Rogers, Lyman and Fitch, hear- 
ing the firing hastened forward and hurled their Corps from 
above upon the trapped French. Rogers with 450 of his Rang- 
ers was in the center of the circle that now encircled Trepezac 
and Langy. Captain Burbank and 150 Rangers were the only 
Rangers in the expedition that did not share in Langy' s defeat. 



Rogers left them behind to keep an eye on Montcalm at the Saw- 
mill. The only penetrable part of the circle was the cascades 
and waterfall of Ticonderoga River on the right end of the 
French line. Toward this doubtful exit the French tried to es- 
cape. They fought desperately and eventually about 50 of them 
managed to cross the rapids and escape. Among them was 
Langy, who, for the first time in his career, was almost caught 
in a trap similar to so many that he had prepared for the Eng- 
lish. This was a crushing defeat for the French but the only 
victory of Abercrombie's invasion army. Of the original French 
force of 350, 151 were captured, 50 escaped and the remaining 
150 were killed or drowned in trying to cross the rapids. Red 
water flowed into Lake George on July 6, and much of the hu- 
man dye came from the bodies of Rogers' Rock participants 
who had massacred captive Rangers. As Langy' s Defeat ended 
Rogers Rangers knew that the battle of Roger's Rock had been 
avenged. 0-35 

Unfortunately Lord Howe was killed while exhorting his 
men and Abercrombie lost his valuable leadership and counsel. 
Instead of relying on the experience and judgment of more prac- 
tical minds, even though they might be mere Ranger officers, 
he listened to the suicidal recommendation of his glory-seek- 
ing nephew and aide-de-camp, Captain James Abercrombie. 
Ordered a general assault on Montcalm's entrenchment instead 
of first levelling it with his artillery which had not come up yet. 

An interesting factor presents itself (relative to the his- 
tory of Rogers Rangers) which might have contributed to Cap- 
tain Abercrombie's determination to recommend a general as- 

The morning after Langy' s Defeat, Rogers, with 250 
Rangers, moved back to his advanced position of the previous 
day. Captain John Stark with 200 Rangers guided Captain Aber- 
crombie and Matthew Clarke, the Chief Engineer, to the top of 
Rattlesnake Mountain (Mt. Defiance) to look in on Montcalm's 
fortifications. *■** Rogers undoubtedly sent Stark becausehewas 
well versed in the best route to ascend the mountain but it would 
have been wiser if he had sent some other officer for there was 
a strained relation between Stark and Captain Abercrombie. 
Rogers may not have been aware of all the details of a scout in 


1757 which the above two made together. Stark, disliking the 
peremptory orders of Abercrombie had deliberately opposed 
him and made game of his ignorance of South Bay. Engineer 
Clarke had served in this scout and had also been indirectly 
opposed by Stark. *•" Consequently, they turned a deaf ear on 
Stark's sound advice when he pointed out from the summit of 
Rattlesnake Mountain the strategy of cutting behind Ticonderoga 
and severing Montcalm's retreat. He also advised them to drag 
cannon to where they were standing and shell Ticonderoga. It 
is incredible that Stark's judgment was not offered to General 
Abercrombie. But then maybe these two ambitious British of- 
ficers were afraid Stark would obtain the credit or at least part 
of it and that would not do at all. Rather than that possibility, 
they made the rash proposal to attack Montcalm's strong posi- 
tion. The bewildered Abercrombie, groping in the dark since 
the death of Howe, accepted it as the best method of offense. 

The die was now cast, and although a party of Rogers 
Rangers captured a courier sent to Crown Point for help, Mont- 
calm had nothing to fear.IH~60 At 7 A.M. on July 8, Rogers 
received orders to move his Rangers forward to form the ad- 
vance guard of the attack. Lieutenant James Clark of Stark's 
Company preceded him with 50 Rangers. Clark was within 300 
yards of Montcalm's entrenchments when he was fired upon by 
a party of 200 French in ambush. Rogers immediately formed 
a front of his Corps and marched up to the support of his van- 
guard who held their ground until he arrived and then the ene- 
my were driven in. Gage's Light Infantry now moved up to the 
right of Rogers Rangers and Bradstreet's armed Batteaumen 
to the left and continued to skirmish with the advanced parties 
of the enemy. For the first time in the war Rogers Rangers 
had the opportunity to enact the part that Rangers should in a 
major battle involving thousands of men; that is, of deploying 
as skirmishers and breaking the way for the advance of the main 
army. ^ 

While Rogers Rangers were thus employed, the main 
body of the army was forming. At 10 A.M. the Rangers were 
ordered to drive in the advanced parties of the enemy in prepa- 
ration for the general assault. This service was vigorously 
performed and then Rogers Rangers, obedient to orders, fell 


to the ground at intervals and allowed the British Grenadiers 
and battalion companies to march through and proceed to the 
attack. The Rangers had reached, and held throughout the con- 
test several large trees that had been cut down by the French 
for their breastwork and which had been abandoned. From this 
scant cover the bulk of the Corps was able to protect itself and 
give the Regulars a covering fire when they were hurled repeat- 
edly back from the breastwork. Montcalm's entrenchment con- 
sisted of a breastwork of large trees felled and piled together 
to the height of eight feet, presenting a front of sharpened 
branches and interwoven limbs. It was practically impregna- 
ble to an advancing foe, but susceptible to cannon fire which 
Abercrombie had foolishly not bothered to wait for. Six im- 
petuous attempts were made to carry it by storm and many of 
Rogers Rangers "were carried right up to the breastworks" in 
these desperate waves "but were stopped by the bristlingmass 
of sharpened branches." The Rangers suffered six privates 
killed; two Lieutenants missing; one Ensign, two Sergeants and 
15 privates wounded on this bloody day of battle. This was 
nothing compared to the total English loss of 1,944 officers 
and men. The Rangers minimal loss points out their vastly su- 
perior ability towage the necessary 'brush warfare' so neces- 
sary to win in North America. As the day ended Abercrombie 
ordered a precipitous retreat to the south end of Lake George 
even though they outnumbered the French two to one in spite of 
their huge losses. As always, Rogers Rangers were at the post 
of danger, whether in opening an attack or safely covering a 
broken and retreating army. They were now busily employed 
in the late summer twilight in bringing up the rear. From 6-7 
P.M. the Rangers posted themselves in the outskirts of the 
woods and maintained a covering fire which enabled the army 
to gather the wounded and retreat to the boats at Montcalm's 
Landing. Before the merciful darkness finally descended, Rog- 
ers Rangers were the last of the army to see the French fleur- 
de-lis mocking them from Montcalm's entrenchment. They 
finally melted into the night and embarked behind Abercrombie' s 
army. H-36 

Events following this disheartening expedition were de- 
cidedly an anti-climax but the army had to be protected against 
the constant forays of the French and Indians who were now 


overbold. They managed to inflict two depredations before 
Rogers stumbled upon them and dampened their ardour. 

A week after their return to their base at the south end of 
Lake George Rogers Rangers renewed their old routine of prey- 
ing northward and eastward for prisoners and discoveries. 

TTT f\9 

Captain Jacob was sent to Ticonderoga 111-0 * and Rogers made 
a scout to South Bay 111 " 61 where he discovered the tracks of a 
strong enemy party who the next day ambushed a Provincial 
detachment at Half- Way Brook. * Among them was a detail 
from Major Rogers' Company consisting of a Sergeant and 13 
men. II-4 ° Captains Burbank and Brewer had been posted at 
Half-Way Brook with their Companies of Rogers Rangers and 
when Captain Wrightson, the Commandant, heard the alarm gun 
at Ford Edward, he immediately dispatched Captain Burbank 
and his 45 Rangers then present at the post. Three miles down 
the road, Burbank met Colonel Hart and 400 Provincials sent 
out from Fort Edward. They picked up La Corne's trail and 
came up with his 300 Canadians and Indians staggering half 
drunk through a nearby swamp. Hart, fearing a trap, ordered 
his 400 men back to the ravaged wagon train half a mile back 
where they proceeded to indulge in the same wine that had so 
intoxicated La Corne's party. Burbank was left stranded in a 
precarious position where he was outnumbered seven to one. 
The drunken Indians laughed scornfully at his meager force, 
but Burbank bravely maintained his position for he realized 
that he could execute a coup de grace if the cowardly Hart could 
bepersuaded to rejoin him. He sent Lieutenant Andrew McMul- 
len to Hart but the Colonel told him that Burbank was firing at 
his own men and that he had sent an officer to order Burbank 
to withdraw. McMullen, never reticent to express himself, 
angrily swore that he would break his gun to pieces if the Rang- 
ers could have no assistance. Burbank now sent Ensign Arch- 
ibald Campbell Jr. to Hart but he received the same answer. 
The timid Colonel finally broke down and sent McMullen and 

*On the 28th the Canadian partisan, La Corne, massacred a 
convoy of 116 men and women between Ford Edward and Half- 
Way Brook. 


Campbell back to Burbank with 100 provincials. They had hard- 
ly gone one-fourth of a mile before all but eight of them ran 
back to Hart. Soon after a message arrived from Hart order- 
ing the two Ranger officers back to him but they ignored the 
message and reported the Colonel's disgraceful actions to Cap- 
tain Burbank. The Rangers could do no more now than main- 
tain a distant fire-at-will upon the Indians until they retired 
out of range and returned to Ticonderoga. 

Ensign Campbell was sent to Abercrombie with a report 
of Hart's conduct. Abercrombie sent Rogers and Putnam with 
700 men to intercept La Corne and ordered Hart to be court- 
martialed. Campbell had reported to Abercrombie at 9 P.M. 
on the 28th and by 2 A. M. the Ceneral personally saw Rogers 
off. They hurried to Rogers' "secret water passage" near Sab- 
bath Day Point and crossed the mountains to "Two Rocks" on 
the narrows of lower Lake Champlain, an ideal location to form 
an ambuscade. They were half an hour too late. The only good 
effects of the scout were the rescue of a starving British regu- 
lar who had escaped from the French. 111- ^ In the meantime, 
Abercrombie' s army had received an alarming report as a re- 
sult of the imagination of the Provincial guard Rogers had left 
with his boats. Three of Rogers' batteaus had gone adrift and 
they were seen on the lake by Captain Davis and his boatmen 
who amplified their numbers in the dark to 200. Davis aban- 
doned all of Rogers' boats and retired to Captain Champion's 
advanced breastwork on Sloop Island. Davis sent the bulk of 
his men to Abercrombie with the news while he made a 'scout' 
to confirm his alarm. Colonels Haviland and Lyman were sent 
with 1,000 men to intercept the reported French. At 6 A.M. 
they arrived at Sunday Island opposite Sabbath Day Point where 
they found most of Rogers' abandoned batteaus. Haviland sent 
Lieutenant James Tute of Shepherd's Company along the west 
shore and islands where he found three batteaus. One of them 
contained a cask of biscuits similar to those in Rogers' batteaus, 
thus identifying them as the same and not the 200 that Davis 
and his men saw. For his bad state of nerves Davis was court- 
martialed along with Hart, another neurosis sufferer. 

The French Indians continued to make unannounced visits 
via the Wood Creek approach. On July 31, a Fort Anne scout 


of 11 Rogers Rangers sent out from Half-Way Brook came on 
the fresh tracks of 50 Indians. Following them for four miles 
the Rangers sat down to eat when they were surrounded and at- 
tacked by the 50 Indians. In the desperate melee 17 Indians 
and eight Rangers were killed. Two Rangers were taken alive 
and Sergeant Hackett alone escaped. In his flight he saw a fresh 
enemy track leading towards Fort Edward. 11 "'* 1 Abercrombie 
had learned from Haviland on the 30th acquainting him of Rog- 
ers' return to Sunday Island from his late pursuit of La Corne. 
Since Rogers was still in the field, Abercrombie realized that 
there was a probability of intercepting the above Indians on their 
return. He sent a dispatch to Colonel Haviland directing him 
"to detach Rogers and Putnam, from whence they were, with 
700 chosen men and ten Days' Provisions, to sweep all that back 
Country" of South Bay and Wood Creek and come in by Fort Ed- 
ward. Rogers and Putnam were encamped on Sloop Island the 
night of July 31 (where their 700 men overran the island, much 
to the discomfort of Captain Champion, the Commandant there) 
when they received orders to rejoin Haviland which they did the 
next morning and spent the day outfitting the expedition. As 
several of their men were fatigued from their forced march of 
July 29th, Rogers and Putnam had their choice of fresh Volun- 
teers from Haviland' s 1,000 regulars, provincials and (70) 
Rogers Rangers. Rogers and Putnam (both Majors) seemed 
to have had a joint command with Rogers the senior officer. 
There was jealousy between the two and the presence of Colo- 
nel Haviland who had instigated it last winter at Fort Edward 
started the expedition off under a shadow. 

On August 2, they repeated their march of the 29th, but 
avoided Two Rocks, instead, an ambuscade was formed by Put- 
nam at South Bay and Rogers at the junction of Wood Creek and 
East Bay. Rogers was rewarded on August 6, when a canoe 
with six Indians cruised into their trap. Before it came with- 
in musket fire one of the provincials in Rogers' party made an 
obtuse challenge: "Pray what Boat may you be?" Upon which 
the canoe veered off and escaped. About the same time two 
boats escaped from Putnam by a similar challenge. 

Rogers and Putnam now rejoined forces and marched the 
next day to the ruins of Fort Anne where they encamped on Aug- 


ust 7th. The expedition now numbered only 530 for 170 had been 
sent on to Fort Edward during the day. At 7 A.M. the next 
morning Rogers and Putnam started their march west towards 
Fort Edward. It has been said that Rogers waived his custom- 
ary caution when he and Ensign William Irwin of Gage's got into 
a friendly argument on their ability as marksmen and before 
marching shot at marks on a wager. British volunteer pres- 
ent state that members of the party were taking pot-shots at 
pigeons on the march. Regardless of whom is to blame, three 
shots reached the ears of Marin, the famous French Canadian 
Colonial officer and his partisan band of 500 Canadians and In- 
dians. Marin was very close and he quietly rushed his men for- 
ward and deployed them in a crescent shape at the edge of the 
clearing in front of Putnam's line of march. Major Putnam 
was in the van with his 300 Connecticuts . Captain Dalyell fol- 
lowed with the detachments from the 80th and 44th Regiments. 
Rogers brought up the rear with his Rangers and rest of the 
Provincials. They had to march about three-quarters of a mile 
on a narrow Indian path across the bush- choked clearing before 
they entered the forest where Marin was waiting for them. Put- 
nam, Lieutenant Tracy and three Connecticuts at the head of 
the column were overwhelmed and dragged into the thickets. 
Then the firing began. Marin had the advantage of position and 
surprise. The Connecticuts fell back in disorder behind Dal- 
yell' s advancing Regulars. The battle centered around a huge 
fallen tree and the Regulars wavered under four volleys from 
Marin on the other side before they managed to flank the tree 
and engage the enemy with their musket butts. By this time 
Rogers had arrived from the rear with his Rangers and Pro- 
vincials . He hastily formed his line of battle by posting Cap- 
tain Giddings with his Massachusetts provincials on the left 
of the Regulars to support Lieutenant Durkee who was rally- 
ing the Connecticuts there. Rogers covered Dalyell' s right 
flank with his Rangers and Partridge's detachment of Provin- 
cial Light Infantry. Both sides were evenly matched and the 
action raged for over an hour. Because of the heavy brush- 
wood in the clearing at the forest's edge, every man was more 
or less forced to fight for himself although assistance was ren- 
dered when possible. A gigantic Indian Chief "behaved in a very 


extraordinary manner. " He jumped upon the fallen tree, killed 
two Regulars opposing him and shouted defiance to all. A Brit- 
ish officer attempted to dispatch him with blows from his fire- 
lock but he only enraged the giant when he caused his head to 
bleed. He was about to kill the officer with his tomahawk when 
Major Rogers proved his prowess as a marksman and shot the 
Indian. The 'giant' was the largest Indian Rogers had ever 
seen. He measured over six feet four inches which for the 
period was exceptionally tall. 

The weight of the conflict now shifted to Rogers Rangers 
on the right of the line. Here Marin made four different attacks 
which were repeatedly repulsed by the immovable Rangers. 
Rogers extended the Rangers' flanks and finally some of the 
Canadians gave way. Rogers Rangers now took the offensive 
and charged, firing half at a time while the other half reloaded. 
Thus, a constant fire was maintained and the rest of Marin's 
party broke. Rogers' whole force, Rangers, provincials and 
regulars now vigorously advanced and drove Marin from the 
field of battle. Marin saved his defeat from a rout and eluded 
pursuit by adopting Rogers' own methods of retreat. He divided 
his surviving force into small parties and reuniting towards 
evening, they made their bivouac on a spot surrounded by im- 
pervious swamps. Remaining on the field of battle, Rogers' 
force buried their dead, about 40 in number; and after scalp- 
ing 52 of the 77 enemy killed (25 were not discovered until 
August 15, when a Ranger Lieutenant made a post mortem of 
theunscalped French and Indians which his scouting party dis- 
covered on and near the field of action) 111-66 they continued 
their march to Fort Edward carrying their 40 wounded on lit- 
ters made of branches with a blanket strung over them. The 
French report their wounded at 12 but there were probably 
more. Rogers took two prisoners but lost five Connecticuts . 
The same day Rogers met Major Munster with a relief party 
of 400, including 40 Rangers and surgeons with dressings for 
the wounded. Upon being joined by Munster, Rogers encamped 
for the night and Marin's prowling Indians who had returned to 
scalp the dead found the victors drinking and singing in honour 
of their victory over them. 

Rogers received the credit he deserved for turning an 








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ambuscade into a skillfully manouevered victory. Dalyell in- 
formed Abercrombie that Rogers "acted the whole time with 
great Calmness and Officerlike. " General Abercrombie when 
writing of the action to Prime Minister Pitt said: "Rogers de- 
served much to be commended" and the fame of Rogers and his 
Rangers increased in Europe as well as America. 11-4Z 

Rogers, the indefatigable, did not rest on his laurels. He 
arrived at Fort Edward on the ninth of August and two days later 
launched forth with 300 Rangers and provincials towards Fort 
Miller to intercept Indians reported there. 111 " 65 The report 
was groundless and Rogers returned to Abercrombie' s en- 
campment at Lake George arriving on August 13, to find the 
army alarmed at the sound of Rangers down the lake firing at 
a deer. 8 Rogers was hailed in camp as a hero for his defeat 
of Marin in spite of the discrediting stories by Connecticut 
provincials who had preceded him to camp, and told of his fir- 
ing at marks with Ensign Irwin (in an effort to minimize the 
blame which they had been carrying for retreating after Mar- 
in's first fire). 

They made another discrediting story when they spread 
the tale that Rogers had boasted of killing Marin, then scalp- 
ing him and skinning his chest after first writing Marin's name 
upon it. This story was discredited the same day it was re- 
peated in camp for a flag of truce informed the army that Put- 
nam's life had been saved by none other than Marin himself. 19 

In spite of the above tales Rogers was lauded by both reg- 
ulars and provincials. His first few days back in camp were 

one continuous round of toasts and suppers in his honour. * u 

During Rogers 'absence from his base at Lake George, 
various detachments of his Corps had been active in scouts to- 
wards the enemy continuing their duties as the eyes of Aber- 
crombie' s army. Before these started the routine varied on 
August 1, for two Rangers staggered into camp. One of them 
was a rare captive- survivor of Rogers' Rock. The other was 
a Stockbridge captive of Etowaukaum's Defeat. They had es- 
caped from Crnada 14 days before and were almost dead from 

hunger. A provincial who escaped with them was so weak that 

men had to fetch him in. 

From August 16 to October 6, the Rangers' calendar was 


full. There was hardly a day went by when scouts were either 
setting out or returning to their three bases (Abercrombie's 
Camp, Fort Edward or Half Way Brook.) None of them 

was on a large scale but several of them resulted in fierce lit- 
tle skirmishes or brazen abductions. Lieutenant David Brew- 
er and six Rangers returned to camp on August 18, with a 
Frenchman they had abducted while he was harvesting oats 
three miles south of Crown Point. When Brewer and two other 
scouts set out on August 7, there was a rumor that Abercrom- 
bie had offered 60 guineas for a prisoner. Whether Brewer's 
part received this reward or the customary five pounds ster- 
ling is not known. ° There were several of Johnson's Mo- 
hawks encamped with Rogers Rangers and they caused no end 
of trouble. They would have killed Brewer's prisoner if the 
Rangers had left him unguarded. By September 25, there were 
only 10 Mohawks remaining and six of them left that day to go 
running home to Johnson complaining that they had been beaten 
up by the Rangers. In spite of Abercrombie's orders forbid- 
ding liquor being given to the Indians, they managed to obtain 
it and one day while drinking with the Rangers a brawl ensued 
and the Rangers beat the Mohawks up with their fists. 22 Rog- 
ers endeavored to modify the causes of this and similar occur- 
rences by keeping all the Rangers in camp actively employed. 
Alternate parties were constantly employed in patrolling the 
environs of Abercrombie's camp and details were sent into the 
woods to cut logs for the entrenchments . 2 ** Frequent reviews 
were held: on August 17, Rogers "exercised his men in Bush 
fiteing which drew a great Number out of ye Camp to view 
them;" and on September 1, "The Rangers exercised in Scout 
marches & Bush fighting which made a very pritty figure. " 2 ^ 

At least one Courtmartial was held during the campaign 
for "miscrepeant" Rangers for Sergeant-Major Edmund Mun- 
roe of the Corps recorded one on September 4, with Captain 
Neale presiding. 25 

There were exceptional occasions when even Rogers en- 
couraged liquid celebrations . On August 28, when news arrived 
of the capture of Louisbourg he ordered the Corps under arms 
at 6 P.M. "to illuminate the rejoicing" and he gave his own 
Company "a barrel of Wine treat to congratulate this good news 


to them, and the good behaviour of the four Companies of Rang- 
ers at Louisborg." 26 

Returning to the ebbing and flowing scouts recorded by 
Provincial Diaries at Lake George and an evident Ranger chron- 
icler at Rogers' Island they record that a nine-day scout to 
Crown Point returned to Abercrombie's camp on the 30th tore- 
late their attempted ambuscade of a party of French pigeon 
hunters who were warned in time by their barking dogs. HI-68 
A Sergeant and five Rangers had a collision with a French par- 
ty near Ticonderoga. Neither party was aware of the other 
until they were within three rods of each other. A brief skir- 
mish ensued and after exchanging a few volleys both sides 
parted. 11 " 45 On September 3, the Rangers formed an ambus- 
cade at the lake and caught alive several deer who swam across 
the lake. They were brought into camp and presented to Aber- 
crombie and other chief officers. 27 September 2 saw 100 Rang- 
ers in a party under Dalyell returning to the neighborhood of 
Marin's Defeat on a scout which netted nothing. I-7 ° Captain 
Shepherd returned at night on September 2, from a reconnais- 
sance of Ticonderoga. HI-69 He reported a gathering of bat- 
teaus there which alarmed the nervous Abercrombie and Rog- 
ers embarked the next night with five men to see if they were 
advancing. He returned on the 7th to report that a French pa- 
trol in batteaus advanced at night to the First Narrows and re- 
turned to Ticonderoga in the morning. 111 " 71 Rogers, the trap- 
per of French and Indians, determined to snare this daring pa- 
trol. He embarked on the 9th and set his trap but the wary 
French had increased the strength of their patrol and Rogers 
was forced to retire. Unfortunately he had sent two parties of 
five men each on shore. One he had sent to Crown Point for a 
prisoner but the other was for a local reconnaissance and they 
were now cut off from Rogers' boats. There was considerable 
anxiety over them until they returned to Abercrombie's camp 
nine days later (September 18th) to give a harrowing account 
of how they "miraculously escaped ye enemy. "H-48 a Ticon- 
deroga Scout of Lieutenant Holmes and seven Rangers returned 
on September 6th. After a close reconnaissance of the Fort 
they crossed over to the eastern shore and ambushed a canoe 
contining two Indians that came within musket range. The 


wounded Indians tumbled into the lake and a Ranger swam out 
in plain sight of Ticonderoga and got the canoe. Drums were 
beating to arms. Upon which Holmes "tho't it prudent to re- 
tire as fast as possible" with his Rangers who "came in all 
well. " II_ " 47 The game of ambuscade was played close to home 
on the 9th with Rogers Rangers losing this hand. A sergeant 
of Lovewell's provincial Rangers and four Rangers of Neale's 
Company of Rogers Rangers were in a convoy of Regulars sent 
to escort the teams from Half-Way Brook. Two miles from 
camp the British Commander unwisely dispatched the five 
Rangers to inform the teams of their coming. The Rangers 
had gone less than a mile when they were ambushed by Indians 
who killed and scalped the Sergeant and wounded a Ranger Pri- 
vate who escaped with the other three. A party of Rangers was 
sent in pursuit but found the Indians had too great a lead on 
them. The scout of five men that Rogers had dispatched 

to Crown Point from the First Narrows of Lake George on the 
ninth returned to camp on the 26th having "made no remarkable 
discovery. "HI- 7 2 other recorded scouts consisted of three 
reconnoitres from Fort Edward to Fort Anne, 11X ° Wood 
Creek 111 " 74 and Number Four. 111 " 77 Major Rogers made one 
last scout of the year on September 24th. His 150 Rangers 
cut across to South Bay from their secret Lake George pas- 
sage. 111 " 76 

Meanwhile a French deserter came into Abercrombie's 
camp and told of a scout of twenty who had left their two canoes 
at South Bay under his charge while they prowled southward. 
The deserter guided a party of Rangers to the canoes where 
they met Rogers and lay in wait. But traps set in this neutral 
territory seemed predestined to remain empty for the Indians 
became aware of Rogers' presence and escaped him. Rogers 
returned to camp on the 29th with the bulk of his party and the 
rest followed on October 1. 

It seems that the traps set within sight of the French 
forts were the most successful: The veteran Ranger, Lieuten- 
ant William Morris, and nine Rangers lay in ambush opposite 
to Crown Point in plain view of the fort. Their quarry appeared 
in the form of two boats loaded with 36 men. Allowing them to 
come within 20 yards the Rangers poured seven or eight vol- 


leys into them. Since there was no response from the boats 
(the occupants had fallen flat in the boats), Lieutenant Morris 
and a Ranger stripped in order to swim to the boats and bring 
them ashore for it was apparent that the 36 occupants were 
either all dead or wounded. As they were about to dive in, they 
saw a number of boats setting out from Crown Point to pursue 
them, upon which Morris wisely returned to Fort Edward post- 
haste with the enemy on their trail for the first day. H -5 " 

The Corps made one more notable scout on the Lake 
George front in 1758. Lieutenant James Tute was hunting with 
seven Rangers between Half- Way Brook and Lake George. Tute 
and one Ranger were a half-mile from the road when they came 
upon human game in the form of 20 Indians sleeping in a hol- 
low. Fearing that the Indians might be gone before he could 
collect his other six Ranger hunters, Tute deployed his one 
Ranger and they made a daring two-man attack by firing and 
shouting the Ranger war-whoop from two sides. The Indians, 
believing a superior force was upon them, fled. Tute and the 
Ranger boldly "tracked them by their Blood two or three Miles, 
but they could not come up with them. uII ~ 5 l 

These last two offensive exploits of Morris' and Tute's 
were exemplary deeds to end the Corps' history at Lake George 
for the year. Although the Corps suffered minor losses by clos- 
ing swoops of Indian raiders (a Ranger Sergeant was scalped 
within two miles of Lake George the end of October; 111 " 7 ^ Pri- 
vate Timothy Blake was taken at Half- Way Brook on November 
1; and Private Gershom Flagg was captured near Fort 

Edward on December 22), III_ ^ 4 no more "engagements" oc- 
curred until March 7, 1759. 

The two Jacob's Stockbridge Companies had been dis- 
charged by Abercrombie on September 11 8 On October 6, 
General Amherst, who was soon to succeed Abercrombie, ar- 
rived. The two reviewed the army (including Rogers Rangers) 
on this day but due to the lateness of the season, no second ad- 
vance on Ticonderoga was attempted and plans were made for 
returning the army to winter quarters . The provincial draft- 
ees into Rogers Rangers had returned to their respective regi- 
ments on August 24 thus reducing the Corps' strength more 
than thirty percent. 


A general return on October 6 of Rogers' seven Compa- 
nies at various posts in northern New York showed only 417 
privates fit for duty instead of the authorized 700 . By Oc- 
tober 29, six of the seven skeleton Companies had gone into 
winter quarters on Rogers' Island at Fort Edward (Rogers, 
Starks, Burbanks, Shepherds, Brewers and Neils) and their 
strength had shrunk to less than 200 men. 32 The principal 
causes were the dischargement of all unfit men and the deser- 
tion of most of Brewer's Mohegans. 33 However, most of the 
officers and sergeants were sent into New England recruiting 
and by April 1759, the companies took the field at their au- 
thorized numbers and enough men had been recruited to raise 
another Company. Major Rogers had wisely started recruit- 
ing as early as November thus grabbing the best men before 
the Provincial recruiting officers started in the spring. The 
men were signed up during the winter and carried on the Rang- 
er rolls from February 24, although most of them did not ar- 
rive at Rogers' Island until the latter part of March 1759. 

One vital non-aggressive service was performed by the 
Corps before the withdrawal of the army from Lake George. 
In order that the Rangers' whaleboats might be close at hand 
for early scouts in the coming spring, Rogers received orders 
to hide them along the lake. The role of Rogers' boat-hiders 
was more like that of Easter Rabbits hiding eggs for they sank, 
buried, or hid 29 whaleboats in the brush of Northwest Bay 
(after carrying them over the peninsula). Then they crossed 
over to Long Island and hid several more in an adjacent creek 
and a cranberry swamp. This took place on October 20, and 
by the following Easter, enemy raiders were looking for them 
but to no avail. 35 

A study of Wendell's Company of Rogers Rangers, sta- 
tioned in the Mohawk Valley at Fort Stanwix, reveals that they 
figured conspicuously in Bradstreet's capture of Fort Fronte- 
nac. Colonel John Bradstreet's repeated petition to attack this 
key French fort, on the north shore of Lake Ontario, was fi- 
nally granted by Abercrombie, after his failure at Ticonderoga. 
Hastening to the Oneida Carrying Place, where General Stan- 
wix was building Fort Stanwix, he borrowed 2, 600 Provincials 
—and Lieutenant William Hair, Sergeants Jacob Sever, Ranal 


McDaniel, John Castleman and 57 Ranger Privates from Wen- 
dell's Company of 105 officers and men. 

With Chief Red Head and forty Onondagos, this detach- 
ment of Rogers Rangers formed Bradstreet's scouting arm, 
under the temporary command of Tom Butler, as Captain of 
Scouts. In this vital duty, Rogers Rangers served in a dash- 
ing and incredibly successful expedition, which resulted in a 
one-day investment and surrender of Frontenacon August 27th. 

Rejoining Wendell at Fort Stanwix, Lieutenant Hair and 
his detachment were hailed as heroes and even Major Rogers 
applauded the expedition in his Journals. H-45a 

One Private in Wendell's— Phineas Atherton— served so 
conspicuously against Frontenac, that Abercrombie rewarded 
him with the Ensigncy of Wendell's Company (left vacant by 
the resignation of Ensign Jacob Snell) . 

Chapter II 



In spite of the failure at Ticonderoga, the British arms 
had triumphed elsewhere in North America— Louisbourg had 
been taken by Amherst— and four Companies of Rogers Rang- 
ers, the only Americans in the expedition, had contributed 
largely to its capture. Rogers might have complained about 
four of his new Companies being separated from his immediate 
command, but it is fortunate that they were, for they gathered 
new laurels for the Corps. 

Prime Minister Pitt had been very definite in his instruc- 
tions to Abercrombie to see that 600 Rangers were assembled 
at Halifax to sail on Louisbourg. Abercrombie' s task was made 
comparatively easy for Loudoun, his predecessor, had ordered 
Rogers to raise five new Companies for his Corps in January. 
These Companies were recruited and on their way to Albany 
for their March 15 rendezvous when the four white Companies, 
James Rogers', John McCurdy's, Jonathan Brewer's and Wil- 
liam Stark's were re-routed to Boston. Here they were lodged 
en Castle Island until J. Brewer's tardy Company arrived and 
transportation was obtained. Abercrombie had underestimated 
the ability of Rogers' recruiting officers for he had ordered the 
Captains of these four Companies to swell the Companies to 
125 instead of 100 (by this means the needed 600 would be 
raised when Gorham's 100 at Halifax were included); at the 
same time he played safe and asked Governor Pownall of Mas- 


sachusetts to have 300 likely Rangers picked from his Provin- 
cials; but he had to countermand this request on March 30, for 
Rogers' green-uniformed Companies marched into Boston over 


100 per Company. ° 

Brigadier Lawrence was entrusted with dispatching the 
four Companies to Halifax. His was a difficult assignment, for 
Provincial recruiting officers over-ran Boston and they had no 
qualms about inducing the Rangers to desert and sign up in 
their Regiments for the higher bounty and pay. In spite of his 
precautions, these high pressure salesmen were reaching his 
charges on Castle Island and Lawrence bad visions of half of 
the Rangers deserting unless he got them out to sea. Conse- 
quently he did not wait for a convoy from Halifax but drummed 
up the Province Vessel, King George , to escort the transports. 
Lawrence hurriedly embarked Rogers Rangers and they sailed 
on April 2, arriving at Halifax on the 7th. 

Brigadier Hopson now saw to their welfare. First, he 
protected them from a Halifax smallpox epidemic, by landing 
and quartering them at Dartmouth, where they would also have 
more room "to stretch their limbs;" next, he exercised them 
in their Ranging tasks, by sending alternating parties in a boat 
to lie within the basin near the blockhouse with orders to land 
a patrol toward daybreak to scour the woods, to frustrate 
French partisan forces who had been making daring encroach- 
ments nearby. HI -48 

This service as maintained until May, when the four 
Companies, Gorham's Rangers, and 500 Highlanders and 
Light Infantrymen were formed into a provisional batallion un- 
der the command of Captain George Scott of the 40th Regi- 
ment. ov The four Companies of Rogers Rangers were led by 
Scott at the landing on Cape Breton Isle, but during the Siege 
of Louisbourg, the Companies were scattered on various de- 
tached commands. 

Rogers Rangers sailed with the army on May 28, and 
sighted ( abarus Bay on June 1st but the sea was so rough that 
Amherst had to wait six days before it was calm enough to ven- 
ture a landing in small boats. During the night of June 5, a 
small party of Rangers made themselves obnoxious to the ene- 
my shore forces when they daringly ventured elope enough to 


fire upon them and alarmed them into believing the British 
were landing in force. ni ~ 53 

When day broke on June 8. Amherst's invasion boats 
pulled for the shore There were four accessible points to 
land but they were all strongly fortified. A feint was made at 
three of them, while Brigadier Wolfe made the real attack a- 
gainst Freshwater Cove. The order of landing for his brigade 
was: the four eldest Companies of Grenadiers, then Scott with 
the Light Infantry, Rangers and Highlanders, and lastly the re- 
maining eight Companies of Grenadiers. Everyone considered 
the landing would be a desperate venture but it would have to 
be effected sometime if Louisbourg was to be invested. Like 
the rest of the landing force, the Rangers left all their equip- 
ment (haversacks and blankets) on the transports. They car- 
ried only their weapons (Firelocks, tomahawks and scalping 
knives) and two days supply of bread and cheese stuffed into 
their pockets. When Wolfe approached thebeach his boats were 
raked with a deadly fire from Saint-Juli en's artillery and 1, 000 
French and Indians for they had spare loaded muskets, and 
thus a continuous fire was poured upon the invaders. It ap- 
peared that Wolfe's first venture as a Brigadier would be a 
bloody failure for his boats could not land without being anni- 
hilated; but the daredevil nature of 50 officers and men of Rog- 
ers Rangers and the Light Infantry soon made it possible for 
him to execute his assignment. Wolfe waved his hand as a 
signal to veer off. To his right were four boats of Scott's com- 
mand, commanded by Ensign Francis Carruthers of Tames 
Rogers' Company and Lieutenants Hopkins, Brown, and Ensign 
Grant of the Light Infantry. They were little exposed to Saint- 
Julien's cannon being sheltered by a small projecting point, 
but the formidable rocky coast before them did not offer the 
inviting expanse of beach some rods to the left where Wolfe's 
Grenadiers had intended to land. The officers and men of these 
four boats soon earned undying fame, for they mistook or de- 
liberately misconstrued Wolfe's gesture and rowed directly 
into the rocky teeth. Some of the boats stove against the rocks. 
A few men were drowned others dragged their drenched bod- 
ies upon the rocks and musketless, whipped out their toma- 
hawks and scalping knives and clambered over the slippery 


crags to follow the bulk of their comrades who had landed dry 
and with their firelocks. Surgeon Pudd onH.M S. Kingston , 
on viewing the daring landing, jotted down in his Diary that 
"The Rangers landed first" and "behaved to admiration " They 
were able to scramble up the crags before being opposed in 
force, for Saint- Julien had thought his two rocky flanks im- 
penetrable and bad posted only weak wings upon them. How- 
ever, by the time the Rangers and Light Infantry reached the 
summit they found over 100 French and Indians opposing their 
50, and more were approaching. In the fierce fight which fol- 
lowed, the heroic Ranger, Ensign Carruthers, wap killed; but 
the other members of James Rogers' Company and the Light 
Infantry bravely held their foothold until Scott and Wolfe hastily 
supported them. This admirable feat must have changed Wolfe's 
hasty opinion of Rogers Rangers, which was anything but flat- 
tering. By the time Wolfe and the balance of the Rangers and 
Regulars had ascended and formed in apolid body, the Rangers 
had somewhat retaliated for Carruthers' death by killing and 
scalping a prominent War Chief who led the Indians opposing 
them. This factor, and a resolute charge by Wolfe's brigade 
determined the Indians to retreat (an eyewitness observes that 
"Ye Rangers Started them first, " when "they Ran and Hollow'd 
and fired on them and they left their Brestwork") thus weak- 
ening the French troops and causing them to fall back relin- 
quishing the nearest battery. Brigadier Lawrence landed upon 
Saint- Julien' s other flank while this distraction was occurring. 
The French were now in grave danger of being cut off from 
Louisbourg, for Wolfe's brigade was almost between them and 
the fortress. Saint-Julien now abandoned all of his batteries 
and made a precipitous retreat, circling through the hills to 
Louisbourg; but not before 70 of them were captured and 50 or 
more killed. They were scalped by the Rangers, who, with 
the Light Infantry and Highlanders pursued the French to with- 
in cannon range of Louisbourg. The losses in the four Com- 
panies of Rogers Rangers (and Corham's) besides Ensign 
Francis Carruthers, were 3 Privates killed 1 wounded and 1 
missing (total British loss— 100 killed, wounded, and drowned.) 
The landing of Rogers Rangers at Freshwater Cove was 
one of the most admirable feats ever performed by a detach- 


ment of the Corps. It is incredible that historians have not 
given them the credit which they so courageously earned. Be- 
cause of Ensign Carruthers' untimely death and the fact that 
British officers penned most of the account of the landing, the 
credit heretofore has gone to the Light Infantry officers (Hop- 
kins, Brown, and Grant) who landed with Carruthers. How- 
ever, there were a few honest accounts (besides Budd's and 
Knap's mentioned above) which gave Carruthers' men and the 
Rangers who landed to support them the credit they deserve: 
Brigadier Lawrence exerted himself to praise them. He wrote 
Governor Pownall of Massachusetts: "I have particular pleas- 
ure in assuring you that the Companies of Rangers rais'd in 
New England behaved at Landing so as to do great Honor to 
themselves and the Country they came from. . ." The Gover- 
nor gave the above excerpt to the Boston News-Letter and the 
Corps were publicly lauded. Another eyewitness account states 
the Rangers" did great service in landing "H-25 

Commensurate with this exemplary deed was the exigent 
service given by the Rangers while Louisbourg was invested. 
No more than two days passed when the Rangers were once 
more in the spotlight. A party was prowling close to Louis- 
bourg when they met a reconnaissance scout of Canadians and 
French. In the skirmish that ensued they were attacked so 
resolutely by the Rangers that they were "obliged to retire 
with the loss of 3 men. "H-26 

Less gory, but expedient accomplishments were the 
rounding up of French and horses who had been cut off from 
Louisbourg after the landing. From their haunts in the hills 
the Rangers flushed out 7 horses and 20 men on the tenth and 
eleventh. ni ~ 54 Captain William Stark's famous Wolf dog. Ser- 
geant Beaubien, earned nis pay in these bloodhound scouts. 

Two o'clock the next morning saw Rogers Rangers again 
leading the advance of a special assignment. Scott preceded 
Wolfe's advance on the abandoned Lighthouse Point and covered 
his march by taking post in the woods with three Ranger Com- 
panies and one of Light Infantry. After Wolfe's safe arrival, 
Scott returned to Amherst, leaving two Companies of Rangers 
with Wolfe who posted one Company at Lorembec, ten at Petit 
Lorembec, and the other Company at Northeast Harbour. These 


posts were established as bases for patrols who ranged the 
woods between them to intercept the expected partisan forces 
from descending on Wolfe's battery at Lighthouse Point. The 
Rangers helped the Regulars in fortifying these posts, but Wolfe 
pithily notes that "they are better for ranging and scouting than 
either work or vigilance, " and when his battery was ready to 
fire on the 19th, he kept only enough Rangers to maintain the 
patrols and returned the bulk of them to Amherst. HI- 55 

Meanwhile the Rangers with Amherst had a notable skir- 
mish on the 13th: 300 French sallied out beyond Gallows Hill. 
Rangers and Regulars were ordered against them and an en- 
gagement began which continued for an hour and a half. The 
French retired from hill to hill drawing the Rangers and Brit- 
ish within range of the cannon of Louisbourg. They withstood 
two rounds from the cannon while they drove the French in and 
then withdrew out of range. H-27 

Six days later Amherst ordered a detachment of sharp- 
shooters from the Rangers and Light Infantry and posted them 
in a thicket on a hill to pick off the Artillerymen on the ram- 
parts At the same time Scott, with the remainder, estab- 
lished a permanent camp on the west side of the Mire road for 
a threefold purpose: to hinder any relief parties from going 
into the town, to secure communications with Northeast Har- 
bour, and most important, to "be ready to attack and fall on 
the flank of any parties that may attempt to land or come out 
of the town on that side. " 

On June 16, 50 Indians took 5 seamen below Freshwater 
Cove and later fired into the Cove at the Marines there. The 
loss of the seamen so rankled Admiral Boscawen that he post- 
ed a standing reward of 50 guineas for an Indian if he were 
brought in alive. 2 Lieutenant Edward Crofton of Brewer's 
Company almost won the reward on the 29th. He was posted 
with a picket of Rangers at a blockhouse near the fortress when 
the approach of Indians became known. Since it was dark, he 
formed an ambuscade ten yards from the road, killed two In- 
dians and nearly captured a third, but he squirmed free. 

The Rangers posted before Barachois Lagoon were in a 
precarious position until the British batteries were ensconced. 
The French ships cannonaded the British at work and the Rang- 


ers were in their line of fire. On the 21st shots were dropping 
in their camp, and Scott asked Amherst if he might withdraw 
the Rangers and Light Infantry out of range, but Amherst would 
not let him "decamp for it. " 43 Weathering the storm until the 
British batteries were ready to retort did not prove as suicid- 
al as first believed for the Rangers were scattered out and 
their losses were meager. As Amherst had hoped, their ad- 
vanced position proved of infinite value, for they were able to 
inform him of sorties from Louisbourg, and very often disposed 
of the encroachment by themselves: On the 26th, at noon, a 
sortie were about to set fire to Amherst's advance blockhouse 
then under construction. "They got two men in and had a Bar- 
rel of Pitch but Mr. Scott sent a party" of Rangers and Light 
Infantry "so quick on them that they retreated without effecting 
it, and he drove them into the Town very fast. " II_3 ° 

The 30th, Amherst records, "Skirmishing: in this sec- 
tion; and the following morning, just at daybreak, the French 
stole across the Barachois Bridge to get old palisades and 
wood. They were discovered and Wolfe and Scott, with a de- 
tachment of Rangers and Light Infantry "pushed them in with a 
very brisk fire. " II_32 

The Rangers were in no more frays of consequence until 
July 9, at one p.m. ~ 3 when a picket of 6 Rangers partici- 
pated in the fiercest sortie made by the French. Quietly ap- 
proaching the siege works on the Cap Noir side, 724 French 
attacked the Ranger picket who were posted in advance with 15 
British. The survivors, followed by the French, made their 
way to the main trench. In the grim action which followed 
there the Grenadiers and surviving Rangers were driven out 
but upon the arrival of a body of Grenadiers, they counter-at- 
tacked and recovered their work and the French retired to Lou- 

At last on July 15, the long- awaited partis an, Boishebert, 
made his appearance from his base at Mire. He made a pre- 
dawn attack on Captain Sutherland and Rogers Rangers 11 " 3 ^ 
posted at Northeast Harbour. A smart skirmish ensued "and 
there was a great deal of firing. " Wolfe's Grenadiers and Scott 
with all the Light Infantry went to sustain them but they arrived 
too late. Boishebert disappeared so quickly that the pursuing 


Scot could not overtake him. From a deserter they learned 
that 50 Indians were at large, intent on Freshwater Cove. Am- 
herst hurried off 100 chosen Rangers from McCurdey's and 
Brewer's Companies "to try to find them. " The first night out 
they intercepted at least one Indian for they captured one alive 
and were thus entitled to the coveted fifty guineas reward. II_ 39 

On July 26, Louisbourg capitulated, and there was re- 
joicing everywhere. When Major Rogers heard of the valorous 
deeds of his four overseas Companies he paraded his Lake 
George Companies in their honour and bought a barrel of wine 
for his own Company "to illuminate the rejoicing. " 44 

There still remained the subjection of the maritime prov- 
inces and ports dependent upon Louisbourg. Thirty of James 
Rogers' Company served in Major Dalling's bloodless seizure 
of Spanish Bay. II_43 The balance of the Company accompanied 
Lord Rolloto the Isle St. Jean for the same purpose, n-44 both 
detachments returning to Louisbourg upon the completion of 
these tasks. 45 

On August 30, McCurdey's, Brewer's and Stark's Com- 
panies (and Goreham's Rangers) sailed with Monckton's 
force to take Fort St. John at the mouth of the same river in 
New Brunswick. This had been Boishebert's headquarters 
prior to the Siege of Louisbourg and the Rangers anticipated 
renewing their brief acquaintance and catching him. But much 
to their annoyance they found the fort abandoned; and the ex- 
pedition ended in a desultory raid up the river in which two 
abandoned villages were fired by the Rangers. 

Returning to Fort St. Johnl 1 "" 4 ^ (now named Fort Fred- 
eric), the Rangers were dispatched under Scott up the Peticod- 
iac River to destroy a schooner in two different creeks. Due 
to the lateness of the season, the schooner was encased in ice 
but the Rangers were determined to bring her in a prize and 
they literally cut her loose "with much difficulty." 111 " 82 The 
settlement of 100 houses and barns was burned. Some of the 
Acadian occupants lurked in the woods and waylaid Lieutenant 
Caesar McCormick of William Stark's Company and his de- 
tachment of three Rangers and two Light Infantry Privates of 
the 35th. They were straggling too far from the main body and 
were all taken prisoners. When Scott was informed of 


their fate the next morning he immediately sent Lieutenant Ed- 
ward Crofton with a party of Rangers "to endeavour to retake 
Lt. McCormick, " and though he strove throughout that day and 
night he could not "find anything" of McCormick' s party. I 11 " 83 
The wary Acadians, sons of the forest, as well as the sea, had 
melted away to Miramichi with their prisoners. McCormick 
was afterwards removed to Restigouche where he was well 
treated but forced to write letters stating such and "earnestly 
begging" that if the bearer "should happen to fall into your 
hands, to use him, or any of his party, as kind as you can; 
which will be of great service to me, and all other poor cap- 
tives in Canada. " With these letters on their person as insur- 
ance of good treatment should they, or their party be captured, 
the bearers, usually leaders of marauding partisans, would 
make winter attacks on small parties of wood-cutters from 
Fort Cumberland and other posts. 

Scott's raiders arrived at Fort Frederic on November 
18, with their two prizes, and 30 prisoners. The Ranger Com- 
panies now went into winter quarters; James Rogers' Company 
remained at Louisbourg. Goreham's Rangers wintered at Lun- 
enburgh. Brewer's and William Stark's Companies helped 
McCurdy's men cut wood for their use at Fort Frederic, then 
embarked for Halifax for the winter. ^6 

Chapter III 


If Rogers' six Companies at Fort Edward were compared 
to a human body, a diagnosis in January 1759 would show an 
advanced case of anemia. Instead of the authorized 600, they 
numbered less than 200. This dearth of strength gave Major 
Rogers the excuse for asking Amherst for permission to go to 
New England to send up all the men his officers had recruited. 
In order that he might begin his "acquaintance" with Amherst, 
his new Commander, Rogers asks that he might travel by way 
of New York and meet him personally. Rogers, a born entre- 
preneur, strived to promote Amherst into increasing the num- 
ber of Companies at Fort Edward, appropriately stating that 
his command would then be strong enough to prevent the In- 
dians from "playing their old pranks. "^ 7 

Rogers was in Albany on January 28, when he wrote to 
Amherst. He, and the bulk of his Rangers, had convoyed emp- 
ty sleighs from Fort Edward to pick up provisions. During 
his absence, Gage, who commanded the New York Forts for 
the winter, stymied Rogers' plan for a furlough. He wrote 
Amherst the day before Rogers did, recommending that the 
recruiting officers could be notified to send up their Ranger re- 
cruits by advertising in the papers; and until they should 
arrive, he took it uponhimself to order Colonel Haldimand, the 
Commandant at Fort Edward, to have 200 Regulars from the 
garrison serve with the Rangers. 9 This experiment had been 


proposed by many British officers in the past, and now that it 
was tried, it proved a failure. The principal difficulty being 
the question of rank between the Ranger and British officers, 
as will be seen when the occasion arose. 

Returning to Fort Edward with the sleighs Rogers soon 
learned that his Corps suffered a slight loss on February 1st. 
At 2 P.M. 30 Indians ambushed two Rangers returning from a 
scout. They killed and scalped one, the other was wounded 
but broke free and reached the fort a mile and a half away. 
Another Ranger out hunting was reported missing. H~ 5 3 

A most hardy Crown Point scout of 23 days was conduct- 
ed by the veteran Noah Johnson, who had re-joined the Corps 
during the winter to succeed Captain James Neale when he left 
the service. Although no prisoner was taken, Johnson obtained 
information on the situation at Crown Point. IH-85 

While he was out, Rogers made his third, last, and most 
successful large scale winter excursion against Ticonder- 
oga. H~ 55 General Gage wanted a map drawn of the present 
condition of Ticonderoga so Amherst might have the proper in- 
telligence when he advanced upon it. He sent Lieutenant Brehme, 
a competent draughtsman from the Royal Americans to accom- 
pany Rogers. This was the prime purpose of the expedition 
but Rogers had orders to take prisoners or strike a blow against 
the French after Brehme had completed his mission. This was 
the largest force that Rogers ever commanded in a winter raid 
against the enchanted Ticonderoga. There were 90 of his Rang- 
ers, 217 Regulars and 50 Mohawks under Captain Lotridgewho 
had just arrived from the Mohawk valley to join the expedition. 
Since the British Volunteers were in the preponderance, their 
commander, Captain Williams, thought he should outrank Rog- 
ers and "there was some Dispute between Rogers and Captain 
Williams about rank, which at length, the latter gave up to pre- 
vent all impediments towards their moving. " 

This controversial question finally settled, Rogers 
marched out of Fort Edward on March 3, and encamped that 
night at Halfway Brook. One Mohawk had an accident and had 
to be sent back with another to assist him. Rogers was not 
taking any chance of a repeat performance of the Rogers' Rock 
tragedy of almost a year ago. All the marching was done at 


night so that they might arrive at Ticonderoga valley unob- 
served by the French lookouts on the hills. The weather was 
sub-zero, and 23 men were frostbitten the second day out, be- 
fore they had even reached Lake George. They had to be re- 
turned to Fort Edward under the care of a careful Sergeant. 
The next night they marched to Sabbath Day Point, arriving 
there at 11 P. M. , "almost overcome with the cold. " Remain- 
ing only three hours they continued on and reached the end of 
the Lake at 8 A.M. 

Rogers dispatched a small reconnaissance party who re- 
ported Ticonderoga valley was free of enemy parties but on 
the west side of Lake Champlain were two wood-cutting de- 
tails. Now was an excellent opportunity forBrehmeto make 
his observations and he went forward to Rattlesnake Hill ac- 
companied by Rogers and 94 Rangers and Mohawks. When he 
was ready to return, Rogers left a Ranger and five Mohawks 
to count the number in the wood-cutting parties when they re- 
turned to Ticonderoga, so that he might have intelligence on 
their strength in order to plan a coup the next morning. At 
dusk Brehme again went forward, accompanied by Lieutenant 
Tute and ten men. They examined the entrenchments before 
the fort from end to end much to the amazement of the French 
in Ticonderoga who were informed of the tracks by a patrol 
the next morning. At midnight Brehme and Tute returned to 
Rogers and since the Regulars were suffering terribly from the 
weather and not equipped with snow shoes, Rogers did not deem 
it prudent to hamper his effective force with their care; ac- 
cordingly, they were ordered back to Sabbath Day Point under 
Captain Williams, and Tute with 30 Rangers accompanied them 
to build fires and secure Rogers' return march. 

Rogers' attacking force consisted of Lieutenants Robert 
Holmes, Archibald Stark and David Brewer, and 40 Rangers; 
1 Regular, and Captain Lottridge with 46 Mohawks. In all, 92 
officers and men. At 3 A.M. (March 7th) they dauntlessly 
attacked the mountains that separated them from lower Lake 
Champlain, wending their difficult way through them like blan- 
ket-shrouded phantoms intent on some ghastly errand. Cross- 
ing the arm of the lake at 6 A. M. they discovered tracks of 50 
Indians that had passed by the day before towards Fort Edward. 


Continuing on to their objective eight miles north, they arrived 
at Little Mary River and found forty soldiers chopping wood 
for Ticonderoga directly across from them. Rogers immedi- 
ately fanned his men out and after stripping off their blankets, 
which had served as a cloak while marching, they charged down 
upon them and greeted the surprised French with a combination 
Ranger-Mohawk battle shout. Seven prisoners were taken, 
four were killed, and four more wounded, who managed to es- 
cape to Ticonderoga with the others. Rogers' party pursued 
them to within pistol-shot of the fort. 

Meanwhile Hebecourt, the Commandant, was aware of 
strangers on his premises, for two Iroquois on a morning pa- 
trol returned hurriedly to report the discovery of Rogers' 
tracks at the landing place. The moment he fired the signal 
gun to warn the woodcutters was the instant of Rogers' attack. 
As Rogers withdrew across the Lake, Hebecourt sent 80 Cana- 
dians and Indians to pursue him until he could outfit 150 Regu- 
lars to support them. Rogers employed Ranging Rules XII, 
XIII and XXLX, and drew his resolute pursuers on until he had 
reached a hill one mile south of his first scene of action. Since 
they were marching in a line abreast, Rogers' front was easily 
formed and they repulsed their attackers. The delayed action 
was continued by Rogers' enticing the enemy on for another 
half-mile until a long ridge was reached. Here a second stand 
was made and a fierce skirmish took place. The Canadians and 
Indians again broke but this time Rules XIII and XXTX were ful- 
filled when the Rangers and Mohawks counter-charged and 
routed them before the slogging French Regulars could come 
up. The march was resumed without further annoyance and 
Sabbath- Day Point was reached that night at twelve after an 
incredible day's march of 50 miles in freezing atmosphere and 
4 feet of snow. 

In spite of Captain Williams' welcome fires a count of 
the complete force revealed two-thirds of the men were frost- 
bitten, including Rogers himself. Lieutenant Tute was sent to 
Fort Edward for sleds which met the crippled raiders at the 
site of Fort William Henry. Arriving at Fort Edward, Rogers, 
among the rest, was so fatigued, that he did not compile his 
Journal until a few days later. Meanwhile Gage forwarded to 


Amherst a resume of Rogers' success that he had received 
from Haldimand at Fort Edward. Other heralds of victory 
waited upon him in the form of forty Mohawks who gave him a 
prisoner as a gift to be sent to Amherst. Rogers praised the 
conduct of Lotridge and recommended that he and his Company 
of Mohawks be taken into service as Rogers Rangers; but any 
merits they gained were offset by their drunken conduct on their 
return to the Mohawk Valley. Near Schenectady they shot a 
Highland sentry who challenged them, wounding him in both 
thighs . Although Amherst thought that Williams and his Regu- 
lars should have been better employed by Rogers, he was aware 
of Rogers' brilliant execution of a difficult assignment, and he 
asked Gage to recommend and suggest ways of rewarding those 
that were deserving. Gage replied that Rogers and Lotridge 
distinguished themselves most and suggests that Amherst would 
have it in his power to some time or other reward Rogers and 
recommends the reward of Lotridge to be left to Johnson. In 
spite of Gage's reluctance to give credit where credit was due, 
Rogers' results spoke for themselves. As Amherst read Rog- 
ers' Journal , which excelled any adventure story of the time, 
he could not help expelling a breath of satisfaction when he 
realized that he would be having the services of such hardy 
characters in his advance on Ticonderoga. 

No sooner had Rogers returned than he was called upon 
to play the role of diplomat and negotiate with Jacob junior for 
the services of two Companies of Stockbridges. Jacob arrived 
tardily at Albany and refused to proceed to Fort Edward, in- 
sisting that Rogers should meet him at Albany. As Rogers 
was frostbitten and thus incapable of being "on party, " Gage, 
the ever contemptuous, made the expansive gesture of order- 
ing him down. Rogers arrived on a sled and the next day, 
March 25, Gage writes, the two chiefs held their conference. 
The pow-wow was successful and the two Jacobs Companies 
re-entered the Corps. 5 " 

About 150 Ranger recruits straggled into Albany and it 
appeared that Rogers Rangers would now resume their more 
corpulent appearance, but unfortunately an epidemic of measles 
broke out among many of the recruits and only a portion of 
them were able to march to Ford Edward. 51 


Before Rogers could arrive at Rogers' Island with his 
recruits his officers had astounded Commandant Haldimand 
and roused the wrath of Gage when he was informed that they 
refused to scout unless they had sufficient numbers to protect 
them from the Indian parties at large. In Gage's prejudiced 
mind, this bit of sound determination bordered on mutiny, and 
following as it did, so close on the heels of the Rogers-Wil- 
liams rank dispute, it riled him into penning a decree to Hal- 
dimand in which he manifested his unbending attitude in regard 
to the Rangers . He ordered the officers and Rangers who would 
not march to be confined for mutiny. Any officer who attempt- 
ed to resign would be tried for desertion. As soon as Rogers 
arrived with the recruits the Corps was to be paraded by a 
British officer who was "to see them put in some tolerable or- 
der, & the six companys leveled & distinguished from each 
other. . . " and the articles of war were to be read to them ev- 
ery week. 52 

This determination of Gage's to break up the Corps as a 
battalion was high-handed for it was Amherst's duty and not 
his. In his wrath at the Rangers he worked behind Rogers' 
back as well as Amherst's. Rogers left Albany with orders to 
put his Companies in order, but before he could arrive at Rog- 
ers' Island and fulfill these orders, Gage sent the above in- 
structions to the Commandant at Fort Edward; at the same 
time he sent a copy to Amherst asking his approval, and ridi- 
culing Rogers' ability to maintain order in his Corps. 53 Gage 
was jealous of Rogers' latent capabilities and daring. He hoped 
to take advantage of Amherst's unfamiliarity of his true sen- 
timents toward Rogers and minimize his fame. But he under- 
estimated Amherst's insight of human nature. He read between 
the lines, and though his British mind was sometimes reluc- 
tant to accept the vaunted merits of the Rangers in general, 
still he never doubted Rogers' ability, and he repeatedly stood 
up for him or turned a deaf ear when sly aspersions were made 
against him. Fortunately this second 54 crisis of the life of the 
Corps survived the jealous fevour gnawing at its existence. 
Major Eyre relieved Haldimand at Fort Edward at this critical 
time and this factor with that of a delayed mail delivery 55 en- 
abled Rogers to arrive during this bustle, and quiet the eloquent 


voicings of his officers who were only sounding his own senti- 
ments. By the time Gage's proclamation arrived, Eyre was 
reluctant to carry out his orders without confirmation from 

Although Gage's drastic actions were not taken, still, 
Eyre followed Haldimand's insistence in sending out small ill- 
advised scouts which were catastrophic for the bulk of the par- 

On May 1, Sergeant Daniel Hurlburt and 3 Rangers were 
sent scouting to an Indian village on the Sacandaga River which 
flowed into the Hudson. Fourteen miles from Fort Edward they 
were attacked on the southern shore of the Hudson by Indians. 
A grim duel followed in which only one Ranger managed to es- 
cape to Fort Edward, of the others, one Ranger was killed and 
Sergeant Hurlburt and Private Robert Hewitt were taken pris- 
oners. They elaborated in the information which they were 
forced to divulge and confused the French about the true state 
of Amherst's army and forts. II-57 

About May 11, while Rogers was in Albany settling Rang- 
er accounts, another blow fell: A Ticonderoga scout were re- 
turning on foot when they espied 15 craft pulling away from the 
site of Fort William Henry. E-87 Arriving at the site the Rang- 
ers found the scalped remains of a fellow Ranger. He was one 
of 30 commanded by Captain Burbank who had slept the night 
in a large hut with his party. They were attacked at dawn by a 
superior force of Indians who drove them from the hut by set- 
ting fire to it. Most of the Rangers surrendered with Burbank. 
Some who resisted were "mangled in a shocking manner..." 
while others were overpowered and joined with those who sur- 
rendered. Private Samuel Shepherd while engaging an Indian 
in front was overpowered when an Indian from behind grabbed 
his hair queue and jerked him off balance. His brother George 
ducked a vicious blow at his head which brought a wounded 
scream from the Tomahawk wielderwhen it descended upon his 
own leg. Captain Burbank was mistaken for Rogers and in- 
humanely butchered and scalped. When told of their mistake 
by the other prisoners, they appeared sorry, for some were 
St. Francis Indians and Burbank had been a captive among them 
during his youth and had "shown them kindness. " The loss of 


Burbank's complete party seemed a crushing loss at the time, 
for only three mangled bodies could be found when a thorough 
search was later made. Since none escaped, considerable con- 
jecture was made as to their fate, but amazingly enough, 25 of 
the 28 captured were sold to the French and exchanged on 
November 15, 1759. The other 3 were retained by the Indians, 
one of them being delivered up in 1760. Besides these who were 
unaccounted for, the only permanent loss to the Corps were 

Captain Burbank and two men killed. Burbank's murder was 

grieved by all, for he was well liked. 

Not all of the scouts sent out at this time were worsted. 
It would seem that the deeper Rogers Rangers penetrated into 
enemy territory the safer and more successful they were. A 
penetration to Crown Point bagged a Frenchman hunting near- 
by in the woods who revealed much needy information. HI- 8 8 

In the meantime Rogers had seen Amherst in Albany and 
squelched Gage's attempt to dissolve his command into sepa- 
rate distinct Ranging Companies. Amherst assured Rogers 
that he would retain the Majority over his Corps and have the 
rank of Major in the army from April 6, 1758, the date of his 
commission from Abercrombie. 56 Rogers was reassured of 
his continued command over his farflung Companies . Upon the 
death of Lieutenant Fossit of James Rogers' Company at Louis- 
bourg, Ensign Stephen Holland was promoted at Major Roberts' 
recommendation. 57 Rogers was notified of Lieutenant Moses 
Hazen's ascension to McCurdey's command when he was acci- 
dentally killed at Fort Frederic; 58 and when Captain Wendell 
expressed a desire to resign from the command of the Rangers 
at Fort Stanwix, H-58 Amherst, at Rogers' recommendation, 
promoted Lieutenant Joseph Wait of Rogers' own Company to 
succeed Wendell on May 11, and Rogers advanced Waite money 
to purchase uniforms and necessities for his Company. Rog- 
ers anxiously queried Amherst about the fate of Lieutenant Cae- 
sar McCormick, captured in New Brunswick for he wanted him 
to serve in his own Company. 60 it was through Rogers' inter- 
vention that McCormick was exchanged prior to the Siege of 

Rogers was continually intervening for his scattered flock. 
On May 11, he vouched for five veteran Rangers and saved 


them from being pressed into the navy. Sergeant William Clark 
arrived in Albany to inform the amazed Rogers that he and four 
other captive Rangers in 1758 had been carried to Quebec, then 
exchanged to England, and had finally worked their way to New 
York on the armed ship Essex . The ship's commander, John 
Curtin, was reluctant to part with them and he confined them 
on board when they anchored in New York; but the Ranger- 
Seamen were determined not to serve a life sentence on the 
Essex and Clark made his "elopement" on May 4, and a week 
later he arrived footsore at Albany. Rogers immediately sent 
a Sergeant with Clark's account to Schomberg of the Diana , who 
was Curtin' s superior. He in turn relayed the Sergeant to Am- 
herst who ordered Curtin to deliver the Rangers to the Ser- 
geant. The grateful Rangers who were returned to the Corps 
were Sergeants Martin Severance and Joshua Conky of Rogers' 
own; Privates Morris O'Brian and Aggrippa Wells of Bur- 
bank's. Private Conky was a rare captive- survivor of Rogers' 
Rock. 61 

There were ten Companies of Rogers Rangers on the 
Lake George front. 2 Three Companies were new or revivals. 
The new Company was led by Lieutenant David Brewer who had 
not enlisted enough men as yet to warrant a Captain's commis- 
sion. 63 The revived Companies were those of the two Jacobs. 
The younger Jacob marched from Albany to Fort Edward on 
May 9, with his Company of 58. 64 His father, though, was far 
behind schedule. He arrived in Albany the latter part of the 
month. Amherst gathered his scattered Company together to 
march on the 26th, but rum stopped them and it was not until 
two days later that they were able to march. They had to leave 
one of their brethren behind for he was almost dead from the 
wounds they had given him while brawling under the influence 
of rum. 65 

While Amherst's army gathered at Lake George for his 
advance on Ticonderoga and Crown Point, numerous scouts of 
Rogers Rangers were thrown against these forts and around 
the army for protection and information. HI-89-90-91-92-93- 
94-95-96-97-98-101-102-104-106-107-108 Their pur p OSe was 

varied. Attempts were made by Captain Stark to entice enemy 
parties into a trap. He, and a boatload of fishing Rangers act- 


ed as the decoy, but the enemy were too wary. 111 " 99 Rogers 
bagged a huge bear and diplomatically presented the skin to 
Appy, Amherst's secretary. 66 Appy was in a position to put 
in a good word for Rogers and he knew it. Two actions of con- 
sequence occurred before the army embarked. Captain Jacob 
Cheeksaunkun's Company was badly cut up on July 5th. The 
second day out Jacob grew careless and traveled on the Lake 
in daylight. He was seen at the Second Narrows by a force 
twice his size and attacked. He ordered his three boats to make 
for the shore. Jacob in the third boat covered the landing of 
the other two, but unfortunately when his boat landed they found 
a steep bank confronting them and before they could scramble 
up it the Iroquois were upon them. In the desperate fight which 
followed, five Stockbridges were killed and Jacob and the other 
four were captured. In their fury at their own losses, the Iro- 
quois tortured and killed the four Stockbridge Privates . Jacob 
was prudently spared for the high price which he brought from 
the French. This was a terrific loss for half of Jacobs' little 
Company of thirty men were killed or captured. The surviv- 
ors straggled reluctantly into camp for they knew they would 
be condemned for being on the lake in broad daylight but far 
worse was the difficult task of breaking the news of Jacob's 
capture to his son. There was a strong affection between the 
two Jacobs. When Jacob Naunauphtaunk learned of his father's 
capture he was overcome with grief and upon recovering he 
"menaced vengeance against the enemy. "H~65 

The other action, a more favorable one for the Corps, 
took place on July 12, when a ruse was attempted in order to 
dislodge a partisan force lurking in the First Narrows. Ma- 
jors Rogers and Campbell led a force of Rangers, Gage's Light 
Infantry and Grenadiers . They started before dawn and rowed 
along the east shore until they reached the islands of the Nar- 
rows, here Campbell remained with the Regulars and a boat 
with an 18-pounder, while Rogers went forth with his 100 Rang- 
ers to entice the enemy from the islands. Rogers' advance 
boat was fired upon and a Sergeant was killed and a Stockbridge 
was wounded. Rogers briskly returned the fire and drove the 
enemy from the island and down the lake with eight deadly 


rounds of musketry. Campbell came up to support Rogers with 
his Regulars and 18-pounder buthe revealed and fired the can- 
non too soon. After this discovery, the enemy, about 200 In- 
dians, made haste to keep their distance while they retreated 
down the lake. This action, though not as successful as it 
might have been, cleared the Narrows of any lurking foe in 
preparation for Amherst's embarkation nine days later. H-68 

The proportion of whaleboats and batteaus for Rogers 
Rangers was forty-three and on the 17th Rogers was ordered 
to paint the name of his Corps upon each of them. 67 other 
consequential assignments were frequently mentioned in vari- 
ous General Orders; 68 and a promotional item of importance 
occurred while the army was encamped at Lake George. Cap- 
tain John Shepherd wrote Rogers on June 25, asking that he 
might resign on account of poor health. Rogers was glad to 
comply for now he might recommend Lieutenant James Tute, 
his friend, to the vacancy. Amherst accepted Shepherd's res- 
ignation on July 12, and promoted Tute. 69 

The unknown fate of Captain Burbank inspired a hopeful 
claim in his First Lieutenant, Andrew McMullen; but to his 
chagrin, Rogers took over the helm, compiled the muster 
rolls and received the pay for the Company. McMullen was a 
brave officer but he was bestowed with a violent Irish temper 
and he almost had an internal combustion over his frustration. 
In an angry discussion with Rogers he was accused of being 
angry because he could not have the "perquisitts" of the Com- 
pany. This galled McMullen so that he petitioned Amherst on 
July 16, stating that Rogers might just as well have called him 
a rogue and a Sutler to the Company. He implied the same of 
Rogers and accused him of holding back the billeting money 
that he and the other officers had laid out while marching their 
recruits to Albany. McMullen asks thathe might have the com- 
mand of the Company until Burbank' s return or else be allowed 
to resign and serve as a Volunteer in some other Corps. 70 In 
spite of the strong accusations cast at each other, Rogers and 
McMullen seem to have become reconciled. Unlike other Corps 
commanders, Rogers could forgive a fiery nature if there was 
a capable Ranger behind the flame. 

On July 20, a scout of Rangers returned to report that 


the French advance guard had retired to Ticonderoga valley 
and the next day Amherst's invasion army embarked. HI- 109 
As usual, Rogers formed the advance guard with his Rangers. 
They were the first body that landed the next day at Ticonder- 
oga Valley. Pushing vigorously forward Rogers surprised 
Captain Bournieand 400 French and Indians at the bridge cross- 
ing Ticonderoga River. Rogers took possession of the bridge 
and a short but fierce engagement took place on the north side. 
Bournie's force broke and retired under Rogers' pressure, tak- 
ing their wounded with them. Bournie lost 4 men killed, and 1 
officer and 2 men taken prisoners. H-70 

The passage was now clear for Amherst's advancing col- 
umns, and the Army took possession of the heights near the 
Saw Mills . When the French saw Amherst bringing up his can- 
non to invest Ticonderoga they abandoned Montcalm's lines 
without too much resistance. The capture of an entrenchment 
north of the fortress was assigned to Rogers. He sent Captain 
Moses Brewer with 200 Rangers and they "happily succeed- 
ed. "H-72 Brewer remained here with his Company and Am- 
herst repeated his strategy at Louisbourg and posted Rogers 
with the balance of his Rangers to cover his rear from partisan 
attacks. 71 

The day after Brewer's capture, a party of Indians sal- 
lied forth and attacked his entrenchment. A spirited fire was 
exchanged and the attackers were driven off. H -74 

Every day of the siege saw Rogers Rangers executing 
some specials-no or dangerous assignment. The night of 
the 25th saw sixty Ranger sharpshooters in the trenches "to 
amuse the besieged. . .by popping into their" watchtowers and 
gun-turrets while British artificers were busily at work at an- 
other point. 111-111 The next night Major Rogers was entrust- 
ed with the "secret assignment" of cutting off the boom which 
had been extended across the lake to prevent British boats from 
passing. Rogers quietly embarked with sixty Rangers and saws 
in three boats that had been hauled overland for him. At 9P.M. 
they were half-way to the boom's end on the east shore when 
they heard an explosion from Ticonderoga and saw the French 
abandoning the fort for their boats. Rogers, though outnum- 
bered, was in an excellent position to attack them and harass 


their retreat. Rogers' little flotilla alarmed the French into 
believing their force was much greater. Indeed, Rogers' dar- 
ing attacks netted the capture of ten boats, 50 barrels of pow- 
der, a quantity of French coats, 16 to 20 prisoners, and Com- 
mandant Hebecourt's portmanteau containing many valuable 
letters. A coup which a larger force could have boasted of 
with pride. 11-77 

Ticonderoga had finally fallen. No more would the bells 
of Carillon ring for French ears. 7 ^ Possessive eyes were now 
turned toward Crown Point. While Amherst waited for his bat- 
teaus to come up and be portaged to Lake Champlain he posted 
Rogers Rangers beyond the Sawmills as a buffer between Ti- 
conderoga and the partisan bands expected from Crown Point. 
The Rangers helped to obstruct the road to the lake to hamper 
the approach of a large force; 73 but small raiding parties sift- 
ed through. On July 28, Ensign Jonas of a Stockbridge Com- 
pany was peeling bark when he was killed and scalped. III_113 

Small scouts of Rangers were constantly kept out towards 
Crown Point and Amherst "had not only daily, but hourly intel- 
ligence. " 7 4 They were not lacking in daring for one scout en- 
tered the French camp and spirited away a British deserter. 
This bit of audacity was one of those characteristic feats which 
made listeners stand with mouth agape when Ranger exploits 
were related. H-H5 

At noon on August 1, a detail from a scout under Lieu- 
tenant Fletcher returned with the amazing news of the evacua- 
tion of Crown Point. Fletcher himself arrived the next day to 
relate on his taking possession of the ruins of the once mighty 
fortress. The French had blown it up and withdrawn to Isle Au 
Noix at the northern end of Lake Champlain. Fletcher would 
have hoisted a flag of some kind but the French had not left so 
much as the halyards; instead, he wrote his name on the flag- 
staff and brought Amherst some cucumbers and apples from 
the garden as a token. H-79 Fletcher's possession of Crown 
Point was cemented when Captain Moses Brewer was sent with 
200 Rangers to post themselves in a strategic position until 
Amherst's army arrived the next evening (Augst 4th). 

Commensurate with the passing of ancient French reign 


on Lake George and Champlain was the revealing of Rogers' 
legendary Secret Water - Passage east of Sabbath Day Point. 
Rogers and Captain Abercrombie had been sent on August 1 to 
lay out a road over this famous passage through the mountains 
separating the two lakes so that a road might be built securing 
Amherst's communications with Fort George now being built 
near the site of Fort William Henry. II ~ 114 Rogers, the Sur- 
veyor, returned in time to embark with the army for Crown 
Point. Upon arriving he was encamped with his Rangers as a 
buffer in front of the army, and they beached their whaleboats 
at West Bay on the left of their camp. 75 Thus ensconced in 
their new home Rogers Rangers shared conspicuously in the 
bustling activities of camp and field while Amherst built a fleet 
of vessels to protect his advance on Isle Aux Noix from the 
four French sloops commanding Lake Champlain. 

The day after their arrival 100 of Rogers Rangers turned 
pioneers and cut a road to Ticonderoga so that fresh meat 
might be herded down on the hoof. HI- 117 ^he sanie day Major 
Rogers was sent with a party to the east side of the lake to dis- 
cover the best spots to cut timber for the new fort to be built 
at Crown Point. Rogers' party were given permission to hunt 
and they shot 3 deer and 7 bears. HI-118 The hunt was repeat- 
ed on August 8, this time 4 Regular officers and 25 Rangers 
and Light Infantry accompanied Rogers and their sense of 
sportsmanship was aroused when they were enjoined not to take 
any "dropping shots at game." 111 9 A more whimsical hunt 
was maintained by Ranger Private Stilson Eastman: Amherst, 
being fond of milk, had a cow in camp, which had liberty to 
run at large, to find the best feeding ground. After a time the 
cow wandered off and could not be found; soldiers were sent in 
various directions but to no avail. At length Eastman was sent 
out and he found her to the great joy of Amherst, who, as a re- 
ward, ordered Eastman's canteen to be filled with rum. Being 
reluctant to let a good thing pass, Eastman, from time to time, 
drove the cow to its favorite pasture, where no one could find 
her but himself, and whenever he brought in the cow he received 
his reward in his canteen. 7 *> 

It was necessary that Amherst get a message through to 
Wolfe at Quebec and a Volunteer was asked for from the Rang- 


ers on August 5; two days later Ensign Benjamin Hutchings 
earned fame for himself when he stepped forth to undertake the 
hazardous mission. He traveled by way of Boston where he 
took a sloop to Fort Halifax on the Kennebec River. From 
here, accompanied by a guide and two men, he traveled cross- 
country to Point Levi and Wolfe. They were 17 days on their 
march and the last four they were without food and were about 
to give themselves up from sheer necessity when they man- 
aged to capture 3 inhabitants who informed them how close 
Quebec was . Making another notch in their belts they held on 
and reached Wolfe on September 3rd. Four days later, accom- 
panied by Captain Stobo, recently escaped from Quebec, ' 
Hutchings started his return trip to Amherst on board Captain 
Haynes' sloop. On September 29, they were off the Cape Sable 
shore when they were hailed by an English voice. Allowing the 
sloop to come within range they were aware of her true colours 
when four swivel guns were fired, and 50 French Privateers 
swarmed aboard. Hutchings and the other English poured 300 
rounds from their small arms into the Pirates before they 
struck. Hutchings was forced to part with all his uniform but 
his hat. He was also robbed of his Ensign's commission and 
over 200 dollars, but fortunately he managed to throw over- 
board his dispatches from Wolfe to Amherst. They were taken 
to Beaver Harbour on the Cape Sable shore and two days later 
the Pirate Captain gave them a small fishing schooner and 
jammed an accumulation of 50 English prisoners aboard. Hap- 
pily, they had good weather, but only one day's provisions and 
they were almost starved when they reached Halifax after a 
three-day voyage. Notwithstanding, Hutchings and Stobo re- 
embarked the next morning for Boston and then by horseback 
and boat to Crown Point. HI-119-A 

The day after Hutchings started out from Crown Point on 
his adventure-packed mission, Amherst had attempted to get 
another message through to Wolfe. He sent Captain Kennedy 
and Lieutenant Hamilton of the Regulars and Captain Jacob 
Naunauphataunk and 4 Stockbridges of Rogers Rangers to Que- 
bec via St. Francis under the guise of offering the Indians peace 
terms, their answer to be carried to Wolfe. Amherst under- 
estimated the gullibility of the St. Francis Indians for Hamil- 


ton's party were captured by a hunting party fron this tribe 
and though Jacob had an expensive belt of wampum and Am- 
herst's message offering them protection for their neutrality, 
they turned a deaf ear and took them to Montcalm, and not 
Wolfe. II_82 

Other detachments of Rogers Rangers were expressing 
their versatility of abilities. Captain John Stark with 200 Rang- 
ers was given the task of building a road from Crown Point to 
Number Four on the Connecticut River, a distance of about 80 
miles, through an almost pathless wilderness. When it was 
completed in a month's time, it opened up communication with 
New England. 111 " 121 

Exploring parties were sent up the Otter, HI- 122 upper 
HudsonUI -1 ^ and La Barbue Rivers to determine their true 
nature. Daring scouts were made to Isle Aux Noix. Ensign 
Wilson led the first scout of Rangers to the island, but two of 
his men who were sent forward were discovered while trying 
to pass through the Indian encampment. Wilson effected a safe 
retreat. HI-120 ^he canoe pursuing them contained an officer, 
6 Indians and 4 Canadians . They left their canoe at the mouth 
of Otter River and proceeding by land captured 2 Privates of 
the 55th on the east side. 111 " 123 " 125 Meanwhile Captain Tute, 
Lieutenants Darcy and Solomon and 40 Rangers who were "on 
party" attempted to capture French officers reported to have 
been going ashore from their ships to fish, having given up 
hope of waylaying any on the west shore had crossed over to 
the east side and discovered the canoe. Tute's party lay in 
wait and ambushed the French and Indians when they returned. 
During the skirmish, 1 French Indian was killed and scalped; 
2 more were badly wounded but managed to escape with the 
rest. Tute's force suffered 2 Rangers wounded. One of the 
55th Privates managed to make his escape to Tute during the 
conflict. There was no time for pursuit, the French fleet were 
at anchor off the mouth of the river and upon hearing the firing 
they came up the lake with the wind just as Tute was pulling 
away from the shore in his whaleboat and captured canoe. A 
thrilling chase followed. The Breeze was with the three French 
ships and the Rangers had to row furiously to keep ahead of 
them. Tute was on the verge of trying for the shore and tak- 


ing the chance of the fleet sailing ahead and landing parties to 
cut him off from Crown Point, when one of his Rangers (a for- 
mer New England fisherman) suggested they rig sails with 
their blankets . This happy thought was quickly put into effect 
and they were thus able to hold their own until the ships gave 
up the chase as they neared Crown Point. E-86 

Tute's odyssey was followed by an incredible feat which 
introduced to Ranger Annals one of the most daring members 
of the Corps. The Ranger who made his debut to fame was 
Sergeant-Major Joseph Hopkins. Amherst embarked two par- 
ties of Rangers on the night of August 22, to undertake a dual 
scouting operation to St. Johns. Lieutenant Fletcher com- 
manded one party of ten, while Sergeant Hopkins led the other 
of eight. The parties separated a mile from St. Johns after 
agreeing on a rendezvous at a certain time. Fletcher scouted 
inquisitively but dangerously toward La Prairie (across the 
river from Montreal) , while Hopkins continued toward St. Johns. 
He was discovered by a superior force but adopted Rogers 
Ranging Rule and ordered his 8 men to separate and retreat in 
different directions. Some hours later, Hopkins and 4 of his 
Rangers re-united near Isle aux Noix where he decided to lie 
in ambush for a prisoner. "At length he observed 3 soldiers 
go in to Swim in the Lake, close by 4 armed Vessels, he im- 
mediately stripped himself, and went into swim likewise, his 
Party lying concealed. He swam along till he came to the 3 
Soldiers, when he entered into a familiar Discourse with them 
in French, which the Sergeant spoke fluently; among the rest 
that he told them, he said, that where he enter' d to swim there 
was such a prodigious Number of Fish that he could hardly get 
along for them; the 3 Soldiers were extremely anxious to be 
shown the Place, which the Sergeant undertook, and swam along 
with them to the Place where his Men lay in Ambush, when they 
rush'd out into the water about Breast high and made them all 
3 Prisoners and brought them off, notwithstanding their Hal- 
lowing, which alarmed the Enemy, who were seen very numer- 
ous on the Ramparts, they being within Gun-Shot and under the 
Muzzles of the Guns of the armed vessels and in sight of some 
hundreds of the Enemy; but they did not fire for fear of killing 
their own Men. The prisoners informed of Lieutenant Fletch- 


er and his Party being taken who gave intelligence of Hopkins, 
and that a Party was out in order to Way-lay him, but luckily 
he did not leave his Whale-Boats where he determined to meet 
Fletcher, and by that Means escaped; for he scarcely put off 
before the Enemy appeared and fired upon him, but did no dam- 
age..." The other four men of Hopkins' party preceded him 
into Crown Point and informed Amherst that he was probably 
captured; consequently when Hopkins arrived the next day 
there was considerable rejoicing, and "when the Sergeant 
brought the Prisoners to Amherst, the General was exceed- 
ingly pleased with the affair and told Hopkins 'He was obliged 
to him for catching such Fish, and that he had fished to a good 
Purpose.'" 111 " 126 

Hopkins' feat was shadowed by the fate of Lieutenant 
Fletcher's party. An overwhelming force of 70 Indians came 
upon his boat, captured one of the two men left to guard it, 
and then tracked Fletcher until they came upon him and his 8 
men near La Prairie. Though surrounded, Fletcher made a 
brave stand and "behaved well" in the uneven fight which fol- 
lowed. He was soon "compelled by necessity" to surrender for 
there were only two men left alive with him, three had been 
killed while three others had broken out of the trap, however 
one of these was caught up with and taken to Montreal with 
Fletcher and the other two. Fortunately, Fletcher was re- 
deemed from the Indians with a great deal of trouble by Saint 
Luke, a French officer. He was a friend to Ranger and Brit- 
ish prisoners but he had an ulterior motive in rescuing Fletch- 
er from the savages, for he made him promise that he would 
ask Amherst to exchange Captain Marin Dinsantrie for him. 
This expectancy of a French Captain being exchanged for a 
Ranger Lieutenant bespoke well of the high regard and barter- 
ing value the French held for Ranger officers regardless of 
their rank.^"^ 7 

A brief mention of the homesick members of the Corps 
will be recorded at this point for it is the purpose of this his- 
tory to set forth an unbiased account of the questionable, as 
well as the valorous acts, of certain Rangers. Three Rangers 
deserted on the night of August 30th; and two more were sus- 
pected of doing so when a British officer reported them "lost 


in the woods" while on his scout. III ~ 127 A Ranger was picked 
up at Saratoga shortly after Amherst's advance on Ticonder- 
oga. He was one of the detachment of Rangers left with Com- 
mandant Montressor at Fort George. Montressor, who was 
already perturbed at his Rangers' reluctance to work on the 
new fort, "fettered him" to a ball and chain and made him work 
on the fort. As Stark's Road neared No. 4, 14 Rangers desert- 
ed. One unfortunate deserter fell into Amherst's hands. The 
General had a forgiving nature except for desertion. He or- 
dered 1000 lashes for the Ranger but since he had only desert- 
ed to go home he "forgave him 500" and after receiving the 
other half he was drummed out of the army. 78 

Three days after his return from Isle aux Noix, Sergeant 
Hopkins was entrusted with a dangerous assignment. After his 
last exploit, Amherst had complete confidence in his unusual 
abilities. When Hopkins reported that a new French sloop had 
been launched, and was now being fitted out, Amherst sent Hop- 
kins to burn the sloop. Four other expert swimmers were 
sought to assist him, and two Regulars and two Provincials 
who had been sailors volunteered and they were all instructed 
in the use of "fire-darts" and "hand-carcasses." Two Pro- 
vincial officers volunteered to serve under Hopkins and four 
Rangers comprised the balance of his commando force. If the 
enterprise was successful, the men were to be rewarded. As 
utmost secrecy was of the essence they traveled only by night. 
On September 11, at ten P.M. Hopkins swam out to the sloop 
with the four best swimmers of his party. One man carried a 
dark lanthorn with the lighted match on his head. The others 
carried fire-darts and carcasses in little boxes attached to 
their heads in the same manner. 

Swimming gently to the stern they discovered a French- 
man fishing in a boat. Luck was with them for the present, for 
they were not seen, and they swam around the boat to the bow. 
One man almost had his fire-dart screwed in and another was 
in preparation when a Frenchman looking over the bow saw 
them. The hue and cry was immediately sounded and there 
was a frenzied bustle on board until the magazine of powder 
was thrown overboard for the French feared that their ship was 
on fire. Hopkins and his commandos were forced— reluctantly 


—to abandon their assignment and dive and swim alternately 
for their very lives. The guards on Isle aux Noix, as well as 
those on board, were firing at them. One man was grazed in 
the thigh and barely escaped a broad axe thrown at him. Reach- 
ing the covering party on shore Hopkins was able to escape in 
the darkness and bring his party safely into Crown Point. So 
ended an attempt, which, if it had succeeded, would well have 
garnished Hopkins' fame as well as that of Rogers Rangers. No 
second attempt to fire the sloop was planned for the now-wary 
French kept continuous guards and patrols on, and about their 
vessels, thus making it impossible. 111 "" 129 

Amherst now feared the French would reciprocate and 
try to burn his fleet building on the ways, for enemy tracks and 
boats were seen on the sixth. Scouts by land and boat were 
sent after them but to no avail. •"*" ***9 

Rogers Rangers were again employed on a secret and 
dangerous assignment. It was imperative that Amherst learn 
the results of Brigadier Gage' s sluggish advance to La Gallete 
on the St. Lawrence River. Lietuenant Tute was sent with 11 
men to go to the Riviere de Sable, go up it in a whaleboat as 
far as possible then strike overland to the St. Lawrence, tak- 
ing notes on the nature of the Sable River and plausibility of 
marching an army overland. Unfortunately Tute only took 25 
days' provisions with him and the seventeenth day out he had to 
send back a Sergeant and four men to obtain food and meet him 
eight miles up the Sable River where they left their whaleboat. 
Tute struck the St. Lawrence a few miles below La Gallete on 
September 20, after 27 days out. Their 25 days' provisions 
were gone and they were famished, but Tute determined to ful- 
fill his mission. They crept forward and reconnoitered La 
Gallete and Tute resolved to take a prisoner. Unfortunately 
they had to abandon the scheme for Corporal Cauley of Gage's 
80th was sent forward to scout, and he deserted to the enemy 
(no doubt hunger drove him to it) . Tute penned a quick note to 
Gage describing the strength and situation of the enemy at La 
Gallete and also the famished condition of his party; he then 
retired as fast as his party could in their weakened condition 
towards their boat and relief party with provisions at the Sable 
River. Fate was against them, however, for the messenger 


sent to Gage was captured and the enemy were now fully aware 
of their route of march. Tute's party were trailed and cap- 
tured on the same day (the 22nd) and taken to La Corne at Las 
Gallete and then sent to Montreal. H-88 

During Tute's absence, Major Rogers stepped into the 
limelight to lead an expedition that brought undying fame to 
himself and his Corps. H~89 On September 10, Amherst learned 
from a flag of truce that Kennedy and Jacob had been captured 
by the very Indians that they had been sent to seduce away from 
the French. This riled Amherst considerably for he had felt 
confident that his naive ruse would work. As a result of this 
"ungenerous" attitude of the St. Francis Indians, Rogers' pleas 
to raid their lair were finally answered when Amherst ordered 
him forth on the 13th "to chastise those savages with some 
severity. " Rogers was delighted, for four years he had been 
petitioning the various Commanders-in-Chief for the go signal 
on this, his pet project. As the conquest of Canada became 
imminent, Rogers was fretful that his project would remain 
shelved forever, but now that it was taken down and dusted off 
and brought to life, he threw himself into preparing his expe- 
dition with all of his famous vigor. 

September 11 and 12th were busy days at Rogers' camp 
as 200 Rangers, Provincials and Regulars were picked from 
the swarm of Volunteers that clambered to join the expedition. 
For security reasons, the objective was kept a secret, but the 
fact that a secret expedition led by Rogers himself was ordered 
out so soon after the news of Kennedy's capture by St. Francis 
Indians prompted the Rangers and Provincials to hope that the 
home of their heriditary enemies might be their goal. Conse- 
quently, Rogers had enough Volunteers to pick only soldats 
elite that rivalled the selectiveness of the Rogers' Rock par- 
ticipants. Rogers personally advanced 339 pounds 6 shillings 
New York currency for the equipment needed for so long a 
march. He was later reimbursed by the British Government. 
Each man was equipped with two pairs of moccasins, two pairs 
of footings and one pair of Indian stockings or leggings (this 
made one extra pair for the 100 Rangers present for they al- 
ready wore leggings). Hatchets, cases and belts were sup- 
plied to the 102 Provincials and Regulars. Twenty tumplines 


were also purchased for the expedition. 

Rogers started his epic scout on the night of September 
13, in 17 whaleboats. For some unexplained reason, Rogers' 
force only numbered 190 men instead of the authorized 200. 
Arriving at Buttonmould Bay they laid up there the next day 
and proceeded on to Otter River the next night where they had 
to lie by for a dark night to pass the French fleet of three ves- 
sels anchored off the mouth of the river. While here, Rogers 
became aware of the physical incompetence of a large percent- 
age of his party. The first day out he had to send back 1 Stock- 
bridge Indian who was sick; and now, the next day at Otter 
Creek, 40 officers and men had to be returned to Crown Point. 
They reluctantly returned in three different parties. The last 
party brought in 2 Highlanders who were wounded when they 
tripped over some logs and their muskets went off. One of the 
men, a 42nd Private, died soon after he was carried into Crown 
Point. Captain Williams, who returned with the second party 
on the 18th, was badly powder-burned in this accident. In all, 
48 (3 officers and 45 men) of Rogers' 190 St. Francis Raid- 
ers had to be returned because of illness or lameness before 
they reached St. Francis (Lieutenant McMullen and 6 other 
lame or exhausted men were returned on the 25th)— 25 were 
Rangers and Stockbridges, 16 were Provincials, and 7 were 
Regulars. This loss of one-fourth of his detachment was dis- 
quieting to Rogers, to say the least, but he felt reassured as 
the continual obstacles of the gruelling expedition were sur- 
mounted, and he realized that he had with him 142 officers and 
men of phenomenal endurance. 

Finally the French ships sailed closer to Crown Point 
and the Raiders were able to embark. Other hazards soon be- 
came apparent for the French were aware that Ranger scouting 
parties traveled by night on the lake and they had planted booby 
traps in small boats and anchored them at various places on 
the lake in the hope that Ranger boats would collide with them 
or at least see them and be inquisitive enough to board them 
and be blown up. 

Fortunately Rogers' party "happily escaped their snares 
of this kind" and arrived at Missisquoi Bay on September 23, 
ten days after leaving Crown Point. Here they disembarked 


and hid their whaleboats in the little southern arm of the bay 
so that the enemy would be less likely to find them. They 
marched northward keeping abreast of the lake for two days 
when two Stockbridges who had been left to bring Rogers any 
news of the discovery of his boats, caught up with him with the 
alarming news that the boats were discovered by enemy scouts. 
Rogers' bridges were now burnt behind him (actually they were, 
for the French burned his whaleboats), and he realized that a 
party would now be pursuing him. He was correct in this very 
natural assumption, for Bourlamaque, the Commandant at Isle 
aux Noixsent 300 men in pursuit and posted 360 men in ambush 
near the charred ruins of the whaleboats to await the return of 
Rogers' party. Aware that he would have to adopt part of his 
original plan of 1756 and return by way of Lake Memphremagog 
and the Connecticut River Rogers dispatched Leiutenant McMul- 
len, who had become lame, with six others to travel on foot to 
Crown Point to ask Amherst to send Lieutenant Samuel Stevens 
to meet him at the^ iniino of rout WuiUtuilli with provisions. 
Though lame, McMullen and his party marched over 120 miles 
in nine days to deliver this most urgent message to Amherst. 

The nine-day march through the foot-deep Missisquoi 
swamps was not unlike a nightmare and the Raiders must have 
had many bad dreams in the uncomfortable hammocks they had 
to swing among the spruce trees that stuck out of the seeming- 
ly endless bog. The only good thing that can be said about the 
swamps is that they made it impossible for Bourlamacque's 
pursuit party to trail them. When they lost the trail the French 
hazarded a guess that Rogers was marching against Wigwam 
Martinique, an Indian settlement on the Yamaska River, it be- 
ing considerably closer than St. Francis which was safely en- 
sconced near the St. Lawrence River in the very heart of Can- 
ada. Rigaud, who commanded at Sorel, poised 300 French and 
Indians at the mouth of the St. Francis River and sent 215 men 
to reenforce Wigwam Martinque. 

The twenty-second day from Crown Point the Raiders 
reached the St. Francis River 15 miles above the town. The 
town lay on the other side but Rogers could not take the pre- 
cious time to build rafts. Rogers led a group of the tallest 
Rangers across the swift current and anchored a strong arm 


around a tree on the farther bank. They stood fast while the 
tugging waters tried to dislodge them; by this human rope the 
rest of the party were able to ford the river and march to with- 
in three miles of St. Francis the same day. Sighting the town 
from a tree, Rogers left his party in the woods and reconnoi- 
tered the town that night with Lieutenant Turner, Ensign Avery 
and Samadagwas, a Stockbridge private who was soon to inform 
of Rogers' attack. They found the Indians quite drunk in cele- 
bration of a wedding. Turner, sent for a closer view of the 
Council House where the dance was being held, was detained 
en route to become a captive audience to a love-dance by an 
Abenaki Aphrodite in the woods nearby. This enabled a large 
portion of the tribe (those who heeded Samadagwis' warning) 
to leave the Council House on Turner's side and hide them- 
selves in the Sibosek Pines. 

This was unknown to Rogers. He was satisfied at this 
opportune celebration and returned to his main party confident 
that the superior number of Indians would be in a stupor by 
daybreak. He marched at 3 A. M. and attacked the town a half 
hour before dawn in a semi-circle of three different bodies. 
The surprise was complete, the Abenakis had no time to re- 
cover themselves, or resist with any effect, until they were 
chiefly destroyed. Several attempts were made to escape by 
the river, but Rogers had posted Rangers there, expecting such 
an attempt and the few who did manage to reach their canoes 
were shot. The Indians who did manage to resist inflicted a 
slight loss on their attackers— Samadagwis, the betraying Stock- 
bridge, was killed, Captain Ogden was badly wounded in the 
body but able to march. Six others were wounded but slightly. 
Rogers would have spared all of the St. Francis Indians who 
surrendered but many remained hidden in the cellars and at- 
tics of the well-built houses and they perished when the town 
was fired. At least 65 to 140 Indians were killed or perished 
in the fire. Only 20 women and children were taken prisoners. 
All were set free except Chief Gill's wife, Marie-Jeanne, her 
two sons, and 3 girls, who, with 5 English captives, returned 
with Rogers. At 7 o'clock the affair was completely over and 
it was now imperative that Rogers retire southward in haste. 
The harrowing return march is best described by Rogers in 


his official account and the 'Diary' of an Anonymous Rogers 

The loot taken by Rogers' party consisted of at least 
$923, a rare ruby, possibly a Golden Calf or Lamb, a great 
number of Wampum necklaces, silver broaches, scalps. The 
mission church was sacked. All the vestments and most of 
the sacred chalices were carried off along with a solid silver 
image of the Madonna weighing 10 pounds. Sergeant Benjamin 
Bradley and the others of his detachment, who perpetrated this 
sacrilege, suffered horrible deaths as a consequence of their 
avarice. The corn from 3 of the town warehouses sustained 
Rogers' party for the first 8 days of their return march via 
Lake Memphremagog and the Connecticut River. 

Near the lake, Rogers divided his detachment into nine 
parties with proper guides in order that they might have better 
luck in hunting the scarce game. The Connecticut conflux of 
the Wells and Lower Ammonoosuc Rivers was the appointed 
rendezvous; for it was expected that Lieutenant Stevens would 
be awaiting them there with provisions. Sergeant Bradley led 
one of the divided parties until they reached the Upper Cohase, 
when, mistaking the Upper Cohase for the Lower Cohase, which 
would have brought him out at the Merrimack if he traveled in 
a southeastern direction, decided to take a short cut to his 
home in Concord, New Hampshire. Three others of his squad- 
ron accompanied him: Robert Pomeroy of Derryfield, Stephen 
Hoit of Canterbury, and Jacob, a negro Private. Their depar- 
ture was unknown to Major Rogers who would have refused to 
allow them to attempt this suicidal trek. Weighted down with 
the silver Madonna, Bradley and his party stumbled into the 
White Mountains. Tradition states that they wandered for days 
through the mountains endeavoring to find a way out. Finally 
all but Private Hoit were too weak to go on. They crawled un- 
der some rocks and perished in the delirium brought on by 
hunger and despair, blaspheming and hurling horrible impre- 
cations at the silver image on which, in their insanity, they 
blamed all their sufferings. One of them seized the statue, 
tottered to the edge of a precipice and, exerting all his re- 
maining strength, dashed it down into the gulf below. The next 
year a party of hunters found the bones of a man in Jefferson 


near the White Mountains; before him were three half- burnt 
brands piled together, and a quantity of silver broaches and 
wampum lay scattered about; the hair was long and tied with a 
leather ribbon such as Bradley wore; no arms were with him 
nor any signs of his companions. A repeated search has been 
made for the silver Madonna but to this day it has escaped dis- 
covery. Private Hoit seems to have reached an island in Lake 
Winnepessaukee for the next spring some clothes and other 
things were found there. Among them was a snuff-box marked 
Stephen Hoit , found by Captain Archelaus Miles of Canterbury. 

Rogers was to regret giving in to his officers and allow- 
ing his force to be broken into small parties for the enemy, 
close behind, attacked one of the parties under Ensign Avery 
and captured seven of them. Two of them escaped that night 
and rejoined Rogers the next morning where they found Avery 
safe with the rest of his party. 11 " 92 Another party of 20 men 
under Lieutenants Dunbar of Gage' s and Turner of the Rangers 
was attacked at a later date and after a grim fight both officers 
and 10 Privates of Gage's were massacred. The other 8 made 
their escape and were rescued from starvation by Rogers after 
he obtained provisions from Number Four.^" 9 ^ 

The other detachments were fortunate enough to evade 
their pursuers but due to the negligence of Lieutenant Stevens 
with the needed provisions, more than two-thirds of Rogers' 
losses can be credited to famine. Seventeen men were lost to 
the enemy since leaving St. Francis but 32 men died of hunger. 
Their sufferings are related by the leaders of the various de- 

Sergeant Evans' party were reduced to eating their leath- 
er accoutrements after they had been par-boiled. Then they 
turned to birch bark. Eventually they came upon the horrible 
remains of Dunbar and Turner's massacred party and most of 
them sliced off choice portions for food. Evans' revolted at the 
thought of eating human flesh and he refused his portion. A 
night oi two later he overcame his reticence and creeping up 
to one of his Rangers' large knapsack he discovered three hu- 
man heads and cut off a piece, broiled it in the coals and ate 
it. He declared it the "sweetest morsel he ever tasted, " but 
that he would die with hunger before he would do it again. Ev- 


ans admitted that when their hunger was greatest, they hardly 
deserved the name of human beings. 

Lieutenant George Campbell's party stumbled upon the 
same butchered Rangers and devoured the remnants, some of 
the Rangers bolting the flesh raw. 

Lieutenant Phillips and Sergeant Philip, future king of 
the Pequawket Indians, and a member of one of the Jacob Com- 
panies, led a party of 16 directly to Crown Point via the mouth 
of the Otter River. At one time they were about to kill and eat 
one of the 3 Indian prisoners they had with them, when a Rang- 
er was fortunate enough to kill a muskrat, which, divided among 
the party, relieved them of turning cannibals , and enabled them 
to arrive in Amherst's camp on November 8th. 

Another party owed their survival to the fortunute shoot- 
ing of an owl which was dissected and distributed by the well- 
known method of "Who shall have this ?" The informant states 
that he shared a leg, which he devoured without cooking. 

By these desperate methods Rogers' party were able to 
sustain themselves and survive by sheer will power until they 
reached the visionary haven at the Connecticut, but to their 
utter despair they arrived to find that Lieutenant Stevens had 
left a few hours before, leaving them only the smouldering em- 
bers of a fire. Hopes were raised when Stevens' signal guns 
were heard down the Connecticut River. Although muskets 
were fired frantically in response, Stevens became alarmed, 
thinking they were Indians , and hurriedly packed the provisions 
into canoes and embarked from his unauthorized base five miles 
south and returned to No. 4. To this cowardly act of Lieuten- 
ant Stevens can be laid the blame for the bulk of the losses by 
starvation for it was ten days before Rogers could return pro- 
visions to them from No. 4, and many died before this interval. 

Immediately upon his heroic arrival at Number Four Rog- 
ers dispatched canoes loaded with provisions to his starving 
men at Fort Wentworth, and two days later Rogers was suffi- 
ciently recovered from his own famished state to accompany 
other canoes to the relief of Ranger detachments who might 
yet come in by way of Fort Wentworth. Similarly loaded canoes 
were sent up the Merrimac River for detachments who went 
that way. In all, Rogers employed 17 men for 13 days on this 


rescue service at 8 shillings a day to each man. Rogers omits 
in his Journals the number of survivors he gathered at Number 
Four but thanks to an "Account of Expenses by Major Robert 
Rogers for the Relief of his detachment on their return from 
St. Francis" tucked away in Amherst's papers, the number 
can now be established. This Voucher states that Rogers pur- 
chased 59 Shirts, and 59 pairs of Stockings and moccasins for 
his survivors at Number Four. Including the cost for canoe- 
men, Rogers laid out more than 151 pounds New York Cur- 
rency and was later reimbursed by the British Government. 

Notwithstanding the fact that Rogers lost over one-third 
of his detachment, his raid on St. Francis was a phenomenal 
military achievement. Naturally the French received the news 
first. Governor Vaudreuil maintained an anxious correspond- 
ence with Commandant Bourlamaque at Isle aux Noix through 
October and November ending his barrage of letters on Novem- 
ber 10, with an exaggerated account of Rogers' losses. Mean- 
while Amherst began receiving foreboding implications on the 
general fate of Rogers Raiders. On October 25, Captain Brew- 
er returned from a scout to look for Rogers' seventeen whale- 
boats in Missisquoi Bay to report that he had found them all 
burnt by the enemy, 111 " 136 and five days later Lieutenant Sam- 
uel Stevens arrived at Crown Point to state that it was not like- 
ly that Rogers would return by way of Number Four. Amherst 
notes reprovingly in his Journal that Stevens should have wait- 
ed longer for Rogers. Three days later the tension broke when 
Captain Cadillac arrived to discuss an exchange of prisoners. 
From him the results of Rogers' raid were learned and the ex- 
aggerated account of Avery and Turner's losses. On Novem- 
ber 7, Captain Ogden arrived with the first snow with Rogers' 
official Journal and first-hand information on the raid. That 
afternoon one of Rogers' Indians came into the camp with a 
scalp and several hours later, much to Amherst's annoyance, 
he stated that he had left sixteen of Rogers' party at the mouth 
of Otter River. Amherst immediately sent a Ranger officer 
with fifteen Rangers in three whaleboats loaded with 150 pounds 
of biscuit and a gallon of rum to refresh the starving Rangers, 
who turned out to be Sergeant Philip's party who were too weak 
to go any further. When the emaciated Rangers arrived in 


camp everyone was amazed at the quantity of wampum and fine 
things they were loaded with. 

Meanwhile Rogers at Number Four had completed the 
gathering of his scattered flock. All the Rangers were dis- 
charged except 21 Volunteers who belonged to Rogers' own Com- 
pany, as only two Companies of the Corps were left at Crown 
Point for the winter. With these, Rogers arrived at Crown 
Point the first part of December; on the way they had encount- 
ered homeward-bound Provincial troops who were able to car- 
ry home first-hand accounts of Rogers' raid. 7 ^ At Ticonder- 
oga Rogers met Captain Pouchot, the French Engineer, and a 
member of the French delegation arranging the terms for the 
exchange of prisoners, who had been detained at Carillon. See- 
ing only Rogers' 21 gaunt and haggard Rangers, the French of- 
ficers surmised that they were the only survivors and they 
eagerly spread this statement when they returned to Canada. 
Governor Vaudreuil must have nodded happily, although some- 
what surprised that his exaggerated accounts were for once 
(supposedly) confirmed. 80 

At Crown Point Rogers found a congratulatory letter from 
Amherst with instructions to do duty at Crown Point with his 
two Companies but permission to take a few weeks leave to Al- 
bany; which Rogers quickly snapped up after applying to his 
Commandant who, he was disgruntled to find, was his old an- 
tagonist, Colonel Haviland. Haviland's prolific correspondence 
with Amherst makes no mention of Rogers' achievement, in- 
stead he recommends an officer's berth for Volunteer Wallace 
of the Inniskillings who was still recovering from his "long 
scout" to St. Francis. 81 

Rogers' fame was at its height as a result of his St. Fran- 
cis Raid and his name was before the public in half- inch type 
in the provincial newspapers, and though he naturally basked 
in his well-earned praise, still, the fact that he had lost so 
many men from starvation due to Lieutenant Stevens' neglig- 
ence, gnawed at him; and he did not rest until he had brought 
Stevens to a court martial. Rogers truly grieved the loss of 
so many brave men and his letters to Amherst are full of self- 
reproach. 83 Stevens was clapped in gaol in Albany until Rog- 
ers could gather the necessary evidence and witnesses scat- 


tered from Number Four to New York. Rogers did not want 
Stevens to escape punishment, so he took great pains in col- 
lecting his witnesses who were men who had served in the raid 
and barely escaped starvation. Because of the violence of the 
winter it took Rogers longer than he had planned to gather his 
evidence and it was not until the following spring that Stevens 
was tried at Crown Point and found guilty and dismissed from 
Rogers Rangers . 84 

While Rogers was conducting his epic raid, the command 
of his Rangers at Crown Point devolved temporarily upon the 
next senior officer, Captain John Stark. Under his expert lead- 
ership the tedium of camp life was maintained and preying 
scouts as well as expeditions of exploration were fitted out and 
sent forth. Ensign Wilson returned on September 15 from ex- 
ploring the Riviere de la Barbue (La Barbue Creek) . His par- 
ty went up to the Pond at the source of it. Ill" 131 On October 2, 
Lieutenant Darcy handed Amherst a map he had drawn of the 
South Bay-Wood Creek region as a result of his field trip for 
that purpose. Darcy was an excellent draftsman. His timely 
maps won him the esteem of Amherst and consequently an ap- 
pointment to the drawing-room in London. HI- 132 

October 6th saw Captain Noah Johnson executing an un- 
exciting but essential duty. He was ordered with a party of 
Rangers to conduct the 29 batteaus of sick Provincials from 
Crown Point to the saw mills at Ticonderoga and return with a 
load of provisions. II1-133 

Amherst's fleet was finally built and he started his ad- 
vance on Isle aux Noix. Tute's method of rigging blanket sails 
to escape from the French fleet was tested and adopted and 
each whaleboat in the army was rigged with two blankets. 85 
Two days prior to the advance Amherst launched two scouts of 
Rangers to obtain a prisoner so that he might have the latest 
information by the time he approached Isle aux Noix. Sergeant 
Rossier sailed with six Rangers to Point Aux Fer on the west 
shore where they landed and proceeded towards St. Johns. HI- 134 
Sergeant Burbank was to lead six men to Windmill Point on the 
east shore and land, then travel by foot towards Isle aux Noix. 
Unfortunately Burbank took the wrong passage on Grand Isle 
and mistook the approach to Missisquoi Bay for that region of 


Point Au Fer. On the night of October 12th his party fell in 
with "a great hammering and noise" which proved to be M. de 
Laubara scuttling three sloops of his French fleet. Burbank 
was discovered, driven off, and pursued by a superior par- 
ty. The two scouts were to have met Amherst on the lake 
but after eight days out the army met with such a severe storm 
at that late season they were forced to retire to Crown Point un- 
til the following summer. 111 " 135 ' H-91 Burbank and Rosier 
rendezvoused and dispatched five Rangers to Amherst with the 
news of Burbank' s brush with Laubara; and the following night 
the two Sergeants arrived at Crown Point half starved and se- 
verely buffeted from their two week scouts in the stormy weath- 

On October 27th, a week after Amherst's return to Crown 
Point he discharged the balance of the two Jacobs' Companies 
then in camp. Twelve Stockbridges had taken it upon them- 
selves to go over the hill on the nineteenth while the army was 
advancing. Ordinarily Amherst would have been ruffled by 
this display of homesickness, but ever since Rogers' absence 
on his St. Francis Raid they had become noticeably idle and 
inebriated in camp without Rogers' paternal hand to restrain 
them while under Amherst's reproving eyes, and the General 
was only too happy "to save unnecessary expenses to the Gov- 
ernment" and his provisions by discharging the remainder of 
them. Although he could not stand their slovenly attitude in 
camp, still Amherst realized the invaluable contribution of the 
Stockbridges and Mohegans when active in the field under Rog- 
ers' guidance, and he did not wish to affront them, consequent- 
ly he phrased their discharge paper in timely words: Address- 
ing Lieutenant Solomon Uhhaunwaumot, who commanded the 
two Companies since the capture of both of the Jacobs, Am- 
herst appropriately states that since the surviving 42 men of 
both Companies wish to return home he is to set out the next 
day with them. However, to make sure that they did not loiter 
between Crown Point and the south end of Lake George, Am- 
herst detailed Lieutenant Darcy with a Sergeant and twelve 
Rangers to conduct them. 86 Darcy' s duty was two-fold for af- 
ter bidding adieu to Rogers' Indian Rangers at Fort George he 
proceeded to Fort Edward and picked up "the Cloathingand oth- 
er necessaties for the Corps of Rangers. . . " 87 which had been 


shipped there from the Clothiers and Contractors Agents in 
Albany. 88 Amherst was not entirely rid of Rogers' Indians for 
Sergeant Phillip had eight Stockbridges in his detachment of 
St. Francis Raiders that staggered heroically into Crown Point 
on November 8th and they remained and nourished themselves 
back to health until the other Ranger Companies to be discharged 
left. 8 9 

Rogers Rangers added a few more items of interest to 
their record before the close of their fifth year on the Lake 
George front. With the evident signs of disbandment in the off- 
ing, the army stirred restlessly, particularly the Provincial 
troops. Rogers Rangers became restless also, for they heard 
that the bulk of them were to be disbanded for the winter, but 
they did not hurry their return home as one Ranger had tried 
it in September and received 500 lashes. However, the Pro- 
vincials were not as patient and a detachment of Rangers were 
ordered to reenact their role of bloodhounds on November 3rd 
and overtake a party of Massachusetts troops which duty was 
partially effected when the Rangers "fetched 3 of the rogues 
back..." 111 " 137 

One last scout of the year to Isle-aux-Noix suffered the 
capture of five Rangers on November 4, when they penetrated 
too inquisitively close to the island. n " 94 However, November 
15 was a joyful day for the Corps as an exchange of prisoners 
took place and among them were 52 officers and men of Rogers 
Rangers including the above five captives. The 52 exchanged 
captives were a galaxy of Rangers each with a first-hand ac- 
count of their hairbreadth escapes from the hands of their In- 
dian captors or tales of their weeks, months and even years of 
captivity among the Indians or imprisonment and periods of 
hard labor at Montreal. Rare captive survivors of some of 
the Corps' most famous engagements were returned to the fold. 
There was a captive of La Barbue Creek, one of Rogers' Rock, 
one of Fletcher's Fight near La Prairie, two of Tute's Capture 
near La Gallette, two of the Kennedy-Jacob Mission which in- 
cited the raid on St. Francis, fourteen of various minor scouts 
through the years, and most important 25 of Captain Burbank's 
May 1759 party rejoined the Corps, thus greatly minimizing this 
supposed "Massacre. " Captain Tute and Lieutenants Fletcher 


and Stone were the Ranger officers exchanged. 90 Needless to 
say, none of the five Rangers captured in the St. Francis re- 
treat ever had the opportunity to be exchanged for their captors 
in their fury refused to sell them to the French but butchered 
them all. 91 

The first part of November saw the scattered detach- 
ments of Moses Brewer's Company at Stillwater and Fort 
George reunited with the Corps at Crown Point. 92 The Rangers 
were reviewed on November 22, by Amherst and Captain Stark. 
Amherst expected to engage two full Companies to serve for 
the winter and through the next campaign but Stark could pre- 
vail on only 157 Rangers to stay on instead of the 200 need- 
ed. 9 3 These men were mostly seasoned veterans from all the 
Companies and they represented the soldats elite of the Corps. 
Including 21 St. Francis Raiders who volunteered at Number 
Four to stay on with Rogers, there were 43 Sergeants and men 
of Rogers' own Company. Fifty of the other Rangers remain- 
ing augmented this Company and the recent French prisoner, 
Captain Tute, commanded Rogers' own Company for the re- 
mainder of the war. This left Rogers more time to fulfill his 
duties as Major of the Rangers, but the Company was still nom- 
inally his "own" and was designated as such. The other 90 
men were formed into another Company and since Amherst 
had ordered senior Ranger officers to command these Com- 
panies John Stark would have had this Company if he had want- 
ed it, but he declined, stating that he wanted to retire from the 
service. Since Moses Brewer also resigned, the berth was 
open to Noah Johnson, the next senior Captain and he quickly 
accepted. 94 

In all, there were four Companies of Rogers Rangers in 
service throughout the winter and they formed the scouting 
arm for the garrisons of all of England's hard-won fortresses 
and advanced forts. Major Rogers and Captain Johnson's Com- 
panies were at Crown Point and an officer and 25 Rangers were 
detached from them to be posted at Number Four. Captain 
Waite's skeleton Company of 30 men were posted at FortBrew- 
erton at the west end of Lake Onieda. Captain Moses Hazen's 
Company were with Murray's force at Quebec. 95 All of the of- 
ficers of the disbanded Companies were kept on full pay until 

Amherst decided how many Ranger Companies he would need 
the next spring. 96 

On November 24, 275 Rangers were mustered out and the 
next day 175 of them marched home via Stark's Road and Num- 
ber Four. Amherst heralded their arrival by writing instruc- 
tions to the Commanding British officer at Number Four or- 
dering him not to give the discharged Rangers anything "they 
might be free enough to ask for. . . " 97 The other 100 Rangers 
marched with Amherst via Albany. On the way the weather 
froze slowing them down and in their anxiety to get home three 
Rangers stole a batteauand froze to death at night when it over- 
turned in the ice-choked Hudson. 98 Since Rogers was still at 
Number Four, Stark handled the disbandment and paying off of 
the Rangers . He had warrants from Amherst to obtain money 
for the remaining two Companies at Crown Point but had to ap- 
ply to General Gage (commanding the New York fornt for the 
winter) at Albany for the balance due to the discharged Rang- 
ers. The usual red tape followed, for Gage had received no 
authority to pay Stark and the exasperated Captain had to send 
Lieutenant McMullen to Amherst somewhere on his way to New 
York with the Muster-Roils and accounts due. Discharged 
members of Major Rogers' Company were finally paid off Feb- 
ruary 15-20, at the Widow Osgood's house in Rumford, New 
Hampshire by Rogers 1 clerk, Paul Burbeen. 99 

Rogers was on his furlough in Albany in December when 
he probably astounded Amherst when he received Roger's pro- 
posal to lead another superhuman expedition so soon after his 
St. Francis raid. On the seventeenth Rogers wrote: "If your 
Excellency should be under any apprehensions of Quebec being 
in Danger. . .this Winter and should have occasion to send Re- 
inforcements there, I would be answerable if ordered by your 
Excellency to carry 500 men to that place in 20 days from the 
mouth of Kennebec River, provided they should be well fixed 
with Snowshoes, Provisions, etc..." 1 " Amherst was im- 
pressed by Rogers' offer but did nothing about it. If he had 
the outcome of the Battle of Ste. Foye might well have been dif- 
ferent but like all of Rogers' daring proposals, this one was 
shelved until it was too late and disaster had struck. Once a- 
gain Rogers' unusual abilities were frustrated. How enhanc- 
ing it would have been to his brilliant record to record that he 


marched to the Relief of Quebec or arrived in time to enable 
Murray to chalk up a victory at Ste. Foye instead of a defeat. 
If Rogers could have obtained the advancements and honors 
which the results of his proposals would have won for him he 
would not have reverted to the shady side of his nature and at- 
tempted to salve his frustration by dealing in sharp trading 
practices and employing confidence-man techniques to obtain 
preferment.^ 01 

Rogers Rangers at Crown Point suffered two setbacks in 
December while their commander was in Albany. Before 
Christmas two veteran Rangers, Reynolds and Hall, were scout- 
ing for stray cattle near the Riverhead Blockhouse when they 
were taken prisoners by a flying party of the enemy. The fact 
that they were captured was bad enough but since there was 
only a little snow on the ground Commandant Haviland quickly 
jumped to conclusions and wrote Amherst that they had prob- 
ably deserted. This unsubstantiated assumption riled Rogers 
considerably when he heard of it but he bided his time until the 
following May when Sergeant Beverly escaped from Montreal 
and reported that he had seen Reynolds and Hall in Montreal as 
captives. m~ 139 

The second setback occurred a few days later on Christ- 
mas and was of far greater portent to Rogers Rangers, for, due 
to Haviland' s stupidity, close to one-fourth of the two Ranger 
Companies at Crown Point became incapacitated and many crip- 
led for life. On December 25, a British Captainled 100 grum- 
bling Regulars and Rangers from Crown Point to Ticonderoga 
to bring back the new clothing. Instead of ordering the party 
to all wear moccasins and socks which would have minimized 
the chance of frostbite he allowed the greater part of them to 
march in regulation shoes. As a consequence all of the Rang- 
ers and Privates who wore shoes were frostbitten and the Sur- 
geon at Crown Point had to cut off more than 100 frozen toes 
as a result of Haviland' s ill-planned expedition. 111-140 


Chapter IV 


Rogers' far-flung Independent Companies in Nova Scotia 
and Louisbourg served conspicuously in Wolfe's Quebec cam- 
paign but prior to the rendezvousing of the army they executed 
several hardy expeditions from their winter quarters. Captain 
John McCurdy's Company quartered at the wilderness outpost 
of Fort Frederic interrupted their monotonous wood cutting 
forays to make a bloodhound expedition up the St. John River 
valley for refugee Acadians who had settled there. Mc Curdy 
was entrusted with the assignment but unfortunately he was ac- 
cidentally killed the day before by one of the trees falling on 
him which his men were cutting; an ignominious end for one 
who had so many startling interludes with death in daring Rang- 
er warfare. 102 The tragic loss of the veteran McCurdy made 
it possible for First Lieutenant Moses Hazen to assume com- 
mand and earn undying fame for himself and his Company. 
When McCurdy's Ranger Company was formed in 1758 Hazen 
had at first declined the First Lieutenantcy since it would not 
have given him preferment over his same rank in the Provin- 
cials. Fortunate for him was his later acceptance of the berth, 
for now, at the helm of a Company of Rogers Rangers he was 
able to realize his formerly frustrated abilities. ^ 

On February 18, Hazen marched out of Fort Frederic 
with 22 Rangers and made an arduous march of 180 miles up 


the banks of the St. John River to Saint Anne (now Frederick- 
ton, the present capital of New Brunswick) and back. At St. 
Anne he found that the inhabitants had evacuated the village en 
masse and retired to Miramichi. It is a wonder that the unfor- 
tunate Acadians did not make a more spirited defense of their 
homes for there must have been over 147 men capable of bear- 
ing arms for the Rangers burned that many houses besides all 
the stable and granaries. Being forewarned as they were and 
with their knowledge of the country which Rogers Rangers did 
not possess they could have staged an adequate ambuscade and 
completely routed Hazen' s party; instead they allowed them to 
burn their village to the ground and retire unmolested back 
down the river. The raiders were ready to believe that the 
country was void of human beings until their inquisitiveness 
brought on an armed conflict. Discovering smoke coming from 
a large house in the woods they picked up the trail of the occu- 
pants who had retired to the woods and were ambushed by ten 
Acadians . Quickly adopting bush-fighting tactics Hazen' s Rang- 
ers soon surrounded the brave little band and the action ended 
after a grim struggle in which six of the Acadians were killed. 
Returning to Fort Frederic with the surviving Acadians Hazen 
penned a Journal of his raid and it was sent to Amherst in New 
York. II_!:)U The Commander-in-Chief was delighted with the 
report and he commended Hazen fully when writing to Prime 
Minister Pitt, General Gage and others. Fortunately for Haz- 
en's promotion was the presence of the Rangers' old friend 
Colonel Burton who was superintending the embarkation of 
troops in this region for Wolfe's rendezvous at Louisbourg. 
Burton recommended Hazen strongly to Amherst for the Cap- 
taincy of McCurdy's Company and he was promoted on the 
strength of his recommendation and that of Major Scott. u 

At almost the same time a detachment of James Rogers' 
Company quartered in Louisbourg made a similar raid to the 
Lake Labrador region and flushed out 18 armed Acadians and 
100 other men, women and children who were all brought in 
without a struggle. 11_t>b 

The hunt for guerrillas was continued on March 27, when 
Engineer Lieutenant James Montressor went deeper into the 
same region with forty men (mostly Rangers) . The goal was 


the far side of Lake Labrador to the settlement of La Badick, 
but halfway across the lake they found the ice too thin to con- 
tinue on and had to return to Louisbourg. HI-86 

In May Rogers' four "overseas Companies" joined the 
army at Louisbourg-'-^ ^ and during their brief stay there they 
had an engagement with the fierce Micmac Indians who had been 
hovering in the vicinity making depredations upon the outposts. 
On June 1, the Rangers scoured the woods, met some of the 
marauders and a hot skirmish took place. The Micmacs broke 
and Rogers Rangers drove them to their "inaccessible fast- 
nesses. "H-61 This was the last action that the Corps fought on 
the soil of the newly-won maritime provinces for the last Brit- 
ish ship of the Quebec expedition cleared Louisbourg harbor 
on June 6th. 1° 6 

The very day of their sailing there arrived in the harbor 
a schooner bearing Lieutenant Simon Stephens of John Stark's 
Company who had made a most remarkable escape from his 
imprisonment at Quebec. After his capture on June 25, 1758 
at Lake George while leading a scout to Ticonderoga, he and 
Lieutenant Nathan Stone, the other Ranger officer in his party 
were taken to Quebec where they contrived with Captain Stobo 
of the Virginians and Major Putnam who had been captured at 
Marin's Defeat to escape by way of the Kennebec River to Fort 
Halifax on the coast of Maine. By the time they were ready 
Major Putnam had been exchanged and winter had set in. The 
escape was postponed until the following spring when Lieuten- 
ant Stone dropped out when it was decided to go by water down 
the St. Lawrence and attempt to reach Louisbourg. Their es- 
cape was made all the more risky when they had to settle for 
canoe to carry them. Stephens' party embarked on the night of 
May 1, and reached Isle Madame before morning. In all, there 
were nine in the birch canoe: Stephens, Stobo, Elijah Denbo, 
Oliver Lakin and a man named Clark with his wife and 3 chil- 
dren. Their daring escape was a series of harrowing and ex- 
citing odysseys. The second day they were forced to stay in 
the river all night for a strong wind prevented them from reach- 
ing either shore. Two of the party were kept desperately busy 
bailing out the water which threatened to fill their precarious 
craft while the others paddled to keep the canoe in the center 



of the river so that they would not be dashed upon the rocks on 
the south shore in the dark. They laid up on the north shore 
on the 3rd and dried themselves and their meagre supplies. 
The next day they cruised on and encountered a canoe of In- 
dians which they fortunately eluded by escaping in a thick fog. 
But the same protective fog forced them to remain in the river 
once more for fear of dashing on the rocks in the dark. The 
following afternoon an Indian and his squaw were captured and 
when they tried to escape were killed and scalped. From their 
camp they obtained two muskets and a quantity of dried corn, 
sugar and beaver skins. On the 6th they ran into a whirlpool 
and battled for their lives for over an hour, being tossed round 
and round like a top. Finally they fought free and landed ex- 
hausted on Green Island. A contrary wind kept them lying 
ashore under their canoe for the next two days. On the 9th 
they arose and were mending their canoe when they saw a two- 
masted cutter coming directly towards them. Grabbing their 
arms they lay in wait and captured the crew of four when they 
landed. Stephens' party then set sail in this worthy acquisi- 
tion, putting their four prisoners to work rowing whenever 
they were becalmed. 

That night they held their breath and their muskets ready 
while rowing past a strong French advance guard on the Isle of 
Bic. This feat was accomplished against a contrary tide and 
their reluctant captive rowers who would have welcomed the 
chance to cry out for help. However, they ran into an armed 
sloop opposite the isle, were fired upon, and were only able to 
escape by a fortunate shift of the wind. At sunrise the follow- 
ingmorning they passed the Isle St. Barnabyand a French frig- 
ate who fired broadside at them. Arriving at the river Metis 
ten leagues further, they refreshed themselves and gave their 
prisoners their freedom. Three days later they bravely round- 
ed the Gaspe Peninsula and sailed into the Baie des Chaleurs, 
a favorite rendezvous of French pirates. Here they discovered 
a sloop unmanned near the shore. An attempt was made to 
board her but a rapid tide shot them past and approaching night- 
fall forced them to abandon another attempt on the sloop and 
they sought shelter in a cove. Two attempts were made in the 
next two days to set out but each time a contrary wind drove 


them ashore and the second time they were almost scuttled and 
their arms and provisions soaked. They bailed out the water 
and ran into a small creek where upon examination they found 
only two days' provisions left. But the next day they revived 
their spirits by catching 24 codfish while en route to Port Dan- 
iel. The following day a hard rain and contrary winds drove 
them ashore where they made a tent with the mainsail. The 
storm increased and drove the boat ashore with such force that 
it drove in a plank and they lost what little wheat they had and 
eight cod. The next two days were spent in beaching the boat 
so that it might be repaired. 

With an unseaworthy craft and no provisions their plight 
was a desperate one and they seriously considered striking out 
by land to the nearest British post of Fort Cumberland. Lieu- 
tenant Stephens and Lakin made a scout in that direction and 
discovered the snow still four feet deep in some places, which 
factor dampened their ardour for this plan. 

Their problem was solved the next day when a sloop and 
schooner which they had seen the day before reappeared and in 
desperation they decided to board them. At the same time a 
canoe with four of the crew from the sloop landed on the shore 
and were captured. From them it was learned that there were 
eight more men on the two ships. This made the odds almost 
two to one, but notwithstanding the disparity of numbers Stobo 
and Stephens' detachment had their patched-up boat in the wat- 
er and were pulling for the schooner by ten o'clock that night. 
Three of the prisoners were left behind to be guarded by Clark's 
wife, while the fourth prisoner accompanied them as a pilot. 

While Clark and Stephens stood at the helm and bow with 
grapplings, Captain Stobo, who outranked Stephens, was to be 
given the honour of boarding first. He was placed in the cen- 
ter of the boat as a juggernaut of destruction with a musket, 
pistol and cutlass. Denbo and Lakin rowed and bailed alter- 
nately until one A.M. when they pulled quietly alongside the 
schooner. Lieutenant Stephens relates the best account of the 
boarding in his Journal : " soon as I grappled her, I jump'd 
on Board, and found they were all asleep, I ran to the Com- 
panion Doors, upon which I heard somebody coming out of the 
Steerage; he immediately call'd for Quarters, which I readily 


granted. Clark was the next Person that came on Deck, who 
immediately ran and took the Candle out of the Binnacle. It 
was Capt. Stobo's Misfortune getting upon Deck to get hung in 
the Shrouds, with the loss of his Cutlass and Pistol; but as he 
came upon Deck, one of the Enemy was coming out of the Steer- 
age (whom I had given Quarters to) which he immediately shot 
thro'; Clark ran down into the Cabin, upon which, with Capt. 
Stobo's Courage in killing the poor Prisoner, the Captain of 
the Vessel call'd for Quarters. I hope the Reader will excuse 
my being so particular in this Affair, as Capt. Stobo has re- 
ported he was the first that boarded the Schooner, and the only 
Instrument in taking her. After we had secur'd our Prisoners, 
we weigh' d Anchor and sail'd along Side of the Sloop, and or- 
dered them to come on Board; they refus'd, upon which we 
fir' d about twenty Small Arms at her; they then call'd for Quart- 
ers, and came on board: we confin'd them all in the Hold, ex- 
cept the two Masters. I took the Master of the Sloop, Clark 
and Denbo, and went on board; we found six Small Arms, one 
Swivel Gun, and five Days provisions for five Men: I took out 
the above Articles and then set her on Fire; I then return' d on 
board the Schooner. We then sail'd to our old Camp, sent the 
Board on Shore, and bro't off our Women and Prisoners, and 
what small Quantity of Provisions we had left. We set sail, 
and after we had sail'd about five Leagues, we put on shore 
six of our Prisoners: We gave them three Days Provisions, 
one Gun, and some Ammunition. We kept on board the two 
Masters with three Prisoners more, whom we ordered to car- 
ry the Vessel to St. John's Island, where we all safe arrived 
(thank GOD) May 27th, 1759. n " 60 The Commandant at St. 
John's treated us very courteously, and when we departed, he 
ordered a Serjeant and twelve Privates to guard us in our 
Schooner to Louisbourg, where we arrived the Sixth Day of 
June. The Governor treated us with very great complasance 
as did all the Gentlemen of the Place and upon the General's 
[Whitmore] Order, I immediately [the same day] went up the 
River, and Join'd the Army under General Wolfe. . . " 

Stephens was attached to one of Rogers Ranger Compa- 
nies and served until the Companies were disbanded at the end 
of the campaign. 


The four Companies of Rogers Rangers, viz, James Rog- 
ers', Moses Hazen's, William Stark's and Jonathan Brewer's 
Companies served in at least twenty-two different recorded 
scouts and actions prior to the fall of Quebec. The two most 
popular Captains were James Rogers .and Moses Hazen with 
Hazen having the edge. While James Rogers was accepted as 
the senior officer with "the greatest share of merit as a Rang- 
ing officer" still Hazen "met with universal approbation, both 
on account of his conduct as well as his gallantry," 1 ^ 7 and he 
was the shining light of the provisional Ranger battalion placed 
under the command of Major George Scott. Two of Hazen's 
Rangers kept Journals of the exploits of their Company and 
Private Perry proudly describes his Captain: -"^ "Our Cap- 
tain was a bold man. I have seen him cock his piece, and walk 
promptly up to the enemy, face to face; and our men would 
never shrink from following such an officer, and they seldom 
followed him without success. " 

Hazen was a counterpart of his far-distant commander, 
Major Rogers, and his deeds were so numerous and bold that 
even General Wolfe made frequent entries of his achievements 
in his daily Journal. Hazen's Company started the campaign 
ignominiously by being the cowboys of the army when they were 
entrusted with the care of the army's beef on the hoof. -^ 

Rogers Ranger Companies first saw action on June 30th 
when they fought in two minor actions at Beaumont and St .Jos- 
eph when the shore opposite to Quebec was taken possession 
f 11-62, 63 t^ following afternoon the Rangers prepared an 
ambush for a guerrilla force of Indians who were firing on 
Monckton's Brigade entrenching themselves at Pt. Levi. At 
3 P.M. when the Indians reappeared the Rangers surprised 
them with a withering fire, completely routed them, and, im- 
itating their own ferocity, scalped nine of the Indians. 1J_t)4 The 
next day Hazen, with his Company on the Isle of Orleans, were 
relieved of their cow-punching duties to ferret out 73 Canadi- 
ans on the Island. HI- 100 Four days later on July 6th, Major 
Scott with the bulk of the Rangers made an abortive bloodhound 
scout as far as the River Chaudiere. HI- 103 When they re- 
turned to Point Levi all but two Companies of Rangers were 
divided by Companies and posted on the hills which command- 


ed the road to the British batteries then being erected on the 
Point. 110 

Wolfe next established himself on the east bank of the 
Montmorenci River opposite to Levis' s camp on the Quebec 
side of the St. Lawrence. In the landing on July 8, at L'Ange 
Gardien, Hazen's and Danks' Rangers were in the thick of the 

TT fifi 

hot action to gain the heights. ~ 00 After the plateau was won 
the two Ranger Companies were sent into the neighboring woods 
to protect the parties who were cutting fascines. Danks' Com- 
pany were sent on in advance to look for a fording place across 
the Montmorenci. Four hundred Indians under the Partisan 
Langlade ambushed Danks' Company at the ford and drove them 
back with heavy loss upon Hazen and a detachment of Regulars. 
Hazen and his Rangers won the approbation of Wolfe when they 
vigorously stood their ground and finally repulsed Langlade. In 
his retreat Langlade was hotly pursued by Hazen's Rangers 
who managed to take twelve prisoners, but Langlade's Indians 
recrossed the ford with 36 scalps of Danks' Rangers, and the 
French fortified the ford, but the British were allowed to es- 
tablish themselves on the eastern shore of the Montmoren- 
cl. 11 " 67 

Hazen was now established solidly with Wolfe and it is 
not surprising that his petitions for daring assignments were 
granted and July 9th saw him paddlingup the St. Lawrence with 
a picked detail of Rangers in canoes to discover and ascertain 
the size of the French fleet which they found at Cap Route, and 
returned with a useful prisoner taken on the Quebec shore . 

If British accounts are to be believed Lieutenant Caesar 
McCormick indulged in a bit of unnecessary scalping in a scout 
on the south side of the St. Lawrence. III " :r05 " A 

Hazen was again in the spotlight on July 15th. His Com- 
pany posted on the extreme right of the British line on the Mont- 
morenci were attacked by French and Indians at 4 A.M. Haz- 
en's Rangers had established headquarters in a house which 
they defended determinedly for over an hour, suffering one 
man killed and two wounded before the superior body of attack- 
ers gave up and withdrew back across the Montmorenci. 

The east shore of the Montmorenci continued to be the 
battleground of sudden forest actions, with Hazen's Company 


being the principal defender for the British. On the 22nd, Sec- 
ond Lieutenant John Butler was scouting up the river when his 
scout was fired upon from ambush and Butler and Private John 
Miller were wounded. I-71 

Hazen retaliated two days later when he scouted for pris- 
oners. He had a successful brush with the enemy, had one man 
wounded, but brought in eight prisoners. H-73 

A severe skirmish occurred on July 25, when a large 
body of British Regulars, Light Infantry and Hazen' s Rangers 
were reconnoitering the ford above the Falls of Montmorency. 
Fifteen hundred of the Canadians and Indians sallied across the 
ford and fell upon the British. The numbers were about equal 
and the fierce contest waged in dispute. Hazen' s Company 
which had been sent ahead to reconnoitre above the ford, re- 
turned and with the Light Infantry turned the left flank of the 
Indians and the whole force broke and fled in disorder back 
across the Montmorenci. Wolfe, in his Journal, gives Haz- 
en' s Companythe credit for being the deciding factor in the en- 
gagers ent . 

The same day, in the afternoon, First Lieutenant Patten 
of Hazen' s was scouting with only seven Rangers when they 
were attacked from ambush about one mile from Hazen's Post. 
The ambuscaders fled after their first fire but Patten hotly 
pursued and managed to overtake one and bring him in. Il_7 6 

Captain Hazen added six more prisoners to the Company's 
collection the next day. ™~'° 

Rogers Rangers at Point Levi entered the Rangers cal- 
endar of events when they made a three-day scout of discovery 
to the mouth of the Chaudiere River. 

When Wolfe attempted to soale the Heights of Montmor- 
enci on July 31st, Hazen's Company, in the words of Private 
Perry, "remained on the bank, with our muskets loaded, as a 
kind of corps de reserve, to follow the detachment, in case it 
succeeded in making a breach in the enemy's works. General 
Wolfe stood with us, where we could see the whole maneuver. ." 

Two days later Hazen, with ninety men, including the 
remnants of Danks' Company, went forty miles down the St. 
Lawrence, had a brush with ; .he inhabitants, and returned with 
a quantity of much-needed fresh beef. H-80 


On August 8th Rogers Rangers had their first action with 
French Cavalry. In Brigadier Murray's attempt to land at 
Pointe-aux-Trembles were the famous Lieutenant Edward 
Croftonand twenty men representing Rogers Rangers inthehot 
action with Montcalm's Dragoons who successfully opposed 
them at their landing. H-81 

The same day, Wolfe, exasperated with the incessant 
warfare waged by French- Canadian guerrillas against his out- 
posts, ordered the village of St. Paul to be fired, with the add- 
ed hope that Montcalm's militia would desert to defend their 
homes. Lieutenant Butler and fifty of Hazen's Company repre- 
sented Rogers Rangers in the raid. They were fired upon by 
H. M. S. Zephir who mistook them for enemy craft. The mis- 
take was fortunately rectified in time and the voyage continued. 
An engagement occurred at the landing at St. Paul but the in- 
habitants were routed and all but the church burned. H-84 

Meanwhile, as a consequence of a scouting party of Light 
Infantry and Rogers Rangers under Major Dalling being fired 
upon by a small party of Canadians, the village of Ste. Croix 
on the south bank of the upper St. Lawrence was destroyed. II_ ° 3 
Other raids were made on the parishes above and below Que- 
bec and at one time Hazen, by a clever ruse, enticed the will- 
o'-the-wisp guerrillas from their fastnesses and effected a 
crushing defeat upon them. H-85 

On September 3rd, Ensign Hutchings of Rogers Rangers 
arrived with disptaches from Amherst and Wolfe learned that 
he could not expect any help from that quarter. In desperation 
he increased the intensity of the parish raids by ordering Maj- 
or Scott with 1,600 men, including all of the Rangers, on a 
large scale raid down the southern shore of the St. Lawrence. 
They left September 1, and were gone until after the Battle of 
the Plains and the capture of Quebec. IH-128 

After their return Rogers Rangers were kept busy in 
patrolling the roads leading to Quebec from Ste. Foy and Sillery 
to watch for any possible return of the defeated French army. 
Three hundred and fifty Rangers were sent to Isle Madame on 
Sept. 26, to cut wood for the Quebec garrison. They received 
one gill of rum per day each and 5 shillings above their regu- 
lar pay for every cord that they cut and put on board. In this 


manner Rogers Rangers were employed until the second week 
of October when all but Hazen's Company embarked for Bos- 
ton. Before they embarked, a draft of 25 men from Rogers', 
Stark's and Brewer's Companies— in all 75 Rangers— were an- 
nxed to Hazen's Company, swelling it to 134 Rank and File. 
By this annexation, Hazen's command comprised a represen- 
tation of veteran Rangers from four different Companies; 111 
and their exploits under their brilliant Captain garnished the 
annals of Rogers Rangers. 

After their return to Boston and upon Amherst's orders, 
James Rogers', William Stark's and Jonathan Brewer's Com- 
panies were disbanded by Major Scott who expressed that "... 
the Rangers in general were well liked and of much use in their 
way. . . " The Companies were disbanded on November 30, 1759 
but it was not until May 7, 1760 that the bewildered Scott had 
the Company accounts settled. Major Rogers sent his Clerk, 
Paul Burbeen, to Boston to obtain the moneys he advanced the 
four Companies for advanced pay and uniforms when they were 
first raised in 1758. Ensign Hazen on furlough was called to 
Boston in January to pay off the men of Hazen's Company that 
were discharged in November, their enlistments being expired. 
The Ranger Captains had endeavoured to obtain passage and 
billeting money for their Companies en route to Halifax and Que- 
bec but this final point of discussion was settled when it was 
decided that the Captains were in error for they sailed on King's 
ships. 112 

Chapter V 


The year of 1760 started out with a reverse for Rogers 
Rangers on the Lake Champlain front. Major Rogers was re- 
turning to Crown Point from Albany with sixteen Ranger Re- 
cruits and a quantity of new Ranger arms and gear when they 
were ironically attacked at Five Mile Point on February 12th. 
This scene of so many Ranger Ambuscades in the past now 
proved a victorious field for a French partisan force of seventy 
Indians and Canadians under Langy, the Rangers' most daring 
adversary. Langy had attempted to burn the British shipping 
at Ticonderoga but found them too well guarded. On his return 
march he decided to play Rogers' old game of lie-and-wait at 
Five Point. He was rewarded on the morning of the 12th when 
he espied a Sutler's caravan of fourteen sleighs approaching 
from Ticonderoga. Rogers' sleigh was a little in advance of 
those of the Sutlers' and Langy abandoned them for Rogers when 
he was recognized in the first sleigh- The Sutlers were fore- 
warned the moment Langy fired from ambush and quickly turn- 
ing about escaped to Ticonderoga. Rogers' party were not all 
so fortunate. Langy's fire had killed Rogers' sleigh-horses, 
rendering the sleigh an easy prey for Langy. The most tragic 
part of the whole affair was the fact that Rogers' 16 recruits, 
for some unexplainable reason, were unarmed with muskets. 


There were 32 newmusketsin a wooden chest on Rogers' sleigh 
but there was no time to break open the chest for Langy's In- 
dians were upon them after their first murderous volley. In 
the bloody hand-to-hand fighting Rogers' recruits desperately 
defended themselves with what small arms that they might have, 
such as knives or tomahawks. Five Rangers were killed and 
four taken prisoners before Rogers broke through with the sev- 
en others to reach Crown Point. In spite of his narrow escape, 
Rogers would have pursued Langy immediately with a detach- 
ment of Rangers but due to the weakened condition of both Rang- 
ers and Regulars from scurvy and frostbite, Haviland would al- 
lowno pursuit party to go out. In spite of the escape of Rogers, 
Langy must have exclaimed in amazement and felt duly recom- 
pensed when he saw what Rogers' sleigh contained. Besides the 
case of valuable muskets he found 100 hatchets and 55 pairs of 
moccasins, and most important, 11,961 pounds of New York 
currency. Eight thousand and one pounds of this was the pay- 
roll for Rogers Rangers at Crown Point; the other 3,961 be- 
longed to Rogers. Langy's Indians could not overlook the op- 
portunity to leave a taunting reminder of their triumph. When 
Rogers led a scout to the scene of action he found one of his 
late recruits, an Indian, hanging on a tree with a small mir- 
ror before him to watch himself die after he had been scalped 
alive. Nearby were the mutilated remains of his squaw. 11 " 95 
The Ranger Recruit Massacre was followed six weeks 
later by another loss to the Rangers. Winter garrison duty at 
Crown Point was monotonous to say the least and Commandant 
Haviland was continually plagued by the more spirited officers 
to hunt and fish. He finally capitulated on March 30th and al- 
lowed Captain James Tute and three Rangers, and Lieutenant 
Fortescue, Ensign Stuart, and three Regular privates to cross 
the lake and fish and hunt near the White Rock. The next morn- 
ing at 10 A.M. they were entries in a thrilling race with the 
garrison forming the anxious spectators on the ramparts. The 
party had crossed over in a batteau through an unfrozen pass- 
age of the ice-covered lake's shores but the lake end of the 
passage had frozen again overnight. Wlien a party of French 
and Indians had interrupted their fishingthey leapt into the bat- 
teau and hurriedly paddled through the passage. They would 


have made their escape but for two factors. The enemy sur- 
prised them by nimbly running after them on the thin ice. Even 
so, they would have escaped if the passage had been free of ice, 
but they had gone 300 yards and had only 200 more to go to 
reach the open lake when they found the way frozen and their 
pursuers were able to overtake them without firing a shot. 
This was the second time that Tute had been captured within a 
year. He was fortunate enough to be exchanged again in time 
to join his Company before the advance on Montreal. It was 
later learned by a Ranger who escaped from Montreal that 
Langy was the leader of Tute's captors; it was also learned 
with relief that Langy was drowned in the St. Lawrence River 
a few days after his return with Tute and the others. 

Once again there was no pursuit, due to the sickness 
of the garrison. However, this was soon remedied, for all of 
the Ranger officers wintering in New England on full pay, were 
called back into service and ordered to recruit. Lieutenant John 
Fletcher, Lieutenant Caesar McCormick (who had joined Rog- 
ers after his return from the Quebec front and now served as a 
Volunteer officer until his friend Rogers could fit him into a 
Company^, and Sergeant Holmes for Rogers' Own and Johnson's 
Companies at Crown Point. 

Now that the Conquest of Canada was swinging into its 
final act, all of the Ranger officers who had served in 1759 
wanted berths in the revived Companies, but there were not 
enough vacancies to go around. There were four Companies in 
service throughout the Winter (Major Rogers' Own and John- 
son's at Crown Point; Waite's at Fort Brewerton; and Hazen's 
at Quebec). On March 1, Amherst ordered four more to be 
raised to join the above for the advance on Montreal. 113 Of the 
1759 Captains, Moses Brewer, John Stark and William Stark 
did not re-enter the Corps. Moses Brewer had no desire to, 
but the two Starks were greatly chagrined when they were "un- 
provided for. " General Amherst had not intended such a situa- 
tion, for John Stark had expressed a desire at the close of 1759 
not to serve again and Amherst had taken him at his word, but 
now with the advent of Spring, the call of Ranger life was too 
strong for this most able veteran, and he busied himself in the 
recruitment service, acting as the liaison officer between Am- 


herst and the Ranger recruiting officers. Consequently, there 
were many exclamations of indignation at John Stark's home in 
Derryfield, New Hampshire on April 6, when John read Am- 
herst's letters to brother William and Lieutenant Andrew Mc- 
Mullen— for none of them were on Amherst's list of Ranger Of- 
ficers for 1760. Believing that John Stark would not serve again, 
Amherst had given the Captaincy to James Rogers on March 19, 
and informed Stark of it after he had done so. Stark penned 
Amherst an injured letter on April 12, and begged that he might 
not be forgotten. Brother William wrote a similar letter, and 
the mortified McMullen personally delivered them to Amherst 
in New York. *^ 

Confronting the irate McMullen, Amherst was faced 
with an explosive predicament, for the fiery Lieutenant repre- 
sented three valuable Ranger officers with rightful claims to 
commands. Probably McMullen was the most disappointed, 
for he had been in line, and plugging for a Captaincy ever since 
Captain Burbank had been killed in 1759. Now with Major Rog- 
ers' promise of a Company and with forty good men already en- 
listed for that Company, he naturally expected the command. 
But Amherst had other plans . After reading John and William 
Stark's letters he must have mollified McMullen, for he re- 
turned to John Stark with a letter stating that McMullen had been 
ordered to turnover his forty recruits to him as the nucleus for 
his Ranger Company. John, however, was aware of McMullen' s 
intense desire to command a Company and he would not be an 
instrument to his disappointment and risk his friendship, even 
though he yearned to share in the final Conquest of Canada aft- 
er spending five years of his life as a vital instrument in the 
successful culmination of British arms in Canada. John Stark 
declined the Captaincy and asked McMullen if he would step into 
James Rogers' Company with his recruits, for it was becoming 
increasingly apparent that James and other Captains would not 
have enough men to warrant their commissions, as the Provin- 
cial officers were offering higher bounty for enlistment in their 

This was the crowning generous act of this great pa- 
triot to be, and was an admirable way to ring down the finale on 
an enviable carrer as an unexcelled Rogers Ranger officer. 


When Stark stepped so graciously from the scene for the good 
of the service, he instilled a like spirit in the belligerent Mc- 
Mullen who entered James Rogers' Company as a Lieutenant 
and served the Campaign without once aspiring for a Captain- 
cy, a truly great act for one who aspired so for preferment. *** 
William Stark also had a replying letter from Amherst with the 
consoling statement that it was not through any "dislike or dis- 
satisfaction" of him personally that he was not given a Com- 
pany. He was assured that if he had been "on the spot" he 
would have had no objection to offering him a Captaincy. Wil- 
liam accepted this in the same good strain as brother John and 
wrote Amherst on May 31, wishing him "a happy Campaign," 
not overlooking the opportunity to ask Amherst for delinquent 
pay for his former Company and putting in an illegal claim for 
billeting and transportation money from Halifax to Quebec. 11 " 

Rogers' recruiting officers had to exert themselves to 
find and induce enough men to fill their complements. Besides 
the difficult task of inducing likely recruits away from hawking 
Provincial recruiting officers with their glowing promise of 
higher enlistment bounty, Rogers' officers could only enlist 
able men between the ages of 18 and 30 in compliance with a 
new regulation by Amherst. In the past, age was no barrier, 
and quite often boys of 16 to old men of 60 had been enlisted. 
Even though they might have been well versed in Rangingmeth- 
ods prior to their enlistment, still Amherst had been alarmed 
in 1759 at the sight of so many 117 young and old faces amongst 
Rogers Rangers. As a consequence of the above barrier, the 
three new Companies (James Rogers', David Brewer's, and 
Jonathan Brewer's) raised for the Lake Champlain front ar- 
rived at Crown Point mustering only half of their authorized 
strength. In spite of this disparity of numbers, the personnel 
of Rogers Rangers were all young, hardy men. 118 

While the new and old Ranger Companies were being re- 
cruited, the various Ranger activities and Major Rogers-Com- 
mandant Haviland discords were related in newly discovered 
correspondence between Rogers and Haviland with Amherst. -"-^ 

In January Crown Point was in dire need of fresh provi- 
sions for the scurvy-ridden men, and Lieutenant Nathan Stone 
was dispatched to Number Four for the necessary supplies. 
He made the difficult trip over John Stark's road and guided 


the provision train to Crown Point. HI-142 

Several of the oxen had drifted away and bloodhound scouts 
of Rangers were sent after them. Some times the Ranger- Cow- 
boy round-ups were successful, but often they were not, for 
the strayed cattle had become wild and were difficult to catch 
up to. One contrary bullock was finally overtaken, but proved 
so wild that the Rangers could not bring him in alive. They 
resourcefully settled the problem by killing him and bringing 
in the quarters. 11 *"" 144 

Other duties consisted of "garrisonning" the outlying 
blockhouses. Four Rangers were posted in each blockhouse 
and this alternate duty was not a desirable one for it was in- 
tensely cold. There was also the endless task of cutting fire- 
wood; and with the budding of spring, work was continued on 
the moat and the Prince Edward Bastion, not to mention dig- 
ging a well; repairing lime kilns; and fencing and planting a 
garden to alleviate scurvy. 12 ^ 

Twenty Rangers were so incapacitated as a result of 
frostbitten toe amputations that they were reluctantly discharged 
by Haviland after he had personally "secretly" scrutinized each 
crippled Ranger. Informing Amherst that he was satisfied that 
they were incapable of service, Haviland writes, that they fre- 
quently played tricks to appear unfit. He does not mention that 
the Rangers were for the greater part, critically "frostbitten" 
as a result of his ill-advised "100 Toes Expedition" on Christ- 
mas Day. 121 To replace these men, Haviland writes Amherst 
if he might order up the detachment of Rogers Rangers at Num- 
ber Four, and also asks if he might enlist some of Rogers' 
Crown Point Rangers into the Regulars, sarcastically adding: 
"they would be of more service with us than at present." In 
spite of these innuendoes, Amherst realized the value of leav- 
ing the detachment at Number Four for the winter and also the 
explosion that would be set off if good men were drafted from 

Major Roger's command. Haviland was informed as much and 

the Colonel bided his time before riling Rogers further. 

The Company of Stockbridge Indians were revived for the 
campaign under the command of former Lieutenant Solomon, 
as both of the Jacobs were prisoners of war. ± ^° The Com- 
pany was between Albany and Crown Point when Solomon re- 


fused to march further until he, his Lieutenant, and Ensign 
received signed commissions from Amherst. Amherst was 
furious, for he considered Solomon's distrust an act of Mutiny 
and wrote him as much. If Rogers had not recommended Sol- 
omon and gone to so many pains to raise his Company it is not 
to be doubted that Amherst would have peremptorily dissolved 
the Stockbridge Company without further ado. He expressed 
the same to Rogers on May 30, and enclosed the Indian officers' 
commission; at the same time sending Solomon a scorching 
letter via Lieutenant McCormick ordering-^ him and his Com- 
pany to Crown Point at once. 

May proved an active month for Rogers Rangers at Crown 
Point. The recruits started coming in in small detachments 
and the tedium of camp life was spiced with the arrival of es- 
caped Ranger captives and a pair of actions. The Rangers 
posted in the advance Northwest Blockhouse were at first star- 
tled, then amazed, when Sergeant Thomas Beverly and Ranger 
Private, Francis Howgill hailed them and came in exhausted 
on the night of May 4th. They both had been Ranger captives 
in Montreal and had escaped on April 27th. Sergeant Beverly 
had been captured with a number of his recruits on February 
12th. Beverly had won the favour of Governor Vaudreuil and 
had been a guest in his house. Naturally he was in a position 
to absorb much useful information which he divulged to Major 
Rogers after his escape and seven-day trek to Crown Point. 12 ^ 
Haviland sent Beverly down to Amherst with the next mail- 
patrol from Ticonderoga. 

Since the attack on Rogers on February 12, the mail- 
patrols traveled mostly by night. Embarking in a whaleboat at 
three in the morning on May 9, the patrol, consisting of a Reg- 
ular Corporal and six men and Sergeant Beverly, pulled for 
Ticonderoga, but the wind was too rough and they landed at the 
southernmost Crown Point Blockhouse, left their boat, and 
proceeded on foot to Ticonderoga. Evidently enemy Indians 
had become aware of the night mail-patrols for they ambus- 
caded them four miles south of the Blockhouse. After a volley 
of "20 shots" they were all surrounded except Sergeant Bever- 
ly who happened to be in the rear of the column. He melted 
into the night and reached Ticonderoga to give the above ac- 


count. Fortunately all but the Corporal and an officer's ser- 
vant also escaped in the darkness to return safely to Crown 

The hold-up men were almost all intercepted three days 
later on their return trip to Isle aux Noir. ~ In order to 

forestall predatory raiding parties, the two sloops and the brig 
Cumberland , moored at Ticonderoga, were re-commissioned. 
Rangers with shipwright experience were sent down from Crown 
Point to make the necessary repairs and the ships were brought 
up to Crown Point. Lieutenant Alexander Grant commanded 
them and received orders from Amherst "To give all assist- 
ance to Ranging scouting parties. . .", and offer them succour 
whenever needed. ^ 2 ^ A new era of scouting now began for 
Rogers Rangers . With this naval might to convey and support 
them they could be more bold in their traveling from Crown 
Point towards Isle aux Noix. Gone were the days of secretive 
night traveling in whaleboats with muffled oars. Instead, the 
whaleboats were carried on Grant's ships and Lake Champlain 
was sailed in daylight if so wished, and the Rangers were able 
to loll on the decks in comparative ease until their destination 
was reached. By May one of the sloops and the brig Cumber - 
land were ready; and they were patrolling toward Isle aux Noix 
on their first cruise of the year when the mail-patrol was cap- 
tured on the ninth. Haviland dispatched a whaleboat after them 
with orders for Rogers, who was on board with sixty Rangers 
and thirty Light Infantrymen, to scour the western shore for 
the mail-robbers' canoes and waylay them when they returned. 
However, the message arrived too late for the ambuscaders 
had regained their four canoes and had paddled to within eight 
miles of Jsle aux Noix when, to their amazement, they saw the 
Cumberland between them and Nut Island. Grant also espied 
them and noting that the canoes were gathered in an anxious 
huddle he hoisted French colours to deceive them, and at the 
same time ordered strict silence, while hurried preparations 
were made for an attack. 

While his Lieutenant and gunner kept the brigs' guns 
trained on the canoes, the brig's two boats were ordered low- 
ered and manned by the Rangers armed with hand grenades. 
Major Rogers was ashore scouting towards Isle aux Noix with 


two Rangers, and the only other Ranger officer, Lieutenant 
Archibald Stark, with a whaleboat of Rangers were attending 
the sloop, posted six miles closer towards Isle aux Noix, to 
prevent the Cumberland from being surprised, thus leaving the 
Rangers on the brig without a Ranger officer. Grant remedied 
this by placing a naval officer in command of the two ship's 
boats of Rangers . 

However, the Rangers did not take favorably to their new 
commander and when one of the canoes approached these decoy 
boats to ascertain their nationality, the Rangers fired upon 
them when the Indians discovered something amiss, and chased 
the fleeing canoes to the western shore, all this in spite of the 
naval officer's orders not to pursue until after the ship's guns 
had fired. It is well that the Rangers had taken matters into 
their own hands for the ship's powder had become damp and 
the guns missed fire. Thanks to the Rangers' impetuosity, at 
least five Indians were killed and wounded, and the Rangers 
were so close on their heels that all of the canoes and several 
blankets were taken when the Indians leapt ashore. The Indians 
were in such hasty flight that they overlooked Major Rogers 
and his two Rangers who were lying in hidinguntil they passed. 
After this close call Rogers continued his reconnaissance of 
Isle aux Noix and returned to the Cumberland the next day. H-103 

In the meantime Sergeant James Hackett (future Master- 
Ship-Builder of American ships-of-war) with ten other Rang- 
ers had completed fitting out the other sloop at Ticonderoga 
and she was sent to join "Commodore Grant." When she ar- 
rived she found that the smallpox had broken out on board the 
Cumberland , and the expedition had to return to Crown Point 
before the contagion spread. At Crown Point the victims were 
lodged with three other suffering Rangers in remote huts, and 
Haviland asked Rogers not to mention the epidemic for fear 
that it would frighten the Provincials who were now gathering 
at Crown Point. Finally a hospital was built on the Point ex- 
clusively for smallpox patients. 7 With the sloop arrived a 
dispatch from Amherst to Rogers ordering him down to Albany 
"to settle some Ranger and Indian matters. "128 This state- 
ment was for the eyes of possible mail-robbers for actually 
Amherst wished to send Rogers on a dangerous expedition re- 


quiring the utmost secrecy. 

The squadron arrived at Crown Point on the 19th, and 
Rogers set out immediately for Albany, arriving, and waiting 
on Amherst, on May 23rd. This was the first time that Rogers 
had seen the General since Amherst had dispatched him on the 
St. Francis Raid from Crown Point on September 13th; and 
both imposed upon the knowledge and authority of the other. 
Amherst interrogated Rogers on the Oswego-St. Lawrence 
route to Montreal, and Rogers took the opportunity to petition 
Amherst to intervene for him in obtaining the long delinquent 
pay from the Provincial Governments for his original 1755-1756 
winter Company. He also asked that his Clerk, Paul Burbeen, 
might be appointed Paymaster to Rogers Rangers; it being so 
necessary, due to the many losses Rogers had sustained by a 
"Hurry of Business in settling with the Companies himself," 
and by losses such as the Payroll Massacre in February. Rog- 
ers closes by "humbly begging that he may go himself with the 
acting army" under Amherst from Oswego, hoping thus to be 
rid of his present immediate superior, Colonel Haviland. 129 
But the real crux of the conference was Amherst's orders to 
Rogers to destroy St. John's, Chambly, and Wigwam Martin- 
ique with 300 men, in the hope that this would draw troops 
away from Levi's army who were besieging Quebec. This was 
Amherst's only alternative to assist Murray at Quebec, for 
the slowly arriving Provincial troops made it impossible for 
him to personally push forward at that time. 130 This vital as- 
signment was probably the most exigent service that Rogers 
was ordered upon during the war; and though the results were 
somewhat different than originally ordered, still, Rogers' 
Richelieu River Valley Campaign was the most successful ex- 
pedition he and his men ever executed. 

Rogers received his orders on the 25th, and after gath- 
ering equipment for his raid, he returned to Crown Point ar- 
riving on May 30th. Haviland received instructions from Am- 
herst apprising him of the urgency of the raid, and for once in 
his association with Rogers, Haviland exerted himself to assist 
him. This was no doubt prompted with an ulterior motive for 
Haviland was first in line for the command of the Lake Cham- 
plain advance on Montreal and this was a good opportunity to 


feather his nest. 131 

Before Rogers arrived, two Stockbridge Indians who were 
taken captive in Jacob's defeat in 1759 escaped from Montreal 
on May 18, arriving at Crown Point on the 28th. They imme- 
diately wanted tore-enlist in Rogers Rangers. Lieutenant Jos- 
eph Duquipe of the Stockbridge Company was already at Crown 
Point and recognized the two Indians. He vouched for them, 
but Haviland suspected their loyalty and sent them to see Am- 
herst first. But the General was regretting the raising of the 
Stockbridges he already had in service, and he sent them 
home. 132 

Two days after the Indians' arrival at Crown Point, there 
came in one "Jonathan", a white man who had been taken cap- 
tive by the Indians when a child. Although a captive, he had 
heard of the exploits of Rogers Rangers and now when he was 
actually among them, he expressed his desire to be a Ranger, 
eagerly selling himself to Rogers by stating that he knew where 
to get a prisoner when he wanted one. Haviland, the still ever 
cautious about escaped captives, sent Jonathan to Amherst who 
gladly accepted him. A fitting commentary on the comparative 
dislike that he held for all Indians, that he would readily ac- 
capt a total unknown because he was white, and distrust and 
reject two Stockbridge Rangers because they were Indians. * 33 
June 1, was a busy day at Crown Point as Rogers organ- 
ized his expedition. Captain Solomon's Stockbridge Company 
were to form part of his 300 men but they were still loitering 
on their march to Crown Point, and though Haviland sent the 
following letter to the Commanding Officers of the four posts 
between Crown Point and Albany: 
May 31 

As Major Rogers informs me Captain Solomon's Com- 
pany of Indians are on their way from Albany, That they 
get drunk at the posts, by which they are rendered in- 
capable of coming here, Agreeable to his Excellency, 
General Amherst's orders. Therefore it will be for his 
Majesty's service to prevent their getting Rum, and not 
let them remain longer at your post than is reasonable 
for their refreshment. It is also hoped the commanding 
officer at Fort George will forward them and any Rang- 
ers that arrive, by way of the Lake, without Delay. 134 


Rather than wait for them and slow down his exigent ser- 
vice, Rogers left orders for them to follow him as soon as they 
arrived. The expedition sailed the night of June 1st to avoid 
detection. Roger's force consisted of 225 Rangers; Ensign 
Wood, a Sergeant and 12 Light Infantrymen of the 17th Regi- 
ment. Solomon was to join him at the end of the lake with 50 
Stockbridges as soon as they straggled into Crown Point. The 
renowned "Bill Phillips" was amongst the participating Ranger 
officers. Bill had escaped from captivity late in 1758, and 
found himself without a lieutenantcy, thanks to Abercrombie's 
contract with Rogers before he gave him his Majority. The 
call of Ranging life was too strong for the veteran Phillips, 
and after a winter at home he served the 1759 Campaign and 
winter with Rogers as a Volunteer. Rogers rewarded the pa- 
tient Phillips by squeezing him in as an Ensign when the Com- 
panies were revived. Phillips replaced Ensign Samuel Stark, 
for Stark had rendered himself unfit for active service when 
he fell from a horse, and lay unconscious in the snow through 
a cold winter's night. This vacancy in Jonathan Brewer's 
Company was the only possible opening, for all of the lieuten- 
ants had been kept on full pay through the winter and there were 
more than enough of them. Rogers was doing the best that he 
could for Phillips under the circumstances, and Bill realized 
it and readily took a lower berth. He was still mentioned as a 
"Lieutenant' in dispatches, but was actually an "Ensign" on 
the Rolls. 135 

It was imperative that Amherst get a message through 
to Murray at Quebec in order to coordinate their advances on 
Montreal. The message was written on a small piece of paper, 
and it was at first planned to dispatch "Lieutenant" Bill Phil- 
lips across the country via Rogers' St. Francis route. Rog- 
ers' expedition had three different missions— he was to lead 
250 men against St. Johns and Chambly; Lieutenant Holmes 
was to take 50 men to destroy Wigwam Martinique, a notorious 
Indian settlement on the Yamaska River; and a Volunteer par- 
ty of Rangers were to take Amherst's message to Quebec. It 
seems that Rogers had adjudged that Phillips would be more 
valuable serving in Holmes' detachment, for Sergeant Thomas 
Beverly, lately escaped from Montreal, volunteered, and was 


accepted for the Message to Murray mission. Rangers were 
reluctant to step forward for this perilous duty, for they were 
aware of what would happen to them if they should fall into the 
hands of any of the surviving St. Francis Indians. Finally, 
five pounds sterling per man was offered, and three veteran 
Ranger Privates— Luxford Goodwin, John Shute, and Joseph 
Eastman— stepped forth with Sergeant Beverly. HI- 14 7 

Rogers sailed directly to Missisquoi Bay, and on June 3, 
discharged Sergeant Beverly and his party for Quebec; and 
Lieutenant Holmes, Stark, Ensign Phillips, and 48 Rangers 
for Wigwam Martinique. Ill- 14 8 Returning to Lake Champlain, 
Rogers ordered Commodore Grant to send the two sloops cruis- 
ing closer towards Isle aux Noix to detract the enemy, while 
he landed with the remaining 213 men on the night of June 4, 
at King's Bay in whaleboats. 

Rogers' Journal, Official Report, and Letter-Diary 
written by an anonymous Ranger officer (probably Lieutenant 
Simon Stevens) give excellent accounts of what now trans- 
pired. H-104 There being a heavy summer rain the next morn- 
ing, Rogers lay by to conserve his men and provisions. That 
afternoon the lake became alive with enemy small craft who 
paddled around Grant's sloops who were cruising off Windmill 
Point. Fearing that they might be boarded in the night, Rogers 
rowed out to them after dark, and ordered them back to the 
Cumberland at Isle La Motte. When Rogers returned to his 
camp, vigilant eyes perceived him and sent scouts ashore who 
were able to ascertain his numbers and report to Bourlamaque 
at Isle aux Noix. However, runners from Rogers reconnoiter- 
ing parties opposite to the fort returned to Rogers the next 
morning to excitedly report a force of over 300 were marching 
on him. Thus forewarned, Rogers, for once was able to de- 
ploy his force to advantage and exact, probably, his most suc- 
cessful victory in a pitched battle. 

Rogers' detachment consisted of 200 Rangers, including 
Captains Noah Johnson and Jonathan Brewer, Lieutenant Simon 
Stevens, Ensign Jacob Farrington, and one of the Sergeants, 
who was the veteran James Hackett. To add to this poignant 
force were Ensign Wood, a Sergeant, and 12 Light Infantry- 


Rogers deployed them expertly. When his scouts relayed 
the probable point of attack the Rangers and Light Infantry held 
an ideal battle site on the Pointe au Fer peninsula on the shore 
of present-day King's Bay. On Rogers' left was the bay with 
his whaleboats drawn up on the shore. On his right was a bog 
which Rogers dispatched Ensign Farrington and seventy Rang- 
ers through, by the edge of present Griffith Bay, to fall upon 
their rear. The maneuver had been well timed, for Rogers 
was informed of the approach of his attackers by his scouts 
who relayed intelligence right up to the time of the attack. Al- 
though the numerical odds were 3 to 2 in favor of the French 
force, still, Rogers skillfully minimized this factor by the a- 
bove alertness, and the following elements of surprise. The 
300 or more French, Canadians and Indians were well led by 
the famed Partisans, La Force and Longville. The primeval 
forests retained their natural hues as Rogers Rangers in their 
green uniforms blended with Nature's garb. So much so, in 
fact, that the French were not aware of them until an advance 
party walked into Rogers' line and were attacked. This hap- 
pened at 11:30 A.M., and the main body began their attack 
"with their usual intrepidity and yelling, " which was returned 
with like spirit by Rogers' men. 

Rogers had to engage La Force's 300 men with approxi- 
mately 144 Rangers and Light Infantry, until Farrington, with 
the other 70, had time to make his way through the swamp and 
fall upon the French rear. Consequently Rogers had his hands 
full, and the battle was nip and tuck for several hot moments. 
A number of Indians took cover behind some of Rogers' whale- 
boats and he threw a contingent behind the remaining boats. 
An amusing interlude followed: When the Indians could not re- 
load as fast as the Rangers they started throwing stones, which 
aroused the competitive spirit of the Rangers, who shouted 
that they would equalize the weapons and also fight with stones. 
The Rangers proved to be peers in their speed and accuracy 
with the stones as well as reloading and firing muskets, for 
the Indians were so accurately pelted with these primitive mis- 
siles that they abandoned the boats with howls. At the same 
time Farrington fell upon the French rear, on the way they 
destroyed a number of Indians in the swamp, who were being 


The Three Battles 

March 7, 17 59 
8- 10 A: M 

The First Battle (De- 
feat of Woodcutters): 
gofers Canadians 
Hangers Indians 

& Mohawks & French 

r — i t — i ■■ ist posj 

mni onm r*r« 2nd Posi 

The Second Battle (Re- 
pulse of French forces) 

The Third Battle (Rout 
of the French Forces): 

r — \ 1 > l~3IS3 lst Position 

■—! — I |— I — .Rangers rout French and 
^^retire to Sabb at h-Day Pt 

See pages 37-40 

The Battle 
Pointe au Fer 

June 5, 1760 
11:30-2:30 a:m-p:n 
Rogers La Force's 
Rangers French and 

Indians . 
»»»»! ■■■■ Is 


2nd Position. 
French & In- 
dians ir. full 


See pages 95-99 


exhorted by their medicine-man. As soon as Farrington be- 
gan his attack, Rogers "pushed them in front, which broke 
them immediately. " The French Grenadiers broke first, then 
the others followed, retreating in a westerly direction away 
from Farrington and Rogers. Rogers pursued them with the 
bulk of his force for about a mile until they entered a thick ce- 
dar swamp and split up into small parties and escaped with all 
of their wounded. It started to rain again very hard, and Rog- 
ers immediately gathered his force together at the whaleboats 
and crossed to Isle La Motte, where he encamped, buried his 
dead, and sent the wounded back to Crown Point on one of the 

The wounded were attended by the English surgeon, James 
Jameson. Thanks to the negligence of his superior, Surgeon- 
General Napier, who dispatched him from Albany without band- 
ages and instruments, many of the wounded died on the voyage 
to Crown Point, in spite of the heroic efforts of Surgeon Jame- 
son to improvise for them on Isle la Motte before they sailed. 
Captain Grant and other officers generously offered their linen 
shirts and Jameson dressed the wounds without applying the 
non-existent medicines. As a consequence, Captain Johnson, 
who was badly wounded in three places, died before he reached 
Crown Point. The Corps lost a valuable officer due to the 
criminal neglect of Napier in not furnishing Jameson with a 
medicine chest. The enormity of Napier's folly cannot be over- 

Rogers' losses, besides Captain Noah Johnson, were 16 
Rangers killed, and 8 wounded; Ensign John Wood of the 17th 
Infantry was killed in the first fire and two of his men were 
wounded. Franch losses were at least 32 killed, among them 
a noted Mohawk interpreter; and 19 wounded, including both 
the Commanders. La Force was mortally wounded in the chest, 
while Longville suffered a slighter wound. Rogers Rangers 
gathered more than 34 fine firelock muskets, and 3 Indian 
scalps. They would have gathered more of the latter for the 
bounty, but the French Indians had beat them to it, and scalped 
their own brethren before retreating. 

This three-hour engagement (from 11:30 to 2:30) was 
hard fought, and was one of the few pitched battles or bush- 


fights in which Rogers Rangers were able to completely sur- 
prise the enemy. It had been customary for Rogers to be sur- 
prised at the outset of his larger forest battles (La Barbue 
Creek, Rogers' Rock, and Marin's Defeat), and then by skill- 
fully applying his unique methods of defense, retreat, or coun- 
ter-attack, to extricate his Corps from a ticklish situation, 
and turn an apparent defeat into brilliant victory, or at least 
a heroic stand. However, the Battle of Pointe au Fer, the last 
large scale bush-action of Rogers' during the war, was an ex- 
ception, and he was able to turn the tables, and completely 
surprise, defeat, and rout the enemy. Some idea of the inten- 
sity of the action can be realized when it was observed that the 
Rangers had expended most of their sixty rounds of ammuni- 

Three days after the Battle of Pointe aux Fer, Lieuten- 
ant McCormick joined Rogers with 25 of the belated Stockbridge 
Company, and a Subaltern, Sergeant, and 30 of the Light In- 
fantry of the 17th Regiment. Captain Solomon had straggled 
into Crown Point at 10 P.M. on June 3, with only 30 Indians. 
Since three of them were sick, two more had to remain to care 
for them, thus reducing the number sent Rogers the next night 
to Captain Solomon, his Lieutenant and Ensign, and 22 Indian 
Privates. Even these came close to never reaching Rogers, 
for a freak storm came up on the sixth (the afternoon of Rog- 
ers' battle), and they barely reached the shore in time to es- 
cape the pitching lake. Fortunately for the furtherance of Rog- 
ers' mission, the Stockbridges escaped another impediment: 
The day after their departure towards Rogers, Haviland re- 
ceived word from Amherst not to contaminate the Crown Point 
side with them, rather, to quarter them across the lake at 
Chimney Point "so they can't get at Rum", andinstead of send- 
ing them to reenforce Rogers, they were to be employed in 
scouting toward Number Four. 

When Haviland received Rogers' June 8th Journal of the 
Battle of Pointe au Fer, he believed that the element of sur- 
prise was gone, and dispatched orders for Rogers not to pro- 
ceed on his Richelieu River Valley Raid, instead, to remain 
with Grant's fleet and "make what show he can to favour Lieu- 
tenant Holmes." He wrote Amherst asking if he wanted any- 


thing more done by Rogers' de-tachment. Amherst replied on 
the 10th, apparently confirming Haviland' s decision, but the 
next day wrote that he had just learned of Levi's withdrawal 
from Quebec, and that Rogers was still to pursue his mission, 
even if he could not surprise St. John's and Chambly. Rogers 
was to act "according to his own discretion. . . and the more he 
can alarm them the better. . ." Haviland received the first let- 
ter on the 12th and immediately relayed the orders for Rogers 
to abandon his raid. At the same time assuring Amherst that 
no time had been lost for he could not send off the sloop sooner 
than the 10th; as Grant wanted several things from Ticonderoga, 
particularly biscuits "for the service at the other end of the 
Lake. As none arrived, I was obliged to bake five days bread 
here, with that and flour, I desired Captain Grant to make best 
shift he could and to save what Biscuits he had for Major Rog- 
ers' Party. I likewise sent him two Bullocks alive for their 
refreshment, most of thebread Major Rogers had onshore with 
him was destroyed by the Rain which was a great loss to them." 

A few hours after Amherst's letter of the tenth, Haviland 
received another dated the eleventh, with news of the relief of 
Quebec and orders for Rogers to proceed. The bewildered 
Haviland immediately dispatched a whaleboat well manned with 
orders to Major Rogers agreeable to it and am almost certain 
they will get near as soon as the other Express, as the wind 
was strong all day and calm when the last set out. " Haviland 
also sent Rogers a reenforcement in the form of 20 Volunteers 
from a recently arrived Rhode Island Regiment (and 20 more 
who had sea experience, for Captain Grant) . But they arrived 
too late for Rogers had taken matters into his own hands for he 
"was determined at all adventures to pursue" his "orders." 
Rogers landed on the western shore on the night of June 11, and 
marched to St. John's with 220 officers and men, including 
Captain Brewer, Lieutenants Simon Stephens, Caesar McCor- 
mick, Ensign Jacob Farrington and 159 Rangers; Captain Sol- 
omon, Lieutenant Duquipe, Ensign Nunnipad and 22 Stock- 
bridges; and a Subaltern, Sergeant and 30 Light Infantry of the 
17th and 27th Regiments. Lieutenant McCormick temporarily 
commanded the Light Infantry. 

Making a forced march, partially through swamps and 


streams, they arrived at St. John's on the night of the 15th. 
While his party rested near the road, Rogers made quick re- 
connaissance from a distance and found the fort too strong for 
his force. Nevertheless, he resolved to adopt the plan that he 
had proposed to Lord Loudoun in 1758 for surprising Crown 
Point. Lieutenant McCormick, who spoke French fluently, was 
to march up with the Light Infantry with their coats turned in- 
side out, being lined with white. With this apparent French de- 
tachment McCormick was to inform the Gate-guard that he had 
an express from Montreal for the Commandant. As soon as he 
had secured the Gate, Rogers would rush in with his Rangers. 
The plan was ideal, but upon nearing the Fort they observed a 
large camp on the glasses and a number of vigilant sentries. 
A consultation of officers resolved to abandon St. John's, in- 
stead, to march quickly to Ste. Therese nine miles down the 
Richelieu at the portage. Ste. Therese was a vital link on the 
communication with Isle aux Noix, for boats had to dock here 
to receive supplies and troop transportation for St. John's and 
Isle aux Noix. Ten A.M. found the Raiders before Ste. Therese. 
Observing hay wagons about to pass through the Fort's gate, 
Rogers sent detachments under Captain Brewer and Lieutenant 
McCormick, who met at the Riverside and with Rogers rushed 
in with the hay wagons before they cleared the gate. At the 
same time without the loss of a man on either side. Fourteen 
boats and five canoes were found moored under the fort. After 
firing the village and Fort, Rogers crossed the Richelieu with 
his 27 French prisoners. The old men, women and children, 
in all 52, had been set free. Rogers' gleeful humour came to 
the fore when he gave them a pass to go to Montreal, "Direct- 
ed to the officers of the different Detachments under my com- 
mand." Meaning Lieutenant Holmes at Wigwam Martinique and 
Captain Hazen at Quebec. This bit of galling sarcasm must 
have infuriated French Commanders who still remembered his 
hectic "Thank You Note" after his cattle slaughter below the 
walls of Ticonderoga in 1757. 

Safely across the River, the Raiders looked back to see 
a large body of the enemy upon the Ste. Therese shore. Un- 
known to Rogers they were English prisoners, under guard, 
and being sent to Crown Point to be exchanged. The boats which 


Rogers' men were now burning were to have conveyed them to 
Crown Point. A Ranger prisoner, Captain James Tute, was a 
witness to this vexatious scene, and though he was now forced 
to walk to other boats at St. John's, still he was admireful of 
Rogers' handiwork. H~ 10 5 

Rogers' Raiders followed the eastern shore of the Rich- 
elieu until it started to veer west, then they made a south- 
easterly detour around Isle aux Noix. Near the present set- 
tlement of Aird on the Canadian line, Rogers' advance party 
engaged with a similar party, preceding a pursuit force of 600 
men from Isle aux Noix, who were a mile behind. The French 
advance columns were attacked with such spirit that they were 
beaten off and Rogers quickened his march to the rendevous at 
Windmill Point. During the march from Ste. Therese it be- 
came apparent that the French Regular prisoners couldnot keep 
up with the Rangers' rapid pace, due to the tightness of their 
breeches. Rogers remedied this by ordering the Rangers to 
cut off the legs of the French breeches with their knives . Thus 
unencumbered, the Rangers placed their packs on their cap- 
tives' shoulders, and the speedy march was continued. On the 
20th, the same day of the advance-guard's skirmish, Rogers 
arrived at Windmill point . A few Rangers had been sent forward 
to smoke-signal to Grant's ships, and boats were waiting for 
them at the shore. As they were hastily pulling for the ships, 
their 600 pursuers burst from the trees to shout frustratedly 
from the shore. E- 106 

So ended Rogers' Ste. Therese Raid. This well-planned, 
well-timed expedition was probably Rogers most successful ex- 
ploit of the War. Not a man was lost, and still the desired ef- 
fect was obtained. The French believed that the whole British 
Army at Crown Point were advancing and the Richelieu River 
Valley was thrown into a state of nerves and troops were drained 
from vital St. Lawrence River posts to be rushed to St. Johns. 

The day after their safe return to the fleet, Rogers sent 
his 26 prisoners with 50 men to Crown Point, while he lingered 
with the balance of his detachment to cover Lieutenant Holmes. 
Holmes returned that evening on the sloop that was cruising 
Missisquoi Bay for him. Holmes had failed in his mission. He 
had followed a River that fell into the Richelieu instead of the 


Wigwam Martinique (Yamaska) River. Holmes had found the 
country alive with roaming bands of Indian hunters, and since 
he had been privately instructed by Major Rogers not to take 
any unnecessary risks (Rogers did not want any repetition of 
the St. Francis retreat of 1759). Holmes rejoined Rogers with- 
out effecting anything more than a valuable reconnaissance of 
the country. 13 ' 

The third arm of Rogers' force, that of Sergeant Bever- 
ly's squad, who had volunteered to carry Amherst's message to 
Quebec, were successful in their 500 mile trek across St. Fran- 
cis Indian country and safely reached Murray as he was about 
to advance up the St. Lawrence upon Montreal. Beverly and 
his squad served temporarily in Hazen's Company of Rogers 
Rangers and shared in the Company's many skirmishes along 
the River. 138 

Upon Holmes' safe return, Rogers immediately returned 
to Crown Point and received orders from Haviland to encamp 
his Rangers at Chimney Point on the east shore of the Lake op- 
posite to Crown Point. This Point now became known as Rog- 
ers' Point, and it was not until some time later, after the War, 
that the Point regained its original name. "9 

Rogers now found Haviland a Brigadier in command of 
the reduction of Isle aux Noix. Haviland wasted no time in ex- 
ploiting his broader authority by endeavoring to have all Regu- 
lar Majors in his force outrank Rogers. He further planned to 
form all of his Grenadiers, Light Infantry and Rangers into a 
provisional battalion under the command of afield officer of the 
Regulars. By this means Rogers would lose his independent 
command. Instead, he and his Corps would be subject to a Reg- 
ular Colonel or Major. Rogers was so indignant at Haviland' s 
proposal that he dispatched a letter to Amherst at Oswego, ten- 
dering his commission, thus implying that he would resign if his 
seniority was not established. Amherst did not wish to lose 
Rogers' irreplacable services at this late date, and he imme- 
diately returned his commission, adding that Haviland had been 
ordered to put in General Orders that Rogers "was to enjoy" 
rank of Major from the date of his commission (April 6, 1758). 
Haviland seems to have given up nettling Rogers when it was 
driven home that Amherst would back the Ranger in spite of 


his sly innuendoes and various efforts to reduce Rogers' au- 
thority and command to a minimum. It is little short of amaz- 
ing that Rogers managed to restrain his temper in these vari- 
ous jousts with Haviland during the numerous periods he was 
under his heckling command. 

Amherst's plan for the total reduction of Canada was to 
advance on Montreal from east, west and south, and crush it 
as in the jaws of a vice. Murray was to ascend the St. Law- 
rence from Quebec; Amherst down the St. Lawrence from Os- 
wego and Brigadier Haviland was to force an entrance by way 
of Lake Champlain. Contingents of Rogers Rangers served in 
all three expeditions but Major Rogers with six Companyswere 
with Haviland and comprised the bulk of the Corps. These six 
Companys were captained by James Tute (who led Rogers' Own 
Company), who had now been exchanged from his second peri- 
od of captivity; brother James Rogers; the two Brewers, Jon- 
athan and David. Solomon commanded the Stockbridges and 
Lieutenant Simon Stevens of Quebec-escape fame was promoted 
to the command of the late Noah Johnson's Company. The choice 
for this vacancy had been a difficult decision for Rogers to make 
for there was an expectant candidate in the form of Lieutenant 
Andrew McMullen. Rogers was forced to disappoint the eager 
McMullen for the third time, as Stephens was the Senior Lieu- 
tenant of the Corps. If Stephens had not escaped from Quebec 
and re-entered a Company with Rogers at Crown Point, Mc- 
Mullen would have had the Captaincy. In spite of this sad trav- 
esty of events, McMullen manfully accepted his loss and re- 
mained a Lieutenant for the balance of the War. Amherst writes 
Rogers that Stephens' appointment was "very just." He re- 
marks that he has not heard from John Stark, but "if he had 
come he would have course have had this Company. "141 

Rogers recommended other promotions and replacements 
to Amherst and besides Stephens' commission, the following 
were signed by the Commander-in-Chief at Oswego on July 11th. 
The brilliant Ensign, Jacob Farrington of St. Francis Raid and 
Pointe au Fer fame, was promoted to Lieutenant in Jonathan 
Brewer's Company when Lieutenant Darcy moved up to fill Ste- 
phens' vacancy as First Lieutenant. The Company's Ensign, 
"Bill Phillips", was the only officer not to profit by Stephens' 


promotion. Thanks to Abercrombie' s contract with Rogers be- 
fore he would give him his Majority on April 7, 1758, any Rang- 
er Officers reported dead in the Battle of Rogers' Rock who 
survived to later return, lost their seniority in the Corps. 
When Rogers signed this stipulation all of the Ranger Officers 
that did not return with him were reported killed by subsequent 
French prisoners. This included Phillips, who had surrendered 
in good faith. He was reported butchered with all of his party 
by the Indians. Since Phillips was the only captured Ranger 
Officer to escape, he alone suffered from this curious Aber- 
crombie-Rogers agreement. Amherst approved of Rogers ap- 
pointment of Caesar McCormick to Lieutenant Joshua Lock's 
place in David Brewer's Company, since Lock did not rejoin the 
Corps. One other replacement occurred: Benjamin Hutchings 
who had served as an Ensign in 1759, and among other achieve- 
ments had bravely volunteered and carried Amherst's dis- 
patches through Maine to Wolfe at Quebec, had resigned dur- 
ing the Winter upon being promised a Captaincy in the Massa- 
chusetts Provincials. He had raised his Company only to find, 
shortly after his arrival at Crown Point, that a previous Cap- 
tain had "superseded" him. Endeavoring to get back into Rog- 
ers Rangers, he was fortunate enough to be on hand, for he de- 
livered Rogers' recommendations to Amherst, and the General 
deposited him in Farrington's vacancy. Edmund Munroe, the 
Sergeant- Major of the Corps, was recommended by Rogers for 
an Ensigncy, but Hutchings filled the last vacancy, and Amherst 
informed Rogers that Munroe "must wait another opportunity. " 
The month of July and the first two weeks of August were 
a period of bustling activity at Crown Point as Haviland's army 
prepared to advance. To encourage the temperance of the men 
Haviland ordered the Sutlers to put all of their barrels of Rum 
in the Fort's Casemate and they were allowed to withdraw a 
barrel at a time only with an order from the Colonel of each 
Corps, in the case of Rogers Rangers, Major Rogers. This 
excellent practice was observed with "good effects" for over a 
month until July 3rd. The previous day Haviland had decreed 
that no Sutler should sell any spirits after the evening gun, but 
two enterprising Sutlers sold the men Beer and Wine. This 
was revealed when several of the men became hilariously drunk 


and started a small riot. Upon which the Sutlers' casks were 
stove in exciting the following remark from a Provincial wit- 
ness. "So we have wine and strong beer running down our 
street. . . " Unfortunately one of the two Sutlers was one of those 
attached to Rogers Rangers and he was ordered "To quit Crown 
Point Emediately" and if he, or the other Sutler miscrepeant, 
George Morris, were found" inthecampor in any Post between" 
Crown Point "or Albany they will be shipt and Drum'd out. '^ 2 

Amherst had ordered Haviland on June 1, to send down 
all of the camp women except two or three for the Surgeon and 
one to cook for the officers. But as the Sutlers increased in 
number they managed to slip women in under pretense of being 
their wives. 143 

On June 17, Captain Brewer "piloted" Captain Jenks of 
the Provincials with 200 men across the Lake to a Spruce grove 
that he had previously discovered. Brewer and his detachment 
of Rangers instructed Jenks' 200 Provincials in the Rangers' 
method of march, thus making the expedition serve a dual pur- 
pose-to protect their march to obtain Spruce for Beer, and to 
make them more effective fighting force for the campaign. 
Brewer and Jenks returned laden with Spruce, and without meet- 
ing any scalping parties. HI- 149 However, an enemy party was 
reported across the Lake near the mouth of Otter Creek by a 
vigilant scout of Rangers under Captain James Rogers, and the 
peril was relayed south as far as Colonel Jacob Kents' New 
Hampshire Regiment, who were repairing Stark's 1759 road to 
Number Four. 111-150 

The army was alarmed again the following evening at sun- 
set when a small fire was seen eight miles down the Lake on the 
west shore. Haviland dispatched Major Skeen, Captains Brew- 
er and James Rogers, and Captain Hutchings (soon Ensign 
Hutchings of Rogers Rangers) of the Provincials with thirty 
men in three boats. Before they reached the fire it was out. 
They remained near the spot until daylight when they fired a 
shot and were answered from the shore. To their surprise, 
they discovered two Rangers who had been taken captives the 
previous Winter, and escaped from Montreal on June 7th. One 
of them, Christopher Proudfoot was wounded in two places in 
Rogers' "Three Battles" on March 7, 1759. Given up for dead, 
he was captured by the French and recovered from his wounds 


at Ticonderoga and then sent to Montreal. The other Ranger, 
Ebil Chamberlain, was captured in The Payroll Massacre in 
February 1760 . They had boasted to Captain Tute at Montreal 
that they would soon be at Crown Point, and he had sent his 
compliments by them. Tute soon followed these Rangers in for 
he was exchanged with others shortly after to add to their time- 
ly information on Rogers' Battle of Pointe au Fer, and Ste. 
Therese Riad. HI-151 

In spite of the constant patrols maintained by Rogers 
Rangers a "flying party" did filter through on July 8, and Rog- 
ers' Point was the scene of a bloody half-hour skirmish about 
six A. M. on July 8, when forty French and Indians fell upon a 
party of Rangers under Captain Brewer who were making a raft 
near the Rangers' camp. One Ranger was killed, and Captain 
Brewer and five Rangers were wounded. "The Rangers returned 
the fire and beat them off but could not find that they had killed 
any of them." Rogers sent out a pursuit party who followed 
them for eight miles before they gave up the chase. Other 
scouts under Rogers went down the Lake in order to intercept 
them but to no avail. The six wounded Rangers were taken to 
the hospital at Crown Point where two of them died two days 
later. However, Captain Brewer recovered in time to rejoin 
his Company in the advance on Isle aux Noix. H-107 

Besides the two Rangers lost in this action, the Corps 
lost one other courageous Ranger on July 10th. Private Jacob 
Hallowell died on a sweltering day in the hospital from the 
wounds he received at the Battle of Pointe au Fer. Another 
Ranger was lost, but this time to the Regulars. The valuable 
Lieutenant Abernathan Cargyll of St. Francis Raid fame ex- 
pressed his desire to purchase an Ensigncy in the 17th Regi- 
ment, and Rogers gave him "a very good character. . . " to Colo- 
nel John Darby, who in turn wrote Amherst on July 26, asking 
him to consider Cargyll. Cargyll entered his Regiment on 
September 18, 1760. 144 

July 22 and 23, saw Rogers Rangers practicing at shoot- 
ing at marks. 145 On the 24th Captain Hutchings of the Mas- 
sachusetts Provincials returned from Oswego with Amherst's 
promotions in the Rangers (previously mentioned) and re- 
joined Rogers Rangers as an Ensign. 6 The 25th saw 400 


Rangers, Regulars and Provincials boating southward to pick 
up a load of provisions at the portage at Ticonderoga. 147 The 
Rangers received their proportion of boats on August 1, and 
a detail secured them and fitted them out. 14 ** 

On August 4, 284 Provincials from the New Hampshire 
Regiment were draughted into Rogers Rangers thus swelling 
the Company to 100 men. *49 The balance of the above re- 
cruits were a Company of "Hatchetmen" commanded by Cap- 
tain Samuel Hodge Jr. , and the Corps now had a Company of 
Pioneers. 1^0 Major Rogers now had under his immediate 
command, five companies of white Rangers. Solomon's Com- 
pany of 70 Stockbridges and Hodges' 100 Hatchetmen. A truly 
potent and colorful Corps to embark on August 16, to form the 
advance-guard of Haviland's army. 151 

On the 6th, before embarking, a payroll express arrived 
from Amherst and the Regulars and Rangers were paid in part. 
Rogers judiciously endeavored to rectify the shortage of pay 
by sending a special Ranger Courier the same day to Appy, 
Amherst's Secretary, the same Courier to return with Am- 
herst's warrants. 52 Amherst had also sent instructions to 
Haviland to maintain communication with him by sending two 
or three Rangers via Tute's 1759 route to LaGallete. 153 

On the third day of sailing the army weathered a freak 
squall of wind and rain, and one of the canoes containing elev- 
en Rangers was split into by the chopping waves . Eight men 
were drowned before other boats could arrive to rescue the 
other 3 occupants. 154 The following day Rogers Rangers and 
the Light Infantry and Grenadiers landed on the east shore un- 
opposed and the army followed. The Rangers established 
camp on the northern end of Haviland's line, being opposite 
to the rear of Isle aux Noix. Batteries were erected and fired 
the next day starting an eight day siege of the Isle. The Rang- 
ers figured prominently in the Siege. Their activities were im- 
portant enough to excite chronicling by Provincial Journal- 
ists. 11-111 

On the night of their arrival a whaleboat of Rangers were 
sent to take soundings of the channel near the French fort. 
They were observed and a volley of grapeshot greeted them, 
killing a Ranger and wounding three others, one of whom 


drowned. H-110 -phe Rangers more than made up for this mi- 
nor loss a week later when they executed a brilliant stroke 
which brought the siege to an end. 

During this week the Rangers had one particular assign- 
ment which they had to thank Brigadier Haviland for. Major 
Rogers was ordered to have piles of wood cut and stacked six- 
ty yards in front of his encampment to be burned every night 
to draw the enemy fire. The Rangers must have growled at 
this for such measures invited long-range volleys directly into 
their camp. The task of cutting the wood was entrusted to 
Hodge's Hatchetmen and they were ordered to grind their hatch- 
ets immediately. 1 5 5 The Rangers, however, put their toma- 
hawks to use on the 20th, when 200 Rangers under Captain Da- 
vid Brewer joined a detail of Light Infantry and Grenadiers to 
cut brush to make fascines. 56 Picket duty for the Rangers 
consisted of three pickets every night and one during the day 
to guard the batteaus. 157 

On the 22nd a scout of 9 Rangers brought in four prison- 
ers which they spirited from Isle aux Noix in the early morn- 
ing. This scout was particularly hazardous, consequently the 
Rangers were Volunteers and the detail received 37 pounds 16 
shillings New York Currency from Haviland the day after they 
brought in the prisoners. m~l 5 4 

The Rangers' most important achievement occurred about 
nine A.M. on August 25th. Colonel Darby had proposed cap- 
turing the French fleet. As this would destroy Bougainville's 
lifeline with St. John's, Haviland readily granted him permis- 
sion to execute the mission. His force consisted of two Com- 
panies of Light Infantry, Major Rogers with five Companies of 
Rangers including the Stockbridges . Draggingthree field pieces 
through the trees, they silently planted them opposite to the un- 
suspecting vessels in the Richelieu River behind the Island. 
The French naval force consisted of a rideau, a brig, a sloop 
and a schooner. A six-pounder opened fire first and by good 
fortune the first shot cut the cable to the principal ship, the 
rideau, and a strong west wind drove her ashore into the hands 
of Darby's Light Infantry. The other vessels hurriedly weighed 
anchor and made all sail for St. John's but stranded in a bend 
of the river. Rogers, with his Rangers, hurried along the shore 


until they came to the stranded vessels. Here, part of the Rang- 
ers fired from the shore to cover those who swam out with their 
tomahawks between their teeth. They boarded and drove the 
astonished crew down the hatchway or into the water, thus one 
vessel was captured by this method and the rest were so de- 
moralized that they surrendered to Darby when he sailed up in 
the British manned rideau. H-112 This exploit of Darby and 
Rogers literally brought the siege to an end for the French 
commander, Bougainville, abandoned the island on the night of 
August 27, with his garrison, and made his way with extreme 
difficulty through the dark forest and swamps to join La Pause 
at St. John's, twelve miles below. Rogers Rangers were sent 
in hot pursuit of the fleeing Bougainville while Haviland fol- 
lowed with the main army. Arriving at St. John's, Rogers and 
his Rangers found it in flames . 

Leaving 200 Rangers to fortify the log houses that re- 
mained standing near the lake side, in order to protect his 
boats and baggage against a possible return of the enemy. 
Rogers hurried on with 370 Rangers and Indians and overtook 
the rear guard of the enemy consisting of 200 men. Rogers' 
men immediately attacked them and after a hot skirmish, the 
French and Indians, forming the rear guard, broke and fell back 
to their main body of 1, 500 men. Rogers lost two men killed 
and two wounded, including Lieutenant Nathan Stone who was 
wounded through the foot, in this hot engagement. H-H3 

Hoping that Bougainville would make a stand, Rogers pur- 
sued them, and hung on their flanks and rear and harassed them 
constantly until the enemy crossed a river to a fortified camp 
and drew up the bridge after them, thus putting a stop to Rogers' 
pursuit. However, Rogers rejoined Haviland with 17 prison- 
ers, among them a French Major and a Captain. 

Haviland proceeded as far as Ste. d'Etrese where he en- 
camped his army and erected a strong breastwork. Rogers was 
sent with his Rangers down the Richelieu to administer the oath 
of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty among the French- Cana- 
dian inhabitants and a Provincial Journalist records that the 
Rangers "keep bringing in the best of the inhabitants, as they 
take their choice of them; they also inform us the ladies are 
very kind in the neighborhood, which seems we shall fare bet- 


ter when we get into the thick settled parts of the country, "l 5 ^ 
After successfully completing this task, Rogers joined 
Colonel Darby at Chambly, where he was investing the fort with 
a few light cannon. The fort surrendered on September 1 at 
two P. M. after receiving one fire.H~H5 

This was the last obstacle, and Haviland's part of the tri- 
ple attack on Canada was now completed. He opened commu- 
nications with Murray by a Ranger Officer. At the same time, 
Murray, who superseded Haviland, sent Ranger Sergeant Lux- 
ford Goodwin, with a party of Hazen's Ranger Company, to 
Haviland. Besides dispatches, they brought Haviland horses 
for his officers and some French officers. 

Murray returned Rogers' officer with orders for Havi- 
land to send him Rogers Rangers and his Grenadiers and Light 
Infantry to join him at Longueuil and to follow with the balance 
of his army. However, Haviland had already proceeded to La 
Prairie under orders from Amherst. He dispatched Lieuten- 
ant Benzell of the Regulars and three Rangers to Murray with 
this intelligence. The three Rangers receiving one pound four 
shillings each from Haviland for this "Express" service. Rog- 
ers and his Rangers were sent to join Murray though, and upon 
their arrival at Longueuil, Hazen's Company of Rogers Rang- 
ers re-joined the Corps after a two-and-^one-half year's sepa- 
ration. 159 

Chapter VI 


As the fierce weather drove Murray's force from their 


ter, Hazen's Company of Rogers Rangers were stationed at the 
extreme advanced post at Lorette, eight miles west of Quebec. 
Hazen's Company were kept busy in patrolling, woodcutting, 160 
and disarming the Canadian inhabitants in the lower St. Law- 
rence parishes, who after the fall of Quebec, had returned to 
their homes. 

On November 30, Lieutenant John Montressor, an En- 
gineer of distinction, was sent with 12 Rangers to disarm the 
Canadians on the south side of the lower St. Lawrence and re- 
ceived their oaths of allegiance. They accomplished their work 
as far as Beaumont where they were forced to turnback because 
of the severity of the weather, in- 138 

Murray's position was one of dangerous isolation with no 
prospect of reenforcement until ships could get through in May. 
Consequently Lieutenant John Butler was sent with four other 
Rangers across country to New York with dispatches for Am- 
herst. They were obliged to return, after being 10 days in the 
woods and barely escaping a party of Indians by taking refuge 
with friendly Canadians. 111 " 1 ^ 1 

On January 26, however, another attempt was made by a 


shorter route, for Murray records: ". . .it is of the greatest 
importance to let General Amherst know our situation here, 
and what preparations would be most necessary to be made for 
the ensuing campaign. . . " This time the detachment was tre- 
bled to two Sergeants and ten Rangers under Lieutenant Butler, 
the whole commanded by Engineer Lieutenant, John Montr essor, 
who was also to compute a map of their River Chaudiere route. 

This expedition though free of mortal combat was redun- 
dant of unparalleled physical hardships which rivalled those of 
the St. Francis Raiders. They travelled up the Chaudiere to 
its source at Lake Megantic, then cut directly south, passed 
between Rangeley and Mooselucmeguntic Lakes and through 
Maine's Blue Mountains and on until they reached the banks of 
the Androscoggin which they followed to the Atlantic Ocean. 
Twelve days before they reached the mouth of the Androscog- 
gin and the first settlement of Topsham their food supply gave 
out and they were forced to duplicate the extremities of their 
fellow Rangers in the retreat from the St. Francis Raid, by eat- 
ing all the spare leather, Indian shoes, and bullet pouches that 
they had with them. To intensify their sufferings they encoun- 
tered freezing weather most of the way, and one of the Rangers 
froze to death. On February 15, Montressor dispatched Lieu- 
tenant Butler and one Ranger, "the best traveller, offermg a 
good reward to the latter, "to push on in advance to Topsham 
for the urgent provisions. Although Montressor later blamed 
Butler for the necessity of this second attempt to get through 
to Amherst, he must have been thankful that he and the other 
Ranger were hardy enough to reach Topsham, Maine five days 
later and send back two of the inhabitants with provisions. Af- 
ter the Rangers had recovered from their ordeal two of them 
retraced their steps to Quebec, arriving there on March 13, 
with the news of the success of the mission. Meanwhile Mon- 
tressor and Butler rode horseback to Newport where they hired 
a sloop for New York, arriving there on March 3, delivered 
Murray's verbal message to Amherst and received his profuse 
commendation. HI-143 

On April 19, Butler received orders from Amherst to 
sail for Boston and pick up the Ranger recruits that Amherst's 
recruiting parties had gathered for Hazen's Company. Upon 


Butler's arrival they embarked in a cattle boat and sailed for 
Quebec arriving in time to help relieve the besieged city. 161 

From the time when the English took possession of Que- 
bec, reports had come in that Levis had meant to attack it but 
it was not until April that he arrived from Montreal with his 
army. In the meantime his advanced parties hovered around 
the two fortified outposts that Murray had established, one at 
Ste. Foy and the other farther on, at Old Lorette. Hazen's 
Company of Rogers Rangers were posted in a house not far 
from the post at Lorette, and there were several fierce winter 
actions in which Hazen's Rangers played a prominent part. 162 

The first of these actions occurred in February when a 
large body of French Grenadiers appeared at Old Lorette and 
drove off a herd of cattle. Captain Hazen with a detachment of 
25 Rangers, a force much inferior in number, charged the cat- 
tle rustlers and put the Grenadiers to flight, recovering the 
cattle. 11 " 96 

A few weeks later a party of more than 1, 000 French, 
Canadians and Indians, took up a strong position near the church 
at Point Levi. On February 24, Murray sent over Hazen's 
C Company of Rangers and a detachment of Light Infantry, all 
under Major Dalling. They crossed the frozen surface of the 
St. Lawrence with Hazen's Rangers in the advance. The Rang- 
ers secured a footing on the heights and the Light Infantry fol- 
lowed under cover of their protective fire. For the past sev- 
eral weeks Hazen's Rangers had been instructing the Light In- 
fantry in how to use snowshoes, and now they had an opportu- 
nity to show the value of their teachings. A sharp fight ensued 
on the snow. Hazen's Rangers and the Light Infantry routed 
the enemy and killed and captured a large number on their 
snowshoes. A third post was established at the church and 
they returned victoriously to Quebec the same day. H-97 

In March, Hazen and his Company had a brilliant skir- 
mish. A scouting Ranger came in to the house near Lorette 
where they were posted, with the information that a large body 
of the enemy were coming to attack them. Hazen left a Ser- 
geant and 14 men in the house, and set out for Lorette with the 
rest to ask for a reenforcement. On the way they met the 
French who tried to surround them, and Hazen told his Rang- 


ers to fall back to the house. They remonstrated, saying that 
they "felt spry, " and wanted to show the Regulars that Rangers 
could fight as well as red coats. Hazen condescended and they 
charged the enemy, gave them a close volley of buckshot and 
bullets, and put them to flight. The Rangers had scarcely re- 
loaded, when they were fired upon from behind. Another 
French detachment had gotten into their rear, in order to cut 
them off from their house. The Rangers faced about, attacked 
them, and drove them back as they did at first. The two French 
parties then joined forces, left Hazen to pursue his march, and 
attacked the 14 Rangers in the house, who met them with a 
brisk fire. Hazen and his men hearing the firing, abandoned 
their march to Lorette, and hastening back, fell upon the rear 
of the French, while those in the house sallied out and attacked 
them in front. Again the French were routed and the Rangers 
chased them two miles, killing six of them and capturing sev- 
en. The Rangers received just praise from British Officers 
for their bravery in this action. H~98 

Rogers Rangers bolstered British morale in more ways 
than one. The French at Jacques Cartier had spread false re- 
ports among the Canadian populace of Quebec that packets had 
arrived from France bearing the news of a favorable peace in 
Europe for France and that heavy reenforcements were on the 
way. In order to offset this, Murray had a Ranger Sergeant 
and four Rangers cross the St. Lawrence and come into Que- 
bec as if they were messengers from Amherst bearing dis- 
patches from him and England. This bit of strategy did much 
to bolster the spirits of the British garrison and quiet the 
French and Canadian inhabitants of the town. 163 

Soon after this, reports came in of Levis' advance. A 
deserter from Montreal brought Brigadier Murray a letter 
from an officer of Rogers Rangers who was a prisoner at that 
place. He warned that 11, 000 men were on the point of march- 
ing to attack him. Levis arrived before Lorette late in April 
and Hazen' s Rangers and the British advanced guard fell back 
to Ste. Foy with Levis' army following. Murray marched out 
of Quebec on the morning of Sunday the 27th of April with half 
of his garrison and ten pieces of cannon to withdraw the ad- 
vanced posts at Ste. Foy, Cap Rouge, Sillery, and Anse du 


a Acrion At 
Ild Torrette 

March 1760 






MBB 1st Positi 

I 1 2nd Positi 

SS 3rd Positi_.. 

ma *th Po 9ition 

BB. 5th Poaiti 
6th P ositi 
r rench 

\ "* Noun tains . 
7 .»*»•*_ 


See pages 114-115 


WWnA ' WUV ' 

Second Action 
At Varennes 

The Last Battle 

dug 3 1, 1760 

2: 30 P:M 


Rogers Canadians 

English « 

1st Position BOO ■■■ 
2nd Position fiOL3 1 
3rd Position G 83 Q □ 

s * 

beft>re canadi ms 



See prtes 119-120 


Foulon. On reaching Ste. Foy, they opened a brisk fire from 
the heights upon the woods which now covered the whole army 
of Levis; the outposts, including Hazen's Company, joined 
him and they withdrew to Quebec . 

Deciding to attack the French army, although his force 
was much inferior in numbers, Murray marched out the next 
morning with his whole force of 3,000 men. He met Levis' 
army advancing to meet him through Sillery Wood, from Ste. 
Foy. Murray's line consisted of eight battalions, with two 
battalions in reserve. On the right flank were Dalling's Light 
Infantry. The left flank was covered by Hazen's Company of 
Rogers Rangers and a hundred volunteers from the Highlanders 
under Major MacDonald. 

Murray's cannon opened with a telling effect and Levis 
ordered his left to fall back to the cover of the woods. The 
British mistaking this movement for a retreat left their fav- 
orable position and pushed eagerly forward and engaged with 
the French in the deep snow where their cannon could not be 
dragged. As the British cannon ceased to fire, the French 
charged through the woods onto the British right, overwhelm- 
ing the Light Infantry who had dashed forward to take a house 
and windmill occupied by five Companies of French Grenadiers . 
The French regained the mill and threw the British Light In- 
fantry back in confusion upon their battalions. For an hour 
more the battle raged for the possession of the windmill. 

Meanwhile Hazen's Rangers and MacDonald' s Volunteers 
on the British left received a deadly fire from the Canadians 
in the woods but they managed to attack and take two adjacent 
blockhouses but could not hold them. Hazen was wounded, 
MacDonald was killed and their corps overpowered by sheer 
numbers. They managed to extricate themselves and fall back 
on the British battalions. Both of the wings being outflanked 
and seeing himself surrounded by superior numbers, Murray 
ordered a retreat while there was still time to reach the gates 
of Quebec before they were cutoff. The French closed in, hop- 
ing to cut off the fugitives. Captain Hazen, with his Rangers, 
was making his way towards the gate, supported by his servant, 
when he saw at a great distance a French officer leading a file 
of men across a rising ground. Hazen stopped and told his 


servant to give him his gun, seated himself on the ground, took 
a long aim, fired, and brought down his man. A Volunteer who 
was a witness and who thought at first that Hazen was out of 
his senses, congratulated him. "A chance shot may kill the 
devil, " replied Hazen; and resigning himself again to the arms 
of his servant, he reached the town and recovered from his 
wound. The Rangers' losses, besides Captain Hazen, were 
two Privates killed and nine Privates wounded. The British 
lost over a thousand, or more than a third of their number, 
killed, wounded and missing. The French losses were 833. II- "^ 

A rigid siege now ensued until the 17th of May, with the 
British, officers and men alike, dragging up cannon to their 
fortifications and working with pick and axe to strengthen the 
batteries; while Levis and his army entrenched themselves 
along the stony bank of Buttes-a-Neveu. Every night Hazen' s 
Rangers were advanced between the town and the enemy's works 
to keep an eye on their movements. They remained on their 
arms and vigilant until daybreak and then returned to the town. 
There was hardly a night that went by that the Rangers did not 
find, or make an opportunity, to carry on the petit-guerre with 
the enemy's outposts or even on the trenches themselves. On 
the night of May 4, Hazen' s Rangers sallied out and "went up 
to the enemy's trenches unperceived, poured in a smart volley 
and returned immediately without having a single shot fired at 
them. "H-101 

As the siege dragged on, both armies turned anxious eyes 
down the St. Lawrence, the English for ships from England or 
Louisbourg, and the French for ships from France. 

British eyes were rewarded by the timely arrival of Lord 
Colville's Squadron in the middle of May. 11-100 It was Lieu- 
tenant Patten of Rogers Rangers who discovered the approach 
of the fleet. On May 15, he was advanced at night close by the 
river St. Charles with twelve Rangers. Not far from the gen- 
eral hospital they surprised a courier, who swam the river 
with his horse and was returning with dispatches for Levis 
"from the lower country, where he was detached for intelli- 
gence." By him it was learned that there were some strag- 
gling ships in the St. Lawrence and that a British fleet was 
entering the gulf. HI- 146 


Murray, obedient to orders that Ranger Sergeant Bever- 
ly brought from Amherst, made preparations for fulfilling his 
part of the triple attack on Montreal, where Levis had returned 
with his army. On the 15th of July 2,450 men including Haz- 
en's Company of Rogers Rangers embarked for Montreal. Be- 
cause of his thigh wound, Captain Hazen was forced to remain 
behind in the hospital at Quebec. Lieutenants John Patten and 
Butler led the Company to Montreal with Patten the senior of- 
ficer. The other Company officer, Ensign Hazen, was still on 
furlough in New England. Although the Company now boasted 
139 officers and men, strangely enough, only 50 men embarked 
for Montreal. *■$* 

They advanced slowly, landing from time to time, skir- 
mishing with detachments of the enemy who followed along the 
shore. On July 18, Hazen' s Rangers had a notable skirmish 
with the enemy: Landing at Point Platon to disarm the inhabi- 
tants, the Rangers from the summit of a hill espied a party of 
40 Colony troops under Lieutenant Hertel, a noted partisan, 
who had seen them land and were on the way to attack them. 
Lieutenant Patten quickly informed the covering party of 200 
Regulars that had also landed and an ambush was laid for the 
unsuspecting Canadians. The Regulars were posted on both 
sides of the road and the Rangers maintained their position on 
the hill. When Hertel approached, the Rangers rushed down 
and drove him back and the two parties of British Regulars 
closed in. Hemmed in on all sides, the Canadians after a des- 
perate fight were almost all killed, wounded or captured. Lieu- 
tenant Hertel was mortally wounded. H-108 Returning to their 
ships with their prisoners, they cruised serenely on towards 
Montreal. Quite often during the journey the Rangers were 
landed and followed abreast of the fleet, disarming the inhabi- 
tants and administering the oaths of neutrality. 165 

On August 27, the British ships were alongside the Isle 
St. Therese, just below Montreal. The Rangers landed and 
secured some prisoners for information and learned that there 
were 200 Canadians with a detachment of French Regulars in 
the vicinity of the village of Varennes on the eastern shore of 
the St. Lawrence opposite to the Island. Murray determined 
to take possession of the village and establish his army on the 


island until he learned of the whereabouts of Amherst's army. 
At daybreak on August 31, after sending strong detachments 
above and below the village, Murray landed with Hazen's Rang- 
ers and the Light Infantry. After a spirited engagement they 
took possession of the Church and drove off the enemy, taking 
twenty prisoners and inflicting a loss of eight killed and wound- 

Murray reembarked with the two detachments that he had 
sent ashore above and below the church, leaving the Company 
of Rangers and two Companies of Light Infantry to fortify the 
Church and post themselves there until he was ready to ad- 
vance with the army. About one o'clock in the afternoon the 
Rangers were disturbed in their work of fortifying the vicinity 
of the Church when a party of eighty Canadians from Boucher- 
ville attacked them. The Rangers left their cover and sallied 
out. Lieutenant Butler noticed that they were trying to make 
their way to a barn that stood detached from the chapel. But- 
ler set fire to it, and the enemy, infuriated, endeavored, un- 
der cover of the smoke and flames, to cut off the chapel and 
take post there. They were again foiled, however, when a few 
Rangers beat them to it and held them off. 

By this time a small detachment from the Light Infantry 
had fallen upon the Canadians' flank and Butler with his Rang- 
ers simultaneously pushed them vigorously in front, and they 
broke and fled. The Rangers with the Light Infantry close be- 
hind pursued them for nearly a mile and managed to take sev- 
en wounded Canadians prisoners. Besides this loss, the enemy 
had three men killed and scalped by the Rangers near the chap- 
el. The Rangers' loss in this action was only three wounded. 
This was the last spirited action that any detachments of Rog- 
ers Rangers were to take part in in the French and Indian War. 
It was the last action of armed resistance by French or Eng- 
lish. That a detachment of Rogers Rangers should have brought 
the last battle of the War to a victorious end, practically by 
themselves, was not an unusual occurrence for this remark- 
able Corps. 11-116 

During the next few days Murray's army was landed on 
the Island of St. Therese and on September 5, Murray, with 
Hazen's Rangers, the Grenadiers and Light Infantry marched 


Second Battle 


Etchoe Pass 

June 10, 1761: 
8: 30 a:m- 12: 30 P: M 

Kennedy Grant's Cherokees 

& Rogers Army 

BES ■■§ BSB ,st Movement 

BSP | 1 lllim( 2nd Movement 

* • 3rd Movement 


To Etchoe 
v \ Village 

' #l uu»V 



See pages 149-150 


to Longueuil directly across from Montreal to reenforce Brig- 
adier Haviland. The next day Major Rogers joined Murray at 
Longueuil and Hazen's Company joined the main body of Rogers 
Rangers under their commander, Major Rogers, after an ab- 
sence of over two years. ■*■"" 

Chapter VII 


Captain Joseph Waite's meager Company of thirty Rog- 
ers Rangers stoutly braved the winter at the little post of Fort 
Brewerton at the west end of Lake Oneida. Their post, though 
being exposed (being the link of communication between Forts 
Stanwix and Ontario) was spared from any attacks and the win- 
ter and spring were uneventful enough. 167 

Late in February 1760 Waite left the command of his 
Company to his Ensign, Phineas Atherton, and journeyed to 
New York where he assured Amherst on February 28 that he 
could complete his Company by recruiting in his home province 
of Massachusetts and Connecticut. 168 with his brother, whom 
he recommended for the Ensigncy of his Company, the two 
Waites reported to Gage at Albany on April 26 that fifty good 
recruits were on their way. However, Waite's recruiting Ser- 
geants exceeded his expectations and Waite reported 73 men 
"Fit for Duty" when Amherst reviewed them at Albany on May 
9th. Actually 86 men had been recruited but ten men had 
changed their minds and deserted. One was left lame on the 
way to the rendezvous at Albany and two more were sick but 
present. I 69 The same day Amherst ordered Waite to apply to 
Colonel Bradstreet for batteaus and proceed to Fort Ontario 
and whip his recruits into shape. On the way he was to pick 
up his Company nucleus of 30 men at Fort Brewerton. 170 


Waite's Company now numbered 91 officers and men in- 
cluding Captain Waite, Lieutenant Atherton, Ensign Waite and 
4 Sergeants. 

Captain Amos Ogden, formerly of the New Jersey Pro- 
vincials and better known as a St. Francis Raider, applied to 
Amherst to raise a Company of Rangers in New Jersey and he 
was given 500 dollars advance bounty-money in March. Rog- 
ers was informed of this new Company and replied that he was 
"heartily glad" that Ogden had received a Company of Rangers. 
Ogden' s officers were Lieutenants Richard Van Tyne and Jos- 
iah Banck, and Nathaniel Ogden (formerly of Wendell's) re- 
ceived the Ensigncy. Ogden' s Company had a slight edge on 
Waite's in numbers. It totalled 100 officers and men. 171 

Since these two Companies were to serve in Amherst's 
own advance on Montreal he seems to have taken them under 
his friendly wing. He tried to round out the knowledge of his 
future Regular Officers by infusing Ranging methods into them. 
One, Collingwood, an eager British Volunteer, and two others 
who had been serving with Eyre, were convinced by Amherst 
into serving with Ogden as Volunteers. 172 

While Amherst's army of 10,000 Regulars and Provin- 
cials gathered at Fort Ontario, daily patrols of Waite's and 
Ogden' s Companies were thrown out from their advanced posts 
to protect the camp. The Company were mentioned frequently 
in General Orders and Amherst's correspondence during the 
campaign. On June 16, two late arrivals for Ogden' s Company 
left Albany for Ontario with the New Jersey Provincials. 173 

On July 15, an officer and 15 Rangers from each of the 
Ranger Companies were sent in 3 whaleboats to decoy the 
French brig and schooner to Captain Loring hiding behind an 
island with his two British snows. The two navies jockeyed 
about in eastern Lake Ontario for more than a week and when 
the French ships slipped back into the St. Lawrence on the 
23rd the Ranger whaleboats returned to Oswego with Loring 
arriving on the 27th. HI-152 -phe same day an officer and eight 
whaleboat men of Ogden' s were dispatched with speed to Cap- 
tain Wilyamos commanding a detachment of the Royal Ameri- 
cans on an island near the entrance to the St. Lawrence. They 
had served as a provision base for Loring' s fleet and unaware 


of his return to Oswego they were an easy prey for the French 
fleet should they venture into the lake again and discover 
them. 111 " 153 

While this exiguous service was being successfully ex- 
ecuted Rogers Rangers were again mentioned but not in such a 
good light. On the 26th Private Benjamin McClean of Ogden's 
was accused of desertion but was acquitted. 174 

On the same day, in preparation for Amherst's advance, 
Ogden's Company led the rest of the army in firing two rounds 
to clean, and most important, to test the accuracy of their 
firelocks. 175 

On August 7, the bulk of Waite's and Ogden's formed part 
of Colonel Haldimand's advance force which embarked for the 
St. Lawrence three days in advance of the army. Hospital and 
embarkation returns of the 8th and 10th showed five Rangers 
sick in the hospital and seven officers and 184 effective non- 
coms and Rangers. * 7 6 

Amherst and the rest of the army embarked on August 
10, and officers and Sergeants of the Rangers were employed 
as whaleboat couriers to Haldimand at Man Island and also to 
Oswego and back with dispatches. I 77 

Upon joining Haldimand, Amherst began the advance down 
the St. Lawrence to Fort Levis on Isle Royale a little below La 

The 17th saw the French fleet attacked and the following 
day Fort Levis was invested. On August 23rd the bombardment 
began from Amherst' s three ships, the mainland and the neigh- 
boring islands. The Rangers were posted on Isle a La Cuisse 
opposite to the Fort. The Rangers were entrusted with attack- 
ing their 14 whaleboats any enemy craft going or coming from 
Fort Levis with reenforcements or escaping garrison. On the 
afternoon of the 25th after a most spirited defense Captain Pou- 
chot, the French Commandant, was forced to surrender. H~109 

While Amherst's army were repairing the captured Fort, 
Captain Jacob Naunauphtaunk, who had been captured with Cap- 
tain Kennedy before the St. Francis Raid, arrived at night on 
the 29th with French Indians and a letter from Father Robaud, 
who was influential among the Indians, offering peace for them. 
This Jacob had been a prisoner in irons on board a prison ship 


at Montreal, his release had been secured by the priest and he 
had been sent back as a measure of good faith by the French 
Indians who hoped for peace with the British. 178 Amherst now 
employed Jacob as a peace envoy to the remnants of the St. 
Francis Indian tribe. HI-155 Jacob delivered the General's 
speech and a beautiful belt of wampum valued at ten pounds. ^^ 

On the 31st of August the army left the captured fort 
which was renamed William Augustus, and proceeded to de- 
scend the rapids with the two Companies of Rogers Rangers 
and Gage's Light Infantry in the advance. The Rangers were 
disembarked and scoured the woods on both sides of the river 
so that the army would not be ambushed by any body of the en- 
emy while the rapids were being traversed. This was prob- 
ably one reason why LaCorne, the usually fearless Canadian 
partisan, decided not to defend and oppose, with his 200 men, 
Amherst's advance through the dangerous rapids. A week lat- 
er the last rapid was behind them and the army was encamped 
before the walls of Montreal on September 6th. The next day 
Governor-General Vaudreuil opened negotiations for a capitu- 
lation, and on September 8, I" 11 ' he signed the capitulation by 
which Canada and all of its dependencies passed to the Brit- 
ish. 180 

During the surrender negotiations Waite's and Ogden's 
Companies were encamped on Isle Perault opposite to Mon- 
treal. After the surrender Ogden's Company were relieved by 
a detachment of Lyman's Provincial Regiment and took post at 
the Church of the Cedars on September 10th. The day follow- 
ing a Sergeant and twelve men from Waite's were detailed as a 
"grass-guard;" but the next day Waite's were ordered to re- 
join their Corps Commander, Major Rogers, with the follow- 
ing orders: "Waite's and Hazen's Companies of Rangers to 
march tomorrow under the command of Major Rogers; they 
are to carry provisions with them to the 20th inclusive and are 
to receive 18 whaleboats from Mr. Cuyler; they are to be 
compleated in officers and men from Rogers' Corps. "•'■81 

With these and Amherst's personal orders to Rogers, the 
difficult task of receiving the capitulations of the farflung west- 
ern French forts was begun. Difficult, because any body of 
British troops that were sent on this mission would have to 


travel through country infested with savages unfriendly to the 
British arms, and, who for the most part had not yet heard of 
the treaty, and consequently the changing of masters. This 
mission of receiving the surrender of Forts Detroit, Miamis, 
Quatanon, St. Joseph, Michilimackinac, La Baye, and Sault 
Ste. Marie and administering the oaths of allegiance to the 
Canadians and Indians was one that called for the utmost dis- 
cretion and capability of handling. Consequently Rogers and 
his Rangers were the emissaries chosen for this expedition. 
Four days after Vaudreuil's surrender Major Rogers received 
his orders. H-118 

It would not be amiss to state at this juncture that Rog- 
ers anticipated lucrative gains as well as military glory from 
this commission. 

A little-known interlude in Rogers' life was his pecula- 
tion as a trader, which, contrary to accepted practice, he mar- 
ried with his military career. This dual role had been enacted 
off and on since the winter of 1757-58, when Rogers had con- 
tracted with Albany clothiers for Ranger uniforms. One of 
Rogers' officers, Lieutenant Andrew McMullen, at one time 
accused him of being a Sutler to his Corps. It would appear 
that he was right, for Rogers continued to contract for equip- 
ment for his Corps and also special equipment for their vari- 
ous famous raids. 182 Rogers had solidified himself with John 
Macomb, the Albany supply agent for Greg and Cunningham of 
New York; and also with Macomb's two young relations, John 
Askin and James Gordon, who were Sutlers to Rogers Rangers 
in 1760. I8 3 But these minor speculations were small fry for 
one as far-visioned as Rogers. 

Consequently, he maintained an alert business eye and 
when Amherst handed him his orders to relieve the western 
French forts, he realized that his opportunity had come. The 
same day he relayed word to Abraham Douw, an Albany mer- 
chant and source of ready cash, that "the Tour he had under- 
taken was exceedingly agreeable to him & he expected to make 
a Fortune by it" especially since he "has with him the French 
officer that commanded at Fort DeTroit who has promised him 
about three hundred thousand wt. of Furs at a very low price— 
and he desires that if he should have occasion for any Money 
before he could see you that you would supply him & he will 


allow as heretofore. " 184 

On the 13th of September, Rogers embarked from Mon- 
treal at noon in 15 whaleboats with Captains Waite and Jona- 
than Brewer; 7 Lieutenants, 2 Ensigns, 15 Sergeants and 171 
Rangers. In all, 198 officers and men. Also in Rogers' com- 
mand were Lieutenant Brehme, an Assistant Engineer and Lieu- 
tenant Davis of the Royal Train of Artillery. These two spe- 
cialists were to make a rough draught of distances, terrain 
and compute the necessary artillery needed at the western 

Cruising up the river St. Lawrence, the expedition en- 
tered Lake Ontario and, keeping close to the northern shore, 
they traveled on with the forest primeval for their bed at night. 
As some of the whaleboats had become leaky and consequently 
dangerous to travel in, Rogers directed the following order of 
sailing: "the boats in a line if the wind rose high, the red flag 
hoisted, and the boats to crowd nearer, that they might be 
ready to give mutual assistance in case of a leak or other ac- 
cident. " As a result of these precautions, Lieutenant McCor- 
mack and his crew were saved when their whaleboat sprung a 
leak and sank. 

Arriving at Fort Niagara the expedtion lingered but one 
day for the lateness of the season made speed exigent. It was 
a memorable day for Rogers. While the leaky whaleboats were 
being repaired, he formed the trading firm of Rogers & Co. 
His partners were Edward Cole, Nicholas Stevens and Lieu- 
tenant Caesar McCormick, the four partners holding equal 
shares. Purchasing goods to the value of 3423 lbs. 8s. 7d, 
Rogers stocked the caulked whaleboats with supplies. Rough 
weather enhanced the firm's business. Captain Brewer lost 
some of his boats and supplies on the way to Presquelsleanda 
supply vessel due to arrive at this post was sunk and Rogers 
sent Captain Waite back to Niagara for more food. After their 
arrival at Detroit Rogers & Co. found another market for there 
was a shortage of provisions. 185 

Carrying their re-caulked boats over the Niagara port- 
age, the Rangers launched them once more above the cataract. 
Rogers and a handful of men hastened southward to Fort Pitt 
to deliver Amherst's dispatches to General Monckton and re- 


ceive further orders. 

Traveling along the southern shore of Lake Erie, the 
Rangers arrived at Presque Isle, where Rogers, his errand 
accomplished, rejoined them. Here the expedition was reen- 
forced by Captain Campbell and a Company of the Royal Amer- 
ican Regiment, which had been sent by Monckton. As word 
was received that a vessel from Niagara bearing supplies for 
Rogers' expedition had been lost, Captain Brewer was dis- 
patched with a force of Rangers and friendly Indians to drive a 
drove of forty oxen, presented by Colonel Bouquet, command- 
ing at Fort Presque Isle, along the southern shore to Detroit. 
Captain Waite was sent back to Niagara for more provisions 
and ordered to cruise along the north coast of Lake Erie and 
wait for them about twenty miles to the east of the straights be- 
tween Lakes Huron and Erie. 

On November 7, four days after leaving Presque Isle, 
the expedition reached the mouth of the Cuyahoga River at the 
site of the present city of Cleveland, Ohio. The day being dull 
and rainy, Rogers ordered his party to encamp in the neigh- 
boring forest, resolving to rest until the weather should im- 

Soon after the arrival of Rogers' party, a group of Indian 
Chiefs and warriors entered the camp. They proclaimed them- 
selves an embassy from Pontiac, ruler of all that country and 
ordered in his name that Rogers should advance no further un- 
til they had an interview with the great chief, who was on his 
way. It is here, for the first time, that this remarkable In- 
dian stands forth distinctly on the page of history. He greeted 
Rogers haughtily and demanded the nature of his business in 
his country and rebuked him for entering without his permis- 
sion. Rogers informed him that the French were defeated, that 
Canada had surrendered and that he was on his way to take pos- 
session of Detroit and restore a general peace to white men 
and Indians alike. Pontiac listened attentively, but only re- 
plied that he should stand in the path of the English until morn- 
ing. Having inquired if the strangers were in need of anything 
which his country could afford, he withdrew, with his chiefs, 
at nightfall, to his own encampment; while Rogers, ill at ease 
and suspecting treachery, posted a strong guard throughout the 



In the morning, Pontiac returned with his attendant chiefs 
and made his reply to Rogers' speech of the previous day. He 
was willing, he said, to live at peace with the English and suf- 
fer them to remain in his country as long as they treated him 
with due respect and deference. The Indian Chiefs and Rogers 
and his officers smoked the calumet together and perfect har- 
mony seemed established between them. The crisis was now 
over, with Pontiac' s friendship, Rogers' expedition had nothing 
to fear from hostile Indians. 

Up to this time, Pontiac had been, in word and deed, the 
fast ally of the French, but he could clearly see that the French 
power was on the wane and he knew his own interest too well 
to prop a falling cause. By making friends of the English, he 
hoped to gain powerful allies, who would aid his ambitious proj- 
ects and give him an increased influence over the tribes. 

A cold storm of rain set in and the Rangers were detained 
several days in their encampment. During this time, Rogers 
had several interviews with Pontiac and was constrained to ad- 
mire the native vigor of his intellect, no less than the singular 
control which he exercised over those around him. "He puts 
on," he says, "an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and 
is greatly honored and revered by his subjects." No doubt, 
the two great leaders had occasion to talk about the great river 
"Ouragon" to the westward, which Rogers was soon to long to 
travel on, as part of the journey to discover the Northwest 

On the 12th of November, Rogers' expedition was again 
in motion. Within a few days they reached the western end of 
Lake Erie. Here they learned that the Indians of Detroit were 
in arms against them and that 400 warriers lay in ambush at 
the entrance of the river to cut them off. But the powerful in- 
fluence of Pontiac was exerted in behalf of his new friends. The 
intended ambuscaders were told to keep hands off and the Rang- 
ers continued their progress toward Detroit, now within a short 

Approaching the straits of the Detroit River, Rogers re- 
ceived word from friendly Indians that Captain Beletre, the 
Commandant at Detroit, on hearing of Rogers' approach, had 


become defiant and to influence the Indians in his behalf he had 
set up an effigy on a flagstaff of a human head representing 
Rogers' and a crow surmounting the head, supposed to be Bel- 
etre, scratching out Rogers' brains. However, Bel etre's gas- 
conade had no effect on the Indians who failed him in his hour 
of need and allowed Rogers' expedition to approach to the walls 
of Fort Detroit. 

After sending many letters back and forth among them 
being a copy of Vaudreuil's capitulation and a letter by him di- 
recting Detroit to be given up in accordance with the terms a- 
greed upon between him and General Amherst, Rogers finally 
ordered Captain Beletre to surrender or he would attack the 
fort, drawing up his detachment in battle formation outside of 
the fort to emphasize his threat. Beletre acquiesced on Nov- 
ember 29, 1760, and the fieur de lis was lowered from the 
flagstaff and the cross of St. George was raised in its place. 

Captain Beletre, his two officers, de Nuit and Vercheres 
and garrison of 35 French privates were sent to Pittsburg un- 
der the care of Lieutenant Holmes and 30 Rangers . From here, 
Amherst ordered Holmes to bring them to New York via Phil- 
adelphia . 

The 1,000 or more Canadians at Detroit were allowed to 
retain their farms and houses on the condition that they swear 
allegiance to the English Crown. The Canadians readily com- 
plied, if for no other reason than that they had 3,000 packs of 
furs that they were anxious to sell, as they had no opportunity 
of selling them since Fort Niagara was taken in 1759. 

Rogers & Co. might well have been called Rogers Enter- 
prises for his bill presented to the Crown listed a varied col- 
lection of debts incurred while carrying out Amherst's orders 
to relieve the western French forts: 

Two Canadian guides, La Fleur and Pannier had been 
hiredas guides from Montreal to Detroit. At Niagara, Presque 
Isle and Detroit 256 gallons of Rum had been bought from Cole 
(Rogers & Co.) for "the soldiers on their march." Blanket 
Coats, to the number of 170 had been purchased from Cole for 
the detachment, being a gratuity to the soldiers to encourage 
them to cross the lakes, "at 25 pounds apiece, New York Cur- 
rency. Two Canadians at Detroit, Hertel and Navarre, were 


of particular service to Rogers. Hertel was "Employed by the 
Major in taking possession of Detroit and sending away the gar- 
rison." Navarre's services were probably greater. Captain 
Waite had been sent to Niagara for 100 barrels of provisions, 
but due to a scarcity of boats he could only bring back 36 bar- 
rels. Navarre was ordered to send six batteaumen to meet 
Captain Waite. Navarre supervised a three- week bread-bak- 
ing for Rogers' force. Flour, firewood and nails being scarce, 
they were purchased from Navarre. He received an order for 
hatchets from Rogers and jobbed out the work to Canadian 
blacksmiths. Seven horses were purchased from the Indians 
to convey ammunition and provisions for Lieutenant John But- 
ler's detachment sent to relieve Forts Miamis and Quantanon. 
Two more horses were purchased from Cole (Rogers & Co.) 
"to carry some frozen men to Albany. " 

Sir William Johnson, the Superintendent of Indian Af- 
fairs, had his representative, George Croghan, in the field. 
Croghan had joined Rogers at Pittsburg. He had sent Indian 
runners from the Six Nations to the tribes about Detroit in or- 
der that their chiefs might be gathered for peace conferences. 
Rogers ordered Croghan to purchase gifts for the chiefs and 
since Rogers & Co. were the only firm on the spot they received 
Croghan' s generous order for rum, wampum and vermillion, 
shirts, coats, double bedgowns, pieces of gimp and stroud 
blankets as presents for the Indians. 

Rogers took an active part in these peace conferences 
and he cemented the friendship he had started with Pontiac. As 
a prelude to a meeting, he sent a bottle of brandy by a friend- 
ly Indian as a present to Pontiac. The Indians had always been 
told by the French that the English meant to poison them. Those 
around the chief tried to persuade him that the brandy was poi- 
soned. In spite of the anxious pleas of his followers Pontiac 
poured out a cup of the brandy and immediately drank it, say- 
ing that the man whose life he had saved had no power to kill 
him. He referred to his having prevented the Indians from at- 
tacking Rogers and his party when on their way to demand the 
surrender of Detroit. 

Captain Waite seems to have been employed promiscuous- 
ly in these conferences for he ran up abill of 27 pounds 11 shil- 


lings for "disbursements. . .Whilst on service for Indians. " 

As the meetings came to an end Captain Waite and Brew- 
er were sent with the bulk of Rogers Rangers to winter at Ni- 
agara where provisions were more abundant. 

On the tenth of December, Rogers set out to execute the 
final steps of his mission. While Lieutenant Butler and Ensign 
Waite were sent to bring off the French garrisons at Forts Mi- 
amis and Quatanon; a member of Croghan's party, Alexander 
McKee, with a French officer, was sent to bring in the detach- 
ment of French troops stationed at the lower Shawnee Indian 
town on the Ohio; the great French- Canadian partisan, Hertel, 
was sent with another body to bring in the French from the up- 
per Shawnee villages. After seeing these three detachments 
off, Rogers set out the same night for Michilimackinac, with 
Lieutenant McCormick and his remaining 37 Rangers. After 
struggling for six days through Lake St. Clair and the ice- 
blocked Lake Huron, they could go no farther in their whale- 
boats and Rogers consulted with a band of Indian hunters at 
Saginaw Bay on the practicability of reaching Michilimackinac 
on foot. On being told that it would be impossible without snow- 
shoes, Rogers, to his "great Mortification" was forced to turn 
back with his Rangers. They arrived at Detroit on December 
21st, after a harrowing combat with the rapidly freezing Lake 

During the next year, a detachment of the Royal Amer- 
icans took possession of Michilimackinac, Ste. Marie, Green 
Bay and St. Joseph; and nothing now remained within the pow- 
er of France, except the few posts and settlements on the Mis- 
sissippi and the Wabash, not included in the capitulation of 
Montreal in 1760. 

Resting for two days, Rogers left all of the ammunition 
with Captain Campbell and his garrison Company of Royal A- 
mericans and set out for Pittsburg with his Michilimackinac 
party. The march, though occasionally blighted by bad weath- 
er, was an idyllic one for Rogers and his Rangers . On the way 
they met parties of Indians and were happily received and pro- 
vided with food and new moccasins. They hunted on the way 
in the magnificent forests, as yet unsullied by man. 

On January 23rd, they arrived at Fort Pitt and Lieuten- 


ant McCormick was instructed to march the Rangers across 
the country to Albany where they were disbanded. He suffered 
a few frozen feet among his wards and had to purchase two 
horses to convey them to Albany. 

Rogers' total loss in his Detroit Expedition was only one 
Ranger drowned, when he fell overboard and drowned before 
he could be rescued. 

Rogers, after a few days stay at Fort Pitt, set out on 
horseback with Lieutenant Diederick Brehme, the Engineer, 
and arrived at New York by way of Philadelphia, on February 
14, 1761. Here he received Amherst's congratulations and a 
Captain's commission in the Regulars as a reward for his ex- 
traordinary services during the war. 

Chapter VIII 


Lieutenant John Butler's mission to take possession of 
Forts Miamis and Quatanon was fraught with as much possible 
danger as Rogers' intended trek to Michilimackinac; for these 
little forts were isolated in the wilderness of the Illinois coun- 
try and were close enough to Vincennes in the Mississippi Val- 
ley to receive succour. Consequently, Lieutenant Butler had 
a right to be apprehensive when he left Detroit on December 
10,186 with his little detachment of Ensign Waite, Sergeants 
Timothy Farnham, Sanders Bradbury and 18 Rangers, besides 
a French interpreter employed by George Croghan and seven 

Although forewarned that the Regular garrisons at the 
forts were meager, Butler's detachment must have been some- 
what surprised that they did not meet any opposition from the 
Indian hordes, who had sufficient persuasion from the French 
at Vincennes to destroy them. Fort Miamis was safely reached 
and English colours raised. The 13 English prisoners found 
there were released and four of the eight French Regulars were 
sent to Detroit, guarded by three Rangers, who carried But- 
ler's glad tidings to Commandant Campbell. 

Leaving Ensign Waite with a few Rangers to hold Miamis, 
Lieutenant Butler pushed on to Fort Quatanon and found the fort 
held by eight French Regulars. From the Canadians, Butler 


learned that the neighboring Indians had been invited by the 
French at Vincennes to go there in the spring. After obtain- 
ing the oath of allegiance from the Canadians, Butler left the 
Fort in charge of one of the Canadians and returned to Miamis 
with the French garrison. 111 " 159 

Ensign Waite was now sent to Detroit with three Rangers 
and the Miamis French officer, who was almost too ill to trav- 
el and the remaining part of the garrisons of Miamis and Qua- 
tanon. These, and other French prisoners at Detroit, were 
escorted to Fort Pitt by five Ranger Sergeants. "Because of 
the unexpected length of their march, they were obliged to trade 
their personal possessions to the Indians to procure food for 
themselves and their French prisoners. "187 

Lieutenant Butler, according to his orders from Rogers, 
remained at Fort Miamis with two Sergeants and ten Rangers, 
as it was "a place of great consequence. " 188 It was originally 
intended to relieve Butler in the spring with a garrison of Roy- 
al Americans, but it was not until October 25, 1761 that the 
Rangers were able to leave. 25 

During this eleven months forlornment at Miamis, But- 
ler subsisted his men by purchasing corn and venison from the 
Indians and Captain Campbell sent him some more ammunition 
from Detroit. Butler insured an adequate supply of fuel for 
the winter when he contracted with Lorrain, a Canadian, to cut 
and cart into the fort 170 cords of wood. 189 By May 1st, the 
Indian corn was exhausted and the Rangers were living solely 
on wild game which they shot and Butler bought 100 pounds of 
salt at 6 shillings 11 pence a pound from Lor riane, to salt down 
the venison. Campbell alleviated their pangs of hunger by 
sending Butler a canoe with provisions and ammunition. Camp- 
bell had expected a reenforcement for Detroit, so that he might 
relieve Butler, but when this was not forthcoming in the spring 
and his small garrison was weakened by the necessity of send- 
ing men to Niagara for supplies, relieving Butler became out 
of the question. Butler's forlorn platoon had to remain on. 
Other difficulties besides hunger beset Butler, for the Indians 
delivered up some English prisoners and demanded presents 
for them. The apprehensive Butler had to purchase sundry 
goods from the Canadian inhabitants at Miamis to satisfy them. 


From this same source, provisions for his men had to be pur- 
chased out of his own pocket, for the summer droughts made 
it difficult for Campbell to send canoes with supplies to Mi- 
amis. 190 

Finally, on September 10 , 1761, Lieutenant Edmund New- 
land of the 80th and 15 men of the Royal Americans left Detroit 
to relieve Rogers Rangers at Fort Miamis. Ensign Robert 
Holmes, of the Royal Americans, formerly a Lieutenant of 
Rogers Rangers and a member in the Detroit Expedition, was 
to have command of Miamis but was ill and had to follow later. 
However, a return of English posts of November 8, 1761, shows 
Holmes in command at Miamis. 19 ^ 

On October 25, 1761, Butler bid adieu to his former of- 
ficer in arms, Ensign Holmes, and left Fort Miamis with his 
twelve men. 192 

So ended Rogers Rangers' eleven months cantonment at 
this farflung British post. Campbell, at Detroit, was generous 
in his praise of Butler: He writes Amherst on November 8, 
1761: "...I recommend Lieutenant Butler of the Rangers to 
your Excellency' s protection for his good behaviour During his 
Command at Miamis. "193 

Butler's twelve Miamis Rangers preceded him to New 
York, arriving there on December 4th. The other eight Rang- 
ers of his original detachment who, due to illness, had re- 
mained at Niagara and Oswego, arrived later in the month. 
Carrying Campbell's recommendation, Butler soon followed 
via Sandusky and Fort Pitt, arriving the end of December. On 
January 2, 1762, he mustered his twenty Rangers and they 
were paid to January 24th, which gave them a travel allowance 
to return to their respective homes. 

Butler had some difficulty in obtaining the 1, 143 pounds 
15 shillings that he had laid out "for Sundry goods purchased 
for presents to the Indians and for the purchase of provisions 
for the garrison at Miamis and for the support of the French 
Garrison" he relieved there and to Lorraine for cutting and 
carting fuel-wood. Amherst questioned Butler's Miamis ac- 
counts and inferred to William Johnson that he, or the British 
Commandants at Detroit, or Fort Pitt, should settle the ac- 
counts. Consequently, Butler had to request Major Gladwin, 


now commanding at Detroit, to hold a Court of Enquiry to delve 
into his accounts and it was not until January 1763 that he was 
finally paid. 194 

After the capitulation of Montreal, all of Rogers Rangers 
who did not accompany Rogers on his Detroit Expedition, re- 
turned to Crown Point, where they were employed until October 
25th. Their first task upon arrival was to return to St. John's 
with all of the batteaus and ferry the Regulars to Crown Point. 
The task was completed by October 2, and two Subalterns and 
50 Rangers were ordered the next morningat six o'clock to bail 
and store them "in a secure place." 111 " 156 

Rogers Rangers enacted whaleboat postal service when 
a boatload of Rangers rowed a Regular officer, with dispatches, 
to Crown Point from Montreal and returned there with a mail- 
bag. III-157 

Another detachment fetched supplies from Ticondero- 
ga . Ill- 158 

On September 30, all of the Provincials, who had been 
drafted into Rogers Rangers rejoined their respective Corps. 195 

Work was continued on Crown Point. On October 15, 
Ogden's Company and a detachment from James Rogers' Com- 
pany, under Ensign John Wilson, were assigned to work daily 
at the Grenadier bastion, from eight in the morning to four in 
the afternoon. 196 

However, on the 22nd, Ogden's Company were relieved 
of this unsavory task, when they were ordered to convey Pro- 
vincial invalids to Chimney Point in batteaus . Four days lat- 
er, the same Company ferried across fifty discharged Rang- 
ers, from six different Companies, who lived in northern New 
Hampshire and were marching home via Number Four. Since 
Captain James Rogers was the senior officer during Major 
Rogers' absence, he handled this finale for the bulk of the 
Corps, paying the Number Four detachment off on October 
25th. The next morning at eight o'clock he reviewed them for 
the last time at the Grenadier's bastion and one hour later the 
remainder of the Rangers at Crown Point, with the exception 
of Ogden's Company, were also paraded and embarked with 
Captain James Rogers in batteaus for Albany, where they were 


paid off on November 11th. 197 

Before leaving Crown Point the Rangers had been asked 
if any of them were willing to enlist into the Regulars and at 
least one Ranger surprised the Corps by throwing in his lot with 
Haviland' s 27th Regiment stationed for the winter at Crown 
Point. He was a veteran Ranger named Joseph Fish and evi- 
dently regretted his decision, for the following Spring he de- 
serted in a mixed garb of Ranger and British uniform. 198 

The bulk of Ogden's Company were paid off on November 
11th. However, a nuclear force signed up again to remain in 
service, besides the following who were never disbanded. 199 
Lieutenant Richard Van Tyne, two Sergeants and twenty-eight 
Privates remained in service to keep open the communications 
between Crown Poont and Montreal. This was a unique and ex- 
tremely hardy duty for Rogers Rangers, for the winter was 
customarily severe. HI- 160 

Lieutenant Van Tyne left Crown Point with ten Rangers 
on October 18th with dispatches from Amherst to Gage, com- 
manding at Montreal. He had orders to leave his ten Rangers 
at St. John's, pick them up on his return from Montreal and 
land at Isle aux Noix to remain there for the winter until re- 
lieved. A detachment of Provincials who were still levelling 
the fortifications upon the island were ordered to leave two or 
three of the best houses standing and one of them picketted for 
the security of Van Tyne's provisions and effects against the 
wild beasts, while he was absent on service or hunting. The 
Provincials left soon after Van Tyne's arrival and he was alone 
on this lonely isle with his ten Ranger mailmen. The remainder 
of Van Tyne's command were a Sergeant and nine Rangers 
posted at St. John's and a like number at Crown Point. Van 
Tyne's post at Isle aux Noix, being in the center, was the most 
forlorn but key station. Besides giving shelter to any winter 
passengers going through, Van Tyne had the responsibility of 
forwarding all dispatches, either from Gage at Montreal, or 
Haviland at Crown Point. 200 

The weather became so belligerent that it became diffi- 
cult to get the mail through. Amherst realized the hazards of 
the winter Postal Service. In writing to Haviland on December 
7, 1760, he enclosed dispatches to Gage and wrote Haviland 


"they are not so material as to risk the life of men by sending 
them down the Lake at an improper time. I should be glad to 
have them get to Montreal, but not till it can be done with safe- 
ty.." and in a letter of January 26, Amherst repeated this 
order. 201 

Lake Champlain froze in January but not thick enough to 
bear Rangers on skates and the mail had to get through by Rang- 
ers on snowshoes, a grueling trek of seven days. Usually two 
Rangers set out with the mail bag from Crown Point. They de- 
livered the bag at Isle aux Noix and Lieutenant Van Tyne went, 
or dispatched two Rangers to St. John's and from there it was 
relayed to Montreal. The same express service being followed 
in the opposite direction to Crown Point, so that the Rangers 
had little rest between runs. 202 

When they did find any time on their hands they were re- 
ported to have whiled away the time by drinking. This proved 
disastrous for the Isle aux Noix detachment on February 25, 
1761. Van Tyne was "on party" with the mail and the three 
Rangers remaining took the opportunity of indulging to liberally 
of liquid spirits and became unconscious. Unfortunately their 
hut accidently caught fire and they were burned alive. The 
same accident occurred at Crown Point but did not end so trag- 
ically, for the Rangers' hut alone went up in flames. 203 

With the coming of spring the Ranger mail carriers be- 
came restless for their homes. On the first of March, the 
Ranger Sergeant at Crown Point informed Haviland that his 
detachment had engaged with Captain Ogden to serve not later 
than this date. Haviland replied that he understood that they 
were engaged until Amherst saw fit to dismiss them. Five 
weeks later on April 6, the Sergeant and three of his Rangers 
packed all their belongings and several days provisions and 
without leave they went out under the pretense of going hunting 
and deserted to return home. Three days later, when this con- 
clusion had been reached by Haviland, one of the remaining 
Rangers brought him the affidavit signed by Captain Ogden on 
October 18, regarding the March 1st disbandment time agreed 
to. Haviland enclosed it when writing to Amherst on April 10 
when he, true to form, recommended that they all be dis- 
charged stating: -"they are scarcely worth the expense partic- 
ularly in the summer as little more than half of them at any 


time have been fit for service, as to those at St. John's I know 
but little of their situation though General Gage informs me 
oncethat there were never less than a third of them sick. " Am- 
herst replied to the affirmative on the 26th, thriftily noting: - 
"..I hope we have saved some pay by the Desertion of the 
Rangers." 204 

Lieutenant Van Tyne came into Crown Point with the mail 
on May 7, and Haviland ordered him to return to Isle aux Noix 
and wait for Gage to send down the St. John's detachment and 
then return with all the mail men and provisions at Isle aux 
Noix to Crown Point. uo This mission was eagerly and expe- 
diently fulfilled and Van Tyne arrived back at Crown Point on 
May 18, with all but five of the St. John's detail. They had been 
confined in the hospital at Montreal with severe frostbite and 
while there contracted the smallpox. Van Tyne and the other 
Rangers were discharged by Haviland on May 20, 1761, and 
paid off at Ticonderoga by Captain Wrightson, paymaster to 
the 27th regiment, receiving seven days more pay and provi- 
sions to see them home. 20 ** 

This interesting interlude of winter Postal Service by 
Rogers Rangers was a credit to the courageous ability of the 
Corps. It would have been a more creditable bit of history 
though, if the fires had not occurred at Isle aux Noix and Crown 
Point and the Sergeant and three Rangers had not become pre- 
maturely homesick. 

Lieutenant Van Tyne was very anxious to remain in serv- 
ice. He waited upon Amherst in Albany and fortunately Ogden's 
Company of Rogers Rangers was being recruited for foreign 
service and Van Tyne re-joined the Company under Ogden's 
command. 207 

Chapter Nine 


After Captains Waiteand Brewer returned to Niagra from 
Detroit in December, 1760, with the 100 or more of Rogers 
Rangers, they remained in garrison there until the early spring 
of 1761, then they marched to Albany and New York by way of 
the Mohawk valley. Here they were mustered out except those 
that wished to serve in Lord Rollo's expedition against Dominica. 
Captain Waite, 37 Privates, 4 Sergeants, 1 Ensign and 2 Lieu- 
tenants remained in service. 20 $ 

Captain Amos Ogden, whose Company had been partially 
maintained through the winter, recruited for his Company in 
New Jersey, during March and April, 1761 and these two Compa- 
nies, Waite' s and Ogden' s, though not led by Major Rogers, 
constituted Rogers Rangers representation in the Conquest of 
the French West Indies. 2 ^9 

Part of Ogden' s 4 Sergeants and 62 Privates had been 
volunteer draughts from Hazen's old Company, who returned 
with Waite and Brewer from Niagra. Captain Moses Hazen, 
still recovering from his Ste. Foye wound, was informed by 
Captain Ogden at Albany on November, 1760, that Ogden had 
orders to recruit for his Company from Hazen's when they re- 
turned from Detroit. Upon this, Hazen quickly put in a futile 

petition to Amherst, via Secretary Appy on November 19, to 

allow him to maintain and recruit his Company. iU 


The conquest of Canada now completed, Pitt informed 
Amherst that some of his unemployed regiments would be needed 
in the fall of the year for the conquest of Dominica, St. Lucia 
and Martinique. Amherst was ordered to send 2,000 men to 
Guadeloupe to cooperate with the Governor for the taking of 
Dominica and St. Lucia Islands from the French. This force, 
including Captain Waite's and Ogden's Companies of Rogers 
Rangers, set sail from New York on May 3, 1761, and by June 
1, the first transports began to drop singly into Guadeloupe, 
the fleet having been separated by a storm. By the third of 
June, four ships had arrived, together with Lord Rollo, who 
had been appointed by Amherst to command the expedition. 
With his four transports and one from Guadeloupe, Rollo sailed 
for Dominica the 4th of June under the escort of Sir J. Douglass' 
squadron. 212 

At noon on the 6th of June they arrived before Rosseau, 
where the French troops were summoned to surrender. The 
French resisted and manned their batteries and entrenchments. 
Rogers Rangers landed with Rollo' s force, on the beach, and 
immediately attacked the French in their entrenchments before 
they had an opportunity to be reinforced in the night. The 
French were driven out and the commander and his second 
taken prisoners. No further resistance was made and the next 
day Dominica swore allegiance to King George. H-119 

Operations now ceased in the West Indies until the arriv- 
al of General Monckton with reinforcements from America to 
attack Martinique. During this interlude, Barbados was ap- 
pointed the rendezvous for the expedition and the bulk of Rollo' s 
army went there and rested during the hot season. - A 

However, Waite's and Ogden's Companies were fortun- 
ate enough to be sent back to New York during this idle season. 
Waite' s sailed on the Black Prince and Ogden' s on the Lyon on 
July 7th. Lord Rollo states: ". . .1 did not think them neces- 
sary here, tho the French both here and at Martinique are ter- 
ribly alarmed at the thought of Indians. " This statement would 
imply that the French believed Rogers Rangers were all armed 
Indians. 2 -^ 

Captain Ogden carried Rollo' s dispatches to Amherst 
whom he found at Albany, while the Ranger Companies waited 


at New York on board the ships. Amherst ordered them quar- 
tered on Long Island and advanced Ogdenand Waite fifty pounds 
currency "to provide their men with small Necessaries." 2 * 5 
On August 24, the Companies received four months back pay 
from May 25th. 21 6 On November 19, after a threemonths re- 
pose, they sailed with Monckton's army for Barbados. 217 

Arriving at Barbados on Christmas Eve Monckton took 
command and weighed anchor on January 5, 1762. The trans- 
ports arrived in St. Anne's Bay, on the southern point of the 
island of Martinique on the seventh. The troops landed and the 
army marched over land to Fort Royal, the citadel of the is- 
land, three miles away. The road wound through treacherous 
ravines and deep gullies and the French had erected redoubts 
at every point of vantage, as well as batteries on a hill beyond, 
called Morne Tortenson. Monckton was compelled to clear the 
French out of the ravines and gullies and erect batteries to si- 
lence the French guns on Morne Tortenson. For the first task, 
the two Companies of Rogers Rangers were ideally suited and 
they adopted their bush-fighting methods and with the Highland- 
ers drove in the enemy's advanced posts and cleared the way 
for the general advance which took place on the 24th. 

Ensign John Carden, a son-in-law of Sir William John- 
son's, writes that the Rangers, Light Infantry and Grenadiers 
led the assault and drove the French back to Fort Royal and 
Morne Grenier, a higher hill to the north of Morne Tortenson. 
Waite' s and Ogden's Ranger Companies were attached to their 
old friend, Haviland's brigade. Haviland's and Walsh's bri- 
gades had attacked on the north side of the hill. After strug- 
gling with great difficulty up the steep mountain the two bri- 
gades succeeded in driving the French back to Morne Grenier. 

The losses of Rogers Rangers in this battle were:- Lieu- 
tenant Richard Van Tyne and one Private Killed; one Sergeant 
and twelve Privates wounded and two Privates missing. H-121 

The next day, the British, now being within range, began 
investingbatteries to besiege Fort Royal, but found themselves 
much annoyed by the French batteries on Morne Grenier on 
their left. The impetuous French saved the British the trou- 
ble of storming the hill when, on January 27, they poured down 
the mountain on Haviland's Brigade and the Light Infantry and 


Highlanders of the army, who were on the left of the British 
line. In forming for battle the French exposed their flank to 
Rogers Rangers and the Highlanders and were routed. The two 
remaining columns gave way and fled up Morne Grenier with 
the British army in eager pursuit. 

The Rangers, Light Infantry and Highlanders were in the 
van of the pursuit and they plunged down into the intervening 
ravine at the foot of the mountain after the French and swarmed 
up Morne Grenier "by every path road and passage where men 
could run, walk or creep, hunting the fugitives before them. " 
They kept on into the night until they had cleared every French 
soldier off the hill and gained possession of the batteries at the 
cost of 100 British killed and wounded. Among these were three 
Rangers, one killed, one wounded and one missing. H-122 

The batteries on Morne Tortenson were now completed, 
new batteries were constructed within 400 yards of Fort Royal 
and on February 3, Fort Royal capitulated. In quick succes- 
sion the rest of the isitnd was conquered and by February 12, 
the conquest of Martinique was complete. Detachments were 
now sent to St. Lucia, Grenada, and St. Vincent, which fell 
without resistance. 218 

Waite'sand Ogden's were returned to New York and were 
disbanded shortly after their arrival on June 16, 1762. They 
did not serve in Lord Abermarle's Havanna Expedition due to 
their weakened condition and numbers, besides, Amherst felt 
that Major Gorham's battalion of Regular Rangers would suf- 
fice. 219 

The only ex-members of Rogers Rangers who shared in 
the reduction of Cuba were Privates George Gardner and Ben- 
jamin McLane, who were draughted into the 22nd Regiment at 
Fort Royal in April and Richard Tervin, taken by the 17th Reg- 
iment, all three were of Ogden's. 220 

So ended the foreign service of Rogers Rangers. Their 
valorous deeds in the sweltering climes of the West Indies were 
heretofore (before this writing) unrecorded. 221 

Chapter Ten 


Rogers Rangers reached the height of their fame in the 
French and Indian War, becoming famous throughout America 
and even in Europe they were renowned for their exploits . The 
war in Canada was now over but there were other spheres of 
operations which had a great need for their talents. The pow- 
erful Cherokee Indians, who inhabited a large territory in Geor- 
gia, the Carolinas and Tennessee, had aided General Forbes 
in the expedition against Fort Duquesne in 1758. At the end of 
the successful campaign they returned to their country by way 
of West Virginia. Having lost their horses, they considered 
themselves, due to their past services, free to seize upon any 
they came across. The owners retaliated by killing several of 
the marauders. The younger warriors, incited by the French, 
now began raiding along the borders of the Carolinas and the 
war was on. 

Governor Lyttelton of South Carolina at once prepared to 
attack them. The Cherokees, who wished to remain on friendly 
terms, sent 32 chiefs to settle the trouble. Lyttelton made 
them prisoners and treated them harshly. Among them was 
Occonostota, or Great Warrior, who was soon released through 
the intercession of Attakullakulla, or the Little Carpenter, who 
was the most prominent of the Cherokee Chiefs and who had not 
been present at the meeting. The captivity of the Chiefs and 
the activities of Great Warrior upon his release, inflamed the 


whole Cherokee nation to Avar. Lyttleton departed to become 
Governor of Jamaica and was succeeded by Lieutenant-Governor 
Bull who was more capable of dealing with the Indians . 

However, it was now too late to arbitrate and the Chero- 
kee-English War of 1760-61 was longand difficult, owing to the 
troubles encountered by the British forces in penetrating the 
country. In 1760, Colonel Montgomery was sent by Amherst, 
with his regiment of 77th Highlanders or "Royal Scots. " 

After burning several villages he was ordered to leave 
four Companies in the inadequately conqured territory and to 
return to New York before he could complete the conquest. 

So matters stood when Lieutenant- Colonel Francis Grant 
of the 42nd Highlanders was sent by Amherst to bring the war 
to a speedy and satisfactory close. 222 

Rogers Rangers represented in this conflict were prin- 
cipally Stockbridge Indians, although there were four white 
Ranger veterans and Lieutenant Jacob Farrington. 

When Amherst paid off the bulk of Rogers Rangers at Al- 
bany, he prudently kept a few Stockbridges in service. Though 
Amherst was adverse to employing this type of "gentry", still 
he thought they might be useful in the Cherokee campaign as 
scouts. 22 ** Several Mohawks were on the scene when the Stock- 
bridges were signed up and they also volunteered, numbering, 
with the Stockbridges, thirty or forty. They were to be under 
Captain Quinton Kennedy's charge, who was to command a Com- 
pany of Light Infantry. 224 

As usual, the Stockbridges were detained by liquid spir- 
its in Albany and the sloop sent for them had trouble gathering 
them. As a result, they arrived late in New York and found 
Amherst and Captain Kennedy impatiently holding up sail for 
them (the balance of the transports, with Grant's force, had 
already left for Charlestown, South Carolina on December 
22nd) . Finally, they were embarked and arrived in Charles- 
town on January 7, 1761. 22 ^ 

They were followed three months later by another de- 
tachment of Rogers Rangers. 

Shortly after Rogers arrived in New York from Detroit, 
Amherst rewarded him for his extraordinary Ranging services 
with a Captaincy in the Regulars. Amherst, in writing to Grant, 


states that this was a "Provision which I had so long intended 
for Major Rogers." 226 Rogers was commissioned Captain 
from October 25, 1760, to succeed the late Captain Paul De- 
mere of a South Carolina Independent Company. 22 ' 

Lieutenant Jacob Farrington offered to serve in the Com- 
pany as a Volunteer, until an Ensign's vacancy occurred. 228 
Since there were a few Rangers still at Albany who had re- 
turned from Detroit with Lieutenants McCormickand Farring- 
ton, with Amherst's permission Rogers had Farrington keep 
in service four white Rangers and ten Stockbridges to serve in 
his South Carolina Independent Company. 229 

Due to Rogers' lengthy time in gathering together vouch- 
ers for the settlement of his Ranger accounts for the conclud- 
ed war, he could not sail with Farrington and the 14 Ranger 
recruits. 2 ^0 

Farrington and his charges embarked o n H. M. S. Grey - 
hound on March 17, and sailed for Charlestown the following 
day. Farrington' s little platoon existed as a detachment of 
"Rogers Rangers" until Rogers arrived, when they would be 
absorbed into his independent Company. Since Rogers did not 
arrive until the campaign was over, the above platoon gathered 
laurels for "The History of Rogers Rangers. " 231 

Much to Amherst's annoyance, the platoon had ". . .made 
away with their arms and everything they had" and he "did not 
think it prudent to trust them with others, " as he was "certain 
they would have gone the same way. " Whether their arms had 
been traded in for rum is not known, but Captain Kennedy out- 
fitted them anew when they joined his command at Grant's Head- 
quarters at Fort Ninety-Six. 232 

Kennedy's provisional "battalion" was a barbaric con- 
glomeration of picked scouting detachments. Besides Farring- 
ton' s platoon and the other Stockbridge members of Rogers 
Rangers, who had preceded them, there were details of Mo- 
hawks, Chickasaws and Catawbas under King Heigler— ninety 
in all— besides Lieutenant Wastel, with ten Volunteers from 
the 17th Regiment and Ensign James Connor with twenty more 
from Colonel Middleton's South Carolina Regiment. 233 

In spite of their temporary attachment to Kennedy' s Corps 
Farrington' s platoon retained their distinction and were des- 


ignated as "Major Rogers' Rangers. " 234 

In May, Grant's expedition set out for the frontiers of 
South Carolina and the Cherokee country. Arriving at Fort 
Prince George on the 27th of May, they stopped to gather pro- 
visions. This post was the hub of all operations and defense 
during the war. On June 7 the expedition, 2,600 strong, set 
out, carrying provisions for thirty days. The main objectives 
were the "middle settlements" in the heart of the Cherokee 
country. 235 

Forced marches in order to pass some dangerous defiles 
brought the army within two days to Etchoe Pass, about six 
miles from the principal Cherokee village of Etchoe. 236 

An ominous silence greeted them and Grant became wary, 
for this was the scene of Montgomery' s first battle with Great 

It had been expected that Little Carpenter or Great War- 
rior would send deputies to sue for peace with out evoking blood- 
shed, when the size of Grant's force became known. Instead, 
they were greeted the next morning (the 10th) when a party, 
from a distant hill, fired at their cattle in the rear of Grant's 
column. This effort of Great Warrior's to detract from his 
true position— in front of Grant on the hill overlooking the pass 
—failed, thanks to the sharp eyes of Rogers Rangers and the 
friendly Indian detachments in Kennedy's Corps, who were 
thrown out as a buffer in front of the army. 

Their sharp eyes detected the main body of Cherokees 
on the high hill to their right about 8:30 and Rogers Rangers 
moved forward with Kennedy' s command attacking so vigorous- 
ly that "the Cherokees tho' numerous gave way. But the yelp 
went from front to rear of the line upon both flanks upon a ridge 
of Mountains on our right, and on the opposite side of Cowhowee 
River, which could not be passed on our left, " Grant records 
and adds: "This Indian cry served as a signal for the attack 
and they began a pretty smart Fire. " About one-half mile from 
the place where the attack began there was a ford and on the 
opposite side a rising ground. As soon as Kennedy, Farring- 
ton and the Light Infantry got over the Cullasaja River, they 
were posted along the banks to cover the passage of Grant's 
army, "with orders to cover themselves in the best manner 


they could and to fire from time to time at the enemy to pre- 
vent their drawing nearer and becoming more troublesome. " 

The firing was hot until noon when most of the Regiments 
had crossed over and took up positions in columns behind the 
Light Infantry, allied Indians and Rogers Rangers. The army 
had thrown in volleys at intervals as they advanced and crossed 
the ford. The ability of Kennedy and Farrington to employ In- 
dian tactics chagrined Great Warrior. A British officer re- 
cords that during the heat of the conflict the Cherokees called 
out in desperation to Captain Kennedy, "to come forward," 
within reach of their enfilade fire. 

The firing slackened after twelve o'clock, for the Cher- 
okees only had a limited quantity of ammunition, but a desul- 
tory fire-at-will was maintained until nearly three o'clock, 
when Great Warrior retired. Kennedy's Corps, due to their 
skill in bush fighting, suffered only one Indian killed. Their 
infinite service in covering Grant's crossing was recognized 
by Grant and his officers. Grant states that they "behaved with 
great coolness" and another officer notes that "Captain Ken- 
nedy and his officers (which included Lieutenant Jacob Far- 
rington) were of infinite service. . . "11-120 

The total loss of the invaders in this engagement were 11 
killed and 51 wounded. 

After burying the dead in the river so that the Cherokees 
would be less likely to find them, the army proceeded to attack 
the Cherokee village of Etchoe, which they reached about nine 
o'clock that night and reduced to ashes. 237 

The next morning Rogers Rangers and Kennedy's Indians 
"were prevailed upon to go back tho much fatigued, " to guard 
the provisions arriving at the Neweassee Camp, which served 
as Grant's base camp. This convoy service was safely effect- 
ed by one P. M. 238 

Fourteen other villages in the middle settlements shared 
the same fate as Etchoe. Their magazines and 1, 500 acres of 
cornfields were likewise destroyed and 5, 000 Cherokees, who 
had been treacherously goaded into the war by the actions of 
Governor Lyttelton, were driven to seek shelter and subsist- 
ence among the barren mountains. In spite of the hardy spir- 
it that they had shown at Etchoe Pass, the Cherokee warriors 


did not offer further resistance to Grant's expedition. It could 
not have been for lack of suitable terrain to waylay the invad- 
ers, as the mountain passes that Grant's army had to pass 
from village to village, offered excellent opportunities; in- 
stead, the spirit of Great Warrior and his braves seemed to be 
broken, either from their lack of sufficient ammunition, or 
the effect that the size and coordination of Grant's army had 
on them. 

The expedition continued for thirty days in the heart of 
the Cherokee territories. The towns that Rogers Rangers and 
Kennedy's Indians figured conspicuously in destroying were 
Neowee, Canouga, Ayoree and Grant also records on June 17, 
" it was found difficult to pass Cowhitchi River with the 
troops, the Rangers and Indians were sent to destroy Burning- 
Town, which was effected that evening. "1-161 s ome portent 
of the ruggedness of the terrain and the swollen condition of 
the streams, which stymied even Rogers Rangers, is expressed 
by Grant in his Journal for June 18, 19, and 20th: "The Light 
Infantry with the Rangers and Indians were under orders to de- 
stroy Allejoy, the last town upon the Etchoe River, But this 
could not be effected on account of the River and Creeks which 
they had to pass, and the roads to Allejoy on the south side of 
the River were so bad that even our Indians [meaning Ken- 
nedy's and Rogers Rangers] could not pass them, though to 
do them Justice they readily attempted it when desired and tried 
for three days to reach the village. "239 

Only two Cherokee braves were caught up with and they 
were in the village of Ayoree. One was killed and the other 
wounded, who escaped. On the 22nd, two more scouts were 
sent to bring in a prisoner, but to no avail. HI- 162 

Grant notes that near the end of the campaign the men 
were so fatigued "that they could scarcely crawl— Numbers of 
them were mounted on the South Carolina Provincial 'Rangers 
horses— Even our Indians were knocked up. "240 gy the time 
the army returned to Fort Prince George nearly 1, 000 men 
were absolutely without shoes and without the aid of the pack- 
horses, the lame and ailing, who increased daily, could not 
have been taken care of. There was not much time to lose for 
Grand had only two days flour left and the Keowee River was 


not fordable upon their arrival. 241 Upon their return to Fort 
Prince George the men were so exhausted from their fatiguing 
march in the rainy season that they were encamped at the fort 
to recuperate and await the results of the heavy chastisement 
that they had inflicted on the Cherokees. 242 

They were not long in waiting, for Little Carpenter soon 
arrived in camp with several chiefs and sued for peace. Grant 
sent them to Charlestown and Lieutenant-Governor Bull called 
a council to meet them at Ashley Ferry. A successful treaty 
followed and the Cherokee- English War came to an end. 243 

Rogers made his tardy arrival at Fort Prince George on 
August 26, with 18 ex- Rangers for his South Carolina Inde- 
pendent Company. Lieutenant Farrington now joined him with 
his platoon and Grant sent them all to Charlestown — Rogers 
being ordered by Grant to take charge of the troops in the 
town. 244 

When the ten Stockbridges in Farrington' s platoon learned 
that they would have to put on "Red Cloethes, " they refused, 
and since the white members of Rogers' South Carolina Inde- 
pendent Company looked on them with abhorrence, Rogers 
asked Amherst if he might discharge them, stating that "they 
are unwilling to put on Red Cloethes. . . " and "they will not be 
agreeable to the soldiers of the Company. "245 However, Lieu- 
tenant Farrington and his four white Rangers entered the Com- 
pany, along with the other eighteen, that Rogers brought with 
him. 246 The ten Stockbridges returned to New York with the 
other Stockbridges and Mohawks who had served with Kennedy. 
The fact that the ten Stockbridges were almost incorporated in- 
to a British Regular Corps is an interesting counterpart, for 
it would have been the first and only time in British Military 
history that North American Indians served as Regular troops. 

Thus ended the history of Rogers Rangers in the Chero- 
kee-English War. Though small in numbers, their gallantry 
at Etchoe Pass had helped to extend the Colonial frontier sev- 
enty miles. 247 


Chapter Eleven 


Pontiac kept the peace that he had made with Rogers in 
November, 1760, until the close of 1762. Canada had been won 
by the English but the treaty to end the Seven Years War was 
not to be signed until 1763. Being encouraged by the French in 
the Illinois and Louisiana country that the French would return 
again to attack the English Pontiac took up the hatchet and so 
powerful was his influence that he secured alliances with all 
the former allied tribes of France. 

In May, 1763, Pontiac' s forces rose and in a lightning 
campaign of 15 days took 8 English forts, namely Venango, 
Presque Isle, Le Boeuf, St. Joseph, Miami, Quatanon, San- 
dusky and Michilimackinac. All of the garrisons were sur- 
prised and either massacred or scattered. 248 

Rogers Rangers were non-existent at the beginning of 
Pontiac' s War but were revived by the following circumstances: 

Rogers, sweltering in South Carolina and Georgia, had 
repeatedly petitioned Amherst to allow him to trade Captain- 
cies with a New York Independent Company. His wish was fin- 
ally complied with and Rogers traded his South Carolina Com- 
pany for Captain Coventry's New York Company, lately returned 
from the capture of Havana. 249 

However, Rogers was foiled in his attempt to command 
a Company of Regulars in the north for the remnants of the New 


York Independent Companies were ordered to be disbanded in 
London on May 18, 1763, almost before Rogers had an oppor- 
tunity to command his new Company. 250 "This left Rogers a 
half-pay Captain in the British Army, though he could still act 
and be paid in addition as an officer of such Rangers as might 
be raised and used. "251 This soon happened when Amherst 
decided to send his favorite aide-de-camp, Captain Dalyell, 
with the remnants of the 55th and 80th Regiments, just arrived 
from Havana, to the relief of Detroit which was being besieged 
by Pontiac. 

Rogers was greatly chagrined because he was not going 
to get his New York Independent Company after all and now to 
lose out in the command of the Detroit relief expedition to a 
man who had been his junior in several excursions in the French 
and Indian War, was an added blow. But in spite of this the 
call of battle was too strong for the restless Ranger and "it 
was with alacrity that he put himself forward under an inferior 
officer, nominated to an artificial rank for the occasion, it be- 
ing matter of indifference to whom the credit of a dangerous 
enterprise was entrusted, so that he was signalized in a prompt 
obedience to his country. "252 

Trooping along in Dalyell' s expedition, Rogers made up 
for his lack of a command by reviving his Rangers at Fort On- 
tario. Here he met his brother James, "whom by a desire of 
Captain Dalyell," Rogers informs Amherst, "I directly ingaged 
with some Batteau Men to go forward with us as Rangers. I 
hope his behaviour will be such that your Excellency will con- 
sider both him and the Men that go with him. Everything that 
I can do to forward the service shall not be wanting. "253 

This little "Platoon, " as Gage called it, consisted of Ma- 
jor Rogers, Captain James Rogers and six men: John Steel, 
Moses Nelson, Hugh Moor, David Beverly, James Falls and 
James Wonton. This nuclear detachment of revived Rogers 
Rangers signed upon June 30, 1763, to serve for three months. 
By July 3, Rogers Rangers were swelled before embarking 
from Fort Ontario, by a Sergeant and 28 Privates from the 
New York Provincials stationed at the fort. These Provincials, 
following the same method practiced in the French and Indian 
War, were paid by their Provincial Government. 254 Lieuten- 


ant Bean, of an Independent Company called "Queen's Rang- 
ers" 255 (posted at Niagara and Detroit), joined Rogers Rang- 
ers temporarily. In this manner were Rogers Rangers raised 
anew to serve conspicuously and earn new honours in the bloody 
Pontiac War. 

From Niagara, Rogers Rangers guided the expedition, 
for some of them had been over the same route with Rogers in 
1760. Eventually they reached the charred ruins of the fort at 
Presque Isle and a few days later Sandusky. Here they landed 
to wreak vengeance upon a neighboring village of the Wyan- 
dottes and after ravaging their cornfields, pushed on again by 
water for the mouth of the Detroit River. They reached the 
river's straits in the evening of July 28th. With Rogers and 
his Rangers to guide them in the dark, the expedition, paddling 
as rapidly as possible, ascended the river and in the foggy 
dawn made a final dash for the beleaguered fort. As they 
reached a spot in the river midway between the village of the 
Wyandottes and Pottawattamies, the Indian besiegers broke the 
silence of a fortnight with a hot fusillade and inflicted a loss of 
fifteen killed and wounded amongst the hindmost boats. The fire 
was returned with spirit from the boats, the accuracy of the 
Rangers' fire proving a deciding factor in holding the enemy at 
bay while the boats gained the shelter of the fort at sunrise. 

The defiant, but apprehensive garrison, were greatly 
cheered by the reenforcement and the fresh supply of provi- 
sions and ammunition that Dalyell and Rogers brought, but the 
fact that this small but capable relief expedition could break 
through Pontiac' s hordes did much more to bolster their spir- 
its. H-123 

Major Rogers' old Lieutenant, Caesar McCormick, greet- 
ed them at Detroit and he, with other Traders and their ser- 
vants, "who were obliged to arm at Detroit, had on [Rogers'] 
arrival, put themselves under his Command for a time." 256 
Rogers Rangers now boasted more than forty officers and 
men." 257 

They were now quartered, with Dalyell' s Regulars, upon 
the inhabitants, but not for long. Dalyell, brave but impetu- 
ous and swelled with his success in reaching Detroit, pleaded 
with Major Gladwyn to allow him to lead a detachment on a sor- 


tie upon Pontiac's camp. Gladwyn finally gave his reluctant 
consent and at two A. M. , on July 31, Dalyell and Rogers, with 
the Rangers and Regulars, numbering in all 250 men, slipped 
out of the gates and filed two deep along the road, while two 
large batteaus, each bearing a swivel on the bow, rowed up the 
river abreast of them. The Indians were well aware of their 
progress and were lying in wait for them. A mile and a half 
from Detroit, Parent's Creek— ever since that night called 
Bloody Run— descended through a wild and rough hollow and 
entered the Detroit River amid a growth of rank grass. Only 
a few rods from its mouth, the road crossed it by a narrow 
wooden bridge. Just beyond the bridge, the land rose in ab- 
rupt ridges, parallel to the stream. Along their summits were 
rude entrenchments made by Pontiac to protect his camp, which 
had formerly occupied the ground immediately beyond. Here 
lay a large body of warriors silent as snakes, listening to the 
approaching column. 

The Rangers and Regulars drew near the dangerous pass 
not totally unaware of danger. The advance guard were half 
way over the bridge and the main body just entering upon it, 
when a horrible burst of yells rose in their front and the Indi- 
ans poured in a deadly fire. Half the advanced party were shot 
down; the survivors shrank back appalled. The confusion 
reached even the main body and the whole body wavered. Dal- 
yell and Rogers rallied the men and led them forward to the at- 
tack. They received another deadly volley but notwithstanding 
they charged at a run across the bridge and up the heights be- 
yond. Not an Indian was to be found. The British pushed for- 
ward in the darkness but were met with such a harrying fire 
from the front and flanks from the Indians who had fallen back 
but were keeping up a guerrilla warfare much to the discom- 
fiture of the Regulars. Rogers Rangers naturally emulated the 
Indians and took to the cover of trees and bushes. To advance 
further would be useless and the only alternative was to with- 
draw and await daylight. 

While executing this maneuver they learned from 2 Cana- 
dians that the Indians meant to cut them off from the fort and 
that they had gone in great numbers to occupy the houses which 
commanded the road below. Dalyell ordered an immediate 


withdrawal towards the fort. As they passed a large group of 
barns and outhouses a multitude of Indians delivered a telling 
volley upon the British rear led by Daly ell himself. Unfortun- 
ately Dalyell was among the many who fell. Meanwhile some 
of the Indians had taken possession of a house from the win- 
dows of which they fired down upon the British. Major Rogers 
with his Rangers burst the door down with an axe, rushed in 
and drove them out. Hurrying on to another house which com- 
manded the road better, Rogers and his Rangers posted them- 
selves in the windows and covered the British retreat. This 
house belonged to a Canadian named Campau. It was large and 
a strong one and the women of the neighborhood had crowded 
into the cellar for refuge. Many panic-stricken Regulars broke 
in after the Rangers in their eagerness to gain a temporary 
shelter. While some of them looked about in fright for a means 
of concealment, others commandeered a keg of whiskey in one 
of the rooms and drained it eagerly; while Rogers Rangers, 
the only level-headed troops present, piled packs of furs, fur- 
niture and all else within their reach, against the windows, to 
serve as a barricade. Thrusting their muskets through the 
openings they fired upon their lecherous assailants. Old Cam- 
pau, the master of the house, stood on a trap door to prevent 
the terrorized Regulars from seeking shelter among the wom- 
en in the cellar. The cries of the half- smothered women be- 
low, the relentless war whoops without, the distracted shouts 
and oaths of the Regulars, mingled in a scene of distraught 
confusion, and it was some time before Rogers' authoritative 
voice could restore order. 

In the meantime, Captain Grant (who had succeeded Dal- 
yell) with his advanced party had moved forward about half a 
mile, where he found some orchards and fences, by means of 
which he could maintain himself until the center and rear should 
arrive. From this point he detached all the men he could spare 
to occupy the houses below; and as soldiers soon began to come 
in from the rear, being able to do so under cover of Rogers' 
fire, he was enabled to reenforce these detachments, until a 
complete line of communication was established with Detroit, 
and the retreat effectually secured. Within an hour, the whole 
party had arrived with the exception of Rogers and his men, 


who were quite unable to come off, being besieged in the house 
of Campau by full two hundred Indians. The two armed bat- 
teaus had gone down to the fort, laden with dead and wounded. 
Upon word from Rogers, via Lieutenant Bean, that he could 
not retire without support from the armed batteau, when they 
returned, Grant ordered them up the river to the relief of Rog- 
ers and his Rangers, who had so effectively covered the re- 
treat of the Regulars until they had isolated themselves among 
a sea of savages. Arriving at a point opposite to Campau' s 
house, the batteaus opened a fire with their swivels, which 
swept the ground above and below the house and completely 
scattered the assailants. Major Rogers and his party now 
dashed out the back door and ran down the road, to unite them- 
selves with Grant. The two batteaus accompanied them close- 
ly, and, by constant fire, restrained the Indians from making 
an attack. Scarcely had Rogers' detachment left Campau' s 
house by the back door with all the Canadian women "showing 
a clean pair of heels," than Pontiac's warriors entered it by 
the front, to obtain the scalps from two or three corpses left 

Grant and Rogers conducted an admirable retreat to the 
fort by falling back from house to house. The Indians were un- 
able to make a concentrated attack, so well did Grant choose 
his positions and so steadily and coolly did he and Rogers con- 
duct the retreat. About eight o'clock in the morning, after six 
hours of marching and combat, the detachment entered once 
more within the sheltering palisades of Detroit. H-124 

After this defeat, no more sallies of such consequence 
occurred during the remainder of the siege. However, there 
were two occurrences that Rogers Rangers figured in which 
came close to grips with Pontiac: 

At three in the morning on August 20, Captains Hopkins 
and James Rogers led a detachment of Queen's 258 and Rogers' 
Rangers and Volunteers to waylay a road between two of the 
Indian camps much frequented by the Indians. Although four 
armed batteaus went in an opposite direction to detract from 
them, they were discovered and had to return to the fort. 111-163 

Three days later the Indians became overbold and drove 
in an advanced picket and destroyed their houses, "which the 


Commandant thought so insolent that he sent Major Rogers 
with the picket to take possession again, and upon his appearing 
the Indians runaway and heremain'd there all Night. . . "HI-164 

Except for artillery, Pontiac maintained a formal siege 
of Detroit until November. Two factors determined his with- 
drawal: A strong British reenforcement was approaching from 
Niagara, but more crushing was the news on October 21st from 
the French Fort Chartres, that the Peace of Paris, ending the 
Seven Years War, had been signed. Consequently, Pontiac 
could expect no help from the French and he sawhimself thrown 
back upon his own meager resources. His cause was lost and 
sending overtures to Major Gladwyn at Detroit he withdrew his 
people and retired with some of his chiefs to the Maumee. 25 ^ 

The siege now at an end, Gladwyn shortened his garrison 
to save provisions. Rogers' detachment of Rangers were part 
of the 200 men sent to Niagara in November under Rogers' com- 
mand. Rogers Rangers remained in garrison at Niagara through 
the winter then were disbanded. 260 

After Pontiac' s War, Rogers Rangers ceased to exist, 
hi September, 1765, Major Rogers petitioned the King to allow 
him the funds to raise and equip 200 Rangers for a three year 
expedition to discover the Northwest Passage. This proposal 
was declined due to the stupidity of the home office in failing 
to realize the value of making further discoveries. Rogers 
again petitioned the King on February 11, 1772. This time he 
only asked for the subsistence of 55 men for three years. But 
once more his proposal was turned down and Great Britain, 
though not losing the chance to be the discoverer of the fabled 
Northwest Passage, nevertheless, lost the opportunity of ex- 
tending her domain in North America, by not sending Rogers 

and his Rangers to make the discoveries of Lewis and Clark. ^° A 

For eleven years, "Rogers Rangers" were non-existent, 

not until the strife of the American Revolution did the Corps 

awake from its deep sleep to again enter the arena of conflict. 



While Rogers Rangers slept, their commander had ample 
time to advance his fortunes, but unfortunately he employed 
devious means which revealed the shady side of his character. 
As much as it would like to be chronicled that Rogers' private 
ventures were as noble as his military achievements, they were 
not even remotely related. If Major Rogers could have been 
remembered solely for his splendid accomplishments as a 
Ranger commander he would have been idolized in history, but 
the uncovering of his dubious transactions tipped the scales too 
far in the other direction. It was Rogers Rangers who re- 
mained famous in the annals of history, their leader became 
infamous . 

Besides Rogers Trading peculations at Detroit, other 
ventures, much less honest, became apparent and not even the 
Crown was free of his attempted extortions. Arriving at New 
York from Detroit Rogers received his Captaincy in a South 
Carolina Independent Company, but before sailing south to join 
his Company Amherst ordered Rogers to produce vouchers to 
verify his preposterous claim against the Crown for Ranger 
supplies, pay and debts. Rogers' claims totalled 6,313 pounds, 
14 shillings, 2 pence sterling, but much to his dismay he was 
only allowed one-third of this amount. 

The 'Articles" that were rejected were: 

Alleged claims of Ranger officers and sutlers Rankin and 


Morrisson for supplies to Ranger prisoners while in cap- 

Forty-five guns for escaped Rangers who returned to 
Crown Point; 

Cash advanced Lieutenant Kennedy and a Ranger Private 
who were killed in 1757; 
Pay of "Sergeant John" while a prisoner; 
Pay of Rogers' 1755-56 winter Company; 
Allowance for 459 arms lost during the war by the Rang- 
ers in sundry skirmishes (rejected, for men were to 
supply and stand loss of own arms). 

The bulk of Rogers Rangers were reduced on October 24, 
1760, but Rogers endeavoured to collect up to November 20, 
1760, for five Companies. 

Two items that were unjustly rejected were the standby 
pay of Captains James Rogers and Jonathan Brewer from De- 
cember 1, 1759 to February 7, 1760; and Ensign Samuel Stark's 
pay as a Private from March 2, to November 10, 1760, reject- 
ed because Stark did not serve as a Private, but as a Volunteer 
in hopes that a vacancy should offer and he obtain an Ensigncy. 
This was especially ironic, for Stark had originally been de- 
prived of rejoining his Company in his former Ensign's berth 
due to a severe fall from a horse while winteringin New Hamp- 

One other article that was almost rejected was Rogers' 
claim for the Rangers' pay chest that was taken by Langy in 
the Ranger Recruit Massacre. After much deliberation it was 
"Allowed because the Enemy. . .were Considerably superior to 
the Major's party." 262 

All of the above, with the exception of the last-mentioned 
and Rogers' claim for his 1755-56 Winter Company, were er- 
roneous claims and must have shocked the honest and thrifty 
Amherst— putting him on his guard against Rogers . 

If this was not sufficient evidence to keep the General 
wary, similar discrepancies, a la Rogers, occurred while he 
was recruiting for the Crown in North Carolina in July and Au- 
gust, 1762. Rogers endeavoured to obtain additional bounty 
that was allowed by Amherst in emergencies, but Amherst's 


agent, in Charlestown, Lieutenant Ramsay, would not pay it 
until he heard from Amherst. Upon investigation, Ramsay 
learned from Rogers' recruiting Sergeant that he never re- 
ceived any second bounty money, only the first, but neglected 
to give Rogers a receipt for it. 63 Four months later the 
shocked Amherst was again checking up on Rogers. On Decem- 
ber 8, 1762, he queried Smith and Nutt, Merchants in South 
Carolina: "Mr. Commissary Leake has represented to me that 
it appears from the provision accounts lately transmitted to 
him that Captain Rogers of the Independents has drawn 6,672 
Rations for some Men during the time they were in Captivity. 
As this is Entirely unprecedented, I must desire to know whether 
Captain Rogers drew the said rations in Provisions, or was 
paid money in Lieu thereof. "264 

All sources of easy revenue were considered and con- 
trived at by the precocious Rogers. He presumed on his pop- 
ularity and reputation as a renowned Ranger when he convinced 
the Governor and Council of North Carolina that he was their 
man for the Superintendent of Southern Indian Affairs and they 
recommended him to the homeoffice on December 9, 1761."^ 
Rogers' ability in handling the Indians is not doubted, but his 
exactness in balancing the Crown's ledgers for Indian affairs 
is to be questioned. If allowances could have been made for 
this extenuating circumstance, Rogers would probably have 
filled the late William Atkins' boots with success and his abil- 
ity to cajole the various tribes into a permanent peace might 
have warranted the Crown's inevitable monetary loss. Six 
weeks before the North Carolina recommendation, Rogers, in 
the full flush of his latest brain child, memoralized Amherst on 
the subject asking him for his "favourable Recommendation and 
Interest to procure him the office of Superintendant. . . "^°° 
Whether Amherst recommended Rogers to London isnot known, 
but it is doubtful, for by this time he had started to receive 
evidence to doubt Rogers' integrity. 

Meanwhile, ever since his arrival, Rogers had been so- 
liciting Amherst to allow him to return to a more moderate 
climate. At first he merely asked to return home during the 
1761-62 winter to recruit for his Company and bring his new- 
ly-wed wife back to South Carolina with him. 2 ^ 7 However, his 


ruse did not work and it was not until the following winter that 
he returned northward after three insistent petitions on grounds 
of ill health due to the warm climate. Rogers asked if he might 
not trade Companies with a New York Independent Captain, but 
Amherst put him off by stating that these Companies were do- 
ing duty in Cuba, a much warmer climate than that of South 
Carolina. 6 ° Rogers bemoans his inactivity in another letter, 
only a month later. 269 Amherst soothingly replies that he shall 
grant his request "for going on service, whenever I see a prop- 
er occasion, as it was always what I intended. I will remove 
you to the northward but until then you could not be better em- 
ployed than in raising recruits." 270 Finally, after Rogers' 
third persistent petition, Amherst reluctantly broke down and 
wrote on August 23, 1762, "I wish you could remain where you 
are, but if you think it absolutely necessary for the recovery 
of your health to come to the Northward, you have my leave to 
take the first opportunity of proceeding to New York—Provid- 
ing Governor Boone has no objection to it. " 27 1 

That winter found Rogers in Portsmouth reading a letter 
from Amherst which stated that he was glad to hear he was en- 
listing so many men. Rogers was to exchange command of his 
South Carolina Company with that of Captain Coventry of a New 
York Independent Company, which was agreeable to Coventry. 
The General then expressed his candid opinion of Rangers in 
general, instigated by Rogers' proposal torevivehis Corps. 272 

Rogers, however, remained unquenchable and blasted 
Amherst with yet another proposal. But the General's reply 
to this last shows how definitely Rogers must have ostracized 
himself in Amherst's eyes when he asked to be stationed at a 
distant post with his New York Independent Company to get the 
command of a Trading Post to alleviate his financial losses. 
Amherst expressed himself very definitely: ". . .Although I am 
really sorry for your circumstances. . .yet I must Disapprove 
of the Method you propose, by getting the Command of a trad- 
ing Post; for I have always thought it unbecoming an officer to 
be any ways Concerned in Trade, nor could I think of Allowing 
any such Practices while I have the honour to command. n27 3 

While Rogers was jockeying about for a lucrative set-up 
his nefarious transactions were destroying the strength of his 


famous name. An example of his swindling technique is re- 
vealed in barrister John Watts' Letter Book. Rogers was in 
debt to Smith and Nutt of New York for 23 pounds sterling, but 
before their Councilor, John Watt, could collect it he skipped 
off to Boston and Watt had to relay the bill to John Erving, a 
collector in Boston, adding, "I find there are a preety many 
other bills on him, and therefore I would get rid of this trifling 
Business as soon as I can. "274 Irving dispatched an employee 
named Nevins to collect it. There were hot words in which 
Nevins gave Rogers some offense, Watt writes Smith and Nutt, 
"of which I never intended. I meant no more than to get rid of 
a trifling affair which I was merely acting for another. It's 
true I had heard there were other Bills on him besides the In- 
considerable one sent to me, but there was no occasion to Tell 
him so, as it Cou'd be of no Use. . . " ' 5 

Rogers paid the bill to Nevins in Boston, not by the cus- 
tomary inter- Province mode of exchange, but in 361 Sterling 
pieces, 13 of which were defective and lacked 8 shillings ster- 
ling. In stating this loss to Smith and Nutt, Watt adds con- 
solingly ".. .many others have suffered egregiously by that 
sad Man since. . . "276 

All of Rogers' efforts to inveigle financial success were 
to no avail and each new bubble burst in his face. His trading 
firm of Rogers & Company was no exception. A rift occurred 
between two of the partners, Rogers and Edward Cole and no 
sooner had Rogers returned to New York in 1761 from his De- 
troit Expedition than he made over his power of attorney to 
John Askin to collect, or sue for, "... sums due me by Edward 
Cole. "277 c ie evaded settlement until the spring of 1762 when 
an employee of Rogers, James Gordon, finally caught up with 
him at Fort Pitt and settled with Cole after a 2,000 mile chase. 
In February 1761, John Askin, a former Sutler to Rogers Rang- 
ers, was taken into Rogers & Company as a separate partner 
with Rogers and the firm's name was changed to Askin and Rog- 
ers, with Rogers the silent partner. James Gordon, another 
ex- Sutler to the Rangers, was given a Clerk's berth in the re- 
organized Company and was given a junior partnership after 
the successful collection of Cole's debt. 27 ^ 

Caesar McCormick and Nicholas Stevens, now minor 


partners in the firm, had established trading headquarters at 
Detroit, receiving the furs from the Traders in exchange for 
rum and goods for barter with the Indians. The outbreak of 
Pontiac's War ruined the firm of Askin and Rogers. In August 
1763 Askin and Gordon had set out from Albany for Detroit with 
three boat loads of goods for the Indian trade. Although John- 
son (Superintendent of Indian Affairs) had strictly forbidden 
the trading of rum with the Indians, Askin had cleverly hidden 
15 ten-gallon kegs of highly potent rum in the bales of blankets 
and cloths, the rum to be thinned down at Detroit. However, 
the War broke out when they reached Niagara and their boats 
were halted and all traders were restricted to a low point of 
land between the fort and the lake for the several months dura- 
tion of the War. 

Here, Rogers found them on his way to the relief of De- 
troit and as he and his partners made their way back to Albany 
towards the end of the year they found a host of merchants clam- 
oring for their long delinquent accounts for goods they had let 
out to Askin and Rogers on credit. 279 Thus matters stood for 
the remaining year and a half that Rogers remained in America. 

Rogers seemed to be predestined to failure in civilian 
matters. Even his honest ventures bore ill fruit. As early as 
June 1761 Rogers, Captains James Rogers and Hazen of the 
Rangers formed a Real Estate venture called "Major Rogers 
& Associates." Obtaining licenses to purchase land on the 
western shore of the Hudson River above Fort Edward the "As- 
sociates" sent a representative to supervise a survey of the 
land but after waiting on Sir William Johnson he was informed 
that they could not purchase the land for it was within the bound- 
ary of the Mohawk nation. 280 Another land venture by Rogers 
was equally barren. In 1764 he obtained from Governor Went- 
worthof New Hampshire a grant of land located on Lake Cham- 
plain called Hubbardon and Dunbar but when the boundary line 
of New York and New Hampshire provinces was settled Rogers' 
grant fell into New York and the Governor granted the property 
to others. 281 

It is no wonder that the frustrated Ranger abandoned his 
native soil to personally solicit the King for civil or military 
preferment. If Rogers'land ventures had been more success— 


ful it is possible that he might have rounded into a solid citi- 
zen; as it was, with his Real Estate turning into a will-o'-the- 
wisp and his house and person perpetually hounded by his cred- 
itors for Askin & Rogers accounts, not to mention the inces- 
santnaggingof his spouse and in-laws for amore visible means 
of support, it is no wonder that the harassed Rogers sought 
refuge in England. 282 

Chapter Twelve 


At the outbreak of the American Revolution there was 
some doubt as to which side Rogers Rangers would espouse. 
During Rogers' two periods of residence in London prior to the 
War he had attempted to promote a Northwest Passage Expedi- 
tion and to receive the Governorship of military post on the 
establishment were nil. Emulating his American procedure in 
monetary pursuits Rogers soon found himself in debt and in 
the Fleet Prison where he remained until his brother James 
had paid his debts. 283 Notwithstanding these crushing defeats 
Rogers' self-confidence and opportunist eye was boundless for, 
when the American Revolution broke out he was seeking em- 
ployment against his countrymen. He expressed himself in a 
petition to George III, making note that he had a more legiti- 
mate right to rank than Lieutenant- Colonel Gorham, who was 
also seeking the command of a Provincial Corps. However, 
King George was still dubious of the sagacious Robert Rogers, 
well remembering the incriminating evidence of disloyalty in 
his Michilimackinac trial. 284 As a result of both Rogers' and 
Gorham' s petitions before him, the King acquiesced in favour 
of Gorham and Rogers was rejected. 285 

As a consequence of this stinging rebuff Rogers sailed 
for America but to his amazement he was seized bodily upon 
landing by the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety and held a 


prisoner until the following day, September 22, when he was 
paroled by Congress and allowed to go his way. Rogers' sei- 
zure seems to have been prompted by the fact that he was still 
a British Officer on half-pay. The "Pennsylvania Committee 
of Safety" were oftentimes more impetuous than diplomatic in 
their methods. 286 

After his release Rogers' movements were followed 
closely by agents assigned to the task. Until July 1776, Rog- 
ers roamed about the northern colonies and was busily engaged, 
so he said, in settling debts and visiting relatives. °' Since 
his arrival at Philadelphia, Rogers had been suspected of be- 
ing a spy and a Loyalist. 288 in December 1775, he was 
visited by John Stark, now a Colonel in the American army. 
Rogers was at this time trying to obtain an interview with Wash- 
ington and Stark expressed the belief that if Major Rogers had 
not been charged with disloyal sentiments before he had ex- 
pressed them by word or deed, he might have been won to the 
support of the Continental cause. 289 

It would appear that Stark underestimated the true char- 
acter of his former Ranger commander, for Rogers, true trad- 
er that he was, had played both Howe and Washington for the 
highest bid. The British Commander-in-Chief had been so- 
licited as early as November 1775. Rogers' letter reached 
Howe's hands. Howe had superseded Gage as Commander in 
North America. Rogers offered his services and at the same 
time implied that the Americans had"... made considerable 
overtures to him." 290 Howe realized Rogers' invaluability 
and wrote the Prime Minister from Boston on November 26, 
1775, "... I have given encouragement, by desiring him to make 
his proposals, and by giving an assurance that I am well in- 
clined to do everything in my power to afford him an opportu- 
nity of recommending himself to his Majesty's future favour 
. . "291 To w hich the Prime Minister replied on January 25th: 
"... The King approves. . .your attention to Major Rogers, of 
whose firmness and fidelity we have received further testimony 
from Governor Tryon, and there is no doubt you will find the 
means of making him useful." 292 This restoration of King 
George's faith in Rogers suggests that he might very well have 
been employed as a useful agent for the Crown— and the fact 


that Rogers had offered his services to the King six months 
before he sought an interview with Washington further implies 
that his extended tour through New England was of an ulterior 
nature, detrimental to the American cause. 29 <* 

Rogers' wanderings eventually brought him to Cambridge 
where he attempted to visit the American camp, but Washing- 
ton would not allow him to enter the lines. This cold welcome 
must have stirred Rogers' aplomb for he had written Washing- 
ton that, "I love America; it is my native country, and that 
of my family, and I intend to spend the evening of my days in 
it. " 294 Rogers lodged at a Tavern in Medford, where Colonel 
John Stark, his old Ranger Captain, visited him and supported 
Rogers in his attempted interview with Washington. But Wash- 
ington's suspicions remained unshaken. He clearly sets forth 
his opinion of Rogers in a letter to Congress in January: "I am 
apt to believe the intelligence given to Doctor Wheelock re- 
specting Major Rogers [having been in Canada] was not true; 
but being much suspected of unfriendly views to this country, 
his conduct should be attended to with some degree of vigilance 
and circumpsection." 295 Accordingly, Washington kept his 
own agents on Rogers' trail and had Generals Sullivan and 
Schuyler "strictly examine him." In February Rogers was in 
New York and made application to Congress for permission to 
visit the " Duchess of Gordon , " the Governor ' s ship, then in the 
harbor, in order to transact some private business affairs. 
Leave was given him. Rogers continued in and about New York 
during the Spring and early Summer, under suspicious circum- 
stances. Finally Washington ordered his arrest and he was 
taken at South Amboy. Rogers had his long sought meeting with 
Washington, although now it was enforced. The General's ana- 
lytical appraisal of Rogers brought his case to a belated show- 
down when the ex- Ranger Chieftain was escorted to Congress. 
The Continental Congress only needed Washington's accompa- 
nying letter to bolster their suspicions of Rogers. 296 Conse- 
quently Congress resolved on July 6, 1776 "That Major Rogers 
be sent to New Hampshire to be disposed of as the Government 
of that State shall judge best. " 297 

While confined in Philadelphia Rogers must have real- 
ized that he could no longer maintain his role of dual duplicity 


and he managed to escape to find his way to General Howe who 
was encamped on Staten Island with his newly arrived army 
from Halifax. 

The new plans of operations were to transfer the seat of 
war from Boston to New York, capture that city, and seize and 
hold the line of the Hudson. Rogers was joyously received by 
Howe and he was empowered to raise a battalion of Rangers 
and he was given the rank of Lieutenant- Colonel-Commandant. 
Thus, after eleven years of rest, Rogers Rangers lived a- 
gain. 298 

In August, recruits were obtained from the remnants of 
the Queen's Royal Rangers, a Corps from Virginia, which Gov- 
ernor Dunmore, of that Province, followed to New York. 2 " 
From this nuclear force Rogers adopted their name, changing 
it to "Rogers' Queen's Rangers. "300 

During Howe's preliminary maneuvers to drive Wash- 
ington out of New York City, Rogers was busily occupied in 
collecting his men, whom he drew from all the towns in lower 
Connecticut, Long Island and along the New York shore of the 
Sound. Besides his magnetic name to draw Loyalists to his 
standard, Rogers' method of enlistment was that time-honored 
and serviceable one by which he offered a commission to a 
chosen few who engaged to bring in a certain quota of Rangers; 
a method which while it rapidly filled his ranks at the same 
time gave him a Corps of officers notable chiefly for their in- 
efficiency. Several of Rogers' old Rangers and their sons joined 
him when they learned that he was re-raising Rogers Rangers, 
but not as many as were anticipated for the majority of the old 
Corps were now serving with distinction in the rebel armies. 3 ^1 

Those in New England and Westchester County, New York 
who did hasten to join Rogers had a difficult time in reaching 
the Corps' headquarters at Huntington, Long Island, as the 
Americans had heard of the revival of Rogers Rangers and cap- 
tured scores of would-be recruits and continued to do so as late 
as January 1777. The Corps lost more men by this means than 
in all their bloody frays while under Rogers' command. 

The first loss occurred on August 29, when Captain 
Lounsberry, recruiting in Westchester County was killed when 
he refused to surrender to an American party led by one Flood. 


Lounsberry' s fourteen Ranger recruits were not as impetuous 
and surrendered themselves. II- 124 A 

Two months later seven more recruits were taken as they 
attempted to cross over to Rogers' base camp at Huntington, 
Long Island, in-165 

Heath, one of Washington's Generals, notes that on the 
night of January 2, 1777 thirty-seven Ranger Recruits all 
armed with pistols but only two with muskets, were taken in 
Westchester County, ni-167 

Heath maintained constant "bloodhound" parties out, es- 
pecially at night, to intercept the gangs of recruits. As a con- 
sequence of Heath's zeal Rogers Rangers lost another Captain 
on January 3rd. Captain Daniel Strang was captured near 
Peekskill with Rogers' enlisting warrant sewed in his breeches. 
Due to this secretiveness Strang was hailed as a spy and judged 
so by an American Court- Martial. He was hanged with Heath's 
army drawn up to view the "melancholy" scene. HI- 168 

It would seem that Strang's hanging was a bit of poetic jus- 
tice, for some time previously a detachment of Rogers Queen's 
Rangers were instrumental in the similar execution of Nathan 
Hale of the Americans. 111 " 166 While the Rangers gathered in 
strength near Huntington, Long Island Rogers established an 
operative base with a detachment at Flushing, Long Island. 
With H.M. S. Halifax to convey them Rogers made frequent re- 
connaissances along the western shore of Long Island through- 
out September. On such a scout they landed near Flushing Bay 
on September 21, and came upon Hale about to return to the 
mainland with maps and notes on Howe's army. Rogers took 
Hale to the British headquarters at Beekman's Mansion that 
night and confessing his mission he was hanged without a trial 
the following morning. 

Not long after this unsavory episode Rogers' allotment of 
400 Rangers more than made up, he was sent to occupy the ex- 
treme right of Howe's front where it was expected his Corps of 
scouts would be of invaluable service. During the period that 
Rogers was enlisting his battalion Howe had won the Battle of 
Long Island and forced Washington successfully from Brook- 
lyn Heights to New York and from thence to White Plains, half 
way to the Connecticut Line. It was in the attempt to defeat him 


that Rogers' Queen's Rangers saw their first active fighting in 
the war. 

On the 12th of October, Howe landed a large force of men 
ten miles up the East River and urged them forward as rapidly 
as possible past Forts Lee and Washington, while he simul- 
taneously disembarked Rogers Rangers and others on the shore 
of the Sound, hoping to cut off the communication of the Conti- 
nental Army with Connecticut. Rogers, while stationed with 
his battalion during the past fortnight at Huntington, Long Is- 
land, had for some time been meditating a descent upon the 
Colonial stores collected at Greenwich, Stamford and Norwalk, 
with the inlets and avenues to which his men were perfectly 
familiar. Washington was aware of this danger and made haste 
to order Generals Charles Lee, Clinton and Lincoln to form an 
expedition and descend on Huntington, Long Island and wipe out 
Rogers Rangers. 302 g u t the Corps, elusive as old, were away 
and advancing on the American lines before Washington's or- 
ders could be fulfilled. 

The first week of Rogers' landing saw detachments of his 
Rangers doing menial tasks such as sappers entrenching for the 
Artillery. ^03 gut no t for long. As Howe explored along the 
front for the possibility of a general advance he shielded his 
eastern wing with the Queen's Rangers and as Rogers' outpost 
Corps moved forward towards White Plains, Rogers was final- 
ly ordered on the night of October 20, to take a bold station at 
Mamaroneck only ten miles from the American lines and three 
miles in advance of the British lines. 304 

Besides establishing post Rogers was ordered to secure 
the American stores in the town. Accordingly, the following 
morning at sunrise, he attacked and drove off some militia 
companies and gained possession of large amounts of Conti- 
nental Army stores in the houses and mills on the banks of the 
Mamaroneck; namely rum, molasses, flour and pork. 11-12 ^ 
Upon his return to the town proper Rogers posted his battalion 
on the smooth portion of Heathcote's Hill. Commandeering the 
schoolhouse on the Boston road Rogers magnanimously dis- 
missed the wide-eyed children and established headquarters 
there. At dusk sentinels were carefully posted in advance along 
the roads and passes in the direction of White Plains, Harri- 


son and Rye, while the avenues from the British camp were 
only negligibly guarded; this approach being considered too 
risky for an enemy advance. Having no tents the Rangers 
camped around rail fires, made from adjacent fences. 305 

Unbeknownst to Rogers and his Corps natives of the vicin- 
ity had gone to the nearest American General, Lord Sterling, 
with minute information on the exact locations of Rogers' sen- 
tries. This enlightenment, with his already abundant knowledge 
of the neighborhood, determined Sterling to dispatch Colonel 
Haslet with his crack Delaware Regiment and Major Green with 
150 men from the First and Third Virginians to surprise Rog- 
ers. Haslet commanded and had 750 veteran men to execute 
his mission. Sterling received further information on Rogers' 
situation as late as nine o'clock that night (October 21st) and 
with his knowledge of the road he was enabled to order the ex- 
act approach to be taken by Haslet. 

Starting late that night, Haslet's force was led by a force 
of guides. They marched in silence along the road leading from 
White Plains to Mamaroneck, until they came to Cornell's Fork; 
when they took the crossroad leading to New Rochelleand pass- 
ing by the Quaker Meeting House. They were now within the 
position taken up by the British right wing the preceding day. 
Turning to the left, they proceeded along the road from the 
Quaker Meeting House toward the Sound, until they were with- 
in a half mile of the New York-Boston highway. Here they took 
to the fields, advancing northeasterly on Heathcote's Hill. The 
guides also served as pioneers removing obstacles that might 
cause a noise if collided with. About four A. M. they came upon 
the first Ranger sentry, a young Indian, enlisted by Rogers on 
Long Island. Major Green of the First Virginia Regiment com- 
manded Haslet' s vanguard. After some difficulty in the darkness 
they discovered the exact location of the Ranger and a party of 
Virginians pounced upon him. He proved as slippery as an eel 
and one of the American officers was forced to finish him with 
a sword thrust. The approach was now open to Rogers' sleep- 
ing Corps and the Americans drifted forward in full anticipation 
of an overwhelming victory. But lady luck, who only smiled on 
Rogers in danger, stepped forth again to take him by the hand. 

Some time after nine that night Rogers had made a metic- 
ulous inspection of all his sentry posts. Noting the dearth of 


sentries on his southwestern side, a sixth sense told him that 
an attack, though unlikely, might approach by that side if a dar- 
ing party managed to elude the British camp opposite to him in 
that direction. Accordingly he ordered Captain Eagles, with 
about 60 Rangers to take up a position as an advanced guard 
between Heathcote's Hill and the Indian sentry. After viewing 
this change with satisfaction Rogers retired to his bed at the 

Eagles' sleeping Company were in the Americans' direct 
line of approach and they were stumbled upon by Major Greene's 
advance column. It is to be questioned which side was the most 
surprised. However, the Americans regained their aplomb 
sufficiently to demand an instant surrender. Some Rangers 
complied but a good half resisted, no doubt inspired by the 
shouts of their Lieutenant Hughsonwho died fighting to the last. 
At this juncture Colonel Haslet came up with the balance of his 
force and Eagles' Company were completely surrounded. The 
moment was a crucial one for Rogers Rangers, but thanks to 
the customary resourcefulness of Rogers' officers the Com- 
pany was saved from annihilation. Greene's Virginians were 
by this time well mixed with Eagle's Rangers, who like the bal- 
ance of Rogers Rangers, were un-uniformed. In the darkness 
American and Ranger appeared the same and Captain Eagles 
capitalized on this situation and adopted the orders of the Amer- 
icans to "Surrender you Tory dogs !" Eagles' Rangers quickly 
picked up his cue and for several moments nothing could be 
heard but abusive aspersions against Rogers Rangers. The 
farce was carried further when Ranger grappled with Ranger 
and friend could not be determined from foe. By these garru- 
lous means Eagles and about one-third of his Company extri- 
cated themselves from the melee. 

Meanwhile the din of battle had roused the balance of Rog- 
ers Rangers from their blankets and they were in battle forma- 
tion ready to receive Haslet. Although most of the American 
guides had run off when the action started the determined Has- 
let quickly gathered his prisoners and their arms and pushed 
forward in advance of his men up Heathcote's Hill. 

Roused from his sleep at the schoolhouse by the firing 
Rogers burst out the door fusil in hand and runningat top speed 


he joined his Corps at Heath cote's Hill in time to hurl a few en- 
couraging words to his men, as Haslet came up to attack. He 
bade them hold their fire until the Americans were within range 
then his gravelly voice could be heard shouting to them to 
"Fire!" The well directed volley and succeeding continuous fire 
checked the Americans. This firm resistance in the darkness 
wilted Haslet's men and they soon envisaged themselves before 
a well-deployed and numerically stronger force. Haslet wise- 
ly resolved to rest on his laurels and immediately withdrew to 
Sterling's army by the same route he advanced carrying with 
him 28 Rangers, a pair of the Queen's Rangers colours and 60 
stand of arms not to mention a quantity of blankets. 

Haslet records his loss as three or four killed and around 
fifteen wounded. Among the wounded were Major Greene and 
Captain Pope; Greene was badly wounded in the shoulder, while 
Pope received a shot in the leg. 

Upon counting noses Rogers found that he had lost Lieu- 
tenant Hughsonand 19 Rangers killed, one subaltern and 8 men 
wounded and 28 missing (captured). In all, an actual loss of 
48, officer and men, besides the 8 wounded. This weakening 
of the Corps' sinews was offset when 120 Loyalists were spi- 
rited out of Connecticut by "one of Rogers' old Captains, "306 
to replenish the Corps. 

The participants of the Battle of Heathcote's Hill were 
buried on the field the next morning by the Rangers . From a 
dearth of Surgeons, the wounded, both Rangers and Americans 
remained for some time on the field and contemporaries report 
that their moans from pain and their cries for water were most 
distressing. In the afternoon enough ox-carts had been com- 
mandeered from the local natives and the wounded were carried 
to the improvised hospital at the New Rochelle Church. H" 12 « 

Although Rogers' jealous colleagues in the British army 
pounced upon this opportunity to besmudge his ability, Howe 
stood by his friend. Envious officers accused him of disobedi- 
ence of orders and incapacity; stating that he was ordered to 
place his Corps only a short distance in advance of the British 
army, instead of two miles off. They clamored for a court 
martial, but Howe would not have it, stating that his coolness 
and courage in the repulse of Haslet, not to mention his vig- 


orous actions and success in capturing the Continental stores 
were not conducive to a military inquest. Howe reveals his 
loyalty to Rogers in his account of the action to the Prime Min- 
ister when he states that due to ". . .the carelessness of his 
sentrys exposed himself to a surprise from a large body of the 
enemy, by which he lost a few men killed or taken; neverthe- 
less, by a spirited exertion, he obliged them to retreat, leav- 
ing behind them some prisoners, and several killed and wound- 
ed." 306 

While General Agnew's sixth brigade moved up to sup- 
port him, Rogers, with his customary vigor, retaliated in part 
for his defeat by setting out the very next day to execute one of 
his traditionally daring coups. He audaciously penetrated to 
Bedford, Connecticut with a body of Rangers and released and 
brought off six or eight officers and men of the Royal Navy who 
were prisoners there. H" 12 ? 

After this exploit Rogers Rangers formed part of General 
Knyphausen's command and had a share in the capture of Fort 
Washington 11-130 and the prior battle at White Plains. 11 " 128 " 129 

Three days after their spirited attack on Fort Washington 
100 Rangers were detached from the Corps to march withCorn- 
wallis' detachment that was sent in pursuit of Washington. They 
caught up with Greene and Washington at Hackensac Bridge 
where the Americans made a brief stand to cover the retreat 
of the American troops at Hackensac Village, behind the Pas- 
saic. 11 " 131 Cornwallis pursued Washington as far as Trenton 
where he was ordered by Howe to give up the chase and return 
to the Raritan for winter quarters. The detachment of the 
Queen's Rangers formed an integral part of Knyphausen's di- 
vision which guarded New York on the land side. 307 

Besides the constant recruiting maintained throughout 
the winter, Rogers Rangers saw action about ten in the morn- 
ing on January 18, when General Wooster and 2,500 Americans 
appeared before Fort Independence and summoned the garrison 
to surrender. Wooster offered the Hessians good terms but 
stated that Rogers' Queen's Rangers and Grant's New York 
Loyalist Companies would not be guaranteed the same treat- 
ment. The garrison answered with a brisk cannonade which 
was returned and maintained for some time until Wooster re- 


tired to Courtland's House which the Americans plundered be- 
fore they established quarters. Two Companies of Rogers 
Rangers were advanced and posted in a house in front of the 
fort. On the evening of January 23, five days after Wooster's 
abortive attack, the Rangers were attacked at their advanced 
post by a strong party of Americans who thought their numbers 
were much smaller. The Rangers waited until the attackers 
approached then turning the tables they sallied out and com- 
pletely routed the would-be assailants, killing several and tak- 
ing seven prisoners. 11 " 132 

This was the last action that "Rogers' Queen's Rangers" 
were engaged in for the Corps soon underwent a reorganiza- 
tion. It seems that Rogers was censored for abusing the con- 
fidence that had been placed in him by issuing Warrants to very 
improper persons as inferior officers. The consequence of 
this was that numberless abuses had taken place, and among 
others, Negroes, mulattos, Indians, sailors and rebel prison- 
ers were enlisted, "to the disgrace and ruin of the Provincial 
service. "308 

"In January, 1777, Colonel Alexander Innes, the newly 
appointed Inspector- General of the Provincial or Loyalist forces 
in North America inspected the "Queen's Rangers" and upon 
noticing these abuses he informed General Howe, who empow- 
ered him to discharge all improper persons that had been en- 
listed. Strict orders were given to prevent any such practices 
in the future and it was particularly directed that the strictest 
justice should be done to the non-commissioned officers and 
privates with regard to their pay and bounty, numberless well- 
founded complaints having been made by many of them on that 
subject." 309 

Although there were undoubtedly undesirables hurriedly 
enrolled by commission hungry officers, still, the integral 
composition of Rogers Rangers was no different than it had 
been in the French and Indian War. Negroes, sailors and In- 
dians had been taken into the Corps then and for the most part 
had served conspicuously. It seems that the present discrim- 
ination had its genesis from a certain clique of British officers 
who were seeking to oust Rogers from his command and put in 
their own representative. The command of the Queen's Rang- 


ers was a very desirable one. Established as it was as a par- 
tisan Corps, it, like no other Corps, was organized for quick 
daring maneuvers; which, if executed successfully, would 
bring fame to whoever commanded the Corps. Consequently 
there were many officers in the British Army who desired the 
command of the Queen's Rangers. Rogers, finally disgusted 
with his rank (actually a Captain in the Regular Army) and the 
intrigue against him, gave up his command and sought advance- 
ment under Governor- General Haldimand of Canada. 310 

After his departure the Corps ceased to exist as "Rog- 
ers' Queen's Rangers." Though never actually disbanded, the 
personnel of the Queen's Rangers underwent a complete change 
and to all intents and purposes a new Corps was formed. The 
Corps, which, under Rogers' command, had consisted primar- 
ily of Loyalists, now took on a British consistency. Most of 
the original officers of the Battalion were dismissed to make 
way for several gentlemen from the southern colonies who had 
joined Lord Dunmore in Virginia and distinguished themselves 
under his orders . To these were added some volunteers from 
the British Army, until gradually over two-thirds of the Corps 
consisted of Irish, English and Scotch. 311 

So ended the brief life of "Rogers' Queen's Rangers, "but 
Rogers Rangers were yet to exist in another form before they 
stepped from the pages of history. 

Chapter Thirteen 


After relinquishing his command of the Queen's Rangers, 
Rogers found himself a virtually unwanted orphan. His rough 
exterior and presuming air were as unwelcome to Haldimand 
and his staff as it had been to Lord Howe's military family. 
Rogers' attempts to raise a corps of Rangers in Canada were 
stymied by Haldimand on the pretext that John Johnson's "Roy- 
al Greens" and other Corps had precedence there. Rogers' 
exact activities in Canada for the summer and fall of 1777 re- 
main a mystery. However, Haldimand readily gave him per- 
mission to winter in London. While Rogers' connections might 
be in the eclipse in both camps in North America, still his po- 
litical friends in London had not entirely deserted him. Con- 
sequently, New York was surprised to see him once again in 
April 1779, with favorable recommendations to Sir Henry Clin- 
ton (Howe's successor) to attempt the recruiting for which 
Haldimand had withheld permission. 

On May 1, Rogers received Clinton's authorization to 
raise two battalions^ 12 and six weeks later he was penning a 
solicitous missive to Lord Amherst in London. The tenure of 
the letter well expresses howmuch of a skilled courtesan Rog- 
ers had become: 


"I had the honour to receive your Lordship's commands 
that I should write to you on my arrival in America. I 
have been honoured by the Commander-in-Chief here 
with a warrant to raise two more Battalions, one of which 
is called the King's Rangers— so that I shall have the high- 
est happiness, as a Subject, of giving two Battalions to 
their Majesties. The third will be called Rogers' Rang- 
ers. . . I flatter myself that my good Lord Amherst, will 
not forget an old soldier, who has had the honour to share 
in some of his glorious fatigues in America last War— but 
procure him some little addition to his present rank in 
the British Army." 313 

Amherst, however, had Rogers well- gauged, 31 ^ for his 
curt reply in September promised naught. 

But Rogers, ever buoyant, had not received Amherst's 
formal note when he wrote him a vivid portrayal of his expect- 
ant campaign. He blandly states that he is: "...Setting out 
for Annapolis Royal, the rendezvous of my first battalion, which 
is at present in a most eligible train— from whence I push thro' 
to Canada, from which place, in a short time, I flatter myself 
your Lordship will hear of a spirited attack by my Indians and 
Rangers on the middle frontiers— to the great detriment of the 
Rebels— and such credit to myself as may entitle me to expect 
that assistance, Generosity and patronage, I have ever re- 
ceived from your Lordship." 315 This premature credit grab- 
bing was a far cry from the modest Journals of Rogers which 
he had so accurately recorded during his ascendancy in the 
French and Indian War. 

Unfortunately, Rogers' forecastings fell short of their 
goal and instead his last historic endeavor degenerated into 
similar shadows from whence Rogers Rangers had originally 
sprung in the year 1755. From Rogers' gross overstatements 
this revival of Rogers' Rangers had the first appearance of all 
the customary vigor and earmarks of a well-raised Rogers' 
Corps. 316 

Immediately after his authorization to raise his Rangers 
Rogers sent out officers to commence enlistments in the north- 
ern communities contiguous with the Canadian border. Rogers 


established his headquarters first at Castine, Maine, then St. 
John's, New Brunswick and Halifax, Nova Scotia— and even Que- 
bec for a short time. He began to prosecute his enlistments 
for the King's Rangers along the eastern frontiers of New Eng- 
land and Penobscot. Rogers had secured the services of his 
brother James to recruit for the Corps . 

Upon stating that the minimum number of 600 men were 
raised, Rogers was given his commission as Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Commandant of both battalions and he appointed brother 
James Major of the first battalion— designated as the King's 
Rangers. 317 The bulk of the officers of both battalions had 
served in the War and were veterans . Nine officers that were 
gazetted to the Corps were from the six battalions of General 
Skinner's New Jersey Loyalist Volunteers, a brigade organized 
in July, 1776. Two more were from Simcoe's Queen's Rang- 
ers. 318 

The principal difficulty in raising the Corps was that of 
rendezvous, for the Rangers were recruited over such a wide 
area. Ensigns Hill, Andersen and Insley went thru the woods 
with their recruits to Niagara. Captain Stenson rendezvoused 
at Penobscot with his forty recruits. Quebec was the principal 
gathering place and the bulk of the officers (Major James Rog- 
ers, Captain John Longstreet, Hatfield, Babington and Walsh; 
Captain- Lieutenant Breckenridge; Lieutenants Whitworth and 
Ensigns Robins and Beale) were posted at Old Lorette. 319 

From New York Rogers' recruiting trek took him first to 
the British post of Castine at the mouth of the Penobscot River 
in Maine. 320 He was hardly there a week when the invading 
expedition from Massachusetts appeared. However, in this 
short time he had raised a few men— enough to inaugurate his 
new Corps into their first action by assisting in the repulse of 
the Americans on August 11th. il " 1 33 This success so heartened 
the local Loyalists that Rogers reported "great success in re- 
cruiting" and sent the news collect to Haldimand from Fort 
Howe on the St. John River (New Brunswick), Rogers' next 
beating ground. 32 1 

By January Rogers was in Quebec, presumably to gather 
the officers and recruits for the second battalion to take back 
to Penobscot. Finding no recruits but a host of destitute Rang- 


er officers, Rogers barraged Haldimand for Batt and Forage 
money, allowances for contingent men, half-pay and equal rank 
with British Regulars for King's Ranger officers. All this 
while he was "so circumstanced as not to admit of [Haldimand] 
having much conversation with him. "322 

Rogers delayed his stay in Quebec by informing Haldi- 
mand that he was awaiting the arrival of Sergeant Luxford 
Goodwin and Ranger Private Nulter from Penobscot via the 
Kennebec and Chaudiere Rivers. The appearance of these two 
veteran French and Indian War Rangers indicates that Rogers' 
magnetism still had the power to draw men who had served in 
his old corps. Rogers proudly notes that he "can depend upon" 
these two men. Rogers was to meet Goodwin and Nulter (his 
guides to Penobscot) at the British post on the Chaudiere Riv- 
er, while his detachment of Rangers were ordered to remain 
on a branch of the Kennebec and await his return by hunting for 
Moose. 111-169 

Rogers had informed Haldimand that he had 700 Rangers 
engaged, 400 at Penobscot (Castine) and the other 300 near- 
by. Haldimand pressed him to repair there with his officers, 
for such a large body must need officers and Rogers must be 
convinced that they were only wasting time in Quebec. Rogers' 
hesitancy in returning to Penobscot with his officers is under- 
standable for instead of 700 Rangers there and in the vicinity 
he actually only had forty men raised and he must have realized 
that there would be a hue and cry sounded as soon as the delin- 
quency was discovered. 323 

At this juncture Rogers' confidence-man technique gained 
the ascendancy over his sense of decorum, which in the past 
had been the thin thread that had left his questionable acts open 
to conjecture. He lost all sense of propriety when he contract- 
ed debts and drew bills from Halifax to as far north as the set- 
tlement of Kamouraskaon the St. Lawrence. He even managed 
to fleece Haldimand for 470 pounds when he stated that he need- 
ed that amount to defray the expenses of his officers who had 
resided in Quebec for the winter— and to enable them to pro- 
ceed to their different rendezvous. Haldimand was only too 
happy to pay the amount to eject the extravagant Rogers out of 
Quebec— but the Ranger Chieftain was still lingering ten days 


later and applying for carriages for part of his journey. Nat- 
urally Haldimand refused Rogers' request and expressed his 
surprise that he was still in town. 324 Realizing that he could 
procrastinate no longer Rogers set out with two of the Captains 
of his second battalion up the Chaudiere River with Sergeant 
Goodwin to guide them. 

What were the thoughts of the tortured mind of this 
strange contradiction of a man as he traveled southward on his 
last scout ? Was he thinking of how his repeated indiscretions 
had left him without friends and fortune— but most important, 
without a wife or son? 325 His nefarious peculations began with 
his advent as a Ranger in 1755. For six fame-growing years 
his violent physical exertions as an unparalleled Ranger com- 
mander had kept his nefarious deeds to a respectable minimum. 
If Rogers could have been continually employed as an explorer 
in search of the fabled Northwest Passage or more tangible 
discoveries he would not have had time for his indiscreet lean- 
ings to gain the ascendancy. The close of the French and In- 
dian War saw the beginnings of the steady decline of "Major 
Rogers." His vacillations snowballed in proportion until his 
friends and family— at first shocked and then angry, deserted 
his standard leaving his life an empty vacuum. 

Rogers' trek to Penobscot and his subsequent actions 
were probably the most critical of his violent career. He was 
literally on the fence and the direction of his falling was a ful- 
fillment of his "extraordinary conduct. " Realizing that he must 
reach Penobscot in advance of his officers before they discov- 
ered the negligible number of Rangers there, Rogers made 
himself obnoxious to the two Captains (Hatfield and Walsh) in 
his party— so much so that they feigned illness two leagues from 
the "Grand Portage" (Portage Lake) and "alledg'd they were 
incapable of marching," and returned to Quebec. 326 Rogers 
breathed more easily and pushed on with the faithful Sergeant 
Goodwin, met the detail of Rangers Moose hunting on the Ken- 
nebec and pushed on for Penobscot. Upon arriving there he 
immediately took boat for Halifax. 

Rogers had penned his last letter to Haldimand from the 
"Lake over ye Grand Portage" on March 20, stating that if he 
has offended him in any way he hopes that it will be overlooked 


as he only had the good of the service at heart. 32 ? This phras- 
ing was particularly galling to Haldimand for by the time Rog- 
ers reached Halifax shock had set in from the flood of his cred- 
itors who were petitioning Haldimand for his delinquent ac- 
counts. If Haldimand was shocked at Rogers' financial intem- 
perance he was aghast at the response to his suspicious quer- 
ies to Brigadier Maclean, commanding at Penobscot, respect- 
ing the true numbers of Rogers Rangers there. Upon receiv- 
ing word that there were only forty men raised, instead of 700, 
his anger surged. 328 

Rogers must have been psychic, for he never made the 
error of again encountering Haldimand. He remained in Hali- 
fax, safely out of Haldimand' s province, executing nothing spec- 
tacular, instead, stretching his credit taut to the end of the 
war when his gravy train came to an end and he crossed the 
Atlantic for the last time to die a few years later in hospitable 
London— a dreary victim of tavern-room loquacity on his past 
exploits. 329 As so frequently happened Rogers' debauchery 
affected brother James who had to face his creditors. Although 
Robert had penned him a hasty letter on April 26, stating that 
he was sending orders by Mercure, a Canadian courier, for 
the settlement of all debts— still his outstanding debts remained 
unsettled and honest James impoverished himself to meet Rob- 
ert's bills. 330 

As if this was not enough of a burden to shoulder, James 
had to face the sly aspersions and innuendoes cast against Rob- 
ert. Although Haldimand assured him that his brother's "ex- 
traordinary conduct" would not prejudice him, still the situa- 
tion became unbearable and on May 10, 1780, James wrote Hal- 
dimand that he was determined to resign his pretensions to the 
King's Rangers and to put himself under the King's protection. 
He asked that he might be appointed to some other Corps. Hal- 
dimand eased the situation by recommending patience and as- 
suring him of every protection that could reasonably be ex- 
pected. 331 

Meanwhile the Corps had slowly started to take form. 
After Rogers left for Penobscot in March, Major James Rog- 
ers left for St. Johns on the Richelieu River to establish quar- 
ters to recruit for his battalion. Although the authorized 
strength of his battalion had been originally set at ten Compa- 


nies of sixty men each, still he was never able to muster more 
than four Companies with a total of 183 men by the end of the 
war. 332 

Despite the fact that Major Rogers' battalion was ordered 
to serve under Haldimand's command, still they were actually 
a part of the army of General Clinton at New York and this u- 
nique status caused no end of misery to the officers and men. 
The supemumeracy of officers for the meager quantity of Pri- 
vates engaged were continually embarrassed for want of sub- 
sistence funds. When the officers arrived in Quebec in July 
and August 1779, they sent Haldimand a deluge— and finally, in 
September, he "advanced the officers a certain amount to pre- 
vent them from suffering distress. "333 wh en Lieutenant Colo- 
nel Rogers was about to set out for Penobscot, Haldimand in- 
structed him to furnish Major Rogers with credit on the Pay- 
master-General at Halifax. However, Major James Rogers' 
Battalion was out of the Paymaster's province and besides he 
was already burdened with settling the extravagant accounts of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Rogers, made more difficult by his 
ingenious method of scattering his credit. 334 

Consequently, Major Rogers' King' s Rangers were dumped 
into Haldimand's lap and became his indefinite charges. He 
still hoped for word from Clinton as to paying them— until then, 
and upon his own authority, Haldimand placed the battalion 
upon his own establishment. A scale of half-pay was arranged 
in April, 1780.335 Haldimand and the battalion officers wait- 
ed impatiently for three years before positive word was re- 
ceived from Clinton stating that the King's Ranger battalion 
was to be part of Haldimand's command. 336 

At first the Corps was quite "naked" from want of even 
sufficient clothing much less uniforms. Gradually a semblance 
of a uniform took shape when the men all wore blanket coats 
through the rigors of winter. Finally by February, 1782, Ma- 
jor Rogers' battalion were all clothed in green cloth coats and 
breeches (woolen for winter and linen for summer) with red 
facings; linen shirts; stockings; moccasins (two pair); black 
tri-cornered cocked hats; and the Sergeants wore the British 
regulation cut suit with right- shoulder strap designation of 
rank. 337 


From this time forward, Major James Rogers' battalion 
garrisoned the post of St. John's on the Richelieu River, shar- 
ing the barracks there at first with the 34th and subsequently 
with the 29th Regiments. 338 In spite of Lieutenant-Colonel Rob- 
ert Rogers' debauchery, he still retained his command, for his 
commission had been given him by Clinton and it was not in 
Haldimand's power to revoke it. Major Rogers in spite of dis- 
agreeable quarrels with officers enlisting for rival branches, 
especially Johnson's "Royal Greens" and Jessup's "Loyal A- 
merican Rangers," devoted himself manfully to completing his 
Battalion and in spite of manifold jealousies and difficulties, 
before the war was over had rostered and equipped four Com- 
panies of Rangers. His Battalion never numbered over 200 
men, however. 339 

The King's Rangers under Major James Rogers were 
principally a garrison Battalion, though frequently they were 
active in outstanding raids and Secret Service scouts. James 
Rogers' long apprenticeship in Ranging warfare and his inti- 
mate knowledge of the country in which his Battalion was sta- 
tioned stood him in good stead at this frontier post of St. John's 
in Quebec, which fort had ironically often been his object of 
reconnaissance and destruction when a Captain of Rogers Rang- 
ers in the French and Indian War. Various schemes of re- 
connaissance and attack were from time to time submitted by 
him for Haldimand's consideration and approval. His advice 
was often asked and taken, on more than one occasion he was 
employed, where a field officer's services were demanded, up- 
on missions of delicacy and importance. 3 ^0 

After their defeat at Saratoga, the British had evacuated 
Ticonderoga and fallen back to St. John's, Quebec, and greatly 
improved the works there. This post now remained the frontier 
line of defense for the British in Canada. 

The Corps had just graduated from its nuclear state when 
it was called upon to take part in its first and only expedition of 
consequence which called for more than a mere scouting de- 
tail. Haldimand, ever fearful of an American invasion by way 
of Lake Champlain, had decided to send out an expedition to 
destroy the American forts which had been established in Rog- 
ers Rangers old home ground at the head of Lake George and 


on the route from the Hudson to Lake Champlain, which was 
beginning to take a threatening position. Major Christopher 
Carleton was given the command of the expedition which con- 
sisted of a Company of the King's Rangers, a Company of Jes- 
sup's Loyal Rangers; fifty of the 34th and fifty of the 53rd 
Regiments, besides a party of Indians, in all over 200 men. 
On October 8th at the ruins of Ticonderoga, Carleton dispatched 
fifty men of the 53rd up Lake George against Fort George at 
the head of the lake. At the same time Carleton, with the King's 
Rangers and the rest of his force, traversed South Bay at night. 
With the veteran members of Rogers Rangers to guide them 
through the swampy bay. Their objective was rebuilt Fort Anne 
on Wood Creek. Advancing boldly, the Fort was surrounded on 
the tenth of October and the garrison of 75 officers and men 
surrendered and the fort burned. H" 135 

Carleton, not deeming Fort Edward sufficiently impor- 
tant to delay his attack on Fort George, at nine in the morning 
started his march to the lake. At five that evening his force 
had arrived within nine miles of Fort George, where they halted 
for the night. An officer and twelve Rangers were detached 
down the Hudson to burn the mills and to forage as far as Fort 
Miller; to act similarly on the western side of the stream; to 
remain in concealment, and then to make a push and if possible 
burn the mills and barracks at Saratoga. This small detach- 
ment of Rogers Rangers was sent as they were less likely to 
be seen than a larger force. They fulfilled Carleton' s orders 
almost to the letter and near Saratoga had a brush with a su- 
period body of American militia. Carleton likewise sent a par- 
ty of Jessup's Rangers directly across the river to burn some 
mills in operation there. H-136 

Rogers' King's Rangers rejoined Carleton from their 
Saratoga Raid about seven o'clock and proceeded with him in 
his advance against Fort George. They had arrived within a 
mile and a half of the fort when their presence was discovered 
by two men passing along the road, who had stumbled on the 
Indians in the advance; they managed to escape and carry the 
information to the garrison. Ranger scouts sent out by Carle- 
ton reported that fifty of the garrison were coming along the 
road. They had been sent out to attack the Indians who had 
been seen on the supposition that they were the only enemy 


present. Carleton moved forward with fifty of the 34th and 25 
Rogers' King's Rangers. The Indians had placed themselves 
between the detachment and the fort and had begun an unequal 
fight. The arrival of Roger's King's Rangers and the Regulars 
soon decided the contest. In half an hour all was over. Twen- 
ty-three men were killed and scalped by the Indians and seven 
prisoners were taken. Carleton' s loss was a private of the 
King's Rangers and a Regular killed; a Sergeant and a private 
of the 34th wounded and one Ranger of Jessup's Corps; besides 
two killed and one wounded of the Indians. H-137 

Carleton summoned the fort. The surviving garrison of 
46 officers and men surrendered as prisoners of war. The 
fort was destroyed and the expedition returned to St. John's. 

In the spring of 1781, a detachment of the King's Rang- 
ers served in St. Leger's (Commandant of St. John's) well 
equipped expedition that advanced up Lake Champlain to the 
Hudson to divert the attention of the continental troops from the 
more important expedition of Major Ross from Oswego. In or- 
der to oppose St. Leger, a large force of Americans was col- 
lected at Albany and Saratoga to operate against him and it was 
thus kept inactive during the expedition undertaken by Major 
R oss.n-138 

However, Captain John Myers was detached with a party 
of King's Rangers to Ballstown in the Mohawk valley where he 
took a number of prisoners. He rejoined St. Leger with them 
at St. John's on July 8th. A Ranger recruit arriving behind 
Myers reported that Myers had been pursued by 200 Rebels, 
who followed him as far as the Socondoga River. H-139 

These were the only campaigns of consequence that were 
launched from St. John's during the King's Rangers canton- 
ment there; but the battalion, besides their garrison duty at 
St. John's, were constantly engaged in Secret Service scouts, 
which were probably redundnat of more mortal danger, for, 
being in disguise, they were subject to treatment as spies and 
the few that were caught were hanged as such. Aware that Ver- 
mont was partially disaffected from the American cause due to 
the refusal of New York and Congress to allow her statehood, 
Haldimand set up an "underground" to penetrate into her north- 
ern townships. Captain Justus Sherwood and Doctor George 


Smyth, proven experts in this type of duty and both Loyalist 
refugees from Vermont, were given the command of these es- 
pionage scouts. 

While Doctor Smyth operated from St. John's, Sherwood 
first set up headquarters at Isle aux Noix and by July 1781 was 
boldly established at "The Loyal Blockhouse," a well situated 
post which he had built on Lake Champlain at Dutchman's 
Point. 241 Sherwood, at one time, had as many as 47 scouts 
penetrating into Vermont. 342 

Although officers and men from Jessup's and McAlpin's 
Corps engaged in these scouts, at least eight officers and non- 
coms of the King's Rangers served conspicuously in this duty. 
Of these, Captain Azariah Pritchard was the most noted and 
was one of Sherwood's principal agents. 343 

Pritchard was engaged in intelligence work as early as 
June 1779, before he secured a Captaincy in Roger's King's 
Rangers. On June 8, a Major Pritchard at Poughkeepsie of- 
fered him employment as a spy, to remain in Canada and for- 
ward information. He accepted and the same month was locat- 
ed at St. John's, Quebec. For the next four months he was 
furnishing information as to rebel sympathizers in Canada and 
proposing plans for obtaining intelligence. On September 16, 
at Chambly, he was petitioning Major Carleton to intercede for 
him in securing "a situation in the Rangers. " When he was 
assured of a Captain's berth in Major Roger's battalion if he 
raised his quota of men, Pritchard, not one to be lacking in 
enterprise, seduced men from McAlpin's recruits by getting 
them drunk at St. Ours, Quebec and promising them commis- 
sions and higher pay. Since it was illegal for King's Ranger 
officers to enlist men in the province of Quebec, not to men- 
tion by such piratical methods, Pritchard was stopped, but 
managed to raise his quota in the summer and winter of 1780 
from the Loyalists in Vermont and received his commission. 344 

Pritchard was employed constantly as a spy and even had 
Loyalist agents working for him. As early as October 1780 he 
was asking for funds to carry on his work which had been con- 
ducted entirely at his own expense; adding that this activity en- 
grossed so much of his time that he was unable to fill up his 
Company, "although many would join him" if he could devote a 


little time to recruiting. When this belated time was granted 
him, Pritchard, with a Captain from another Corps, enlisted 
53 men. One of Pritchard' s agents of unusual daring and abil- 
ity was Abner Barlow whom he rewarded with a Corporal's 
berth in his Company. ^45 

By February 1781, Pritchard was reporting on Ira Al- 
len's demands on the Continental Congress for statehood for 
Vermont. In March he penetrated to the eastern part of Ver- 
mont and brought back a prisoner named Thomas Johnson, who 
offered to attempt to bring all of Eastern Vermont to neutral- 
ity. III-174 

Pritchard' s record was punctuated with vigorous activi- 
ty. In August 1781, he captured a rebel scout near Corinch 
consisting of a Corporal and two Privates. 11-141 j n October a 
daring rebel scout was reported and Pritchard was sent to in- 
tercept them. On October 17th he met the rebel scout of a Ser- 
geant and four men in the woods. After a short brush, two of 
the Americans ran off. One, the guide, was mortally wounded 
and the Sergeant and a Private were taken prisoners. H~143 
From the guide Pritchard learned of the movements of the Lov- 
el family, who were noted rebel spies. Pritchard was granted 
permission to intercept them, which he successfully effected 
the first week of November, bringing in two of the Lovels. ni ~ 
176B immediately upon his return he was assigned to lay plans 
to bring in General Bailey, the prize catch of Loyalist baiters 
in Vermont. Pritchard' s groundwork to set his trap was con- 
ducted with such diligence that on one preliminary scout he was 
closely pursued. Spy-Chief Sherwood reported that he was "in- 
defatigable" in his assignment and recommended him to Haldi- 
mand. Finally, on June 4, 1782, he received his belated or- 
ders to set out for Newberry, Vermont to capture General 
Bailey. With only nine King's Rangers he operpowered a Ser- 
geant and twelve men comprising Bailey's night guard at his 
home. But all their efforts were to no avail and Pritchard re- 
turned empty-handed for the wily General did not sleep in his 
own house. H- 145 

In August and September of the same year Pritchard 
made a daring scout to General Carleton at New York to ar- 
range a better method of exchanging dispatches with Haldimand 
at Quebec. While there he pinned Clinton to an answer on the 


status of Major James Rogers' King's Rangers. After a day's 
deliberation the General informed him that "Major James Rog- 
ers in Canada, did not belong to this army, but to General Hal- 
dimand's, and that he would write to General Haldimand to 
take Major Rogers under his patronage to form and commis- 
sion as he thought proper. "HI- 183 

Pritchard's invaluable services were minimized when it 
was implied in June 1783 that he had been engaged in exporting 
black market beef and counterfeiting money to distribute in 
Canada. Pritchard denied the charges in July but by Decem- 
ber Sherwood had received money and a pamphlet proving him 
the instigator of trade from Vermont and Loyalist leaders in 
Vermont requested that Pritchard not be allowed to come in a- 
gain as he had impaired the projected beef-trade with them. 
Pritchard's character was further impugned when Sherwood 
learned that he had enlisted a deserter from the King's Rang- 
ers into his own Company under a false name. In February it 
was learned that Pritchard had been selling British tea up the 
lake at one dollar a pound and had employed one Baldwin to re- 
tail it for him. 346 

Notwithstanding these shortcomings, Pritchard seems 
to have escaped scot free from these charges, no doubt due to 
his extraordinarily good services as a spy. 

Other King's Rangers who risked their lives as spies 
were Captain John Myers; Captain-Lieutenant James Breck- 
inridge; Lieutenants Israel Ferguson, Soloman Johns and Wil- 
liam Tyler; Ensigns Roger Stephens and Caleb Green, Ser- 
geant Peter Taylor; Corporals Abner Barlow, Moses Williams 
and P. McCoy— and Private J. Miller. 347 

Captain John Myers had asked for permission to return 
to New York which was granted him and he arrived there in 
April 1780; from then until December 1780 he served in Colo- 
nel Ludlow's Provincial Regiment. In December he surprised 
everyone by appearing in St. John's with five recruits "for Ma- 
jor Rogers. " Believing that he would be of more service at St. 
John's than in New York, he had resigned from Ludlow's tore- 
join Rogers Rangers. He stated that he had engaged almost a 
full company among Loyalists in the colonies and hoped to bring 
them in the next spring. Captain Myers had originally been 


chosen by Lieutenant- Colonel Robert Rogers for his battalion, 
consequently his Company maintained a detached status from 
Major Rogers' battalion until September 1782, when it was put 
under Haldimand's command and he included it in Major Rog- 
ers' Battalion. 348 

In July, 1781, Myers' petition to bring off certain ring- 
leaders of the rebels who had been persecuting the loyalists 
was granted and he penetrated to the neighborhood of Albany, 
New York, arriving on the 29th. He remained a week until a 
hue and cry for a King's Ranger scout under Beatie had died 
down. H-140A Qn the night of August 7, he attempted to cap- 
ture his "object," name Blake. Covering both doors to his 
house he moved in with his detachment of King's Rangers. My- 
ers states that after entering the house he "met with an oppo- 
sition of Iron men in which a skirmish issued which lasted near 
a quarter of an hour, in which I and my party killed one and 
wounded two and took two prisoners, and the other two made 
their escape. . . " Their object, Blake, also managed to escape 
through a window during the fight and alarmed the town, but 
Myers managed to make the long trek back to St. John's unmo- 
lested. Haldimand was satisfied that Myers had done his best 
to capture Blake and he reassured the crestfallen Captain. H-142 

The energetic Myers had hardly recuperated from this 
lengthy scout when he returned— this time to Saratoga to make 
an attack on General Schuyler's house, from which his Rangers 
removed some valuable silver plate. H-142A 

Captain-Lieutenant James Breckenridge was another of- 
ficer appointed by Robert Rogers. He and his brother Ensign 
David Breckenridge had been left in Quebec by the Colonel to 
act as the liaison to forward recruits to Halifax for his battal- 
ion. Since they never had the opportunity to indulge in this 
duty, recruits not forthcoming, they were sent to join Major 
James Rogers at St. John's in September 1780, for he was in 
sore need of them to recruit for his battalion. James Breck- 
enridge became the Captain Lieutenant of Major Rogers' own 
Company, while David Breckenridge received the Ensigncy of 
Henry Ruiter's Company. 34 9 

James Breckenridge' s fiery temper is revealed when he 
used some very abusive language to the Commandant of St. 


John's when he returned his commission a year later than it 
actually was . His fiery nature would suggest that he even quar- 
relled with Major Rogers on occasion, for on June 11, 1782, 
James Rogers was writing Haldimand to grant Breckenridge 
leave to go to Halifax, "where he would be more useful than 
here." However, Haldimand replied that he was to remain 
where he was. 35 " 

Before being assigned to Major Rogers' battalion, Cap- 
tain-Lieutenant Breckenridge had been employed as a spy. With 
a Sergeant and Private of the 31st Regiment, all in the guise of 
deserters, he was sent to discover the inhabitants of the prov- 
ince of Quebec who received and protected deserters, rebel 
emissaries, spies and disaffected subjects. His mission was 
very successful. Breckenridge continued in the secret service 
after his assignment to Major Rogers' Company at St. John's 
and operated under Doctor Smyth. 351 

In July, 1781, he was penetrating into Vermont and re- 
porting on the scarcity of powder and lead there. In the same 
month of 1782 he was in Bennington, Vermont collecting news 
of Washington. Upon his return he sought an interview with 
General Haldimand and delivered to him the secret terms of 
propositions from Vermont for reunion with the Crown. In 
September and October he was again in Vermont following up 
this proposed break. His brother Ensign David Breckenridge 
entered the plot and was stationed for a time at Crown Point to 
relay messages from General Allen in Vermont. On May 23, 
1783, David arrived at the Loyal Blockhouse with a verbal mes- 
sage from Allen who still hoped to return Vermont back to the 
King in spite of the rumours of peace. HI- 175 

Captain Breckenridge' s espionage work seems to have 
ended at this point for he became involved in a serious quarrel 
with Doctor Smyth's son which developed into blows being ex- 
changed. In the Court of Inquiry held at St. John's through the 
latter part of August Smyth senior asked for an investigation of 
the Captain's conduct to him personally, for Breckenridge had 
made aspersions against his ability. Breckenridge retaliated 
by making charges against Doctor Smyth and he collected a host 
of witnesses to substantiate his charges. As a result of the 
growing aspects of the Inquiry, it was thought best, for the 


good of the service, that all three of the principals should be 
cleared of all charges. 352 

Ensign Roger Stephens was a constant secret agent. On 
November 2, 1781, he returned to Sherwood with letters and 
papers from Doctor Olden, a Loyalist confederate in Ver- 
mont. III-177 Again, on December 10, 1781, he left St. John's 
for Vermont on a hardy winter scout. On the way he captured 
along with one Sutherland, who had joined him, seven rebels 
digging iron at Crown Point. He waylaid another rebel at Chim- 
ney Point and chased him across the lake to Crown Point, re- 
covered his pack of ample provisions, which Stephens' party 
needed badly, and continued to Vermont. He effected his busi- 
ness and upon his return trailed a rebel scout to Canada. On 
the second day he came up to their previous night's camp and 
plundered it of all their provisions which they had left to carry 
them back to Vermont. After this series of odysseys Stephens 
arrived back at St. John's on the 31st, in time to see the New 

Stephens' energy was boundless for he was scouting again 
in a few days to return on January 30, with reports of the move- 
ments of Washington and offered a plan for obtaining intelli- 
gence. On February 28, 1782, he was reporting on the con- 
duct of the Vermonters and recommending the services of his 
uncle as an agent. Stephens was untiring for two weeks later 
he was again penning vital information on rebel gold shipments 
and preparations for a Canadian invasion. HI- 180 

During March and April he was operating in the region 
of Onion River Falls looking for rebels to capture. He man- 
aged to surround a scouting party of four at Monckton while 
they slept. One escaped, the others were captured, but man- 
aged to escape one night on the return march, due to the lax- 
ness of one of Jessup's men who was guarding them. II-144 

By May 15, Stephens with a catch of furs, under the guise 
of a trapper, penetrated as far as Massachusetts where he 
spied for Haldimand. 111 "^ 2 

On Augst 3, he arrived at St. John's from another in- 
formative scout towards Saratoga, New York. 

Stephens returned from a particularly daring scout in 
October and hoped to be sent personally to Haldimand with his 


report and thus gain some small reward. But the envious spy- 
chief, Doctor Smyth, sent his report by someone else, although 
Stephens had risked his life to get the information and had spe- 
cifically asked to be sent to Quebec with them. Stephens, how- 
ever, sent Haldimand duplicates of his report, deploring Smyth' s 
conduct and adding that although he was worn out with so much 
scouting he was willing to go on an expedition to carry off the 
men who were so troublesome to him in his scouts and to the 
Loyalists of Vermont. HI- 184 

Stephens' differences with Doctor Smyth continued. The 
chief bone of contention seems to have been the reluctance of 
the Spy Chief to pay him for his numerous scouts. Smyth seems 
to have been particularly vindictive of Stephens for he made 
false aspersions to Haldimand when he wrote of "the useless- 
ness and avarice of Stevens." Stephens' account was still un- 
paid as late as June, 1783.353 

Other King's Rangers, who were equally daring, but less 
sustaining in the frequency of their secret scouts were Lieu- 
tenant Israel Ferguson, who made an expedition in July, 1780, 
to New York state and arranged with a confederate to receive 
news weekly from Albany. HI- 171 in August, 1781, he almost 
managed to seize a Loyalist agitator named Mitchel of Balls- 
town, but was discovered and pursued by such a strong party 
that he had to adopt an old Ranger technique of separating his 
Rangers to elude capture. HI"" 176 A Another infrequent secret 
agent was Lieutenant William Tyler. He made a scout for a 
similar objective at the same time as Ferguson. Although he 
failed to seize his object (Squire Palmer), he managed to over- 
power a small American scout, who had discovered them— tak- 
ing all prisoners. H-140 

Ensign Caleb Green was reported as having "behaved 
well" on a January, 1783 assignment into Vermont to Pough- 
keepsie,H"146 bringing back a number of prisoners to the Loy- 
al blockhouse. Private Jonathan Miller was an active agent in 
Ballstown in July 1781. HI-176 Major James Rogers, on April 
28, 1782, was ordered on a mission of utmost secrecy in which 
he was to contact a Loyalist Judge "but the business of Rogers 
proved abortive by want of secrecy. "HI- 181 

Probably the most unique espionage service that Roger's 


King's Rangers were engaged in was that of two Privates, John 
Lindsey and William Amesberry, when they volunteered in No- 
vember, 1781, to burn a 74 gun ship building at Portsmouth, 
New Hampshire for Captain John Paul Jones . Captain Pritchard 
had also asked to be sent on this mission but it was felt that 
Lindsey and Amesberry were more acquainted with the task to 
be done, both having worked as ship carpenters. "After con- 
siderable fattegue & risque" the two Rangers arrived in Ports- 
mouth, where, finding the 74 gun ship on the stock on a small 
island in the bay and not likely to be finished until the fall, they 
hired themselves out as ships carpenters for four shillings per 
day. The ship was being built at the expense of France and 
when finished would join the French line, to be commanded by 
John Paul Jones. As the greatest damage would be done if the 
ship was set afire upon near completion, the two arsonists 
worked diligently on her hulk for six months when they were 
scheduled to return to St. John's. Telling Captain Jones that 
they had to go to Boston to obtain some back wages and prom- 
ising to return in August or September bringing with them some 
ships carpenters, they made their way to St. John's. Upon 
their arrival Lindsey made out a report in which he asked per- 
mission to return with Amesberry to complete their task when 
the ship was completed. Lindsey stated that ". . .if we do not 
succeed we will not expect any pay, but we dare almost engage 
at the forfeiture of our own lives, that we shall succeed." Re- 
gardless of their zeal, Haldimand felt that the risk was now too 
great, especially now with the probable prospects of peace in 
the offing. 111 " 178 

The only reported loss to the King's Rangers in their 
various secret service scouts was that of Ensign Beatie who 
was captured with two others in Vermont. The latter two turned 
state's evidence, but Beatie stood steadfast and was hanged as 
a spy, becoming a martyr to the Loyalist cause, rather than 
reveal the names of Vermont Loyalists. H-140A 

Besides their daring secret service scouts Major Rog- 
ers' battalion at St. John's maintained their routine of garri- 
son duty in spite of the jealous manifestations of Jessup and 
McAlpin, commanding similar Loyalist Corps. 354 

Jessup and McAlpin even recommended, in January 1783 


to merge the Loyal and King's Rangers, Major James Rogers 
shrewdly went along with them when he wrote Haldimand that 
he had no objection to this as it would facilitate the King's ser- 
vice. If agreed to, he believed that he could complete a battal- 
ion in a reasonable time. Haldimand replied that, although it 
had been contemplated for some time to join his detachment to 
the Loyal Rangers, but that at the present can not be arranged. 
Major Rogers, however, must have felt that it would be ad- 
vantageous to be annexed with another Corps for on May 7, he 
and other officers of the King's Rangers were applying to Sir 
John Johnson, for their Corps to be admitted to his second bat- 
talion which was not yet completed. This proposal proved e- 
qually void due to the prospects of peace. 355 

The second battalion of the Corps, termed Rogers Rang- 
ers, was scattered during their service throughout the mari- 
time provinces. With headquarters at Halifax, where he was 
contiguous to the Paymaster, Rogers swelled his nucleus of 
forty men to four Companies which were stationed at Halifax, 
Penobscot, Prince Edward Island and George's Island to the 
northeast of Cape Canso, Nova Scotia, to guard the British 
shipyards there. 356 

After their repulse of the Massachusetts expedition at 
Penobscot in 1779, Rogers Rangers were in no more battles 
of consequence for campaigning practically ceased even in this 
debatable terrain. However, one Company of Rogers Rangers 
was stationed at Castine on the Penobscot River and saw more 
action than all the other Companies of the battalion. The Rang- 
er Captain of the Penobscot Company was a dashing character 
and his exploits soon established him as the most famous offi- 
cer in the battalion if not the whole Corps: John Jones byname, 
he hailed from Concord, Massachusetts. Settling in Pownal- 
boro, Maine he became a noted surveyor. In 1763, he sur- 
veyed Mount Desert Island for Governor Bernard of Maine in 
preparation for a settlement to be made there at Southwest 
Harbor. In September, 1774, his Loyalist tendencies caused 
him to be visited by rebels who insisted on his joining the cause 
by signing the covenant. Stripping open his shirt he told them 
they might stab him to the heart before he would join the reb- 
els. His callers then seized him and after binding him threw 


him into the Kennebec River and then dragged him about by a 
rope until they almost tore him to pieces. He was then thrown 
into Casco gaol for six months and escaped a probable convic- 
tion of a proposed trial by the absence of the Judge who had 
fallen on the ice while traveling to the trial. Upon his release 
Jones moved to Vassalboro, Maine but on October 7, 1777, he 
was haled before the magistrates and banished as a Tory to 
Concord, Massachusetts. Here he met Colonel Campbell, a 
prisoner of the Americans, who gave him a letter of recom- 
mendation to General Piggot at Newport. At this time, 1778, 
Jones turned smuggler and fitted out a vessel sending her to 
Newport loaded with stores for the British. On his second trip 
he was discovered by an American ship and after a losing race 
he was obliged to destroy his ship. Undaunted, Jones fitted 
out another ship and slipped through to Rhode Island. He re- 
ceived instructions from Admiral Gambier and General Pres- 
cott to return to Boston and bring in two similar vessels load- 
ed with provisions. But upon landing in Boston Jones, who was 
by this time suspected by the American council, was seized 
and thrown into Boston gaol. After five weeks of confinement 
he escaped and made his way to Quebec via Lake Champlain. 357 

After petitioning Haldimand on August 29, 1779, for some 
"... Employ where I might be of service to Government, and 
get Retalliation for the repeated abuses I received from the 
Rebells," Jones met Colonel Rogers in Quebec and received a 
Captain's commission in his battalion. Haldimand sent him to 
Penobscot after writing to Brigadier Maclean, the British com- 
mander, that he "... should be watched. " Jones soon dispelled 
any doubts by completing his Company and thus insuring his 
Captaincy. 358 

Jones' swarthy complexion gained for him the names of 
"Black Jones" and " Mahogany Jones. " He was small of stature, 
compactly built and possessed of a resolute determination to 
avenge his persecutors. His uncanny knowledge of terrain due 
to his experience as a Surveyor made him a valuable courier 
across Maine to Quebec. 111 " 172 But "Black Jones"gained his 
real fame from his several forays to the Kennebec. From his 
headquarters at Bagaduce (on the Penobscot River) called 
Fort George, Jones lost no time in exacting retribution. In 


1780, his first year in Rogers Rangers, he made two raids to 
Kennebec, "one by land, the other in a whaleboat." In his in- 
imical style Jones describes his two raids: "... First by land, 
I went up and down till I found where to strike. Thought best to 
bring Brigadier Charles Cushing off. The way I proceeded was 
as follows: I surrounded his house in the morning very early; 
sent two men to rap at the door; on his crying out 'who is 
there ?' I answered 'a friendl' 'A friend to whom ?' I answered 
'to Congress, and weare from George's River with an express, 
for the enemy has landed fifteen hundred troops from three 
ships. ' He jumped up and came down with his breeches on, lit 
a candle and opened the door. We immediately seized him. On 
his making some noise his wife came running down stairs, but 
soon returned and put her head out of the chamber window and 
hallooed 'murder!' I told her if she did not hold her tongue my 
Indians would scalp her. Away we hauled her into a boat we 
had prepared, and up the river about a mile above Gardiners- 
town landed him and gave him a pair of shoes and stockings, 
and marched him to Fort George through the woods in four 
days. The whole country was alarmed, and was about six hours 
after us. In two or three days Roland Cushing came in with a 
flag. In two or three days after three men came in and informed 
us how matters were. Joseph North has gone to Boston. Bow- 
man keeps guard every night, and all the people are much 
frightened. Roland keeps guard and Major Goodwin sleeps 
every night at the house [all of the above had been Jones' prin- 
cipal persecutors] . Many of our friends have been threatened, 
but no one is touched or hurt, for great is their fear. Many of 
the inhabitants don't cut their meadow [for fear of being cap- 
tured] . . . When by water we went and cut out a vessel and brought 
her safe. I have had several scoutings since I have been here. 
Have always got the better of the rebels. "111-173; 11-134 

Jones had at least one close call. Returning privately to 
Hallowell, he was secreted by Amos Pollard in his Tavern. 
The Americans in the neighborhood learning of this assembled, 
under the lead of Captain Nathaniel Hearsy, and filled the Tav- 
ern with "infuriated men, " but so effectual was the conceal- 
ment that he was not discovered. After this Jones openly re- 
turned under the protection of the treaty of peace and lived with 


his wife in a house when he built near the lower factory board- 
ing-house, where he died August 16, 1823, eighty years old.359 

The other Companies of the Rogers Ranger battalion were 
principally garrison Companies but occasionally certain offi- 
cers were engaged in assignments redundant of danger: 

Captain John Stinson was captured while on a secret as- 
signment in 1782. HI-185 Lieutenant John Dean Whitworth "was 
ordered in 1780 on the recruiting service between Quebec and 
Halifax and made a journey of sixty days on foot in snowshoes 
through the snow suffering great hardships and losing the sight 
of an eye. HI- 170 jjis afflictions obliged him in 1783 to obtain 
leave to sail for England. " The talents of Benjamin Bradford 
of "Black Jones" Company were utilized when he became em- 
ployed as a pilot in the Royal Navy and served on many occa- 
sions in privateers and armed ships. ^60 

Finally, in November 1783, Clinton and consequently 
Haldimand received the King's order for the disbandment of 
the Loyalist troops and Rogers' two battalions were mustered 
out by December 24th. However, due to the lateness of the 
season the Loyalists were provided for until the following spring 
when they could go to their land grants. The officers were put 
on half-pay and each field officer was to receive 5,000 acres 
of land; each Captain 3,000 acres; each subaltern 2,000; and 
each non-com and private 200 acres. The Rogers Ranger bat- 
talion was mustered out on the St. John's River, now in the 
Province of New Brunswick in October 1783. The majority of 
this battalion settled in this region, while part of them went to 
Prince Edward Island and induced others to do likewise. 361 
But James Rogers' King's Rangers battalion, though disbanded 
on December 24, 1783, remained on at St. John's, Quebec 
throughout the winter and made preparations for the move west- 
ward in the following year. By spring all members of the bat- 
talion who had families in the colonies were granted leave to 
bring them out. 362 

Returning with his wife and children to St. John's, Rog- 
ers granted leave to a number of unincorporated Loyalists and 
an officer of the King's Rangers, with a detachment of ten or 
twelve men to go to Cataraqui to reconnoitre. HI-186 The strain 
that the more ignorant members of the Corps were under, is 


revealed by Major James Rogers when he notifies Haldiman of 
a report which he had discovered among his own Corps, that 
he, Rogers, was going to have them taken to Cataraqui and 
there made slaves. In spite of this incredible suggestion con- 
fidence was restored and most of Roger's King's Rangers mi- 
grated with him into the wilderness. 

Over 200 of the battalion accompanied their Major in 
that heroic advance into the wilderness in search of a new home. 
Several of the officers remained at St. John's buying the ground 
on which their late barracks stood. The bulk of the battalion 
that accompanied Rogers into the wilds of Canada settled on the 
third township of the Frontenac district upon the shores of the 
Bay of Quinte, James Rogers and his Rangers occupying what 
is known as the township of Fredericksburg, as well as a part 
of an adjoining township. 363 

So ends the saga of "Rogers Rangers," a Corps whose 
name, in spite of its Acadian exiled-like ending, still today 
implies the essence of fearless, daring men, whose achieve- 
ments did much to win America's Independence and also to ex- 
pand the frontiers of Canada. 

The epitaph of the Corps might well read: 

They won Canada from France so that 
the American Colonies might be free 
to win their In de-pen den oe from Eng- 
land; and then strove to defend 
Canada from American occupation so 
that two great countries might be 
born. The United States and Canada 
can both proudly claim Rogers Rang- 



ISLE OF MUTTON, September- 29 , 1755 
LA BAREUE CREEK, January 21, 175 7 

March 19-23 3 1757 
FRESHWATER COVE , June 8 3 175 8 

June 9-July 26 3 1758 
MARIN'S DEFEAT, August 8 3 175 8 
FORT FRONTENAC, August 27 3 175 8 
THE THREE BATTLES, March 7 3 1759 
LOUISBOURG WOODS, June 1 3 1759 
EEAUMONT, June 3C 3 175 9 
ST. JOSEPH, June '60 3 1759 
POINT LEVIS WOODS, July 1 3 1759 
L'ANGE GARDIEN, July 8 3 175 9 
HAZEN'S POST, July 15 3 175 9 
TICONDEROGA BRIDGE, July 22 3 175 9 
SIEGE OF TICONDEROGA, July 2 3-26 3 1759 
MONTMORENCI FORD, July 25 3 175 9 
ST. FRANCIS RAID, September 13-November 1 3 175, 
POINT LEVI, February 24 3 1760 
OLD LCRETTE, March 3 1760 

SECOND SIEGE OF QUEBEC ,Apri I 2 8 -May 17 3 1760 
POINTE AU FER, June 6 3 1760 
FORT STE. TKERESE, June 11-20 3 1760 
POINT PLATON, July 18 3 176 
SIEGE OF FORT LEVIS, August 18-25 3 176G 
SIEGE OF ISLE AUX NOIX, August 19-2 7 3 1760 
VARENNES, September 1 3 17^60 
DETROIT, Septem.ber 13-November 29 3 1760 
ETCHOE PASS, June 10 3 17 61 
MORNE TOFTENSON, January 24 3 1762 
MORNE GRENIER, January 27 3 1762 
DEFENSE OF DETROIT, July 29-November 3 176 3 
WHITEPLAINS, October 28, 1776 
FORT WASHINGTON, November 16 3 1776 

DEFENSE OF CAS TINE , August 11 3 1779 
SIEGE OF FORT ANNE, October 10-11 3 17 80 
FORT GEORGE, October 11 3 1780 
BALLSTCWN, June 13 3 17 81 


ERS - MAY 1758 to JANUARY 1783 

23. (p. 2) JACOB'S WOODCUTTER AMBUSCADE, May 4, 1758: 
Most complete source: Malartic, May 15, 27, 1758. Also 
Rogers, p. 108; News-Letter, May 25, 1758. 
Bougainville, pp. 204, 208, substantiates Rogers' account and 
establishes the date of the ambuscade. 

24. (p. 3) ETOWAUKAM'S DEFEAT, May 27, 1758: This ac- 
tion took place six miles south of Ticonderoga on the west shore 
of the "Drowned Lands" (Lake Champlain) Malartic, June 2, 
1758. It is the only Ranger fight which actually occurred in 
the "Drowned Lands." 

Other accounts in News-Letter, June 15, 1758; March 15, 1759 
copy describes the odysseys of two of the Indian-Rangers who 
were captured: "A few days ago a Vessel arrived at New Lon- 
don from Monte Christo, in which came two Passengers, In- 
dians, one of the Stockbridge, the other of the Mohegan Tribe; 
They give the following account: 'viz. : That they were under 
the command of Captain Jacob, and taken by a Party of Canada 
Indians, last Spring, near South Bay; and by them sold onboard 
a French Man-of-Warof 24 Guns, at Quebeck, and from thence 
sent to Cape- Francois [France] in August or September, where 
they were again sold, and kept to extreme hard labour, upon 
slender Diet, with the Negroes; but happening to discourse 
with an honest Spanieard who spoke English, they communicat- 
ed their story to him; whereupon the Spanieard in a friendly 
manner, advised them to make their Escape to Monte-Christo 
where he did not doubt they might get a passage home in some 
English Vessel, which advice they put in Execution, after steal- 
ing a Gun Ammunition and 2 large Knives and made off to the 
Woods, and after 13 days travelling they arrived at Monte 
Christo. . ." 

FRENCH ACCOUNT : Bougainville (Jrn. , 205, 209, 210) re- 
vealsnew data on leadership, size and the best French account: 
Chief Kisensik (shared command with the Canadian Outetat) 
left Montreal for Ticonderoga on May 16, with 25 Nipissings 
intent on makingred "with English blood the ashes of his father, 
dead last fall. " Determined to earn the gorget personally pre- 
sented to his father by Louis XTV. Augmenting his force to 40 
Nipissings Kisensik and Outetat met Etowaukam near the falls 
of the Chicot River, on the right bank. Of Etowaukam 's party 
of 18 Ranger Indians and 5 white Rangers Kisensik took four 
scalps (two English and two Indians), and nine prisoners (two 
white Rangers, two Dela wares, four Mohawks and a Mahican). 
The two [white Rangers] stories under interrogation were so 
conflicting that the French could make nothing out of them. 
Kisensik returned to Montreal arriving June 4, with nine pris- 
oners that the Indians wanted to kill. The Abinakis objected 
and the lively squabble was quieted. 


25. (p. 31) LANDING AT FRESHWATER COVE, June 8, 1758: 
Principal sources: McLennan; Knap, June 11, 1758; Knox, 
III, p. 5; Wood; Pichon, p. 284; Macdonald; Robertson, June 
8; Thomas Geofery's Map of the Landing, published in London 
Oct. 9, 1758; Budd, June 8; Downey, 154-158 and Hamilton 
(1), pp. 232-233 give lively accounts. Hibbert, 24; Long; 
News-Letter, July 6, prints Brigadier Lawrence's commenda- 
tion of Rogers Rangers and adds the following official army 
press release, which surprisingly gives the Rangers their due 
credit, whereas private British Journals credit the Light In- 
fantry and Major Scott: "Published by order— Part of a Journal 
of the Fleet and Army. . . but on a Body of Rangers and High- 
landers getting on their flanks, which they forgot to cover, they 
immediately gave ground, which gave our Soldiers an opportu- 
nity of getting into the Cove and taking Possession of their 
works, . . .we found the Body's of 100 odd French Regulars and 
two Indians which our Rangers Scalped. We took their maga- 
zines of Powder and their Sutlers grand Tent for supplying their 
army entrenched from Louisbourg. . . the soldiers got 2,000 
Loaves, and 7 bags of Bread, 100 Kegs of Wine. . . 100 of Bran- 
dy, also $700 and other things. . ." 

Montressor, June 8, states that the War Chief killed by the 
Rangers "was a stout fellow with large limbs and features." 
One of the most important accounts is related by a Rogers Rang- 
er participant, Sergeant Benjamin Wait (brother of Captain 
Joseph Wait). Sergeant Wait commanded one of Wolfe's land- 
ing boats and when his Rangers instinctively crouched down in 
the boat to screen themselves from the heavy French fire, Wait 
told them "to stand up to their work or take to the water !"-- 
Jones, M.B. , pp. 5-6. 

26. (p. 31) LOUISBOURG PATROL FIGHT, June 10, 1758: 
Montressor, June 10; News-Letter, July 6, 1758. 

27. (p. 32) GALLOWS HILL, June 13, 1758: Best account— 
Montressor, June 13, he states that "We killed and wounded 
40, one of which we brought in. . . " Robertson writes, "... our 
Picket. . .attack' d by a party from the woods, which was re- 
pulsed with the loss of 7 men killed and one taken prisoner. 
On our side we had 2 men killed and one officer wounded. " W. 
Amherst notes, "A little skirmishing upon the hills opposite to 
the center of the Camp, between a picket and some Irregulars 
of ours and 5 pickets of the enemy. They were drove back in- 
to the town." 

A picket consisted of a hundred men. News-Letter, July 6, 
gives the best account relative to the Rangers, ". . .About 500 
French and Indians advancing from the City some small dis- 
tance, to draw our troops within Cannon fire, they were at- 
tacked and fired upon by some of our Rangers, who killed 7, 
and wounded several others, upon which they retreated pre- 
cipately to the City. Four of the Rangers were wounded in the 
Action. . ." 


28. (p. 5) BATTLE OF TICONDEROGA RIVER, June 15, 1758: 
Rogers, pp. 109-110; News-Letter, July 6, 1758; Cleaveland, 
June 20, 21; Abercrombie to Pitt, June 29, 1758; Hervey, p. 
49; Macomb, June 20, to Wilder, gives an example of the ex- 
aggerated accounts; "Yesterday we had an acct of Major Rog- 
ers' party to the number of 50 being all cut off save 5, and 
himself wounded in 2 places." The same story was repeated 
to General Forbes in Philadelphia on June 27, with the addi- 
tion that Rogers was "mortally wounded. " He writes Aber- 
crombie the same date: "... I have just now heard some con- 
fused tale of Rogers having been worsted and mortally wound- 
ed. I shall be very sorry if it proves true, as I take him to be 
too good a man in his way, to be easily spared at present. " 
FRENCH ACCOUNTS: Malartic, June 19; He also pens Wolfe's 
flag visit to Abercrombie' s camp. He erroneously states that 
Wolfe only had 30 men and that he killed one-half of Rogers' 
force besides taking some prisoners. Vaudreuil to Bourla- 
maque, Montreal, June 23, 1758, expresses his pleasure at 
Wolfe's success against the enemy, but adds that none would 
have escaped had the Indians been sober. He will do his best 
to rescue Ensign Downing from the Indians. Fate of the 2 Rang- 
ers taken is unknown. Bougainville states: Wolfe's force num- 
bered 37 (30 French and 6 Indians) . Wolfe was a half-pay of- 
ficer of the Bentheim Regiment. —Bougainville, 213-214; 97. 

29. (p. 8) CAPTURE OF STEVENS AND STONE, June 25, 1758: 
Stevens gives the best account in his Journal: Lieutenant Simon 
Stevens was ordered by Rogers on June 24 to scout down Lake 
George in two whaleboats to Northwest Bay. His force consist- 
ed of Lieutenant Nathan Stone (commanding one whaleboat), 2 
Sergeants and 18 Privates. They embarked at 1 AM and short- 
ly after Stevens landed a Sergeant and 3 Rangers to go to Ticon- 
deroga to attempt to take a prisoner. Rowing along the east 
shore Stevens landed the balance of his party on a small island 
at the First Narrows about daylight. He immediately prepared 
a Sergeant and three Rangers to go to the mainland in a whale- 
boat, to cross the mountains and scout to South Bay. But be- 
fore they embarked the island was surrounded by 4 canoes with 
20 French and Indians in each. Stevens weighed the possibility 
of running his two whaleboats to the mainland only 60 yards 
away; but being outnumbered more than 5 to 1, he wisely sur- 
rendered his party of 18 men to Langy on a promise of good 
quarters. They were bound and taken to Ticonderoga the same 
day. Stevens and Stone were threatened with being turned over 
to the Indians if they did not reveal the strength and situation 
of Abercrombie's army. The two Ranger officers replied that 
they were officers of King George the II. . .and Commandant 
Bourlamacque might act his pleasure but he would receive no 
account from them. Stone was given to the Indians but Stevens 
was taken to Montreal and later Quebec. 

Only four of the eighteen who surrendered were recorded to 

have returned to the British: 

Lieutenant Stevens escaped from Quebec May 1, 1759 
Lieutenant Stone was sold to the French by the Indians and 


exchanged on November 15, 1759. 

Private Isaac Rice - exchanged Nov. 15, 1759. 

Private Littlefield Nash - exchanged Nov. 15, 1759. 
Rogers, 110-111, states 300 captured Steven's men. 
FRENCH ACCOUNTS: A newly discovered Manuscript Journal 
in W.O.34 reveals that Langy was dispatched by Bourlamacque 
from Ticonderoga on June 23, with 60 Indians to reconnoiter 
towards the end of Lake George and attempt to take some pris- 
oners . 

Evidently all of Steven's party of eighteen were still alive on 
July 24, 1758, for Montcalm wrote Abercrombie on that date 
about the capture. 

30. (p. 33) THE BLOCKHOUSE SORTIE, June 26, 1758: Am- 
herst, June 26, 1758. Amherst to Pitt, June 26, '58. 

31. (p. 32) CROFTON'S AMBUSCADE, June 29, 1758: Mon- 
tressor, June 29, 1758, states only «j Indians were attacked by 
Crofton. On March 29, 1759 he states "a body or Indians. ." 
News-Letter, July 2C, 1758 quotes 3 Indians. Amherst to Pitt, 
July 6, 1758; Budd, June 29, 1758. Scene of Crofton' s exploit 
was one of Wolfe's blockhouses eight miles from Louisbourg. 

32. (p. 33) BARACHOIS RIDGE SORTIE, July 1, 1758. Am- 
herst, June 30, July 1, 1758; Knox, July 1st. 

33. (p. 9) MONTCALM'S LANDING, July 6, 1758: Rogers, p. 
112; Goodenough, p. 886; Cobb says 7 French, 2 Rangers K.O 

34. (p. 9) PAIGE-MAXWELL ADVENTURE, July 6, 1758: Max- 
well, gives the principal account; Rogers, p. 113. Ranger 
Morris O'Brian. 

35. (p. 11) BATTLE OF TICONDEROGA FALLS, July 6, 1758: 
Bougainville, 226, 228-229: gives the exact details of Langy's 
force but gives the incredible excuse for Ins defeat by stating 
that he became "lost." Sieur de Langy has been detached with 
130 volunteers to take post between Mount Peleeand the lake. . . 
Trapezac, captain in the Beam Regt. supports him with three 
light companies. . .However the 350 man uetachment which Sieur 
Langy led, abandoned by the few Indians who served it as guides, 
went astray in the mountains and after 12 hours marching came 
into contact with an English column which was proceeding to- 
ward the Bernetz River. About f< ur o'clock in the evening we 
heard a great musketry fire and we perceived an hour later the 
remains of thisunfortunr'e de*acbmen» pi'rsuod by the English. 
A few companies of grenadiers at once crossed the rapids at 
the Falls to lessen the [pressure of] the enemy's pursuit and 
several of our people favored by iheir fire got across by swim- 
ming. We lost out of this detachment Sieur de T>epezac, dead 
the next day from his wounds. . . Enemy suffered considerable 
loss in death of Brigadier General Lord Howe. . . He was march- 

ing toward us when Sieur de Trepezac's detachment ran blind- 
ly into his column. At the first shots he ran up and was killed. 
His death stopped the advance [of Abercrombie] . The disheart- 
ened English gave us 24 hours delay and this precious time was 
the saving of us and of the colony. " 

Rogers, pp. 113-14; O' Conor, pp. 103-107; Lyon, July 7; 
Goodenough, p. 886, was a Ranger participant and adds a few 
new factors. He states that prior to the action: "Rogers men 
. . .had a most desperate fight with some French who were mind- 
ed to stop us but we shortly killed and captured most of them. " 
Langy's Defeat he notes: "We again fell in mth them that af- 
ternoon and were challenged 'Qui vive' but answered that we 
were French, but they were not deceived and fired upon us, 
after which a hot skirmish insued. . . " British losses were 
25 killed. News-Letter, July 13th. Provincial participant 
Benjamin Jewett gives Rogers exemplary credit. Jewett, 62- 
65. The present landmark of the portion of the battlefield where 
Howe was killed is the high land one-quarter mile S. of the 
Catholic Cemetery in the village of Ticonderoga. Ticonderoga 
M. Bui. n, n.8, p. 53. 

Guienne Regiment, Lieutenants Jaubert, Beam Regiment; Le 
Rochelle, Guienne Regiment; Le Chevalier de Resie, Marine; 
Le Chevalier de Barnard, La Reine. 
Three Cadets and 143 Privates.— AB 424. 

36. (p. 13) BATTLE OF TICONDEROGA, July 8, 1758: Rog- 
ers, pp. 114-16; O' Conor, pp. 92-115; News-Letter, July 13; 
W.O.I: Vol. I, f 339, gives Ranger losses. Mante, mapde- 
picts Rogers Rangers as being on the extreme left of British 
line and in front of the French Regiments of Beam and La Reine. 
Ranger Goodenough, p. 886 writes: "I was once carried right 
up to the breastwork, but we were stopped by the bristlingmass 
of sharpened branches... I have. ..been in many battles and 
skirmishes, but I never have witnessed such slaughter and such 
wild fighting. . . " The folly of not first commanding Mt. Defi- 
ance with artillery and Burgoyne's success by doing so in 1777 
are adequately described by Moore, pp. 92-93. Remington did 
an excellent drawing depicting Rogers Rangers in the attack. — 
Remington, 885. Embleton did a fine color plate of the Black 
Watch attacking for the cover of Tradition , no. 19, 1967. 

It was an odd coincidence but Captain Abercrombie was killed 
at the Battle of Bunker Hill while charging Stark's position on 
the hill. 

37. (p. 33) CAP NOIR SORTIE, July 9, 1758: Montressor, July 
15; McLennan; Amherst, July 9th. 

38. (p. 33) REPULSE OF BOISHEBERT, July 15, 1758: Am- 
herst, July 15; McLennan; Long; Boishebert; Webster gives 
best account of Boishebert' s impotent attempt to relieve Louis- 
bourg, mostly thruno fault of his: Charles Deschamps De Bois- 
hebert left his base at St. John's Fort at the mouth of the same 
River on the Bay of Fundy on June 17, 1758 for Shediac where 


he had arranged to receive boats and supplies from Villejouin, 
Commandant on the Island of St. John. On the 26th the force 
arrived at the Gut of Canso. They eluded two British frigates 
at the south end and reached Port Toulouse (St. Peters) on 
the 28th undiscovered. After baking bread there they set out 
for Mire arriving on July 1st. There they were joined by Vil- 
lejouin and 200 badly equipped men, 100 of them without shoes. 
His attempts to harass the enemy resulted in a series of small 
inconsequential raids from his force of not more than 600 men 
(see p. ) There is some doubt whether Boishebert led the 
attack on Northeast Harbour on July 15, for Amherst notes 
that after the French were driven off a deserter came in and 
gave a "very intelligent" report stating that the attackers con- 
sisted of 100 from Boishebert, who was still at Mire with 203 
men which was the balance of his force. Amherst adds: "Ma- 
jor Scott pursued, the Deserter shewing him the road but he 
could not get up with them. They went off in a great hurry. If 
he could have overtaken them after their Ammunition was fired 
and in their retreat and a river to pass to joyn Mosr. Bolis- 
bere, he might have had great advantages by this Deserter. ." 
However, Boishebert and Vaudreuil to the Minister (Arch. 
Rept. , 1905, Vol. II, p. 365): give Boishebert credit for lead- 
ing the attack. Vaudreuil was very belittling when.he wrote 
that Boishebert had only burned a house serving as a British 
guard house, killed a sentinel, took a prisoner near the head 
of the British camp and took some tents — losing himself two 
men and several wounded. 

Boishebert's force had dwindledin half by desertion by the time 
of this attack and continued rapidly after July 15th. His men 
had lost heart. They were fatigued and a number fell ill. His 
Indians abandoned him and the Port Toulouse Acadians left in 
a body. He soon had only 140 effectives left when Louisbourg 
fell on July 26th. Boishebert departed on the 29th, the Bras d' 
Or Lakes being crossed in boats and canoes. Port Toulouse 
was reached thenext day. On August 1, hereembarked in boats 
which had brought them from Miramichi to St. John's Fort. 
Boishebert states that while at Shediac he went to the Petico- 
diac River and had a fight with a large British force, losing 15 
men and the enemy more, then left for Miramichi arriving on 
August 8th. 

39. (p. 34) FIFTY GUINEAS SCOUT, July 15, 1758: Evidently 
Boishebert claimed to have led this detachment for Vaudreuil 
to Massiac, Montreal, Sept. 28, says that: "Sieur de Bois- 
hebert was not at the head of the 50 Acadians, who after being 
in the neighborhood of Louisbourg, were pursued by a detach- 
ment of 200 English. These Acadians had themselves elected 
their chief and equipped themselves at their own expense, as I 
have the honor to report to M. Moras." 

Knap, July 16: "Our Rangers Brought 1 Indian prisoner that 
they took last night." Amherst, July 15. 

40. (p. 40) LA CORNE'S AMBUSCADE, July 28, 1758: Rog- 
ers, p. 117; Abercrombie to Captain Wrightson, July 24, 1758 

— AB 941; Same to Colonel Montressor from Camp at Lake 
George, July 29; AB 484; Same to Colonel Massey, July 30 — 
AB 490; Captain John Wrightson to Abercrombie, Halfway- 
Brook, July 30,— AB489; Captains Burbank and Rutherford 
were sent with 150 Rangers and Regulars on July 30, to bury the 
cattle, etc. , and Burbank was instructed to follow La Corne's 
back trail for a distance to pick up anything they may have 
dropped. Cleaveland, July 31st; Kingsley, IV, p. 178; Rea, 
July 31st records that 150,000 pounds sterling (apparently a 
payroll) was taken by La Come in the affair. But Rea is the 
only one to state this. Colonel Hart was courtmartialed and 
Lieutenant Andrew McMullen and Ensign Archibald Campbell, 
Jr. were the principal witnesses against him. Their Deposi- 
tions are in W.O. 34, Vol. 75, ff 173-176, 181. All of the 
Ranger officers and Sergeants who served in Burbank' s skir- 
mish were sent up to Lake George to testify. They were Lieu- 
tenants McMullen, Morris, Ensigns Campbell, Stone, Ser- 
geants Bolton and Wellesley. — AB 539. Of the 13 Rangers am- 
buscaded by La Come at least 2 survived. Private John Terry 
was captured and exchanged on November 15, 1759. The His- 
torian, Francis Parkman, received a relayed first-hand ac- 
count by Hoytof Private Catlin's escape; Catlin was in the lead 
and immediately before La Corne's attack he spotted a crow 
pecking dung in the road, which ran thru a low swampy place. 
Thinking he would shoot the crow he took to the bushes until he 
approached opposite to the bird for a shot. The crow enticed 
him further away by flying further down the road until it came 
to rising ground and when Catlin reached him he flew away. At 
that moment he heard La Corne's attack below him and thanks 
to his interest in the crow Catlin escaped to the post at Half- 
way-Brook. — Wade, 191. 

41. (p. 16) HACKETT'S MESS-TIME FIGHT, July 31, 1758: 
Wrightson to Abercrombie, Half-Way-Brook, July 31, 4 PM. 
— AB 491. The above was dispatched immediately upon Hack- 
ett's return. Farmer-Moore, relates Ranger William Moore's 
account of his captivity: "William Moore, of Stratham, N. H. , 
was one of Rogers Rangers. He, with ten others, was sent out 
on a scouting party; and while partaking of soldier's fare, at a 
table spread in the wilderness, they were surrounded by a par- 
ty of savages. A desperate fight ensued; 17 of the Indians were 
killed and 8 of the Rangers. [Sergeant Hackett, the only sur- 
vivor to escape from the massacre, made his way to Halfway- 
Brook. ] Moore was taken, but not till he had wrenched the 
tomahawk from the Indian who first seized him and buried it in 
his brains . The other survivor was murdered in cold blood on 
the battlefield; his heart was taken from his body and forced 
warm into the mouth of the prisoner, who had been his com- 
panion and friend. The Indians were of a tribe residing far to 
the west; and returning to their homes, they carried Moore 
with them for torture. At Montreal, the French understanding 
for what fate he was reserved, endeavored to redeem him, but 
in vain. His captors resolved to exercise on him their cruelty 
and revenge the death of the warrior whom he slew. On their 


arrival at their own country great preparations were made for 
his lingering execution. When all was ready, Moore was made 
fast to a tree. He was deliberately cut and stabbed all over 
his body and limbs in more than 200 places and splinters of 
pitch and wood were put into every wound. To these his tor- 
mentors were about to apply the fire when the Mother of the 
Indian he had killed, declared she would take him as her son, 
instead of the one she had lost. Upon this, he was immediate- 
ly unloosed; the splinters were extracted, and some medici- 
nal herbs applied, as soon as they could be gathered, to his 
wounds. Such was the efficacy of their applications, that in 3 
or 4 days he was free from pain, and able to travel as usual, 
though he retained the scars to his death. He was not adopted 
into the family of the squaw, whom he was to call his mother, 
and by whom he was treated as a son. He lived with her about 
6 years and went out with the tribe in their hunting, fishing and 
fighting expeditions. He was too remote from the civilized set- 
tlements to venture an escape; but was too earnest to return 
to his freinds, not to make some attempt to visit them. . .He 
hoped by alarming their fears to obtain permission to leave 
them. His mother, alarmed, said, "You Spit blood— You die!" 
Moore said, yes, he must die, unless he could see an English 
doctor who could easily cure him. The Indians tried all their 
remedies in vain, for the stick would still produce blood and he 
was obliged to apply it so often that he became pale and debili- 
tated. Despairing of his recovery without the aid of a white 
physician, his mother and two Indians set out with him on a 
visit to the whites— Moore assuring them that when the English 
Doctor had cured him and he returned to the tribe again; he 
should make a better hunter and braver warrior than ever. 
They first went to a French physician, to whom Moore made 
known his object and the French directed him to an English 
Doctor, who, he said would better understand the disease. The 
Englishman was attached to the army and on Moore's arrival, 
secured him and sent the Indians away. The old squaw appeared 
to mourn as sincerely and lamented as loudly, as if the child of 
her adoption had been the child of her blood. . . "Vol III, p. 87-8. 

42. (p. 20) MARIN'S DEFEAT, August 8, 1758: Rogers, pp. 
117-120; Thomas Barnsley to Bouquet, Albany, Sept. 7, 1758, 
Bouquet Coll. , A, 13, Vol. I, p. 262— describes the giant In- 
dian. Colonel Montressor at Fort Edward was the first to re- 
ceive word of the battle. At 2:30 p.m. two Rangers arrived 
from Rogers. Montressor sent Rogers 40 of Brewer's Mohegan 
Rangers, 26 Highlanders, 76 Royal Americans, and 260 Pro- 
vincials. Montressor to Abercrombie, Aug. 8, AB 514. Cham- 
pion, July 29-Aug. 8; Spaulding, Aug. 29; Price, Aug. 20; 
Abercrombie to Delancey, Camp at Lake George, Aug. 14— 
W.O. 34, Vol. 30, f 27; DeLancey to Abercrombie, N.Y., 
Aug 7-W.0.34, Vol. 29; Abercrombie to Brigadier Prevost, 
Aug 10-AB 521; Rogers and Dalyell returned to Abercrombie's 
camp escorting a supply train. Abercrombie to DeLancey, 
Aug. 10-AB 522: blames the Connecticuts" . .. Putnam's Men 

were his own choice from among the Connecticut Troops who 
scatter'd so much that they cou'd not be collected in due Time 
so as to pursue the Enemy. . . " Abercrombie to Stanwix, Aug. 
12— AB 531; DeLancey to Abercrombie, N.Y. , Aug. 20— AB 
550; Also condemns the Connecticuts. Commends the others 
and states Marin's Defeat should let the enemy know they can 
be handled in the woods. News-Letter, first notice by Colonel 
Goffe in Aug. 24th copy; second notice Aug. 31, states "The 
Regular officers gave Rogers a very good character and say he 
behaved extremely well..." Third notice Sept. 7: "...Two 
Deserters came in the night before last [Aug. 25th], who in- 
forms, that the Indians immediately after Rogers' late Battle 
went all home, except 30 which got so drunk that they could 
not travel." Fourth notice Sept. 7, gives a harrowing account 
of Lieutenant Worsterof the Connecticuts: "... He being in the 
front with Major Putnam. . . the enemy fired upon him and 8 bul- 
lets lodged in him, 3 of which are taken out; he had also 3 
wounds by a Tomahawk, 2 of which were on his head and the 
other in his Elbow. His head was flayed almost, the hair part 
off. He was sensible all the while the Enemy were scalping 
him and finding himself wounded in so many places that he 
could not run and the Enemy close upon him, he fell on his face 
and feign'd himself Dead. . .however, they gave him 2 blows 
on his head but not so hard as to deprive him of his senses and 
then Scalp' d him, during all which time he made not the least 
resistance. . . He is yet alive and likely to recover. . . " Aber- 
crombie to Pitt, Official Report, Aug. 19, 1758, in Corr. of 
Pitt, I, pp. 318-322. W. Parkman, states battle lasted 2 hours 
and 10 minutes. Maxwell, a Ranger present gives his version. 
Boston Weekly-Advertiser, Letter from Lake George, signed 
by Captains Maynard and Giddings— participants in the battle. 
Livingston, pp. 86-92. Cleaveland, Aug. 9-16; Rea, July 30- 
Aug. 12. 

SITE OF MARIN'S DEFEAT: On Clear River, the west branch 
of Wood Creek, about a mile northwest from the ruins of Fort 
Anne.— Lyon, p. 28, n. 

ROGERS RANGERS-80 (including Rogers, Lt. Tute, etc.) 
(including Capt. Dalyell, Lt. Eyers— 4th, Ensign William Ir- 
win, 80th, Volunteer Lieutenant Thomas Barnsley.) 
nam, Lieutenants Durkee, Tracy, Worster— also called Peter 
Wooster, etc.) 


MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIALS— 50 (Captains Giddings and 
Maynard. ) 

Partial list of Connecticut losses: Privates Lemanuel Dean, 
Caleb Atwater and Joseph Bewel, Jr. , wounded. Rufus Chap- 
man captured— later exchanged. War, Vol. 8, pp. 171,178,181, 
234; Vol. 9, p. 143. There are no lists of Rogers Rangers 


FRENCH ACCOUNTS: Bougainville's (Journal, 258,260,261- 
262): account is enlightening but as usual, excuses a French 
defeat: Marin left Ticonderoga on August 4, for the South Bay- 
Wood Creek area with 219 Indians and 225 Canadians. They 
were issued food and equipment but several Indians sold theirs 
and returned asking for more, as there was no record of the 
stores issued. Because of the ebbingand flowingof his Indians, 
Marin's exact strength at the moment of the battle is not exact- 
ly known. A few of his Indians returned to Ticonderoga, ."say- 
ing they were indisposed. " However, a detachment of Sault Ft. 
Louis Indians also joined Marin, so his force probably num- 
bered around 500 men. Bougainville writes: "the game was 
not even. . ." After the battle Marin withdrew in good order 
leaving 13 dead, 5 of them Indians and carried off their 10 
wounded. They took Major Putnam and 4 prisoners. Marin 
claimed that the bulk of his Canadians were "of the bad sort..." 
He claimed the militia commander gave him these because of 
professional jealousy. Marin arrived back at Ticonderoga on 
August 10th. Pouchot, I, 123, erroneously states Rogers' 
losses at 100 men, "while the French had 4 Indians killed, 4 
wounded; 6 Canadians killed and 6 wounded, among whom was 
an officer and a cadet." Montcalm, p. 432; Doreil to Marshall 
de Bellex Isle, In Docs. X, p. 818,851; Malartic, Aug; Levis 
p. 145; Malartic states that Marin heard 3 shots which led his 
scouts to Rogers' force. Doreil, pens". .. Marin. . .perceiv- 
ing that. . .the Indians, who feared that they would not be able 
to carry off some wounded, demanding to retire, he was ob- 
liged to think of retreating, which he did in good order and 
without being pursued, after having, for an hour, longer kept up 
a fire with such picked men as he had, who performed prodigies 
of valor. The Indians, in general, have also behaved well; but 
of 100 Canadians, more than 60 deserted Marin, no one knows 
wherefore at the very moment when the English were wavering. 
This somewhat astonished the Indians and prevented that brave 
officer deriving all the advantage he could from the circum- 
stance. . ." 

Marin's force consisted of 50 Troops de la Marine, 100 
Canadian Militia and 300 to 350 Coureurs des Bois and Indians. 

43. (p. 34) SPANISH BAY EXPEDITION, Aug. 7-20, 1758: Am- 
herst, Aug. 6,7,20; Montressor, Aug. 7th. Spanish Bay, now 
called Sydney Harbour. Principal purpose of expedition, be- 
sides receiving capitulation, was to bring prefabricated frames 
there for the barracks at Louisbourg. Dalling returned with 
450 pieces of squre timber, 1600 plank, 120,000 shingles. 
He had to leave behind 800 pieces of square timber, 1500 pi- 
quets & 1200 loads of wood. 

44. (p. 34) ISLE ST. JEAN EXPEDITION, Aug. 8, 1758: Am- 
herst, Aug. 7-8. Now called Prince Edward Island. 

45. (p. 22) THE COLLISION FIGHT, Aug. 21, 1758: Rangers' 
Letters, Rogers' Island, Fort Edward, Aug. 23, 1758. 

45-a. (p. 26) FORT FRONTENAC, Aug. 27, 1758: Stanwix to 
Abercrombie, Aug. 15, 1758. "Return of Troops detached from 
the Oneida Station [for Bradstreet's Expedition] . AB 541. List 
of French Prisoners taken.— AB 565. Terms of Surrender— 
AB 566. Johnson Papers, II 889-90. Williams, Bull, Bass, 
Door, Aug. 14-30; Hamilton (1), Phineas Atherton from E.A. 
Jones, Loyalists of Mass., 10-11. AB923— 1 & 2. 

46. (p. 34) FORT ST. JOHN EXPEDITION, Aug. 30-Nov. 11, 
1758: A return of McCurdy's, Stark's and Brewer's at Ft. St. 
John on Sept. 24, totals 314 officers and men. 250 were sick 
but present, 7 were sick in Hospital and 2 had died, apparent- 
ly of smallpox. —AB 949; W.O. 34, Vol. 43. Monckton; Scott; 
Monckton to Abercrombie, Oct. 15— AB 764; Amherst, Aug. 
24-26,30; Northcliff 13. 

47. (P- 23) HOLMES* CANOE AMBUSCADE, Sept. 5, 1758: 
Rangers' Letters, Sept. 11: says "a beautiful gun & sundries" 
was taken from the canoe. A French version is revealed in 
Bougainville's Journal Sept. 5:... "A few Indians who were 
hunting along the sides of the Pendu River [ed. note: probably 
East Creek across the lake in Vt. ] have been attacked by an 
enemy party; one Indian was slightly wounded, the others ran 
away to Carrillon. M. de St. Luc followed the enemy's tracks 
with almost all the Indians in camp and returned two hours later 
to tell us that they [the tracks] seemed to be those of some 
30 men [actually Holmes had only seven Rangers] several of 
them in French shoes [this must have confounded the French!] 
the rest Indians. Thirty of our men will leave tomorrow morn- 
ing to run after this party which they expect to meet the day 
after, and not on their guard, provided that they then do not ex- 
pect to be pursued. " Bougainville, 273. 

48. (p. 22) ROGERS' PATROL TRAP SCOUT, Sept. 9, 1758: 
Rea, Sept. 9,11,14,18. 

49. (p. 23) FORT EDWARD ROAD AMBUSCADE, Sept. 9, 1758: 
Rea, Sept. 9; Rangers' Letters, Sept. 11: says Sept. 6. Cham- 
pion, Sept. 9th. Bougainville's account RE: pursuit of Holmes 
after his 'Canoe Ambuscade' (see above) may will be the 
French force that engaged in this ambuscade.— Bougainville, 

50. (p. 24) MORRIS' CROWN POINT AMBUSCADE, Sept. 25, 
1758: Rangers' Letters, from Albany, Nov. 12th. 

51. (p. 24) TUTE'S HUNTING EXPLOIT, Nov. , 1758: Rang- 
ers' Letters, Nov. 12th. 

52. (p. 34) CAPTURE OF MCCORMICK, Nov. 15, 1758: Monck- 
ton, Nov. 16; Monckton to Governor Pownall, Nov. 20, 1758— 
Northcliffe, Vol. 13; Knox, Jan. 20, 1759: McCormick was 
removed from Miramichi to Restigouche. Pierre Du Calvet, 


the keeper of the stores seems to have treated him kindly al- 
though the several letters he wrote were apparently done under 
pressure, or at least without his knowledge of how the French 
capitalized on them. 

53. (p. 37) FEBRUARY FIRST AMBUSCADE, Feb. 1, 1759: 
News-Letter, Feb. 15, states fight occurred near the Royal 
Blockhouse at Fort Edward. Amherst to Pitt, Feb. 28, Corr. 
of Pitt, II, 43-4; Gage to Amherst, Albany, Feb. 5— W.O. 34, 
Vol. 46A, f 7, gives Haldimand's report. The Indians were in 
two parties of about 30 each. The second party waylaid some 
Regulars in search of wood, killing one and capturing a Cor- 
poral. "That having but 16 Rangers, the rest being employed 
in escorting sleys, Haldimand sent them to watch the enemy 
till 190 Regulars were sent in pursuit." which they did so 
closely that the Indians dropped their blankets and other ob- 
jects the better to escape. 

54. (p. 71) HAZEN'S ST. ANNE'S RAID, Feb. 18-March 5, 
1759: Amherst to Gage, Apr. 2, 1759— W.O. 34, Vol. 46A, 
f 154; Lt. John Butler to Capt. Danks, Ft. Frederic, Mar. 6, 
in Knox, I, Apr. 5, 1759; Amherst to Pitt, Apr. 16— Pitt Corr. 

55. (p. 37) THE THREE BATTLES, March 7, 1759: Rogers, 
pp. 127-134: After crossing the drowned lands Rogers dis- 
covered Indian tracks totalling 50 headed for South Bay. Tute 
informed Haldimand and signal guns were fired which supposed- 
ly were heard by the Indians near Ft. Miller, 8 miles below 
Ft. Edward and scared them off. Haldimand wrote Rogers 
when sending him the relief sleds: "I congratulate you hearti- 
ly on your good success. . . " 

Amherst to Gage, N. Y. , Mar. 12, 1759— W.O. 34, Vol. 
46A, f 145; Same to Same, Mar. 19,— W.O. 34, 46A f 149; 
Same to Same, Mar. 26— Ibid, 46A, f 150; Same to Same, Apr. 
2— Ibid, 46A f 154; Gage to Amherst, Albany, Feb. 25, 1759— 
W.O. 34, Vol. 46, f 13; Same to Same, Mar. 5-Ibid, 46A, f 
15: relates dispute between Rogers and Williams. Alst states 
that the Mohawks were greatly diminished in numbers from the 
time they left Johnson to their departure from Fort Edward 
with Rogers. Same to Same, Mar. 13— Ibid, 46A, f 19; Same 
to Same, Mar. 17— Ibid, 46A, f 20; Same to Same, Mar. 19— 
Ibid, 46A, f 21: Encloses Rogers' official Journal, examina- 
tion of the prisoners and Lieutenant Brehm's "Draught and Pa- 
per Reference. " Gage to Haldimand, Feb. 23, 1759, f 19, ap- 
proval; and Mar. 12, f 23, congratulations. 
Rogers' original Journal of the expedition is in the Gage Pa- 
pers, Clement's Library— in his own handwriting. He gives a 
breakdown of the officers and Corps in his force: 
ROGERS RANGERS— Major Rogers; Lieutenants Tute, Robert 
Holmes, Archibald Stark, David Brewer; 7 Sergeants and 79 
Privates . 

1ST REGT. "Royals"— Lieutenants West and Cootz; 4 Ser- 
geants, 1 Corporal and 40 Privates. 

60TH "Royal Americans"— Capt. Williams; Lieutenant McKay; 
Ensigns Brown and Monins; 4 Sergeants; 4 Corporals; 110 
Volunteer privates . Lieutenant Turnbull; 3 Sergeants; 2 Cor- 
porals; 41 Privates and Lt. Brehm, Engineer of Colonel Pre- 
vost's Battalion. 

MOHAWKS— Captain John Lottridge and 50 warriors. 
Rogers' losses were 2 Rangers killed, 1 Mohawk and the only 
Regular in the battles, badly wounded. The sleds and reen- 
forcements were under Captain McBean. Rogers records: 
"Both officers and men behaved with great bravery in particu- 
lar Captain Lottridge and Lieutenant Holmes. . .who excelled in 
their courage. . . " 

Provincial Newspaper accounts: Boston Gazette and Country 
Journal, Mon. , Mar. 26, no. 208; News-Letter, Mar. 29: says 
Rogers took 5 prisoners and 6 scalps. Amherst to Pitt, Mar. 
29, Pitt Corr. , II, 79: writes that Rogers took 7 prisoners 
and 4 scalps in the first battle, but was obliged to kill 2 of the 
prisoners who could not keep up with his Rangers. Lt. Thomas 
Barnsley to Bouquet, Mar. 12,— Bouquet Coll., 14. FRENCH 
ACCOUNTS: Hebecourt to Bourlamacque, from Carillon, Mar. 
10,— Lettres Variarum, IV, 309-12, Vaudreuil to Berryer, 
Montreal, Mar. 28— Docs., X, 946. Although Rogers states 
he killed 30 of the enemy, the French admit no losses in the 
second and third battles. They claim that only 4 Marine pri- 
vates and 2 of de Berry, and Cadets Charpentier and Louvisons 
were captured in the first battle. Three Privates of Berry and 
one Abenaqui Indians killed. Two Abenaqui wounded and a Ca- 
nadian Interpreter, a Private of Berry and two Abenaqui scalped. 
Although the Berry Private was scalped, received two toma- 
hawk blows in the skull and had his thigh broken and part of his 
arm chopped off, he recovered without any fever. One Ranger, 
Cris Proudfoot, of the two left for dead by Rogers, was cap- 
tured, recovered and later escaped. The French never admit- 
ted more than 7 killed, 3 wounded and 8 taken prisoners. In 
all, 18. 

56. (p. 72) LAKE LABRADOR RAID, March 13, 1759: News- 
Letter, Apr. 19, 1759. 

57. (p. 42) HURLBURT'S HUDSON RrVER FIGHT, May 1, 1759: 
Deposition of Daniel Hurlburt and Robert Hewitt, May 2, 1759 
— Northcliffe, XXVII, Que, 10, p. 206; Knox, May 3, 1759. 

58. (p. 43) THE PIGEON-HUNT AMBUSCADE, May 7, 1759: 
This is the first recorded mention of an action of Wendell's 
Company— Amherst, May 9: "...I had an account from Fort 
Stanwix of a scouting party of Lt. Stevens and 16 Rangers who 
were discovered by the enemy's Indians as they had been shoot- 
ing Pidgeons & were surprised; Tiebout, a Volunteer and 4 men 
killed, 1 man taken prisoner & Sergt. Kenedy wounded. . ." Tie- 
bout, or Tribout, was not killed for he was promoted to a Lieu- 
tenant in Wendell's and passing thru Albany with recruits by 
May 22, 1759— Amherst to Eyre, Albany, May 22, 1759— W.O. 
34, Vol. 54, f 129. 


59. (p. 43) BURBANK'S DEFEAT, May 11, 1759: Rogers, 137: 
writes "I returned to Ft. Edward the 15th of May, where I re- 
ceived the melancholy news that Capt. Burbank with a party of 
30 men, had in my absence been out on a scout and were all cut 
off. This gave me great uneasiness, as Mr. Burbank was a 
gentleman I very highly esteemed, and one of the best officers 
among the Rangers, and more especially as I judged the scout 
he was sent out upon by the commanding officer at the fort was 
needless and unadvisedly undertaken." News-Letter, May 24, 
31st. Capt. James Abercrombie to Loudoun, Ft. Edward, June 
20, 1759— LO 6115: condones Burbank. Amherst to Governor 
DeLancey, Camp of Lake George, June 23, 1759— W. O. 34, 30 
f 52; Amherst to Pitt, May 19— in Knox; Amherst to Eyre. Al- 
bany, May 19— W.O. 34, 54, f 127: reveals that Rogers offered 
a plan for retaliation by waylaying convoys above Ticonderoga: 
"Major Rogers' proposal of laying in Ambuscade for the Enemy 
is exactly what might have been executed with great success, 
when Captain Williams was with him I approved of it entirely 
and that he should have the command of the party. If Langy 
and his people is gone to Montreal it will facilitate this scheme 
of Rogers, which should not be put in execution if there is ap- 
pearance that the garrisson has been reenforced, which I imag- 
ine is not yet done and the former garrisson will not at this 
time venture out many people. . . " 

Eyre to Amherst, Ft. Edward, May 17— W.O. 34; Amherst to 
Eyre, May 24— W.O. 34, 54, f 130; Eyre wrote Amherst anoth- 
er letter on May 20, with a return of the buried members of 
Burbank's party, but it cannot be found in the Amherst Papers, 
W.O. 34. Amherst to Eyre, May 22-W.O. 34,54, fl29; De- 
Lancey to Amherst, N.Y. , May28-W.O. 34,39, f 73: offers 
his partially accurate opinion". . .The party of Rangers miss- 
ing have most probably been taken as you observe; for I have 
remarked from several of their own accounts that they never 
were properly upon their guard until they approached near Ti- 
conderoga— and this ill-imagined security will always expose 
them to a surprise. . . " N. Y. Mercury, June 11; Reverend Wil- 
liam Patrick's Historical Sermon, Oct. 27, 1833, in History of 
Canterbury, N. H. , I, p. 41, describes the harrowing melee of 
the Shepherd brothers in the ambuscade. Provincials on their 
march to Lake George received disconcerting accounts of Bur- 
bank-Henshaw, May 21, 1759. A droll incident occurred when 
one of the captives, Christian Shamburn, was employed by the 
Indians as a means of barter when they realized that French 
power was waning in 1760. A Conondago Indian in an effort to 
restore friendly relations with the English brought in Ranger 
Shamburn and set him free, taking care, though, to hide him 
in the bottom of his canoe when they passed other French In- 
dians. — Haldimand to Johnson, May 19, 1760. — Johnson Man- 
uscripts, III, p. 241. Anonymous (Ranger officer diary) com- 
ments, May 13, 1759 entry. 

Burbank' s widow finally despaired of his return and printed the 
following notice in the N.H. Gazette, on Jan. 11, 1760: "All 
Persons that have any just Demands on the Estate of Captain 

Jonathan Burbank, late of New Hopkinton (so called) In N. H. , 
deceased, are desired to bring in their accounts to Ruth Bur- 
bank of New Hopkinton aforesaid Administratrix of said Estate: 
And all who are indebted to said Estate are desired to make 
speedy Payment, or to renew their Bonds, to prevent further 
trouble — New Hopkinton, December 27, 1759." 
Farmer-Moore, I, 286: describes Burbank's death. 
LIST OF RANGERS CAPTURED: (exchanged Nov. 15, 1759)* 
-William Farris -Joseph David 

-Oliver Gauph -Samuel Robertson 

-William Walker -Samuel Shepherd 

-Isaac Butterfield -Samuel Hall 

-Timothy Bowing -John Adams 

-Abner Chase -Joseph Brady 

-John Farrington -Jonathan Clay 

-John Gray -Isaac Walker 

-Nicholas Brown -George Shepherd 

-John Butler -John Dewey 

-Ebenezer Tincomb -Jacob Hooper 

-Isaac McKay -Christian Shamburn, given up 

-Isaac Burton by Indian May 19, 1760 

-Samuel Moore *W.0.34, Vol. 8, ffl8-19 

DANIEL NAVAL COUP, May 22, 1759: Prisoner Witherspoon 
on May 2, 1759: notes that there was "mist" which must have 
aided their escape from Quebec. He adds that the French "... 
sent a command of men after them with speed both by sea and 
land, but hitherto to no purpose for they could not be found 
which keeps a stir in this place. — p. 41. For the Port Daniel 
Coup see: Stephens, May 22; Stobo, p. 37-S; News-Letter 
June 29. Besides Stephens, see also Alberts for escape, etc. 

61. (p. 74) LOUISBOURG WOODS, June 1, 1759: Knox, I p. 
354. Rogers Rangers alone served in this action, for Gore- 
ham's Company were on board one of Admiral Durell's Ships 
gone to the mouth of St. Lawrence and Dank's Company had not 
arrived yet. 

62. (p. 78) BEAUMONT, June 30, 1759: Three days after the 
landing on Isle Orleans Brigadier Monckton was sent with his 
Brigade and a detachment of Rogers Rangers and Goreham's 
to establish a fortified camp on the heights of Point Levi, op- 
posite Quebec. The Rangers and Light Infantry crossed over 
on the night of June 29, and took possession of the Church of 
Beaumont, the tide was out by this time and Monckton' s Regu- 
lars lay on their arms on the Isle of Orleans. In the early 
morning the Rangers were attacked at Beaumont by a force of 
Colony troops and after a contested action were driven off. The 
Ranger and Light Infantry loss was 2 wounded, while the enemy 
lost 7 killed, who were scalped by the Rangers and 5 were tak- 
en prisoners. — Knox, I, p. 396. 


63 . (p. 78) ST. JOSEPH, June 30, 1759: Action occurred when 
Monckton moved up from Beaumont to Point Levis and he strove 
to take possession of the fortified church of St. Joseph south 
of the point. The church exchanged hands several times until 
Monckton settled the issue by attacking simultaneously with 
Rangers, Highlanders and Grenadiers on three sides. After a 
stout resistance, the French were almost surrounded when they 
gave way and retreated. The British and Rangers lost 30 killed 
and wounded. Enemy loss unknown. — Knox, I, pp. 380-81. 

64. (p. 78) POINT LEVIS WOODS, July 1, 1759: A Company 
of Rogers Rangers and Goreham's Rangers were the ambus- 
caders. — Knox, I, p. 381. 

65. (p. 45) JACOB'S DEFEAT, July 5, 1759: Amherst, July 
4, 8, 9, 11, 12th; W. Amherst, July 8 t 9, 17-18: On the 18th, 
by a flag of truce it was learned that Jacob and some of his par- 
ty were taken to Montreal. News-Letter, Aug. 2: adds that 
Jacobs, at his request had been sent out to avenge the massacre 
of the N.J. troops on July 2nd. True, July 12th. Lemuel Wood, 
July 9, 11: States a Volunteer Provincial Joseph Fisk (of Box- 
ford) was killed or taken in the action. Also, the reluctance of 
Stockbridge survivors to return to camp: "July 11, this Day 
another man of Capt. Jacob's Company came in almost starved 
..." Anonymous (Ranger officer Diary) comments. 

66. (p. 79) L'ANGE GARDIEN, July 8, 1759: Knox, I, 195. 

67. (p. 79) LANGLADE'S AMBUSCADE, July 8, 1759: Knox, 
I, pp. 196-7; Wolfe, July 9th. 

68. (p. 46) ROGERS-CAMPBELL MANEUVER, July 12, 1759: 
Webster, July 12; Hardy, July 12; Amherst, July 12; Wood, 
July 12th states Rogers returned shortly after sunset and that 
he lost a Sergeant and a Regular killed and a Stockbridge wound- 
ed. Hardy, writes that Rogers burnt the small wooden breast- 
work that the French had so impudently erected on the island. 
French losses are unknown but one of their batteaus was shot 
in two by Rogers' musketry. Anonymous (Ranger officer Diary) 
July 12, 1759, entry. 

69. (p. 79) HAZEN'S POST, July 15, 1759: Lane, July 15, a 
Ranger participant, gives the best account. Wolfe, July 14th. 

70. (p. 47) TICONDEROGA BRIDGE, July 22, 1759: Rogers, 
p. 139; Webster, July 22; Amherst, July 22; Hawks, July 
22, states the 2 prisoners were from the Berry Regiment— the 
four killed were scalped by the Rangers. Rogers' continuous 
fire-power seems to have disconcerted the French for they de- 
serted Bournie after the first volley. Amherst "expressed 
great satisfaction. . . " at Rogers' possession of such a strong 
position. Amherst, states the Rangers lost 1 killed and 1 
wounded. W. Amherst, July 22, writes: an officer of the Mi- 

litia and 2 privates were taken by Rogers. J. Robertson to 
Loudoun. Carillon— LO 6126. 

71. (p. 80) AMBUSCADE OF BUTLER, July 22, 1759: Ranger 
Lane, July 22, was a participant. 

July 23, 1759: Rogers, p. 140. 

24, 1759: Lane, July 24: 50 Rangers in Hazen's scout. 

74. (p. 47) BREWER'S INDIAN SALLY FIGHT, July 24, 1759: 
W. Amherst, July 24th. 

75. (p. 80) MONTMORENCI FORD, July 25, 1759: Wolfe, July 

76. (p. 80) PATTEN'S CAPTURE, July 25, 1759: Lane, July 

77. (p. 48) ROGERS' BOOM-CUTTING FROLIC, July 26, 1759: 
Rogers, pp. 141-42; News-Letter, Aug. 16; Amherst, July 
26; Merriman, July 26; Hawks, Amherst's General Orders 
to Rogers to cut the boom, "as well as to amuse them on that 
side." See name index volume III for an exploit by Morrisson 
on the same night. 

26, 1759: Lane, July 26th. 

1, 1759: Amherst, Aug. 1; News-Letter, Aug. 16; Merriman 
Aug. 2nd. 

80. (p. 80) HAZEN'S 'BOON-QUARTER' SCOUT, Aug. 2-4, 
1759: Two of Rogers Rangers give the best accounts: Lane, 
Aug. 2-4: "Capt. Hazzen imbark'd on board 2 flat bottomed 
boats with about 90 men in order to go about 15 miles down the 
River. . ."—4th— We landed on the N. side of the River. We 
took 1 prisoner, the Enemy presently attack' d us, Killed 1 Lieut, 
1 Private & Wounded another. We soon drove them and re- 
turned to camp the same day." Ranger Perry, elaborates giv- 
ing more interesting details: ". . . We landed in the morning and 
secreted ourselves in small parties in the woods beside the 
road. I was with the Lieutenant's party. We had a man by the 
name of Frazierin our party, who enlisted under Captain Peck, 
in Boston and he was a pretty unruly fellow. There came along 
three armed Frenchmen near where we lay concealed and Fraz- 
ier saw them and hallooed to them 'boon quarter' whereupon 
one of them levelled his piece and shot him thru the head and 
killed him instantly. The Captain hearing the report, came 
and inquired how it happened. We told him we could not keep 


Frazier still; 'well, ' said he, 'his blood be upon his own head. ' 
We now expected to have some fighting. We left our blankets 
upon the dead man and took the road the Frenchmen came in 
and after marching about half a mile we came into an open field 
with a large number of cattle in it; and on the opposite side of 
the field, just in the edge of the woods, were great many little 
huts, full of women and little children, with their hasty-pudding 
for breakfast of whom I partook with them; but their little chil- 
dren scampered into the brush and could not be got sight of 
again, any more than so many young partridge. We did not, 
however, wish to hurt them. There were 3 barns in the lot 
filled with household goods; we took as many as we could of 
these and drove the cattle back the way we came to where the 
dead man and blankets were left, which we took up and were 
proceeding with our booty to the river when the enemy fired 
on us and killed Lt. Meech of Danks' company and wounded one 
other. In the meantime, the cattle we had taken all ran back; 
but we drove off the enemy and got our goods, etc. , aboard the 
boats and returned to camp. " 

81. (p. 81) POINTE-AUX-TREMBLES, Aug. 8, 1759: Knox, 
V, 45; Wolfe to Monckton, Aug. 4— Northcliffe Coll. , p. 149. 

1759: Rogers, 144; Amherst, Aug. 8, 11, 19, Sept. 10-12; 
Stockbridge Rangers captured were: Captain Jacob Naunau- 
phataunk— released in 1760; Privates John Jacobs, and Abra- 
ham, also released. Others unknown. 

83. (p. 81) DALLING'S SCOUT, Aug. 9, 1759: Journal of the 
particular transactions, Aug. 13th. 

84. (p. 81) GOREHAM'S ST. PAUL RAID, Aug. 10-18, 1759: 
Goreham's official report to Wolfe, Camp at Pt. Levis, Aug. 
18— Northcliffe Coll. pp. 140-141; Out of Goreham's force of 
281 men, 1 was killed and 8 wounded. St. Anne's on the south 
shore was fired on the 15th and a large store of grain was de- 
stroyed. Goreham returned with his boats loaded with cattle. 

85. (p. 81) MONTGOMERY'S MASSACRE, Aug. 23, 1759: 
Lane, Aug. 22-24; Ranger Perry describes Hazen's ruse: 
Montgomery's force landed at St. Joachim, "As soon as it was 
light Capt. Hazen told his men to stroll back a few at a time, 
undiscovered into the woods. As soon as we had done this the 
regulars marched by fife and drum in a body round a point of 
the woods, in order to draw the enemy there and we kept still 
until they got between us and the regulars, when we rose and 
fired on them and put them to flight immediately. Our orders 
from Captain Montgomery were to 'kill all and give no quarter' 
..." Fraser, Aug. 23: gives detailed account of massacre 
and condemns Montgomery. Knox, Vol. II, p. 32; Parkman, 
II, 261-2. 


86. (p. 52) TUTE'S OTTER RIVER AMBUSCADE, Aug. 23, 
1759: Mercury, Sept. 3, 1759, No. 368, gives best account. 
Amherst, Aug. 23, entry is critical. 

87. (p. 53) FLETCHER'S FIGHT & CAPTURE, Aug. 27, 1759: 
Fletcher's official report to Amherst, Montreal, Sept. 4, 1759 
— W.O.34, Vol. 78, f 10; Gazette-Journal, Sept. 17, No. 233; 
James Grant to Amherst, Montreal, Oct. 28, 1759— W.O.34, 
Vol. 78, f 105. Of the 5 Rangers taken and redeemed by the 
French from the Indians, only Lieutenant John Fletcher and 
Sergeant James Hackett were exchanged on November 15, 1759. 
The other 3 escaped prior to that time. — W. O. 34, Vol. 8, ff 
18-19; Tute to Amherst, Montreal, An Account of Money Dis- 
bursed to the Rangers then Prisoners at Montreal— W. O. 34, 
Vol. 51, f85. Amherst, records an interesting account of the 
affair on various dates as he received bits of information from 
other Ranger scouts and Fletcher's survivors who escaped; 
Aug. 31—". . . Four Rangers who had been with Sergt. Hopkins 
came back with an account that the Lt . was going to be attacked 
& must have lost several men." 

Sept. 4—". . .A man of Ruggle's came in who was left with Lt. 
Fletcher's whale boat. He says some Indians came on him and 
another man who was left with the boat; took the other and he 
made his escape. At night an Indian came in from Lt. Fletch- 
er's Party, said the Lieut was attacked by a great number and 
that he escaped; thinks the Lt and others taken. The French 
Prisoners declare one man was taken at the boat & brought on 
the Island; the other who was left with the boat is come here 
last night and two men from the Lieut when he was surrounded, 
so that he can have but five men left with him. " 
Sept. 10—". . .By the Flag of Truce I had a Letter from Lt. 
Fletcher. . . I believe they behaved well. " 

News-Letter, Sept. 20, gives account and on Oct. 26: states 
that Lieutenant Lee of Whiting's Provincial Regiment was killed 
with 2 Rangers in the fight. 

88. (p. 56) TUTE'S LA GALLETE MISSION, Aug. 26-Sept. 22, 
1759: Moreau St. Thery Coll. , Vol 13, f 308— Translation of 
orders and instructions of Amherst to Captain Tute; Bourla- 
maque Coll. , Vol 5, ff 85-8— Copy of Tute's report to Gage re- 
lating his difficulties. Amherst's orders to Tute, Crown Pt, 
Aug. 26— W.O.34, Vol 80, f 151, states: "... as you have two 
men with you who have resided there for some time you may 
by their help reconnoitre it thoroughly without risk. . .Inform 
no one of these instructions." Amherst's orders to the Serjt 
and 5 Rangers who were to meet Tute with provisions, Crown 
Pt, Sept. 22— W.O.34, Vol 81, f 34. Gage to Amherst, Oswego, 
Oct. 2— W.O. 34 Vol 46A, f 51; James Grant to Amherst, Mon- 
treal, Oct. 28 W.O.34, Vol 78, f 105; Amherst, Aug. 26, states 
that a "Mr. Swetenham", evidently a guide, went with Tute; 
Sept. 18, he received letter of distress from Tute, who also 
mentions that the weather had been extremely bad. Only 2 
Rangers captured with Tute were exchanged with him on Nov. 


15, 1759. They were: Sergeant McKane and Private Timothy 
Hopkinson. The fate of the other three is unknown— W. 0. 34, 
Vol 8, f 6-7. During his seven weeks captivity at Montreal 
Tute maintained an active loan business with fellow Rangers. 
He loaned 15 Rangers a total of 1, 060 pounds to assist them in 
buying necessities— W.O. 34, Vol 51, f 85. 

89. (p. 56) THE ST. FRANCIS RAID, Sept. 13-Oct. 4-Nov. 
1759: While the account in this work is comprehensive we must 
recommend our exhaustive account in the separate limited edi- 
tion volume entitled: "ABENAKI APHRODITE-Rogers' St. 
Francis Raid— Fact, Legend and Lost Treasure." Subscription 
available from Burt Loescher, 464 Fathom Drive, San Mateo, 
Calif., 94404. 

RANGER ACCOUNTS: Rogers, 144-160, gives his official ac- 
count to Amherst relating from his arrival at St. Francis. How- 
ever, he fills in the gaps in the text of his Journals . Rogers' 
original document dated Nov. 1, is not among the Amherst Pa- 
pers. The sufferings of the Rangers in their retreat is related 
by Lieutenant George Campbell to Captain Thomas Mante who 
recorded it in his History ; Also, Sergeant Evans who gave two 
different versions to the historians, C. Stark and Potter, pp 
161-62 and p 335 respectively. The owl eating episode is re- 
lated by an anonymous Ranger to Hoyt, p 306, ftn. A Ranger 
of Sergeant Phillips' party tells of their hunger to Hoyt p 335. 
Stark, p 449, writes: "One Ranger, instead of more important 
plunder, placed in his knapsack a large lump of tallow which 
supported him on his way home, while many, who had secured 
more valuable plunder, perished with hunger. " 
Loescher' s "Abenaki Aphrodite," reveals an Anonymous Rog- 
ers Ranger Diary with much new and valuable data on the Raid, 
the 'Aphrodite, ' the routes of Rogers' divided parties, and the 
fate of Marie-Jeanne. Verbatim documentary accounts. Com- 
plete calendar of newly discovered English and French accounts . 
The lost and buried treasure of Saint Francois. Several St. 
Francis Abenaki accounts, and considerable more. The most 
complete and definitive study of the Raid. 

LEGEND OF THE SILVER MADONNA: "L'histoire a verite; 
la legende a la sienne" from Drake, Chapter VI, pp 263-66. 
Probably one of the Indians escaped from the mission before 
it burned to the ground and was able to give an account of the 
poignant drama that was enacted in the chapel. After a curse 
was laid upon them from a voice from the dead, the Legend re- 
lates that a singular phenomenon occurred— as Bradley's party 
were leaving the chapel they had fired they heard the bell toll- 
ing ominously from the belfry, although there was no living 
person in the chapel. Although the firing of the Mission was 
wanton destruction and inexcusable, still it probably would 
have caught fire from the burning town and been consumed any- 
way. All the precious objects except the Silver Madonna were 
destroyed or taken. In 1700 the St. Francis Indians (Abenakis) 
sent the Dean of the Chapter of Chartres a collar of beads and 
porcupine quills and he responded by sending them the image 

of the Blessed Mother in silver, exactly like the one the Dean 
had in his subterranean church. In 1749 he also sent a silver 
chemise which was destroyed. From C. Stark's (pp 160-61) 
and Bouton, (p 194) it appears that Sergeant Bradley (aged 21) 
died on the site of the present town of Jefferson, N. H. Before 
he expired he probably gave his 3 Rangers— Hoit, Pomeroy and 
Jacob, the negro— directions how to reach Concord, N. H. His 
one grave error was in mistaking the Upper Cohase for the 
lower Cohase. Apparently Bradley's directions to his Rangers 
were accurate enough, even though his calculation of the dis- 
tance was far off, for they got as far as Lake Winnipesaukee, 
which was in the general direction of Concord and would no 
doubt have reached their destination if two had not succumbed 
to starvation. Sources: Bishop de Pontbriand to a Bishop of 
France Montreal, Nov. 5, 1759— in D. R. C. H. N. Y. , X, 1058; 
Stone, II, p 108; Roberts, II, p 45. 

RANGERS— Major Robert Rogers, Captain Joseph Wait, Lieu- 
tenants Jacob Farrington, Abernathan Cargyll, George Camp- 
bell, George Turner, Andrew McMullen, ** "Bill" Phillips, 
Sergeants Benjamin Bradley, * Evans and Wait, Privates Rob- 
ert Pomeroy, * Stephen Hoit, * Andrew Wansant; Sergeant 

PROVINCIALS— Captain Amos Ogden commanded the Provin- 
cials, besides 9 of his Company of the N.J. Regiment, there 
were Captain Butterfield, ** Lieutenant Noah Grant (of Con- 
necticut), Jenkins,* Ensign Elias Avery of Fitch's Connecticut 
Regiment; Sergeant Moses Jones of Preston, Conn., inCapt. 
Crary's Connecticut Company— held prisoner for two months; 
Corporal Frederick Curtiss of Canterbury, Conn., in Fitch's 
Regiment— captured with Jones about Sept. 30th and held pris- 
oner until middle of June, 1760. Privates Hewet, Lee and Bal- 
lard also captured with them but made their escape, except for 
Ballard who was killed. Private Samuel Fugard lost. Private 
Ebenezer Wheeler killed or died. Fifteen unidentified Provin- 
cials returned sick to Crown Point with Captain Butterfield. 
REGULARS— Captain Williams of the Royals, ** Lieutenant Wil- 
liam Dunbar of Gage's 80th, * Volunteer Hugh Wallace of 27th. 
A Sergt of the 80th. 10 Privates of 80th,* Private Andrew 
McNeal of 27th. 2 Privates of the Royals, ** 2 of the 80th, ** 
1 42nd Highlander,** 1 Montgomery Highlander, ** all returned 
with Williams. 

* denotes participants who were killed. 

** denotes participants who were sent back and did nottakepart 
in the raid. 

Unfortunately all the names of the raiders cannot be ascertained. 
The above incomplete list is gleaned from Rogers, Amherst, 
Stephen's Courtmartial Proceedings, Provincial War Records, 
Wheeler, Dibble. 

BRITISH ACCOUNTS: Amherst, Sept. 10-14, 18, 19; Oct. 3- 
4, 9, 18, 25, 30; Nov. 2, 3, 7-8, 21. Amherst's Journal- 
Letters to Pitt in Corr of Pitt, II, pp 187, 195-6, 219-20, 224 
amplify his original Journal. 


Considerable correspondence on the raid was discovered in the 
Amherst Papers, W.O. 34: England. 

A complete calendar of the English documents relative to the 
Raid are in the Appendix of Loescher: 'Abenaki Aphrodite- 
Rogers St. Francis Raid. ' See also Notes 81-84 of this book 
('Genesis') for partial listing. 

PROVINCIAL ACCOUNTS: are many and redundant of praise— 
N.H. Gazette, No 175, Feb. 8, 1760, writes: "What do we owe 
to such a beneficial Man; and a man of such an enterprising 
genius." The N. Y. Mercury, No 380, Nov. 26, prints Rogers' 
official report to Amherst with the interesting addition that 
Rogers arrived at Number Four with "Capt. Gordon and 1 man 
more." The paper signs "R. Rogers" with a half inch spread 
and adds, "The indefatigable and brave Major Rogers." The 
same paper, No 371, Sept. 24, reports Rogers either killed or 
wounded— So conflicting were the first accounts that preceded 
Rogers' official report. No. 372, Oct. 1, states that "Captain 
Williams ... and a few more were wounded in stepping over 
some logs by their Pieces going off, but slightly. They were 
sent back." News-Letter, Sept. 28, states that Captain Ogden 
commanded the Provincials under Rogers. On Oct 4, the paper 
guessed that Rogers' goal was the destruction of a small set- 
tlement at St. Peters. By Nov. 8, the paper was receiving ac- 
counts from Rutland, etc. of the raid and Rogers' arrival at 
Number Four. The Feb. 7, 1760 copy states that the Indian 
boy captured by Rogers was left in N. Y. in a School. The two 
young girls also captured died of smallpox in Albany. Moore, 
I, 234, writes that the boy was Sabatis, a brother to the fam- 
ous Mrs. Johnson, who was captured five years before and held 
captive at St. Francis until 1757. A Ranger recovered a bundle 
of her husband's papers and returned them to her at Number 
Four where she was living in 1759. Wells, pp 13-14: offers 
conflicting accounts derived from participating Rangers on the 
exact spot of Lieutenant Stevens' hurried departure. How- 
ever, Stevens' Courtmarti-J reveals that he was ordered by 
Amherst to await Rogers at Well's River. Stevens and his 
party offered the lame excuse that the Connecticut was too rap- 
id above Cohase to hazard provision-laden canoes (actually 
there are no rapids). Consequently, from his base at Cohase, 
Stevens, or three hired men, went daily to Wells' River, which 
was three miles by land, and fired signal guns. 
FRENCH ACCOUNTS: Governor Vaudreuil at Montreal wrote 
Bourlamaque, Commandant at Isle aux Noix, 8 anxious letters 
respecting Rogers' Raiders: 2 letters on Oct. 3, 1759; one on 
Oct. 5, 6, 7, 8, 15, Nov. 10th. Bourlamaque, II (Lettres 
Vaudreuil), pp 393-400, 401-404, 405-408, 413-416, 409-12, 
417-20, 421, 424, 491-94. Other Documentary Sources: Pont- 
leroy to Bourlamaque, Three Rivers, Oct. 6— Bourlamaque, III 
pp 159-60; Rigaud to Bourlamaque, Montreal, Aug. 23, Bour- 
lamaque, rv, 105-08; Ibid, Sept. 20, pp 145-8. Anonymous 
French Diary in D. R. C. H. N. Y. , X, 1042. Evenements de la 
Guerre en Canada, 1759, p 72. Levis, V, pp 47, 49, 55. Vau- 
dreuil to Minister, Oct. 26th. Pouchot, I, 222-23. A com- 

plete calendar in Loescher, Abenaki Aphrodite-Rogers' St. 
Francis Raid. 

NORTHWEST PASSAGE, Special Limited Edition, Volume II, 
comprises the Appendix to this unequal ed Novel. Besides other 
pertinent material on Rogers it contains the 'Pennoyer Narra- 
tive,' an interesting account by a surviving St. Francis Indian 
chief, who for some unexplainable reason states that Rogers 
ambushed his pursuers inflicting a crushing defeat on them. 
Documentary comments on this may be found in Loescher, 'Ab- 
enaki Aphrodite-Rogers St. Francis Raid. . . ' 

90. (p. 66) BURBANK's SHIPWRECKERS FIGHT, Oct. 9-23, 
1759: Amherst, Oct. 9, 23rd. 

Oct. 20, 1759: Amherst, Oct. 18: "...One of the Enemy's 
Sloops was so far repaired of all the damage done to her that 
. . .1 sent Capt Dalyel with 100 of Gage's & as many Rangers to 
Capt Loring to assist in looking into any of the bays for him 
that the Schooner may no 1 ; escape. . . " Oct. 23: "... Capt Dal- 
yel came in. . . He had been with the Brig at the Isle La Motte & 
had reconnoitred to the Isle au Noix where the Schooner was 
got in by going round the Grand Isle. They fired one shot at 
them from the Island. . . They will concluded Dalyel was with 
the advanced Guard & have expected the Army. . . " 

92. (p. 61) ENSIGN AVERY'S FIGHT, Oct. 16, 1759: Rogers, 

93. (p. 61) TURNER-DUNBAR MASSACRE, Oct. , 1759: Rog- 
ers, 157, Amherst to Pitt, Nov. 21, 1759. Text Correction: 
Dunbar was the only officer killed. 

War Office 34, Vol 8, ff 18-19. 

95. (p. 84) RANGER PAYROLL MASSACRE, Feb. 12, 1760: 
Rogers, pp 160-61; Gage to Amherst, Albany, Feb. 19, 1760 
— W.O.34, Vol46A, f 87; Same to Same, Feb. 27, Vol 46A, 
f90; Amherst to Gage, N.Y., Feb. 22- Vol 46A, f 211; Hav- 
iland to Amherst, Crown Point, Mary 24— Vol 51, f 13; states 
that Rogers found Langy's "Combustibles" (to burn the Brit- 
ish shipping) when he returned to the scene of the holdup the 
next day. Robert Rogers to Amherst, Albany, May 23— Vol 
82, f 219. One of the Four Rangers taken alive to Montreal was 
Sergeant Thomas Beverly. 

Haviland to Amherst, Crown Point, May 8— Vol 51, f 19; James 
Tute to Amherst, Vol 51, f 85. 

The N.H. Gazette, No 178, Feb. 29, 1760, deviates from Rog- 
ers Journal by stating that he owed his escape to being in the 
first sleigh which Langy let pass in order to surprise the rest. 
News-Letter, Feb. 28, Mar. 13; Pitt, II, 263-64. Capt Tute's 
Account of goods for Major Rogers' Co. taken. .. Feb. 12... 
certified hv TRnP-ers— Vr>1 199 f fll 


96. (p. 114) HAZEN'S COWBOY EXPLOIT, Feb. 9, 1760: Knox, 
II, Feb. 10: ". . . A detatchment of French Grenadiers under M. 
Dumas are skulking in the neighborhood of our post at Lorette; 
Captain Hazen with 25 Rangers only, surprised a large party 
of them, two nights ago, who were drivingoff some cattle, when 
they found they were discovered, they took to their heels in the 
most precipitate manner, without firing a shot, the Rangers 
pursued them above a mile, calling after them to stand and 
fight him (For says he my fellows feel bold at the repeated 
success of the regulars and wish for an opportunity to distin- 
guish themselves in like manner); but the Captain perceiving 
they retired towards a strong defile and apprehending a snare 
might there have been laid for him, thought proper to discon- 
tinue the pursuit and contented himself with recovering the cat- 
tle, which were returned to their respective owners. . . " 

97. (p. 114) Point Levi, Feb. 24, 1760: Knox, II, eb. 24. 

98. (p. 115) OLD LORETTE, Mar. , 1760: Ibid, March. 

Rangers suffered 3 men wounded. Hazen burned their house 
and retired to Lorette where they were less isolated. 

99. (p. 118) BATTLE OF STE FOY, Apr. 28, 1760: Knox, II, 
Apr. 28; Revue Candienne, IV, 865, for Hazen's marksman- 
ship. Fraser, Apr. 28; Johnson, Ibid. News-Letter Aug. 28, 
1760: "... Captain Hazen. . . who behaved in a most gallant man- 
ner and was wounded in his thigh is since recover' d. . . " 

100 . (p. 118) SECOND SIEGE OF QUEBEC, Apr. 28-May 17, 
1760: Knox, Apr. -May. 

101 . (p. 118) MAY FOURTH SALLY, 1760: Knox, May 5th. 

102 . (p. 90) THE MAIL-PATROL HOLDUP, May 9, 1760: John 
Campbell to Amherst, Ticonderoga, May 9— War Office 34, 
Vol 50, f 13. Amherst, May 12-13th. 

10, 1760: Lieutenant Alexander Grant to Haviland, eight miles 
opposite lie aux Noix on H.M- Brig The Duke of Cumberland, 
May 15, W.O.34, Vol 51, ff 24-5; Haviland to Amherst, Crown 
Point, May 18— Vol 51, f 22. 

104 . (p. 95) BATTLE OF POINTE AUFER, June 6, 1760: Rog- 
ers, 179-181. Anonymous Ranger Account in News-Letter, 
Sept. 4, 1760. Amherst's orders to Rogers, May 25, 1760, 
Albany— W.O. 34, Vol 84, f 204; Amherst to Haviland, June 10, 
11-Vol 52, ff46-7. Haviland to Amherst, Crown Point, June 
8-Vol 51, ff 45-7 (two letters). Surgeon James Jameson to 
Amherst, on board the brig Cumberland, June 18— Vol 82, ff 
246-7. Amherst to Monckton, Albany, June 11— Northcliffe 
Coll, Vol XVI. Amherst, May 26, 27; June 4, 10-11. Vau- 
dreuil to Dumas, Montreal, June 11, writes a skillfully worded 
account in which he neither claims a victory or defeat. Can. 

Arch. Rep. 1905, I, 45. Ranger Goodenough, a participant 
gives a good account. 

105 . (p. 102) THE STE. THERESE RAID, June 11-20, 1760: 
Rogers, pp 181-188. Haviland to Amherst-W. O. 34, Vol 51, f 
47; Same to Same, June 13, 29, 24— Vol 51, ff 48, 52, 63. 
Robert Rogers to Amherst, on Board the Duke of Cumberland, 
June 21, 1760 (official report of Raid)— Vol 51, f 55. Capt. 
Alexander Grant to Haviland, Island Mote, June 21— Vol 51, ff 

Ste d Etrese dated from 1664. In that year Captain de Salieres 
of the Carignan Regiment was ordered with two other Captains 
to build forts on the Richelieu River to block the Iroquois ave- 
nue of marauding. M. de Salieres built his fort nine miles a- 
boveChambly which he named St. d Etrese, because it was fin- 
ished on St. Theresa's feast day. St. d Etrese was the rendez- 
vous for many French and Indian raids to the Mohawk settle- 
ments. Relations de ce qui s'est passes en la Nouv France en 
Annes 1665-6. As a consequence of Rogers' Raid not only Isle 
aux Noixwas reinforced but the regiments of La Reineand Roy- 
al Rousillon were sent to Saint John's and strengthened by a de- 
tachment of militia from Montreal. Kingsford, IV, 398. Sub- 
sequent French prisoners revealed that the French Indians suf- 
fered heavily at Pointeau Ferand that they all returned to their 
villages to bury their dead. News-Letter, July 10. 

June 20, 1760: Rogers, 185. 

107 . (p. 107) POINT ROGERS, July 8, 1760: Haviland to Am- 
herst, Crown Point, July 21-W.O. 34, Vol 51, f 67. Frost, 
July 8,11. Holden, July 8, 9. Jenks, July 8, 9, 10. N.H. 
Gazette, No 199, July 25. 

108 . (p. 119) POINT PLATON, July 18, 1760: Knox, II, Ibid. 

109 . (p. 125) SIEGE OF FORT LEVIS, Aug. 18-25, 1760: Am- 
herst, Aug. 18-25. Amherst's Orders, Aug. 20-V.85, f 50. 

110 . (p. 109) SOUNDING PATROL MISSION, Aug. 18, 1760: 
Heath, Aug. 10. Holden, Aug. 18. Heath, Aug. 19. 

111 . (p. 108) SIEGE OF ISLE AUX NOIX, Aug. 19-27, 1760: 
Rogers, 188-192, Holden, Aug. 18-28. Hodge, Ibid. Heath 
Ibid. Colonel Haviland' s Journal from Crown Point to opposite 
Montreal, Aug. 11-Sept. 3, 1760-W. 0. 34, Vol 77, ff 130-31. 
Jenks, Aug. 28, states: that Haviland would allow no Ranger, 
Provincial or Indian on the captured Isle aux Noix. This was 
considered "a very high-handed affair." There is a rare map 
in the Clements Library MSS: "Montressor Maps, Map No. 15 
— Fort Isle aux Noix, 1760." 

112 . (p. 110) CAPTURE OF FRENCH FLEET, Aug. 25, 1760: 
Rogers, 190-191. Jenks, Aug. 25: "... We have not lost a man 


in this affair, altho the action was very sharp. We have killed 
a field officer of theirs who was on board and have taken their 
commodore and about 20 men prisoners." Haviland, Heath, 
MacClintock, Aug. 25. 

113 . (p. 110) PURSUIT OF BOUGAINVILLE, Aug. 30, 1760: 
Rogers, 192-3. Holden, Aug. 30. Jenks, Ibid. 

114 . (p. 120) FIRST ACTION AT VARENNES, Aug. 31, 1760: 
Knox, II, Aug. 31. 

115 . (p. Ill) FORT CHAMBLY, Sept. 1, 1760: Rogers, 194. 

ENNES), Sept. 1, 1760: Knox, Sept. 1. 

117 . (p. 126) MONTREAL, Sept. 8, 1760: Rogers, 195-6. Am- 
herst, Sept. 7-9. 

WESTERN FRENCH FORTS, Sept. 13-Nov. 29, 1760: Am- 
herst's order to Robert Rogers, Montreal, Sept. 12— W.O.34, 
Vol 85, f 34. Amherst to Major Walters, commanding at Ni- 
agara. Sept. 12— Vol 23, ff 41-2. Brehm, Sept. 13-Feb. 23, 
1760-61. Account of Pay for the Detachment of Rangers that 
went under. . .Major Rogers to Detroit, Oct. 25, 1760-Mar. 24, 
1761 (151 days), Vol 199, f 95. Amherst, Sept. 12, 1760; Jan. 
18, Feb. 4, 14, 1761. 

There are three existing copies of Rogers Journal of his Expe- 
dition, all have variations . His printed account in his Journals 
is on pp 197-236. Major Robert Rogers Detroit Journal to Gen- 
eral Robert Monckton, N.Y., Feb. 27, 1761, edited by Victor 
Hugo Paltsits,1933. The official account to Amherst is in W. 
0.34, Vol 7. 

On March 3, 1761, Major Rogers at New York presented his 
bill for the expenses he incurred on his expedition. He titled 
the 882/8/8 statement: "The Government to Major Rogers— W. 
0.34, Vol 199, ff 173. In the "Abstractof Major Rogers' Claim 
against the Crown while in command of H.M. Independent Com- 
panies of Rangers," May 18, 1761-Vol 199, ff 213-14— Rogers 
asks for 16/12/10 for Lieutenant Holmes' expenses in bringing 
away part of the garrison of Detroit— and ll/l/l for his five 
Ranger Sergeants "who marched with the French Prisoners 
from Detroit, because of the unexpected length of their march, 
they were obliged to trade their personal possessions to the In- 
dians to procure food for themselves and their French prison- 

News-Letter, Jan. 22, Feb. 12, 1761. Bouquet Coll.: Robert 
Rogers to Bouquet, Dec. 1, 1760— A. 14 B.M. 21, 645, Vol 
III; Bouquet to Lt. Holmes (to proceed to Philadelphia with 
French prisoners), Ft. Pitt, Dec. 27, 1760. Johnson Papers: 

Amherst to Johnson, N.Y., Feb. 1, 1760, III, 316; George 
Croghan to Johnson, Presque Isle, Nov. 1, 1760-III, 276; Ibid, 
Ft. Pitt, Jan. 13, 1761— III, 301-3. Croghan's Journal was 
published in the Pa. Mag. of History, Oct. 1947. 
Eighty-two Ranger officers and men remained at Niagara until 
Christmas 1760. They marched to Albany in January 1761 and 
were mustered out. The two Captains, Jonathan Brewer and 
Joseph Waite, journeyed to New York where they waited on Am- 
herst. Amherst's Warrants, Feb. 2, 1761, to pay Wait to Dec. 
24, 1760, for himself, Lt. Atherton, 2 Sergeants and 20 Pri- 
vates— W. O. 34, Vol 199, f 41; Warrant of Feb. 4, to pay Brew- 
er, 4 Sergeants and 53 Privates to Dec. 24— Vol 199, f 43. 

120 . (p. 150) SECOND BATTLE OF ETCHOE PASS, June 10, 
1761: Grant, June 10. N.Y. Mercury, Aug. 3, 1761, No 470: 
Extract of a letter from an officer in Col. Middleton's Regi- 
ment. Extract from a letter of a Regular officer— Losses of 
Rogers Rangers, if any, are unknown. Philopatrios, March 
26, 1762. Corkran, pp 236-254, French, June entries. 

119 . (p. 143) CAPTURE OF DOMINICA, June 6, 1761: 

121 . (p. 144) BATTLE OF MORNE TORT ENSON, Jan. 24, 1762: 
W.O.34, Vol 55, f 58. Return of Joseph Waite's Company, Ft. 
Royal, Apr. 17, 1762- Vol 200, f 254. 

122 . (p. 145) BATTLE OF MORNE GRENIER, Jan. 27, 1762: 
Ibid, Vol 55, f 60. 


123 . (p. 155) RELIEF OF DETROIT, July 29, 1763: Rogers, 
July 29; McDonald, Ibid. 

124 . (p. 158) BATTLE OF BLOODY BRIDGE, July 31, 1763: 
McDonald, July 31. T. De Couagne to Wm. Johnson, Niagara, 
Aug. 24, 1763— Hough, Siege of Detroit, 60-61; 56. 

124A . (p. 170) CAPTURE OF LOUNSBERRY, Aug. 29, 1776: 
Heath. Cuneo (4), pp 67-68: Lounsberry between 50-60 years 
old made a heroic stand in a cave and held off his attackers 
with a club until he was dispatched by seven bayonets. 

125 . (p. 172) ROGERS' MAMARONECK RAID, Oct. 21, 1776: 
Hadaway, pp 20-1. 

126 Jlp. 175) BATTLE OF HEATHCOTE'S HILL, Oct. 22, 1776: 
Hadaway, pp 20-26: gives most detailed account. Hough, F. 


O : Chapter VIII, Heathcote's Hill, pp 165-184, portrays a 
dramatic but accurate account. Ranger Devoe, p 118. Jones 
J.E., Manuscript. Cuneo (4), pp 70-71. 

RANGERS CAPTURED: Joseph Dean, Stephen Law, Elijah 
Carle, John Angevine, Joseph Carle, Walter Brown, Gillbert 
Myers, Frederick Devoie, David Lawrence, James Angevine, 
John Charlick, Moses Travis, Elnathan Appleby, Jacob Cad- 
well Burr, Reuben Stives, David Travis, Josiah Worden, Eli- 
jah Bartoe, Jonathan Asten, Francis Besly, James Tharpe, 
Solomon Parent, Jonathan Ecly, Stephen Travis, James Ken- 
nedy, Abraham Brown, Jedediah Davis, Wm. Washburn. They 
were marched to New Hampshire and confined in gaol. Amer- 
ican Arch. Ill, p 470. 

AMERICAN ACCOUNTS: Colonel Haslett to General Rodney, 
Oct. 28, 1776— Sparks, IV, 526. Washington to the Continental 
Congress, White Plains, Oct. 25— Sparks IV, 524 Tench 
Tilghman to Wm. Duer, Oct. 22, 1776— Amer. Arch. , III, 576. 
Ward, pp 78-82, 559. Cuneo" s: Early Days of the Queen's 

127 . (p. 176) ROGERS' BEDFORD RAID, Oct. 23, 1776: Mac- 
kenzie, Oct. 26, 1776. 

128 . (p. 176) BATTLE OF WHITE PLAINS, Oct. 28, 1776: Al- 
mon, IV, 205. The Corps apparently suffered no losses— Howe's 
official list in Amer. Archives, II, 1056. 

129 . (p. 176) ENGAGEMENT ON NORTH ST., Oct. 31, 1776: 
Hadaway, 62: "... Captain Van Wyck, who commanded a com- 
pany of American Rangers attached to General George Clin- 
ton's brigade, was unfortunately killed. He went out in the 
morning with about thirty men, to patrol upon the enemy's right. 
At a house in North Street, he fell in with a detachment of Rog- 
ers Rangers and instantly attacked them, although superior to 
him in numbers. Having discharged his musket, he was in the 
act of reloading. While so engaged one of Rogers Rangers shot 
him through the brain. . . In a moment after, his death was 
avenged by his lieutenant, who killed the hostile ranger and 
brought off the Captain's body. . ." 

130 . (p. 176) BATTLE OF FORT WASHINGTON, Nov. 16, 1776: 
Hannay, p 125. 

131 . (p. 176) HACKENSAC BRIDGE, Nov. 21, 1776: Kemble, 
I, p411, Greene, F.V., pp 59-60. 

132 . (p. 177) DEFENSE OF FORT INDEPENDENCE, Jan. 18- 
23, 1777: Kemble, I, 108. 

133 . (p. 181) DEFENSE OF CASTINE, Aug. 11, 1779: Robert 
Rogers to Haldimand, Ft. Howe, River St. Johns, September 
26, 1779— Haldimand, B. 160, p 17. 



, 1780: John Jones to Reverend Bailey, Sept. 4, 1780 — 

North, J.W. , p. 158. 

135 . (p. 187) CAPTURE OF FORT ANNE, Oct. 10-11, 1780: 
Kingsford, VII, 40-43. Tic. Mus. Bui., July 1946, p 3-12. 
Mathews to Major James Rogers, Que., Sept. 4, 1780— Haldi- 
mand, B160, p 64; Major James Rogers to Mathews, Cham- 
bly, Sept. 8— Ibid, pp 65-8. 

136 . (p. 187) SARATOGA RAID, Oct. 10, 1780: Kingsford, VII, 
40-3. Tic. Mus. Bui., July 1946. 

137 . (p. 188) BATTLE OF FORT GEORGE, Oct. 11, 1780: 

138 . (p. 188) ST. LEGER'S EXPEDITION, May 1781: Ibid. 

139 . (p. 188) MYERS' BALLSTOWN RAID, June 13, 1781: Ibid. 
Names of the people taken prisoners by Myers on June 13th— 
Haldimand, B161, 275. John Myers to Mathews, St. John's, 
July 8— Ibid, 283. 

140 . (p. 195) TYLER'S SQUIRE PALMER MISSION, July 1780: 
Lt. Tyler's official report— Haldimand, B.182, p 421. 

140-A (p. 192) CAPTURE OF BEATIE; July, 1781: B. 177-2, 
p 399. B. 177-1, p 171. 

1781: Sherwood & Smyth to Mathews, Loyal Blockhouse, Aug. 
11— Haldimand, B.176, p 209. 

Aug. 1781: John W. Myers to Mathews, St. John's, Aug. 18— 
Haldimand, B.161, pp 316-7; Ibid, 319. Mathews to Myers, 
Que., Aug. 23-Ibid, B. 163, p 111. 

142-A. (p. 192) MYERS' RAID ON SCHUYLER'S HOUSE, Sept. 
1781; B.182, p431. 

143 . (p. 190) PRITCHARD'S SPY CAPTURE, Oct. 17, 1781: 
Pritchard to Mathews, St. John's, Oct. 21— Haldimand, B.161. 
pp 338-9. 

144 . (p. 194) STEPHEN'S CAPTURE AT MONCKTON, April 
1782: Roger Stephens to Matthews, Loyal Blockhouse, April 
5— Haldimand, B. 177-1, pp 178-80. 

1782; Smyth to Mathews, St. John's, June 1— Ibid, B. 177-1, 
p 330. Ibid, B. 177-2, p 364. Pritchard to Mathews, St. John's, 
June 21— Ibid, pp 367-70. Joseph White to Mathews, St. John's, 


July 7— Ibid, 378. Smyth to Mathews, St. John's, July 17— Ibid, 

The American accounts clarify the failure of Pritchard's dar- 
ing odyssey: "The Bayley family, in this region (Newbury, 
Orange County, Vt.), a role similar to that performed by the 
Aliens on the other side of the Green Mountains. The rear 
wooden section of the Ox-Bow Antique Shop, at the south end of 
Newbury Village, was Jacob Bailey's residence. Bayley was 
plowing on the day that. . . Lieutenant Pritchard, and his Tory 
followers came to capture him. Thomas Johnson, on parole 
from the British, was aware of the plot but unable to warn his 
friend personally, because the Tory ambuscade overlooked the 
Bayley meadow. Johnson contrived the warning by sending an- 
other man to the field, not to speak to Bailey, but to drop a 
slip of paper bearing the following message: 'The Philistines 
be upon thee, Samson. ' Bayley escaped across the river to 
Haverhill, but that evening Pritchard took four prisoners from 
the Bayley home, including one of Jacob's sons. But for the 
courage of a defiant housemaid who barred their entrance, 
[Pritchard] would have seized more captives."— Bearse, R., 
p 296. 

146. (p. 195) GREEN'S POUGHKINSIE SCOUT, Jan. 1783: Sher- 
wood to Mathews, Loyal Blockhouse, Jan. 31— B. 178, 46. 

NOTE: Actions 1-22 are in THE HISTORY OF ROGERS RANG- 
ERS, The Beginnings, 1755-Apr. 6, 1758, by Loescher. 
From 23-146: Ninety were victories, thirty-eight were de- 
feats (numbers 24, 28, 29, 34, 36, 37, 40, 41, 45, 48, 49, 
52-3, 57-9, 65, 71, 81-3, 87-8, 90, 92-5, 99, 102, 107, 110, 
124-124a, 126, 131, 138, 140a). 





♦Designates successful Scouts and Expeditions 

48. * (p 28) HALIFAX WOODS PATROLS, Apr. 12-May, 1758: 
Cutter, Ibid. 

49.* (p20) SHEPHERD'S SOUTH BAY SCOUT, May 1758: Rog- 
ers, p 105. 

50.* (p 20) BURBANK'S SCOUT, May 1758: Ibid. 

CADE; Rogers, pp 106-7. Pitt Corr, I, p 255. 

Rogers, pp 105, 108. 

herst, June 5, 1758. 

54.* (p 31) JUNE 11TH BLOODHOUND SCOUT: Montressor, 
J., June 10-11. 

TERY, June 12-19, 1758: Brigadier Wolfe's Intentions at the 
Lighthouse Point. Wolfe to Amherst, June 19— 

56. (p 7) HARTWELL'S ACCIDENTAL SCOUT, June 20, 1758: 
News- Letter, July 6. 

57. (p 7) KERR'S ACCIDENTAL SCOUT, June 24, 1758: Ibid, 
July 13. 

58.* (p 8) JUNE 23RD PRE-INVASION SCOUTS: Rogers, 110- 
11. Lyon, June 23. 

59. * (p 8) HOLMES' RECONNAISSANCE, July 5-6, 1758: Rog- 
ers, 111-12. 

ter, July 13. 

61.* (p 14) ROGERS' SOUTH BAY SCOUT, July 15, 1758: Rog- 
ers, pp 116-17. 


63.* (p 21) BREWER'S SIXTY GUINEAS SCOUT, July 15, 1758: 
Amherst, July 15. Knap, July 16. Bougainville, 273. 


64. (p 15) ROGERS' PURSUIT OF LA CORNE, July 29, 1758: 
Rogers, 117. Cleaveland, Rea, July 31. Hart was acquitted 
as well as Davis-Rea, Sept. 4. 

65. (p 20) ROGERS' FORT MILLER SCOUT, Aug 11, 1758: 
Rogers, 119. 

66* (p 18) THE POST MORTEM SCOUT, Aug 15, 1758: Rog- 
ers, 119. Rea, Aug. 16. 

67. * (p 21) FORT EDWARD ALARM, Aug. 16, 1758: Rea, Ly- 
on, Aug. 16: Rangers report French at S. Bay. 

68. (p 20) THE BARKING DOGS SCOUT, Aug. 21-30, 1758: 
Rea, Aug. 21, 30. 

Aug. 31-Sept. 2, 1758: Rea, Ibid. 

70. (p 22) DALYELL'SWOOD CREEKSCOUT, Sept. 2-7, 1758: 
Lyon, Rea, Sept. 4, 7, 9. 

71.* (p22) ROGERS' SUBSTANTIATION SCOUT, Sept. 3-7, 
1758: Lyon, Rea, Sept. 3, 7. 

72.* (p 23) SEPTEMBER 9-26TH CROWN POINT SCOUT, 1758: 
Rea, Ibid. 

73.* (p 23) FORT ANNE SCOUT, Sept. 11, 1758: Lyon, Ibid, 
Josh Barrit and a Ranger made the uneventful scout. 

74.* (p 23) WOOD-CREEK SCOUT, Sept. 26-8, 1758: Lyon, 
Sept. 26-8. 

75. (p 34) GOREHAM'S CAPE SABLE RAID, Sept. 1758: Two 
Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 2 Sergeants of McCurdeys and W. Stark's 
and 56 Privates of Stark's were in the expedition. Monckton's 
Sept. 24th Return— AB 949. 

76. (p 23) ROGERS' LAST 1758 SCOUT, Sept. 24-9: Rea, Sept. 
24-30: 200 Rangers in whaleboats. 

77.* (p23) NUMBER FOUR, N.H. SCOUT, Oct. 4, 1758: Lyon, 
Oct. 4. 

78. (p24) SCALP LIFTING AMBUSCADE, Oct. 30, 1758: News- 
Letter, Nov. 2. 

79. (p 24) CAPTURE OF BLAKE, Nov. 1, 1758: W. O. 34, Vol 
8, ff 18-19. 

80.* (p 34) MCCURDY'S JEMSEG RAID, Nov. 6, 1758: Monck- 
ton, Nov. 6. 

81.* (p 34) BREWER-DANKS' GRIMROSSE RAID, Nov. 6, 1758: 
Monckton, Nov. 6. 

82.* (p 34) SCOTT'S PETICODIAC RAID, Nov. 11-18, 1758: 
Knox, Nov. 17. Monckton, Nov. 15. 

16-17, 1758: Monckton, Nov. 16-17. 

84. (p 24) CAPTURE OF FLAGG, Dec. 22, 1758: W.O. 34, 
Vol 8, ff 18-19. 

85. * (p 37) JOHNSON'S CROWN POINT SCOUT, Feb. 16-Mar. 
10, 1759: Captain Noah Johnson's official report, in Haldi- 
mand to Gage, March 16, 1759— Gage Mss. Gage suggested 
sending Johnson, he being a "good woodsman," Rogers being 
so often on scout that he should be spared. He ordered Haldi- 
mand to recall Johnson (on Feb. 18) to avoid his party's col- 
lidingwith Lottridge's Mohawks en route to Ft. Edward.— Hal- 
dimand Coll. , folio 7, 15. —Canadian Archives. 

27-Apr. 3, 1759: Montressor, J. 

13, 1759: Herwood, a Volunteer from the Royal Regiment, ac- 
companied the Rangers but ". . .his make was by much too Cor- 
pulent for a Speedy March. . ." and he died from fatigue.— W. 
0.34, Vol 45, f 45— Amherst to Gov. DeLancey, Albany, May 
24, 1759. 

1759: Amherst to Pitt, May 14. DeLancey to Amherst, N. Y. , 
May 28— W.O. 34, Vol 29, f 73. Anonymous (Ranger officer 
Diary)— Commands Scout— May 14, 16, 20, 22 entries. 

May 25-27, 1759: See p 350, line 19. Rogers' party to attempt 
to waylay French convoys above Ticonderoga comprised 300 
men (Rangers, Indians and Light Infantry of the 55th). They 
left Ft. Edward on May 25, with 10 days provisions but were 
discovered the next day.— Amherst to Eyre, Albany, May 27— 
W.O. 34, Vol 54, ff 131-2; Same to Same, May 29— Ibid, f 133. 

90.* (p 44) FOUR MILE POST PATROLS, May-June, 1759: 
Robert Rogers to Amherst, no date— W.O. 34, Vol 77, ff 76-7. 
Rogers' opinion of sending daily scouts from the Four Mile Post 
was adopted. His plan consisted of one daily scout East "as 
far as Ft. Anne Road, then bear from it Northwardly to Scoon 
Creek and from there to reconnoitre up the south side as far 
as the ponds from which place they will steer southeasterly to 
the post they set out from. A second scout to go Northwest 
from the encampment to Scoon Creek near the Ponds, from 


there to reconnoitre down the north side of the Creek while near 
Ft. Anne and from thence bear their courses to the Blockhouse 
on the hill near Ft. Edward. A third party to be sent from the 
Four Mile Post to where Scoon Creek and Wood Creek meet, 
where they will cross to the north side and march to the falls, 
then cross the Mountains that overlooks South Bay as far west 
as Diskeau's River and return back on the west side of it. Be- 
sides constant parties to reconnoitre for 3 or 4 miles Round the 
Fort. A fourth party from Half Way Brook to go north about 
18 miles which will bring them opposite to South Bay and about 
4 miles west of it, then to go east as far as Wood Creek and 
return by the Four Mile Post. A party daily to reconnoitre 
from the Half- Way Brook to Scoon Pond and from that four miles 
east and return across the woods. Besides constant parties to 
reconnoitre daily for 3 or 4 miles round the Post, a party like- 
wise to go across to Hudson River near the mouth of Sacondago. 
The officers of the Rangers at those posts will be able to judge 
the proper quantities of provisions for those Scouts." 

91.*(p44) SACONDAGO RIVER SCOUT, June 6-13, 1759: 
Amherst, June 6, 13: Discovered fresh Indian trail. 

92. * (p 44) OSWEGATCHIE RIVER SCOUT, June 7, 1759: Am- 
herst, June 7: ".. .A German of the Marine brought Prisoner 
by a Scout from. . ." Oswegatchie on the River St. Lawrence. 

93. * (p 44) MARTIN'S TICONDEROGA SCOUT, June 11, 1759: 
Amherst, June 11. Henshaw, June 24. 

June 12, 1759: Amherst, June 12, July 8: One of the two scouts 
sent, under Lieutenant Holmes, returned without any prison- 
ers on July 8. On his return he was a witness to Jacob's De- 
feat on the Lake. 

95.* (p 44) LAKE GEORGE SCOUTS, June 22-26, 1759: Am- 
herst, June 22: "Sent out scouts to both sides the lake." Wood, 
June 24, 26. Anonymous (Ranger officer Diary) account, June 
22, 1759, entry. 

96.* (p 44) CONVOY DUTY, June 23-July 6, 1759: Wooster, 
June 23-July 6, from Ft. Edward to the Lake. 

June 23-4, 1759: Amherst, June 23-4: "Mr. Trumbal of R. 
Highlanders and Paterson of Gages in a batteau a fishing had 
got too far out and were pursued by 3 boats, one of the three 
very wisely trying to get between them and the camp, and got 
ashore as soon as they did. So soon as they got ashore they 
run for it and Paterson came in about four in the afternoon and 
imagined the others would get in. I sent Capt. Stark out with 
a party to secure their retreat and try to catch the enemy." 
June 24: "The party came in in the morning. Mr. Trumbal 
had joined them as he was coming to camp, for on finding him- 

self cut off he thought 'twas best towards Ticonderoga and he 
had with him got into a little Island where they intended to de- 
fend themselves. . . " 

98. * (p 44) ROGERS-SHEPHERD SCOUT, June 24, 1759: Hen- 
shaw, June 24. 

99. (p 45) STARK'S FISHING DECOYS, June 25, 27, 29, 1759: 
Amherst, June 25, 27, 29. 

July 2, 1759: Knox, July 2. 

101. (p44) PURSUIT OF N.J. MASSACRERS, July 2, 1759: 
Amherst, July 2: "About ten o'clock I heard several dropping 
shots; found immediately twas a party of Indians. I sent in- 
stantly to a Company of Light Infantry and Rangers and they 
were out as soon as possible. I saw the shots on the right of 
the rear of the camp and the officer commanding the Post on 
the right fired tenor a dozen shots before the Light Infantry or 
Rangers could get down. I added two more Companies of Light 
Infantry and three of Grenadiers to sustain, but before the first 
could get to the place where the firing was the Indians had made 
off. They creeped on a Sergt. , Corporal and sixteen men of the 
Jersey Troops who were cutting brush. The Sergeant and five 
privates escaped and got into camp; six privates were killed 
and one Corporal and five privates missing. The Rangers pur- 
sued but could not overtake. Saw enemy off in 11 canoes. An- 
onymous (Ranger officer Diary) account, July 2, 1759 entry. 

102. (p 44) CAMP PROTECTION SCOUTS, July 4, 1759: Am- 
herst, July 4: "Sent a. Light Infantry Company to the right and 
one to the left of the Lake with a party of Rangers to each Com- 
pany to scour the woods and remain out all day to try to cut off 
any scalping party. . . " 

103. (p 78) SCOTT'SRrVERCHAUDIERE SCOUT, July 6, 1759: 
Wolfe, July 7: pithily records "Major Scott returned without 
seeing the Etchemins River and la Chaudiere, some scattering 
shott from the woods and the sight of a few Indians determined 
him to retire." Bell, July 7, is also critical. 

104. (p 44) CAPTURE OF RANGER TRIO, July 8, 1759: W. 
0.34, Vol 8, ff 18-19: Privates Juda Bills, Joseph Fisk and 
John Boyd were captured on Lake George. They were exchanged 
on November 15, 1759. 

9, 1759: Wolfe toMonckton, July 8— NorthcliffeColl, Vol XXII, 
p 146. 

105A. (p 79) MCCORMICK'S BLOODY SCOUT, July 9, 1759: 
Knox— Ibid. 


106.* (p 44) ROUTINE SCOUTS, July 16, 1759: Amherst, July 


107. (p 44) DECOY SCOUTS, July 11, 1759: Amherst, July 

108. (p44) JULY 15TH-16TH MANEUVER, 1759: Amherst, 
July 15-16. 

109.* (p 47) EMBARKATION SCOUT, July 19-20, 1759: Am- 
herst to Governor DeLancey, July 20— W.O.34, Vol 30, f 61. 
Lieutenant Holmes led the reconnaissance. 

110.* (p 47) SERGT WELLS' BREAD CONVOY, July 23, 1759: 
James Montressor to Amherst, Camp at Lake George, July 23 
—W.O.34, Vol 77, f 105: ". . .If the Post doesn't come in be- 
fore this Party is ready I shall send this to your Excellency by 
Wells' of Major Rogers' Company, who I send with 16 more 
Rangers in a Batteau with Bread that had been forgot. The 
rest of them here with two officers are all sick or pretend to 
be so. The same as many more men here who are a dead bur- 
den to the Community. All the sick certified by the Doctor were 
sent in empty Sutlers' wagons back to Fort Edward." 

25, 1759: Wooster, July 25. 

112. * (p 80) CHAUDIERE RIVER EXPLORATION, July 26-28, 
1759: Knox, July 26-8. 

113. (p48) SCALPING OF ENSIGN JONAS, July 28, 1759: 
News- Letter, Aug. 16. 

VEY, Aug. 1, 1759: Amherst, Aug. 1. A map was discovered 
in the British Crown Collection, untitled but with the endorse- 
ment: '1757. Mr. Abercrombie. A sketch of Ticonderoga. ' 
There is mention of his working on this map in 1757— LO 5159. 
The map has a dotted line from Lake George to Wood Creek 
with a note stating "here Captt Rogers carried his boats across 
to Wood Creek. " Abercrombie may have become first aware 
of Rogers' Water Passage in November 1757 from John Stark 
when they scouted together. — LO 4915, LO 5132; Loescher (1) 
p 355. Now he had a firsthand account surveyed tour by Rog- 
ers himself of his famous secret route. The route probably 
started near present day Huletts Landing and continued through 
the valley between Hogback and Spruce Mountains to the brook 
flowing into Wood Creek, passing north of Dresden Center to 
the inlet north of Chubbs Dock. For Rogers Rangerists seek- 
ing to follow the 'secret route' be sure to refer to a geodetic 
map showing the contours and elevations namely, the New York 
-Vermont, Whitehall Cuadrangle, Geological Survey U. S. De- 
partment of the Interior, July 1902 map, reprinted in 1942. 


Bougainville, after much surmising in five different theories 
finally, after reports by ascertaining expeditions, stated: "It 
is very likely that the armed barges came from the Chicot (Wood 
Creek) River, passingunder the forts of Carillon and St. Fred- 
eric (Crown Point) by night. This idea is made more likely 
because several of the oars were bound with cloth."— pp 46-48, 
51. Of course the French never did discover that Rogers' se- 
cret passage started in Lake George. See map on end pages of 
Loescher, The History of Rogers Rangers, The Beginnings, 
p 411; and text pp 76-79 and footnote 54. 

115.* (p 48) CROWN POINT BLOODHOUND FEAT, Aug. 2, 
1759: Webster, Aug. 3. Amherst, Aug. 3. 


4, 1759: Rogers, p 143. 

POINT ROAD, Aug. 5-8, 1759: Amherst, Aug. 5-8. 


5, 1759: Amherst, Aug. 5. Anonymous Orderly-Book of the 
British Regiments at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, Aug. 1- 
10, 1759. 

119.* (49) ROGERS' GRAND HUNT, Aug. 8, 1759: Ibid. 

119A.* (p 50) HUTCHING'S QUEBEC MISSION Aug. 7-Oct. 9, 
1759: Amherst, Aug. 7-Oct. 9. Boston- News-Letter, Oct. 11; 
Sept. 13. Pargellis-Mil. Affairs— N. Amer. 

120.* (p 51) WILSON'S ISLE AUX NOIX SCOUT, Aug. 8-19, 
1759: Amherst, Aug. 8-19. 

121.* (p 51) BUILDING OF STARK'S ROAD, Aug. 9-Sept. 9, 
1759: Amherst, Aug. 8, Sept. 9: "Capt. Stark returned with 
his Party from No. 4; 14 of his men deserted, six left sick 
behind. He said he had made the Road & that there were no 
mountains or swamps to pass & as he came back it measured 
77 miles. It may be much shortened. . ." This was the begin- 
ning of the famous 'Crown Point No. 4 (Charlestown) N.H. 
Military Road, ' which was much shortened and improved in lat- 
er years. 

13-24, 1759: Amherst, Aug. 13: "...Ordered Capt. Johnson 
with ten Rangers to march to the Otter River to the Place Cap- 
tain Hawks crosses it in his Road to No. 4 and then to proceed 
down the Otter River to explore the whole and return here by 
the Lake. . ." Aug. 24: "Capt. Johnson returned with his Par- 
ty from exploring the Otter River. He found eight falls instead 
of three and mostly very bad ones; the sides of the River for 
the most part very swampy, and he says the most impractic- 
able impassible River that he ever saw. This is the River that 
many People have run away with the notion that it would have 


been the Route for the war to have been carried on and talk of 
it as if they knew it, when they are totally ignorant of every 
part of it." 

123. (p 51) INDIAN ALARM, Aug 20-21, 1759: Amherst, still 
undoctrined to the exigencies of Rogers Rangers, recorded his 
usual cryptic report: Aug. 20: ". . .In the eveningsome Rang- 
ers reported they had seen seven Enemy Indians; it may be, 
but unlikely. I ordered a Party after them. Aug. 21: "... 
Part came back and reported they had tracked them, & left the 
rest pursuing; their reports very likely to be false. At night 
the remainder came back, could not overtake. . ." Anonymous 
(Ranger officer Diary), August 21, 1759 entry. 

PLORATION, Aug. 20-24, 1759: Amherst, Aug. 20: "...This 
morning Capt. Abercromby, with Lt. Davis of the Artillery 
and Lt. Trumbul & 24 men of the Light Infantry and Lt. Holmes 
and six Rangers, went to the West to explore the upper part of 
the Hudson River & the country about there. Aug. 24: "... 
Capt Abercromby returned in the Afternoon with his Party. . . " 

125. (p 51) INDIAN PURSUIT, Aug. 22, 1759: Amherst, Aug. 
21: ". . .At night two men of late Prideaux's missing who had 
contrary to orders been on the other side of the Lake. " Aug. 
22: ". . . A Scout I sent on the East side of the Lake brought 
back a French gun case of an officer, who I suppose comes 
from their shipping to try to see what we are about and popped 
upon the two fools of Prideaux's Regt who were out of all bounds 
and without Arms. . . " 

126.* (p 53) HOPKINS' FISH-STORY EXPLOIT, Aug. 22-Sept. 
1, 1759: Amherst, Aug. 22, 31; Sept. 1st. News-Letter, 
Oct. 26; Sept. 20. Boston Gazette & Country Journal, Sept. 
17, No. 233. 

127. (p 54) MCKENZIE'S SCOUT, Aug. -Sept. 1, 1759: 

Amherst, Sept. 1. Anonymous (Ranger officer Diary), Sept. 
1, 1759. 

128.* (p 81) SCOTT'S LOWER ST. LAWRENCE RAID, Sept. 1 
19, 1759: Scott's Official Report, dated Sept. 19, is in the 
Northcliffe Coll, Vol XXI, Que V, p 144. Landing at Kamour- 
aska they marched back 52 miles destroying 998 buildings, 2 
sloops, 2 schooners, 10 Shallops and several small craft. 
Killed 5. Had 1 Regular and 2 Rangers killed. 3 Rangers wd. 

4-14, 1759: Amherst, Sept. 4, 14. Amherst's orders to Sergt. 
Hopkins, Crown Point, Sept. 4— W. O. 34, Vol 81, f 2. Am- 
herst to DeLancey, Sept. 18— Vol 30/80 News-Letter, Oct. 26, 
No 2043. Meloizes, 9/12/1759 entry— best French account. 

130.* (p 55) FLEET PROTECTION SCOUTS, Sept. 6-7, 1759: 
Amherst, Sept. 6-7. 

Sept. -15, 1759: Amherst, Sept. 15. 

Sept. -Oct. 2, 1759: Amherst, Oct. 2, Roberts, Vol II. 

133.* (p 65) JOHNSON'S AMBULANCE SERVICE, Oct. 7, 1759: 
Amherst to Noah Johnson, Crown Pt. , Oct. 6— W.O. 34, Vol 
81, f 58. 

134.* (p 65) ROSIER'S POINT AU FER SCOUT, Oct. 9-23, 
1759: Amherst, Oct. 9, 23. 

11-18, 1759: Amherst, Oct. 11-18. 

Oct. 25, 1759: Amherst, Oct. 25. Rogers' landing place is 
known thanks to a survey made of Lake Champlainin 1762 which 
revealed the charred whaleboats. —Brazier. 

3, 1759: Amherst, Nov. 2-3. Dibble, Nov. 3. 

138.* (p 112) THE DISARMING SCOUT, Nov. 30, 1759: J. 
Montressor, Nov. 30. 

1759: Rogers, 171. Haviland to Amherst, Dec. 24— W.O. 34, 
Vol 51, f 3. 

140.* (p 70) THE 100 TOES EXPEDITION, Dec. 25, 1759: 
Same to Same, Jan. 5— Vol 51, f 4. 38 Rangers frostbitten. 

141. (p 112) BUTLER'S ATTEMPTED N. Y. SCOUT, Dec. 26- 
Jan. 6, 1759-60: Knox, Murray, Dec. 26-Jan. 6. 

142.* (p 88) STONE'S PROVISION MISSION, Jan. 1760: Hav- 
iland to Amherst, Crown Pt. , Jan. 24— W. O. 34— V 51— f 5. 

EXPEDITION, Jan. 26-Feb. 20, 1760: Lt. John Montressor's 
Journal of an Expedition in 1760 Across Maine from Quebec for 
the Fixing The Plan for The Junction of the Army at Montreal. 

144.* (p 88) COWBOY SCOUTS, March-May, 1760: Haviland 
to Amherst, Crown Point, May-W.O.34, Vol 51— f28. Same 
to Same, Jan. 24-Vol 51, f 5. 

145. (p 85) TUTE'S SECOND CAPTURE, March 31, 1760: Hav- 


iland to Amherst, Apr. 4— W. O. 34, Vol 51, f 15, describes 
capture and chagrin at consenting to allowing them to fish, 
Same to Same, Apr. 12-Vol 51, f 16, again expresses morti- 
fication. Same to Same, Apr. 17-Vol. 51, f 17, learns from 
4 French deserters that all the prisoners are safe. Amherst 
to Haviland, Apr. 20— Vol 52, f 24, consoles Haviland. 

15, 1760: Knox, May 16. 

SION, June 3 - , 1760: Amherst, May 27: "... I wrote 

a letter to Governor Murray upon a very small piece of paper 
which Rogers is to send by 2 or 3 men across the Country from 
Mississquoi Bay to Quebec." Amherst to Haviland, Albany, 
May 26— W. 0.34, Vol 52, f 36. Amherst to DeLancey, June 1 
—Ibid, Vol 30, f 105. Contingencies, N.Y., March 1, 1762— 
Ibid, Vol 200, ff 47-8: "11: To Luxford Goodwin a Ranger who 
went thro' the woods with Letters to Governor Murray from 
General Amherst, a gratification by his order— 5 pounds ster- 
ling. " Luxford Goodwin to Haviland, Crown Pt. , Aug. 30, 
1761-Ibid, Vol. 51, f 198. 

Stark's Reminiscenses, pp 154-8 records Ranger John Shute's 
own account: "From the dangerous nature of the undertaking, 
a reward of fifty pounds was offered to any four who would vol- 
unteer for the service. Sergeant Thomas Beverly, although he 
had just escaped from Montreal, volunteered and led the de- 
tachment of veterans, namely, Luxford Goodwin, Joseph East- 
man and John Shute. Eastman and Shute both came from Con- 
cord, N. H. They were companions and messmates. These 
four, with Beverly in command, took charge of the despatch 
together with a large number of other letters from officers at 
Crown Point to their friends in the army at Quebec and on June 
3, they were landed at Missisqui Bay. From there they were 
ordered to proceed to the river St. Francis, by the same route 
the Rangers pursued when they destroyed St. Francis the year 
before. Rogers ordered them to keep in the woods, avoiding 
all settlements and upon no occasion to cross the St. Francis 
River in the day time, for fear of discovery by the Indians. 
With these instructions they left Rogers at Missisqui Bay and 
journeyed many days thru wet marshy grounds where they could 
scarcely find a dry spot to encamp at night. They reached the 
St. Francis one Sunday morning, striking the river just above 
a rapid. In crossing the river their raft became unmanageable 
in the swift current and they lost all the letters and the dispatch 
when Beverly and Goodwin were carried over the rapids. They 
traveled on with scarcely any provisions, until several days 
later when they came in sight of a small village. All the in- 
habitants were in the village church, so they entered a house, 
helped themselves to provisions and clothing and returned to 
the woods. 

From here they followed a foot path which soon brought 
them to a log house, against the gable end of which a ladder 
rested leading to a door fastened with a padlock, which break- 
ing open with their hatchets, they discovered a large chest, 
filled with woman's clothing of the richest quality. Shute made 
himself a rifle frock of one of the gowns, helping themselves 
to a share of the plunder, they pursued their march in the woods, 
avoiding all roads, until nearly night when they ventured again 
to approach the settlements on the Chaudiere River. After the 
village had settled down for the night, the four travelers en- 
tered a barn in quest of a hog for food. As they opened the door 
they were almost knocked over by a calf which galloped thru 
them. They eventually caught and killed it, dividing it into four 
parts. Then climbing into the garden of a gentleman's house, 
they rifled it of what vegetables they could use. Retiring with 
their booty about four miles into the woods, they kindled a fire, 
refreshed themselves with part of their loot and dried the re- 
mainder in the smoke and made moccasins of the skin. Contin- 
uing their journey they reached the top of a high hill on the third 
day and from the height they saw for the first time the St. Law- 
rence River, with a large encampment of Regular troops upon 
the bank. This was about 20 miles above Quebec and they were 
in doubt as to whether the army was French or English. Ser- 
geant Beverly decided to descend the hill and find out and make 
signal if they were the enemy. The three Rangers watched his 
progress, saw him stopped by the sentry and after a moment's 
pause, enter the camp, where several officers shook hands 
with him. Upon this they hurried down the hill and were re- 
ceived with open arms by the English. After stating their busi- 
ness to the commander, he put them on board a boat to proceed 
to headquarters at Quebec where they arrived at midnight and 
were conducted to General Murray's kitchen. There they slept 
upon the floor until morning, when they were conducted into a 
large hall in which were about 100 officers. There, says Shute, 
'each man received a glass of liquor, such as I have never 
tasted before nor since, nor have I ever drank any thing so good 
in my life. ' After this they were ordered to tell their several 
stories, which as they had previously agreed upon a statement 
of facts, coincided very well although they were examined sep- 
arately. The four Rangers joined Murray's army in its ad- 
vance on Montreal receiving four guineas each, extra pay." 
Rogers, 176-8 prints his instructions to Sergeant Beverly stat- 
ing that General Murray, upon application, would pay the fifty 
pounds reward. Murray did not pay it and it took Amherst to 
settle the account in 1762. 

June 3-21, 1760: Rogers, 175-6, 188. Amherst to Haviland, 
Camp at Oswego, July 11— W.O.34, Vol 52— f 69. 

17, 1760: Jenks, June 17. 


150.* (p 106) OTTER CREEK MOUTH PATROL, June 17, 1760: 

Kent, June 17. 

151.* (p 107) CAPTIVE RESCUE SCOUT, June 19, 1760: Hol- 
den, June 18-19. Intelligence of Rangers Proudfoot and Cham- 
berlain, Crown Pt., June— W.O.34, Vol 51, f47. Haviland to 
Amherst, June 19-Ibid, Vol 51-f 51. 

152. (p 124) THE DECOY CRUISE, July 15-23, 1760: Amherst, 
July 15, 24. 

153.* (p 125) RELIEF OF WILLYAMOS MISSION, July 27, 
1760: Hervey, Amherst, July 27. 

154.* (p 109) ISLE AUX NOIX KIDNAPPING SCOUT, Aug. 22, 
1760: Jenks, Aug. 22. Haviland' s Disbursements in 1760 Cam - 
paign-W.O.34, Vol 198, f 249. 

30, 1760: Amherst, Aug. 29. Jacob Naunauphtank' s Claim 
for back pay and St. Francois Wampum belt— W.O.34, Vol 198, 
f 309. Although the above Jacob delivered the belt and Am- 
herst's speech he found that the principal members of the tribe 
had dispersed throughout the woods for the winter. The John- 
son Papers (Vol III, pp 281, 353, 402-3, 623, 660) and Doc. 
Hist. N. Y. (Vol IV, pp 303, 196) reveal the difficulty of es- 
tablishing a Stockb ridge- St. Francis peace: When Jacob was 
captured by the St. Francis Indians in 1759 prior to Rogers' 
St. Francis Raid one of his Indian Rangers was tortured and 
killed. The executioners felt justified in this act for the Indian 
had been a married member of the St. Francis tribe but find- 
ing an opportunity to desert his tribe he joined theStockbridges. 
When captured he had refused to rejoin the St. Francis Indians 
and was consequently killed. The elder Jacob refused to see 
the justice of his death. The St. Francis Indians anxious to 
"drop the affair into oblivion" purchased an 18-year old Paw- 
nee Indian to present to Jacob in lieu of the Indian killed. Jac- 
ob stubbornly refused to accept him and it took nearly a year 
and a half of negotiating, assurances by the tribe that the ex- 
ecutioners had moved to the Oswegatchie tribe shortly after 
(hence the St. Francis inhabitants of the year 1762 were not li- 
able for their actions) , and finally, pressure by Johnson, the 
Indian Superintendent, before the matter was settled. —Johnson 
to the Stockbridge Indians, Johnson Hall, March 29, 1762— 
"Children of Stockbridge. When I saw you last at Albany, I 
told you I would give you notice when the Canada Indians were 
coming. They arrived here at my House in the Woods two days 
ago, without my having any previous notice thereof. Yester- 
day they finished what they came about, and delivered over the 
Prisoner to me, in Room of the Man of Yours which was killed 
in Canada; also performed the Ceremony usual on such Occa- 
sions and behaved extremely well thru the whole Ceremony. 
Your Uncles the Mohawks were present at ye Meeting and oth- 
ers of the Six Nations. I would have two or three of your Sob- 

erest Men come immediately and fetch your Prisoner from 
here. He is a Young Man about 25 years of age, and seems 
very well contented at the change. . . " 

156.* (p 138) FERRY DUTY, Sept. 22-Oct. 2, 1760: Holden, 
Sept. 20, 22, Hobart, Oct. 2. 

157.* (p 138) WHALEBOAT POSTAL SERVICE, Sept. 14, 1760: 
Amherst to Haviland (at Longueuil), Montreal, Sept. 14— W. O. 
34, Vol 52, f 83. 

158.* (p 138) SUPPLY FERRY DUTY, Sept. 28, 1760: Hol- 
den, Sept. 28. 


1760: W.O.34, Vol 199, ff 73-4. Captain Campbell to Am- 
herst, Detroit, Jan. 23, 1761-W.O. 34, Vol 49, f 17. Same 
to Same, Feb. 14— Vol 49, ff 19-20. Rogers Rangers in But- 
ler's Expedition were: *Lieutenant John Butler, Ensign Waite, 
Sergeants *Timothy Farnham and *Sanders Bradbury; Privates 
*Samuel Jewell, * James Dickey, *Derry Jellison, *Daniel Web- 
ster, *Ashel Andrews, *William Latterly, *William Thomp- 
son, *Elijah Wood, * Frank Beard, *Adonijah Edwards, Paul 
Higgins, Samuel Rose, James Campbell, William Hogg, Pat- 
rick Coborn, John Spear, John Craig, William Anson.— W.O. 
34, Vol 200, f 1; Accountof Pay due to the Detachment of Rang- 
ers under command of Lieutenant John Butler. . . N. Y. , Jan. 4, 
1762. * Names asterisked garissoned Miamis with Butler, oth- 
ers left at various times to escort prisoners to Niagara and 
Oswego and remained sick at these posts. 

160. * (p 139) WINTER POSTAL SCOUTS: See ftns 200-202. 

BURNING TOWN, June 1761: Grant, June. 

22, 1761: Grant, June 22. 

163. (p 158) HOPKINS-J. ROGERS SALLY, Aug. 20, 1763: 
Ibid, p 63. 

164.* (p 159) MAJOR ROGERS' PICKET SALLY, Aug. 23, 
1763: Hough, Detroit, Jrn. , p 64. 

165. (p 171) OCTOBER 28TH RECRUIT CAPTURE, 1776: 
Heath, p 77. 

166. * (p 171-6) ROGERS' CAPTURE OF NATHAN HALE, Sept. 
21, 1776: Bamford, Sept. 22. Halifax Log, Sept. 16-21; 30. 
Seymour, Documentary Life of N. Hale. 


167. (p 171) JANUARY 2NDRECRUIT CAPTURE, 1777: Heath, 
Jan. 3, 1777. 

168. (p 171) CAPTURE OF STRANG, Jan. 3, 1777: Hough, 
Rogers' Jrn. , 277-8. Heath Papers, Heath to Washington, 
Peekskill, Jan. 4, 1777. 

169.* (182) GOODWIN'S PILOT SCOUT, March 1780: Robert 
Rogers to Haldimand, March 20— Haldimand Collection, B.160, 
p 34. 

170. (p 200) WHITWORTH'S RECRUITING SCOUT, March 1780: 
Jones, 280. 

171.* (p 195) FERGUSON'S N.Y. STATE SCOUT, July 1780: 
Ferguson to Mathews, St. John's, Aug. 3— Haldimand Coll, 
B.161, p 104. 

1780-1781: Haldimand to Gov. Hughes, Que. , Nov. 16— Hal- 
dimand Coll., B.150, pp 95-6. Mathews to Major J. Rogers, 
Que., Jan. 1, 1781-Ibid, B.160, p 85. 

Aug. 1780: North, J., p 158. 

174. * (p 190) CAPTURE OF THOMAS JOHNSON, March 8-13, 
1781: Johnson, T. , March 8-20. Sherwood to Mathews, Isle 
aux Noix, Mar. 11— Haldimand Coll., B. 176. Same to Same, 
Mar. 23-4— Ibid, B. 176, pp 55, 58-61. 

1781: Smyth to Mathews, St. John's, July 21— Ibid, B. 176, p 

169. Sherwood to Mathews, Dutchman's Pt. , July 21 (Return 
of Breckenridge) , Ibid, p 171. 

176. * (p 195) MILLER'S BALLSTOWN MISSION, July 1781: 
J. Miller's Report, July 11— Ibid, p 150. 

176A. (p 195) FERGUSON'S BALLSTOWN SCOUT, Aug. 1781: 
B.182, p417. 

Nov. 1781: B.163, p 118. 

177.* (p 194) STEPHEN'S DOC OLDEN SCOUT, Nov. 2, 1781: 
Sherwood to Mathews, Tic, Nov. 2— Ibid, 1326. 

178. (p 196) ATTEMPT TO BURN MAN O' WAR, Nov. 1781- 
Aug 17, 1782: Smyth to Mathews, Nov. 10— Ibid, p 333. Smyth 
to Haldimand, Nov. 21— Ibid, p 359. Smyth to Mathews, Dec. 
12— Ibid, p 365. John Lindsay's Report, Aug. 17, 1782— Ibid, 
B. 177-2, pp 442-5. Mathews to Sherwood, Nov. 15, 1781— 

Ibid, B.179, p 155. 

Dec. 10-31, 1781: Roger Stephens to Mathews, St. John's, 
Feb. 6, 1782— Ibid, B.161, p 391. 

-Feb. 1782: Sherwood to Mathews, Loyal Blockhouse Feb. 24 
—Ibid, B. 177-1, p 74. Roger Stephen's Report, Feb. 28— Ibid, 
p 85. Sherwood to Mathews, Jan. 30, River La Colle— Ibid, p 

181. (p 195) MAJOR JAMES ROGERS' MISSION, Apr. 28-May 
1782: J. Rogers to J. Mountain, St. John's, Feb. 16— Ibid, 
p 55. Sherwood to Mathews, Loyal Blockhouse, May 18— Ibid, 
p 295. Haldimand to Major Rogers Apr. 28— Ibid, B. 160, p 
107-8 (2 letters). Major Rogers to Mathews, Loyal Block- 
house, May 2— Ibid, p 109. 

1782: Sherwood to Mathews, Loyal Blockhouse, May 15— Ibid, 
B. 177-1, p 289. 

183.* (p 191) PRITCHARD'S N.Y. CITY SCOUT, Aug. -Sept. , 
1782: Pritchard's Report, St. John's, Sept. 17— Ibid, B. 177-2. 

184.* (p 195) STEPHEN'S HAZARDOUS SCOUT, Oct. 1782: 
Stephens to Mathews, St. John's, Oct. 15— Ibid, B.161 1 456. 

185. (p 200) CAPTURE OF STINSON, 1782: Parole of Cap- 
tain John Stinson, Aug. 10— Ibid, B.160, p 115. J. Rogers to 
Mathews (giving account of Stinson' s capture) Aug. 21— Ibid, 
p 116. Mathews to J. Rogers, Aug. 26— Ibid, p 117. 

186.* (p 200) THE LAST SCOUT, Apr. 1784: J. Rogers to 
Mathews, St. John's, March 28, 1784— Ibid, p 161: Since num- 
bers of the King's Rangers have asked leave to set out to re- 
connoitre the lands about Cataraqui as soon as possible, there 
being various accounts of the country. Asks that Lt. Ferguson 
and 10 or 11 of the most confidential men should obtain leave 
so as to find at least a good landing place for the boats where 
huts could be built. 

NOTE: See Loescher (1) for Scouts 1-47 (Appendix III). 




This study will continue the de finit ive descript ions detailed in our 
HISTORY OF ROGERS RANGERS-The Beginnings 1 to cover the newly discovered 
evidence thus enabling the author to draw the most comphre hens ive plate. 

ROGERS RANGERS-Ranger-1758-1761 : Depicted in full marching uniform and 
gear. Short- ta iled jacket and vest of an inexpensive green frieze (a 
rough heavy woolen fabric with a shaggy nap.) The jacket not quite as 
short as those of the light infantry as Rogers Rangers had to wear t.hem 
the year round, except for very hot summer when they went out in their 
vests or Indian hunting shirts. The latter sometimes worn over the vests 
and on occass ion over their jackets to preserve their uniform as well as 
protect ion in the brush. The jackets were lined with green serge. The 
short green collar and cuffs of serge contrasted enough from the nappy 
frieze jacket to give a dist inct facing. A double row of white metal 
buttons on the front of the jacket and four on each sleeve. The insig- 
nia or badge of Rogers Rangers as inspired by Lord Howe was inscribed on 
the buttons of Rogers' own company and probably the other companies be- 
fore the war was over. An * ANONYMOUS DIARY OF A ROGERS RANGER OFFICER' in 
possess ion of the author best describes the 'Insignia Button' : 

'Ye Majors Co. stilLhave ye white buttons with we Rogers Rangers 
marked so on ye f ace /fSTO^Ye Major says Lord Howe sug(g)ested it before 
his untimely death. ^Sgjc/The R' s standing back to back - ye top of R' s 
form ye Kings Crown signif(y)ing his Majestys Independant Co' s of Ran- 
gers. Some have contrived this design as a Badge wearing it on ye bullit 
pouch or ye waist Belt buc(k)el. 

The Scotch Balmoral bonnet was much favored and worn by the privates 
and non-coms . The same Diarist records the ' ornamentat ion' upon them: 

'Rogers Rangers favo(u)r ye Squir(r)el or Bucks tale (tail) on ye 
green Balmoral Bonnet rathir than ye evirgreen sprigs much used by ye 
Light Inf. I must concur with my men that ye sprigs dry out to(o) fast 
and ye sap sticks to ye Bonnet when fres(h) cut. By setting ye length 
of ye tales (tails) Major Rogers has kept a uniform look. To shorten ye 
cut is don(e) at ye root end. Ye Major (Roger) s Co. all have ye squir(r) 
el tale (tail). '3 

He comments further on the length of the jackets: 

'Our coats are not quit (e) as short as some of ye other Regts (Regi- 
ments,) as ye Rangers must wear them ye year round. I fear ye men wou(l)d 
not be akin to a stoppage for 2 uniforms....'* 

The Rangers wore buckskin breeches ending just below the knee (shaped 
much like our modern 'knickers' ). Over these they wore green Indian leg- 
gings usually of rattan material. The leggings were fastened to the 
breeches belt at the top and strapped under the instep at the bottom 
with garters just below the knees to further avoid ' s 1 ippage' . The Ran- 
ger officer Diarist relates a most humorous facet regarding the Leggins: 

'Most of our (Rogers) Rangers favo(u)r ye true Indion (Indian) Leggins 
which come quit(e) high on ye legs & tye (tie) to ye breeches belt & 
with strap under ye feet so ye Leggins will not slip up ye legs. With 
Garters directly below ye knee ye Leggins are quit(e) snug. 

'Our Rangers are not quit(e) as barbaric as Gorhams (Ranger s, ) who are 
reported wearing no breeches under their Leggins - Only a kilt (a) round 
ye outside. Certain of our Rangers would have worn only ye Breechclotb 
fore and aft in ye Summer instead of breeches under ye Indion Leggin(g)s 
stating they wou(l)d have more freedom for action. Ye Major (Rogers) put 
it down & told ye men at General Muster that there wo(u)ld be no opp- 
ortunity for wenching in ye brush & ye on' y -Freedom for Action- wo(u)ld 


be needed further down in ye Feet! I daresay this provoked unduly loud 
lafter (laughter) amongst ye Rangers which shoc(k)ed certain Regular off- 
icers present. 1 fear ye English Officers will nevir (never) understand 
ye Majors (Rogers) way of Level (l)ing ye men. He deals with a new breed 
of men. They are more free than evin (even) ye Scots Clans. '6 

Moccas ins on the feet with an extra pair in the pact or blanket roll 
completed the uniform. The shirt under the jacket was the pull-over type 
usually white although checked shirts could have been worn as there is 
no definite evidence of uniformity in the shirts. A stock of leather or 
dyed cloth or linen was worn around the shirt collar, especially in in- 
clement weather. This protect ive 'scarf enhanced the military effect. 

WEAPONS: Consisted of the shorter 42 inch barrel Brown Bess; The short 
knife bayonet; The round or oval eyed Tomahawk; A long Scalping-Kni fe 
(the Deer antler handles were favored - as shown in the plate). 

ROGERS QUEENS RANGERS-Ranger-1776-1777 : Recruited in part by and of 
former Rogers Ranger officers and men the advent of this revival as a 
Loyalist corps saw the uniform greately influenced by the dress and gear 
of the French and Indian War. These old veterans or their sons brought 
whatever items of uniform or gear that survived when they made their se- 
cret if not hurried exodus from the New England coast across the sound 
to Rogers' recruit ing headquarters on Long Island at Hunt ington. 

Rogers ordered the same colors for his uniforms except the coat facing 
and cuffs were blue.1 The green coat with white metal buttons was cut the 
same as the British army Light Infantry, short tailed and double-breast- 
ed lapel led front, green waistcoat . The white bindings were ma intained 
on the eventual black tri-corne hats.* It is not deRnit ly known whether 
this uniform reached Rogers from England during the life of the corps 
while it existed as Rogers Queens Rangers during the winter of 1776-77. 

Until they arrived, the corps wore the uniform as depicted in the 
plate. Their raids on the Amer ican storehouses contr ibuted clothing 
items and gear to allay the shortage until the ships arrived from Eng- 
land. It is no wonder that their active Fall campaign of 1776 in West' 
Chester County evoked exclamations of alarm from the patriots for by all 
appearances 'Rogers Rangers' lived a gain. 9 

ROGERS KINGS RANGERS-Ranger-1779-1783: The last half of this last revi- 
val of Rogers Rangers saw them finally uniformed as shown in the plate. 
Green cloth British Light Infantry cut coats and vests with the short 
regulat ion 'knickers' underneath the Indian Leggings- green and moccas ins 
on the feet. The green beret (Scotch Balmoral bonnet) for pr ivates and 
cocked tr i*corne black hats for non-coms and officers . The coats and 
breeches were woolen for winter and linen for summer. Linen shirts, 
stockings and two pair of mocassins were issued. Sergeants wore the reg- 
ulation right shoulder strap designat ion of rank. The Ranger is depict- 
ed called on alert hastily slipping into his green blanket coat, which 
normally would be underneath the wa istbelt and cartr idge box but is 
shown half open so the 1782-83 uniform can be seen underneath. The first 
years, 1779-1781 saw the corps wearing the green hunting shirts instead 
of the British cut coats and vests. They resembled the Queens Ranger fi- 
gure except for the green beret. The blanket coat was one of the first 
items issued and presented a uniformity of dress during the winter .10 

NOTES: l Loescher (1), pp 271-286 Appendice B, ROGERS RANGERS UNIFORMS & 
EQUIPMENT, 1755-1783. This study contains excerpts from all the contem- 
porary documents. The color plates depict the 1755 to 1758 uniform. 

^Anonymous , Rogers Ranger Diary (in possesion of the author) 10. June, 
1759 entry. Symbols: () used for editing by author in lieu of £ J 

ilbid, 13 June 1759. Evidence of the 'Bonnet' being worn as early as 
September, 1756, is revealed by Bouga inv il le , 9/11/1756 Journal entry:- 


Little parties of Rogers Rangers (mistaken for 42nd Highlande rs ) in Bal- 
moral bonnets with St ockbr idge Rangers were observed continually peering 
into Ticonder oga from the surround ing he ights .-E.Hamil ton , trans & edit. 

4 Op. Cit., 14 June 1759. 

Slbid, 15 June 1759. Ev ident ly this report was a disparag ing rumour 
started in humour against a rival corps for Gorham' s Rangers did wear 
clothing under their kilts. A contemporary descr ipt ion scotches the ru- 
mour: 1759-Gorham' s Rangers wore '..linen, or canvas dr awe rs ..' -Loescher 
(5), p 11, also see plate by the author, frontispiece of same source. 
The leather breeches (under Leggings ) susta ined a party of Hazen's comp- 
any when starving 'on Party' in February 1760 .-Montressor , Feb 15, 1760. 

&Op. Cit.; Boston News-Le tter 10/4/59: notes a drowned Ranger deserter 
was found wearing only 'Indian* Leggings and 'Moggasens'. 


IBlue , chosen for the Queen's Royal blue. The plate depicts a veteran 
Rogers Ranger wearing his outgrown hunting shirt. The two-short sleeves 
reveal the blue-cuf fed British cut coat beneath which might very well 
been worn underneath. The hunting shirt prov id ing warmth for the Rangers 
v igorous fall and winter campa ign of 1776. 

&77>e Ranger wears the Light Infantry hat issued to the Light Company 
of the Queen's Rangers. The Ranger retains his squirrel tail insignia 
from the French and Indian War, which he wore on his Balmoral bonnet in 
that war. Other evidence of his veteran service record are revealed in 
the 1758 'R.R.' belt buckle insignia and the deer antler handled scalp- 
ing knife. The wooden canteen retained the vintage of two decades prior. 

*Their somewhat barbaric appearance while alarming to the Amer ican pa- 
triots, was abhorred by the British army. When Rogers could not cloth 
his Rangers in the uniform he ordered due to the non-arr iva 1 of the ship 
bearing them from England, the British officers aspiring to command this 
active partisan corps, which would advance them, seized upon this oppor- 
tunity to discredit Rogers. 

There is pic tor ia 1 evidence of the uniform Rogers ordered and which 
was adopted and modified by Rogers successors early in 1777 when the re- 
giment ceased to exist as 'Rogers Queens Rangers' . See Charles U. Lef- 
ferts, Uniforms of the Amer ican , Br it ish , French, and German Armies in 
the War of the American Revolution 1775-1783, pp 222, 230. Also Cecil C. 
P. Lawson's Uniforms of the British Army, See chapter on Loyalist corps. 


lOSee Index this hook, 'Uniforms, Kings Rangers'. Also footnote 337. 
Alley, II, page 5. 


The theme depicts the life of Rogers Rangers in the unique manner isms 
of their uniform. The 'Genesis' is portrayed in the items of dress which 
bound the revivals (Queens Rangers r.nd Kings Rangers , ) to their more fa- 
mous ancestry in the French and Indian War. The Balmoral bonnets , the: • 
'R.R.' insignia, the Indian Leggings, the moccasins, the squirrel-tails 
on the headtjv.r and last but not least the horn-handled scalping knifes. 

The Queens and Kings Rangers hurry to follow in the footsteps of Ro- 
gers Rangers before the close of the Amer ican Revolut ion ends the life 
of Rogers Rangers. 

AVAILABLE: B4W 11x14 inches prints on heavy 70$ paper of the uniform 
plate on page 6, ROGERS RANGERS UNIFORMS 1758-1783 suitable for framing, 
with, or without water- color i ng. Also included, an 8x8 inch full-color 
plate of MAJOR ROGERS from the frontispiece of THE HISTORY OF ROGERS 
RANGERS (Loescher, 1). Both for only $3.25 postpaid, from: 
Burt G. Loescher, 464 Fathom Drive, San Mateo, California 94404. 



To avoid repeating the full title of a source citation most cita- 
tions have been made by the use of key words, usually the 
names of the writers or editors of the works cited, such as 
'Loescher (1)' for History of Rogers Rangers— The Beginnings, 
1755-Apr. 6, 1758. All key words appear in the bibliography 
of Principal Sources following these notes. 

Pages 1-26 

p-ix ^For 'The Beginnings' of Rogers Rangers see Loescher 

p-1 la See Loescher, Vol I, pp 261-2. 

p-2 2 News-Letter, May 25, 1758. 

p-3 3 Rogers, p 108. 

p-3 Rogers, p 110. Brigadier Lord Viscount George Howe, 
able second in command to Abercrombie. 

p-5 5 Ibid. 

p-5 Engagement of the Stockbridge Indians, Feb. 1758— LO 
5799. Burbank's Company to June 24, 1758— AB 922-1. Pro- 
vision Warrant for Moses Brewer's Company, July 3, 1758— 
AB 929-1. Pay Warrant for Same to June 24, 1758— AB 929-2. 

p-7 7 Ibid. Brigadier Lawrence to Abercrombie, Apr. 12, Bos- 
ton— AB 147. Abercrombie to Lawrence, N. Y. , Apr. 30— AB 
216. Wentworth to Abercrombie, Portsmouth, N. H. , May 19- 
AB 270. Numbers of Rangers and Provincial Recruits for each 
Company are listed in: AB 590— (Burbank's, Shepherd's, M. 
Brewer's, J. Stark's, R. Rogers'). Numbers of J. Stark's, 
Shepherd's and James Neale's are in— AB 930, 931, 932, 911, 
934, 590. Besides Rogers' seven Companies at Lake George 
there were six others in his Corps: James Neale's Company 
at Fort Miller, Henry Wendell's Company at Fort Stanwix in 
the Mohawk Valley and John McCurdy's, Jonathan Brewer's, 
James Rogers' and William Stark's Companies on the Louis- 
bourg front. 

p-7 ^Anonymous British Journal, in W. 0.34. 

p-8 9 Ibid, June 25. 

p-8 10 Namely Langy's Defeat at The Battle of Ticonderoga 
Falls. See text, pp 32-34. 


p-8 ^Anonymous French Diary in W.O. 34. 

p-8 13 Ibid, p 112. 

p-9 14 Ibid, pp 112-13. 

p-11 15 0' Connor. Rogers, p 114. 

p-12 17 Rogers, 114-15. 

p-20 19 Cleaveland, Aug. 11, 1758. 

p-20 Rea, Aug. 1. The Rogers' Rock survivor was Private 

David Vander Heyden, Jr., of Bulkeley's. The Stockbridge 
was Private Aaron Ninhem. Both had been prisoners at Con- 
osedago, the Indian Castle 25 miles above Montreal and had 
escaped the middle of July. —Declaration of Heyden and Nin- 
hem, Camp at Lake George, Aug. 2, 1758— W.O. 34, Vol 75, 
ff 179-80. 

p-21 Abercrombie to Sir Wm. Johnson, Camp at Lake 

George, Sept. 26— AB 699: The Mohawks indulged so heavily 

in liquor that their scouts never reached Ticonderoga, for they 

became sick and returned to Camp. One even deserted from a 

scout led by Rogers. 

George, Sept. 11— AB 641: Although discharged the Stock- 
bridges had to wait till sterling arrived. 

p-24 29 Amherst, Champion, Oct. 6, 1758. 
p-24 30 Pay Warrants, June 25- Aug. 24-AB 590. 

p-25 33 Rogers, 126-7. W.O.34, Vol 197, f 318. 

28, 1759: W.O.34, Vol 197, ff 306; 305; 304; 303; 302; 301 

300; 299; 298; 297; 296; 295; 294; 291; 289; 290; 288; 264 

236; 199; 382; 376; 370; 366; 325; 324; 323; 322; 326; 320 
319; 318; 317; 309. 

p-25 35 Champion, Oct. 20. Abercrombie to Pitt, N.Y. , Nov. 
25, 1758— AB 828. Loescher (3): Chapter VII, Ranger Good- 
win's Easter Rum. 



Pages 27 - 35 


nel Meserve. Rogers Rangers were the only fighting Amer- 
icans in the expedition— Cutter, Apr. 3. 

p-28 37 Major Robert Rogers' account against the four Ranging 
Companies gone to Cape Britton enclosed to Lt-Gov. Monck- 
ton, June 30, 1758— AB 16. Abercrombie to Gov. Pownall, 
N. Y. , March 20— AB 56. Same to Same, March 30— AB 91. 

p-28 3 °Charles Lawrence to Abercrombie, Boston, Apr. 2, 
1758— AB 99. Lo ring to Abercrombie, Apr. 3, Boston AB 108. 
Lawrence to Abercrombie, Boston, Apr. 5— AB118. Hopson 
to Abercrombie, Apr. 7, Halifax— AB 126. 

p-28 39 Hopson to Abercrombie, Halifax, Apr. 12— AB 148. 
Scott was brevet ted Major for this command. 

p-31 See Loescher, Vol I, pp 90-91. Browne, pp 13, 14: 

states that "Sergeant Beau de Bien, Captain Wm. Stark's Wolf 
dog, accounted for his French name from the fact that Stark, 
while on a northern hunting trip, found a French officer beat- 
ing the dog. Stark, who loved dogs, intervened and a fierce 
duel ensued between Stark and the Frenchman, in which Stark 
was the victor. The dog gladly attached himself to his new- 
found defender. Stark named him Sergeant Beau de Bien but it 
was soon shortened by the Rangers to Beaubien, while he was 
most generally known as "The Sergeant." He lived to a ripe 
old age and though he never boasted of his deeds he was con- 
sidered a hero." 

p-33 43 Amherst, June 21, 1758. 


p-34 44 Munroe, Aug. 28. Stark, C. , Reminiscences j» 160: 
states that Sergeant Philip, a Pequawket Indian of Rogers Rang- 
ers, was the first man to enter the Fortress of Louisbourg af- 
ter its capture. However, this has not been substantiated by 
any other contemporary account. 

p-34 4 ^james Rogers' Company continued the Corps custom of 
shooting at marks while stationed at Louisbourg, which had fa- 
tal results on Oct. 8: "There was a Lt. of ye Rangers was a 
fireingat a mark and shot a youngman that belonged to Lunen- 
burg that he Dyed directly. " Knap, Oct. 8, 1758. 

p-35 46 Amherst's List of Winter Quarters, Dec. 18, 1758— C. 
O. , 5/54, f 23. Monckton's Report of the St. John Expedition, 
Nov. 20-Northcliffe Coll. 



Pages 36-71 

p-36 48 Gage to Amherst, Albany, Jan. 28, 1759— W. 0.34 Vol 
46A, f 4. 

p-36 49 Same to Same, Jan. 29— Ibid, Vol 46A, f 6. 

p-40 50 Rogers, 124-127. Gage to Amherst, Albany, Feb. 18, 
1759— W.O.34, Vol 46A, f 11: Received 4 letters from Rogers 
relative to raising Stockbridges but will not do anything without 
Amherst's approval-Casts Disparaging remarks on Stockbridge 
Rangers and Rogers' leadership of them: "...These Indians 
were last Campaign so great a nuisance to the Army and did 
no Manner of service. Some people say they were not proper- 
ly managed. I own myself ignorant of the management that is 
proper for those gentry; can only say that neither orders or 
Entreatys could prevail on them to do service, always lying 
drunk in their Hutts, or firing round the Camp. . ." 
Same to Same, Albany, March 19— Ibid, f 21: "... Capt Jacobs 
arrived here since my last, but would proceed no farther, in- 
sisting that Rogers should meet him here; no arguments could 
prevail on him to stir further. As Rogers from being frost-bit 
in his last scout, was of no service at Fort Edward, I desired 
Col. Haldimand to order him down here if able to ride and he 
arrived accordingly last night and this day the two Chiefs hold 
their Conference and I suppose matters will be settled upon 
much the same terms as last year. But Mr. Jacob has given 
me some hints that money must be advanced him to raise his 
People which I am by no means inclined to grant him. I rather 
choose to see his people first." 

Same to Same, Albany, March 25— Ibid, f 23: "...Rogers is 
here and has fixed matters with Jacobs, who is set forward to 
raise his Company. The other Jacobs is also wrote to, as well 

as King Uncas of the Mohegons to raise two other Companies. . " 
Amherst to Gage, N.Y., March 26— Ibid, f 150: "Capt Jacobs 
has behaved just like himself and all the Drunken good for noth- 
ing Tribe. I hate them all but as things are, they may do some 
good by doing Mischief, of which we have a great deal to do, to 
be at par with the French. " Jacobs' insistence on advance pay 
from Amherst spread thru the army and became a standing 
joke.— R. Putnam, July 26, 1759: "But I was not so prudent 
as the Indian, Captain Jacobs, in another case, to request the 
General to put his promise on paper. " 

p-40 51 Gage to Amherst, Albany, March 19— Ibid, f 21 pith- 
ly adds: ". . .They are a mixture of good and bad men, though 
the latter not in very great numbers. . . " 

p-41 52 Gage to Haldimand, Albany, March 27— Haldimand Pa- 
pers, B.2-1, p 28: ". . .Major Rogers should be sent back to 
you immediately, but he has got a Disorder, that many of the 
profession are subject to. I am informed however that he may 
set out in five or six days. . ." Gage to Haldimand, Apr. 4— 
Ibid, p 33— His decree respecting the Rangers. Ibid, p 17, 
Gage to Haldimand, 2/20/1959: If forced to decide rank dis- 
putes it must be against the Ranger Officers. Ibid, p 27: Evi- 
dently Rogers Rangers' winter quarters in Ft. Edward were 
very limited which did not ease the tension. Gage stated that 
the Regulars must make room for the new Ranger recruits. 

f 27. Rogers left for Fort Edward with orders to put his Com- 
panies in order. ". . .but as I know him to be a true Ranger 
and not much addicted to Regularity I had before sent directions 
on this head to Colonel Haldimand and Colonel Eyre [who has 
left to relieve Fort Edward]." Rogers' proposal to taking Mo- 
hawks into his Corps promising but impractical "was it prac- 
ticable they would certainly be preferrable to all the Rangers 
on the Continent. Rogers is a good man in his way, but his 
schemes are very wild and he has a new one every Day. . . I en- 
close you a scheme for putting the Rangers in some better or- 

p-41 54 The Rangers' first crisis was their Whipping Post Mu- 
tiny. See Loescher, I, pp 201-210, 304-11. 
Amherst's first impression of Rogers Rangers' carefree atti- 
tude is revealed in Amherst to Gov. DeLancey, Camp at Lake 
George, June 23— W. O. 34, Vol 30, f 52: "... I am sorry to say 
I do not give the least credit to any Ranger Reports; from all 
I have seen of them they are the most careless, negligent, ig- 
norant Corps I ever saw, and if they are not beat on all occa- 
sions I really cannot find out the reason they are not— M. Rog- 
ers a good man, but I must Rub his Corps up, or they are worse 
than nothing. I don't mean that you should think I want Rang- 
ers, I think I have full enough of them. . . " 


p-41 55 Gage to Amherst, Apr. 2, 1759— Ibid, Vol 46A, f 25: 
makes indirect aspersions against Rogers' leadership: "... 
There is such Confusion in the Ranging Companies that it is 
difficult to ascertain their numbers. They have no person 
among them enough acquainted with Regular Service to put them 
in a proper order. Gen. Abercromby gave them an Adjutant, 
who is an idle Drunken fellow [William Steward], who instead 
of introducing some regularity among them, makes more con- 
fusion. . ." News-Letter, Apr. 26, 1759, records a mail-cour- 
ier ambuscade on Apr. 3. The courier threw his pack in the 
bushes, escaped, and recovered his pack the next day. This 
incident delayed mail delivery to Fort Edward. 

437. Gage to Am- 
herst, Albany, March 5, 1759-W.0.34, Vol 46A, f 15: "... 
The Rangers have never taken any Rank till last Campaign. 
They then assumed the same rank as Provincials and as it was 
judged necessary that they should have rank equal with the Pro- 
vincials with whom they are generally on Duty, it was winked 
at; and from that time they insist on their Rank or refuse to 
serve. Their commissions signed by the Commander-in-Chief 
without being confirmed by his Majesty or sent home for that 
purpose entitles him to no Half-Pay or Rank. According to the 
general opinion the matter is loose and wants to be fixed. I 
must say they much better deserve Rank than the Provincials . ." 

p-43 57 Amherst to Rogers, N.Y., Apr. 1— W.O. 34, Vol 54, 
f 122. 

p-43 58 Amherst to Gage, Apr. 2— Ibid, f 154. 

-Vol 46A, f 156. Same to Same, Jan. 14, 
1760— Ibid, f 198: Waite owed Rogers 111 pounds "by a prom- 
issory note of hand for necessarys furnished that Company." 
Gage to Amherst, Albany, Feb. 12, 1759— Ibid, f 9: "... Capt. 
Wendell was ordered to his post [at Ft. Stanwix]." Same to 
Same, Apr. 2, Ibid, f 25: Wendell's Company men time up, 
men anxious to be discharged so can recruit in Provincial Reg- 
iments for high bounty, only one-half will reenlist with Wen- 
dell. Just heard from Wendell, none of his Company will re- 
enlist. Wendell and two of his officers wish to retire. Same 
to Same, Apr. 9— Ibid, f 27: Sooner Wendell can be replaced 
the better, recommends Captain Ogden of N.Y. Provincial 
Ranger Company, who has petitioned for a Company of his Maj- 
esty's Rangers; Ogden's brother was a Lieutenant in Wendell's, 
two officers and 27 recruits passed thru to Ft. Stanwix for Wen- 
dell's; one officer still recruiting. Early in 1760 Wendell 
penned Amherst a Memorial (W.O. 34, Vol 82, f 43) stating 
that he left the Command of his Company of Rangers upon Am- 
herst' s leave because he had such bad men who deserted daily. 
When the Company was mustered by Colonel Masseyat Ft. Stan- 
wix and asked why they deserted and if Wendell treated them 
well, they said that he treated them well. When he resigned 

and gave up his command to Captain Waite he gave him a list 
of the deserters, but Waite did not bother with them. One of 
them, George Wendecker, accosted Wendell and demanded pay- 
ment for the time he had deserted (18 months). Wendell threw 
him out of doors and told him to join Waite' s Company and serve 
his time out. Wendecker immediately got a lawful writ of 500 
pounds against Wendell and recommended to all the other de- 
serters to do the same. Wendell had paid all Rangers who 
served without deserting. Recommends Amherst to look into 
this matter. Also he seeks to serve next campaign (1760) as 
he is a half-pay officer. Amhert replied that he was amazed 
at Wendecker' s audacity and recommends Wendell to seek legal 
procedure.— Ibid, Vol , f . Amherst to Wendell, Albany, 
May 16, 1759— Ibid, Vol 79, f 114: Directing him (since his 
resignation) to acquaint Waite, upon his arrival, with the Com- 
pany's Numbers, pay, etc. 

p-43 60 Amherst to Rogers, N. Y. , Apr. 1, 1759— Ibid, Vol 54, 
f 122. Upon being exchanged McCormick served in one of Rog- 
ers' Companies with Wolfe at Quebec and did not enter Rogers' 
own Company until 1760. 

p-44 61 Alex Schomberg of the 'Diana' to Amherst, N. Y. , May 
11, 1759— Ibid, Vol 42, f 226. Enclosed (f 227) Major Rog- 
ers' Report to Schomberg, May 11th. 

p_44 62 Major Rogers' Own Company, J. Stark's, Burbank's, 
Johnson's, Shepherd's (now Tute's), M. Brewer's, Lieutenant 
David Brewer's, Jacob Cheeksaunkun's, Jacob Naunauphtaunk's 
and Waite' s at Fort Stanwix. 

p-44 63 Account of Pay for Rogers' Companies, Aug. 31, 1759 
— W. 0.34, Vol 197, f 404; Lt. Brewer's Company had only 17 
Privates on May 1, and 3 Sergeants and 55 men by Aug. 24th. 
Amherst to Joshua Lock, Albany, May 11, 1759— Ibid, Vol 79, 
f 112. 

p-44 Captain Jacob Naunauphtaunk was scheduled to march 
from Albany on May 6, however Amherst notes that "... Capt. 
Jacob's drunken crew did not quit this place so soon as I or- 
dered, but they are at present all out of town and I hope will 
arrive Sober to you. The Captain promises great things..." 
Amherst to Eyre, Albany, May 9— Ibid, Vol 54, f 125. Same 
to Same May 5— Ibid, f 123: gives a return of the Company— 1 
Captain, 1 Lieutenant, 1 Ensign, 2 Sergeants, 1 Clerk, 45 In- 
dian men, 5 Indian Boys, 4 White Men. Amherst notes that one 
of the above Indians was discharged this morning (May 5th) . 
The Company shrunk from 59 to 44 by June 24, and to 27 by Oct. 
27, 1759 when the Company was discharged. —Amherst's Notes 
on Losses in Stockbridge Companies, Oct.— Ibid, Vol 81, f 199. 
Amherst to Lt. Solomon Uhhaunwaunwaumot of Captain Naun- 
auphtaunk's Company, Crown Point, Oct. 27— Ibid, f 92. 


—Ibid, Vol 54, f 131-2. Same to Same, May 29, Ibid, f 133. 
On May 27, 1759, Jacob Cheeksaukun' s Company had a paper 
strength of 52 officers and men. Actually there was 1 Captain, 
1 Lieutenant, 1 Ensign, 2 Sergeants and 26 Privates (4 of these 
were boys). The absentees, who never joined the Company, 
were 1 Clerk and 7 Privates said to be at Ft. Edward. Ten 
Privates with Sir Wm. Johnson. Three Privates not joyned 
from Stockbridge. By Oct. 27, 1759, the Company only num- 
bered 15, all told. 

p-45 Appy, June 28, 1759. John Appy, besides being Am- 
herst's Secretary, was Judge Advocate of the army. 


p-46 68 Wooster's Orderly Book gives an excellent picture of 
the activities of Rogers Rangers to July 21, when the army em- 
barked for Ticonderoga: 

-June 22, Camp at Lake George: "After Orders— Major Rog- 
ers is on all Detachments to take rank as Major according to 
the date of his commission as such next after the Majors who 
have the King's commissions or one from His Majesty's Com- 
mander-in-Chief. " 

-June 23, "All extraordinarys in. . .the Rangers to be reported 
to the Colonel of the day. . . " 

-". . .2 officers and 40 Rangers to march under the command 
of the Captain of Gage's which he will dispose of as he thinks 
proper, the whole to take two days provisions with them and 
march at 5 in the morning and remain till the evening. One 
subaltern and 30 of Gage's and 2 officers of the Rangers are to 
join their detachment. . .the whole to go in their waistcoats and 
take 1 days provision with them (to escort Cannon Cartridge 
wagons) ..." 

-June 24, "... Gage's and the Rangers to furnish the same es- 
cort on the Posts on the road to Ft. Edward for the wagons as 
ordered yesterday and to be posted in the same manner..." 
Same order— June 25-29 and July 4-6 (viz., 1 officer and 40 
Rangers) . 

-June 27, after orders give complete details on formation of 
covering parties to Stark's Fishing Decoy, "Major Rogers to 
furnish as many Rangers and Indians [as he can]. . . " 
-June 28, ". . .When the Rangers and Indians draw provisions 
each Company must make a return of their effective present, 
signed by the Commanding Officer of the Company and Major 
Rogers will sign for the whole. They are always to receive 
provisions two days before it is due, that there may be a suf- 
ficiency in their camp to supply scouting parties. . . " 
-June 29, ". . .The Companies of Indians and Rangers in Camp 
are to be under arms tomorrow morning at 5 o'clock to be in- 
spected by Brigadier Gage. The officers commanding each 
Company will have returns ready agreeable to the form that 
will be sent them by the Major Brigade. . ." 

-July 2, The Rangers received their provisions first at 5 A. 
M. July 5, Regulars and Rangers received 8 days provisions 
and "if the weather should be warm the men must dress all their 
provisions that it may not be spoiled. " July 8 , " . . It is repeat- 
ed that the Rangers always receive provisions 2 days before- 
hand and for 4 days and 3 days alternately. . . " 
-July 9, ". . .tomorrow morning if a fine day, the men to be in 
their waistcoats with their arms and ammunition. . .and no man 
to straggle towards Fort Edward. The Rangers and Indians 
must be observant to this order, if they are straggling in the 
woods they will be shot. . .." 

-July 10, ". . .Tomorrow the Indians to receive 2 days provi- 
sions at 6 o'clock for their effective numbers, hereafter to re- 
ceive every 2 days for 2 days. . ." 

-July 13, ". . .Regulars and Rangers to receive flour for 5 days 
which they are to get baked tomorrow and kept. . . " 
-July 14, "... The Rangers and Indians to fire off their pieces 
tomorrow morning at 5 o'clock in the front of their Camp at 
Marks, they will afterwards put their arms in the best order 
they can. It is repeated the men are on no account to touch the 
5 days bread they were ordered to keep. . . " 
-July 15, "... The Bread must now be eaten that it may not be 
spoiled and they will continue baking the flour they receive so 
that they will always have 5 days Bread ready when the army 
embarks. The Rangers that fired this day are to complete their 
ammunition by applying to Major Ord, commanding officer of 
the Artillery. . . " "... As shots and shells fired or left by the 
enemy may be of use in sending back to them again— To those 
who pick them up and deliver to Commissary of Artillery Stores 
will receive for: a 13 inch shell-$1.00; 10-inch shell-a half- 
Dollar; 8-inch shell-quarter of a Dollar; large Shot-2 pence; 
smaller Shot-1 Penny; 5 Shillings for every good or repair- 
able firelock brought into Headquarters." 

"After orders:. . .an officer and 150 Rangers to conduct Pro- 
vincial troops to a post on the West side of the Lake. The men 
to take one days provision, marching in their Waistcoats and 
Blankets. . ." 

-July 16, ". . .8 of the Provincial Battalions are to give 13 men 
each and 2 of the Provincial Battalions 14 men each for the 
Ranging service. The men to be told they will receive the dif- 
ference betwixt the pay. Commanding officers of those Battal- 
lions to turn out all Volunteers willing to serve in the Rangers 
tomorrow at 1 o'clock. Major Rogers will attend and choose 
the numbers each Regiment to furnish out of such Volunteers 

-July 18, "... Every man to have a good flint in his firelock 
and a spare flint in his pocket. Major Ord will furnish them. . . 
Volunteers from Provincials to join Rogers at 5 PM, must take 
no tents but live in huts in the same manner as the Rangers do. 
To take their provisions they have for tomorrow inclusive and 
they will afterwards draw with the Rangers and not be included 
in the provision return of their respective Regiments." 
-July 19, "... Received flour again and ordered to bake it. . . " 


-July 20, Embarkation orders: "... Col. Haviland to command 
Rangers, Light Infantry and Grenadiers in the attack... The 
men to land in their waistcoats, as light as possible, carrying 
only their blankets and provisions; no hurrying, no Huzzaying, 
upon any account whatsoever and no man to fire without orders 
from his officer. . . Themen must rowin turn and whennot row- 
ing to sleep. . ." 


12, 1759— W. 0.34, Vol 80, f 76: Shepheard also recommend- 
ed Tute, who was his First Lieutenant. 

Shepherd's Company was stationed at Half- Way- Brook during 
June "for scouting. "—Ibid, Vol 23, f 24. Amherst to Eyre, 
June 20. Shepherd made at least one scout while here, for the 
British Commandant, Payson, sent him with 60 Rangers in pur- 
suit of a lurking enemy party. The prowlers eluded Shepherd. 
—Ibid, Vol 77, f 87, H. Payson to Amherst, Halfway Brook, 
June 22. 

p-46 Lieutenant Andrew McMullen to Amherst, Ft. Royal, 

July 16— Ibid, Vol 77, f 97. 
p-47 71 Rogers, 139-40. 

p-48 72 See Loescher, I, p 405, ftn 13. 

p-48 Wooster, July 26: "...Enemy Indians firing in the 

rear..." July 27: "Rangers, Light Infantry, Grenadiers, Ly- 
man's and Wooster' s to entirely destroy the Road they have in 
their front by laying logs across and cutting some trees if nec- 
essary so as to make it impossible from Lake Champlain to the 
road leading to the saw-mill. . . " 

p-49 75 Rogers, 143. 

p-49 76 Bouton, pp 195-6: "Tradition by J. Eastman.' 

p-50 77 See p 351, Note 60, of this Volume. 

p-54 Webster, Sept. 15, 1759. 

of starvation and 20 were killed. 

p-64 80 Pouchot, I, 222-23. See page 361-Appendix. 

p-64 Haviland to Amherst, Crown Point, Dec. 14, 1759— W. 

0.34, 51, f 2. Wallace was commissioned Lieutenant in Rob- 
ert Rogers' New York Independent Company on June 25, 1763. 

p-64 8 *N.Y. Mercury, No 380, Nov. 26, 1759. 

p-64 83 Rogers to Amherst, Dec. 12, 1759— W.O.34, 78, f 182. 
"The misfortunes attending my Retreat from Saint Francois 
causes me great uneasiness, the Brave men lost I most heart- 
ily lament, and fear your Excellency's censure as the going 
against that place was my own proposal, and that I shall be dis- 
appointed of that Footing in the Army which I have long endeav- 
ored to merit. . ." 

p-65 Same to Same: "Lieutenant Stephen's Misconduct in 
coming off with the Provisions hurt me greatly and was the 
cause of so many perishing in the woods. I put him under an 
Arrest and also a Sergeant of Genl. Gage's Regiment for as- 
persing my Character by spreading a False Report that I took 
away from Dunbar's party Provisions and gave it away to oth- 
ers who had loaded themselves with Plunder after the place 
was destroyed. I hope Your Excellency will be pleased to or- 
der a Court Martial that I might have justice done me as I have 
nothing to depend on but my character. " 

Gage to Amherst, Albany, Dec. 17, 1759— Vol 46A, f 64: "Ma- 
jor Rogers is here demanding Court-Martial on Lieutenant Ste- 
phens of the Rangers for non-obedience of orders and Sergeant 
Lewis of my Regiment for false assertions. I have offered to 
comply with his requests, but his Evidences are so scattered 
thru all parts of the Country that it seems no easy matter to 
collect them. He tells me he has wrote you explaining every- 
thing. . . " 

Same to Same, Vol 46A, f 69: Delivers Amherst's letter to 
Rogers "who has been here some Days. In Respect of the Court 
Martial I don't find they are more likely to be concluded than 
when I last wrote you, on which account I have given Lt. Ste- 
phens the liberty of the town 'till I hear that the Witnesses are 
collected. . . " 

Amherst to Rogers (2 letters), Dec. 24, 1759— Vol 81, ff 200, 
201: "I am Sorry to see you have so many Men Missing; this 
will, I hope, be a Lesson to all other Partys to Secure Provi- 
sions and themselves instead of Loading themselves with Plun- 
der, by which they must be Lost, if an Enemy pursues. . . I Dis- 
approve entirely of Lieut. Stephen's Conduct, and I have Wrote 
to Brigr. Genl Gage, that if the Evidences can be Collected 
without prejudicing the Service, it would be but right that a 
Court Martial should Sit for his Trial. I have no Objection 
neither to One on Mr. Gage's Serjeant, if You absolutely Chuse 
it, but the Evidences are so dispersed, that before they can be 
Assembled, a great deal of time must Elapse. . .but to tell you 
the truth, I do not think there is any Occasion for One, as, from 
anything I have heard of the Affair, it is not in the power of that 
Serjeant to hurt Your Character." 

As a result of this letter Rogers waived his suit against Ser- 
geant Lewis of Gage's. 

Gage to Amherst, Albany, Jan. 20, 1 7 60 -4 6 A, f 74: "When 
Major Rogers arrives here [in a day or two] he must decide 


whether Lieutenant Stephens can be tryedat present or not. He 
must know by this time if the necessary Evidence can be pro- 
cured. . ." 

However, it wasnot until three months later, on April 23, 1760, 
that Stephens was Courtmartialed at Crown Point and found 
guilty ". . .of Neglect of Duty, in not taking his Canoes up to 
Well's River according to his Orders from General Amherst & 
that therefore he be suspended during the General's pleasure." 
Lieutenant Samuel Stephens fades out of the Corps' history with 
an undated Memorial to Amherst stating that he has not re- 
ceived his pay from Nov. 25, 1759 to May 24, 1760, when he 
was dismissed from the service at Crown Point. —Vol 100, f 18. 

p-65 85 Wilson; Oct., 1759. 

p-66 Amherst to Lt. Solomon Unhaunwaumot, Crown Point, 
Oct. 27, 1759— W.O. 34, Vol 81, f92. In Amherst's private 
notes on the losses in the Stockbridges— Vol 81, f 199: he notes 
that 12 went home on October 19, the day he abandoned his 
march on Isle aux Noix. In his Journal, Oct. 28, he comments 
on the remaining: ". . .as idle good for nothing a crew as ever 
was..." Amherst's instructions to Captain Sterling, Crown 
Point, Oct. 28— Vol 54, f 151, reveals his anxiety for his bat- 
teaus: "As some of the Indians that are going home are, I am 
told, Sick, You will furnish them with one Batteauand no more 
to carry them down to Albany, for which purpose you will give 
them a pass, setting forth, that upon their arrival there they 
must apply to Lieutenant Coventry and deliver the Batteau to 
him." Amherst to Colonel Willard at Ticonderoga, Oct. 27— 
Vol 81, f 95; Amherst to Colonel Miller at Ft. George, Oct. 
27, Vol 81, f 94. 

p-66 87 Amherst to Lieutenant D'Arcy, Crown Point, Oct. 27 
-Vol 81, f 93. 

p-67 Forsey, the Corps' principal uniform maker, was no 
longer in business— N. Y. Gazette. 

p-67 89 W.O,34, Vol 81, f 199: "A Sergt & 8 Private Indians 
who were in Rogers' St. Francis Expedition returned home on 
Nov. 25th from Crown Point. 

p-68 90 Vol 8, f6, 17-19. Amherst, Nov. 15th. 

p-68 Amherst to the officer commanding the Party of Rang- 
ers at Stillwater, Crown Pt. , Nov. 2-81, f 113. 

p-68 93 Amherst's Journal to Pitt; Amherst, Nov. 22. 

p-68 Amherst to Robert Rogers at No. 4, N.H. , Nov. 24- 

Vol 81, f 185. 

p-68 95 Amherst to Colonial Office, Dec. 15— CO. 5/54 Am- 
herst to Major Bellows at No 4, Crown Point, Nov. 10— Vol 81, 
f 149. 

p-69 John Stark to Amherst, Dec. 7, 1759: "The Ranging 

Officers with their places of abode in New England"— Vol 84, f 
47. Amherst to Rogers, Nov. 24— Vol 81, f 185, expresses his 
candid opinion of certain Rangers: Hopes the officers "will be 
able to Raise better men than those who now demand their Dis- 
charges, of which the greater part is the worse trash that I be- 
lieve was ever Collected in any Corps. . . " 

Vol 81, f 186. 

p-69 98 Amherst, Dec. 3, 1759. 

p-69 John Stark to Amherst, Albany, Dec. 7— W.O.34, Vol 

78, ff 170-72. N.H. Gazette, No 176-Feb 15, 1760. 

p-69 Robert Rogers to Amherst, Albany, Dec. 17, 1759— 

W.O.34, Vol 78, f 188. 

p-70 lul See 'Interlude', pp 269-78 of this volume, Chapter 
IV— 1759: Wolfe's Scouting Arm— pages 72-82. 

p-72 Amherst to Gage, Apr. 2— Vol 46A, f 154. 

p-72 Abercrombie's Ranger Commissions, N. Y. , April 7, 

1758— AM 124. Amherst to Gage, Apr. 2-46A/154. 

p-73 104 Ibid. 

p-74 James Rogers enlisted several Rangers in Boston and 

adjacent towns but at least 17 deserted. Captain Rogers offered 
a ten Dollar reward to "Whoever will apprehend any of the above 
Deserters and commit them to any of His Majesty's Gaols so 
as that they may be delivered to any officer of the Rangers shall 
have TEN DOLLARS Reward for each man. "— News-Letter, 
Apr. 6, 12, 1759. 

p-74 106 Embarkation Return, June 5, 1759: 

Goreham's — 7 officers, 88 NCO's and Rangers. 

W. Stark' s— 3 officers, 92 NCO's and Rangers. 

J. Brewer's — 3 officers, 82 NCO's and Rangers. 

M. Hazen's — 3 officers, 86 NCO's and Rangers. 

J. Rogers'— 4 officers, 108 NCO's and Rangers. 

Dank's Company not arrived at date of return — 3 officers and 

90 men. — Mahon, p 95. 

p-78 George Scott to Amherst, Bost— Nov. 11-78/144. 


p-78 108 Perry. 

p-78 Knox, I, June 28-29th. 

p-79 110 Ibid, July 5th. 

p-82 George Scott to Amherst, Boston, Jan. 14, 1760— W. 

0.34, Vol 82, f 15. Same to Same, Nov. 24, 1760— Vol 83, f 
222-3. Monckton to Amherst, Sept. 25, 1759-Vol 43, f 34. 
Same to Same, Vol 43, f 38. 


78, f 144-5. Same to Same, Jan. 1, 1760— Vol 82, f 1. Same 
to Same, Vol 82, ff 16-17. Ibid, Feb. 11, 1760— Vol 82, f 37. 
Amherst to Scott, Nov. 19, 1759— Vol 78, ff 174-5. 



Pages 83-111 

p-86 114 Amherst to John Stark, March 1, 1760— W. O. 34, Vol 
84, f 52. Same to Same, March 19, 1760— Vol 84, f 61. Am- 
herst to James Rogers, N.Y., March 19— Vol 84, f 65. Am- 
herst to Jonathan Brewer, Same date f 66. John Stark to Am- 
herst, Derryfield, N.H., Apr. 12, 1760— Vol 82, f 120. Wil- 
liam Stark to Amherst, Derryfield, Apr. 12— Vol 82, f 119. 

p-87 115 Amherst to John Stark, N. Y. , Apr. 24, 1760— Vol 84, 
f 109. James Rogers to Amherst, Boston, Mar. 31, 1760— Vol 
82, f 100. David Brewer to Amherst, Boston, Apr. 18, 1760 
—Vol 82, f 130. Jonathan Brewer to Amherst, Boston, April 
18, 1760— Vol 82, f 131. 

110. William Stark to Amherst, May 31, Londonderry, N. H. 
—Vol 82, f 222. 

p-87 11? Amherst to John Stark, March 1, 1760-Vol 84, f 52. 
Amherst to Robert Rogers, March 9, 1760— Vol 84, f 54. 

p-87 18 Robert Rogers to Amherst, Crown Point, April 24, 
1760— Vol 39, f 126: offered a proposal to fill up the Corps' 
ranks with draughts from the Provincials which was adopted by 

p-87 119 See footnotes 122 and 129. 


W.O.34, Vol 51, f 18. 

p-88 * 1 Same to Same, April 17, May 10— Vol 51/17, 20. 

p_88 122 Same to Same, Jan. 24th— Vol 51, f 5. Amherst to 
Haviland, March 9— Vol 52, f 18. Haviland to Amherst, Feb. 
24— Vol 51, f 8. 

p-88 123 Amherst to Rogers, N.Y. , March 9, 1760-Vol 84, f 
54. Rogers to Amherst, Crown Point, Mar. 20, Vol 51, f 12. 
Rogers, p 167. Rogers to Amherst, April 24— Vol 39, f 126. 

p-89 124 Amherst to Rogers, Albany, May 30— Vol 84, f 237. 
Amherst to Captain Solomon, May 30— Ibid, 239 . 

p-89 125 Haviland to Amherst, Crown Point, May 8, 1760— W. 
0.34, Vol 51, f 19. 

p_90 126 Amherst to DeLancey, Albany, May 15— Ibid, Vol 30, 
f 102. Same to Lt. Grant, April 13— Vol 84— f 99. 

p-91 127 Haviland to Amherst, Crown Point, May 18— Ibid, Vol 
51, f 22. Same to Same, June 13— f 48. 

p-91 128 Amherst to Robert Rogers, May 14— Vol 52/27. 

p-92 129 Robert Rogers' Memorial to Amherst, Albany, May 
23, 1760— Ibid, Vol 82, f219. 

p-92 130 Amherst, May 26-27, 1760. 

p-93 131 Haviland to Amherst, May 30— Vol 51, f 33. 

p-93 Haviland to Amherst, May 28-Ibid, ff 30-1. 

p-93 133 Haviland to Amherst, May 30— Ibid, ff 33-4. Amherst 
to Haviland, June 3rd— Vol 52, f 41. 

p-93 134 Haviland to Amherst, May 30— Ibid, f 35-6. 

82, f 118. Amherst's List of Ranging Officers May 24, 1760- 
Vol 84, f 192. Robert Rogers to Abercrombie, N. Y. , Apr. 7, 
1758— AB 124. 

p-99 Haviland to Amherst, June 6— Vol 51, f 39. Same to 

Same, June 7— Ibid, f 42. Amherst to Haviland, June 3— Vol 
52, f40. 

p-103 Even Haviland believed that Holmes effected all that 

was possible: "... I am sorry that Lieutenant Holmes could not 
find the place he was ordered to, I have so good an opinion of 
• him that I am sure he did all that was in his power. . . " Havi- 
land to Amherst, Crown Point, June 24— W.O.34, Vol 51, f 63. 

p-103 138 One of the Courier Squad, Luxford Goodwin, received 
a Sergeantcyin Rogers Rangers as a result of his services— W. 
0.34, Vol 51, f 198— Goodwin to Haviland, Crown Point, Aug. 
30, 1761. 


p-103 The anonymous Ranger Journalist writing for the 

Boston-News-Letter in 1760 dates his articles from 'Point Rog- 
ers.' Haviland to Amherst, June 24, 1760-W. 0.34, Vol 51, 
f 63. 

p-104 Amherst to Major Rogers, Camp at Oswego, July 

11, 1760— Vol 52, f 72. Amherst to Haviland, Ibid, f69. Hav- 
iland to Amherst, Crown Point, June 24— Vol 51, f 63. Same 
to Same, July 26, f 76. 

p-104 141 Amherst to Major Rogers, July 11— Vol 52, f 72. 
Amherst's Succession of Rangers in late Johnson's Company, 
Three Rivers, July 9— Vol 85, f 2. On May 25, 1760, Lieuten- 
ant Simon Stevens was ordered by Amherst to join Rogers at 
Crown Point with his recruiting Sergeant and the nineteen men 
they had recruited in New England. —Amherst to Rogers, Al- 
bany, May 25, 1760-W. O. 34, Vol 84, f 205. 

p-106 142 Amherst to Rogers, July 11— Vol 52, f 72. Jenks, 
July 3, 1760. Holden, July 2-3rd. 

p-106 143 Haviland to Amherst, June 7, 1760— Vol 51, f 42. 
Same to Same, June 13— Ibid, f 48: "... Our Ladys set out this 
morning for Albany. . ." The Provincial, Captain Jenks, notes 
in his journal on July 24, the smuggling in of one of the sup- 
posed 'wives' by an unidentified Sutler: "There is one of my 
men that was stationed at Ticonderoga that come up with a Sut- 
ler who has brought up a very fine mistress with him. On their 
passage they fell into disputes. At length he struck her, which 
inraged hir so that after several fits and efforts jumpt over 
board. This cooled her courage, for her sweetheart held her 
under water until she was almost expiring. They then took her 
in, stript off hercloaths and drest anew, and so the fray ended. 
I wish it were the fate of all these sort of ladys that follow the 
army. She apeard prety likely and was very well drest. . . " 

26— Vol 51, f 75. Ford. 

p-107 145 Jenks, July 22-23, 1760. 


May 4— Vol 82, f 172. Amherst to Robert Rogers, July 11, 

1760-Vol 52, f 72. 

p-108 Ibid, Aug. 1, 1760. 

p-108 x ^MacClintock, Aug. 4, 1760-Goffe's N. H. Regt. How- 
ever, on Aug. 26, 41 Provincials were drafted out of the Mas- 
sachusetts Regiments to join Major Rogers ". . .in Lieu of that 
number of the New Hampshires that was not fit for Rangers. . ." 
Holden, Aug. 26th. 

p-108 150 Hodge, Orderly Book, 1760. 

p-108 151 Rogers, Haviland, Aug. 16, 1760. 

p-108 152 Holden, Aug. 6, 1760. Robert Rogers to Appy Camp 
at Crown Point, Aug. 6— Vol 51, f 83. 

p-108 153 Amherst to Haviland, July 29-Vol 52, f 74. 

p-108 Rogers, p 189. MacClintock, Aug. 14: states that 

3 of the Rangers drowned were draftees fromGoffe's N.H. Reg- 

p-109 155 MacClintock, Aug. 26th. Hodge, Aug. 18th. 

p-109 157 Ibid, Aug. 20th. 

1 CO 

p-111 Goodwin to Haviland, Aug. 30, 1761— Vol 51, f 198. 

Holden, Sept. 5. Haviland's Disbursements in 1760 Campaign 
—Sept. 14, entry. -Vol 198, f 249. 



Pages 112-122 

p-114 Amherst to Lieutenant John Butler, N. Y. , Apr. 19, 

1760— W.O.34, Vol 84, f 103. 

p-114 In spite of the determination of these partisan bands 

there were 14 French deserters who acquiesced and General 

Murray ordered them into Hazen's Company on a probationary 

Ranger status. They served in the Company for 54 days.— 

Hazen to Amherst, Nov. 17, 1760, W.O.34, Vol 3, ff 55-56. 

p-115 163 Murray, April 2-4, 1760. 

p-119 Knox, II, p 459, 463. Hazen to Amherst, Albany, 

Nov. 18, 1760, Vol 3, f 40-51: The strength of Hazen's Com- 
pany for 1759-60: 

-Apr. 2 5- June 24, 1759— 99 Officers* and men. 
-June 25- Aug. 24, 1759—98 Officers and men. 
-Aug. 25-Oct. 24, 1759—141 Officers and men. 
-Oct. 25-Dec. 24, 1759— 141 Officers and men. 
-Dec. 25— Feb. 24, 1760— 138 Officers and men. 
-Feb. 25-Apr. 24, 1760—138 Officers and men. 
-Apr. 25-June 24, 1760—145 Officers and men. 


-June 25-Aug. 24, 1760—139 Officers and men. 

-Aug 25-Oct. 24, 1760—123 Officers* and men. 

*The number of Officers and Sergeants duringthis period (1759 

-60) were: 1 Captain, 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign and 4 Sergeants. 

Sick lists for April and June 1760 report: 

-14 Rangers sick in the garrison on April 24. 

-1 Captain and 16 men sick & wounded on June 15th. 

p-119 165 Knox, Murray, July-Aug-Sept. 1760. 

p-122 166 Murray, Sept. 6, Rogers, Sept. 6th. Ensign Hazen 
of Rogers Rangers carried the dispatches from Murray to the 
Lake Champlain front arriving there on Sept. 5. 



Pages 123-134 

p-123 167 Amherst's List of Winter Quarters 1759-60, Wood, 
L., CO., Vol 5, f 54. 

p-123 Amherst to Rogers, March 1, 1760— in Rogers pl61. 

p-123 Rogers to Amherst, Apr. 24th-Vol 39, f 126. Gage 

to Amherst, Albany, Apr. 27th— Vol 46A, f 118. An Effective 

Roll of Captain Waite's Recruits at Albany, May 9, 1760— Vol 

82, f 181. Allowance for Recruiting Provisions— Vol 198, f 215. 

f 128. 

p-124 171 Rogers, pp 164-66. Rogers to Amherst, Mar. 20— 
Vol 51, f 12. Allowance for Recruiting Provisions Vol 198, ff 
125-27, 301. Ogden's Company arrived at Albany on May 26th. 
—Amherst, May 26, 1760. 

p-124 172 Amherst to Eyre, Albany, June 5— Vol 23/27. 

1 Ti 
p-124 Amherst, May 29th. Hervey, June 16, Aug. 5. 

p-125 Hervey, July 26th, Ft. Ontario. 

p-125 Amherst to the Serjt. of Ogden's, Aug. 15,— Vol 85, 

f 44. Lt. Charles Robertson to Amherst, Aug. 16— Vol 42, f 

262. Amherst, Aug. 14th. 

p-126 ™Jacob Cheeksaunkun to Amherst, Albany, Nov. 16, 
1760- Vol 198, f 309. 


p-126 Amherst, Woodhull, Plant, Vail, Hervey, Aug. 31— 

Sept. 8. 

p-127 See ftn 70; Macomb, Letter- Book. 

p-127 183 Mayer, p 392. Macomb. 

p-128 185 Rogers Papers; Edgar Papers. 



Pages 135-141 

p-135 186 Rogers, p 229. 

p-136 187 The Government to Major Rogers— W. O. 34, Vol 199, 
ff 173-4. Ensign Benjamin Wait relates the abject coldness and 
suffering of his three Rangers escorting the French officer from 
Miamis to Detroit: "...the men, becoming disheartened and 
benumbed with cold, would beg him [wait] to shoot them, in- 
stead of which he switched their legs with sticks until aroused 
by anger they resumed their march. . . " Jones, M. , 10 


1761. -Vol 49, f 17. 

p-136 Same to Same, Feb. 14- Vol 49, ff 19-20. Lt. John 

Butler to the Crown, N.Y. , 1762— Vol 201, f 45— Butler had 

paid Lorrain 149 pounds on Sept. 23, 1761 for his wood and 


p-137 Lt. John Butler to the Crown, N. Y. , Dec. 31, 1761— 

Vol 200, f 7. Capt Campbell to Amherst, Detroit, May 10, 
1761— Vol 49, f 31. Same to Same, April 18— Vol 49, f 35. 
Ibid, May 22— Vol 49, f 36. Ibid, Aug. 9— Vol 49, f 46. Re- 
turn of Provisions at Detroit, Sept. 16, 1761.— Vol 49, f 57: 
"Forwarded to Miamis at Sundry times - 17 Barrels of Flour; 
10 Barrels of Pork; 21 Bushels Indian Corn. 

p-137 Campbell to Amherst, Detroit— Vol 200, f 39. Same 

to Same, Sept. 10, 1761— Vol 49, f 51. Capt Henry Balfour to 

Amherst, Detroit, Sept. 9, 1761— Vol 49, f 49. A Return of 

the Detroit Posts, Nov. 8, 1761— 49 f 65. 


quet Coll— A. 17, p 240. Butler to Amherst— 49/166. 


p-137 Campbell to Amherst, Nov. 8— Vol 49, f63. 

p-138 194 Amherst to Johnson, N.Y., Dec. 30, 1761; Johnson 
Papers, III, p 597. Johnson to Amherst, Ft. Johnson, Jan. 7, 
1762— Ibid, p 600: backs Butler's claim. Campbell to Amherst, 
Jan. 10, 1762— Vol 49, f 68. Butler to Amherst, N.Y., Jan. 
1, 1762, "Sundries supplied the Miamis garrison Dec. 6, 1760 
to Oct. 25, 1761."— Vol 49, f 166. Same to Same— Vol 49, f 

p-138 Holden, Sept. 30th. 



p-139 13 'lbid, Oct. 25th. Amherst, Nov. 11th. Amherst to 
Capt James Rogers, Crown Point, Oct. 25— Vol 52/92. 

p-139 198 Ibid, Oct. 25th. N.Y. Mercury, June 8, 1761. 

1760.— Vol 52, f 99. Amherst to Haviland, Montreal, Sept. 21, 
1760— Vol 52, f 87. Same to Same, Oct. 24.— Vol 52, f 90. 


1760— Vol 85, f 149. Amherst to the Sergt of Ogden's Rangers 
that is to command during the Winter at St. John's with 9 Rang- 
ers, Crown Point, Oct. 19.— Vol 85, f 167. 

1760, N.Y.— Vol 52, 
f 103. Ibid, Jan. 26, 1761— Vol 52, f 107. 

p-140 202 Same to Same, Feb. 1, 1761-Vol 52, f 108. Havi- 
land to Amherst, Crown Point, Jan. 9, 1761— Vol 51, f 104. 
Same to Same, Jan. 19— Vol 51, f 105. 

p-140 Amherst to Haviland, N.Y. , March 15, 1761— Vol 

52, f 160. Loescher (3): Chapter V, Ranger Goodwin's cure. 

p-141 204 Haviland to Amherst, Apr. 10, 1761-Vol 51, f 115. 
Winter Rangers' Contract with Capt. Ogden, Oct. 18, 1760— 
Vol 51, f 117. Amherst to Haviland, N.Y., Apr. 26, 1761- 
Vol 52, f 115. 

p-141 Haviland to Amherst, May 7, 1761— Vol 51/122. 

p-141 206 Same to Same, May 19— Vol 51, f 127. Capt. Wright- 
son's Account of Winter Rangers' Pay, Ticonderoga, March 
1761— Vol 199, f 128. Account of the Pay of Van Tyne's De- 
tachment for 1760-61, Tic, May 22, 1761-Vol 199, f 234. 
Amherst to Haviland, Albany, May 27, 1761— Vol 52, f 123: 

writes: "Lt Van Tyne is arrived here; his men would at first 
Enlist, but were afterwards off; they are always tired of the 
place they are in. I was in hopes of getting the best of them 
into Regular Corps. . . " 

p-141 207 Amherst's Warrant to Ogden, Mar. 16, 1761, N. Y. , 
—Vol 199, f 105. 



Pages 142-145 

for Waite's Company, Mar. 25-May 24, 1761— Vol 199, f 187. 

p-142 209 Amherst's Warrant to Og< 
Vol 199, f 185. Amherst, May 3rd. 

p-142 210 Mose: 
Vol 83, f 203-4. 

p-143 ^ l6 lbid. 

Vol 55, f 12. 

f 183. Amherst to Mortier, Aug. 6, 1761— Vol 199, f 277. An- 
onymous 74th Private Diary, Oman, editor. 

p-144 Returns of Ogden' s and Waite's showed 1 Captain, 1 

Lieut, 1 Ensign, 4 Sergts and 62 Privates in Ogden' s. 1 Capt, 
1 Lieut, 4 Sergts and 35 Privates— Vol 199, ff 286, 310, 352. 

p-145 Fortescue. Lord Rollo's Correspondence to Amherst 

— inW.O.34, Vol 55. Gordon, Journal no. 2. 

p-145 219 Amherst, June 16-17, 1762. A Muster of Ogden' s 
Company on board the Backell Transport, June 16, 1762, N. Y. 
—Vol 200, ff 244-46. Ibid, Waite's - on board the Rachel.— 
Vol 200, f 256. 

p-145 22 ^Musters of Waite's and Ogden' s at Ft. Royal Apr. 

17, 1762— Vol 200, ff 254, 250. 

p-145 221 So ended Waite's Com 
had existed since the spring of 1758. 

p-145 So ended Waite's Company of Rogers Rangers which 



Pages 146-152 

p-147 McCrady, pp 325-30. Amherst, Feb. 12, 1761. 

Corkran, D.H. : The Cherokee Frontier— 1962, U. Okla. Press 

for his definitive Chapter 17, pp 236-54 on Grant's expedition. 

p-147 Amherst's Instructions to Grant (relative to Stock- 

bridge and Mohawk Rangers), N.Y., Dec. 15, 1760.— W. O. 34, 
Vol 48, f39. 

p-147 Grant's Queries to Amherst and Answers (relative 

to employing the Indian Rangers), Dec. 21, 1760.— Vol 48, ff 


p-147 225 Amherst to Grant, N.Y., Dec. 22, 1760.— Vol 48, f 
55. Amherst, Feb. 12, 1761. S.C Gazette, Jan. 

p-148 226 Amherst to Grant, N.Y., Feb. 27, 1761.— Vol 48, f 

p-148 Ford; Foote (1) 

p-148 228 Amherst to Grant, Feb. 27, 1761.— Vol 48, f 64. 

p-148 29 Amherst to Grant, 'List of Recruits belonging to 
Captain Robert Rogers Independent Company,' N.Y., March 
17, 1761.— Vol 48, f71: Lt. Jacob Far rington, Privates Wil- 
liam Miller, Lowris Vesteroot, Daniel Nepash, Daniel White- 
ham, Billy Cooper, Frederic Cahon, Wonk Napkin, Samuel 
O'Brien, Samuel Mamenash, David Way (all Stockbridge Pri- 
vates). Richard Aspinwell, Joseph Chandler, Abraham Fowl- 
er, Thomas Clish (four veteran white Rangers) . 

p-148 230 Ibid, f70. 

p-148 Amherst to Jacob Farrington, N.Y., March 17, 1761. 

Vol 48, f 69. 

p-148 Amherst to Grant, Mar. 17— Vol 48, f 70. Loescher 

(3): Chapter III, Ranger Goodwin's Cherokee Rum. 

ran, p 244. 

p-149 234 Ibid, June 29, 1761. 

p-149 235 Philopatrios: Middleton to Grant, July 10, July 19, 
1761. Grant to Middleton, July 10. Gov. Bull to Grant, Apr. 
10, 1761. McCrady, pp 229-30. 


Troops from Fort Prince George against the Cherokees, June 
7 -July 9, 1761. -Vol 40, ff 95-98. 

p-150 237 Ibid, June 10, 1761. 

p-150 238 Ibid, June 11, 1761. 

p-151 239 Ibid, June 18-20, 1761. Corkran, 251: Kennedy & 
Farrington were sent with 500 men to dispose of a reported 
gathering of warriors at Joree. But after a steep back route 
climb they found Joree empty. 

p-152 241 Ibid, July 9, 1761. 

p-152 242 Grant to Amherst, July 1761— Vol 47, f 96. 

McCrady, pp 233-4. Amherst, July 31st. 

ers to Wife, Betsy, Charlestown, Nov. 9, 1761. 

p-152 245 Rogers to Amherst, Charlestown, Oct. 17, 1761.— 
Vol 47, f 110. 

p-152 Ibid. It is unknown in what capacity Jacob Farring- 

ton served in Rogers' Company. Lieutenant Nathan Stone pe- 
titioning Amherst received an Ensigncy in another S. C. Com- 
pany. —Amherst to Grant, Aug. 1, 1761— Vol 48, f 84. Ibid, 
Feb. 4, 1762. -Vol 48, f 95. Ibid Apr. 30, 1762. -Vol 92, f 
106. Nathan Stone to Amherst, Albany, July 1, 1761.— Vol 87, 
f 1. 

p-152 McCrady, pp 335-40. 



Pages 153-159 

Sept. 27, 30; Oct. 4; Nov. 1, 7th. 

p-153 249 Amherst to Rogers, Dec. 26, 1762. -Vol 93/272. 

p-154 Pargellis, The Four Independent Companies of New 


p-154 252 C.0.5, Vol 154, no 18. 

p-154 Rogers to Amherst, Ft. Ontario, June 20, 1763.— 

Vol 19, f 230. 

2 c v4 
p-154 Rogers to Wife, Betsy, Ft. Ontario, June 21, 1763. 

—Robert Rogers-Elizabeth Rogers Corr. Return of Rogers' 

Men, Ft. Ontario, June 20, 1763.— Vol 39, f 357. Dalyell's 

Embarkation Returns, Ft. Ontario, July 3, 1763.— Vol 39, f 


p-155 "His Majesty's Independent Company of Foot or The 

Queen's Royal American Rangers" were raised in Pennsylvan- 
ia in May, 1762 and served conspicuously at Niagara (the bulk 
under Lt. Abraham Cuyler) and Detroit (Capt. Joseph Hop- 
kins, Ensign Perry and 24 rank and file) . —Hopkins to Amherst, 
June 24, 1762, Vol 200, f 190. Ibid, Nov. 23, 1762-Vol 49, f 

p-155 256 Carter, II, p 376. 

p-155 Carter,— Gage to Barrington, Jan. 15, 1766— Corr 

of Gage, II, 331-2. Among the traders and merchants who 
joined Rogers' command at Detroit were Rangers Caesar Mc- 
Cormick, James Sterling, Samson Fleming (who was Deputy- 
Commissary of Detroit) . —Declaration made to Caesar McCor- 
mick, June 11, 1763. -W. O. 34, Vol 39, f 364. 

p-158 258 Hough, Siege of Detroit, p 56. 

p-159 259 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, Vol I, 317-329; 
Vol II, 115-118. 

p-159 As late as 1766, Rogers in N.Y., was petitioning 

the home office for the pay and subsistence of his Pontiac War 
Rangers. Gage, Commander-in-Chief in North America, wrote 
Sec'y of State Barrington two letters respecting Rogers' claim 
stating that he could find no evidence that Rogers' Company of 
Rangers existed. It appears that Gage was deliberately at- 
tempting to cut Rogers out of his just claim for he admitted dis- 
banding "the Platoons and Rangers" in January, 1764. Rogers' 
Muster roll and Correspondence to Amherst from Ft. Ontario 
in 1763 clearly defines the Company. Rogers claimed that he 
drew 320 pounds 7 shillings from Joseph Knox, a Merchant at 
Niagara to pay for 1 Sergt, at 4 shillings per day and 13 Pri- 
vates at 3 shillings per day from Dec. 3, 1762 to May 1, 1764. 
—Carter, Corr of Gage, II, pp 218, 331-2, 376. Gage Papers, 
Vol 8G9, f 66. See ftn 254-255 of this Volume. 

p-159 261 Elliot. 



p-161 Abstract of Major Rogers' Claims against the Crown 

while in command of H.M. Independent Companies of Rangers, 
May 18, 1761. -Vol 199, ff 213-14. 

p-162 Lt. W. Ramsay to Amherst, Charles Town, June 28, 

1762. -Vol 47, f 123. Ibid, Aug. 10th— f 129. 

p-162 265 Chatham Papers, Vol 96, from the Governor and 
Council of N. Carolina, Wilmington, Dec. 9, 1761. 

p-162 266 Capt. Robert Rogers to Amherst, Charles Town Oct. 
24, 1761 (answered Nov. 21st)— W. O. 34, Vol 47. 

—Vol 47, f 110. Rogers to Wife, Betsy, Nov. 9, 1761.— Rog- 
ers-Elizabeth Rogers Corr. 

f 241. (Receives Rogers' letter of March 20th). 

p-163 269 Same to Same, July 5, 1762-Vol 93, f 16. (Re- 
ceives Rogers' letter of April 29th) . 


p-163 Ibid. 

p-163 Same to Same, Dec. 26, 1762. -Vol 93, f 272. 

p-163 273 Ibid, May 3, 1763. -Vol 96, f 125. 

p-164 274 Watts to Smith and Nutt, N. Y. , Nov. 3, 1762. Watts, 
p 93. Watts to Maj. Robt. Rogers, N.Y., Nov. 15, 1762.— 
Watts, p 95. Watts to John Erving, N.Y., Nov. 29, 1762.- 
Watts, p 99. 

p-164 75 Watts to Smith and Nutt, N. Y. , Dec. 2, 1762. Watts, 
p 103. Watts to John Erving, N.Y., Dec. 22, 1762.— Watts, 
p 111. 

p-164 276 Watts to Erving, Jan. 11, 1763— Watts, p 114. Watts 
to Smith & Nutt, Feb. 12, 1763— p 125. Ibid, Aug. 31, 1763.— 
p 180. 

p-164 "' 'Rogers Papers. 


p-164 *'°Ibid. Askin Papers. Gordon MSS. 

p-165 Rogers Papers. Their outstanding creditors were 

Cornelius Glen, Shipboy and Henry, John DePeyster, and John 
A. Lansingof Albany and Henry Agnew, Alexander Stewart and 
Greg & Cunningham of New York. These creditors, particu- 
larly Greg & Cunningham, were responsible for Robert Rogers' 
term in Fleet Prison. 

p-165 Johnson Papers— Johnson to Cadwallader Colden, Ft. 

Johnson, June 18, 1761.— Vol 3, p 409. 

p-165 281 Robert Rogers to the King, London, Dec. 21, 1769. 
-CO. 5:1074, ff 385-387. 

p-166 Rogers left for England in March 1765. 



Pages 167-178 

p-167 Rogers was confined in the Fleet Prison from June 

1770 to June 1773. 

Vol II, Letter No. 814. Rogers to Dartmouth, Mar. 13, 1775— 
Hist MSS Commission. 

p-167 285 Jones, J. E. , part two. 

p-168 286 Amer. Arch. , 4th Series, Vol III. 

p-168 287 Nevins, pp 160-165; Potter, pp 489-493. 

p-168 Ibid. 

p-168 289 Moore, H.P., pp 214-15. 

p-168 290 Howe to Dartmouth, Boston, Nov. 26, 1775. Amer. 
Arch., 4th Series, III, p 1674. 

p-168 291 Ibid. 

Arch. , 4th Series, IV, p 575. 

p-169 293 Rogers to wife, Betsy, Medford, Dec. 17, 1775.— 

Rogers-Elizabeth Corr. 

p-169 Potter, p 490. 

p-169 Moore, H.P.; Potter, pp 490-93. 

Washington, V, p 185. Potter, pp 491-3. 

p-169 Congress to Washington, July 6, 1776.— Ibid V, pl84. 

ers.-VaMagof Hist, Oct. 1922, 368-376. 

p-170 301 See Sketches, Vol III, check name index. 

p-172 Washington to Gov. Trumbull, Sept. 30, 1776; Trum- 

bull to Washington, Oct. 13, 1776— Writings of Washington, IV, 
pp 128-9. General Lee to Washington Camp at Phillipsburg, 
Nov. 12, 1776— Amer. Arch. , III, p 653. Lee to Col. Reed, 
Camp, Nov. 24, 1776— Ibid, pp 833-4. Lee to Washington, 
Peekskill, Nov. 30, 1776— Ibid, p 932. 

p_ 17 2 303 Kemble) Oct. 17, 20, 1776. 

p-172 304 Hadaway, p 20. Nevins, pp 165-66. 

p-173 305 Ibid. Devoe, p 118. 

pp-175, 176 306 Captain John Shepherd. Howe to Germain, N. 
Y., Nov. 30, 1776.— Amer. Arch., Vol III, p 922. 

Coll., B.160, p 17. Clinton to Haldimand (no date) refer- 
ring Rogers and his officers and men to him. —Haldimand Pa- 

p-178 311 Hannay, pp 125-30. Clinton Papers, f. 15. 




Pages 179-201 

p-179 312 Rogers to Haldimand, Sept. 26, 1779—". . .1 can but 
return you most respectfull thanks for the favour you did me 
the Last winter in Grantingme leave to go to England, by which 
means I got provided for. "—Haldimand Coll, B. 160, p 17. 
Clinton's Commission to Lt. -Col. Robert Rogers, N.Y., May 
1, 1779— Haldimand Coll. , B.160, p 1. 

p-180 313 Rogers to Amherst, N.Y. , June 16, 1779— W.O.34, 
Vol 115, f 71. 

p-180 314 Amherst to Rogers, Whitehall, Sept. 10, 1779.— 
Ibid, Vol 231, f 273. 

p-180 315 Rogers to Amherst, Halifax, Sept. 11, 1779-Ibid, 
Vol 155, f 181. 

p-180 316 Rogers to Haldimand, N.Y., July 17, 1779.— Hal- 
dimand Coll, B.160, pp 8-9. Haldimand to Rogers, Que., 
Sept. 18, 1779.— Ibid, p 12. 

p-181 317 James Rogers to Haldimand, Que., Oct. 20, 1779.— 
Ibid, p 20. Rogers, W. , pp 49-50. 

p-181 318 Stryker, pp 50, 60, 62, 65. Jones, E.A. 

p-181 319 J. Rogers to Haldimand, 'List of Officers, ' Sept. 14, 
1779.— Haldimand Coll, B.160, p 11. Cornet Daniel Bissonet 
to Haldimand, Sept. 24, 1779.— Ibid, p 14. John Longstreet to 
Haldimand, Lorette, Nov. 23, 1779. -Ibid, p 21. 

p-181 320 Rogers to Haldimand, Ft. Howe, Sept. 26, 1779.— 
Ibid, p 17. 

p-181 321 Same to Same, Ft. Howe, Sept. 29— Ibid, p 18. 

p-182 322 Haldimand to Rogers, Que, Feb. 10, 1780.— Ibid, 
pp 27-8. Rogers to Haldimand, Que, Feb. 22.— Ibid, pp 29-30. 
Same to Same, Que, Feb. 25.— Ibid, p 31. Haldimand to Clin- 
ton, Que, Jan. 31, 1780.— Haldimand Papers (Mich), Vol 19, 
p 496. 

p-182 323 Haldimand to R. Rogers, Que, Feb. 10, 1780— Hal- 
dimand Coll, B.160, pp 27-8. 

p-183 324 R. Rogers to Haldimand, Que, Feb. 25, 1780.— Ibid, 
p 31. Haldimand to Rogers, Mar. 7.— Ibid, p 32. Ranger Cap- 
tain Longstreet to Haldimand, Que, Mar. 10, 1780: — Com- 
plains that Col. Rogers has not paid him the money drawn on 
his account. —Ibid, p 33. 

p-183 325 Elizabeth Rogers to The Council House of Represen- 
tatives of N.H., Feb. 11, 1778. —Rogers-Elizabeth Rogers 
Corr; Sabine, II, pp 234-36. As a result of Elizabeth's above 
petition she obtained a divorce from Robert and the custody of 
their son. 

p-183 326 Rogers to Haldimand, Lake on the Grand Portage, 
Mar. 20, 1780. —Haldimand Coll, B.160, p 34. 

p-184 327 Ibid. 

p-184 Haldimand to Brigadier Maclean, Que, Jan. 30, 1780. 

—Ibid, B.150, p 52. Same to Same, Jan. 30:— Rogers says he 

has 700 men enlisted, 400 being at Penobscot; has different 

accounts from others; desires to know the real state of affairs. 

p 56. Haldimand to Lt.-Gov. Hughes, Feb. 28, 1780.— Ibid, 

p 59. Haldimand to Brigadier Maclean, May 28, 1780.— Ibid, 

p 61. Haldimand to Major J. Rogers, Apr. 24— Ibid, 44. 

Maclean to Haldimand, Que, Mar. 7, 1780.— B. 149, p 570. 

p-184 Robert Rogers' elusive trail would have commanded 

the best tracking efforts of a modern James Bond. Rogers' 
'dossier', although scanty, is enough to piece together an in- 
credible story: Apparently word had preceded him for his re- 
ception in Halifax left much to be desired. Undaunted, Rogers 
cast a speculative eye towards Newfoundland, the last probable 
source of credit. Robert Rogers to Amherst, Halifax, May 8, 
1780: "As I shall have a number of Recruits to bring from New- 
foundland the approaching Autumn, therefore desireyour Lord- 
ship will give orders to the Military officer commanding in that 
place to give me or my officers all the assistance he can, which 
will much promote his Majesty's service. "— W. O. 34, Vol 163/ 
129. The slowness of communication to and from England pre- 
cluded the swift assistance needed from his old commander and 
Rogers was gaoled in Halifax for debt by June of 1780. Manag- 
ing to eventually obtain his release he turned up on the Penob- 
scot Bay front about the time that his Ranger Captain, Black 
Jones, was emulating Rogers' own daring forays of the French 
and Indian War (see text pp 329-332) . It is possible that Rog- 
ers had a hand in his Ranger battalions happenings on the mar- 
itime provinces front for the balance of 1780 at least as there 
is evidence that he was on the front. On September 14, 1780 
(no location) , Rogers wrote on a two of diamonds playing card 
a pass for one 'Reegawiskom' to pass to the front of the lines. 
— HM 13473. The Penobscot region was the only front of con- 
sequence at this time, where Rogers would be employed. The 
beginning of 1781 started a new, if not ironic chapter in his 
falling star. Boarding a schooner bound for New York harbour 
the ship was captured by the brigantine Patty under Captain 
Read on January 10, 1781. Since she was a Pennsylvania Pri- 
vateer Rogers ended up in the new g?ol in Philadelphia. —Penn- 
sylvania Gazette, 10 January, 1781. Rogers' repeated efforts 
to arrange an exchange were to no avail until the spring of 1782. 


Reported with the British on May 10, 1782. January, 1783.— 
Major James Rogers to Haldimand, St. John's, Que.— Haldi- 
mand Coll, B. 160 pp 125-6: Robert Rogers apparently still 
held the reins of his King's Rangers for brother James was re- 
ceiving word that Colonel Rogers had no objection to Major 
James Rogers' battalion at St. John's, Quebec beingunder Hal- 
dimand' s command. Colonel Rogers probably was instrument- 
al in the final mustering out of his battalion on the St. John's 
River in present New Brunswick province, before he made his 
last crossing to England. The final twelve years of his life 
were tragic to say the least. In and out of debtors' prison, at 
least four years of his remaining life he was in debt for his 
half pay was assigned to creditors for the years 1784, 1788, 
1793, and 1794. Southwark resounded to his drinking bouts 
during his last days. He was completely in hock to his land- 
lord, John Walker. Apparently he developed tuberculosis of 
the lungs and a severe fall damaged his mind, hastening his 
last scout which came on May 18, 1795. Two days later he was 
buried in the southern part of London. The old inn, Elephant 
and Castle, still stands by the churchyard. —The Morning Press; 
Administrative Act Book 1796. He left no will. His Estate of 
100 pounds was assigned to his landlord, John Walker. 

dimand Coll, B. 160, p 59. Major J. Rogers to Haldimand, St. 
John's, Aug. 4, 1780. -Ibid, pp 60-61. 

p-184 331 Major J. Rogers to Haldimand, St. John's, Apr. 29, 
1780: ". . .The conduct of my brother of late had almost un- 
manned me. When I was last in Quebec often wrote to and told 
him my mind in regard to it and as often he promised to re- 
form. I am sorry his good talents should so unguarded fall a 
prey to intemperance. . ." Same to Same, St. John's, May 10, 
1780. — Ibid, pp 49-50. Haldimand to J. Rogers, May 18, 
1780— Ibid, pp 51-53. 

p-185 332 Major J. Rogers to Haldimand, St. John's, Mar. 27, 
1780.— Ibid, pp 35-6. Same to Same, St. John's, Dec. 13, 
1783.— Ibid, pp 142-3. 

p-185 333 J. W. Myers to Haldimand, Montreal, July 1, 1779. 
—Ibid, B. 161, p 21. On Aug. 17, he was repeating his request 
for money for his subsistence. — p 30. Lt. Michael Smith to 
Haldimand, St. John's, Mar. 29, 1780.— Ibid, B.160, p 37. 
Haldimand to J. Rogers, Apr. 6, 1780. -Ibid, p 38. J. Rog- 
ers to Haldimand, St. John's, Apr. 9, 1780.— Ibid, p 39. Same 
to Same, Aug. 11, 1781. -Ibid, pp 93-4. Also pp 95, 96, 98, 
99, 100, 101, 103, 111 (widows of deceased officers received 
20 pounds a year), 129, 130, 134, 132. B. 161 pp 239, 286, 337, 
340. B.162:p57. B. 163: pp 7, 52, 105, 128, 137. 

p-185 334 Haldimand to R. Rogers, Feb. 10, 1780.— B.160, 
pp 27-8. 

p-185 335 Haldimand to J. Rogers, Apr. 6.— Ibid, p 38. 

p-185 336 Capt. A. Pritchard to Haldimand, St. John's, Sept. 
17, 1782.— Ibid, B. 177-2, pp 492-3. 

p-185 337 J. Rogers to Haldimand, St. John's, Sept. 18, 1780. 
—Ibid, B.160, pp 70-71. Haldimand to J. Rogers, Sept. 21, 
1780.— Ibid, p 73. Also pp 93, 95. Haldimand to Duport, A. 
Q.M.G. , June 28, 1781: Ordering him to send the enclosed 
list of clothing for theuse of scouts. —Ibid, B. 188, p 116. Hal- 
dimand to Carleton, June 28, 1781: He is to issue clothing to 
a party of Ranger recruits brought in by Capt. John Myers at 
St. John's. The men to serve under him. —Ibid, B. 188, p 114. 
Lt. I. Ferguson to Haldimand, St. John's, Nov. 9, 1780.— 
B. 161, p 181. Return of Clothing issued out of the Quarter- 
master General's storeto (Rogers' King's Rangers and others), 
Sorel, Feb. 21, 1782. -Ibid, BM 21,849, p 141. 

p-186 338 Rogers, W. , pp 5-10. 

p-186 339 Nairne to Haldimand, Vercheres, Dec. 26, 1780: 
He reviewed Rogers' King' s Rangers and carefully examined all 
the prisoners who had been recruited; all passed but three. He 
remarks on different recruits, the good opinion he has formed 
of Major James Rogers and of his method of dealing with his 
men, but he has little assistance from his officers, so that he 
should have the help of a quartermaster and adjutant. Sends 
pay lists with above remarks.— Haldimand Coll, B.161, pp 

Correspondence of Major James Rogers and other King's Rang- 
ers officers relativs to their many recruiting scouts (written 
to Haldimand and vice versa) is in the Haldimand Coll:— B. 160, 
pp 35, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 47, 54, 55, 57, 58, 60, 62, 105, 
107, 109, 112-13, B. 183; p 99, 105; B.161, pp 218, 243, 
320, 323, 325, 326, 333, 340, 389, 397, 429; B. 162, pp 12, 
25, B.163, p 152. B. 167, p 337. B.178, pp 15, 46, 112,91, 

p-186 "^Haldimand to J. Rogers, Montreal, Apr. 28, 1782 
(2 letters)— Ibid, B.160, 107-8, 166. Also: B. 177-1, p 252. 

p-189 J. Sherwood to Haldimand, Loyal Blockhouse, July 

29, 1781: Has built a good blockhouse; it is the best place on 
the frontier for secret scouts, and easily defended. —Ibid, B. 
176, pp 183-185. Preceding this letter he wrote Haldimand on 
July 1, from ' Dutchman' s Farm , ' describinghis arrival, build- 
ing of an oven, the hutting of his men and preparations for build- 
ing the blockhouse; states the situation and description of Dutch- 
man's Point; its natural suitability for a post.— Ibid, pp 142-4. 

p-189 SametoSame, Loyal Blockhouse, May 2, 1782. -Ibid, 

B. 177-1, pp 254-7. 


p-189 343 See p 318. Sherwood and Smyth had their principal 
agents established in Vermont use the following code names: 
'Plain Truth,' 'Corn Cob,' 'Whapping Boards,' 'Intelligen- 
cer,' 'Z L,' 'G (with crosses),' and Smith labelled himself 
'Hudibras,' while Sherwood used the above mentioned 'Plain 
Truth. '—Plain Truth to Haldimand, (no date), Ibid, B. 177-1, 
p 301. (Gives explanation of names). 

p-189 344 Brigadier Powell to Haldimand, St. John's, June 12, 
1779.— Ibid, B.181, p 181. Also: B.205, pp 58, 66, 79, B. 
185-2, pp 336, 338, 350, 352; B. 161, p 148. 

p-190 345 Pritchard's 'Intelligence' duty: B. 182, p 308; B. 176, 
pp 30, 45, 137, 228, 222, 231, 238, 239, 277; B. 179, pp 89, 
157, 165; B.180, pp 117, 120; B. 183, p 204; B. 177-1, pp 
100, 101, 106, 114; B. 177-2 pp 492, 494, 499, 500, 510,516, 

527, 588. 

p-191 6 Pritchard's 'Black-Marketing' and 'Counterfeiting 
are in: B.162, pp 58, 68-70, 599, 611, 614, 618, 620,623, 
632, 690, 692, 695; B.178, pp 15, 44, 46, 67, 76, 153, 253; 
B.183, pp 275-9. 

p-191 347 See pp 318-325 of this Volume. 

p-192 348 Capt. Myers to Haldimand, St. John's, Dec. 1780. 
—Haldimand Coll, B. 161, p 218. Also B.160— p 168. 

1780.— Ibid, B. 
160, pp 64-5. Ibid, Sept. 13.— p 69. Lists of J. Rogers' and 
H. Ruiter's Companies, St. John's, Jan. 27, 1784.— B.160, 
pp 153, 155. Ibid, p 103. 

p-193 350 J. Rogers to Haldimand, St. John's, June 11, 1782. 
—Ibid, p 110. Haldimand to J. Rogers, June 17, 1782.— Ibid, 
p 111. 

p-193 351 J. Breckenridge's Secret Service duty is recorded 
in the following documents: Breckenridge, J. , Journal— B. 184 
-2, pp 528-34. Also pp 520, 545. B. 182 p 481. B. 176, pp 
169, 171. B. 177-2, pp 399, 415, 532. B.178, pp 203, 205. 

p-194 Ibid, B.178, pp 237, 240, 249, 251. 

p-195 353 Ibid, p 217. B. 177-2, pp 625, 632. 

p-196 354 WOOD CUTTING DUTY: On Dec. 11, 1782, Major 
Campbell ordered 20 of the 29th Regt and 38 King's Rangers to 
cut wood for the garrison of St. John's, the men to be paid the 
sameas agreed onin Greave's contract. They have their arms, 
etc. , and are to lodge in the woods. — B. 190, p 62. 
ING OF GARRISON DUTY: B. 161, p 228. 

p-197 355 B.160, pp 125, 127, 136. As early as Sept. 18, 1781, 
a board of officers recommended that Rogers King's Rangers 
should be kept distinct from the others, having been raised by 
order of Sir Henry Clinton and that the other different corps of 
Loyalists should be joined into one consisting of 8 Companies 
of 50 men each. — B. 167, p 328. See p 394. 


morton, Ensigns Peter Anderson and John Robbins were sta- 
tioned at Prince Edward Island (Isle St. John) . Also Ensign 
Joseph Beers. Capt. John Jones served at George's Island. 

p-198 357 John Jones Memorial to Haldimand, Que, Aug. 29, 
1779.— Pub. Arch, of Can., B. Series, Vol 214, p 130. 

p-198 358 Ibid, Also: B.181, pp 231-4. B. 150, pp 59, 95, 96, 
202. B.160, pp 32, 85. 

p-200 359 Siebert, p 15. Acadiensis, July 1907, p 276. North, 
J.W. , pp 110-112. 

p-200 360 Jones, p 50. 

p-200 361 Haldimand Coll, B. 162, pp 295, 372, 392. B.160, 
pp 140-168. Bryce, pp 9, 12-13. B. 162, pp 148 (Myers and 
Pritchard petitioned for a land grant on the east side of Mis- 
sisquoi Bay), 179 (Myers petitions for a township with others 
on Cape Breton) 206, 208, 214, 249, 254, 270, 272. 

p-200 362 Ibid. 

p-201 363 Ibid. Rogers, W. 


(With Key Word by which cited 
in Appendix & Notes) 




Public Record Office, London, England. 

All Volumes covering Amherst's service 

in North America (1758-1764) have been 

consulted and Volumes 115, 155, 163 and 

231 (Rogers-Amherst Correspondence in 

the American Revolution) . 

This vast Collection was the principal 

source for this Volume. 
AB Abercromhie Pavers. Huntington Librarv 
Haldimand Coll HALDIMAND COLLECTION, Public 

Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Ontario: 


B. 160-Correspondence with Lt.Col Rog- 
ers, Major J. Rogers & King's 
Ranger Officers. 

B. 149-Letters from Governors of Nova 
Scotia & commanders at Halifax, 

B.150-Letters to above. 

B. 161-Letters from Loyalist Officers 

B.162 Ibid; 1777-1785 Vol II. 

B. 163-Letters to above. 

B. 167-Loyalist Corps Musters J778-85. 

B.176-Letters from Capt. Sherwood & Dr. 

B.177-1-Ibid. 1777-84. 



B.179-Letters to above - 1780-83. 

B.180-Capt. Sherwood on Secret Service 

B.181-Secret intelligence from various 
parts . 

B.182-Ibid; 1775-82. Vol. II. 

B.183-Corr relating to Rebel prisoners 

B.184-2-Papers relating to State pris- 
oners & suspects in Canada 1775- 

B.185-2-Ibid. 1777-84. 

B. 19 0-Barrackmaster General Dept. papers, 

B.205-Papers relating to Calvet & Pil- 

B.3 B.M., 21,663-Vol 2nd-Corr with 

Gage 1758-1777 (relating to Rog- 
ers 1768) p. 104 

B.2-1.B.M. ,21,6 6 2-Ranger of f icers ' 17 59 
rebellion, pp 28, 33. 










British Museum, Additional MSS 
21,800, 21,810, and 21,820. 
Draughtsman: A Survey of Lake Cham- 
plain, 1762, Clements Library, Ann 
Arbor, Michigan. 

Clements Library. Sir Henry Clinton 
Hdqrt Papers, (letters from James 
Rogers) . 

Ibid. a separate notebook: Journal 
of an Expedition to the S. Colonies 
..., in particular an entry re: the 
Queen's Rangers. 

Clements Library. Frequent mention 
of Robert Rogers in 1759, 1763,1766, 
1767, 1768 and 1774. 

Letters Winter Quarters 1759 Letter 
Copy Book MSS . 

Papers, 1759-1832: 52 items in Cle- 
ments Library from Rogers to his 
wife Elizabeth Browne from America 
and London, etc. Described in Guide 
to the MSS collection in Clements 
Library, compiled by H.H. Peckham 
(1942) . Also in the catalog of 
Charles F. Heartman, no. 237, June 
11, 19 32 and in the Month at God- 
speed's VII, no. 9, 19 40. 
Papers, 1766-1769 , Frontiersman and 
Soldier. Copies of a journal of 
council proceedings with the Indians 
at Michilimackinac, together with 
the proceedings of a general court- 
martial held at Montreal in October 
1768 for Rogers' trial on charges of 
treason. 198 pp. in State Histori- 
cal Society of Wisconsin Collec- 
tions . 

Rogers' Papers. MSS relating to 
Robert Rogers in the N.Y. Public Li- 
brary. Namely: British Officers Ac- 
count Book 1759-60. John Askin's 
Travel Accounts, Detroit to Albany, 
1762. Edward Cole's Detroit Expe- 
dition (1760) Account of merchandise 
shipped from Niagara to Detroit. 
Amherst's permit to Askin & Gordon, 
May 27, 1760 to act as Sutler to 
Rogers' Corps of Rangers. Paul Bur- 
been to Abraham Douw on financial 
success of Rogers' Detroit Expedi- 
tion. Rogers' Power of Attorney to 
Askin to collect money due him from 
Edward Cole. A photostat copy of 
the recollections of James Gordon 
referring to trade with Rogers at 
Montreal .Rogers ' Detroit Journal 
(copy sent to Monckton) . 
Rogers Ranger Diary. See Loescher, 
Abenaki Aphrodite-Rogers St. Fran- 
cis Raid...* for complete citation. 
*Subscriptions still available from 


B. Loescher, 46 4 Fathom Drive, San 
Mateo, Calif., 94404. 



Key : 

Acadiensis A Lake Champlain Gunboat of 1760 
(with contemporary illustration) 
Mag. American History, Vol 8, p. 498. 
July, 1907, p. 276. 
The Most Extraordinary Adventures 
of Major Robert Stobo, 423 pp.1965, 
Houghton Mifflin, Boston, Mass. 
Alexander, Ensign Thomas of Northfield, Mass. 
Military Journal May-Oct, 1758, Ti- 
conderoga, in A History of North- 
field by Temple & G. Sheldon, Al- 
bany, 1875, pp 303-305. 
Loyal Provincial Regiments (Uni- 
forms) Loyalist Gazette, II, p 5. 
Remembrancer , Volume IV. 
Lt. James J.: Darby's Rangers ,151 
pp., ill. Ranger organization Fund, 
1922 Medary Ave., Phila., Pa. 

4th Ser. , III & IV; 5th 
ed, J, 


Almon' s 

American Archivei 

Jef ferey 

Journa It 


Journal 1758-60. 

Webster, Chicago, 
J.C. Webster, ed 




Journal, L .George & Ticon- 
17 58. MSS in W.W^.34. Public 
Record Office, London. 
Anonymous French Journal-Ticonderoga, 17 58. 
Ibid source. 

Letter-Diary of a Ranger Officer at 
Ticonderoga, Crown Point, & Point 
Rogers, 1759-60. Boston News Letter. 
Anonymous Oman, Sir Charles: On the Diary of 

(4) a Private of 74th Foot-West Indies 
1760-64, London Times, 7/25/36, pp 

Anonymous Journal of an Indian Trader - 1761-3 

(5) J.W. Jordan, ed. in Pa. Mag. Hist. 
37:1-47, Jan. 1913. 

Anonymous Orderly-Book of the British Regi- 

(6) ments at Ticonderoga & Crown Point, 
Aug 1-10, 1759, MS in Library Con- 
gress . 

Provincial Officer's Diary, May 3- 
Nov 14,1758. Nova Scotia Historical 
Collections, Vol. 13. 

Anonymous Genuine Letters from a Volunteer in 

(8) British Service at Quebec. London, 

Anonymous Journal of the Siege of Quebec . Lon- 

(9) don, 1759. 



Anonymous Journal of an Expedition up the St. 

(10) Lawrence R. Boston 1759. 
Anonymous Provincial Orderly Book, L. George, 

(11) 17 59. Copy in Lib. Cong. 
Anonymous Ibid, Schenectady -F t . Edward. MS in 

(12) Library Congress. 

Anonymous General Orders, June 12-20, 1758, 

(13) Albany-Ft. Edward. In Connecticut 
Historical Society. 

Anonymous Provincial Diary, L. George 1758. 

(14) Antiquarian Society. 

Anonymous Mass. Provincial Journal, Nov. 1758, 

(15) from Brimfield to Boston to Casco. 
Connecticut Historical Society. 

Anonymous Provincial Diary, Crown Point, 17 59. 

(16) Amer. Antiq. Soc . 

Anonymous Provincial Orderly-Book, Ticondero- 

(17) ga 1759. Conn. Hist. Soc. 
Anonymous General Order s -Aug . 20-22, 1760. 

(18) Conn. Hist. Society. 
Anonymous Account of a Journey from Crown 

(19) Point to Quebec. MS Tic. 
Anonymous Journal of an Officer during the 

(20) Siege of Ft. Detroit. London, 1858, 

Anonymous Military Journal (Provincial offi- 
cii) cer) May-Nov. 1758 in N.N.Y. in His- 
tory Mag. ns.X-1871, pp 113-122. 

Anonymous Journal, Que. June - Aug . , 1 7 59. (Fras- 

(22) er's Regt.?) Ibid IV. 

Ashton, J. The Fleet (Prison) . 

Askin M.M. Quaiff, editor 


Atkins, British Forces in N. America, 1714- 

C.T. 1781, their distribution and strength, 
Journal Soc. Army Historical Res, XVI. 

Bagley, Orderly Book, L. George 1758. Amer. 

Col. Antiquarian Society, April, 1881. 


Bangs, Orderly Book, Castle Wil- 

Sergeant Nathaniel liam-Ft. Edward 1759-60. 
Mass. Historical Society. 

Barrows, Diary, 17 56-58, L. George. Soc.May- 

Abner flower Descendants. 

Bartlett, The Frontier Missionary . 

William S. 

Bascom,R. The Fort Edward Book. N.Y., 1903. 

Bass, Lt. Diary, Ft. Frontenac Expedition 1758. 

Benjamin N.Y. Hist. XVI, Oct. 1935, pp449-452 

Bay ley, Diary-Ticonderoga 17 59, in History 

Captain of Newbury, by F. P. Wells. 


Beatson, Notes on the Plains of Abraham, Gi- 

Col.R.S. braltor, 1858. 

Beckles Life & Letters of James Wolfe; Lon- 

Wilson don, 1909. 

Beverly, Recollections; in C. Stark (1) , pp 

Sgt. Thomas 154-8. 

Bird, Navies in the Mountains--The Battles 

Harrison on the Waters of Lakes Champlain & 

K. George, 1609-1814, Oxf . Univ. Press. 


Ibid, (3) Battle for a Continent, Oxford Uni- 
versity Press. 

Bird, Harrison K. (1) & Frederick T. Chapman: 
"Rogers Rangers," 1756-1760, being Plate 
No. 97 in Military Collectors & Histor- 
ian Journal, VII, No. 1, Spring 1955 pp. 

Bougainville, Louis Antoine de: Journals in 
America, 1756-1760 ("Adventure in the 
Wilderness") excellently edited and trans- 
lated by Edward P. Hamilton, Univ. Okla- 
homa Press, 1964. 

Boishebert, Charles des Champs: J.C. Webster, 

Bond, William: Diary-17 58; MS owned by M. B. 
Farrar, So. Lincoln, Mass. 

Booth, Captain Joseph: Journal-17 60 ; in C. E. 
Booth's: One Branch of the Booth Family; 
N.Y., 1910. 

Bouquet Collection: in Canadian Archives-Vol- 
umes I-III. 

Boston Evening Post - 1755-1760. 

Boston Gazette & Weekly Republican Journal-- 

Boston News-Letter--1755-n60 . 

Bourlamaque Collection: in Canadian Archives; 
Vols. II-VI. 

Bowen, Ashley: Journal; 17 59, Quebec; Essex 
Inst. Hist. Coll., LXX, 227-66. 

Boyle, John: Journal 1759-1778, Boston; N.E. 
Hist. Gen. Reg. Apr. 1930, 145-56. 

Bradbury, Deacon John: Diary-L. Champlain, 1760. 
Maine Hist. Soc. Coll, II, 330 

Bradbury, Lt. John: Military Journal, Apr. 

1760-Aug. 1762, L. Champlain, in "Brad- 
bury Memorial," by J. M. Bradbury, Port- 
land 1890. 

Brehm, Lt. Diederick: Travel Journal- -Rogers ' 
Detroit Expedition, 11/1760-Feb. 1761. N. 
Eng. Hist. Gen. Reg. XXXVII 1883 pp 22- 

Brehm, Lt . D.: Journal to Detroit - 1760-W.O. 

Briggs, David: Diary-L. George-1 758, Mass .Arch. 

Broom, J. -.The Penobscot Loyalists; Acadiensis, 
July, 1903-V.3, pp 172-182. 

Brown, J. P.: Old Frontier s-The Story of the 
Cherokees; Kingsport, Tenn . , 1938. 

Brown, Capt. Silas: Orderly Book-L. Champlain 
17 60; MS in Mass. Hist. Soc. Unpublished 

Brown, W. Howard: Colonel John Goffe, Man- 
chester, N.H., 1950. 

Browne, G. Waldo: Scout Journals 1757. (Nar- 
rative of James Johnson, a captive during 
French & Indian War) Manchester, 1902. 

Browne, G. Waldo: With Rogers Rangers ; Chapter 
XXVII, 278-86— Bits of Biography. 

Buchanon (Master's thesis, Univ. of Tenn. 1927) 
"The Relations of the Cherokee Indians 
with the English in America prior to 


Budd, Surgeon Gilbert of H.MS. Kingston — Diary 
Louisbourg 17 58--M.S Lib. of Congress. 

Bull, Capt. J.: Orderly Book--Niagara-l 759 . 

Burr, A.: Diary-17 58--Roxbury to Schenectady. 

Burr, S.: Diary-17 60--Hingham to L.Cham-plain; 
N.Y. State Library. Unpublished. 

Burr, Lt. T.: Diary-17 58--Ft . Frontenac; N.Y. 
S . Library 

Burrill, Sergt. John: Diary-17 59-60--Ft . 
Frederick; in Acadiensis, V, p. 187. 

Canadian Archives Report, 1905, I, 45. 

Canavan, M.J.: Ben Comee.A Ranger novel. 1899. 

Carter, C.E.: Gage Corr . with Secy's of State 
-1763-1775; 2 vols. Yale Univ .Press , 1931 . 

Carver, Captain Jonathan, Jr . : The New Hamp- 
shire Ranger; poem in the Knickerbocker 
Magazine, XXVI, 1845. 

Catlin, Ranger: Recollection (to Gen. Hoyt) in 
M. Wade's Francis Parkman, p. 191. 

Chamberlin (1), Arthur N. Ill: A New England 
Outpost (No. 4, N.H.) in Tradition Mag. 
#19, Newton Publ. London. 

Ibid (2): Militia & Provincial Troops in Amer- 
ica, 1745-1763 — Some Notes on Organiza- 
tion, Uniforms & Equipment, In Ibid. 

Chambers, R.: War Paint & Rouge -A Ranger Novel 

Champion, Col. H. : Diary-17 58 — in Champion 
Gen., 417-350. 

Chandler, Rev. S.: Diary-1 7 55-6--N .E . Hist. 
Gen. Reg. 10/630 

Charland (1), Pere Thomas: C'est arrive le 4 
Octobre 17 59; in Revue d'histoire de 1' 
Amerique Francaise, Dec. 1959. 

Ibid (2): Histoire des Abenakis D 'Odanak, 1 67 5- 
1937. Les Editions du Levrier, 1964, 
Montreal. ' 

Chatham Papers, Vol. 96, Misc. Papers, 1758-63. 

Claus, Daniel: Narrative; in Soc Colonial Wars. 

Cleaveland, Rev. John: Diary-1 7 5S-53; Essex 
Inst-XII, 130 

Clements, W.L.: Transcripts: In his Library 
are many notes that were not published 
with Rogers' Michilimackinac Journal, ed- 
ited by Mr. Clements. The notes, "In a 
very chaotic condition," are lodged with 
the transcript of Rogers ' Michilimackinac 
Journal. Considerable Biographical ma- 
terial relative to Rogers; also the his- 
tory of Michilimackinac and neighboring 
tribes of Indians. 

Clough, G.: Diary-1 7 59- 60 --Louisbourg --Essex 

Cobb, E.: Diary- 1 75 fi--Goreham Hist., McLellan, 

Cobb, Capt. S.: Order ly-Book--L. George-1 758 . 

CO.: Colonial Office Papers, 5/54. 

Coleman, Emma Lewis: New England Captives Car- 
ried to Canada between 1677-1760, 2 vols. 
Portland, Me., 1925. 

Comstock, Clerk C . : Diary-1 758-9-L. George-- 
Conn. Hist. Soc. 


Connecticut Gazette 1755-61 

Corkran, David H. : The Cherokee Frontier ;Univ . 
Ok.lah.oma Press, 19 62. 

Corse, Trader James: Travel Diary, April 1730 
(Ft. Dummer to L. Champlain on old Crown 
Pt. Road) Vt. Hist. Soc . Proc. II, 1931, 

Cresswell, Nicholas: Journal 1 774- 77; Lon . 1925 . 

Crockett, W.H.: A History of L. Champlain- 

Croghan, George: Detroit Expedition Journal; 
in Pa. Mag. of Hist., Oct., 19 47. 

Cruikshank, E.A.: The Garrisons of Toronto & 

York-1750-1815 (French occupation, Queen ' s 
Rangers, etc.) Can. Mil. Inst. — Select- 
ed Papers — Toronto 1934-5, pp. 17-65. 

Cuneo (2) John R. : The Location of the First 
French Fort of 17 55 at Ticonderoga; MS 
typescript deposited with Ft. Ticondero- 
ga Museum Library. 

Ibid (3): Mysterious Ft. Wentworth. MS type- 
script dep. N.H. Historical Soc. 

Ibid (4): The Early Days of the Queen's Rang- 
ers, Aug. 177 6-Feb. 1777; in Journal Mil- 
itary Institute, Summer, 1958 , pp. 65-74 . 

Ibid (5): Factors Behind the Raising of the 
80th Foot in America;in Military Col- 
lector & Historian Jrn., Winter, 19 59 pp 

Curtiss, Frederick: Narrative of St. Francis 
Raid, related Oct. 4, 1760. MS in Con- 
necticut State Library. 

Cutter, A.R.Jr., Dr.: Diary-1 7 56-8; Cutter 
Geneology . 

Darling, J. Jr.: Diary -Louisb our g Demolition 

1759; in Bangor Hist. Mag. II, 76; Dodge, 

Davidson, J.N.: History of the Stockbridge 
Indians . 

Day, R.E.: Robert Rogers; Quart. Jrn. of N.Y. 
State Hist. Asso., Oct. 1928, 395-97. 

Day, Gordon M. : Rogers ' Raid in Indian Tradi- 
tion, in Historical New Hampshire, June, 

Day, Mrs. CM.: History of the Eastern Town- 
ships, Montreal, 1869. 

Demers, P.: he General Hazen, Seigneur de 
Bleury Sud: Essaie de monographie re- 
gionale; Montreal: Librarie Beauchemin- 
1927, p. 18. 

DeVoe, T.F.: Geneology of DeVoe Family. 

Dibble, E.: Diary-1 7 59; Starr, Hist, of Corn- 

Dorr, M. : Diary-1 7 58-Ft . Standwix & Frontenac 
-N.Y. Hist., XVI-Oct. 1935, 452-64. 

Doughty, A. & Burpee, L.J.: The Makers of Ca- 
nada, Index & Dictionary of Canadian His- 

Douglass, Capt. Wm. : Orderly Book-1 7 59-Conn . 
State L. 


Downey, Fairfax: Louisbourg : Key to a Contin- 
ent, 1965, Prentice-Hall. 

Drake, S.A.: Heart of the White Mountains; 
London . 

Drake, S.G.: Biog . & Hist, of N. American In- 
dians . 

Durkee, J.: Orderly Book-1759; N.Y.Hist. Soc . 

Edwards, T.J.: Origin of British Light Infan- 
try Regiments; Brit. Army Quar. - July, 
Oct., 1936. 

Eliot, Rev. J. :ZHari/; Cambridge, Mass. 1944, 83 pp 

Elliott, T.C.: Origin of the Name Oregon; Or- 
egon Hist. Soc. 

Embleton, R.S.: English painter of "Major Rog- 
ers' Campaign" (original owned by the 

Embleton, G.A. : The Black Watch at Ticondero- 
ga, Tradition Mag., No. 19. 

Ibid,: Color Hates of French & British In- 
fantry at Ticonderoga , 1758; Ibid. 

Farrow, E.S . -.Military Encyclopedia;® .Y . ,1885 . 

Fisher, Dorothy Canfield: Vermont Tradition, 
Boston, 1953. 

Fisher, S.: Diary-17 58; Photostat in Library 
of Congress. 

Fitch, Col. E.: Orderly Book-1759; Mass. 

Hist. Soc. 

Foote, (1), Wm. A.: The American Independent 
Companies of the British Army , 1 664-1 764; 
M.A. Thesis. 

Ibid (2): The 80th Regiment of Light Armed 
Foot, 1757-1764, being plate #230 in Mil- 
itary Collectors & Historians Journal 
pp 81-82. 

Ford, W.C.: British Officers Serving in Amer- 
ica, 17 54-74; Compiled from the Army 

Fort Ticonderoga Museum Bulletins: Vol. II, 
No 5, Jan. 1932; III-IV, 1933-38; VI, 
Jan. 1941; Jan. 1942; July 1942; VII, 
Jan. 1946; July, 1946; July, 1947. 

Fortescue, J.W.: Hist, of British Army--II & 
III; London . 

Foster, A.: Diary-1758; N.E. Hist. Gen. Reg, 
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Franquet, L. -.Voyages et Memoires le Canada; 
Quebec, 1899. 

Fraser, Col. M. : Journal-17 59-60 ; Jour. Soc. 
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French, Capt. Christopher; 22nd Regiment; 3 
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Frizzel, J.: Diary-17 56-9; Unpublished. 

Frost, J. Jr. -.Diary-1 760; Old Eliot, IV, VIII. 

Fuller, A.: Diary-1758; Essex Inst. Hist. 
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Fuser, Lt. L.F.: Journal-17 59-60-Military Af- 
fairs in N. America, Pargellis, ed., p. 


Gage, Gen. T. -.Orderly Book-17 59-77 jBrit . Mus . 

Gaine, Hugh: N.Y. printer. Diary-War News 

1757-58, in The Journals of Hugh Gaine 
by Paul Ford, N.Y., 1902, II, 3-15, 16- 

Gallup, B.A.: Minute Book-1759-Conn. His.Soc. 

George III:Correspondence-1760-8 3-II-III,For- 
tescue . 

Germaine Papers-Clements Library-for Queen's 
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Gilroy, M. : Loyalists & Land Settlement in 

Nova Scotia-N.S. Pub. Arch. Publ. no 4, 

Glazier, B.: Journal-17 58-60 ; Topsfield Lib.- 

Goodrich, J.: Diary- 1 75 8-L . George; Unpublished 

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Gordon, Wm. Augustus: Highland Infantry, Lou- 
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Grant, Lt. Alex: Journal-May 8-15, 1760; W.O. 
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Haldimand, F.: Diary-17 56-7 8 ; Can. Arch. Rep. 

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Hannay, J.D.C.L.: History of the Queen's 

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Hardy, C: Diary-1 759; N .E.Hist . Gen. Reg. -LX 
Ju 1906. 

Harris, O. : Diary-1 758; Huntington Lib.-HM 591, 

Harvey, D.C.: The French Regime in Prince Ed- 
ward Island; Chapter 13, pp 188-201. 

Haskins, J.: Diary-1 7 59-60--Louisbourg ; in An- 
cestry of Katharine Choate Paul-Milw., 
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1 760;YI. 0.34, Vol 77, ff 130-131. 


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6, 17 58, with colored Uniform Plates by 
Helene Loescher, Illus, Maps (including 
3-page map of The Battles of Rogers 
Rangers) , 442 pp. Limited autographed 
and numbered edition. Copies available 
from: B. Loescher, 464 Fathom Drive, San 
Mateo, California, 94404, $7.25 with 
postage . 

Loescher (2), Burt G. : Officers and Non-Com- 
missioned Officers of Rogers Rangers, 
1755-1763 . Burlingame, 1957. Rare bio- 
graphical data. Limited Edition. Cop- 
ies available unbound at $6.25 including 
postage from same address as above. 

Loescher, (3) Burt G.: Ranger Goodwin 's Rum, 
Historical Factual Novel, 50,000 word MS 
with Appendix (unpublished) . 

Loescher (4), Burt G.: Shirley's Dirty Half 
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Guild of Miniature Figure Designers & 
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Loescher (5), Burt G. : Gorham's Rangers, 1744 
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2, pp 10-11 and front plate. 

Loescher (6), Burt G. : Abenaki Aphrodite-Rog- 
ers St. Francis Raid-Fact, Legend & Lost 
Treasure . A definitive study of the 
Raid based on much new evidence. Illus- 
trated by the Author. Documented Maps, 
Limited signed and numbered edition. Send 
subscription to same address as Loescher 
(1) . 

Lonergan, T.F.: Historic Crown Ft., Ft. St. 

Frederic, Ft. Amherst; Troy, N.Y., 29 pp 
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MacKenzie, Lt. F. : Diary - Vol I, Oct 23, 26, 

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Marquis, T.G.: War Chief of the Ottawas; Tor, 

Mass Postcript: June 23, 1768-Articles of In- 
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Maurault, Abbe: History of the St. Francis 
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Maxwell, Ma j . T. : Diary -17 57-1 81 3; Essex Inst 
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Mayer, J.J.: Major Robert Rogers, Trader-lit .Y . 
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Mayo, L.S.: Jeffery Amherst; 1916. 

McCormick, Lt. Caesar: Letter-Diary 17 58-9; 
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Meloizes, Renaud d 1 Avenue: Journal, in Rap- 
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Morris, Samuel: Journal; MSS of 1758 Ticonde- 
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Motion Picture of K. Roberts' Northwest Pas- 
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Townshend, C: Military Life of Townshend-- 
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Treasury Minutes-Pub Rec Office London-Dec. 

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With emphasis on names and activ- 
ities of Rogers Rangers. 'R.R.' 
designates 'in Rogers Rangers' ; 
R.Q.R.: Rogers Queens Rangers; 
'R.K.R.': Rogers Kings Rangers. 

This definitive guide will enable 
one to trace the activities of a 
particular individual Ranger. The 
correct spelling is given first, 
cited mispellings in parenthesis, 
so the reader may identify. This 
Index also covers Volume 1-THE HI- 
nings, Loescher (1). Any referen- 
ces for Volume I* will be after 
those for this book ('Genesis'). 

Abercrombie , General James, Eng- 
lish Commander , Lake George from 
1; Rangers-Abercrombie' s Eyes, 1; 
rebukes Rogers, 5; compl iments 
Rogers, 20. *I: opinion of Rang- 
ers, 214, 261, 431; reluctance to 
promote Rogers, 262, note 259; 
Rogers' commission, 437. 

Abercrombie , Captain JSmes, report 
responsible for defeat at Tic., 
11-12. I: on-party with Rogers, 94 

Abraham, , Stockbridge R.R. 

Captured in St. Francis peace 
miss ion, 355; exchanged , 355. 

Actions, I: Stark's March 21st So* 
tie, 350-2; Rum Sortie, 350-2; 
Rich Rogers' attack on Coutre Co- 
eur , 352; the hunting scout, 355; 
Misbehaviour Scout, 355-6; Xmas 
Eve Tic. attack, 356-60; Arnoux' s 
Defeat, 361; Morning Patrol, 363. 

Adams, Edward, R.R. I: killed at 
Rogers' Rock, 369 (J.Stark's Co.) 

Adams, John, R.R., captured, 351; 

Akin, Wm. , acting Sergt R.R. I: 72 

Amesbury, William, R.K.R. (Rogers' 
Kings Rangers ) , attempt to des- 
troy John Paul Jones warship, 196 

Andersen (Anderson), Peter, Ensign 
R.K.R. Niagara rendezvous , 181; 
Prince Edward post, 197, 283. 

Andrews, Ashe 1 , R.R. at Miamis 245 

Anonymous , Rogers Ranger Officer 
Diary re ferences : Act ions , 222, 
218, 216, 235, 236, 240; Ranger 
Uniforms, Append ice IV, 248-250. 

Anson, Wm. , R.R. at Miamis, 245. 

Aphrodite , Abenaki, references to: 
dance, 59; Hi, 222, 224 , 225. 

Appy , John, Amher±t' s Sec ' y , 45. 

Arms, Rangers, I: 115-116. 

Arnoux, Defeat by R.R., I: 361 

Askin, John, Sutler, RR 127 ; As- 
kin & Rogers partner, 164. 

Aspinwe 11 , Richard, R.R., Pont iacs 
War, 148, 272. 

Ather t on (Bt hor ington) , Phineas , 
Lieutenant , R.R. valour at Front- 
enac , 26; rewarded , 26; commands , 
123; Detroit Expedition, 229. 

Atwood, Joshua, R.R. chops down 
Whipping Post , I: 205. 

Avery, Elias, Ensign, St. Franc is 
Raid, 59; \arty captured, 61. 

Babington, , Capt . R.K.R., 181 

Bacon, Jacob, R.R. Captured at Ro- 
gers' Rock, I: 369. 

Baker, Robert, Vol. 44th, wounded- 
captured La Barbue Crk I: 112,329 

Banck, Josiah, Lieutenant RR , 124; 
accompanies Amherst, 124-125. 

Banyar, Goldsbrow, doubts Rogers' 
veracity, I: 43-44. 

Barbue Creek (Putnam's Creek) 120; 
battle losses (Names), I: 329-330. 

Barlow, Abner, Corpora 1 , R.K.R. 
noted spy, 190, 191. 

Battles of Rogers Rangers: See Ap- 
pendice II, 203, I: 312-388. 

Battles: I: Isle of Mutton, 313-19 
Barbue Creek, 112, 324-45; 1st De 
fense Ft .Wm. Henry, 350-2; Siege- 
Massacre Wm. Henry, 354-5; Rogers' 
Rock, 364-388. 

Beale, , Ensign, R.K.R., 181. 

Bell fore , , , Ensign, Rogers' 

Rock Volunteer, I: 243. 

Bennet, E lis ha, R.R. .Death, I: 70 

Beard, Frank, RR, Miamis, 135, 245 . 

Beers, Joseph, Ens.RKR, 197, 283. 

Beatie, __ , Ens.RKR, Hanged, 196. 

Beaubien, Sergt. RR: 
W.Stark' s Wolf-dog 31; Louisbougg 
bloodhound scouts, 31; geneology , 
253. I: 90-1; on muster-roll , 91. 

Beverly, David, RR , Pont iac W, 154 

Beverly, Thomas, Sergt, R.R. Esca- 
pes, 70, 89; Held-up, 89; capture 
225; perilous trek, 94-5, 242, 103 

Bills, Juda, RR, captured, 44,237. 

Blake, Timothy, RR, capture 24, 234 

Blanchard, Col. Recommends R o g e r s 
to General Johnson, I: 26. 

Bloodhound Scouts for deserters 
I: 172, 239. 

Boishebert, Sieurde Charles Dese- 
champs , French partisan, 33, 207. 


Bolton, John, Sergt. R.R., 209 

Bowing, Timothy, RR , captured, 217 

Boyd, John, R.R. captured, 44, 237 

Boyd, Samuel, RR, rum confinement , I: 
202; flogged, 203; cupidity, 204. 

Bradford , Benjamin, R.K.R., pilot 
in Royal Navy, 200. 

Bradley, Benjamin, Sergt, RR , 60. 

Brady, Joseph, RR, captured, 217. 

Breckenr idge , David, Ens. , RKR , 192 

Breckenr idge , James, Capt-Lt. , R.K. 
R. , 181; Liason for Rogers, 192; 
espionage, 193; temper, 192, $93; 
diplomat ic scouts, 193. 

Brewer, David, Capt.,RR, 60 Guine- 
as Scout, 21; in Three Bat t les , 
38; near Capta incy , 44; Captain, 
87; rescues escaped Rangers, 106. 

Brewer, Jonathan, Capt . R.R., at 
Louisbourg, 27, 35, 72, 233; cap- 
tures pirates ships, 34; L.George 
front: 87; Pointe au Fer, 95; Ri- 
chelieu Raid, 100; Spruce Beer 
Scout, 106, 243; Point Rogers ac- 
tion wound, 107; Detroit, 128,229 
I: Ensign, 103; N.S. daring, 103; 
La Barbue Crk, 113; superceded 
for Capta incy , 143-4; rage, 144, 
150; confines J.Stark, 169-70; co- 
urtmartial & acquital , 170, 425-6 

Brewer, Moses, Capt. R.R. Mohegan 
Indian Co., 5; skill at Tic. Sie- 
ge, 47, 48, 219, 239; discovers 
Rogers' whaleboats , 63, 241. 

Brown, Thomas, Sergt. R.R. I: Nar- 
rative, 331-40, 418; 115; 157. 

Budd , English Surgeon on H.M.S. at 
Rangers' Louisbourg Landing, 30. 

Bulkeley, Charles, Capt., R.R., I: 
Indian Fighter, 102; able recruit 
ter, 148, 421; Captain, 148; kil- 
led at Rogers Rock, 242, 246, 249 

Bradbury, Sanders, Sergt R.R. , Mi- 
amis vigil, 135, 245. 

Brheme, Dieder ick , Lt.R. Engineers 
Three Battles, 37-8; Detroit, 128-34 

Brown, Nicholas , RR , captured, 217 

Burbank , Jonathan, Capt., R.R. , 5; 
scouts, 2, 233; La Corne fiasco, 
14-15; defeat, 42-3; killed, 216. 
I: Ens igncy , 81; personal ity, 162 

Burbank, Nathaniel , Sergt. R.R., 
shipwrecker ' s fight, 65-66. 

Burbeen, Paul, Clerk, R.R., 69, 92. 

Burgin, Philip.Capt.N.J. 1:173,426 

Burns ide, Thomas, R.R., I: 114. 

Burton, Isaac, RR , captured , 217. 

Bush, Zebulon, KM, I: defense, 154. 

Butler, John, Lt. , RR , wounded, 80, 
219; St Paul Raid, 81; deadly 

dispatch duty, 112-13, 241; ser- 
vices, 114, skill at: Pt . Platon, 

119, Varennes, 120, Last Battle, 

120, Detroit, 128, Fts. Miamis & 
Quatanon, 132, 135, 245; holds 
Miamis, 136-7; accounts, 138,270. 

Butler, John, RR , captured, 351. 
Butler, Capt Tom, Frontenac , 26. 
Butterfield, Isaac, RR capture, 217 

Cadet Co. I: names: 297-303, 186, 
187-8, 429 note 202, 430 note 206 

Cahill, John, RR, I: wounded, 149. 

Cahon, Frederic, RR , 148, 272. 

Camp Women, Sutlers employ, 106; 
droll incident, 266; I: 169, 188. 

Campbell, Capt 80th, manouver , 45-6 

Campbell, Archibald, Lt . R.R. 297 
Cadet, 297; killed, 241, 249. 

Campbell, Archibald Jr , Ensign RR , 
1758 services: 14, 209p I: 435. 

Campbell, James, RR , 135, 245. 

Cargill (Cargyll) , Abernathan, Lt . 
RR , Rogers ' recommends , 107. 

Car rut hers , Francis , Ensign, R.R. 
Freshwater Cove hero, 29, 30, 31. 

Castleman, John, Sergt. RR , 26. 

Catlin, , RR close escape, 209. 

Catto, James, RR deserted, I: 410. 

Chalmers, Ronald, RR English Cadet, 
I: 298; on Rogers' scout, 93. 

Chamber lin, Ebil, RR capture, 107; 
Montreal escape, 106, 244. 

Chandler, Joseph, R.R. (kin to Ab- 
enaki Aphrod ite) , 148, 27-2. 

Chase, Abner , R.R., capture, 217. 

Cheeksaunkun, Jacob, The Elder, RR 
Capt. Mohegan Co., 44; men's rum , 
44; defeat & capture, 45, 218;. I: 
68; inertia, 410; scalp scout, 93 
Wood Crk, 92; disbanded, 96, 415. 

Clark, James, Lt RR Ty Battle, 12. 
I: Sergt, 243; Ltcy award, 243. 

Clark, John, Ensign RR , I: 243. 

Clark, Nathaniel, RR killed, 369.1 

Clark, Roht.RR I: Whip P.M., 203. 

Clark, William, Sergt R.R. amazing 
escape, 44, Rogers intercedes , 43 
I: captured at . Rogers' Rock , 243. 

Clay, Jonathan, R.R., captured, 217 

Clish, Thomas, RR , S.C.,148, 272 

Coburn, Pat, RR Miamis, 135, 245. 

Collingwood, __ , RR Cadet, 124. 

Columbiere , French Capt, foray, 1:83 

Colson, Isaac, RR I: 70-1. 16-22. 

Commando, defined, I: 235, note 247 

Conky , Joshua, Sergt R.R., escape 
from English navy, 44; I: 369. 

Cooper, Billy, RR.S.C, 148, 272. 

'Coos' , defined, I: note 3, p 400. 


Counterfeit ing, I: Rbt. Rogers , 264 
Coutre Coeur, I: defined, 37; 41, 45 
Craig, John, RR , Miamis: 135, 245. 
Crain, Cloud, RR , I: killed, 369. 
Creed, Francis, Vol. 27 th, Lt . , R.R. 
I: awarded Lieutenantcy RR , 243. 
Crofton, Edward, Lt . RR. , Louis - 
bourg, 32, 206; engages Montcalms 
dragoons , 81; I: Rogers Rock, 242 
254, 255, 260; sketch, 298-299. 
Croghan, George, JohnsOn agent, 132 
Crow, Zach, RR, bravery, I: 154. 
Crown Point: descr ipt ion , I: 403-5 
'Cumberland' , Rangers' flagship, 90. 
Cummings , Elias, RR, I : capture, 181 
Cunningham, Thomas, Sergt R.R., I: 

1 61 , 422 . 
Curt in, Capt John of ESSEX, attempt 

to impress Rogers Rangers, 44. 
Cutter, Ammi Ruhamah, Surgeon, RR , 
I: 167-8; n. 169; 428, 169. 

Da lye II, Capt James, Mar ins Defeat 
17; Detroit, 155. 

Darby, John, Col. 17th. Champion 
of RR berth for Lt . Cargill, 107 

Darcy (D'Arcy), Robert, Lt . R.R.: 
maps Wood Crk-S. Bay, 65, 241; In- 
dian escort, 66; 67; 1st Ltcy 104 

David, Joseph, RR, captured, 217. 

Davis, Lt., Royal Artillery, 128. 

Dawson, Henry, RR.I: Hogged, 202. 

Day, Isaac, RR, I: Harvard Stdt. 182 

Denbo, Elijah, RR , escape, 74. 

Dewey, John, RR , captured , 217. 

Dickey, Jxmes, RR, Miamis , 135, 245. 

Dorey, James, RR, I : bravery, 154. 

Downing, Ensign 55th, capt ured , 3-4 

Dunbar, James William, Lt . 80th: 
death, 61; I: a Rogers Vadet, 95. 

Duquipe , Joseph, Stockbridge Lt. R . 
R., 93; Detroit Expedition, 128. 

Durantaye , Canadian Ensign, I: re- 
pulse at Rogers' Rock, 247, 249. 

Dutton, Joshua, RR , I: hero, 154. 

Eagles, John, Capt. R.Q.R. , ruse at 
battle Heathcote's Hill, 174. 

Eastman, Joseph, RR.Quebec feat, 95 

Eastman, Samuel, RR, I: lost, 74-75. 

Eastman, Stilson, R.R., finds cow 
for General Amherst, 49; I: 340-1 

Edmonds, John, Corp. R.R. , I: 114, 
killed at La Barbue Creek, 329. 

Edmunds, Jonathan, R.R., I: 155 wd . 

Edwards, Adonijah, R.R., 135, 245. 

Elder, Charles, RR, I : W.P.Mty,203. 

Ethor ington, (See: Atherton, P.). 

Etowaukaum, Ensign Jonas, R.R., de- 
feat , 2; killed, 48. 

Evans, John, Sergt R.R. cannibal 
in St. Francis Raid, 61, 222. 

Fall, James, R.R. Pont iac War, 154 

Farnham, Timothy, Sergt RR, 245. 

Far r ington, Jacob, Lt . R.R. Point e 
au Fer fame, 95-8; Richelieu Raid 
100; 2nd Ltcy, 104; Cherokee War, 
147-52, 272; Regular Vol., 152. 

Farr ington, John, RR capture, 217. 

Farris, Wm.,RR capture -exch, 217. 

Faulkner, James, Lt RR , I: 243. 

Ferguson, Israel, Lt RKR , 191-5. 

Fish, Joseph, R.R., enlists 27th 
Regiment, 139; deserts, 139. 

Fish, John, RR, I: furlough, 149. 

Fisk, Joseph, RR capture-exc , 23,7. 

Fisk, Sam, Corp RR I: killed, 114. 

Flagg, Gershom, RR, captured, 24. 

Flanders, Philip, Sergt RR I: 243. 

Fleming, Samson, R.R. Detroit mer- 
chant, 155; joins Rogers, 274. 

Fletcher, John, Lt . RR Takes Crown 
Pt., 48, 219; La Prairie, 52; Fi- 
ght and capture, 53, 221; 67; 85. 

Fontenay , French officer captured 
by Rogers , I: 73. 

Fossit, Benj., Lt RR , death, 43. 

Fowler, Abraham, RR , 148, 272. 

Gage, Gen. Thomas: Frustrates Ro- 
gers, 36; despa ir igment, 37 , 40-41 

Gardine r , Andrew, R.R. Cadet I: 

113; K. at Barbue Crk, 127 , 329. 

Gardner, George, R.R. enlists into 
27th Regt. against Cuba, 145. 

Gauph, Oliver, RR , captured, 217. 

Gear, Rangers, I: snowshoes, 11 2-13 

Gill, Mar ie- Jeanne , War Chief's 
wife captured by Rogers, 59. 

Gilman, Garty, R.R. I: Counter fe it 
ing, 20-1; R.R. , 65; service, 409 

Goodenough, Joshua, R.R. Tic, 207 
Pointe au Fer, 227; I: Gruesome 
Scout, 190-2; saved from wolf, 197 
close escape, 228; sketch R., 410 

Goodwin, Lux ford, Sergt R.R. Novel 
about cited, ii; perilous Que. mis 
sion, 95, 242, HI; 267. 

Gordon, James, Sutler R.R. ,127; in 
Rogers & Co. as Clerk, 164-5. 

Gorham, Capt Joseph: Comdt Gorhams 
Rangers-N.S., 27 ; See Loescher (5) 
I: Rogers' senior it y dispute, 171-2 

Gray, John, RR capture-exch , 217. 

Gray, Levi, RR , bravery, I: 154. 

Great Warrior, Cherokee Chief, 146 

Grant, James, Commodore, 1759- 60, 91 

Green Berets, similarity to R.R., 
introduct ion . 


Green, Caleb, Ensign R.K.R,, Secret 
Service, 191; Poughkinsie Set, 195 

Hackett , James, Sergt R .R., harrow- 
ing escape, 16, 209; builds war- 
ships, 91; Pointe au Fer, 95. 

Hair, Wm.,Lt. RR, Frontenac Exp., 26 

Haldimand, Frederick, Gen., Command 
Ft. Ed., 36; Rangers' Mutiny, 41; 
il 1-advised winter scouts, 42; He- 
eced by Rogers, 182-84; 1 batta- 
lion RKR under him, 185, 200. 

Bale, Josiah, Sergt RR.I: kill.24 3 

Hall, Samuel, RR, capture -exchnge 
217; Re -capture, 70. 

Hallowell, Jacob, RR, wd . -dies, 107 . 

Hamilton, Partridge, Sergt RR , Is - 
182, recruit ing, 428. 

Hanns, Charles, RR, Ft .H. hero , 154. 

Hartwell, Sergt R.R., accidentaly 
killed by English sentry, 7, 233. 

Hatfield, Capt RKR, 181, 183. 

Haviland, Wm., Eng 1 ish Col . &Brig. 
constant dispa ir igment of RR, 70, 
227; would disolve corps, 103; I: 
prejudice, 207-9, 216; snubs Ro- 
gers, 226; baits Rogers, 227 , 237; 
treacherous act, 237, 436 n. 254. 

Haxen, Ensign RR , 82; 122, 268. 

Hazen, Moses, Capt R .R . , 43; St. 
Anne's Raid, 72-3; captaincy , 73; 
commended , 78; cowboy, 78; Quebec 
scouts: 354; L'Ange Gardien, 79; 
defeats Langlade , 79; Montmorenci 
80; takes pr isoners , 80; Boon-qua 
rter scout, 219; Will-o-t he-wisp, 
81; disarms Canadians , 112; twar- 
ts cattle rustlers, 114, 226; 
takes Pt. Levi, 114; Old Lorette, 
114-15, 226; morale strategy, 115 
Battle Ste Foy, 114-18; marksman- 
ship, 118; bravery, 117; wd. , 117 
Co. strength, 119, 267; Land ven- 
ture with Robert Rogers, 165. 

Headquarters Base Camps of R.R. : 
Rogers' Is., 1; near Ft .Wm.H. , 5; 
Half-Way-Brook, 21; Castle Is., 
Dartmouth, N.S., 28; Louisbourg , 
31; Chimney Pt . , 99; 1760-Summer, 
Rogers' Pt . , 103; 1758-9 W inter , 
35, 254, 1759-60 Winter, 123, 268 
1760-61 Winter, 141, 270; I: 169. 

Henry, James, Sergt R.R. Original 
R.R., I: 114; Isle of Mutton, 114 
Barbue Creek ace' t , 331, capture, 
330; Paul Bunyan yarn confuses 
French re: Roger s' Seer et Water 
passage, 411; escape, 331; color 
il lustrat ion of, 104. 

Herwood, Vol. Royals, death, 235. 

Hewitt, Robert, R.R. captured, 42 
false info to French, 42, 215. 

Higgins, Paul, RR, Miamis, 135, 245 

Hill, Ensign RKR Recruiting, 181. 

Hobbs , Humphrey, Capt RR , Origin- 
of Co. , I: 98-102; famous Deac- 
on Indian Fighter, 101; RR. , 106 
112; smallpox death, 103, 112. 

Hodge, Sam, Jr., Capt Pioneer Co 
in RR, 108; service, 109. 

Hodgkins, Jonathan, RR , Fi 1 54 

Hogg, Wm. , RR, Miamis M.135, 245. 

Hoit (Hoyt), Stephen, Sergt MM, 
dies in St. Francis Raid, 60-61. 

Holland, Stephen, Lt . R.R., 43; I: 
Sergt at La Barbue Creek, 114. 

Holmes, Sergt RR , Recruiter , 85. 

Holmes, Robert, Lt . RR , Scouts, 8 
canoe ambuscade , 22-3, 213; Thru* 
Battles, 38; scouts, 47, 236,238 
explores Hudson R. , 51, 240; Wig- 
wam Mar t inique , 95, 243, 102-3 
265; Detroit Exp., 128, 131; En- 
si gncy in Royal Am., 137; Command- 
ant of Fort Miamis, 137. 

Hooper, Jacob, RR , capture, 217. 

Hopkins, Joseph, Capt of own Q.R. 
155, 274; action, 158. 

Hopkins, Joseph, Sergt-Ma j or R.R. 
incredible fish exploit, 52-3; at- 
tempt to burn L'Esturgeon, 54, 240 

Hopkinson, Tim, RR , cpt-exch, 222 

Howard, John (Jonathan) Sergt RR , 
I: killed at Barbue Crk, 114,329. 

Howe, George Augustus , Viscount, 3 
untimely death, 11; designs badge 
(button) for RR , 248. 

Howgill, Francis, R.R., escape, 89 

Hughson, Lt. RQR, killed, 175. 

Humphreys, Sergt 27th, I: 244. vol 

Hunter, John, jr. RR I: cptr, 369 

Hurlburt, Daniel, Sergt RR , grim- 
action, 42; capture- feeds French 
misleading data, 42, 215. 

Hutchings , Benjamin, Ensign, R.R. 
Dispatches to Wolf, 50, 81; cap- 
ture by pirates, 50; winter res- 
ignation, 105; Capt, Mass province , 
105; re-Ens igned R.R. , 105, 107; 
rescues Rangers , 106. 

Ins ley, Ensign RKR, 181. 

Irwin, Wm., Ensign 80th, wager, 17 

Jacob, Duke, RR , survivor SFR , 60 
Jacobs, John, Stockbr idge RR , 355 
Jameson, James, Eng 1 ish Surgeon, 98 

lacks medicine for wd. RR , 226. 
Jellison, Derry, RR, Miamis, 135, 245 
Jewell, Sam, RR, Miamis , 135, 245. 


Johns, Soloman, Lt . RKR, spy, 191 

Johnson, Nat haniel, Corp, RR , I: 47 

Johnson, Noah, Capt R.R. , service: 
37, 235; 65; 51, 239; 68; Pointe 
au Fer-wd.-dies on ship, 95, 98; 
I: Isle of Mutton, 36, 40; Ensign 
47; commands, 61, 65; 1st Ltcy, 80 
411; commands at Wm. Henry , 175-81 
paroled, 181; pet it ions, 181, 427-8 

Johnson, Sir Wm. , Approves Rogers, 
I: 26; defends Rogers, 32-3, 44. 

Jonas, Stockbridge Ensign, RR , 48. 

Jonathan, escaped captive joins R. 
R. , 93. 

Jones, John, Capt R.K.R. Reknown, 
197; daring, 198-199. 

Kelsey, Moses, Sergt R.R. I: 182; 
killed at Rogers' Rock, 243. 

Kenedy, Sergt R.R. , wounded, 215. 

Kennedy, Samuel, Lt . RR. , Noted- 
Surveyor, I: 103; Barbue Crk , 113 
127; gruesome death, 156. 

Kennedy, Quinton, Capt 17thMessage 
to Wolfe, 50; capture, 56, 220; 
Cherokee War, 147; I: Scout race 
with Rogers, 85-86. 

Kent, Michael, Vol 27th, I: 243. 

Kerr, David, Sergt R.R. tragic end 
by English sentry, 7, 233. 

Kimble, David, RR, I : informs, 156. 

Kisens ik , Nipissing Chief, 203. 

Knowlton, Charles, RR , I: 154. 

La Force, French partisan defeated 
by Rogers, 96; mortal wound, 98. 

Lake George, I: descript ion, 406. 

Lakin, Oliver, RR, Quebec escape, 74 

Lane, Daniel, R.R. Hazen's Post, 
218; fierce ambush, 219; 220; Que- 
bec service, 219-220. 

Langy-Montegr on , Ensign, French 
foe of R.R., 8; Rogers' Rock vic- 
tory, 8; avoids clash, 8; defeat 
by Rogers, 9-11; Ranger Payroll 
Massacre , 83-4; Captures Tute and 
drowns in St. Lawrence R. , 85; I: 
thorn in Rangers side, 83; 229-31 
Rogers' Rock, 248-260. 

Latterly, Wm. , RR, Miamis , 245. 

Leech, Sam, RR , I: first RR Hogged, 
at Whipping Post, 199, 201. 

Leighton., John, RR , I: 48. 

Lindsay, John, R.K.R. , gains confi- 
dence J. P. Jones to burn ship, 196 

Lock, Joshua, Lt . RR, recruits, 257 

Longstreet , John, Capt RKR, 181. 

Longvil le, French partisan defeat- 
ed at Pointe au Fer , 96, 98. 

Lopos , Solomon, RR , I: 154. 

Lotr idge , Capt, leads Mohawks in 
Three Bat t les, 38-40; praised, 40. 

Loudoun, Earl of, English Command- 
er, plans for Rangers, I: 146,420; 
Ranger bodyguard , 108, 419; pro- 
poses RR officers, 221, 432-433. 

Lounsberry (Lounsbury) , Wm. R.Q.R. 
grim death battle, 171, 229. 

Macomb, John, Albany merchant as- 
sociate of Rogers, 127. 

McCormick, Caesar, Lt . , RR. , cap — 
ture, 34; duress letters, 35, 214 
exchange by Rogers, 43, 257; ta- 
kes scalps, 79; recruiter, 85; 89 
leads L. Inf. Richelieu Raid, 99-100 
key to Trojan Horse plan on St. 
Johns, 101; Detroit Exp* 128, 134 
Michi 1 imackinac , 133; Trader, 155 
Pontiacs War , 155; Ask in & Rogers 
partner trading venture, 164-165; 
Cadet in RR , I: 192. 

McCoy, P., Corp RKR, Spy, 191. 

McCurdy , John, Capt R.R. , Louisbo- 
urg, 27; Jemseg Raid, 34; rescue 
scout, 34; accidental death, 43, 72 
I: Isle of Mutton, 40; Sergt, 47; 
2nd Ltcy, 81, 144, 425f scout, 166 
prerequisite food & rum, 183-184; 
captures frenchman , 190. 

McDaniel, Ranal, Sergt R.R., 25-26 

McDanie 1 , John, a lias Sullivan of- 
Boston, counter fe iter , I: 17-19. 

McDonald, Gregory, Ensign, R.R. I: 
Cadet, 192; RRk , 241, 247, 249-51 

McDugle, James, RR , killed, 369. 

McKane (McKeen), Wm. , Sergt R.R., 
captured-La Gallete-exchanged,221 

McKeen, John, R.R. Captured-burned 
at stake, I: 180-181. 

McKay, Isaac, RR Capture-exch , 217 

McLauchlan, James, R.R. I: prison- 
er to France- exchanged , 181. 

McLean (McLane), Benj. R.R. accus- 
ed of deser t ion-acqiiited , 125; 
West Indies, 142-4; Cuba, 145. 

McMullen, Andrew, Lt . R.R. Service 
14, 209; feud with Rogers over- 
promot ion, 40, 260, 86; loses Cap 
taincy, 86-7, 104; heroism, 58. 

McNeal, James, Corp. R.R. I: 70-1. 

McSterling, RR I: stops Mutiny, 205 

Mainwairing, Ed., Capt RKR, 197. 

Mamenash, Sam, RR Cher. W.148, 272 

Maps: I: R.R. Battles (end pp); La 
Barbue Crk, 125; Rogers Rock, 250 

Marin, Canadian Col. defeat by Ro- 
gers, 17-18; I: thorn to RR, 83. 

Martin, Joshua, Ensign R.R. 44; I: 
Counterfeit suspect, 17-18; Barbue 


Crk, 114; wd-amazing escape, 135; 
Sergeantcy & Ensigncy , 136. 

Maxwell , Thompson, R.R. draftee, 
deadly race, 9; Mar ins De feat, 211 

Me loise , French Ensign. Forays, 183 

Merchant Marine Academy-site of Ro- 
gers' most successful battle, 96. 

Micmac Indians, fight with RR , 74. 

Miller, John, RR, wounded, 80. 

Miller, Jonathan, R.K.R. espionage 
191; Ba list own Mission, 195. 

Miller, Wm.,RR, P.War, 148, 272. 

Misbehaviour Scout, I: 214, 431. 

Mitchel, John, R.R. I: survivor, 70 

Mohawks , beaten up by R.R., 21; 3 
Battles bravery, 39-40; praise, 40 
I: false alarm given, 45. 

Montcalm' s Cavalry, Rangers engage 
at Pointe-aux-Trembles , 81. 

Moor, Hugh, R.R. Pontiacs War, 154 

Moor, Increase, Lt . R.R. I: Sergt , 
wd-Barbue Crk, 114, 329; killed st 
Rogers' Rock, 243, 249, 243. 

Moore, Sam, R.R., capture-exch, 217 

Moore, Wm. , R.R., harrowing capti- 
vity-escape by ruse, 343-344. 

Morris, Wm. , Lt . R.R. , 23; 209; I: 
demoted, 114; Barbue Crk capture- 
escape, 114, 330-331. 

Morrison, Hugh, R.R. I: wd-capture 
ed Barbue Creek, 329; dies, 330. 

Munroe, Edmund, Sergt-Major R.R., 
21; almost Ensign, 105. 

Mutiny, Second Ranger , 40-42; I :W 
Post Mutiny, causes, 202-3, 201- 
210; Courtmart ial , 304-11; Eng- 
lish, dim view of, 213-219. 

Myers, John, Capt R.K.R. , Ba 1 1st own 
Raid, 188; spy, 192; detatched, 
191; Blake-Schuyler house capers, 
192; Ludlow's Regt. service , 191. 

Nae , Robert, RR, capture, I: 369. 

Napier, English Surgeon General: 

Negligence in furnishing Medicine 

chest to Rangers' Surgeon, 98. 

Napkin, Wonk, RR.Crke War, 148, 272 

Nash, Litt leKeld, RR, cptre-exc, 206 

Naunauphtaunk , Jacob, Capt RR. , 21, 

scouts, 2, 203; avoids fight, 3-4; 

Tic, 14; 1759 re-entry, 40; grief 

45; Message to Wolfe, captured , 50 

220; St. F. peace envoy, 125-6, 244 

I: Ltcy, 68; ambuscades , 324, 85, 

414; dictates journal, 85. 

Neale, James, Capt R.R., pres ides 

at RR courtmart ial, 21 ; leaves, 37 

Nelson, Moses, RR, Pontiac War, 154 

Nepash, Daniel, RR.Ihid, 148, 272. 

Ninhem, Aaron, RR, cptr -escape , 252 

O'Brian, Morris, R.R. captured-Tic 
9, 206, escapes impressment , 44. 

O'Brian, Sam, R.R. CWar, 148, 272 

Ogden, Amos, Capt RR , St. F.Raid, 
59, 63; Captaincy, 123-6; withAm- 
herst, 123-6; rebuilds C Pt, 138; 
West Indies service, 142-144. 

Ogden, Nathaniel , Ensign, RR, 123. 

On Party, defined: I: 415. 

Outetat , French part isan, defeats- 
RR at Wood Creek, 2. 

Page, Caleb, Ensign R.R., I: 81, 
411; killed-Barbue Crk, 112, 113. 

Paige, Sergt RR, saves comrade, 9. 

Parker Mt . I: 56. 

Parnell, Robert, Sergt RR , I: 243. 

Parrot, Abraham, R.R. I: Leader- 
Whipping Post Mutiny, 204-5. 

Patten, John, Lt . RR Quebec fight, 
80, 219; discovers fleet, 118; com 
mands Hazenk Co., 119; Pt . Plat on, 
119, 227; at Varennes , 120, 228. 

Pay, Rangers, I: 107-8; privates 
sold out by Rogers, 141-143. 

Perry, Abraham, Ensign RR , I: 24. 

Perry, D., RR Recol lee t ions , 354-5 

Perry, Ehenezer, Corp RR , I: 114. 

Phillip, Sergt RR , Indian King, 62 
first into Louisbourg, 254; St. F. 
Raid, 62, 63. 
Phillips, John, RR, I: 148. 
Phillips, Wm. Hendrick, Lieut R.R., 

St.F.Rd, 62; Ensigncy, 94, 105; W. 

Martinique, 94; I: Sergt, 114; La- 

Barbue Crk, 129-30; Ensign, 148; 
148, 159, 422, 228; Rogers' Rock- 
capture, 242, 245, 254-5; 162. 

Pollard, John, RR , I: escape, 179 

Pontiac, Ottawa Chief, 129-3C, 153-9 

Porter, Noah, Lt . PR, scouts, 3,4, 
I: privr leads W.Post Mutiny, 204 

Portuga, Emanuel, RR , I: 115, 249 

Pott inger , James, Lt. R.R. I: in— 
descret ions', 187-8; Cadet, 192; 
generosity, 242; R. Rock death, 249 

Pringle, Henry, Capt-Lt 27th, I: 
volunt-R.Rk-surrenders, 243, 254-9 

Pritchard, Azariah, Capt RKR , 189; 
noted spy, 189; captures , 190; 
black market ope rat ions , 191. 
Prologue-Birth of RR , I: 17-22. 
Promot ions in RR , I: 160-2, 163. 

Proud foot, Chris, RR cptr, 106-7 

Punishment , Method to RR , 53-4 

Putnam, Major Israel, co-command 
under Rogers, 16; captured , 17, I 
scouts with Rogers, 34, 36-8, 45. 

Ranger Pr isoners , French held, 2-3 


Ranger School, I: Rogers' forma- 
tion, 184-9; disbandment, 192029. 
Rations, Ranger landing fare at 
Louisbourg, 29; I: daily, 54, 183 
401; on party, 116, 117. 
Red Head, Onondago Chief, Fort E, 26 
Reynolds , Samuel, RR, capture, 70. 
Rice, Isaac, RR , capture-e*ch, 206 
Richards, Mitchel (Ben), R.R., I: 

saves boys life, 179. 
Richerville , French Ensign, I: 383 
Robertson, Sam, RR , capt re-exc, 217 
Robins, John, Ensign RKR 181}97283 
Roche, Boyle, Lt . 27th, I: 243, 259 
Rogers' Island, Ranger base at Ft. 
Ed., 1; Rogers Island Historical 
Associat ion, contemporary inhabi- 
tants; poeticly described, I: 91-3 
414; flooded, 225-6, 434. 
Rogers, James, Capt & Major R.R.- 
RKR, Louisbourg, 27; L. Labrador - 
Raid, 73-4; senior Capt Quebec, 78 
lauded by Wolfe, 78; 82; L.George 
87, 104, 106, 138-9; Pont iac War, 
154-9, 245; rescues Rogers fromF. 
prison, 167; Ma jor -R.K.R. , 181; 
assumes Rt .Rogers' debts , 184; St. 
John's Hdqt , 184, 186; espionage , 
195, 247 ; corresspondence , 281; I: 
Ensign, 102; Barbue Crk, 112; de- 
fense Ft. W.H., 152; Halifax, 182 
Rogers King's Rangers: organized , 
179-81; Actions, 181, 186, 1 8T , 
188, 198-9; secret service, 188; 
Hdqrt, 189; posts, 181, 184, 197, 
note 356; Uniforms, 185, 278. no- 
te 337, drawing, 6, Appendix IV 
disbandment , 200-201, 283. 
Rogers Queen's Rangers: organized , 
170; recruits captured, 171; Hdqr 
170; 1776-7 campaign, 172-77; He- 
athcote's Hill, 172-6; colours ta- 
ken, 175; corps' compos it ion, 177 
lack of complete uniform-1776, 174 
Uniform drawing, 6, text, 249-250 
Rogers' Rangers: fame deserving of 
History, introduction; Battle lo» 
ses, 118, 16, 23, 24, 31, 37, 43, 
45, 48, 61, 79-80, 84, 98, 144; 
snowshoe skill, 114; Death: freez 
ing, 113, 69; drowning, 134, 108, 
267; accidental, 7, 72, 254; grim 
60, 84, 42, 140; frostbitten, 70, 
88, 141; taken pr isoners , 2, 24, 
35,44, 53, 56, 8St exchanged, 67, 
68, 107; amazing escapes, 3, 9, & 
16, 23, 44, 52, 74-7, 89, 90, 106 
107, 105, 91, 93; desertion, 53-4 
125, 140, 73, 141, 270; courtmar- 
tials, 21; audacity of scouts, 2, 

21, 22, 23-4. 28, 48. 49, 54-5, 
58; ruses of. 49. 42, 115, 119; 
punishment of, 53-4; recruitment , 
5, 7, 25), 25, 27-8, 253, 68, 87, 

123, 44, 257, 85-7, 186, 281, 265 

124, 268; bravery, 13, 29-30, 50, 
74, 78, 79, 80, 110, 113, 118,157 
158; marksmanship , 17, 18, 47 , 
107, 118, 254; tactic reviews, 21 
Gage's opinion of, 41, 254; rewar 
-ded, 26, 111, 113; Returns, 253, 
25, 73, 263, 144, 145, 18), 184, 
278; postal service, 124, 138-41; 
appearance alarms West Indians, 
143; Drafts from Provincials, 108 
258; Daily Orders, 46, 258-9; dis 
-chargments, 69, 263, 77, 82; re- 
vived: Pont iac' s War, 154, 159, 
274; American Rev., 170, 179-81; 
Officers & Non-Coms (See Loescher 
(2)); droll tales (Loescher (3)); 
I: value of, 164; character , 197, 
201, 410; losses, 290-1; pay es- 
tablishments, 304, 412, 420, 421; 
as N.H. Co. , 23-4; Engineers, 24; 
build: Ft. Wehtworth, 25; Ft. Ed. 127 
1755 Winter , 31, 47, strategy, 110 
English reliance on, 109; augmen- 
ted, 412, 219-22; build snowshoes 
233-4; Rogers' Own Co., 287, 400; 
six establishments , 63-4, 287-90; 
Rogers' Ranging Rules, 291-7; Ca- 
det Co.. 297-304; Pay establish- 
ments, 304; early Actions, 312-88 
early Scouts, 389-94; Genesis to 
World War II, 407; cost of huts, 
415; strengths , 417; recruit ing 
officers contract , 428; pre-enlist 
ments, 219, 432; snowshoe road, 
234; See Books by Author, i-ii. 

Rogers, Richard, Capt R.R. I: 24, 
32. 47. 41 If 36. 40; 46-7; 61; 65 
66; 72; 73; Capt. 80. 413; 139, 
146; last action, 173; death, 175 

Rogers, Robert, Major-Col, R.R., R 
Q.R., R.K.R. majority. 1; 1758 
service: 1; wd . , 4; Abercrombie' s 
indictment , 5; drawing pwr for re- 
cruits, 6-7; strategy-Tic , 12-14; 
14; 15; defeats Marin, 16-20; du- 
el, 18; Easter boats, 25; recruit 
strategy, 25; last winter exp^ 37 
-40; Wil 1 iams rank d ispute , 37; 
squelches mutiny, 41, 255; foils 
disbandment , 43; frostbitten, 40, 
255; presents bearskin, 45; defe- 
ats Bournie, 47; cuts Ty boom, 47 
secret road, 49, 239; 49; St.F.Rd 
56-65; Payroll Massacre , 83-4; ne- 
ar capture, 91; Richelieu Raid, 


100-102; Haviland feud over com- 
mand, 103; captures French fleet 
109-10; pursues Bougainville , 110 
comments on French Canadian women 
110-1; corps reunited, 111; forms 
Trading Co., 128; Pontiac Pow-Wow 
129-30; hung in effigy, 131; Capt . 
in Regulars , 134; trades commands 
153; Pontiac War, 153-9; pecula- 
tions, 160-6; Askin & Rogers Co., 
164; Major Rogers & Assoc iates , 
165-6; loses to Gorham, 167; Ame- 
ricans prisoner , 167-8, 169-70; 
captures Nathan Hale, 171, 245; 
Howe's support, 175-6; Heathcotes 
Hill, 172-6; Bedford Raid, 176; 
White Plains, 176; 177; British 
envy, 177-8; boast fulness , 179-81 
at Cast ine , 181; erroneousness , 
182-4; divorce, 183-, 279; dossi- 
er of Rogers' twilight, 184, 421. 
I: 1755-58: counter feit ing , 264- 
70, 17-22; Inquiry on Mutiny, 206 
establ ishes reputat ion, 50; full- 
color plate by H Loescher , front- 
ispiece; humour, 227, 434; obedi- 
ence-method, 75-6; offered Provin- 
cial Colonelcy, 216, 220; TROJAN 
HORSE plan, 222-3, frustrated, 239 
has smal lpox , 141; secret water 
passage, 79, 411, 437; wound, 127 
140; awarded Majority, 262, 411; 
commiss ion verkat im, 437; battles 
ix-x; scouts-expeditions , xi-xii. 

Rogers' Rock: reference to, 1; RR 
bloody defeat, 3; survivors , 48, 
252; battle illus by Ferris, I: 
252; casualt ies-names , 369-370. 

Rose, Samuel, RR , Miamis vigil, 135 

Ross, Andrew, Ensign RR, I: 241. 

Rossier, John, Sergt RR , 65, 241. 

Ruiter, Henry, Capt RKR , 192. 

Rum, Rangers' fondness for; 105-6; 
death, 140, 141; Stockbridges, 93 
99, 147; Mohawks, 21, 252; I: La- 
ced Rum, 111, 151; save from fire, 
155; ration, 401; potency, 11 1, 41 9 

Ryan, John, RR, I: k il led R.Rk, 369 

St Francis Raid: Individual parti- 
cipants, 223; Si her Madonna Le- 
gend, 222, Ranger accounts, 222, 
English accounts , 223, Provinc ia 1 
accounts, 224; Wrench, 224; loss- 
es, 64, 223; survivors, 67, 224, 
69, 223; Re ference to Loescher ' s 
definitive s t urfy-ABENAKI APHRODITE 
Rogers' St Francis Raid, 222, 224 
225; I: Rogers' early plans for 
stymied, 96-8, 111, 165, 416; 167 

Samadagwis , St ockbr idge R.R. bet - 
ttays RR at St Fn-killed, 59. 

Scott, Capt. George, 40th, provis 
sional command Louisbourg Rangers 
28; landing, 29-ep; siege, 31-2. 

Seat, Dematres, RR , I: 154. 

Secret Service, by R.K.R., 189, 

Secret Water Passage, Rogers' , con- 
founds French, 238; location re- 
vealed, 49, 239; I: map, end pp. 

Sever, Jacob, Sergt RR Ft. Ed., 26. 

Severance , Martin, Sergt R.R. , es- 
cape from Man-o-War , 44; I: cour- 
ier, 83; Hudson R. scout, 189. 

Shamburn, Christian, RR , Burbank' s 
De feat -capture -unique freedom, 217 

Shankland , ' Shanks ' , R -M , Gruesome 
scout, I: 190-1; close escape, 228 
i 1 lustrat ion, 105; ambuscade, 361 

Sharks, attack Rangers, I: 169. 

Shepherd, George, RR , grim capt re 
42; exchanged, 217. 

Shepherd, John, Capt R.R., Scouts- 
1758: 2, 22, 233. 234, 237, 260,; 
resigns, 46; R.Q.R., 175; I:sketch 
423; Co. forms, 166, 423; stops W. 
Post Mutiny, 204-206. 

Shepherd, Sam, RR cap-exch, 42, 217 

Shepherd , Samuel, Ensign, R.R. I: 
recruiting, 182, 428. 

Sherwood , Justus, Haldimand' s Bri- 
tish espionage co-chief , 188-89; 
RKR officers chief agents, 189-91. 

Shirley, Wm, Governor , Mass., Plans 
for Rangers, I: 100-101, 416-418. 

Shute, John, RR Quebec dispatches , 
95; Reminiscenses , 242; I: 114; 
account of Barbue Crk , 340-341. 

Sillaway, Jonathan, RR I: cptr, 70 

Sleater, Peter, RR hero, I: 154. 

Smyth, Doctor George, British Es- 
pionage co-chief, 188, 189, 191. 

Snell, Jacob, Ens. RR. , Resigns, 26 

Solomon (See Uhhaunwaumot , Solomon ) 

Speakman, Thomas, Capt R.R. I: 100 
101; Boishebert action, 102; in R 
R. , 112; Barbue Crk, 112-13; scal- 
ped alive, 103; grim death, 136-7 

Spear, John, RR Miamis, 135, 245. 

Spencer, Matthew, RR I: cptr, 369. 

Spruce Beer, I: RR fond of, 111. 

Stark, Archibald, L* R.R. 3 Battle 
38; naval duty, 91; W.Martque, 95 

Stark, John, Capt R.R. 1758: 2, 11 
12, 233; senior under Rogers, 5; 
Capt Abercromhie feud, 11 -12; res- 
cue, 236; decoy, 44-5; builds Cm 
Pt . Road, 51, 239; reviews RR , 68 
dec 1 ine s Co. command , 68; seeks 


Captaincy, 85-6; backs Rogers in 
1775-6, 168-9; I: 1755-8: Lt , 24; 
home, 32; 2nd Lt , 65; ill, 66; im 
portance at Barbue Crk, 112, 119- 
20, 121-2, 129, 340; 1st Lt , 81; 
Canada Scout, 86; Ft .Wm.H. command 
149-50; saves Fort, 151-2; sortie 
350-2; wd, 155; personality, 162; 
smallpox, 167; locked-up, 169-70; 
misses ship, 170; Misbehaviour 
Scout, 193-7 , 355-6; 229; 407; re- 
lieves Rogers Rock survivors, 259 . 
Stark, Samuel, Lt . R.R. Falls from 

horse-cannot serve, 1760, 94. 
Stark, Wm. , Capt R.R. Louisbourg - 
27; seeks re-Capt , 85-6; I: Cadet 
90; Wolf-dog companion, 90-91. 
Steel, John, RR, Pontiacs War, 154 
Sterling, Hugh, RR Clerk, I: 24, 32. 
Sterling, James, RR , Pont .War , 274 
Stevens, Nicholas, partner in Ask- 
in & Rogers trading firm, 164-5 
Stephens, Roger, Ensign R.K.R. Spy 
disguise, 191, 194; Doc Smyth spy 
pay dispute, 195; espionage , 194. 
Stevens (Stephens) , Samuel, Lt . RR 
tragic omissions-St Frantis Raid, 
58, 61-2, 64, 401-403; Amherst's 
censor, 63; Rogers' wrath, 64; co- 
urtmartialed, 65; I: RR Cadet , 192. 
Stevens (Stephens ) , Simon, Capt R. 
R. Negot iates exchange , 2; cap- 
ture, 8, 205; escape odyssey, 74- 
77; Quebec Siege, 77; news-report- 
er RR, 95, 266; re-joins Rogers, 
104; Pointe au Fer , 95; Richelieu 
Raid, 98; Captaincy, 104. 
Stevens, Lt . RR, Ambxished, 215. 
Stewart, John, RR , I: capture, 369 
Stinson, John, Capt RKR.181, 200. 
Stockbridge, Mass., I: described ; 

409; warrior strength, 409-410. 
Stockbridge (Mohegan) Rangers: Re- 
cruitment, 5, 251, 44, 258; Am- 
herts criticism, 40, 254, 44, 45, 
257, 262; Dischargment , 24, 252; 
Cherokee War service, 147-52; re- 
fuse to don British uniforms, 152 
Stone, Nathan, Lt . R.R., 342; cap- 
ture, 8; exch, 67; at Que* 74; 87 
241; wd, 110; Regular Ensign, 273 
Strang, Daniel, Capt R.Q.R. Hanged 

as spy, 171, 246. 
Sutlers to R.R.: John Ask in, Janes 
Gordon.127, I: Levi,151, Best, 238 

Taylor, Peter, Sergt RKR, Spy , 191. 
Tecomans, Job, RR, I: 427. 
Tervin, Richard, R.R. West Indies, 
142-5; in 17th against Cuba, 145. 

Thompson, Wm. R.R. Miamis dty, 245 

Three Battles, Rogers' last , most 
successful winter action, 36-39. 

Throckmorton, John, Lt . , RKR, 197 
Prince Edward Is. station, 283. 

Ticonderoga ('Ty'), descr ibed , I: 

Tincomb, Ebenezer , RR cpt-exc, 217 . 

Titcomb, Capt John, N.H. Prov. Ran- 
gers. I: temp-assigned to RR , 168 
424; biographical sketch, 424. 

Torry, John, R.R. cpt-exchange, 209 

Townsend , Jacob, Sergt Bf I: Corp, 
151; Sergt, 243;,R.Rock, 243 

Trepezac , French Capt, defeat, 9-11 
Tribout (Tiebout ) Lt R.R. Report- 
ed killed, 215; recruiting, 215. 

Trojan Horse attack on Crown Point 
Rogers' plan, I: 222, 433; stole-n 
by Abercrombie & Loudoun, 223-225 

Trumhall, Vol. 42d. Stark saves, 44 

Turner, George, Lt . R.R. Observes- 
dance of Abenaki Aphrodite , 59; 
escapes Dunbar ' s Massacre , 61. 

Tute , James, Capt RR Biscuit scout 
15; Hunting exploit, 24, 213; Ty 
map guide, 38; relief mi.*s ion , 39 
Capt, 46; harrowing scout, 51-52, 
221; captured-La Gallete, 55-56, 
221; loans to captive RR , 222, ar- 
my adopts his 'blanket-sails' , 65 
exch, 67; leads Rogers' Co., 68; 
2nd capture, 84-5, 241; exch, 107 
La Gallete route utilized, 108; I 
Sergeant at Rogers' Rock, 243. 

Tyler, Wm. , Lt . , R.K.R. , Spy, 191; 
Squire Palmer seixer attempt, 195 

Uhhaunwaumot , Solomon , Capt R.R. 
commands Stockbridge Mohegan Cos, 
66; Capt, 89; rum slows march, 93 
Richelieu Raid, 100; I: Ensign, 68 

Uniforms of RR: Rogers advances mo- 
ney for, 43; officer loses uniform 
50; uniform made-up, 66-7; advan- 
ce, 82; blanket coats-Detroit Exp 
131; deserters , 139; QR lack of 
endangers lives, 174; R.K.R., 185 
note 337, p 423; Rifle frock, 381; 
See Append ice IV, 248-50, also, 
plate, 6; I: 1755-58: nondescript 
uniform, 271-86, 26, 48, 106; at- 
Barbue Crk, 115; blanket-coats, p 
116; officers sword, 205; Loudouns 
proposal , 219-20; new uniforms , 
236; Rogers' jacket , 256; Shirleys 
plan, 417; Stockbridges , 236, 435 
Appendice B, 271-86; Color Plates 
Major Rogers, front ispiece , Sergt 
and Private, xiii, 104-105. 


Vander Heyden, David, jr , R.R. cap- 
ture at R.Rock, 20; escape, 252. 

Van Tyne, Richard, Lt . , R.R. , 123; 
with Amherst , 123-6; ardous mail 
service, 139-41, 270; rejoins Og- 
den, 141; W.Indies death, 142,144 

Vaudreuil , Marquis de , Governor of 
Canada, exagerated accounts of: 
St F.Raid, 64; Pointe au Fer, 226 

Venays, Peleg, RR I: deserted, 410 

Vesteroot, Lowris, RR , 148, 272. 

Wait (Waite), Benjamin, Ensign RR: 
Freshwater Cove bravery, 204; re- 
cruiter, 123; Detroit, 128; holds 
Ft. Miamis , 133, 135, 245t ardous 
march, 136, ingenuity, 269. 

Wait (Waite), Joseph, Capt RR: 43- n 
Ft. Brewerton post, 68, 123; De- 
troit, 126, 129, 132-3, 229; West 
Indies duty, 142-5; I: 1755-8:242 

Wall-Pieces , art illery used by Ro- 
gers, I: 35-6, 40-41. 

Walker, Isaac, RR,cpt-exch, 217. 

Walker, Writ* RR, capture-exch, 217. 

Walsh, Capt RKR, Rogers abuse, 183. 

Wallace, Hugh, Vol. Innisk il lings , 
cited for St F.Raid service, 64. 

Walter, Charles Joseph, Sergt R.R. 
I: Barbue Crk, 114, grim order to 
123-4; recruiting, 151. 

Watson, Jonathan, RR I: dead, 369. 

Wauwaumpequvnaunt , Stockbr idge Co. 
Clerk, I: del inquency, 96. 

Way, David, RR, Crke War, 148, 272. 

Webster, Daniel, RR Miamis, 135, 245 

Wellesley, Sergt RR , action, 209. 

Wells, Aggr ippa , R.R., captured at 
Burbank' s Massacre , 44; rescued 
from English navy by Rogers, 43. 

Wells, Phillip, Sergt R.R. veteran 
in Rogers Own Co. Convoy, 46, 238 

Wendell, Henry Isaac, Capt R.R. At 
Ft.Stanwix, 25; resigns, 43; des- 
serter problems , 256; Co. hist, 257 

Wentworth, Benning, Governor , N.H. 
I: peculat ions , 400 

Whipping Post Mutiny of RR, I: 304 
311; Mutiny defined, 409. 

White, James, Ensign R.R. , Loudoun 
sponsored, I: 242; killed at Rog- 
ers' Rock, 242, 245, 246, 249. 

Whiteham, Daniel, R.R: in Cherokee 
War platoon, 148, 272. 

Whitworth, John'Dean, Lt . R.K.R.: 
Old Lorette post, 181; Loses sight 
of eye in harrowing winter scout, 
200; obtains England leave, 200. 

Wil Hams , Moses, Corporal R.K.R.: 
secret service , 191. 

Wilson, John, Ensign R.R. : Isle au 
Noix Scout, 51; explores La Bar- 
bue Creek, 65, 241; re-bui Ids 
Crown Point bastion, 138. 

Wind-Mill-Point , landmark of RR, 
I: 87. 

Wobi-Madaondo (White Devil) Title 
bestowed on Robert Rogers by en- 
emy French Indians, 4. 

Wolf, General James, commands lan- 
ding at Louisbourg , 29. 

Wolf, French part isan, defeats Ro- 
gers at Ticonderoga River, 3-5. 

Wonton, James, R.R. Pont iac W., 154 

Wood, Elijah, RR Miamis, 135, 245. 

Wood, John, Ensign, 17th, on party 
with Rogers, 94; killed at Point 
au Fer, 98. 

Woodall, Benjamin, R.R. I: captur- 
ed at Barbue Crk, 329; collabora- 
tor with French, 156. 

Wright, Corporal, R.R. draftee, 
killed, 9. 

Wrightson, Rogers Rock Vol. It 243 


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is Raid, Fact, Legend 4 Lost Tre- 
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ROGERS RANGERS-Ofticers * Men 17 55- 
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