TWENTIETH CENTURY TEXT-BOOKS
CLASSICAL SECTION
EDITED BY
JOHN HENRY WRIGHT, HARVARD UNIVERSITY
BERNADOTTE PERRIN, YALE UNIVERSITY
ANDREW FLEMING WEST, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
AUGUSTUS.
Bust in the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston.
TWENTIETH CENTURY TEXT-BOOKS
A HISTORY OF
ROMAN LITERATURE
BY
HAROLD N. | FOWLER, PH.D.
PROFESSOR IN THE COLLEGE FOR WOMEN
OF WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY
NEW YORK AND LONDON
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY
1905
HISTORr I
COPYRIGHT, 1903
BY D. APPLETON AND COMPANY
Published May, 1903
PRINTED AT THE APPT/ETON PRESS,
NEW YORK, U. S. A.
n
PKEFACE
THIS book is intended primarily for use as a text-book
in schools and colleges. I have therefore given more
dates and more details about the lives of authors than are
in themselves important, because dates are convenient aids
to memory, as they enable the learner to connect his new
knowledge with historical fact's he may have learned be-
fore, while biographical details help to endow authors with
something of concrete personality, to which the learner
can attach what he learns of their literary and intellectual
activity.
Extracts from Latin authors are given, with few excep-
tions, in English translation. I considered the advisability
of giving them in Latin, but concluded that extracts in
Latin would probably not be read by most young readers,
and would therefore do less good than even imperfect
translations. Moreover, the texts of the most important
works are sure to be at hand in the schools, and books of
selections, such as Cruttwell and Banton's Specimens of
Roman Literature, Tyrr ell's Anthology of Latin Poetry,
and Gudeman's Latin Literature of the Umpire, are readily
accessible. I am responsible for all translations not ac-
credited to some other translator. In making my trans-
lations, I have employed blank verse to represent Latin
hexameters ; but the selections from the ^Eneid are given
in Conington's rhymed version, and in some other cases I
have used translations of hexameters into metres other
than blank verse.
310533
VI ROMAN LITERATURE
In writing of the origin of Eoman comedy, I have not
mentioned the dramatic satura. Prof. George L. Hen-
drickson has pointed out (in the American Journal of
Philology, vol. xv, pp. 1-30) that the dramatic satura
never really existed, but was invented in Eoman literary
history because Aristotle, whose account of the origin of
comedy was closely followed by the Koman writers, found
the origin of Greek comedy in the satyr-drama.
The greater part of the book is naturally taken up
with the extant literary works and their authors ; but I
have devoted some space to the lives and works of authors
whose writings are lost. This I have done, not because I
believe that the reader should burden his memory with
useless details, but partly in order that this book may be
of use as a book of reference, and partly because the men-
tion of some of the lost works and their authors may im-
press upon the reader the fact that something is known of
many writers whose works have survived, if at all, only in
detached fragments. Not a few of these writers were im-
portant in their day, and exercised no little influence upon
the progress of literature. Of the whole mass of Eoman
literary production only a small part — though fortunately
in great measure the best part — now exists, and it is only
by remembering how much has been lost that the modern
reader can appreciate the continuity of Eoman literature.
The literature of the third, fourth, and fifth centuries
after Christ is treated less fully than that of the earlier
times, but its importance to later European civilization
has been so great that a summary treatment of it should
be included even in a book of such limited scope as this.
The Bibliography will, I hope, be found useful. It is
by no means exhaustive, but may serve as a guide to those
who have not access to libraries. The purpose of the
Chronological Table is not so much to serve as a finding-
list of dates as to show at a glance what authors were liv-
ing and working at any given time. In the Index the
PREFACE vii
names of all Latin writers mentioned in the book are to
be found, together with references to numerous topics and
to some of the more important historical persons.
Besides the works of the Roman authors, I have con-
sulted the general works mentioned in the Bibliography
and numerous other books and special articles. I have
made most use of Teuffel's History of Roman Literature,
Schanz's Rdmische Litter aturgescJiichte, and Mackail's ad-
mirable Latin Literature.
My thanks are due to my colleague, Prof. Samuel Ball
Platner, who read the book in manuscript and made many
valuable suggestions, and to Professor Perrin, who read
not only the manuscript, but also the proof, and suggested
not a few desirable changes.
HAKOLD K FOWLEB.
CLEVELAND, OHIO.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAOK
I.— INTRODUCTION— EARLY ROMAN LITERATURE— TRAGEDY 1
II.— COMEDY 17
III. — EARLY PROSE — THE SCIPIONIC CIRCLE — LUCILIUS . . 32
IV. — LUCRETIUS 47
V. — CATULLUS — MINOR POETS 56
VI.— CICERO 65
VII. — C.ESAR — SALLUST — OTHER PROSE WRITERS ... 83
VIII. — THE PATRONS OF LITERATURE — VlRGIL .... 97
IX.— HORACE . . . 114
X. — TIBULLUS — PROPERTIUS — THE LESSER POETS . . 128
XI.— OVID . . .143
XII.— LIVY— OTHER AUGUSTAN PROSE WRITERS . . .156
XIII. — TIBERIUS TO VESPASIAN 169
XIV.— THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS— THE SILVER AGE . . .194
XV. — NERVA AND TRAJAN 211
XVI. — THE EMPERORS AFTER TRAJAN — SUETONIUS — OTHER
WRITERS 226
XVII. — LITERARY INNOVATIONS 235
XVIII.— EARLY CHRISTIAN WRITERS 244
XIX. — PAGAN LITERATURE OF THE THIRD CENTURY . . . 253
XX. — THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES .... 259
XXI. — CONCLUSION 278
APPENDIX I. — BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . 285
APPENDIX II. — CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 297
INDEX , 303
LIST OF ILLUSTKATIONS
FACING
PAGE
AUGUSTUS, bust in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Frontispiece
CICERO, bust in the Vatican Museum, Rome .... 65
CJSSAR, bust in the Museum at Naples 83
VIRGIL AND TWO MUSES, mosaic in the Bardo Museum, Tunis . 113
iz
BOOK I
PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION— EARLY ROMAN LITERATURE -TRAGEDY
Importance of Roman literature — The Romans a practical people
— The Latin language — Political purpose of Roman writings —
Divisions of Roman literature — Elements of a native Roman litera-
ture— Appius Claudius Caecus — Imitation of Greek literature — L.
Livius Andronicus, about 284 to about 204 B. c. — Gnaeus Naevius,
about 270-199 B. c.— Q. Ennius, 239-169 B. c.— His Tragedies—
The Annales— M. Pacuvius, 220 to about 130 B. c.— L. Accius, 170 to
after 100 B. c. — The Decay of Tragedy — The Roman theatre, actors
and costumes.
ROMAN literature, while it lacks the brilliant originality
and the delicate beauty which characterize the works of
importance the great Greek writers, is still one of the
of Roman great literatures of the world, and it possesses
literature. an imp0rtance for us which is even greater
than its intrinsic merits (great as they are) would natu-
rally give it. In the first place, Roman literature has
preserved to us, in Latin translations and adaptations,
many important remains of Greek literature which would
otherwise have been lost, and in the second place, the
political power of the Romans, embracing nearly the whole
known world, made the Latin language the most widely
spread of all languages, and thus caused Latin literature
to be read in all lands and to influence the literary devel-
opment of all the peoples of Europe.
1
.,:: ROMAN LITERATURE
Romans. were a practical race, not gifted with
, but with great ability to organize
their state and their army and to accomplish
Tactical*11 whatever they determined to do. They had
come into Italy with a number of related
tribes from the north and had settled in a place on the
bank of the Tiber, where they were exposed to attacks
from the Etruscans and other neighbors. They were
thus forced from the beginning to fortify their city, and
live close together within the walls. This made the early
development of a form of city government both natural
and necessary, and turned the Roman mind toward polit-
Attention to *ca^ °rganization. At the same time, the at-
poiiticai and tacks of external enemies forced the Romans
military to pay attention to the organization and sup-
port of an army. So, from the time of the
foundation of their city by the Tiber, the Romans turned
their attention primarily to politics and war. The effect
upon their language and literature is clearly seen. Their
language is akin to Greek, and like Greek is one of the
Indo-European family of languages, to which English and
the other most important languages of Europe
language* belong. It started with the same material as
Greek, but while Greek developed constantly
more variety, more delicacy, and more flexibility, Latin is
fixed and rigid, a language adapted to laws and commands
rather than to the lighter and more graceful kinds of
utterance. Circumstances, aided no doubt by the natural
bent of their minds, tended to make the Romans political,
military, and practical, rather than artistic.
Roman literature, as might be expected after what has
just been said, is often not the spontaneous outpouring of
literary genius, but the means by which some practical
ends or purposes are to be attained. Almost from first to
last, the writings of Roman authors have a political pur-
pose, and the influence of political events upon the liter-
INTRODUCTION 3
ature is most marked. Even those kinds of Eoman liter-
ature which seem at first sight to have the least connec-
Poiiticai tion with political matters have nevertheless
purpose of a political purpose. Plays were written to
Koman enhance the splendor of public festivals pro-
vided by office holders who were at the same
time office seekers and hoped to win the favor of the peo-
ple by successful entertainments ; history was written to
teach the proper methods of action for future use or (some-
times) to add to the influence of living leaders of the state
by calling to mind the great deeds of their ancestors ; epic
and lyric poems were composed to glorify important per-
sons at Eome, or at least to prove the right of Eome to
the foremost place among the nations by giving her a lit-
erature worthy to rank with that of the Greeks.
The development of Eoman literature is closely con-
nected with political events, and its three great divi-
Divisions of sions correspond to the divisions of Eoman
Eoman political history. The first or Eepublican
literature. Period extends from the beginning of Eoman
literature after the first Punic war (240 B. c.) to the battle
of Actium in 31 B. c. The second or Augustan Period,
from 31 B. c. to 14 A. D., is the period in which the insti-
tutions of the republic were transformed to serve the pur-
poses of the monarchy. The " Golden Age " of Eoman
literature comprises the last part of the Eepublican
Period and the whole Augustan Period, from 81 B. c. to
14 A. D. The third or Imperial Period lasts from 14
A. D. to the beginning of' the Middle Ages. The first
part of this period, from 14 to 117 A. D., is called the
" Silver Age." In the first period the Eomans learn to
imitate Greek literature and develop their language
until it is capable of fine literary treatment, and in the
latter part of this time they produce some of their
greatest works, especially in prose. The second period,
made illustrious by Horace and Virgil, is the time when
4 ROMAN LITERATURE
Roman poetry reaches its greatest height. The third
period is a time of decline, sometimes rapid, sometimes
retarded for a while, during which Roman literature
shows few great works and many of very slight literary
value. Throughout the first and second periods, and even
for the most part in the third period, Latin literature is
produced almost entirely at Rome, is affected by changes
in the city, and reflects the sentiments of the city popula-
tion. It is therefore proper to speak of Roman literature,
rather than Latin literature, for that which interests us is
the literature of the city by the Tiber and of the civiliza-
tion with which the city is identified, rather than works
written in the Latin language.
The beginning of a real literature at Rome was made
by a foreigner of Greek birth, and naturally took the form
Elements of °^ an irritation of Greek works. This would
native undoubtedly have been the case, even if
Roman ^he first professional author had been a native
Roman, for the Romans had for some time
been in close touch with the Greeks of Italy, and Greek
literature presented itself to them as a finished product,
calling for their admiration and inciting them to imitate
it. Nevertheless there were in existence at Rome in early
times materials from which a native literature might have
arisen if the Greek influence had not been so strong as to
prevent their development. The early Romans sang songs
at weddings and at harvest festivals, chanted hymns to
the gods, and were familiar with rude popular perform-
ances which might have given rise to a native drama.
The words of such songs and performances were of course,
for the most part at least, rhythmical, but few if any
of them were committed to writing until much later
times. The art of writing was, however, known to the
Romans as early as the sixth century B. c., for the Greek
colonies on the coast of Italy must have had trade con-
nections with the Romans at a very early time, and wri-
INTRODUCTION 5
ting was thoroughly familiar to the Greeks by the time
Eome was two centuries old.
From early times the Romans kept lists of officials,
records of prodigies, lists of the dies fasti, i. e., of the
days on which it was lawful to conduct public business,
and other simple records. The twelve tables of the laws
are said to have been written in 451 and 450 B. c., and
these had some influence on Roman prose, for they were
the first attempt at connected prose in the Latin lan-
guage. No doubt other laws and probably also treaties
were written in Latin and preserved at an early date.
Funeral orations called for some practise in oratory, but
probably not for careful preparation, and certainly not
for composition in writing in the early days of Rome.
The first Roman sp'eech known to have been written out
for publication is the speech delivered in 280 B. c., by
Appius tne aged Appius Claudius Caecus, in which
Claudius he urged the rejection of the terms of peace
Caecus. offered by Pyrrhus. This speech was known
and read at Rome for two centuries after the death of
its author. A collection of sayings or proverbs was also
current under the name of Claudius, and he was actively
interested in adapting more perfectly to the Latin lan-
guage the alphabet which the Romans had received from
the Greeks, and i-n fixing the spelling of Latin words.
All this is, however, not so much literature as the
material from which literature might have developed if
Rome had been removed from the sphere of Greek influ-
ence. Since that was not the case, these first steps toward
a national literature led to nothing, though they show
that the Romans had some originality, and help us to
understand some of the peculiarities of Roman literature
as distinguished from its Greek prototype. Still Roman
literature is a literature of imitation, and the beginning
of it was made by a Greek named Andronicus, who was
brought to Rome after the capture of Tarentum in
6 ROMAH LITERATURE
272 B. c. when he was still a boy. At Eome he was the
slave of M. Livius Salinator, whose children he instructed
in Greek and Latin. When set free, he took the name of
Lucius Livius Andronicus, and continued to
I. Livius teach. As there were no Latin hooks which
Andronicus.
he could use in teaching, he conceived the
idea of translating Homer's Odyssey into Latin, thereby
making the beginning of Latin literature. His transla-
tion of the Odyssey was rude and imperfect. Andronicus
made no attempt to reproduce in Latin the hexameter
verse of Homer, but employed the native Saturnian verse
(see page 7), probably because it seemed to him better
fitted to the Latin language than the more stately hexam-
eter. After the first Punic war, at the Ludi Romani
in 240 B. c., Andronicus produced and put upon the stage
Latin translations of a Greek tragedy and a Greek com-
edy. In these and his later dramas he retained the iam-
bic and trochaic metres of the originals, and his example
was followed by his successors. He also composed hymns
for public occasions. Of his works only a few fragments
are preserved, hardly more than enough to show that
they had little real literary merit. But he had made a
beginning, and long before his death, which took place
about 204 B. c., his successors were advancing along the
lines he had marked out.
Gnaeus Naevius, a freeborn citizen of a Latin city in
Campania, was the first native Latin poet of importance.
He was a soldier in the first Punic war, at
Nffivius ^e en(^ °^ w^^c^' while still a young man,
he came to Eome, where he devoted himself
to poetry. He was a man of independent spirit, not
hesitating to attack in his comedies and other verses the
most powerful Eomans, especially the great family of the
Metelli. For many years he maintained his position, but
at last the Metelli brought about his imprisonment and
banishment, and he died in exile in 199 B. c., at about
N^VIUS 7
seventy years of age. His dramatic works were numer-
ous, both tragedies and comedies, for the most part trans-
lations and adaptations from the Greek, but alongside of
these he produced also plays based upon Koman legends.
These were called fabulce prmtextce or prcetextatw, " plays
of the purple stripe," because the characters wore Ko-
man costumes. In one of these plays, the Romulus (or
in two, if the Lupus or "Wolf" is not the Romulus
under another title), he dramatized the story of Eomulus
and Eemus, and in another, the Clastidium, the defeat
(in 222 B. c.) of the Insubrians by M. Claudius Marcellus
and Cn. Cornelius Scipio. In his later years he turned
to epic poetry and wrote in Saturnian verse the history of
the first Punic war, introduced by an account of the
legendary history of Rome from the departure of JEneas
for Italy after the fall of Troy. This poem was read and
admired for many years, and parts of it were imitated by
Virgil in the ^ffineid. Naevius also wrote other poems,
called Satires, on various subjects, partly, but not entirely,
in Saturnian metre. Of all these works only inconsider-
able fragments remain. They show, however, that Nae-
vius was a poet of real power, and that with him the
Latin language was beginning to develop some fitness
for literary use. His epitaph, preserved by Aulus Gellius,
will serve not only to show the stiff and monotonous
rhythm of the Saturnian verse, but also, since it was
probably written by Nasvius himself, to exhibit his proud
consciousness of superiority :
Immortales mortdles si foret fas flere
Flerent divae Camenae Naemum poetam.
Itdque postquam est Orel trdditus thesauro
Obliti sunt Romdi loquier lingua Latiina.
If it were right that mortals be wept for by immortals,
The goddess Muses would weep for Naevius the poet.
And so since to the treasure of Orcus he's departed,
The Romans have forgotten to speak the Latin language.
8 ROMAN LITERATURE
Naevius had a right to be proud. He had made liter-
ature a real force at Eome, able to contend with the great
men of the city ; he had invented the drama with Eoman
characters, and had written the first national epic poem.
In doing all this he had at the same time added to the
richness and grace of the still rude Latin language. But
great as were the merits of Naevius, he was surpassed in
every way by his successor.
Quintus Ennius, a poet of surprising versatility and
power, was born at Eudias, in Calabria, in 239 B. c.
While he was serving in the Eoman army in
Sardinia, in 204 B. c., he met with M. Porcius
Cato, who took him home to Eome. Here
Ennius gave lessons in Greek and translated Greek plays
for the Eoman stage. He became acquainted with several
prominent Eomans, among them the elder Scipio Africa-
nus, went to ^Etolia as a member of the staff of M. Ful-
vius Nobilior, and obtained full Eoman citizenship in
184 B. c. His death was brought on by the gout in
169 B. c.
The works of Ennius were many and various, includ-
ing tragedies, comedies, a great epic poem, a metrical
Various treatise on natural philosophy, a translation
works of of the work of Euhemerus, in which he
Ennius. explained the nature of the gods and declared
that they are merely famous men of old times, l a poem
on food and cooking, a series of Precepts, epigrams (in
which the elegiac distich was used for the first time in
Latin), and satires. His most important works were his
tragedies and his great epic, the Annales.
The tragedies were, like those of Naevius, translations
of the works of the great Greek tragedians and their less
great, but equally popular, successors. The titles and
1 Even if this work and some treatises on grammar should be
ascribed to a later Ennius, which is not proved, the works of the
great poet were sufficiently various.
ENNIITS 9
some fragments of twenty-two of these plays are preserved,
from which it is evident that Ennius sometimes trans-
His lated exactly and sometimes freely, while he
dramatic allowed himself at other times to depart
works. from his Greek original even to the extent
of changing the plot more or less. For the most part,
however, the invention of the plot, the delineation of
character, and the poetic imagery of his plays were due to
the Greek dramatists whose works he presented in Latin
form. To Ennius himself belong the skillful use of the
Latin language, the ability to express in a new language
the thoughts rather than the words of the Greek poets,
and also such changes as were necessary to make the
Greek tragedies appeal more strongly to a Roman audi-
ence. It is impossible to tell from the fragments just
what changes were made, but the popularity of the plays,
which continued long after the death of Ennius, proves
that the changes attained their object and pleased the
audience. The titles of two fcibulm prcetextce by Ennius
are known, the Sdbine Women, a dramatic presentation of
the legend of the Rape of the Sabines, and Ambracia, a
play celebrating the capture of Ambracia by M. Fulvius
Nobilior. His comedies seem to have been neither numer-
ous nor especially successful.
The most important work of Ennius is his great epic
in eighteen books, the Annales, in which he told the
legendary and actual history of the Romans
^he . from the arrival of ^Eneas in Italy to his
Annales. . . , .
own time. In this work, as in his tragedies,
he may be said to have followed in the way pointed out
by Nsevius, but the Annales mark an immense advance
beyond the Bellum Punicum of Nsevius. The monoto-
nous and unpolished Saturnian metre could not, even in
the most skillful hands, attain the dignity or the melo-
dious cadences appropriate to great epic poems. Ennius
therefore gave up the native Italian metre and wrote his
10 ROMAN LITERATURE
epic in hexameter verse in imitation of Homer. This was
no easy matter, for the laws of the verse as it existed in
Greek could not be applied without change to Latin, but
Ennius modified them in some particulars and thus fixed
the form of the Latin hexameter, at the same time estab-
lishing in great part the rules of Latin prosody. Only
about six hundred lines of the Annales remain, and many
of these are detached from their context, yet from these
we can see that Ennius had much poetic imagination,
great skill in the use of words, and great dignity of dic-
tion. The line At tuba terribili sonitu taratantara dixit
shows at once his ability to make the sound of his words
imitate the sound he wishes to describe (in this case that
of a trumpet) and his liking for alliteration. This last
quality is found in many Koman poets, but in none more
frequently than Ennius.
The Annales continued to be read and admired even
after the time of Virgil, though the ^Eneid soon took
rank as the greatest Eoman epic. Some of the lines of
Ennius breathe the true Roman spirit of military pride
and civic rectitude, as
Moritms antiquis res stat Romana mrisque,1
or Quern nemo ferro potuit super are nee auro^
or Nee cauponantes lellum Bed ~belligerentes*
Among the existing fragments are several which seem to
have suggested to Virgil some of the passages in the
jfflneid, and there is no doubt that Virgil found Ennius
worthy of imitation.
1 Ancient customs and men cause the Roman republic to prosper.
2 Whom no one with the sword could overcome nor by bribing.
* This line occurs in a context which is worth translating. " I
do not ask gold for myself, and do not you offer me a ransom : not
waging the war like hucksters, but like soldiers, with the sword, not
with gold, let us strive for our lives. Let us try by our valor whether
our mistress Fortune wishes you or me to rule."
PACUVIUS . 11
We may learn something of the character of Ennius
from a passage of the Annales in which he is said,1 on
the authority of the grammarian L, ^Elius Stilo, to be
describing himself: "A man of such a nature that no
thought ever prompts him to do a bad deed either care-
lessly or maliciously ; a learned, faithful, pleasant man,
eloquent, contented and happy, witty, speaking fit words
in season, courteous, and of few words, possessing much
ancient buried lore ; a man whom old age made wise in
customs old and new and in the laws of many ancients,
both gods and men; one who knew when to speak and
when to be silent."
Ennius was the first great epic poet at Eome. After
him epic poetry was neglected, until it was taken up
Continued again a hundred years later. Tragedy, how-
production of ever, the other branch of literature in which
tragedies, Ennius chiefly excelled, was cultivated with-
but not of out interruption, for it had become usual to
produce tragedies at the chief festivals of the
city and on other public occasions, and new plays were
therefore constantly in demand. But as gladiatorial
shows grew more frequent and more magnificent, tragedy
declined in popularity, though tragedies continued to be
written, and even acted. The development of Eoman
tragedy is, however, contained within a few generations,
the professional authors of tragedies about whom we have
any information are few, and their works are lost, with
the exception of such fragments as have happened to be
quoted by later writers. It is therefore best to continue
the account of Eoman tragedy now, even at the sacrifice
of strict chronological order.
The successor of Ennius as a writer of tragedies was his
^nephew, Marcus Pacuvius, who was born at Brundusium in
220 B. c., but spent most of his life at Eome. As an old
1 Aulus Gellius, xii, 4.
12 ROMAN LITERATURE
man he returned to southern Italy, and died at Tarentum
about 130 B. c. He was a painter, as well as a writer of
tragedies, and it may be due to his activity
Pacuvius as a P^ter that his plays were comparative-
ly few. The titles of twelve tragedies are
known, in addition to one fabula prcBtexta, the Paulus,
written in honor of the victory of L. ^Emilius Paulus over
King Perseus in the battle of Pydna (168 B. c.). These
plays are all lost, and the existing fragments (about 400
lines) are unsatisfactory. Cicero considered Pacuvius
the greatest Roman tragic writer, and Horace speaks of
him as "learned." Probably this epithet refers to his
careful use of language as well as to his knowledge of the
less popular legends of Greek mythology. The extant
fragments show more ease and grace of style than do those
of Ennius, and great richness of vocabulary. Some of
the words used are not found elsewhere, and seem to have
been invented by Pacuvius himself ; at any rate they did
not come into ordinary use. Of the real dramatic ability
of Pacuvius we can not judge, but his literary skill is
evident even from the poor fragments we have. We may
therefore believe that Cicero's favorable judgment of him
was in some measure justified.
The last important writer of tragedies, and probably
the greatest of all, was Lucius Accius, of Pisaurum, in
Unibria. He was born in 170 B. c., and one
Accius °^ kis ^rs^ tragedies was produced in 140 B. c.,
when Pacuvius produced one of his last.
Accius lived to a great age, but the date of his death is
not known. Cicero, as a young man, was well acquainted
with him, and used to listen to his stories of his own early
years. The shortness of the life of Eoman tragedy, and
the rapidity with which Roman literature developed, mav
be seen by observing that Cicero, the great master oi
Latin prose, knew Accius, whose birth took place only
thirty-four years after the death of Livius Andronicus,
LUCIUS ACCIUS 13
Of the plays of Accius somewhat more than 700 lines are
preserved, and about fifty titles are known. The frag-
ments are for the most part detached lines, but some are
long enough to let us see that the poet had a vigorous
and graceful style, and a vivid imagination. Like most
of his predecessors, Accius wrote various minor poems,
and was interested in the development of the Latin
language. He proposed a number of innovations, inclu-
ding some changes in the alphabet, but these last were not
adopted by others. Besides his tragedies translated from
the Greek, he wrote at least two fdbulm prcetextce, the
Brutus, in which he dramatized the tale of the expulsion
of the Tarquins, and the ^Eneadce, glorifying the death
of Publius Decius Mus at the battle of Sentinum in 295
B. c. Even in his regular tragedies he departed occasion-
ally from the original Greek so far as to show his own
power of invention, though these plays were for the most
part mere free translations. One of the longer fragments,1
in which a shepherd, who has never seen a ship before,
describes the coming of the Argo, may give some idea of
Accius's skill in description :
So great a mass glides on, roaring from the deep with vast
sound and breath, rolls the waves before it, and stirs up the whirl-
pools mightily. It rushes gliding forward, scatters and blows back
the sea. Now you might think a broken cloud was rolling on,
now that a lofty rock, torn off, was being swept along by winds of
hurricanes, or that eddying whirlwinds were rising as the waves
rush together ; or that the sea was stirring up some confused heaps
of earth, or that perhaps Triton with his trident overturning the
cavern down below, in the billowy tide, was raising from the deep
a rocky mass to heaven.
With Accius, Eoman tragedy reaches its height. Con-
temporary with him were C. Titius and C. Julius Caesar
Strabo (died 87 B. c.), both of whom were orators as well
1 Quoted by Cicero, De Deor. Nat. II, 35, 89.
14 ROMAN LITERATURE
as tragic poets. Of their works only slight traces remain.
After this time tragedies were written by literary men as
a pastime, or for the entertainment of their
tragedy friends, and some of their plays were actu-
ally performed. The Emperor Augustus be-
gan a play entitled Ajax, Ovid wrote a Medea, and Varius
(about 74-14 B. c.) was famous for his Thyestes, but none
of these works has left more than a mere trace of its ex-
istence. The tragedies of Seneca (about 1-65 A. D.) were
rather literary exercises than productions for the stage.
With the growth of prose literature, especially of oratory,
on the one hand, and the increased splendor of the gladi-
atorial shows on the other, tragedy ceased to be a living
branch of Roman literature.
Before passing on to the treatment of comedy, it would
be well to try to picture to ourselves the Roman theatre and
the manner of producing a play. In the early
The Koman -, „ T • • * n • .-,
theatre ^s Lrvius Andronicus there was no per-
manent theatre building, and the spectators
stood up during the performance, but, as time went on,
arrangements for seating the audience were made, and
finally, in 55 B. c., a stone theatre was erected. Stone
theatres had long been in use in Greece, and in course of
time they came to be built in all the large cities of the Ro-
man empire. The Roman theatre differed somewhat from
the Greek theatre, though resembling it in its general ap-
pearance. The Roman stage was about three
The stage. ^
or lour teet high, and long and wide enough
to give room for several actors, usually not more than four
or five at a time, one or two musicians, a chorus of indefi-
nite number, and as many supernumeraries as might be
needed. These last were sometimes very numerous, when
kings appeared with their body-guards, or generals led their
armies or their hosts of prisoners upon the stage. At the
back of the stage was a building, usually three stories high,
representing a palace. In the middle was a door leading
THE ROMAN THEATRE 15
into the royal apartments, and two other doors, one at
each side, led to the rooms for guests. At each end of
the stage was a door, the one at the right leading to the
forum, the other to the country or the harbor. Changes
of scene were imperfectly made by changing parts of the
decoration. In comedies, the background represented not
a palace, but a private house or a street of houses.
In front of the stage was the semicircular orchestra m
arena, in which distinguished persons had their seats.
The orchestra Tnis semicircle was flat and level. The front
and the of the stage formed the diameter. From the
oavea. curve of the orchestra rose the cavea, consist-
ing of seats in semicircular rows, rising from the orchestra
at an angle sufficient to enable those who sat in any row
to see over those who sat in front of them. The theatre
had no roof, but in the luxurious times of the empire, and
even before the end of the republic, a covering of canvas
or silk was stretched like a tent between the spectators
and the sun.
In the early days of the Eoman drama, the actors did
not wear masks, but before the end of the republic masks
were introduced. These were useful in the
costumes large theatres of the time, as they added to
the volume of the actor's voice, and since the
expression of the actor's face could be seen by only a
small proportion of the spectators, little was lost by hiding
it with a mask. The masks themselves were carefully
made, and were appropriate to the different characters.
The costumes were conventional, kings wearing long
robes and holding sceptres in their left hands, all tragic
actors wearing boots with thick soles to raise them above
the stature of the chorus, and all comic actors wearing
low shoes without heels. The actors were, as a rule at
least, slaves, but the profits of the profession were so great
that a successful actor can have had but little difficulty
in buying his freedom.
16 ROMAN LITERATURE
In Roman tragedies, as in their Greek originals, the
dialogue was carried on in simple metres, mostly trochaic
and iambic, and a chorus of trained singers
[ san& between the acts, but probably took
little part in the action of the play. The
songs of the chorus were composed in more elaborate
metres than the dialogue, and were sung to the accom-
paniment of the flute. In Roman comedy there was no
chorus, but parts of the play were sung as solos or duets.
These were called cantica^ while the dialogue parts of the
comedy were called diverbia.
Plays were performed at Rome on various occasions
when the people were to be entertained, and the aediles and
Brilliancy of other officials and public men vied with each
dramatic per- other in showing their wealth and in court-
formances. jng popularity. We must, therefore, imag-
ine, that when a play was performed in the latter part of
the republican period the actors, chorus, and supernumer-
aries were dressed in the richest and most gorgeous
costumes, and everything possible was done to add to the
spectacular effect of the performance, while the audience,
excited by the scene and the action, lost no opportunity
of cheering their favorite actors, or hissing those who
failed to please.
CHAPTEE II
COMEDY
Comedy imported — Plautus, about 254 to 184 B.C. — Plots of
Roman comedies — Extant plays of Plautus — Degree of originality in
Plautus — Statius Caecilius, birth unknown, death about 165 B. c. —
Other comic writers — Terence, about 190 to 159 B. c. — Plays of
Terence — Plautus and Terence compared — Turpilius, died 103 B. c. —
Fabula togata — Titinius, about 150 B. c. (?) — Titus Quinctius Atta,
died 77 B.C. — Lucius Afranius, born about 150 B.C. — Fescennine
verses — Fabulae Atellanae — Pomponius and Novius, about 90 B. c. —
Mimes — Decimus Laberius and Publilius Syrus, about 50 B. c.
COMEDY, like tragedy, was an imported product, not
an original growth, at Eome. There had, to be sure,
Comedy an been improvised dialogues of more or less
imported dramatic nature even before Livius Androni-
produot. cug? i^ these, about which a few words will
be said later, have nothing to do with the origin of
Roman comedy, which is an imitation of the new Attic
comedy as it existed at Athens after the time of Alex-
ander the Great, being at its best from about 320 to about
280 B. c. No plays of the new Attic comedy are preserved
in the original Greek, but there are fragments which sup-
plement the knowledge we derive from the Latin imi-
tations. The poets of the new comedy, Menander, Phile-
mon, Diphilus, and others, avoided historical and polit-
ical subjects and drew their comedies from private life,
finding in petty intrigues, interesting situations, and
unexpected complications, some compensation for the
general meagreness of the plot. This kind of play was
17
18 ROMAN LITERATURE
called at Eftme fabula palliata, because the actors wore
the pallium, or Greek costume. Another kind of
comedy, in which Roman characters and scenes were
represented, though even in this kind of plays the plots
were derived from Greek originals, was called fabula
togata, because the actors wore the Roman toga. Of this
latter kind of plays only a few fragments are preserved,
and it seems never to have been so popular as the fabula
palliata.
Livius Andronicus, Ennius, and Pacuvius, all pro-
duced comedies at Rome, as did other writers of trage-
dies, but of these works only scanty fragments remain.
Three writers, Plautus, Caecilius, and Terence, devoted
themselves exclusively to comedy, and it is from the
extant plays of the eldest and the youngest of these,
Plautus and Terence, that most of our knowledge of
Roman comedy is derived.
Titus Maccius Plautus (Elatfoot) was born at Sarsina,
a town of Umbria, about 254 B. c. He went to Rome
while still a boy, and seems to have earned so
1 much as a servant or assistant of actors, that
he was able to leave the city and engage in
trade at some other place. His business venture was a
failure ; he lost his money, and returned to Rome, where
he hired himself out to a miller, in whose service he was
when he wrote his first three plays. His first appearance
with a play was probably about 224 B. c. Further
details of his life are unknown. He died in 184 B. c.,
at the age of about seventy years. He was, therefore, a
younger contemporary of Livius Andronicus and Naevius,
but older than Ennius and Pacuvius.
Of the plays of Plautus twenty are extant, besides
extensive fragments of another. His total production is
said to have been one hundred and thirty plays, though
some of these were probably wrongly ascribed to him.
The plots of his plays, as of those of Terence, are usually
PLAUTUS 19
founded upon a love affair between a young man of good
family and a girl of low position and doubtful character.
The plots and '-^ne voung man *s aided by his servant or
characters of a parasite, but his father is opposed to his
Roman having anything to do with the girl. The
girl's mother or mistress usually aids the lov-
ers, but often has to be won over by money, which the
young man and his servant have to get from his father.
Sometimes the characters mentioned are duplicated, and
we have two pairs of lovers, two irate fathers, two
cunning slaves, etc. Other typical characters are the
procurer, the parasite, the boastful soldier, and a few
more, who help to bring about amusing situations, and
serve as the butt of many jokes. In the end, the lovers
are usually united, and the girl turns out to be of good
birth, often the long-lost daughter of one of the older
men in the play. Sometimes other plots are chosen, atf
in the AmpMtruo, which is founded on the story that
Jupiter, when he visited Alcmene, used to take the form
of her husband Amphitryon, and the fun of the play is
caused by the confusion between the real husband and the
disguised god. In a few plays the plot is less decidedly a
love plot, but, as a general rule, the Roman comedies had
love stories for their foundation. There is, however, room •
for considerable variety, as may be seen by a brief sketch
of the contents of the extant plays of Plautus.
The Amphitruo, bringing the "Father of gods and
men " into comic confusion with a mortal, and under
The extant very suspicious circumstances at that, is a
plays of burlesque, full of rather broad fun and amu-
sing situations, perhaps the most interesting
of all Latin comedies. In the Asinaria, the Casino,, and
the Mer cator, father and son are rivals for the affection
of the same girl. Of these three, the Casina is the worst
in its indecency, while the other two lack interest. These
plays, however, like all the comedies of Plautus, are full
20 ROMAN LITERATURE
of animal spirits, plays on words, and clever dialogue.
The Aulularia, or Pot of Gold, has a plot of little inter-
est, but is famous for the brilliant and lifelike presenta-
tion of the chief character, the old miser Euclio. The
Captivi, one of the best of the plays, has for its subject
the friendship between a master and his slave. There
are no female characters, and the piece is entirely free
from the coarseness and immorality which disfigure most
of the others. The Trinummus, or Three-penny Piece,
has also friendship, not love, as its leading motive,
though it ends with a betrothal. This play also is free
from coarseness, and gives an attractive picture of the
good old days when friend was true to friend. The
Curculio is interesting chiefly through the cleverness
of the parasite, who succeeds in making the rival of
his employer furnish the money needed to obtain the
girl. The Epidicus, the Mostellaria, and the Persa, also
owe their interest to the tricks and rascalities of the para-
site or the valet. The Cistellaria, only part of which
is preserved, contains a love affair, but has for its chief
interest the recognition between a father and his long-
lost daughter. The Vidularia, too, which exists only
in fragments, leads up to a recognition, this time be-
tween a father and his son. The Miles Gloriosus, a play
of very ordinary plot, is distinguished for the some-
what exaggerated and farcical portrait of the braggart
soldier. So the Pseudolus is a piece of character draw-
ing, in which the perjured go-between, Ballio, is the one
important figure. In the Bacchides the plot is more
intricate and interesting, and the execution more bril-
liant, but the life depicted is that of loose women and
immoral men. The Stichus has little plot, but several
attractive scenes. Two women, whose husbands have
disappeared, remain faithful to them, and are rewarded
by having them return with great wealth. The Pcenulus
is chiefly interesting on account of passages in the Cartha-
PLAUTUS 21
ginian language, which have for centuries attracted the
attention of linguists. In the Truculentus, a country-
man comes to the city and changes his rustic manners for
city polish. The scenes are witty and effective, but the
plot is weak. In the Men&chmi, twin brothers come to
the town of Epidamnum, and their likeness to each other
causes most laughable confusion. This is the original of
Shakespeare's Comedy of Urrors and many other modern
plays of similar plot. The Rudens, or Cable, has for
its subject the restoration of a long-lost daughter to
her father and her union with her lover, but is distin-
guished from the other plays of Plautus by the evident
love of nature and the fresh breath of the sea and open
air that breathe through it, making it one of the most
attractive of his comedies.
How much of the plots of these plays can be attributed
to Plautus himself it is hard to tell. In some instances
Degree of nearly all the details seem to be Greek, and
originality probably the plays in which this is the case
in Plautus. are simply free translations with just enough
changes to make them easily understood at Rome. In
other cases, as in the Stichus, the play as we have
it seems to be made up of scenes only loosely strung
together, arranged apparently rather for a Roman au-
dience which cared chiefly for spectacular effect and stage
by-play than for a Greek audience accustomed to weigh
and criticize the excellence of the plot. In some instances,
too, the Latin play is known to be made up of scenes taken
from two Greek plays and put together in order to pro-
duce a single piece of more action than either of the orig-
inals. The importance of the work of the Latin play-
wright varies therefore considerably. There are, however,
numerous passages containing references to details of
Roman life, which must be in great measure original with
the Roman writer ; there are many plays on Latin words
which could not be introduced in a mere translation from
22 ROMAN LITERATURE
a foreign language ; and in other respects also the come-
dies show Koman rather than Greek qualities. We must
therefore attribute to Plautus a considerable share of
originality, and the metrical form of his plays is naturally
due to him alone.
The following passage, whatever it may owe to the
Greek original, doubtless owes part of its unusual liveli-
ness to Plautus : l
Sceparnio. But, O Palaemon, holy companion of Neptune, who
art said to be a sharer in the labors of Hercules, what's that I see ?
Dcemones. What do you see ? Seep. I see two wom-
™ , en folk sitting all alone in a boat. How the poor
women. things are tossed about ! Ah ! ha ! Bully for that !
The current has turned the boat from the rock to
the shore. No pilot could have done it better. I think I never
saw bigger waves. They are safe, if they have escaped those bil-
lows. Now, now's the danger ! Oh ! It has thrown one of them
out. But she's in shallow water ; she'll swim out easily. Whew !
Do you see how the water threw that other one out? She's come
up again ; she's coming this way. She's safe !
A second passage2 will give an idea of the style of
some of the dialogue of Plautus. The speakers are a boy,
Paegnium, and a maid-servant, Sophoclidisca :
Sophoclidisca. Paegnium, darling boy, good day. How do you
do ? How's your health ? Pcegnium. Sophoclidisca, the gods
bless me ! Soph. How about me ? Pceg. That's
Bantering
talk as the gods choose ; but if they do as you deserve,
they'll hate you and hurt you. Soph. Stop your bad
talk. Pag. When I talk as you deserve, my talk is good, not bad.
Soph. What are you doing? Pceg. I'm standing opposite and
looking at you, a bad woman. Soph. Surely I never knew a worse
boy than you. Pceg. What do I do that's bad, or to whom do I
say anything bad ? Soph. To whomever you get a chance. Pceg.
No man ever thought so. Soph. But many know that it is so.
Pceg. Ah ! Soph. Bah ! Pceg. You judge other people's charac-
ters by your own nature. Soph. I confess I am as a pimp's maid
1 Rudens, 160-173. 2 Persa, 204-224.
STATIUS CLECtLIUS 23
should be. Pag. I've heard enough. Soph. What about you?
Do you confess you're as I say? Pceg. I'd confess if I were so.
Soph. Go off now. You're too much for me. Pceg. Then you
go off now. Soph. Tell me this : where are you going ? Pceg.
Where are you going ? Soph. You tell ; I asked first. Pceg. But
you'll find out last. Soph. I'm not going far from here. Pceg.
And I'm not going far, either. Soph. Where are you going, then,
scamp ? Pceg. Unless I hear first from you, you'll never know
what you ask. Soph. I declare you'll never find out to-day, un-
less I hear first from you. Pceg. Is that so? Soph. Yes, it is.
Pceg. You're bad. Soph. You're a scamp. Pceg. I've a right to
be. Soph. And I've just as good a right. Pceg. What's that you
say? Have you made up your mind not to tell where you're
going, you wretch? Soph. How about you? Have you determined
to conceal where you're bound for, you scoundrel ? Pceg. Hang
it, you answer like with like. Go away now, since it's settled so.
I don't care to know. Good-by.
Statins Caecilius, an Insubrian by birth, probably came
to Rome as a slave — that is, a captive — at some time not
far from 200 B. c. Here he became a writer of comedies,
was set free by his master, and lived in the
Cgecilius. same house with Ennius. He died about 165
B. c. The titles of some forty plays by Caecil-
ius are known ; but the extant fragments are too short
to afford much information as to his style, his ability, or
the contents of his plays. As many of the titles of his
pieces are known also as titles of plays by Menander, it is
clear that Caecilius presented plays of the Greek new com-
edy in Latin form. He appears to have followed the Greek
originals rather more closely than Plautus, and to have
cultivated elegance of style rather than brilliant dialogue.
Other comic writers of the same time were Trabea, Atilius,
Aquilius. Licinius Imbrex, and Luscius Lanu-
Other writers .H ' .
of comedies, vmus, oi whose works few fragments exist,
and who are mentioned here merely to show
that there were writers of comedies at Rome between
Plautus and Terence. No one of them, however, seems to
3 3
24 ROMAN LITERATURE
have possessed the originality and exuberant wit of Plau-
tus, or to have attained the elegance and polish of Terence.
Publius Terentius Af er, called Terence in English, was
born at Carthage and brought to Kome as a slave. He
can not have come as a captive to Eome, for
Afe/" kis birth took place between the second and
third Punic wars, at a time when the Ro-
mans were waging no war in Africa. He was the slave of
the senator Terentius Lucanus, by whom he was carefully
educated. and soon set free. From him he derived his
name Terentius, and he was called Afer on account of his
African origin. He became intimate with Scipio Afri-
canus the younger, his friend Laelius, and others of the
most cultivated and prominent men of Rome. It was
even said by some that the plays of Terence were really
written by Scipio, while others thought Laelius was their
author. This goes to prove that Terence was intimate
with Scipio, Laelius, and the rest, and may be regarded as
an indication of his age ; for if he was much older than
Scipio he would hardly have been charged with passing
off Scipio's work as his own. If he was of the same age
as Scipio he was born in 185 B. c., and in that case was
only nineteen years old when the Andria, his first play,
was produced in 166. It is therefore likely that he was a
few years older than Scipio, and was born about 190 B. c.
After he had produced six comedies he went to Greece in
160 B. c. to study, and died in the next year either on his
way back to Rome or in Greece. His popularity with
the most cultivated men of Rome testifies to his good
breeding and agreeable manners. Suetonius tells us that
he was of moderate height, slender figure, and dark
complexion, that he had a daughter who was afterwards
married to a Roman knight, and that he left property
amounting to twenty acres. The six plays of Terence are
all preserved to us, together with the dates of the first
performance of each.
TERENCE 25
The Andria, produced at the Ludi Megalenses, 166 B. c.,
is adapted from the Andria of Menander, with additions
from his PerintMa. A young man, Pamphilus, is in love
with a girl from Andros, but his father, Simo,
The Andria. . . ' '
has arranged a marriage for him with the
daughter of a neighbor, Chremes. Pamphilus's servant,
Davus, succeeds in breaking off the match, and the girl
from Andros is finally found to be a daughter of Chremes.
Pamphilus and his beloved are united, and a second young
man comes forward to marry the other daughter.
The Hecyra (Mother-in-law), first produced at the Ludi
Megalenses, 165 B. c., is adapted from the Greek of Apollo-
H dorus. Pamphilus is a young man who has
recently married Philumena, for whom he
has no affection. He goes on a journey to attend to some
property, and Philumena returns to her mother. Upon
Pamphilus's return, a child born to Philumena in his
absence is shown to be his, and he and Philumena are
reconciled. This play was unsuccessful, and deservedly
so, as it is the least interesting Latin comedy extant.
The Heauton - Timorumenos (Self-tormentor), after
Menander's play of the same title, was produced at the
The Heauton- Ludi Megalenses in 163 B. c. Menedemus
Timomme- has by his harshness driven his son Clinias,
ncs- who is in love with Antiphila, to take service
in a foreign army. He therefore torments himself on
account of remorse, and he confides his troubles to
his friend Chremes, whose son, Clitipho, is in love with
Bacchis. When Clinias comes back from the wars, he
and Clitipho get Chremes to receive Antiphila and Bacchis
in his house, in the belief that Clinias is in love with
Bacchis, and that Antiphila is her servant. Finally Anti-
phila is found to be the daughter of Chremes and is be-
trothed to Clinias. Clitipho gives up the spendthrift
Bacchis. The comic personage of the play is the slave
Syrus, who helps the young men to get the money they
26 ROMAN LITERATURE
need. The character of Chremes is well drawn, but the
action of the play is weak.
The Eunuchus, produced at the Ludi Megalenses in
161 B. c., is adapted from the " Eunuch " of Menander, with
additions from the " Flatterer " of the same
Eunuohus author. The plot is complicated and inter-
esting, involving a love affair between Thais
and Phaedria, who has a soldier as his rival, and a second
love affair between Pamphila, who had been brought up
as foster sister to Thais, and Phaedria's brother, Chaerea.
In order to approach Pamphila, Chaerea disguises himself
as a eunuch. In the end Pamphila's brother Chremes
appears, proclaims her free birth, and sanctions her mar-
riage to Chaerea. The characters are well drawn, Chaerea,
perhaps, the best of all, and the action is amusing.
The Phormio, first performed at the Ludi Eomani, in
161 B. c., is adapted from the Greek of Apollodorus. Two
brothers, Chremes and Demipho, have gone
The Phormio. . i • t, •
on a journey, leaving their two sons, Phaedria
and Antipho, in charge of a slave, Geta. Antipho marries
a poor girl named Phanium, from Lesbos, and Phaedria
falls in love with a slave girl, whose owner sells her to
some one else, but agrees to give her to Phaedria if he
brings the sum of thirty minae in one day. The two fathers
return, and the parasite, Phormio, from whom the play
takes its name, now has to get the money for Phaedria and
to secure the consent of Demipho to the marriage of An-
tipho and Phanium. He gets the money from Demipho
by telling him that he will himself marry Phanium for
thirty minae, but just at the right moment Phanium is
found to be the daughter of Chremes, and her marriage
with Antipho is accepted by all parties. The plot is well
carried out, and the two old men and their sons are well
portrayed.
The Adelphm (Brothers), after Menander's play of
the same name, with additions from a play by Diphi-
TERENCE 27
lus, was first performed at the funeral games of
ius Paulus, in 160 B. c. Demea had two sons, and gave
his brother, Micio, one of them, named ^Es-
Adelphoe. chinus, keeping the other, Ctesipho, him-
self. Micio is a bachelor, and treats ^E&chi-
nus with the greatest indulgence, whereas Demea is very
strict toward Ctesipho, but the result is about the same.
Ctesipho falls in love with a harpist, whom ^Eschinus,
to please his brother, carries off from her master.
^Eschinus himself is engaged in an affair with the
daughter of a poor widow. The girl is, however, of
good Attic parentage, and ^schinus has promised to
marry her. In the end this marriage takes place, Ctesi-
pho gets his harpist and Micio is persuaded to marry the
widow.
The plays of Terence are written in a style far more
advanced, more refined, and more artistic than those of
Plautus, but they show much less originality,
Terence and wjtj and vigor piautus wrote at a time
compared. when Greek culture was already known to
the Eomans, but when it was less thoroughly
appreciated than later, and he wrote not for any one class
of Eomans, but for the people. The language of Plautus
is therefore the language of every-day life as it was spoken
by the average Eoman; his wit is of the kind that
appealed to ordinary men, and his plays have much
action, that the common man might enjoy them. Plautus
took Greek plays and made them over to suit the average
Eoman. The position of Terence was different. In his
day a cultivated class of Eomans existed, who knew Greek
literature well, who admired and loved Greek culture, but
were none the less patriotic Eomans. These men wished
to introduce all that was best in Greece into Eome. So
far as literature was concerned, they wished to make Latin
literature as much like Greek literature as possible, and
therefore encouraged imitation rather than originality,
28 ROMAN LITERATURE
purity and grace of language rather than vigor of thought
or expression. These were the men among whom Terence
lived, and whose taste influenced him most. His plays
contain few indications that they are written for a
Koman audience (except, of course, that they are written
in Latin), but are Greek in their refinement of language,
gentle humor, and polished excellence of detail. There is
less variety of metre than in the plays of Plautus, as, in-
deed, there is less variety of any kind, for Terence relies
for his effect, not upon variety, but upon finished ele-
gance. He is the earliest Latin author who tries to equal
the Greeks in stylistic refinement, and few of those who
came after him were as successful as he.
Many of the qualities of the style of Terence are lost
in translation ; but something of the air of ease, natural-
ness, and good humor that pervades his plays is seen in
the short scene in the Phormio, in which Demipho asks
Nausistrata, the wife of Chremes, to persuade Phanium to
marry Phormio.1
Demipho. Come then, Nausistrata, with your usual good nature
make her feel kindly toward us, so that she may do of her own
accord what must be done. Nausistrata. I will. De. You'll be
aiding me now with your good offices, just as you helped me a
while ago with your purse. Na. You're quite welcome ; and upon
my word, it's my husband's fault that I can do less than I might
well do. De. Why, how is that ? Na. Because he takes wretched
care of my father's honest savings ; he used regularly to get two
talents from those estates. How much better one man is than
another! De. Two talents, do you say? Na. Yes, two talents,
and when prices were much lower than now. De. Whew ! Na.
What do you think of that? De. Oh, of course — Na. I wish
I'd been born a man, I'd soon show you — De. Oh, yes, I'm sure.
Na. The way — De. Pray do save yourself up for her, lest she
may wear you out ; she's young, you know. Na. I'll do as you
tell me. But there's my husband coming out of your house.
1 Phormio, 784 ff. Translated by M. H. Morgan.
FABULA TOGATA 29
The comedies of Plautus and Terence have served as
the originals for almost countless plays in later times, and
through them the Greek comedy has survived
until our own day. There were other Latin
writers of comedies derived from the Greek after Terence,
most noted of whom was Turpilius, who died in 103 B. c.,
but of their works, which were unimportant, little remains.
Of the fabula togata, Roman comedy in Roman dress, little
need be said. It never attained great popularity, and it
lasted but a comparatively short time. The first writer of
Fabula comedies of this sort was Titinius. About
togata. one hundred and eighty lines of fragments
Titinius, and fifteen titles of his plays are preserved,
Atta, from which we can learn little about the
quality of his works. He seems to have writ-
ten a little later than Terence. Titus Quinctius Atta has
left to us the titles of eleven plays and about twenty-
five lines of fragments. Little is known of him except
the date of his death, 77 B. c. Lucius Afranius, the last
and most important writer of this kind of comedies, was
born probably not far from 150 B. c. Forty-two titles and
more than four hundred lines of fragments now remain to
attest his activity. The scenes of the plays are laid in
the smaller towns of Italy, and the characters belong for
the most part to the lower social classes. In these respects
Afranius seems to have differed little from Titinius and
Atta, but his plays had apparently less local color than
theirs, and thus approached more nearly the character of
the fabula palliata as developed by Terence.
Three other kinds of dramatic composition deserve
brief mention, though little now remains of them and their
literary importance was never very great.
Verses111 ^G Fescennine Verses, named from the town
of Fescennium in Etruria, were originally sung
at rustic festivals and weddings and consisted of jokes and
sarcasms directed by the country folk at each other.
30 ROMAN LITERATURE
They never became regular stage performances, and gradu-
ally lost their dramatic qualities, until they were nothing
more than wedding songs. The Fabulos Atellance, named
from the Oscan town of Atella, in Campania,
Atellanee ^a(^ some sor^ °^ a pl°t» carried out with more
or less dramatic unity. The characters were
conventional — Maccus, the fool, Pappus, the old man,
Bucco, the talker and liar, Dossenus, the clever man and
boaster, and the like — and the whole performance was a
popular burlesque comedy, somewhat like our Punch and
Judy. This sort of performance was introduced at Eome
after the conquest of Campania, in 211 B. c., and Roman
youths of good family took the parts for amusement.
Somewhat later, the custom arose of performing an
Atellan piece at the end of a tragedy. The performers
were now regular actors, and presently the FabulcB Atel-
lancB became a regular branch of literature, the chief
writers of which were Lucius Pomponius, from Bononia,
and Novius, both of whom nourished in the time of Sulla,
about 90 B. c. Few fragments of their works remain. The
Atellan plays continued to be performed even after the
beginning of the empire, but the words became less and
less important, and the performance became mere panto-
Mimes mime. Another kind of burlesque perform-
ance was the Mime, which was introduced into
Rome from the Greek cities of Italy and Sicily. It had
less consistent plots than comedy, and was more popular
in its character. Though doubtless introduced at Rome
as early as comedy itself, it hardly appears as a branch of
literature until about the time of Cicero, when mimes
serve as afterpieces at tragic performances. In imperial
times mimes were performed independently. The chief
authors of mimes were Decimus Laberius (105-43 B. c.),
a Roman knight, and Publilius Syrus, a slave from Antioch,
both belonging to the time of Caesar, about the middle of
the first century B. c. No mimes are extant, nor is their
MIMES 31
loss to be greatly regretted, for their humor was generally
coarse, their plots often indecent, and their literary quali-
ties of a low order. Some of the fragments of the mimes
of Laberius show, however, considerable merit, and in
those of Publilius so many sensible precepts and wise
utterances were embodied that a collection of his sayings
was made, part of which is preserved to us.
CHAPTER III
EARLY PROSE-THE SCIPIONIC CIRCLE-LUCILIUS
Greek influence upon Roman prose — Fabius Pictor, 216 B. c. — Cin-
cius Alimentus, 210 B. c. — Cato, 234-149 B. c. — Cato's works — Orators
— Jurists — Latin annalists — Scipio Africanus the younger, 185-129
B. c.— The Scipionic circle— Lucilius, 180(?)-126 B. c.— Satire— Satires
of Lucilius — Literature in the fifty years before Cicero — Poetry — His-
tory— Learned works — General writers — Jurists — Oratory — Rhetoric
addressed to Herennius — Great development of prose in this period.
TRAGEDY and comedy began, reached their full devel-
opment, and decayed in the short period of a century and
a half between the first play of Livius Andronicus and
the death of Accius. It was therefore advisable to give a
connected account of dramatic literature at Rome for this
entire period, and to reserve for separate treatment the
beginnings of prose literature, which, though less rapid
in its growth, had a far longer life and was a much truer
expression of the national genius.
The rudiments of a strictly native prose literature, the
twelve tables of the laws, the various lists and records,
Greek an<^ ^e sPeecnes delivered on public and pri-
influence vate occasions, mark the lines along which
upon Roman Roman prose was destined to advance — his-
tory, jurisprudence, and eloquence. But
Roman prose, like Roman poetry, came under the influ-
ence of Greek literature as soon as the Romans began to
pay any attention to literary style. It was when the con-
quest of southern Italy brought Rome into closer contact
than before with the cities of Magna Graecia that Livius
EARLY PROSE 33
Andronicus was brought to Eome, and it was in the years
immediately after the first Punic war that he produced
the first Latin plays in imitation of Greek originals. To
about the same or a little later time belong the earliest
Roman prose writers. Some of these men, regarding the
Latin language as too imperfect for use in prose literature,
wrote in Greek, recording the events of Roman history
for the enlightenment of foreigners and of educated
Romans. Such was Quintus Fabius Pictor, a man of
much distinction at Rome, who was sent by
Pictor 1U ^e s^e to consult the oracle at Delphi after
the battle of Cannae in 216 B. c. He wrote in
Greek prose a history of Rome from the days of ^Bneas to
his own times, selecting the same subject chosen by his
contemporary Ennius for his Annales in Latin verse.
This work of Fabius Pictor was very soon translated into
Latin, and remained one of the chief sources from which
later historians, such as Livy, derived their information.
Lucius Cincius Alimentus, who was praetor in
Alimentus command of a Roman army in the second
Punic war, wrote Roman history in Greek
prose, as did also Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of the
elder Africanus, Aulus Postumius Albinus, and Gaius
Acilius, about the middle of the second century B. c.
Their works, being in Greek, had little direct influence
on Latin literature, but show how powerful the Greek
influence was among the cultivated men at Rome in the
years following the second Punic war. This influence
was not confined to literature, but affected dress, manners,
ways of thinking — in short, all sides of life —
Sfluenoe. especially among the upper classes. The
Greeks of this time were no longer the hardy
citizen-soldiers of the old days of Marathon and Ther-
mopylae, but were now distinguished for culture, refine-
ment, and scholarship, too often accompanied by effemi-
nacy, luxury, and dishonesty. Not by any means all the
34 ROMAN LITERATURE
Komans were ready to profit by contact with Greek civili-
zation, with its mixture of good and bad qualities, and
there was naturally a party at Rome which opposed every-
thing Greek, and wished to preserve the old Eoman
simplicity. The most important man of this party was
Cato.
Marcus Porcius Cato was born at Tusculum, in 234
B. c., and died in 149 B. c. Throughout his life he was
active in public affairs. He was quaestor
01 (199 B< c')' consul (195 B- c-)>
and censor (184 B. c.), and in all his offices
showed his honesty, efficiency, singleness of purpose, and
sincere, though somewhat narrow-minded, patriotism. He
believed that the influence of Greek art, literature, philos-
ophy, and ways of life was bad, though in his old age he
learned the Greek language, and studied Greek literature.
In a letter to his son, he says : " I shall speak about those
Greeks in their proper place, son Marcus, and tell what I
discovered at Athens, and that it is good to look into
their literature, but not to learn it thoroughly. I shall
convince you that their race is most worthless and
unteachable." l
Cato was opposed to the prevailing tendencies in litera-
ture — the tendencies which were destined to prevail — but
in spite of that he was one of the most pro-
orator8 * ductive literary men of his time. His active
political life gave him many occasions for
public speaking, in the senate or before the people, and
he spoke often in courts of law, either in suits of his own
or as an advocate for others. One hundred and fifty of
his speeches existed in Cicero's time, and some, at least,
were read and admired long after Cicero. About eighty
scattered fragments now exist, some of which belong to
political, others to legal speeches. These show vigor
1 Quoted by Pliny, N. H. xxix, 7, 14.
EARLY PROSE 35
and terseness of expression, a sort of dry humor, and
straightforward freedom of speech, but no elegance of
style.
Cato's most important work was the Origines^ in seven
books, the first Eoman history in Latin prose. In style
and method this work was very uneven,
llie Origines. . "
Sometimes events were narrated in brief,
annalistic fashion, at other times Cato devoted much
space to details. One book, from which the whole work
derived its name, told of the origins and early history of
the various towns of Italy. The work treated of Eoman
and Italian history from the earliest times to Cato's own
day, and in the latter part Cato took pains to give his
own actions at least as much prominence as was their due,
even inserting in his narrative the speeches he had deliv-
ered on various occasions. In the form of letters to his
son, Cato composed treatises on agriculture, the care of
health, eloquence, and the art of war. He also wrote a
series of rules of conduct in verse, and made a collection
of wise and witty sayings.
Of all his works the only one extant is a treatise On
Agriculture. Born and brought up in the small town of
The treatise Tusculum, and full of admiration for the
On Agricul- simple virtues of the early Romans, Cato saw
with deep disapproval the tendency of the
men of his own day to give up agriculture for commercial
and financial occupations. " It would sometimes be better
to seek gain by commerce, if it were not so dangerous ;
and likewise by money-lending, if it were so honorable.
For our ancestors held this matter thus, and put it in the
laws in this way, that a thief be punished by a double
fine, a money-lender by a fourfold one. From this one
can see how much worse citizen they considered a money-
lender than a thief. And when they praised a good man,
it was a good farmer, a good colonist. They thought that
a man was most amply praised who was praised in this
36 ROMAN LITERATURE
way. Now I think a merchant is energetic and diligent
in seeking gain; but, as I said above, he is exposed to
danger and ruin. But from farmers both the bravest
men and most energetic soldiers arise, and the business
they follow is most pious and surest, and least exposed to
envy ; and those who are occupied in that pursuit are
least given to evil thoughts." 1 In other parts of the book
Cato gives in short, simple sentences, practical rules to
be followed by the farmer. " Be sure to do everything
early. For this is the way with farming : if you do one
thing late, you will do all the work late." This style of
short, sharp sentences, is characteristic of Cato. He de-
spises all appearance of literary polish, as if he wished to
show that the arts of elegance cultivated by most other
Eoman writers were unnecessary and undesirable.
Cato was one of the most famous orators of his time,
but his competitors were many, among them some of the
Other orators mos^ n°ted men of Eome. Most of these orators
were men of natural ability, whose eloquence
was trained in the school of public life and owed its effect
in great measure to the weight of the speaker's dignity or
the glory of his deeds. Their speeches are lost, and the
reputation they had survives only to remind us that dur-
ing and after the second Punic war Roman eloquence
was growing in power, preparing, as it were, for the bril-
liant oratory of the Gracchi in the second half of the
second century B. c., and the superb productions of Cicero
in the century to follow. Among orators of Cato's time
should be mentioned Quintus Fabius Maximus Cunctator,
five times consul, censor, and dictator, the conqueror of
Hannibal, then Quintus Caecilius Metellus, consul in 206
B.C., Marcus Cornelius Cethegus (died in 196 B. c.), Pub-
lius Licinius Crassus (died 183 B. c.), and Scipio Africanus
the elder (died 183 B. c.).
1 De Re Rustica, i.
EARLY PROSE 37
In the field of jurisprudence there was considerable
activity in the days of Cato. Publius Julius (consul 201,
died 174 B. c.) and his brother Sextus (consul
198 B. c.) published the most systematic work
on jurisprudence. This work was called Tripertita, and
was for centuries regarded with reverence as the beginning
from which grew the great system of Roman law. Scipio
Nasica (consul 191 B.C.), Lucius Acilius, Quintus Fabius
Labeo (consul 183 B. c.), and Cato's son (born about 192,
died in 152 B. c.) were all distinguished jurists, whose in-
terpretation of the Twelve Tables and whose wisdom in
regard to legal matters are mentioned with praise by later
writers. Their writings have perished, but the results of
their studies were incorporated in the later works on
Eoman law.
The annalists who wrote in Greek, such as Fabius
Pictor, were followed, soon after the middle of the second
century B. c., by several writers whose works
annalists differed from theirs chiefly by being written
in Latin. They derived their general views
and methods, as well as some of their facts, from earlier
Greek historians, such as Ephorus and Timaeus. The
first of these Latin annalists was Lucius Cassius Hemina,
who wrote a history of Rome to his own time. Somewhat
more important was Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi, who
was consul in 133 B. c. His annals covered the same
ground as those of Hemina, and are said to have been
written in an artless, somewhat rude style. A similar
lack of elegance seems to have belonged to the works of
the other annalists of this time. Evidently the Romans
had not yet learned to write artistic prose. Yet this is the
period when, under the guidance of Greek teachers, the
Romans were paying more attention than ever before to
grammar and rhetoric, purity of language, and nicety of
expression.
The man about whom the best literary life of the city
38 ROMAN LITERATURE
centred was Scipio Africanus the younger, who lived from
185 to 129 B. c. He was the son of the distinguished
Lucius ^Emilius Paulus, whose victory at
Pydna, in 168 B. c., had destroyed the last
foreign power capable of making serious resistance to
the Koman legions, and he had been adopted by the son
of the elder Scipio Africanus. He was himself a distin-
guished soldier, for as a simple officer (tribunus militum)
he had saved the Eoman army in Africa, after which he
had been made consul and commander of the army which
brought the third Punic war to a close by the capture and
destruction of Carthage (146 B. c.). It might have been
expected that he would take an active part in the govern-
ment, especially as in his time the state needed the help
of her best citizens. But Scipio seems to have felt that
the internal troubles, which beset the state now that
all external dangers were over, were too serious to be
cured. He used his influence for good wherever he was
able, but made no systematic attempt to correct the
abuses of the government, which led at last to the revo-
lutionary disorders of the days of the Gracchi (133-121
B. c.). Instead of being a party leader, he occupied a posi-
tion somewhat apart from the aristocratic and the popular
parties, lending his influence and his eloquence to the
causes that seemed to him good, and in this way preserv-
ing a reputation for independence and good judgment.
His patriotism was undoubted, and his influence as great
as that of any man in Eome.
Scipio had been carefully educated, and employed his
leisure in literary and intellectual pursuits. He was not
an author himself, except in so far as he
published his speeches, which were much ad-
mired, but he loved to be surrounded by men
of letters, to profit by their conversation, and lend them
the support of his social position and influence. His
somewhat older friend, Gaius Laelius, who was consul in
GAIUS LUCILITTS 39
140 B. c., shared his literary tastes, though he, too, re-
frained from publishing other works than speeches. From
167 to 150 B. c. a thousand Greeks of prominent position
in their native country were kept as hostages in Italy.
Among these was the historian Polybius, who was assigned
a residence in Eome, and who became a member of the
circle of literary friends who surrounded Scipio and
Lselius. The Stoic philosopher Panaetius, who afterward
became the head of the Stoic school, was another Greek
belonging to the Scipionic circle. The influence of Panae-
tius upon Eoman philosophy was great, as was that of
Polybius upon the writing of Eoman history. But
Latin writers also gathered about Scipio. Among them
were Terence (see page 24), the most polished writer of
comedies ; Hemina and Piso, the annalists ; Gaius Fannius,
a nephew of Laslius, who was consul in 122 B. c., and
achieved distinction as an orator, besides writing a his-
tory of Eome ; Sempronius Asellio, whose history of his
own times was continued at least to 91 B. c. ; Lucius
Furius Philus, consul in 136 B. c., orator and jurist, and
many others. Among them all, the most original genius
was the father of Eoman satire, Gaius Lucilius.
Lucilius was born, probably in 180 B. c., at Suessa
Aurunca, in Campania. He was a member of a wealthy
equestrian family, and when he went to live
LucUius a^ R°me ^e kept himself free from the cares
of business as well as of politics, devoting
himself to social life and to literature. He lived as a
wealthy bachelor, not holding himself aloof from the
pleasures of the capital, but not indulging in excesses.
Most of his life was passed in the city, but in 134 B. c. he
followed Scipio to the war in Spain, and in 126 B. c.,
when all who were not Eoman citizens were obliged to
leave Eome, he made a journey to Sicily, from which he
did not return until 124 B. c. He died at Naples in
103 B. c.
4
4:0 ROMAN LITERATURE
The name satire (satura) may be derived from the
lanx satura^ a dish full of all sorts of fruits, and as
applied to poems by Ennius (see p. 8), desig-
nates poems of mixed contents. Perhaps all
the poems of Ennius, except his dramas and his great epic,
may have been classed together as satires. At any rate,
Lucilius is the first writer who gave to satire the definite
character it has possessed ever since his time. He made
his poems the vehicle for the expression of sharp and
biting attacks upon persons, institutions, and customs of
his day, for genial and humorous remarks about the failings
of his neighbors, and for much information about him-
self. Ever since Lucilius, satire has been at once sharp
and humorous, bitter and sweet. This kind of poetry,
which takes the form of dialogue, familiar conversation,
or letters, is not Greek, but is the invention of him who
must be regarded as the most original of all Koman poets.
The Satires of Lucilius were contained in thirty
books, each book containing several satires. The subjects
treated were of all sorts — the faults and foi-
The Satires bleg of individuals the defects of works of
01 Lucilius.
literature, the ridiculous imitation of Greek
manners and dress, the absurdities of Greek mythology,
the folly of expensive dinner parties, the author's journey
to Sicily, Latin grammar, the proper spelling of Latin
words, and Scipio's journey to Egypt and Asia. The per-
sonality of the writer, his mode of life, and his views on
all subjects were so clearly brought before his readers
that the Satires were a complete autobiography. They
were written for the most part in hexameters, the
metre which was adopted by all later Eoman satirists, but
some of them were in iambic senarii and trochaic septe-
narii, others in elegiacs.1 They were not written at one
1 A brief description of some of the feet and metres most fre-
quently used by Roman poets may be useful. These were, with the
exception of the Saturnian verse (see p. 7), borrowed, with certain
GAIUS LUCILIUS 41
time, but their composition was continued at intervals
through many years, for Lucilius was not a professional
poet, but a man of letters who expressed himself in verse
whenever he felt inclined. His form of expression was
unconventional, resembling conversation (in fact he called
the poems sermones, " conversations "), with free use of
dialogue. Careful literary finish was not attempted, and
Horace, whose satires are imitations of those of Lucilius,
blames the older poet for carelessness. But the easy and
modifications, from the Greek. The most usual feet are the iambus
(v^— ), the trochee (— ^), the spondee ( ), the dactyl (— ^>*J), the
anapaest (w^— ), and the choriambus (—^^—). The dactylic hex-
ameter consists of six feet, each of which is either a dactyl or a spon-
dee, though the sixth is always a spondee and the fifth almost always
a dactyl. An illustration of this is the line from Lucilius,
Maior erat natu ; non omnia possumus omnes,
the rhythm of which is retained in this translation :
He was the elder by birth ; not all of us all things can compass.
The iambic senarius consists of six iambics, as
Hominem inter vivos quaeritamus mortuom.
(Plautus, Menaechmi, 240.)
Among the living we do seek a man who's dead.
This is a common metre in the dialogue parts of dramas. It is
one foot longer than the line in English blank verse. The trochaic
septenarius, also a common metre in the drama, consists of seven
trochees and an additional long syllable. The English line
Do not lift him from the bracken ; leave him lying where he fell
gives an idea of the rhythm.
The elegiac distich consists of an hexameter followed by a
so-called pentameter, that is, a line made up of six dactyls or spon-
dees, with the omission of the last half of the third and of the sixth
feet. This is illustrated and described by Coleridge in the lines,
In the hexameter rises the fountain's silvery column.
In the pentameter aye falling in melody back.
In the iambic and trochaic metres other feet are often substituted
for the iambus and the trochee, but without change of rhythm.
Some of the other metres will be explained or illustrated as they
occur.
42 ROMAN LITERATURE
natural tone of the poems must have more than made up
for any lack of polish.
The extant fragments amount to more than eleven
hundred lines, but are for the most part short and dis-
connected. In one,1 Lucilius seems to accept
fragments w^ pleasure an invitation to dinner " with
good conversation, well cooked and sea-
soned " ; in another,2 he reproves the luxury which leads
to greed of gain : " For if that which is enough for a
man could be enough, it would be enough. Now, since
this is not so, how can we think that any riches can sat-
isfy my soul ? " Again,3 he describes a miser as one who
has no cattle nor slaves nor any attendant, but keeps his
purse and all the money he has always with him. " He
eats, sleeps, and bathes with his purse ; the man's whole
hope is in his purse alone. This purse is fastened to his
arm." One of the longest fragments4 is a description of
virtus (virtue) :
Virtue, Albinus, is being able to pay the true price for the
things in and by which we live ; virtue is knowing to what each
thing leads for a man. Virtue is knowing what is right, useful,
honorable for a man, what things are good, what bad likewise,
what is useless, base, dishonorable ; virtue is knowing the limit
and measure in seeking anything ; virtue is giving to riches their
true value; virtue is giving to honor what is really due to it; is
being an enemy and opponent of bad men and morals, on the
other hand a defender of good men and morals, regarding them
as of much importance, wishing them well, living as their friend ;
moreover, considering the advantages of one's country first, of
one's relatives second, of ourselves third and last.
Other fragments contain direct attacks upon individuals,
but these which have been quoted serve to give an idea
of the freedom of speech, good sense, and serious purpose
of the first great satirist.
1 iv, Frg. 8, Mtiller. 2 v, Frg. 33, Miiller.
8 vi, Frg. 16, Muller. 4 libr. incert., Frg. 1, Miiller.
THE TIME BEFORE CICERO 43
The life of Lucilius fell in a period of many changes.
As a boy, he saw the Koman power established in the east,
before he reached middle life he witnessed the
in the fifty destruction of Carthage, then he lived through
years before the troublous years before and after the death
of Tiberius Gracchus in 133 B. c., and that of
his brother Gaius in 121 B. c., and in the year before his
death he saw the consulship in the hands of Gaius Marius.
It was not until the long struggle between Marius and
Sulla was over that any measure of tranquility returned
to the Koman state. Then came the Golden Age of
Koman literature. But for fifty years before the time of
Cicero circumstances at Rome were not favorable to liter-
ary production of every kind. Lucilius, Accius, Afranius
and a few other poets lived on until about the end of the
second century B. c., but there was little new life in poetry.
Gnaeus Matius translated the Iliad, and Laevius Melissus
imitated some of the lighter Greek poems. The epic
poem of Hostius on the Istrian war and that
of Aulus Furius from Antium (Furius Antias)
on an unknown subject have left hardly any traces. It is
not worth while to mention in detail the occasional love
songs and epigrams written by various authors. * Aside
from Lucilius and the dramatists already mentioned,
there are no poets of note in this period.
In history, the production was greater and more im-
portant. Fannius and Asellio were emulated by Coalius
_. Antipater, whose history of the second Punic
History. ' .
war was of some importance, and he was fol-
lowed by Quintus Claudius Quadrigarius, who wrote a his-
tory of Rome in at least twenty-three books, coming down
to the year 82 B. c. Another more voluminous but less
trustworthy historian was Valerius Antias, who wrote an-
nals in at least seventy-five books. His date is uncertain,
but he seems to have lived early in the first century B. c.
Two other historians of the latter part of this period were
44 ROMAN LITERATURE
Lucius Cornelius Sisenna (119-67 B. c.), who wrote a his-
tory of his own times in an antiquated style, and Gaius
Licinius Macer, whose annals, beginning with the earliest
times, were probably continued until near the date of his
death (66 B. c.). The dictator Sulla (138-78 B. c.) wrote
memoirs, which must have possessed great historical value.
Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus (consul in 129 B. c.) was not
only an annalist, but also an antiquarian.1
Important writers on legal subjects were Publius
Mucius Scaevola (consul in 133 B. c.) and his brother
Publius Licinius Crassus Mucianus (consul
Jurists.
in 131 B. c.), but more important than either
was Quintus Mucius Scaevola (consul in 95 B. c.), whose
systematic treatment of Roman law served as the founda-
tion for all later works on the subject. Quintus Scaevola
was also distinguished as an orator.
Throughout the period from the third Punic war to
1 Lucius ^Elius Praeconinus Stilo, of Lanuvium, Stoic philosopher,
philologist and rhetorician, was the first to give regular lessons in
Latin literature and eloquence and to apply the historical method to
the study of the Latin language. He was born not far from 154 B. c.,
and lived well into the first century B. c. His contemporary, Quintus
Valerius Soranus (from Sora), also wrote on Latin literature, the study
of which was, in his case, joined with that of Roman antiquities.
Volcacius Sedigitus, of whose personality nothing is known, wrote a
didactic poem on the history of Latin literature about 90 B. c. Besides
these, numerous works on grammar, philology, antiquities, agriculture,
and other subjects were written by various authors, whose names arc
in many cases lost, but whose works served as quarries from which
Varro and other writers derived their treasures of learning.
Many prominent Romans played some part in the progress of litera-
ture. So Publius Rutilius Rufus (born about 158 B. c., consul in 105,
died about 75) studied the Stoic philosophy, published speeches, juris-
tic writings, and an autobiography in Latin, and wrote a history in
Greek, while Quintus Lutatius Catulus (born about 152 B. c., consul
in 102, died in 87) published orations and epigrams. Among the
letters written and published in this period none were more admired
than those of Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi.
THE TIME BEFORE CICERO 4:5
the dictatorship of Sulla — and, in fact, until the death of
Cicero — nearly every public man at Rome was an orator,
and many of them published their speeches.
In the times of the Gracchi, Rome contained,
perhaps, more excellent speakers than at any other period,
among whom none equalled in force, brilliancy and ora-
torical power the great, though unsuccessful, statesman
and patriot Gaius Gracchus (154-121 B. c.), who far sur-
passed his elder brother Tiberius (163-133 B. c.) in elo-
quence, though he, too, was an orator of distinction.
After the Gracchi the most distinguished orators were
Marcus Antonius (143-87 B. c.) and Lucius Licinius
(140-91 B. c.), the first of whom excelled in vigor and
liveliness of delivery, the second in wit, elegance and
variety of composition. These orators were not merely
men with natural ability to speak, but were carefully
trained in accordance with the precepts of Greek
rhetoric.
Of all the works mentioned so far in this chapter, only
one — Cato's treatise On Agriculture — has come down to
us entire, and only the satires of Lucilius
These works are ]£nown ^o us ^y numerous fragments.
The other works and their authors have left
little more than their names. There is, however, one
work, now usually ascribed to Cornificius, an author of
whom nothing is known, which is preserved entire. This
is the Rhetoric Addressed to Herennius, which
Herennium was Preserve(^ because it was falsely included
among Cicero's works. The treatise goes
over much the same ground as Cicero's youthful essay On
Invention, which is evidently intended to be little more
than a new and improved edition of the earlier work.
The importance of the period immediately preceding
the time of Cicero can not be judged by the extant litera-
ture, but must be estimated by the number of works and
authors mentioned by later writers and the qualities
46 ROMAN LITERATURE
assigned to them. It is at once evident that poetry made
little progress, while prose writing of all kinds advanced
Great with rapid strides. It is only natural, there-
progress fore, that the age of Cicero should be the
of prose. most brilliant period of Latin prose, and that
the highest general development of poetry should be re-
served for the Augustan age. Yet, even the Augustan
age can only equal, not surpass, the immortal poems of
two of Cicero's contemporaries, Lucretius and Catullus.
CHAPTEE IV
LUCRETIUS
The Ciceronian period — Lucretius, 99 (?)-55 (?) B. c. — Philosophy
at Rome — The poem of Lucretius — Its purpose, contents, and style.
IT was in the dictatorship of Sulla, 81 B. c., that Cicero
made his first appearance as an orator, and almost from
The age of that time until his death, in 43 B. c., he was
Cicero a time the most prominent orator and man of let-
of unrest. ^ers jn ROme. It is hut right that in the
history of literature this period of nearly forty years is
called the age of Cicero. In political and external mat-
ters this was a time of great unrest. Sulla's dictator-
ship, which seemed to put an end to strife, served only to
strengthen the power of the senate, not to diminish its
ahuses ; the increase of the slave population of Italy still
continued to drive the freehorn farmers to Eome to swell
the number of the city rabble; the slaves themselves
broke out into open war ; the provinces were discon-
tented on account of the extortions of their governors ;
the Cilician pirates became so powerful that their sup-
pression was a matter of some difficulty ; Mithridates
aroused a war in the east, and was overcome only by
great exertion; while in Eome itself the conspiracy of
Catiline and the struggle between Pompey and Caesar
clearly foreshadowed the end of the republic.
This period was at the same time one of great mate-
rial prosperity at Eome. In spite of disturbing influences,
wealth increased, interest in art and literature was wide-
47
48 ROMAN LITERATURE
spread, and there was, alongside of much vulgar extrava-
gance and display, a steady growth in culture and refine-
Wealth. and men^- By ^ne beginning of this period the
culture. Latin language had become a proper medium
Progress of of expression in prose and verse, though its
natural qualities of rigidity and precision
made it always better adapted to the needs of the com-
mander, orator, jurist, and historian than to the lighter
and more varied uses of the poet. Among the poets of
the time, some followed in the footsteps of Ennius, while
others imitated the poems of the Alexandrian Greeks,
characterized by mythological learning, elegance of exe-
cution, and emptiness of contents. Of this latter school
Catullus was the only one who rose to greatness, breathing
into his verse the fire of poetic genius, while Lucretius
stands out as the one great and commanding figure among
the poets who continued the technical traditions of Ennius.
Of the life of Lucretius little is known. Jerome,
under the year 95 B. c., says : " Titus Lucretius, the poet,
was born, who afterwards was made insane
Lucretius ^J a love potion, and, when he had in the
intervals of his madness written several
books, which Cicero corrected, killed himself by his own
hand in the forty-fourth year of his age."1 Donatus, in
his Life of Virgil? says that Lucretius died on the day
when Virgil was fifteen years old, i. e., October 15, 55
B. c. This does not agree with the statement of Jerome.
Cicero, in a letter written in February, 54 B. cv3 mentions
the poems of Lucretius, but says nothing about correct-
ing or editing them. This is the only contemporary ref-
erence to Lucretius or his work. Kow the great poem of
Lucretius was evidently never entirely finished by its
author, who was therefore probably dead when Cicero
1 Jerome, in Eusebius' Chronicle, year 1922 of Abraham, i. e., 95 B. c.
2 Vita Vergilii, 2. 3 Ad Quintum Fratrem, II, xi, 4.
LUCRETIUS 49
wrote this letter. The date (55 B. c.) for his death is thus
corroborated. The date of his birth must remain uncer-
tain, but it was probably not far from 99 B. c. Jerome's
statement that Lucretius was insane and committed sui-
cide is not in itself improbable. His work shows him to
have been a man of passionate and intense feelings, and
gives some ground for the belief that in the course of his
life he was subjected to great emotional strain. Of his
friends and his daily life we know nothing. His poem is
dedicated to Memmius, who is generally supposed to be the
Gaius Memmius who was propraetor in Bithynia in 57 B. c.
The only work of Lucretius is a didactic poem of six
books, in hexameter verse, On the Nature of Things
Philosophy (D& ^erum Natura), in which he expounds
known to the the doctrines of Epicurus. The Eomans had
Romans. been for many years acquainted with Greek
philosophical teachings, especially with those of the Stoic
and Epicurean schools. The Stoic doctrines had been
taught by one of the most eminent philosophers of the
second century B. c., Pansetius, the friend of the younger
Scipio Africanus, and were clearly congenial to the
Roman temperament ; for the Stoics taught that virtue is
the highest good, that nothing else is worth striving for,
and that the ordinary pleasures of life are mere interrup-
tions of the philosopher's peace. The Epicurean doc-
trine, that pleasure is the highest good, was popular only
with those who wished to devote themselves to selfish and
physical enjoyment, for the higher aspects of the doc-
trines of Epicurus were not understood. As early as 161
B. c. the senate had passed a vote banishing philosophers
and rhetoricians from Eome, and six years later, when
three famous philosophers — Diogenes the Stoic, Critolaus
the Peripatetic, and Carneades of the Academic school —
came to Rome, they aroused so much interest that the
senate decided to remove them from the city as soon as
possible. Greek philosophy was, then, not a new thing at
50 ROMAN LITERATURE
Rome, but the poem of Lucretius is the first systematic
presentation of the Epicurean doctrines.
The purpose of the poem is to free men from supersti-
tion and the fear of death by teaching the doctrines of
The reason Epicurus. This is a most serious purpose,
for writing and Lucretius is thoroughly in earnest. If
in verse. ^e a(j0pts the poetic form, it is in order to
make his presentation of the doctrines more attractive,
in the hope that it will thus have greater influence.
This point of view, and at the same time the poet's sense
of the difficulty of his theme and his power to cope with
it, is clearly expressed in the following passage :
Come now, and what remaineth learn and hear
More clearly. Well in my own mind I know
The doctrine is obscure ; but mighty hope
Of praise has struck my heart with maddening wand,
And with the blow implanted in my breast
The sweet love of the Muses, filled with which
I wander with fresh mind through pathless tracts
Of the Pierides, untrod before
By any mortal's foot. 'Tis sweet to go
To fountains new and drink ; and sweet it is
To pluck new flow'rs and seek a garland thence
For my own head, whence ne'er before a crown
The Muses twined for any mortal's brow.
'Tis first because I teach of weighty things
And guide my course to set the spirit free
From superstition's closely knotted bonds ;
And next because concerning matters dark
I write such lucid verses, touching all
With th' Muses' grace. Then, too, because it seems
Not without reason ; but as when men try
In curing boys to give them bitter herbs,
They touch the edges round about the cups
With yellow liquid of the honey sweet,
That children's careless age may be deceived
As far as to the lips, and meanwhile drink
The juice of bitter herb, and though deceived
LUCRETIUS 51
May not be harmed, but rather in such wise
Gain health and strength, so I now, since my theme
Seems gloomy for the most part unto those
To whom 'tis not familiar, and the crowd
Shrinks back from it, have wished to treat for thee
My theme with sweetly speaking poetry's verse
And touch it with the Muses' honey sweet.1
The arrangement of the poem is as follows : Book i
sets forth the atomic theory, invented by Democritus and
Arrangement ne^ by Epicurus, that the world consists of
and contents atoms — infinitely small particles of matter —
of the poem. an(j yoi^ i. e<? empty space. The theories of
other Greek philosophers, such as Heraclitus, Empedocles,
and Anaxagoras, are refuted. In Book ii it is explained
how the atoms combine to form the various things in the
world, because as they fall through space they depart
from a straight line and come in contact with each other.
It is also shown that the atoms, although infinite in num-
ber, are limited in variety. In Book iii the mind and the
soul, or principle of life, are shown to be material and to
die when the body dies. Religion and the fear of death,
which Lucretius regards as a result of religion, are attacked.
Since the soul dies with the body, there is no reason to
fear death, because after death we shall feel no lack of
anything, shall have no troubles, but shall be as if we had
not been born, or as if we lay wrapped in dreamless sleep :
So death to us is naught, concerns us not,
When the soul's nature is as mortal known.2
Book iv shows how the impressions made upon our senses
are caused by minute images detached from the objects
about us. We see, for instance, because minute images
of the object seen strike our eyes. Dreams and love are
also treated in this book. In Book v the origin of the
earth, sun, moon, and stars is described, the beginning of
1 Book i, 921-947. s iii, 830 f.
52 ROMAN LITERATURE
life is explained, and the progress of civilization, from the
time when men were savages, is depicted. Some passages
in this book anticipate in a measure the modern doctrine
of the survival of the fittest. Since our world was not
created, but came into being naturally by the combina-
tions of atoms, it will also come to an end at some time
by the separation of the atoms. In Book vi various
striking phenomena are treated, such as thunder, light-
ning, earthquakes, tempests, and volcanoes. The book
ends with a description of the plague at Athens, derived
from the account of Thucydides.
Since the main purpose of the poem is to free men
from religion and the fear of death by showing that all
things, including the soul, came into being
doctrine ari^ are ^° Pass awav w^hout any action of
the gods, ethical doctrines are not systematic-
ally treated. Lucretius accepts, however, the Epicurean
dogma that pleasure is the chief good, athe guide of
life," 1 but the pleasure he has in mind is not the common
physical pleasure, but the calm repose of the philosopher :
Oh wretched minds of men, oh blinded hearts !
Within what shades of life and dangers great
Is passed whate'er of age we have ! Dost thou
Not see that nature makes demand for naught
Save this, that pain be absent from our frame,
That she, removed from care at once and fear,
May have her pleasure in the joys of mind? a
Again, in the splendid praise of Epicurus, which opens the
fifth book, he says that we may live without grain or wine,
But well one can not live without pure heart.8
The only Greek philosophers, besides Epicurus, of
whom Lucretius speaks in terms of praise are Democritus,
from whom Epicurus borrowed the atomic theory, and
1 Book ii, 172. 2 ii, 14 ff. 3 v, 18.
LUCRETIUS 53
Empedocles. Perhaps Lucretius imitates in his work the
poem of Empedocles, which bore the same title. At any
rate, Empedocles was a man of exalted modes of thought
and dignified, poetic expression, qualities which would
naturally awaken admiration in the mind of Lucretius.
His reading- That Lucretius was well acquainted with the
observation,' great works of Greek literature and with the
and love of writings of Naevius, Ennius, Pacuvius, Lucil-
ius, and Accius, is evident from direct refer-
ences to them or imitations of them. But he was not
merely a student of books. His power of observation and
his love of nature are shown in many passages, as where
he describes the raging winds and rivers,1 the life and
motion of an army,2 the striking features of the island of
Sicily,3 the echo in the mountains,4 or pleasant repose
under a shady tree on the grass by the river
Two famous . -, 5
passages.
The poem opens with an invocation to
Venus, which is justly famous. The first lines are :
Goddess from whom descends the race of Rome,
Venus, of earth and heaven supreme delight,
Hail, thou that all beneath the starry dome —
Lands rich with grain and seas with navies white —
Blessest and cherishest ! Where thou dost come
Enamelled earth decks her with posies bright
To meet thy advent ; clouds and tempests flee,
And joyous light smiles over land and sea.6
Another famous passage is the beginning of Book ii,
which has been translated into English hexameters as
follows :
Sweet, when the great sea's water is stirred to its depth* by the
storm winds,
Standing ashore to descry one afar off mightily struggling;
1 Book i, 271-294. 2 ii, 323-332 and ii, 40-43. 3 i, 716-725.
4 ii, 573-579. 6 ii, 29-33. 6 i, 1-9, translation by Goldwin Smith.
54 BOM AN LITERATURE
Not that a neighbor's sorrow to you yields dulcet enjoyment ;
But that the sight hath a sweetness, of ills ourselves are exempt
from.
Sweet 'tis too to behold, on a broad plain mustering war-hosts
Arm them for some great battle, one's self unscathed by the danger ;
Yet still happier this : To possess, impregnably guarded,
Those calm heights of the sages which have for an origin Wisdom ;
Thence to survey our fellows, observe them this way and that way
Wander amid Life's paths, poor stragglers seeking a highway ;
Watch mind battle with mind, and escutcheon rival escutcheon;
Gaze on that untold strife, which is waged 'neath the sun and the
starlight,
Up as they toil on the surface whereon rest Riches and Empire.1
Lucretius was perfectly aware that his subject was not
an easy one to treat in verse, but was confident of his own
power. His work shows that his confidence was justified.
Yet even he could not, in explaining the details of the
philosophy of Epicurus, move always in the upper realms
of poetry. The result is that the poem is un-
even. In parts it rises to heights hardly at-
tained by any other Latin author, but in other parts long
passages are dull and monotonous. Yet even in these
parts the verses have a serious, dignified music, the lan-
guage is carefully chosen, and the subject is treated with
consistency, clearness, and vigor. In the more animated
portions of his work, Lucretius speaks almost like an in-
spired prophet. His thought hurries his lines along with
increasing impetus, until their flow seems almost irresist-
ible. Strength, rapidity, and power are the most striking
features of his style. Minor elements are frequent asso-
nances of various kinds, such as alliteration, repetition, the
use of two or more words from one root, and the like, elab-
orate similes, and occasionally the form of direct address.
With all these, the style is characterized by an austere
dignity.
1 Book ii, 1-13, translated by C. S. Calverley.
LUCRETIUS 55
In his discussion of the development of the universe,
and especially in the part dealing with living creatures,
Anticipation man, and the progress of civilization, Lucretius
of modern expresses conclusions not unlike some of those
science. reached in our own day by modern science.
But his processes are not scientific. He reasons, to be
sure, from 'concrete facts to theories and from theories
again to concrete facts, but the method of his reasoning
is unlike that of modern science. Lucretius, like other
philosophers of ancient times, having once accepted a the-
ory which explains certain phenomena, makes his theory
the rule by which all phenomena are to be measured and in
accordance with which they are to be understood. It is
interesting to note that Lucretius, following Democritus
and Epicurus, anticipates to a certain extent the modern
atomic theory, the theories of the evolution of species, of
the survival of the fittest, and of the continual progress
of mankind from a condition of savagery to civilization,
but his conclusions are reached, not by the patient toil of
modern scientific research, but by abstract theorizing, to
which his poetic imagination gives vividness and almost
convincing power.
The greatness of Lucretius as a poet has always been
recognized by critical readers ; but he has never been a
popular author. His subject is too abstruse and his style
too austere and dignified to appeal to the taste of the
masses, which probably accounts for the fact that his poem
has come down to us through only one copy, from which
all the existing manuscripts are derived.
CHAPTEE V
CATULLUS-MINOR POETS
Catullus, about 84-54 B. c. — His life — The book of poems — The
longer poems — The shorter poems — Minor poets — GIISBUS Matius —
Laevius — Sueius — Gaius Licinius Calvus, 87-47 B. c. — Gaius Helvius
Cinna — Varro Atacinus, 82 to after 37 B. c. — Publius Valerius Cato
— Marcus Furius Bibaculus — Gaius Memmius, propraetor in 57 B. c.
— Ticidas — Quintus Cornificius — Cornelius Nepos — Marcus Tullius
Cicero — Quintus Cicero.
THE greatest lyric poet of the Ciceronian period is
Gaius Valerius Catullus. The exact dates of his birth and
death are uncertain. According to Jerome
Catullus ^6 was born in 87 B. c., and died in 57 B. c.,
at the age of thirty years. But in one poem 1
he refers to Pompey's second consulship (55 B. c.), and in
two others 2 he mentions Caesar's expedition to Britain (55
B. c.). It is therefore evident that his death can not have
taken place in 57 B. c. But as his poems contain no refer-
ences to any event later than 55 or 54 B. c., it is reason-
ably certain that he died not much after the latter date.
As he is known to have died young, his birth may be
assigned to about 85 B. c., or perhaps a year or two later.
His birthplace was Verona, and his family was wealthy
and of good position. He went to Rome while still hardly
more than a boy, and began to write love poems soon after
taking the toga virilis, that is to say, at the age of seven-
teen. Rome was then a brilliant capital, in which Greek
1 c. cxiii, 1. 2. 2 cc. xi and xxix.
56
CATULLUS 57
culture, with all its intellectual vivacity and all its vices,
had taken firm root. The family connections of the young
Catullus, whose father was a friend of Julius Caesar, intro-
duced him to the aristocratic society of the capital, and
his personal qualities doubtless contributed to make him
a prominent figure among the gay youth of the city.
About 61 B. c. began his passionate love for the bril-
liant but dissolute woman whom he has immortalized in
his poems under the name of Lesbia. Her
Lesbia. * /•«-•. -, -. ,
real name was (Jlodia, and when he met her
she was the wife of Quintus Csecilius Metellus Celer. For
a time she seemed at least to return the love of her young
adorer, but almost immediately after her husband's death,
which took place in 59 B. c., she is reproached by Catullus
for faithlessness. In the spring of 57 B. c., Catullus went
to Bithynia as a member of the staff of the propraetor C.
Memmius, and by this time his connection with Clodia
seems to have been at an end. In the spring of 56 B. c.,
Catullus returned to Rome, after visiting the tomb of his
brother, who had died in the Troad. From this time on
his poems are still in part poems of love, but they lack the
passionate fire of the lines addressed to Lesbia. Most of
the poems belonging to the last years of his life, when
they contain personal allusions, are inspired rather by the
political events of the time than by love.
The poems of Catullus, as they have been handed
down to us, form a small book of 2,280 lines. They are
not arranged chronologically, but rather ac-
Poems°0k °f cording to contents and style. The first sixty
are short poems in various lyric metres, and
have to do with the poet's love, with his friends and
enemies, and with the experiences of his life. These are
followed by seven longer poems in imitation of Alex-
andrian originals, and the rest of the collection consists of
short pieces, all in elegiac verse. This arrangement is
doubtless due to some editor, not to Catullus himself, but
58 ROMAN LITERATURE
gives the book a certain artistic unity which would be
lacking if the poems were arranged in chronological order.
A few quotations from Catullus which can not be identified
with passages in the extant poems are found in the works
of other writers, but they are so few as to indicate that
nearly all he ever wrote is contained in the existing book.
In the longer poems Catullus shows himself a con-
summate master of language and versification and a skill-
ful imitator of the Alexandrian poetry most
e i^halamia P°Plllar among the younger literary men of
his time. The first epithalamium, or wedding
song, composed for the marriage of Manlius Torquatus
and Vinia Arunculeia, is written in lyric metre of short
lines. It is supposed to be sung as the bride is escorted
to her new home, the first part by a chorus of maidens,
the second by youths. Such songs were traditional among
the Greeks as well as among the Eomans, and there is
little originality in the subject or its general treatment,
but the brilliant versification and the charming tender
passages it contains make this the most attractive of all
the longer poems of Catullus. The second epithalamium,
in hexameter verse, was apparently composed for no
special occasion. A chorus of youths and a chorus of
maidens sing responses, calling upon Hymenaeus, the god
of marriage, and describing by allusion the passage of the
bride from maidenhood to wifehood. So the maidens
compare her to a flower that has grown in a secluded
garden, and the youths compare her to a vine that twines
about an elm.
The third of the longer poems, the sixty-third of the
whole collection, is the only existing Latin poem in the
difficult and complicated galliambic metre. It describes
the madness of the youth Attis, who mutilates himself and
gives himself up to the service of the goddess Cybebe.
The despair of Attis when he recovers from his madness
and yearns for his country, his friends, and his past happi-
CATULLUS 59
ness, is depicted with admirable power, and the ecstatic
worship of Cybebe is most vividly portrayed. The longest
poem of all describes in hexameter verse the
lone Ot0g^s marriage of Peleus with the sea-goddess The-
tis. This is not in any sense a lyric poem,
but an epyllion, or little epic. It contains passages of
great beauty, but offers little opportunity for the display
of the peculiarly lyric genius of Catullus, and is, on the
whole, the least successful of his poems. This is followed
by The Lock of Berenice, a translation of a poem of the
same name by the Alexandrian Callimachus. Queen Bere-
nice had cut off a lock of her hair in accordance with a
vow when her husband returned safe from war. The lock
disappeared from the temple in which it had been offered,
and the astronomer Conon discovered it as a new constel-
lation in the heavens. The lock of hair is supposed to
speak and to yearn for its former place upon the forehead
of the queen. In the preface to this poem, which is ad-
dressed to the orator Hortensius Hortalus, Catullus speaks
in beautiful lines of the death of his brother :
Oh, is thy voice forever hushed and still ?
Oh, brother, dearer far than life, shall I
Behold thee never ? But in sooth I will
Forever love thee, as in days gone by :
And ever through my songs shall ring a cry
Sad with thy death, sad as in thickest shade
Of intertangled boughs the melody,
Which by the woful Daulian bird is made,
Sobbing for Itys dead her wail through all the glade.1
The Lock of Berenice is followed by a conversation with
a door, which hints at several immoral stories. The last
of the longer poems is an elegy on the death of the poet's
brother, joined with the praises of his friend M'. Allius
and of his beloved. This poem is remarkable for the
1 Translated by Theodore Martin.
60 ROMAN LITERATURE
number of digressions it contains, and in this, as in its
general tone, it is an imitation of the Alexandrian style.
The seven poems just described contain many beautiful
passages, but they show us Catullus chiefly as the learned,
skillful, and successful imitator of Alexandrian Greek
models. His real genius appears in the shorter poems,
which deal with the feelings of his own heart.
In these also he is an imitator, so far as his
poems.
metres are concerned, but the feelings are his
own, and he expresses them in words that burn. No
translation can do justice to the sharp, quick strokes of
his invectives or to the passionate outpourings of his love.
One of his favorite metres is the " hendecasyllable " or
eleven syllable verse, which, by its quick movement, helps
to create an impression of great swiftness of thought and
flashing outbursts of emotion. At the same time, the
numerous diminutive suffixes employed give a light and
graceful, almost playful, tone to the verse. Some of the
lines directed against those whom Catullus hated or de-
spised, are scurrilous and indecent ; but that is the fault
of the age rather than of the poet himself. In general
the thoughts and emotions expressed range from passion-
ate love to violent invective, while through many of the
poems there runs a vein of half satirical playfulness.
Some of the qualities of Catullus' poetry may be made
clear, by translations of a few of the short poems. The
first shows at once his passionate love for Lesbia, and
something of his half -satirical humor :
My Lesbia, let us live and love,
Nor let us count it worth above
A single farthing if the old
And carping greybeards choose to scold.
The suns that set and fade away
May rise again another day.
When once has set our little light
We needs must sleep one endless night.
CATULLUS 61
A thousand kisses give me, then
A hundred, then a thousand, when
I bid you give a hundred more ;
When many thousands o'er and o'er
We've kissed, we'll mix them, so that we
Shall lose the count, and none shall be
Aroused to evil envious hate
Through knowing that the sum's so great.1
A well-known and especially attractive poem is the
playful lament for the sparrow :
Let mourning fill the realms of Love ;
Wail, men below and Powers above !
The joy of my beloved has fled,
The Sparrow of her heart is dead —
The Sparrow that she used to prize
As dearly as her own bright eyes.
As knows a girl her mother well,
So knew the pretty bird my belle,
And ever hopping, chirping round,
Far from her lap was never found.
Now wings it to that gloomy bourne
From which no travellers return.
Accurs'd be thou, infernal lair !
Devourer dark of all things fair,
The rarest bird to thee is gone ;
Take thou once more my malison.
How swollen and red with weeping, see,
My fair one's eyes, and all through thee.a
Like most educated Eomans, Catullus had a great love
for the country. His joy in returning to his country seat
on the peninsula of Sirmio forms the subject of a charm-
ing little poem :
Gem of all isthmuses and isles that lie,
Fresh or salt water's children, in clear lake
Or ampler ocean ; with what joy do I
Approach thee, Sirmio ! Oh ! am I awake,
1 c. v. 2 c. iii. Translated by Goldwin Smith in Bay-Leaves.
62 ROMAN LITERATURE
Or dream that once again mine eye beholds
Thee, and has looked its last on Thracian wolds ?
Sweetest of sweets to me that pastime seems,
When the mind drops her burden, when — the pain
Of travel past — our own cot we regain,
And nestle on the pillow of our dreams!
'Tis this one thought that cheers us as we roam.
Hail, O fair Sirmio ! Joy, thy lord is here !
Joy too, ye waters of the Golden Mere !
And ring out, all ye laughter-peals of home ! *
Of the lesser poets of the Ciceronian period little need
be said. Their works are lost, but for scattered frag-
ments, except in so far as a few anonymous poems are to
be ascribed to this period. The writers of mimes, Deci-
mus Laberius and Publilius Syrus, have already been men-
Matius, tioned (p. 30). Gnaeus Matius, who appears
Lsevius, to belong to this time, wrote mimiambics in
Sueius. the manner of Herondas and other Alexan-
drian poets — lively reproductions of scenes of ordinary
life — in choliambic verse, that is, iambic trimetres, the
last foot of which is a spondee; Laevius wrote sportive
love-poems (Erotopcegnia) ; and Sueius composed idylls,
two of which, the Moretum and the Pulli, are known by
name, besides a book of annals. Matius also made a free
translation of Homer's Iliad.
More important in their own day were two friends of
Catullus, Gaius Licinius Calvus and Gaius Helvius Cinna.
Calvus, who lived from 87 to 47 B. c., was a
distinguished orator and politician, who de-
voted his leisure hours to poetry. His poems
included epithalamia, elegies, epigrams, and at least one
mythological epyllion, entitled lo. Cinna appears to have
come, like Catullus, from northern Italy, but of his life
little is known beyond the fact that he was with Catullus
on the staff of Memmius in Bithynia. His chief work was
1 c. xxxi. Translated by C. S. Calveiiey.
MINOR POETS 63
a poem entitled Smyrna, which, although it was of mod-
erate length, occupied him for nine years. The subject
was the unnatural love of the maiden Smyrna for her
father and the birth of their son Adonis. The poem was
so learned and obscure as to be almost incomprehensible,
and was similar in this respect to the Alexandra of the
Alexandrian Lycophron. The admiration expressed by
Catullus for this work shows how highly the younger Ro-
man poets esteemed successful imitations of even the worst
faults of their Alexandrian models.
A poet who continued the national traditions of En-
nius and also imitated the Alexandrians was Publius Te-
rentius Varro, called Varro Atacinus. He was
Atacinus ^orn a^ ^tax, ^n GaHia Narbonensis, in 82
B. c. He wrote a poem in hexameters on Cae-
sar's war with the Sequani, and some satires, probably in
the manner of Lucilius. In his thirty-fifth year he is
said to have turned to the study of the Greek poets, and
it is probably about this time that he translated into Latin
hexameters the Argonautica of the Alexandrian epic poet
Apollonius Rhodius. A geographical poem, probably en-
titled Chorographia, and a series of elegiac poems in the
Alexandrian manner probably belong to the time after the
year 37 B. c. The few fragments of his poems show that
he was a poet of more than ordinary gifts.
The intellectual leader of the school of poets who
found their inspiration in the works of the Alexandrians
was the grammarian and teacher, P. Valerius
CaJo™ Cato, whom Furius Bibaculus calls " Cato
the grammarian, the Latin Siren, who alone
reads and makes poets." Cato's influence was exerted to
lead his followers to imitate their Greek models carefully,
to perfect their Latin style, and probably to introduce the
new metres into Latin poetry. His own writings were
grammatical treatises, poems, and a revision and correc-
tion of the works of Lucilius. The poem entitled Dirce,
64 ROMAN LITERATURE
which is contained in manuscripts of Virgil, and really
consists of two distinct poems, Dirce and Lydia, has been
ascribed with some probability to Cato. In the first poem
the writer curses a veteran named Lycurgus, who has de-
prived him of his property and his beloved Lydia ; in the
second he addresses a touching farewell to Lydia, who has
remained in the country. Other poets of this period are
M. Furius Bibaculus, who wrote satirical
Other poets.
verses, Gaius Memmius, the propraetor of
Bithynia in 57 B. c., Ticidas, Quintus Cornificius, and Corr
nelius Nepos — all of whom belonged to the new school
and imitated the Alexandrians. Nepos we shall meet
again among the prose writers. Others also, whose chief
activity was in other fields, wrote poetry occasionally.
Among these Cicero and his brother Quintus may be men-
tioned.
The names of these lesser poets are of little impor-
tance to us, but it is worth while to mention them to call
attention to the fact that poetry was cultivated by many
of the younger men in the Ciceronian period. Through
their eiforts the various styles and metres of the Greek
poets, especially those of the Alexandrian period, were
made familiar to the Komans, and thus the way was pre-
pared for Horace, Virgil, and Ovid in the Augustan age.
CICERO.
Bust in the Vatican Museum, Rome.
CHAPTER VI
CICERO
Cicero, 106-43 B. c. — His importance — His life — Periods of his lit-
erary activity — His works — The orations — Philosophical works — Let-
ters— His character.
MAKCUS TULLIUS CICEKO, orator, statesman, and phi-
losopher, is the great commanding figure of the literary
period which is designated by his name. With him Latin
prose reaches a height never before attained and never
afterward surpassed. The cooler and more
critical judgment of our northern natures
and later age may find his eloquence too ex-
uberant, and our scholars, trained in the study of the Greek
philosophers, may deny him the title of an original thinker,
but no one can fail to appreciate the power of his utter-
ance, the clearness of his exposition, or the lucid elegance
of his diction. He found the Latin language the chief
dialect of Italy, the speech of a great and mighty city ; he
made it the language of the world for centuries.
To write the life of Cicero in all the known details
would be to write the history of Rome during the entire
period of his manhood. The historian of literature must
content himself with a mere sketch. Cicero was born at
Education Arpinum, a small town in the hills of eastern
and early Latium, on the third of January, 106 B. c.
years. rp^e ^own was a]so the birthplace of Marius,
whose fame no doubt fired the imagination of the young
Cicero and helped to rouse his ambition. His father de-
65
66 ROMAN LITERATURE
termined to give him the Best possible education and sent
him to Rome, where he knew the two great orators, M.
Antonius and L. Crassus, and also the aged M. Accius and
the Greek poet Archias. Since legal knowledge was a
necessary part of an orator's education, he studied with the
jurist Q. Scaevola (p. 44), and the Augur of the same name.
He also paid attention to philosophy, studying with the
Epicurean Phaedrus, the Academic philosopher Philo, who
was a pupil of Clitomachus, and the Stoic Diodotus.
His teacher of rhetoric was Molo, of Rhodes, and he also
received instruction from the rhetorician M. Antonius
Gnipho and the actors Roscius and ^Esopus. He acquired
a great reputation as an advocate by several speeches,
especially by his defense of Quinctius (81 B. c.) and Ros-
cius of Ameria (80 B. c.) ; but his health failed, and at the
same time he wished to perfect his education. He there-
fore left Rome and spent two years (79-77 B. c.) in Greece
and Asia. At Athens he studied under the Academic
Antiochus, the Epicurean Zeno, his old teacher Phaedrus,
and the instructor in oratory, Demetrius. In Asia he be-
came acquainted with the florid Asian style of eloquence,
and at Rhodes he studied again under his former teacher
Molo, who exerted himself to chasten the exuberance of
his style, which had been encouraged by the Asiatic ora-
tors. At Rhodes he also became acquainted with the
famous Stoic Posidonius.
In 77 B. c. he returned to Rome and continued his
career as an orator. It was soon after his return that he
married Terentia, a lady of noble birth, with
career * whom he lived for thirty-two years. In 75
B. c. he began his official career as quaestor
of Lilybaeum in Sicily, an office which he filled with great
credit. He was elected aedile in 69 and praetor in 66 B. c.
In 63 B. c. he was chosen consul, with Antonius as his col-
league, and truthfully claimed that, although he was a
novus homo, a man who had no family influence or prestige
CICERO 67
to aid him, he had obtained each of the important offices
of the state at the earliest legally admissible age. In
The his consulship the conspiracy of Catiline oc-
conspiraoy curred, which Cicero suppressed with relent-
of Catiline. ]ess Yigor, although it was supposed to be
favored by some of the most powerful men in Rome, in-
cluding Crassus and Caesar. The conspirators were not
sentenced to death by regular legal process, but the sen-
ate decreed that the consul should defend the safety of
the state, and Cicero gave the order for their execution.
To this year belong the four speeches against Catiline.
In 60 B. c. the first triumvirate was formed. The
triumvirs found the influence of Cicero unfavorable to
their plans, and encouraged his enemy, P.
Cicero's Clodius Pulcher, who had been adopted into
banishment. . ' r.
a plebeian family and been elected tribune of
the people, to propose a bill that any one who had put a Ro-
man citizen to death without due process of law be ban-
ished. Cicero, finding that he could not defend himself
with success, withdrew from Rome, and his banishment was
decreed. He remained in exile from April, 58 B. c., until
August, 57 B. c., when he was recalled and received with
great honors.
In 53 B. c. he was elected to fill the place in the col-
lege of augurs made vacant by the death of the younger
Crassus. In 51 and 50 B. c. Cicero was again
absent from Rome, as proconsul of Cilicia.
On his return he found Caesar and Pompey in
open strife. Cicero had never been a party man. He was
always a sincere patriot, full of pride in the glorious past
of his country, and more than ready to do his duty, and
now, when he could not fail to see that both parties were
ruled by selfish ambition rather than by disinterested pa-
triotism, it was hard for him to attach himself to either.
After some hesitation, he joined the party of Pompey and
the senate, and, in 49 B. c., followed Pompey to Epirus,
68 ROMAN LITERATURE
but was not present at the battle of Pharsalus. After
Pompey's defeat he waited at Brundusium until Caesar al-
lowed him to return to Rome in 47 B. c. Here he lived in
retirement, devoting himself to literary pursuits. In 46
B. c. he divorced his wife, Terentia, and married his young
ward, Publilia, from whom he parted the following year.
The year 45 B. c. was saddened by the death of his only
daughter, Tullia. The death of Caesar, in 44 B. c., recalled
Cicero for a short time to public life, but he seems to have
left the city in April and to have spent some months at his
various villas. In July he decided to visit Athens, where
his son was studying, but after he had reached Sicily he
heard that he was needed at Rome, gave up his plan, and
returned to the capital. Here he took a leading part in
the opposition to Antony, against whom he delivered the
fourteen orations known as the Philippics. When the
triumvirs came to terms with one another, Cicero was in-
cluded by Antony among those whose death he demanded.
After moving first to Tusculum, and then to
Formiae, he went aboard a ship at Caeta, but
turned back to land, resolved to die in his native country.
On his way between his villa and the sea he was overtaken
by a party of Antony's soldiers and killed, on the seventh
of December, 43 B. c. His head and hands were cut off
and exposed upon the rostra in the Roman forum.
Cicero's oratorical and literary activity falls naturally
into four chronological divisions : his earlier years, to the
Periods of beginning of his career as a political orator
Cicero's (81-66 B. c.) ; the period of his greatest pow-
literary er? lasting until just before his banishment
activity. (66-59 B. c.) ; from his return from banish-
ment until his departure for Cilicia (57-51 B. c.) ; and
from his return from Cilicia until his death (50-43 B. c.).
To the first period belong several speeches delivered in
different kinds of lawsuits, the most remarkable of which
are the seven orations in the suit against Verres (70 B. c.)
CICERO 69
for extortion and misgovernment in Sicily. At the ear-
nest request of the Sicilians, Cicero undertook the prose-
cution. The first speech, the Divinatio in
eriod™ CcBcilium^ was delivered to determine wheth-
er Cicero or Q. Csecilius Niger, who had
been quaestor under Verres in Sicily, should conduct the
prosecution. The first speech in the prosecution itself
settled the case. Cicero had prepared all the evidence
and summoned the witnesses, and instead of giving the
defence an opportunity for delay, brought forward his
overwhelming evidence at the beginning, after a mere in-
troduction. Hortensius, Verres' advocate, gave up the
defence after hearing the evidence, and Verres was ban-
ished. The five remaining orations, called the Actio 8e-
cunda in Verrem, were published by Cicero in order that
the facts might be universally known, but were never de-
livered in court. They show not only that Cicero was at
this time a consummate master of eloquence, but also that
his diligence in the collection and preparation of his ma-
terial was remarkable. In addition to his speeches, Cicero
wrote in this period several translations from the Greek,
which are lost, and also a handbook of oratory, the De
Inventione, in two books. This work was written when
the author was only twenty years old, and is based upon
the treatise addressed to Herennius (p. 45). In it Cicero
treats of the various divisions of oratory and their uses.
The work is greatly inferior to his later rhetorical writings.
The second period opens with the superb oration For
the Manilian Law or De Imperio Gncei Pompei (66 B. c.),
in which Cicero advocates the appointment
00 °^ P°mPey with extraordinary powers to carry
on the war against Mithridates. The four
brilliant and vehement speeches Against Catiline belong
to the year of Cicero's consulship, 63 B. c. To the same
year belongs the witty and able speech For Mtircena, in
which Cicero defends Muraena against a charge of bribery.
70 ROMAN LITERATURE
The delightful speech For the Poet Archias was delivered
in 62 B. c. in support of the poet's claim to the Eoman
citizenship. Throughout this period Cicero's time and
energy were so fully occupied with affairs of state and
with the suits in which he was engaged as to leave him
little leisure for purely literary production. In 60 B. c.,
however, when the troubles that led to his banishment
were thickening about him, he made a metrical version of
the astronomical poems of Aratus, portions of which are
preserved in his later work On the Nature of the Gods,
and wrote a poem in three books On His Consulship,
which is lost.
The speeches of the third period were delivered for
the most part in private cases, though one of them, On the
Consular Provinces (B. c. 56), urging that
eriod " Caesar retain his proconsulship of Gaul and
that Gabinius and Piso be recalled from Syria
and Macedonia, is political, while political considerations
have an important place in several others. In the year 55
B. c. the dialogue On the Orator (De Oratore) was written,
in which the two great orators of the generation before
Cicero, Lucius Crassus and Marcus Antonius, discuss the
proper qualities of an orator. The dialogue is supposed
to have taken place shortly before the death of Crassus
(91 B. c.). The lesser parts are taken by some of the
younger statesmen of the day, and in the beginning
Cicero's teacher, the augur Scsevola, appears. This
is one of the most attractive of Cicero's works. The
technical discussions are enlivened by anecdotes and con-
versation, and the whole dialogue has a grace and spright-
liness not often found in Latin prose. The dialogue On
the State (De Re Publica), in six books, was published
before 51 B. c. Only about one third of this is preserved
in a fragmentary condition, and for many centuries the
entire work was lost with the exception of the Dream of
Scipio (Somnium Scipionis), from the sixth book. The
CICERO 71
discussion of the state was followed by a dialogue On Laws
(De Legibus), which was begun apparently in 52 B. c., but
was never finished. In this period we find Cicero turning
his attention to technical works on rhetoric and also to
philosophy.
The last period was for the most part a time of quiet
literary work for Cicero. Only after Caesar's death did he
return to public life. In 46 B. c. he thanked
Caesar, in the oration For Marcellus, for al-
lowing Marcellus, who had been consul in
51 B. c., to return to Rome ; later in the same year he
pleaded the case of Quintus Ligarius in the speech For
Ligarius, and in 45 B. c. he spoke in behalf of Deiotarus,
tetrarch of Galicia, who had been accused of treachery to
Caesar (For King Deiotarus), but these are the only speeches
of this period except the fourteen Philippics, directed
against Antony, all of which belong to the short time
between the second of September, 44 B. c., and the
twenty-second of April, 43 B. c. In these Cicero shows his
old energy and fire, but not quite his earlier power. The
name Philippics was given to these speeches almost from
the very first, and was in fact authorized by Cicero him-
self, who welcomed the parallel between himself, arousing
and encouraging the Eomans against Antony, and Demos-
thenes urging the Athenians to oppose Philip. But these
orations were the work of a few months ; by far the greater
part of the years after 50 B. c. was occupied with other
things. In the three years 46-44 B. c. appeared the rhetor-
ical writings Brutus, the Orator, the Divisions of Oratory,
the essay On the Best Kind of Orators, and the long series
Rhetorical °^ phil°s°phical dialogues and treatises, the
and most important of which are the De Finibus
philosophical Bonorum et Malorum, a discussion of the dif-
ferent theories respecting the highest good,
in five books ; the Academics, two books of which are pre-
served ; the Tusculan Disputations, in five books, treating
72 ROMAN LITERATURE
of the chief essentials for happiness ; the treatise On the
Nature of the Gods, in three books ; and the three books
On Duties (De Officiis), to which should be added, on
account of their beauty of style and sentiment, the Cato
Maior (On Old Age) and the Lcelius (On Friendship)).
Cicero's extant works comprise fifty-seven orations and
fragments of twenty more, seven rhetorical treatises, thir-
teen philosophical treatises, including those On the State
and On Laivs, and about eight hundred and sixty letters,
among which are ninety addressed to him by his corre-
spondents. Among the lost works are a few historical
writings and several translations from the Greek.
Cicero's chief ambition was to be a great orator, and he
spared no pains to attain his end. Eichly endowed by
nature, he was not content to employ his
orator ** natural gifts without careful cultivation. He
studied the orators of earlier times, especially
the great masters of Greek eloquence, made many transla-
tions from the Greek for the sake of perfecting his style,
and was a diligent student of rhetorical theories. His
conception of the proper qualities of the orator was high
and noble. In the essay De Oratore, he makes Crassus say :
Wherefore, if one wishes to define and embrace the proper
power of an orator in all its extent, that man will be, in my opinion,
an orator worthy of this great name, who can speak wisely, in an
orderly and polished manner, from memory, and even with
some dignity of action, upon whatever subject arises that needs to
be set forth in speech.1
And again :
I assert that by the moderation and wisdom of the perfect
orator not only his own dignity, but the welfare of very many
persons and of the entire commonwealth is preserved.3
In short, the orator should be, in Cicero's opinion, not
only a great and practised speaker, but a man of varied
1 De Oratore, i, 15, 64. 2 Ibid., i, 8, 34.
CICERO 73
learning, and at the same time a man of the highest char-
acter. This was the ideal he set before himself and strove
throughout his life to attain. Certainly it was no low
ideal, nor was the man who strove to attain it a character
to be despised.
Cicero's oratorical style is always careful and finished,
but is far from that monotonous smoothness which study
often gives to the speech of those who are not
ky nature gifted orators. In the narrative
parts of his speeches he is clear, straightfor-
ward, and lucid; in his arguments he is logical, in-
cisive, and full of force ; in his appeals to the feelings of
his hearers he is vivid, quick and powerful, sometimes,
according to the demands of the occasion, violent or
pathetic. The elaborate periodic structure of his sen-
tences is varied by many short questions or exclamations,
and the habitual dignity of his utterance is softened and
enlivened by frequent touches of wit, humor,
and irony. So in his defence of Quintus
Ligarius, who had served in the senatorial army in Africa,
although he knew that Caesar, before whom the case was
argued, was perfectly acquainted with the facts, he began
his speech as follows :
A new charge, Gaius Caesar, and one never heard of before this
day, my relative, Quintus Tubero, has brought before you : that
Quintus Ligarius was in Africa ; and Gaius Pansa, a man of excel-
lent character, trusting, perhaps, in his friendship with you, has
dared to confess that it is true. Therefore I know not where to turn.
For I had come prepared, since you could not know it by yourself,
and could not have heard it from any one else, to take advantage
of your ignorance for the salvation of the unfortunate man.1
After this ironical introduction, which serves to make
his opponents seem ridiculous, Cicero appeals to Caesar's
well-known clemency before proceeding to his argument.
1 Pro Ligario, 1.
74 ROMAN LITERATURE
In his own political life Cicero constantly showed his
.reverence for the dignity of the Eoman people, the estab-
lished forms of government, and the tradi-
t*°nS ^^ gP6at deeds °^ the earlier days of
Eome. The same feeling is evident in nearly
all his orations. Eeferences to the Eoman people, the
majesty of the Eoman people, the Eoman empire, the dig-
nity of the senate, the customs or institutions of the an-
cestors, are found on almost every page. The oration On
the Manilian Law is not merely a panegyric of Pompey
and an argument for giving him new and greater powers,
but at the same time a hymn of praise to the glory of the
Eoman republic and the virtues of the men of old :
Our ancestors often engaged in wars because our merchants or
ship-owners had been somewhat unjustly treated ; what, pray,
should be your feelings when so many thousands of Roman citi-
zens have been slaughtered by one edict and at one time ? Be-
cause our envoys had been too haughtily addressed it pleased your
fathers that Corinth, the light of all Greece, be blotted out; will
you let that king go unpunished who has slain an ex-consul and
envoy of the Roman people, after subjecting him to imprisonment,
and scourging, and all kinds of torture ? They did not endure it
when the liberty of Roman citizens was curtailed; will you be
negligent when their lives have been taken ? They followed up
the verbal violation of the right of embassies ; will you desert the
cause of an ambassador slain with all torments ? Be on your guard,
lest, just as it was most honorable for them to hand down to you
so great and glorious an empire, so it be most disgraceful for you
to fail to guard and preserve what you have received.1
Here the orator's effort is to arouse his hearers to main-
tain the dignity and glory of the republic, whose greatness
is brought home to their minds by the references to the
deeds of their ancestors. This passage is also a good ex-
ample of the effective use of repeated contrasts.
In the speech For the Manilian Law Cicero addresses
1 Pro Lege Manilla, 5, 11.
CICERO 75
the assembled Koman people on a political question of
immediate and great importance. His tone is exalted
and earnest, his eloquence stirring and inspiring. The
same qualities are found in all the political orations, and
in many of the private speeches, delivered in cases in-
volving the life of the accused or Cicero's own character.
Gentler -^n sPeecnes dealing with less urgent matters
and more the tone is more gentle and the effect more
graceful graceful. Quotations from the poets are nu-
merous, and the rhythmical structure of the
sentences is more marked than in the stirring and excited
passages of the political harangues. The oration For the
Poet Archias is the best example of Cicero's less stirring
and more graceful oratory. After establishing by a brief
statement the fact that Archias had a valid claim to the
citizenship, Cicero devotes the remainder of his speech to
the praise of literary pursuits :
These studies nourish youth, delight old age, adorn prosperity,
furnish a refuge and solace in adversity, gladden us at home, are
no hindrance abroad, spend the nights with us, are with us in our
foreign travels, and at oar country seats.1
In this oration Cicero appears as the man of letters
whose literary interest was not bounded by the career of
the politician or the orator, and who, in spite of political
successes and disappointments, was to achieve greater
fame as an author than any other writer of Latin prose.
Few passages are more striking or characteristic in
the orations of Cicero than those in which he turns to
address directly either the opposing party in
address ^e case or ^s advocate. In these passages,
which vary in length from a brief exclama-
tion to an elaborate invective, the stinging words shoot
forth with quick and passionate directness. One of the
longer passages of this kind, in which additional force is
1 Pro Archia Poeta, 7, 16.
76 ROMAN LITERATURE
lent to the words by the suggestion that they are uttered
by the culprit's own father, is the following :
Here you will even dare to say, "Among the judges, that one
is my friend, that one a friend of my father." Is not every one,
the more closely he is connected with you in any way, the more
ashamed of you for being subject to a charge of this kind ? He is
your father's friend. If your father himself were a judge, what,
in the name of the immortal gods, could you do when he said to
you: " You, the praetor of the Roman people in a province, when
you had to carry on a naval war, excused the Mamertines for three
years from supplying the ship which they were bound by treaty
to supply ; for your private use a freight ship of the largest size
was built at public expense by those same Mamertines; you ex-
acted money from the cities under the pretext of the fleet ; you dis-
missed rowers for bribes; you, when a pirate vessel had been cap-
tured by the quaestor and the lieutenant, removed the leader of
the pirates from the sight of all ; you could put under the heads-
man's axe men who were said to be Roman citizens, who were
known as such by many ; you dared to take pirates to your house,
and to bring the pirate captain to the court from your own dwelling ;
you, in that splendid province, in the sight of our most faithful
allies, of most honorable Roman citizens, lay for days together on
the shore at festive banquets at a time when the province was in
fear and danger; during those days no one could find you at your
house, no one could see you in the forum; you brought to those
banquets the wives of allies and friends; among women of that
sort you placed your youthful son, my grandson, that his father's
life might offer him examples of wickedness at the age which is
especially unsteady and lacking in fixed principles ; you, the prse-
tor, were seen in the province in a tunic and purple cloak ; you, for
the gratification of your passion and lust, took away the command
of the ships from a lieutenant of the Roman people and gave it to
a Syracusan ; your soldiers in the province of Sicily were in want of
food and grain ; owing to your luxury and avarice a fleet of the
Roman people was captured and burned by pirates ; in your pra3-
torship pirates sailed their ships in that harbor which no enemy
had ever entered since the foundation of Syracuse ; and these dis-
graces of yours, so many and so great, you did not care to hide by
concealment on your part, nor by making men forget them and
CICEEO 77
keep silent about them, but you tore away to death and torture even
the captains of the ships, without any cause, from the embraces of
their parents, your own friends, nor in seeing the grief and tears
of those parents did any memory of me soften you; to you the
blood of innocent men was not only a pleasure, but even a source
of profit." If your father should say this to you, could you ask
pardon from him ? could you entreat him to forgive you ? 1
These few examples, perhaps not the most striking to
be found in the great body of his orations, may give some
idea of the variety of Cicero's oratory. In his youth the
Eoman orators were divided into two parties on the
question of style ; the elder men, chief among whom was
Hortensius, favored the Asian style, with its wealth of
rhetorical adornment, while the younger men, the Atticists,
as they called themselves, aimed at extreme simplicity,
taking Lysias as their model. Cicero perceived that a
middle course was best. His natural tendency was toward
exuberance, but he tempered it by careful study. He
does not avoid rhetorical adornment, but he seldom uses
it to excess. Like Demosthenes, whom he regarded as
the greatest of the Greek orators, he varies his style to
suit the occasion, and, like him, he stands forth as the
greatest orator of his nation.
In his philosophical writings Cicero's purpose was to
be useful to his fellow citizens by making them acquainted
with the results of Greek speculative thought.
AS he himS6lf SayS:
As I sought and pondered much and long by
what means I could be of use to as many men as possible, that I
might never cease to care for the welfare of the republic, nothing
greater occurred to me than if I should make accessible to my fellow
citizens the paths of the noblest learning.2
With this end in view he wrote his treatises, for the
most part in the dialogue form, after the manner of Plato,
in which he set forth the doctrines of the Greek philoso-
1 In Verrem, ii, v, 52. 2 De Divinatione, ii, 1.
78 ROMAN LITERATURE
phers on the most important subjects, such as the chief
end of life, the means of attaining happiness, duty, the
nature of the gods, and the like, laying the chief stress
upon what he believed to be true and correct. He lays no
claim to great originality of thought, but only to inde-
pendence of judgment. In general, he regards himself as
a disciple of the Academic school, which did not claim to
establish absolute truth, but to show what was most
probable. He uses, however, the works of Stoic and even
of Epicurean philosophers, whenever they express views
in accordance with his own, as well as when he wishes to
refute their teachings. He is not entirely consistent in
all his writings, but his high moral sense, his belief in the
divine government of the world, and his hope of im-
mortality are the foundations of his philosophy. His
style in these writings is, as befits his subject, dignified
and serene, but enlivened by the occasional interruptions
incident to the dialogue form.
To the professional student of ancient philosophy these
treatises are of great importance chiefly because of the
Importance information they contain concerning the
of Cicero's writings and doctrines of Greek philoso-
philosophical phers whose works have been lost; to the
works. student of literature they offer admirable
examples of learned works in popular form, with all the
charm of exquisite literary workmanship; and their in-
fluence upon later ages was so great that no one who
is interested in the progress of human thought can dis-
regard them. St. Augustine, and many other writers of
the early Christian Church, acknowledge their indebted-
ness to them ; they are the foundation of the specula-
tive thought of the middle ages ; and it is in great meas-
ure due to their influence that the Latin language has
remained, almost to our own day, the great medium for
the expression of philosophical and scientific speculation.
Cicero made " the paths of the noblest learning " acces-
CICERO 79
sible not only to his Roman fellow citizens, but to count-
less generations of men of all lands. His noble purpose
was accomplished more grandly than he ever hoped or
dreamed. Let those who will, accuse him of shallowness
and superficiality; mankind owes him an immeasurable
debt of gratitude.
Cicero's orations have served as models for many gen-
erations of orators, his rhetorical treatises may be re-
garded as the foundation of nearly all later theories of
style, his philosophical works exerted an influence which
permeated the thought of centuries. It remains to speak
of his letters. These are in some respects
letters* *ke most interesting of his writings, because
they show the feelings of the man as he
disclosed them to his intimate friends, they make us ac-
quainted with the personal relations between the promi-
nent Romans of the time, and shed many rays of light
upon the dark pages of contemporary history. The first
of the extant letters is da.ted in 68 B. c., the last July 28,
43 B. c. The collection was made by Cicero's friends, and
edited probably by his freedman, Tiro, and his publisher
and most intimate friend, Atticus. They fall into four
groups ; sixteen books addressed to various persons (Ad
Familiar es), three books to Cicero's brother Quintus (Ad
Quintum Fratrem), sixteen books to Atticus (Ad Atticum),
and two books to Brutus (Ad Brutum). There were
originally nine books of letters to Brutus, but only the
eighth and the ninth are preserved.
The letters differ greatly in importance, in length, and
in interest. Some are mere greetings or brief introduc-
tions, while others are carefully composed treatises ; some
are expressions of Cicero's inmost feelings to his inti-
mate friends, while others are business notes or occasional
letters to men with whom he was on a less familiar foot-
ing; some are addressed to the great leaders of the po-
litical parties, others to comparatively obscure persons;
80 ROMAN LITERATURE
some are on literary subjects, others on private business,
and still others on matters that pertain to the history of
the world. The style and language vary with
the contents of the letters, but are in gen-
eral less careful than in any of Cicero's other
writings. The language is evidently that of common
speech rather than of literary composition. In the letters
written during his exile Cicero betrays unmanly discour-
agement, and breaks out into pitiful lamentation, just as
in many of his orations he betrays great vanity, and extols
overmuch his own courage and patriotism in the matter of
the Catilinarian conspiracy ; but these letters are the con-
fidential utterances of momentary feelings, not the delib-
erate expressions of the man's character, and we must
not forget that Cicero was an Italian, a man of easily
aroused emotions, whose vanity might overflow or whose
grief might break forth without affecting his real earnest-
ness or steadfastness. One of the briefer letters to Atti-
cus is the following, written from Thurium, in April, 58
B. c., soon after Cicero's banishment began :
Terentia thanks you frequently and very warmly. That is a
great comfort to me. I am the most miserable man alive, and am
being worn out with the most poignant sorrow. I don't know
what to write to you. For if you are at Rome, it is now too late
for me to reach you ; but if you are on the road, we shall discuss
together all that needs to be discussed when you have overtaken
me. All I ask you is to retain the same affection for me, since it
was always myself you loved. For I am still the same man; my
enemies have taken what was mine, they have not taken myself.
Take care of your health.1
A letter to Marcus Terentius Yarro, written in 46
B. c., among the troubles of the civil war, shows Cicero
consoling himself with literature :
From a letter of yours, which Atticus read to me, I learnt
what you were doing and where you were ; but when we were
1 Ep. ad Atticum, iii, 5, Shuckburgh's translation.
CICERO 81
likely to see you, I could gain no idea at all from the letter. How-
ever, I am beginning to hope that your arrival is not far off. I
wish it could be any consolation to me ! But the fact is, I am
overwhelmed by so many and such grave anxieties, that no one
but the most utter fool ought to expect any alleviation ; yet, after
all, perhaps you can give me some kind of help, or I you. For
allow me to tell you that, since my arrival in the city, I have
effected a reconciliation with my old friends — I mean my books ;
though the truth is that I had not abandoned their society because
I had fallen out with them, but because I was half ashamed to look
them in -the face. For I thought, when I plunged into the mael-
strom of civil strife, with allies whom I had the worst possible rea-
son for trusting, that I had not shown proper respect for their
precepts. They pardon me; they recall me to our old intimacy,
and you, they say, have been wiser than I for never having left it.
Wherefore, since I find them reconciled, I seem bound to hope, if
I once see you, that I shall pass through with ease both what is
weighing me down now, and what is threatening. Therefore, in
your company, whether you choose it to be in your Tusculan or
Cuman villa, or, which I should like least, at Rome, so long only
as we are together, I will certainly contrive that both of us shall
think it the most agreeable place possible.1
Cicero's letters give us a more complete insight into
his private character than could be gained from his other
writings. He was a faithful and affectionate
character friend, a genial companion, a good husband
and father, and a devoted patriot. In his
political career he exhibited a lack of that insight which
enables the great statesman to foresee inevitable changes,
and therefore he strove to preserve the old system of gov-
ernment at a time when its usefulness had passed away.
He could not sympathize thoroughly with Pompey and
his party, still less with the revolutionary policy of Caesar.
The result was indecision and apparent fickleness, but his
indecision was not so much that of weakness as of the
inability to choose between what he must have regarded
1 Ep. ad Familiares, ix, 1, Shuckburgh's translation.
82 ROMAN LITERATURE
as two evils. When he saw his duty clearly before him,
as in the year of his consulship, he did not flinch, and
again, when Antony was arrayed in arms against the state,
he stood forth boldly as the defender of the republic. He
showed his courage and firmness also when, in 50 B. c.,
after Pompey's flight from Italy, he exposed himself to
Caesar's displeasure by refusing to come to Rome except
as an avowed parti zan of Pompey.1 In all the relations
of life he was honorable and conscientious, and in the
field of literature he stands among the great men of the
world.
1 Ep. ad Atticum, ix, 18.
CAESAK.
Bust in the museum at Naples.
CHAPTER VII
CJ3SAR— SALLUST-OTHER PROSE WRITERS
Caesar, 102 (?)-44 B. c.— Hirtius, <?-43 B. c.— Oppius, died after 44
B. c. — Continuations of Caesar's Commentaries — Sallust, 86-35 B. c.—
Cornelius Nepos, before 100 B. c. to after 30 B. c.— Varro, 116-27 B. c.
— Atticus, 109-32 B. c.— Hortensius, 114-50 B. c.— Calidius, died 47
B. c.— Calvus, 87-47 B. c.— Brutus, 78 (?)-42 B. c.— Cornificius, ?-41
B. c. — Quintus Cicero, 102-43, B. c. — Tiro — Nigidius Figulus, died 45
B. c. — Aurelius Opilius — Antonius Gnipho — Pompilius Andronicus —
Santra— Servius Sulpicius Rufus.
WHAT has been said of Cicero applies with at least
equal force to Caesar — the story of his life belongs to the
history of Rome rather than to that of literature. We
must therefore content ourselves with a brief sketch.
Gaius Julius Caesar was born, according to the common
account, in 100 B. c., but the real date is probably two
years earlier. He was of patrician birth, and
early life ^is family claimed descent from Ascanius, or
lulus, the son of ^Eneas. Marius, his uncle
by marriage, made him a priest of Jupiter at the age of
not more than fifteen. While still little more than a boy
he married Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, and barely
escaped the proscription of Sulla when he refused to
divorce her. The young Caesar was thus, in spite of his
patrician birth, identified with the popular party. In 67
B. c. he was quaestor in Farther Spain, in 65 B. c. he be-
came curule aedile, in which office he distinguished him-
self by the magnificence of his public games and exhi-
bitions, and in 63 B. c. he was elected pontifex maximus,
83
S4: ROMAN LITERATURE
thereby becoming for life the official head of the Roman
religion.
In 62 B. c. he was chosen praetor, and the next year
was sent as propraetor to Farther Spain. Up to this time
His govern- ne was known chiefly as a dissolute man and
mentin an unscrupulous demagogue. His extra va-
Spam. gance had involved him in debts amounting
to more than a million dollars. But in the government
of his province he distinguished himself by military suc-
cesses and excellent civil administration, besides amassing
sufficient wealth to pay his debts.
In 60 B. c. he returned to Rome, and soon formed with
Pompey and Crassus the agreement known as the first
triumvirate, by which he was assured of the
triumvirate, consulship in 59 B. c., and the government
of Gaul for the following five years. To
strengthen the alliance he married his young and beauti-
ful daughter Julia to Pompey. In 56 B. c. he met Pompey
and Crassus at Lucca, in the presence of a great concourse
of senators and their followers, and an agreement was
made that Caesar should continue to hold the province of
Gaul through 49 B. c., while Pompey and Crassus were to
be consuls in 55 B. c., after which Syria and Spain were to
be given to Crassus and Pompey respectively for five
years. The agreement was duly carried out, and in 54 B. c.
Crassus went to Syria, where he lost his life after the
battle of Carrhae, in 53 B. c. In the same year Pompey's
wife, Julia, died. Pompey had not gone to Spain to take
possession of his province, but remained at Rome, and
soon became openly hostile to Caesar. When the Gallic
war was ended, the senatorial party, with Pompey at its
head, demanded that Caesar disband his army. This he
refused to do unless Pompey also gave up his
The civil war. r J
military command. Hereupon the civil war
broke out, Caesar crossed the Rubicon, the boundary of
his province, and Pompey fled to Greece, where he was
CAESAR 85
defeated in 48 B. c., at Pharsalus, then to Egypt, where
he was murdered. In 46 B. c. the senatorial party was
finally defeated in the battle of Thapsus, in Africa, and
their leader, Cato, committed suicide at Utica.
Csesar now returned to Borne, where he was made
imperator and perpetual dictator, thus uniting in one
Caesar's person all the political power of the state,
dictatorship Henceforth the forms of republican govern-
and death. ment were but a thin mask disguising a real
monarchy. In the brief period of his power Csesar accom-
plished the reform of the calendar, and carried through
numerous important changes for the improvement of the
government, but nothing could placate the hatred of
those who wished to restore the rule of the senate, what-
ever its abuses had been. On the Ides of March (March
15), 44 B. c., he was murdered in the senate-house by a
band of conspirators headed by Brutus.
Caesar's extant writings are seven books of Commen-
taries on the Gallic War, covering the years 58-52 B. c.,
and three books of Commentaries on the Civil
writings ^ar' covering the vears 49-48 B. C. He also
wrote some poems, a book On the Stars, two
books Against Cato, and a few grammatical or rhetorical
essays, all of which are lost, as are also his orations, which
were greatly admired. Collections of his letters existed
in antiquity, but these also have been lost, and the only
extant letters of Caesar are a few which are preserved in
the correspondence of Cicero. Caesar doubtless intended
to publish commentaries on the years between 52 and 49
B. c., as well as on his wars in Egypt and elsewhere, but
did not carry out his intention.
Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War were written
apparently in the year 51 B. c., when he was still on good
terms with Pompey. The energy of this pale, slender,
delicate man sufficed not only to make him the conqueror
of the warlike tribes of the north, and afterward of the
86 ROMAN LITERATURE
trained armies of the republic, but also to gain him an
eminent position among the great narrative and descrip-
tive writers of the world. The Commentaries were written
rapidly,1 for the double purpose of showing what Caesar had
done to increase the glory and power of Rome, and to prove
to his detractors that his conquest of Gaul had not been an
act of unprovoked aggression, but had been forced upon
him by circumstances. The facts narrated are drawn, in
all probability, from the official army records, supplement-
ed from Caesar's own recollections, and perhaps from his
private journals. In striking contrast to the transparent
vanity which led Cicero to extol his own merits on all
possible occasions, Caesar keeps his personality in the
background, and writes of himself always in the third
person, as if the deeds he narrates were those of another
than the writer. This gives his narrative the appearance
of great impartiality, but the careful reader can hardly
fail to notice that Caesar's conduct is always put in the
most favorable light, that his victories are made as impor-
tant as possible, and his reverses are more lightly passed
over. The Commentaries are not to be regarded as accu-
rate history, but rather as a justification of Caesar's actions,
presented in historical form.
Caesar's style is clear, simple, and unaffected, and free
from all obtrusive rhetorical adornment, but the narrative
of his campaigns is varied and enlivened by
style* * ^e inserti°n °t descriptions, speeches, dia-
logues, and all sorts of interesting details. He
frequently takes occasion to signalize the brave deeds of
his men. So in his account of the siege of Gergovia, he
describes the heroic death of one of his centurions :
Marcus Petronius, a centurion of the same legion, in trying
to break down the gate, was overwhelmed by numbers and de-
spaired of his life. When he had already been wounded many
1 Hirtius, De Bello Gallico, yiii, 1.
HIBTIUS 87
times, he said to his comrades, who had followed him: "Since I
can not save myself together with you, I will at least provide for
your safety, since through my greed for glory I have led you
into danger. When an opportunity is given you, do you look out
for yourselves." At once he rushed into the midst of the enemy,
and after killing two, drove the rest a little away from the gate.
When his comrades tried to succour him, "In vain," he said, "do
you try to save my life, since my blood and my strength are ebbing
away. So go away, while you have the opportunity, and retreat
to the legion." Thus fighting he soon fell and saved his com-
rades.
The history of the Gallic war was published under the
unassuming title of Commentarit, or " notes " ; but such is
the perfection of its simple style that no one ever thought
of rewriting it.
The three books of Commentaries on the Civil War
show the same qualities as those On the Gallic War, but in
a less admirable degree. In one external
w^r x matter they differ from the history of the
Gallic War, for in the latter each book con-
tains the account of a year's campaign, while the story
of the first year of the Civil War occupies two books.
The historical interest of this work is at least as great
as that of the books on the Gallic War, but it does not
compete with them in literary merit, and contains some
positive misstatements. Probably the work was written in
haste and was never revised by its author. This supposi-
tion would account for some of its defects. It may have
been prepared for publication by one of Caesar's officers,
perhaps by one of those who undertook to furnish histories
of the campaigns which Caesar had left unrecorded.
Among those who continued Caesar's record of his wars,
the best writer is Aulus Hirtius. He was one of Caesar's
lieutenants in Gaul, and was sent by him to Eome as a
trusted agent. In 49 B. c. he was with Caesar in Eome.
What share he had in the civil war is not known, but he
himself says that he was not present in the Alexandrian
7
88 ROMAN LITERATURE
and African wars. He was praetor, on Caesar's nomination,
in 46 B. c., and was consul in 43 B. c., when he was killed
Continu *n ^e battle of Mutina, fighting against An-
tions of tony. The only work ascribed to him with
Caesar's certainty is the eighth hook of the Commenta-
Commenta- ^ Qn ^e Qamc War, in which he shows him-
self far inferior to Caesar as a writer, hut not
without some ability. The book is well written, in a style
evidently intended to resemble that of Caesar. Whether
the book on the Alexandrian War was written by Hirtius
or by Graius Oppius is uncertain. Oppius was a man of
equestrian rank, a supporter and agent of Caesar at
Eome. After Caesar's death he attached himself to the
party of Octavius, and urged Cicero to do the same. He
appears not to have lived long after 44 B. c. The Alexan-
drian War is written in a style similar to that of the
eighth book of the Gallic War. The books on the
African War and the Spanish War are by unknown au-
thors. The style of the first is tasteless and turgid, while
that of the latter is hesitating and crabbed. These books
possess a certain literary interest, because they show the
immense difference between Caesar's literary ability and
that of the average Eoman of his day.
Caesar's inimitable Commentaries are the records of
their author's own deeds, written from the point of view of
the chief actor in the events narrated. They are not the
results of wide historical research, nor do they attempt to
give the reader a broad general knowledge of the course
of events, with all their causes and consequences. They
are not, strictly speaking, history, but a masterly presen-
tation of the material from which history is made. The
earlier records of the past by Eoman writers, such as Va-
lerius Antias, Cornelius Sisenna, and others (see page 43),
were mere annals, deficient alike in careful research and
literary finish. The first real historian of Eome was
Sallust.
SALLUST 89
Gains Sallustius Crispus was born of a plebeian family,
at Amiternum, in the Sabine country, in 86 B. c. At some
unknown date he obtained the office of quaes-
tor, and in 52 B. c. he was tribune. In the
earlier part of his life he was dissolute, and he is said to
have brought his father in sorrow to the grave. In 50 B. c.
he was expelled from the senate by the censors Appius
Claudius and Lucius Piso. In the following year he was
reappointed quaestor by Caesar and thus regained his place
in the senate. In 48 B. c. he was in command of a legion in
Illyria, in the year following he was sent by Caesar to sup-
press a mutiny among the soldiers in Campania, and in 46
B. c. served as praetor in the African war. At the end of
the year he was made proconsul of Numidia, where he
enriched himself by plundering the province. He then
bought a villa and gardens on the Quirinal, and devoted
himself to historical writing until his death in 35 B. c.
Sallust's works are The Conspiracy of Catiline, The
Jugurthine War, and the Histories. The first two are
preserved entire, but of the Histories, which
treated of the events from 78 to 67 B. c.,
only fragments are preserved, in addition
to four speeches and two letters, which were inserted
in the narrative, but were collected and published for
use in rhetorical teaching. The two letters to Caesar
and the speech against Cicero, published under the name
of Sallust, are spurious.
In his writings Sallust appears as an opponent of
the nobility and a champion of the popular party. He
Character of depicts in glaring colors the corruption and
Sallust's greed of the senate, and describes in glowing
works. terms the successes and virtues of the popu-
lar hero Marius. At times his political bias leads him
even to distort the truth, though the distortion is not so
great as to deprive his works of historical value. He is
not content to state the bare facts of history, but exerts
90 ROMAN LITERATURE
himself to depict the sentiments and motives underlying
the actions of the chief persons about whom he writes,
and even of mankind in general. He prefaces his nar-
rative with introductions of a philosophical nature, some-
times not strictly relevant to the subject in hand. His
style is rhetorical and piquant, and he uses many archaic
words, chosen in great part from Cato's works. He
evidently imitates the style of Thucydides, and, like
him, he introduces speeches and letters composed to
suit the occasion on which they are supposed to have
been delivered or written. These peculiarities give his
works the interest of individuality, and have caused them
to be much admired, and also severely criticised, in an-
cient and modern times. Some of the qualities of Sallust's
writing may appear in translations of a few brief extracts.
The opening words of the Catiline are as follows :
All men, who desire to excel the other animals, ought to strive
with all their power not to pass their lives in silence, like the
cattle which nature has made prone and obedient to their appetite.
But all our power is situated in the spirit and the body ; our spirit
is more for command, our body for obedience ; the one we have in
common with the gods, the other with the beasts; wherefore it
seems to me more fitting to seek glory by the resources of the
mind than by physical strength, and, since the life which we
enjoy is itself brief, to make the memory of us as lasting as
possible.1
His account of the terror at Rome when the greatness
of the danger from the conspiracy of Catiline became
known, shows his power of vivid description :
By these things the state was deeply moved and the face of
the city was changed. From the greatest gaiety and wantonness,
which long peace had brought forth, suddenly utter sadness came
in ; people hurried, ran trembling about, had no confidence in any
place or man, neither waged war, nor were at peace; each one
measured the danger by his own fear.2
1 Catiline, 1. 2 Ibid., 31.
CORNELIUS NEPOS 91
The beginning of the speech of Marius to the Romans
exhibits Sallust's rhetorical style, his liking for antitheses
and for descriptive epithets :
I know, Quirites, that not by the same conduct do most men
seek power from you and use it after they have obtained it, that
at first they are industrious, humble, and moderate, but afterward
pass their lives in sloth and haughtiness. But to me the opposite
seems right, for by as much as the entire state is more impor-
tant than the consulship or the prsetorship, with so much greater
care ought the former to be administered than these latter to
be sought. Nor am I ignorant how much trouble I am taking
upon myself at the same time with the greatest honor from you.
To make ready for war, and at the same time spare the treasury,
to force to military service those whom one does not wish to
offend, to care for everything at home and abroad, and to do this
among envious, opposing, seditious men, is harder, Quirites, than
you think.
Artificial though the style of Sallust is, it is interest-
ing, lively, often concise and vivid. It had no little influ-
ence upon the style of subsequent writers, especially
upon that of Tacitus, the greatest of Roman historians.
We must remember, too, that the Catiline and the Jugur-
tha were of much less importance than the lost Histories.
In this greater and more mature work Sallust may have
avoided some of the faults of style that appear in the
extant treatises.
A much less interesting writer than Sallust is Corne-
lius Nepos. Like Catullus and several other authors of
this period, he came to Rome from the north.
His kirtnplace was probably Ticinum, on the
river Po. Little is known of his life, which
appears to have extended from a little before 100 B. c. to
a little after 30 B. c. He was a friend of Catullus and of
Cicero's friend Atticus, probably also of other literary
men at Rome. His works were all, with the exception
of some love poems, historical and biographical. The
Chronica, in three books, treating of universal history.
92 ROMAN LITERATURE
was probably written before 52 B. c. The Exempla^ in
five books, was a history of Eoman manners and customs.
Three other works were a Life of Cato (the elder), a Life
of Cicero, and a treatise on geography. His latest work,
published apparently between 35 and 33 B. c., was a great
collection of biographies of distinguished men (De Viris
Illustribus), dedicated to Atticus. An addition to the
life of Atticus was made between 31 and 27 B. C. This
work contained at least sixteen books, and was divided
into sections of two books each, so that each section con-
tained one book on Romans and one on foreigners. The
sections treated of Kings, Generals, Statesmen, Orators,
Poets, Philosophers, Historians, and Grammarians.
Of all the works of Nepos, there remain to us only the
book on foreign generals, and from the book on Eoman
Qualities of historians the lives of Cato the elder and of
the works of Atticus, besides fragments of the letters of
Nepos. Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi. The book
on foreign generals contains biographies of twenty Greek
generals, a brief sketch of kings who were also gen-
erals, and biographies of Hamilcar and Hannibal. Nepos
draws his facts from good sources, such as Thucydides,
Xenophon, Theopompus, Polybius, and the writings of
Hannibal, but is careless and uncritical, and does not
employ all the important sources of information on each
subject. He makes mistakes in matters of history and
geography, arranges his material badly, and gives to
trivial anecdotes the space that might better have been
devoted to more important matters. His style, though
generally clear, is without elegance. The structure of
his sentences is simple, and his subject-matter is interest-
ing. For these reasons, rather than on account of any
literary merit, his Lives have been much used as a text-
book for beginners in Latin.
One of the most productive and learned writers of the
age of Cicero was Marcus Terentius Varro, who was born
VAREO 93
in 116 B. c. at Keate, in the Sabine country. He studied
at Kome under Lucius ^Elius Stilo, and at Athens un-
der Antiochus of Ascalon. In 76 B. c. he
was in the army in Spain, in 67 B. c. he dis-
tinguished himself in the war against the pirates. Per-
haps he continued to serve under Pompey in the war
with Mithridates. In the civil war he was on the side
of Pompey, and was forced to surrender to Caesar the
legion under his command. He was afterward in Epirus,
at Corcyra, and at Dyrrhachium. After Caesar's victory,
Varro accepted the new government and was placed in
charge of the public libraries, He was proscribed by
Antony after Caesar's death, but his life was saved
through the devotion of his friends, and he spent his
remaining years in peace, continuing his literary activity
until the end. He died in his ninetieth year, 27 B. c.
Varro's works were many and varied. Some seventy-
four titles are known, and the total number of single
books amounted to about six hundred and
twenty. These included poems, works on
grammar, history, geography, law, rhetoric,
philosophy, mathematics, literary history and education,
miscellaneous essays, orations, and letters. Of all these
there remain one complete work, On Agriculture (De Re
Rustica), in three books, six (v-x) of the original twenty-
five books of the treatise On the Latin Language (De
Lingua Latino), numerous short fragments of the Menip-
pean Satires (SaturcB Menippece), and a few fragments of
some of the other works. The collection of maxims that
passes under Varro's name is probably spurious.
Varro's The Menippean Satires were written in
extant prose interspersed with verses, in imitation
works. Of the works of the Cynic Menippus, who
lived about 300 B. c., and probably belong to Varro's
earlier years. They treat of almost all the relations
of human life in a satirical vein. The extant verses
94 ROMAN LITERATURE
show some ability in metrical composition and no little
humor. It is evident, however, that Varro was not a
great poet, and the loss of his other poems is little to be
regretted. The three books On Agriculture give, in the
form of a dialogue, a systematic treatment of agriculture
proper, of stock-raising, and of poultry, game, and fish.
The dialogue is stiff, and the arrangement of the different
parts of the subject artificial. The work is valuable for
the information it contains, but its literary form is unat-
tractive. The extant books of the treatise On the Latin
Language are chiefly concerned with the derivation of
words and with inflections. Syntax was treated in books
xiv-xxv. Varro's etymologies are often incorrect, and his
ideas concerning inflections unscientific ; but the work
contains much that is of value to the student of the Latin
language and of Eoman antiquities. The style is dry and
often dull. In fact, this is hardly a work of literature,
but rather a technical treatise. Varro was a man of great
learning and prodigious industry, but not a literary artist.
The Among his lost works the most important
Antiquitates were probably the Human and Divine Anti-
and the quities (Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum Hu-
Imagmes. manarumque), in forty-one books, and the Por-
traits (Hebdomades, or Imagines), in fifteen books. The
latter work contained brief accounts in prose and verse of
seven hundred famous Greeks and Komans, with their
portraits. Varro's works were vast treasure-houses of in-
formation, but there is no reason to suppose that they
possessed any great literary qualities.
The remaining prose writers of this period may be
passed over with a brief mention. Many of them are
little more than names to us, and the works
of all are lost. One of the most interesting
is Titus Pomponius Atticus (109-32 B. c.), whose biography
was written by Cornelius Nepos. He was a wealthy man,
who abstained from public life and devoted himself to
MINOR PROSE WRITERS 95
literature by publishing the works of others and giving
friendly aid to literary men as well as by writing. His
friendship with Cicero has already been mentioned. His
works were historical, the most important being the
Annals (Liber Annalis), a chronological sketch of Roman
history from the foundation of the city to the year 49 B, c.
His other works were biographies or genealogies, and de-
scriptive verses written to accompany portraits of dis-
tinguished men.
The orator Quintus Hortensius Hortalus (114-50 B. c.)
is chiefly known through Cicero. He was the advocate
of Verres when Cicero conducted the prose-
orators cution, he spoke against the Manilian Law,
which Cicero supported, and in several suits
he was engaged by the same client who secured Cicero's
services. Hortensius was the chief representative of the
florid and ornamental " Asian " style of oratory at Rome.
Among the orators who adopted the simple Attic style,
the most important were Marcus Calidius, who was prae-
tor in 57 B. c. and died in 47 B. c. ; Gaius Licinius Calvus
(87-47 B. c.), who has been mentioned above (page 62) as
a poet ; Marcus Junius Brutus, the leader of the conspira-
tors who murdered Caesar ; and Quintus Cornificius, who
was also a poet (see page 64).
Quintus Tullius Cicero (102-43 B. c.), the brother of
Marcus, was also a literary man, though far inferior to his
brother. When he was Caesar's lieutenant in
Gau1' in 54 B< Ct> he wrote several tragedies,
apparently translations from the Greek, and
he was also the author of annals and of an epic poem on
Caesar's expedition to Britain. The only writings of
Quintus Cicero now existing are three letters to Tiro and
one to Marcus Cicero, besides an Essay on Candidature for
the Consulship, in the form of a letter to Marcus, written
when he was a candidate for that office in 64 B. c. This gives
some interesting information about the methods of Roman
96 ROMAN LITERATURE
politicians, but has little literary interest. The first of Mar-
cus Cicero's Letters to Quintus is a similar treatise on the
government of a province, written when Quintus was
beginning his third year as propraetor of Asia, 59 B. c.
Another writer closely connected with Cicero
was his freed man and friend Tiro, who wrote
Cicero's biography, made editions of his speeches and
letters, and collected his witticisms, besides writing on
grammar and inventing a system of shorthand.
The grammatical, theological, and scientific works of
Publius Nigidius Figulus, who was praetor in 58 B. c., and
Writers on died in banishment in 45 B. c., have little
special to do with literature, and are lost. Nor is
subjects. ^ necessary to devote even a brief space to
the grammatical and rhetorical works of Aurelius Opi-
lius, Antonius Gnipho, Marcus Pompilius Andronicus,
and others, whose teachings helped to inform some of the
great writers and orators of the time, but whose works
have not been preserved. A philologist, historian, and
poet, whose writings were considered important, was
Santra, who seems to have been somewhat younger than
Varro, but we are now unable to determine wherein their
importance consisted. Among the jurists of this period
the most distinguished was Servius Sulpicius Eufus, two
letters from whom are preserved in Cicero's correspond-
ence (Ad Familiar es, iv, 5, and iv, 12). These give a high
idea of his style, but are the only remains of his writings.
All branches of knowledge, so far as they existed at that
time, were treated by various writers, but a discussion of
their lost works has no place in a brief history of literature.
The last years of the republic are made illustrious by
the great names of Lucretius, Catullus, Cicero, and Caesar.
In the Augustan age, poetry attained a still greater height
of perfection with Virgil and Horace, but the age of Cicero
is the golden age of Latin prose.
BOOK II
THE AUGUSTAN PERIOD
CHAPTEK VIII
THE PATRONS OF LITERATURE-VIRGIL
Effect of the Empire upon literature — Augustus, 63 B. C.-14 A. D.
— Agrippa, 63-12 B. c. — Pollio, 67 B. c.-5 A. D. — Messalla, 64 B. c.-
8 A. D.— Maecenas, 70 (f)-8 B. c.— Virgil, 70-19 B. c.— His life— The
Eclogues — The Georgics — The JEneid.
WITH the battle of Actium the Eoman Eepublic came
to an end. Julius Caesar had, to be sure, gathered all the
Effect of the power of the state into his own hand, but he
Empire upon had held it only a short time ; Octavius —
literature. after 27 B. c., Augustus — held the full power
until his death, and left it unimpaired to his successors.
The change from a free government, whatever its corrup-
tion and decay, to what was really an unlimited monarchy
could not fail to have some influence upon literature.
Henceforth the great orator might hope to win cases in
the courts, but he could no longer change the policy of
the nation ; the historian might search the records of the
past and describe the deeds of those who were no longer
living, but if he wrote of the history of his own times, he
must have the fear of the master always before his eyes ;
the poet could sing of love and wine and nature without
let or hindrance, but poems of national and political im-
portance could hardly be written except by those in sym-
pathy with the empire. The emperor might exert his
97
98 ROMAN LITERATURE
influence to put down all literary expression not agreeable
to him without encouraging literature of any kind, or he
might encourage certain kinds of literature and certain
writers without treating with severity even those whose
works displeased him, or he might at the same time encour-
age some and suppress others. Under an imperial master
literary expression could not be so free as in the days of
the republic, but the degree of restraint at any time de-
pended upon the character of the emperor. It is due to
the enlightened liberality of Augustus that the period of
his rule was the most brilliant epoch of Roman literature.
Augustus (63 B. C.-14 A. D.) had received a careful edu-
cation in his youth, and had a genuine and intelligent
admiration for literature. His own literary
Augustus. , ,. , . ,.,; ,
productions comprised an epic poem entitled
Sicily, some short epigrams, an unfinished tragedy entitled
Ajax, orations, memoirs, and letters. Before his death he
directed that an account of his deeds (Index Rerum Ges-
tarum) should be engraved on bronze tablets and affixed to
his tomb. He probably composed this account himself, and
the copy of it found inscribed upon the wall of the temple
of Augustus and Rome at Ancyra (the Monumentum An-
cyranum), containing in simple and dignified language the
record of his life, his political measures, and his military
activity, shows the good taste of the first Roman emperor,
for he who had become the ruler of the civilized world
was not led to praise himself or speak in extravagant
terms of any of his deeds, but composed the record of his
wonderful life in terms of simplicity so grave and digni-
fied as to inspire veneration. It was not, however, through
his own compositions but through his influence that
Augustus made his name great in the history of literature.
He encouraged Virgil, Horace, and other poets, he attended
the recitations of authors who wished to bring their new
works before an enlightened public, and he surrounded
himself with friends who delighted in aiding and honor-
PATRONS OF LITERATURE 99
ing those whose genius could give glory to their patrons
and add lustre to the empire.
Among these friends of literature was Marcus Vipsa-
nius Agrippa (63-12 B. c.), who caused the first map of
Agrippa the W°rld t0 be S6t UP ln the Porticus Polse
and was himself the author of geographical
works. More important was Gaius Asinius Pollio (67 B. c.-
5 A. D.), who established the first public library in Eome.
Pollio His examPle was followed by Augustus, who
established two libraries, one in the porch of
Octavia, the other in the temple of the Palatine Apollo,
under the care of the learned Varro. Pollio was a soldier,
statesman, and orator, but also wrote tragedies and a history
of the years 60-42 B. c., in which he criticized boldly the
statements of Julius Caesar, the adoptive father of Augus-
tus. Pollio was the first to hold and encourage public
and private recitations of new literary works. Less closely
connected with the emperor was Marcus Valerius Messalla
Messalla (64 B* C'~8 A' D<)' who had original]y been a
partizan of Brutus, but had made his peace
with Augustus. He was, like Pollio, an orator, but occu-
pied himself also with antiquarian - and grammatical re-
searches, and in his earlier years made translations from
the Greek and wrote Greek prose and verse. His house
was a gathering place for the younger poets of the period.
But of all the patrons of literature under Augustus,
the most distinguished was Gaius Maecenas, the friend of
Augustus, of Virgil, and of Horace. He was
born about 70 B. c., and died in 8 B. c. A mem-
ber of an ancient and noble Etruscan family, he had been
carefully educated, and developed the most refined liter-
ary taste. His attractive and winning personality made
him of great service to Octavius in his negotiations with
Antony and Sextus Pompey, and after the power of Au-
gustus was established Maecenas was the close friend and
constant adviser of the emperor. In spite of his fine liter-
100 ROMAN LITERATURE
ary taste, he was without talent as a writer, and his works,
both prose and verse, were severely criticized by his con-
temporaries and by later readers. It is little to be regretted
that his writings, like those of the other patrons of litera-
ture who have been mentioned, are lost. And yet the
name of Maecenas will always occupy an honored place in
the history of literature, for it was he who made possible
the poems of Virgil and Horace.
The greatest of Eoman poets is Virgil. Publius Ver-
gilius Maro was born of humble parents, at Andes, a
village in the territory of Mantua, October
15, 70 B. c. His parents can not have been
poor, for they gave him a good education, first at Cremona,
then at Milan, and later at Eome. He was trained chiefly
in rhetoric and philosophy, but the only teacher whose in-
fluence seems to have been lasting was the Epicurean
philosopher Siro. For oratory Virgil developed no taste.
After the battle of Philippi (42 B. c.) the triumvirs recom-
pensed their veterans by a distribution of farm lands,
and Virgil's farm was given to a new owner. At that
time Asinius Pollio, who had admired Virgil's poetry and
had encouraged him to write the Bucolics or Eclogues,
was governor of the region beyond the Po, and through
his influence the poet was reinstated in his property. But
in the following summer a new distribution of lands was
made, and Pollio was no longer governor of the province.
Virgil was dispossessed, and had to take refuge at the villa
of his teacher Siro. Through the influence of Cornelius
Gallus and Maecenas, Augustus was led to recompense the
poet for his loss, and from this time Virgil was in close rela-
tions to the imperial circle. Hereafter he lived at Rome and
on an estate near Naples, which he received from Augustus.
In 37 or 36 B. c. and the following years he wrote the
Georgics in honor of Maecenas, and the jffineid, written at
the request of Augustus, was begun in 29 B. c. When the
poem was finished and the poet had reached his fifty-
VIRGIL
first year, he went to Athens, in tending *^
years to the final revision of his work, and then to give him-
self up to the study of philosophy. But at Athens he met
with Augustus, who was on the point of returning to Rome
from the East and invited him to join the imperial party.
Virgil was already ill from exposure to the heat during a
visit to Megara, but accepted the invitation. On the voy-
age his illness increased, and a few days after his arrival at
Brundusium he died, September 21, 19 B. c. He was buried
at Naples, where he had passed most of his later years.
Virgil's undisputed works are three : the Eclogues,
called, on account of their pastoral nature, the Bucolics ;
the Georgics ; and the ^Eneid. The Eclogues are a series
of ten idylls in imitation of the poems of the Greek poet
Theocritus. The Greek word " idyll " means " little pic-
ture," and since all Virgil's idylls, except the fourth, and
most of those of Theocritus, depict the life of herdsmen
in the country, the word is generally applied to pastoral
poems. Virgil's Eclogues are little pictures of pastoral
life, but contain many allusions to the poet's
Works'8 own circums^ances and to his friends and
patrons, Pollio, Gallus, Varus, Maecenas, and
?\e Augustus. Pastoral poems, written for the
Eclogues. . . .
cultivated circle of an imperial court, are
necessarily artificial, and to this rule the Eclogues are no
exception. Yet the charm of their diction, the polish of
their verse, the genuine love of nature and appreciation of
rural life which they display, have given these poems a
well-deserved place among the most famous productions
of Roman literature. In the Eclogues Virgil is, even more
than in his other poems, dependent on Greek originals.
Not only scattered lines, but whole passages are almost
literal translations from the idylls of Theocritus, and less
noticeable adaptations from other poets also occur. Some-
times Virgil's version is less beautiful than the original
poem from which he borrows, and some of the most
S-
ROMAN LITERATURE
. .ajifnired passages are not his own inventions ; but even in
the Eclogues, the earliest of his authentic works, written
when he was about thirty years of age, amid the distress
that accompanied his ejection from his little property,
Virgil succeeds in making from his Greek originals new
and great poems of genuinely Roman character. From
first to last Virgil is a national poet.
The poem which stands first in the series, but which
was not the first in order of composition, has the form of
a dialogue between two herdsmen, Meliboeus and Tityrus.
In it the poet expresses his gratitude to Augustus, whom
he calls a god. The poem begins :
Melibcsus. Stretched in the shadow of the broad beech, thou
Rehearsest, Tityrus, on the slender pipe
Thy woodland music. We our fatherland
Are leaving, we must shun the fields we love :
While, Tityrus, thou, at ease amid the shade,
Bidd'st answering woods call Amaryllis "fair."
Tityrus. O Meliboeus ! 'tis a god that made
For me this holiday : for a god I'll aye
Account him ; many a young lamb from my fold
Shall stain his altar. Thanks to him, my kine
Range as thou seest them : thanks to him, I play
What songs I list upon my shepherd's pipe.1
In the dialogue that follows, Tityrus, who represents
Virgil himself, speaks of his visit to Rome and his meet-
ing with Augustus :
There, Melibceus, I beheld that youth
For whom each year twelve days my altars smoke.
Thus answered he my yet unanswered prayer,
"Feed still, my lads, your kine, and yoke your bulls."3
The fourth Eclogue, addressed to Pollio, and written in
the year of his consulship (40 B. c.), celebrates in pro-
1 Eel. i, 1-10. The selections from the Eclogues are given in the
translation by C. S. Calverley. 2 Ibid., 42-45.
VIRGIL 103
phetic and lofty language the birth of a child. As the
child grows the world is to become better, until the golden
age of peace and good-will among men shall come again.
This poem was, curiously enough, long supposed to be an
inspired prophecy of the coming of Christ. Who the child
really was is uncertain, but there is some evidence that
Gaius Asinius Gallus, Pollio's son, is meant. The lofty
tone is struck with the very opening of the poem :
Muses of Sicily, a loftier song
Wake we ! Some tire of shrubs and myrtles low.
Are woods our theme ? Then princely be the woods.
Come are those last days that the Sibyl sang ;
The ages' mighty march begins anew.
Now comes the virgin, Saturn reigns again ;
Now from high heaven descends a wondrous race.
Thou on the new-born babe — who first shall end
That age of iron, bid a golden dawn
Upon the broad world — chaste Lucina, smile :
Now thy Apollo reigns. And Pollio, thou
Shalt be our Prince, when he that grander age
Opens, and onward roll the mighty moons :
Thou, trampling out what prints our crimes have left,
Shalt free the nations from perpetual fear.
While he to bliss shall waken ; with the Blest
See the Brave mingling, and be seen of them,
Ruling that world o'er which his father's arm shed peace.1
But the atmosphere of the Eclogues is generally that
of the country, and the form that of dialogue, with com-
petitive songs by the herdsmen. The opening lines of the
fifth Eclogue may serve as an example. The characters
are Menalcas and Mopsus :
Men. Mopsus, suppose now two good men have met —
You at flute-blowing, as at verses I —
We sit down here, where elm and hazel mix.
1 Eel iv, 1-17.
104 ROMAN LITERATURE
Mop. Menalcas, meet it is that I obey
Mine elder. Lead, or into shade — that shifts
At the wind's fancy — or (mayhap the best)
Into some cave. See, here's a cave, o'er which
A wild vine flings her flimsy foliage.
Men. On these hills one — Amyntas — vies with you.
Mop. Suppose he thought to out-sing Phoebus' self ?
Men. Mopsus, begin. If aught you know of flames
That Phyllis kindles, aught of Alcon's worth,
Or Codrus' ill-temper, then begin ;
Tityrus meanwhile will watch the grazing kids.
Mop. Ay, I will sing the song which t'other day
On a green beech's bark I cut ; and scored
The music as I wrote. Hear that, and bid
Amyntas vie with me.
Men. As willow lithe
Yields to pale olive ; as to crimson beds
Of roses yields the lowly lavender,
So, to my mind, Amyntas yields to you.1
The Eclogues were published not later than 38 B. c.
In 29 B. c. the four books of the Georgics were completed.
One of the most important tasks of the new
The Georgios, . .
government, now that the civil strife was
ended, was to ensure the continuance of tranquility by
settling the veterans in the country and encouraging agri-
culture, which had been sadly neglected in Italy for many
years. It was therefore with a practical end in view that
Maecenas suggested to Virgil the composition of a poem
on agriculture. This was a subject which Virgil was espe-
cially qualified to treat with success, and the poem, to
which he devoted seven years, is the most perfect of his
works. It is a very free imitation of the Works and Days
of Hesiod, and contains many passages derived from Ara-
tus and other Greek poets, but in its composition and its
poetic beauty it is independent of all but Virgil's own
genius. It is dedicated to Maecenas. The first book treats
1 Ed. v, 1-18.
VIRGIL 105
of the tilling of the soil, the beginning of agriculture, the
instruments needed by the farmer, the tasks appropriate
to the different seasons, and the signs of the weather, end-
ing with a splendid passage describing the portents at the
time of Caesar's death, and a prayer that Augustus may
put an end to the wars and disorders of the times. This
passage is closely connected with the preceding lines in
which the signs of the weather given by the appearance of
the sun are described. It begins :
And last, what evening brings, and when the wind
Bears placid clouds, and also with what thoughts
The wet south wind is moved, of all these things
The sun will give thee signs. Who dares to say
The sun is false ? He even warns ofttimes
That strife unseen and treason are at hand
And hidden wars are swelling to break forth.
He even, pitying Rome for Caesar's fall,
In pitchy darkness veiled his shining head;
The impious age feared endless night. Yet then
Earth also and the waters of the sea
And obscene dogs and evil-omened birds
Gave signs. How often did we see boil forth
From bursting furnace of the Cyclopes
The waves of ^Etna o'er the fertile fields
And roll her balls of flame and molten rocks !
Germania heard through all the sky the sound
Of arms ; the Alps with unused tremblings shook.
Then, too, by many through the silent groves
A mighty voice was heard, and pallid forms
In wondrous wise appeared in dusky night,
And dumb beasts spake (oh, horror!), and the streams
Stood still, and earth yawned open, and the sad
Carved ivory wept within the sacred fanes,
And sweat poured forth from statues wrought of bronze.
Eridanus, the king of rivers, rushed
Whirling the woods along on eddies mad,
And through the fields bore stables with the herds.1
1 Georgics, i, 461-483.
106 ROMAN LITERATURE
The second book treats of the culture of trees and of
the vine, and includes a description of the properties of
different kinds of soil. Among its beautiful passages one
is the praise of Italy,1 another the description of the bless-
ings of the farmer's life, beginning —
0 blessed farmers, if they only might
Their blessings know ! For whom the bounteous earth
Herself, afar from strife of clashing arms,
Pours forth an easy livelihood.*
The third book is devoted to the care of horses and
cattle. A beautiful passage, near the beginning of the
book, expresses the poet's love for his native Mantua and
his homage to Augustus. The first lines of this passage
are as follows :
1 first, if life be granted, coming back,
Will lead the Muses from Aonian heights
To my own land ; I first will bring to thee,
My Mantua, Idumaean palms, and in
Thy verdant mead will build a marble fane
Beside the water, where the mighty stream
Of Mincius wanders slow with winding curves
And clothes with tender reeds the river banks.
There in the midst for me shall Caesar stand
And hold the temple. Then to him will I
As victor, clad in Tyrian purple garb,
Drive to the stream a hundred four-horse cars.3
The fourth book treats of the culture of bees. It con-
tains several passages of singular beauty, one of the most
striking of which is the description of the life of the hive.4
The poem ends with an epic description of the visit of
Aristaeus, the mythical founder of bee culture, to his
mother, the sea-nymph Gyrene. This includes an account
of the struggle of Aristaeus with the sea-god Proteus and
1 Georgics, ii, 136 ff. 2 Ibid., ii, 458-460.
8 Ibid., iii, 9-18. 4 Ibid., iv, 149 ff.
VIRGIL 107
the death of Eurydice, the wife of Orpheus. A tradition ex-
ists that the poem originally ended with a passage in praise
of Gallus ; but before its publication Gallus had died in
disgrace, and the present ending was substituted. In its
final form the close of the Georgics shows that Virgil was
already tending to become an epic poet.
At the request of Augustus, Virgil began, in 29 B. c.,
the composition of his greatest work, the JEneid, in which
he tells of the mythical origin of the Roman race and of
the greatness and glory of the Eome that was to arise and
reach its height under the leadership of the Julian family,
which claimed direct descent from ^Eneas. As early as
the sixth century B. c. the Sicilian poet Stesi-
The JEneid. . Ai • /"£
chorus had sung of the coming of ^Eneas to
Italy. Naevius and Ennius had connected JEneas with the
origin of Rome, and had fixed some of the details of the
story. Upon the foundations thus prepared for him Vir-
gil erected the splendid structure of his poem. In the
Eclogues he had followed, closely for the most part, in the
footsteps of Theocritus ; the Works and Days of Hesiod
had served as the prototype of the Georgics, though here
Virgil was so far from slavish imitation that his work
surpasses the Works and Days in every respect. In the
jffineid the imitation of Homer's iliad and Odyssey is con-
stantly evident, and certain passages are clearly derived
froni Euripides, Sophocles, and Apollonius of Rhodes ; but
the jffineid is by no means a mere imitation. In some
respects it is far inferior to the Homeric poems. It lacks
their simplicity, their rapidity of movement, and their
fresh joyousness ; it can not be compared with them in nar-
rative power or brilliancy of imagery. In these qualities
Homer is unapproachable. But as a national epic, as the
expression in prophetic form of the national greatness and
of the poet's deep-seated passion for his country's glory
the ^Eneid had no prototype, as it has had no successor.
Virgil is not Homer ; he is reflective, filled with the deep
108 ROMAN LITERATURE
thoughts that centuries of speculation had implanted in
the serious minds of his age ; and his great poem is more
than a mere narrative. In execution the ^Eneid is un-
even. At times it is polished to the highest degree, at
other times it falls to a level hardly, if at all, above
mediocrity ; some passages breathe a poetic fervor unsur-
passed, while others might almost as well be written in
prose. So conscious was Virgil himself of the uneven-
ness and imperfections of his work that he wished it to be
burned after his death, and could hardly be persuaded to
leave its fate in the hands of his friends. His death came
before he had perfected the poem, and its most perfect
parts show what he wished it all to be and what it might
have become had his life been spared. Even though it lacks
the master's final revision, it remains the greatest poem of
Eoman times and one of the greatest poems of all ages.
The jfflmid was to be for the Komans what the Iliad
and the Odyssey together were for the Greeks. The first
six books are modelled chiefly on the Odyssey. As the
Odyssey tells of the wanderings and adven-
° ^ures °^ Odysseus before he reaches his home,
so these books of the ^Eneid tell of the ad-
ventures of ^Eneas on his voyage from Troy to Italy, and
more than one passage shows how constantly the Odyssey
was in the poet's mind. The last six books tell of the strug-
gles of ^Eneas and his followers against the warriors who
opposed their settlement in Italy ; and here the combats
described in the Iliad are imitated, sometimes even in de-
tails. In the final struggle ^Eneas is a second Achilles, and
the brave but unfortunate Turnus is an Italian Hector.
In the first book, after a brief introduction, the poem
begins in the midst of the story. The fleet of ^Eneas is
off the coast of Sicily, when Juno causes the wind-god,
^Eolus, to rouse a storm. The Trojan vessels are driven
on the rocks, and the sea is stirred to its lowest depths.
Then Neptune, angered that his waters are thus tossed
VIRGIL 109
about without his consent, rebukes ^olus, and puts the
waves to rest :
He said, and ere his words were done,
Allays the surge, brings back the sun :
Triton and swift Cymothoe drag
The ships from off the pointed crag :
He, trident-armed, each dull weight heaves,
Through the vast shoals a passage cleaves,
Makes smooth the ruffled wave, and rides
Cairn o'er the surface of the tides.
As when sedition oft has stirred
In some great town the vulgar herd,
And brands and stones already fly —
For rage has weapons always nigh —
Then should some man of worth appear
Whose stainless virtue all revere,
They hush, they hist : his clear voice rules
Their rebel wills, their anger cools :
So ocean ceased at once to rave,
When, calmly looking o'er the wave,
Girt with a range of azure sky,
The father bids his chariot fly.1
The Trojans reach the African coast, where ^Eneas
meets his mother, Venus, and is directed to the city of
Carthage, which the Phoenician princess Dido has just
founded. .^Eneas and his comrade, the faithful Achates,
enter the city wrapped in a cloud, 'which makes them
invisible. When they are revealed to Dido, she receives
them kindly, and takes them to her palace. ^Eneas sends
to the ships for his son Ascanius, also called lulus, but
Venus substitutes for him the god of love, Cupid, who
fills Dido's heart with love for ^Eneas. In the second
book ^Eneas begins the story of his adventures with a
superb account of the fall of Troy, his own valiant but
ineffectual struggle against the Greeks, and his final
i, 142-156. The selections from the ^Eneid are given in
Conington's translation.
110 ROMAN LITERATURE
flight. In the third book he continues his story to the
time of his arrival at Carthage. The fourth book is
devoted to the love and fate of Dido. ^Eneas and Dido,
with their followers, go hunting in the forest; a storm
arises, and the two, separated from the rest, take refuge
in a cave, where only the woodland nymphs witness the
union of their loves. Dido looks forward to a joint reign
over Trojans and Tyrians alike. But ^Eneas is warned
by Mercury, at the command of Jupiter, to fulfil his des-
tiny and sail to Italy. Dido overwhelms him with loving
reproaches, but in vain ; he remains steadfast in his obedi-
ence to the divine will. Then Dido determines to die.
She erects a funeral pyre, places upon it the mementoes of
her former husband, Sychaeus, and mounts it to end her
life. But before she dies she calls down curses upon
and his race :
Eye of the world, majestic Sun,
Who seest whate'er on earth is done,
Thou, Juno, too, interpreter
And witness of the heart's fond stir,
And Hecate, tremendous power,
In cross-ways howled at midnight hour,
Avenging fiends, and gods of death
Who breathe in dying Dido's breath,
Stoop your great powers to ills that plead
To heaven, and my petition heed.
If needs must be that wretch abhorred
Attain the port and float to land ;
If such the fate of heaven's high lord,
And so the moveless pillars stand;
Scourged by a savage enemy,
An exile from his son's embrace,
So let him sue for aid and see
His people slain before his face ;
Nor, when to humbling peace at length
He stoops, be his or life or land,
But let him fall in manhood's strength
And welter tombless on the sand.
VIRGIL 111
Such malison to heaven I pour,
A last libation with my gore.
And, Tyrians, you through time to come
His seed with deathless hatred chase :
Be that your gift to Dido's tomb.
No love, no league 'twixt race and race.
Rise from my ashes, scourge of crime,
Born to pursue the Dardan horde
To-day, to-morrow, through all time,
Oft as our hands can wield the sword,
Fight shore with shore, fight sea with sea,
Fight all that are or e'er shall be ! l
These lines are the poetic and mythological justifica-
tion for the long and disastrous wars between Rome and
Carthage. In the fifth book the Trojans reach Sicily,
and celebrate at Eryx funeral games in honor of Anchises,
the father of ^Eneas, who had died there the year before.
In the sixth book they reach Cumae, in Italy. ^Eneas
descends to Hades to consult with the shade of Anchises.
Here he sees the fabled monsters of the lower regions,
and the shades of many departed heroes. Then there
pass before him the forms of those as yet unborn. This
gives the poet an opportunity to praise the great men of
Rome, among them Julius Caesar and Augustus. Here
he sees the form of the young Marcellus, son of Octavia,
the sister of Augustus. When this book was written,
Marcellus had recently died in his twentieth year. Virgil
read his lines 2 on Marcellus to Augustus and Octavia, and
the bereaved mother was so moved that she fainted. Vir-
gil's description of the realm of the dead is in some parts
unusually beautiful, and is especially interesting, because
it stands, not only in date but also in many other respects,
midway between the eleventh book of Homer's Odyssey
and Dante's Divine Comedy.
The last six books of the ^Eneid, recounting the
d, iv, 607-629. » Ibid., vi, 868-886.
112 ROMAN LITERATURE
struggles of the Trojans in Italy, contain many fine
passages, but are for the most part less interesting to the
modern reader than the earlier books. In
'1 many parts they are finished with most ex-
quisite art, even showing that Virgil's tech-
nical ability increased as the poem drew toward its close,
but many other passages show the lack of the final revi-
sion. To the Roman the ancient legends of the origin of
the Roman power must have been of surpassing interest,
but most modern readers remember, amid the successive
scenes of strife, only the heroic Turnus, the lovely Lavinia,
the warlike maidens Camilla and Juturna, and the brave
and devoted friends, Msus and Euryalus, who were slain
when endeavoring to carry a message in the night through
the hostile camp to the absent
Blest pair ! if aught my verse avail,
No day shall make your memory fail
From off the heart of time,
While Capitol abides in place,
The mansion of the ^Eneian race,
And throned upon that moveless base
Rome's father sits sublime.1
The jffineid closes with the death of Turnus, the chief
opponent of the Trojans in Italy. In spite of its obvious
imperfections, it is the greatest poem in the
Latin language ; and no later epic poem in
any language equalled or even approached it
in excellence until the appearance of Dante's Divine
Comedy. It is not to be wondered at that throughout
the Middle Ages Virgil was regarded as the impersona-
tion of all that was great in poetry ; nor is it strange that
the poet whose verses breathe such an indescribable, sweet
sadness, who sings in lofty, inspired language of that
Roman greatness which was ever present to the medi-
ix, 446-449.
VIRGIL AND TWO MUSES.
Mosaic in the Bardo Museum, Tunis.
VIRGIL . 113
88val imagination, who describes the dwellings of the
dead, and who was even believed to have foretold the
coming of the Messiah, should have become in mediaeval
legends the possessor of all wisdom and all magic power.
It is natural that Dante chose Virgil as his guide through
hell and purgatory, and would gladly have admitted him
to paradise had his theology allowed him to do so.
CHAPTER IX
HORACE
Quintus Horatius Flaccus, 65-8 B. c. — Virgil and Horace — Life of
Horace — The first book of Satires — The Epodes — The second book of
Satires— The first three books of Odes— The first book of Epistles—
The literary Epistles— The Carmen Saeculare— The fourth book of
Odes — Conclusion.
THROUGHOUT the Middle Ages Virgil was regarded as
incomparably the greatest of Roman poets. In modern
times his greatness has been called in question, and some
scholars have even gone so far as to deny that he was a great
poet at all. The difference is due, in great measure, to
the fact that in the Middle Ages the poems of Homer,
Theocritus, and the other Greek poets whom
Horace"1' Virgil imitated, were unknown, and Virgil was
regarded as the great epic and pastoral poet
of antiquity. That Virgil imitated the Greek poets is
evident, but in the last chapter enough has been said to
show that his poetry contains qualities not to be found in
the works of the Greeks, and that although his poems are
in many respects not equal to those of Homer, he must
still be regarded as one of the greatest poets of the world.
The increase of knowledge which has led to the undue de-
preciation of Virgil tended to make the second great poet
of the Augustan period more highly appreciated. The odes
of Horace, which are the best known and the most popular
of his poems, are imitations of the poetry of the Greek
lyrists, Alcaeus, Sappho, Anacreon, and their followers,
114
HORACE 115
but the Greek originals are for the most part lost, so that
Horace can not suffer by comparison with them. More-
over, modern taste is less pleased with epic than with lyric
verse, and the delicate, highly finished, and charming odes
of Horace appeal strongly to the cultivated modern reader.
In his satires and epistles, too, Horace, whatever his in-
debtedness to Lucilius and others, displays undoubted
originality. It is, therefore, natural that he is sometimes
called the greatest of Eoman poets. But Virgil wrote of
greater themes ; he was the great national poet, who sang
in grand, prophetic tones of the greatness of Eome and
her destinies, while Horace appealed to a narrower circle
of cultured readers. Yet Horace is, in his own field,
unsurpassed, and deserves all the admiration that has
been accorded him.
Quintus Horatius Flaccus was born at Venusia, in
Apulia, near the border of Lucania, December 8, 65 B. c.
His father was a freedman, the owner of a small farm, but
he determined to give his son the best education possible.
The school at Venusia was unsatisfactory, and Horace's
father moved with his family to Rome, where he gained
his livelihood as a coactor or collector of the money offered
by bidders at auctions. This was a business
Horace some importance at Rome, and must have
been lucrative, for Horace attended the best
schools, where he came in contact with the sons of wealthy
and noble parents. His father exercised personal super-
vision over the boy's education, accompanying him to the
school, and calling his attention to what went on about
him, pointing out the evil effects of bad conduct, and
giving him practical advice. In school, under a strict
master, Orbilius, who did not spare the rod, Horace read
the translation of the Odyssey by Livius Andronicus, and
also the Iliad, the latter, perhaps, in the original Greek.
From Rome he went to Athens to study philosophy, and
was there when Brutus arrived in 44 B. c., after the death
116 ROMAN LITERATURE
of Caesar. Like many another patriotic young Koman, he
joined the army of Brutus, in which he was given the rank
of tribunus militum. He took part in the battle of
Philippi and the flight that followed it. In the distribu-
tion of lands among the soldiers of the victorious armies,
Horace's farm was confiscated, and the young man, whose
father had died during his absence, returned to Rome,
where he obtained, perhaps with the last remnants of his
father's savings, a small position as a clerk of the
quaestors.
This position gave him a livelihood and some leisure
for poetry. Poverty, he says,1 drove him to write verses,
and certainly his poems brought him prosperity, for they
led Virgil and Varius to introduce him to Maecenas in the
spring of 38 B. c., and in the following winter Maecenas
admitted him to the circle of his familiar friends. Horace,
with his short, rotund figure, his witty, genial conversation,
and his poetic genius, became socially very intimate with
Maecenas, without, however, being his confidant in political
matters. When Maecenas went to Brundusium to nego-
tiate an agreement between Augustus and Antony, Horace,
with Virgil, Varius, Plotius, and the Greek rhetorician
Heliodorus, was in his train.2 In 34 or 33 B. c. Maecenas
gave him a country seat in the Sabine hills not far from
Tibur (Tivoli), so large that it contained five farmhouses.
Here the poet spent a great part of his remaining years.
Maecenas also introduced him to Augustus, who wished to
make him his private secretary, but Horace refused the
honor, probably because he preferred to retain his free-
dom. The emperor was not offended by the refusal, but
continued to regard him as a friend. Honored by Augustus
and his circle, Horace lived in comfort and peace. He died
November 27, 8 B. c., and was buried near the tomb of
Maecenas, on the Esquiline. He made Augustus his heir.
1 Epist. II, ii, 51. » Sat. I, v.
HORACE 117
Upon his return to Eome after the battle of Philippi,
Horace employed his leisure in writing verse. To this
period belong the Epodes and the first book of the Satires.
These poems were originally not intended for publication,
but were read to the author's friends. About 35 B. c.
ton Satires were collected and published. Horace him-
self calls these poems not Satires, but Sermones or
" Talks." He even disclaims the title of poet, though
his " Talks " are in hexameters. The first Satire is ad-
dressed to Maecenas, and serves to dedicate the entire
collection to the poet's chief patron, though its subject
The first ig the general discontent of every man with
book of his own lot and the foolishness of heaping
Satires. Up wealth. In general, the Satires are not,
as were those of Lucilius, attacks upon individuals,
but rather criticisms of the follies and foibles of the
times. In the second Satire the dangers to which adul-
terers expose themselves are set forth ; in the third,
those who carp at and criticize their neighbors are held
up to ridicule ; the fourth praises the wit, but criti-
cizes sharply the style of Lucilius, the defects of which
are attributed to the rapidity with which Lucilius wrote
great quantities of verse. In the same Satire Horace de-
fends himself against the charge of malice, maintaining
that his verse is far less malicious than private gossip,
and describes the way his father took to train him in
his youth :
But if I still seem personal and bold,
Perhaps you'll pardon when my story's told.
When my good father taught me to be good,
Scarecrows he took of living flesh and blood.
Thus, if he warned me not to spend, but spare
The moderate means I owe to his wise care,
'Twas, " See the life that son of Albius leads!
Observe that Barrus, vilest of ill weeds I
Plain beacons these for heedless youth, whose taste
Might lead them else a fair estate to waste " :
118 ROMAN LITERATURE
If lawless love were what he bade me shun,
"Avoid Scatanius' slough," his words would run:
" Wise men," he'd add, "the reason will explain
Why you should follow this, from that refrain :
For me, if I can train you in the ways
Trod by the worthy folks of earlier days,
And, while you need direction, keep your name
And life unspotted, I've attained my aim :
When riper years have seasoned brain and limb,
You'll drop your corks, and like a Triton swim." *
The fifth Satire is an account of the journey to Brun-
dusium in the train of Maecenas with Virgil, Varius, and
others ; the sixth, again addressed to Maecenas, tells us
how the poet became acquainted with the great man, re-
verts to his father's attentive care, and declares that
Horace has no reason to be ashamed of his origin or dis-
contented with his lot. The seventh tells of a joke in a
lawsuit between Publius Eupilius Rex and a banker, Per-
sius ; the eighth, of some interrupted magic rites before a
statue of the god Priapus ; and the ninth, of the poet's in-
effectual efforts to get rid of a bore, who stuck to him until
he was dragged off to the court by a plaintiff. In the
tenth Satire, which serves as an epilogue to the collection,
Horace returns to his criticism of Lucilius, maintaining
that what he had said in the fourth Satire was really not
too severe, and at the same time he expresses his opinion
of some of the other Roman poets and of his own ability :
No hand can match Fundanus at a piece
Where slave and mistress clip an old man's fleece ;
Pollio in buskins chants the deeds of kings ;
Varius outsoars us all on Homer's wings ;
The Muse that loves the woodland and the farm
To Virgil lends her gayest, tenderest charm.
For me, this walk of satire, vainly tried
By Atacinus and some few beside,
1 Sat. I,, iv, 103-120, freely translated by Conington.
HORACE 119
Best suits my gait ; yet readily I yield
To him who first set footstep on that field,
Nor meanly seek to rob him of the bay
That shows so comely on his locks of gray.1
The Epodes were written in the same period as the
first book of Satires, and, like them, are on various sub-
iects. About 31 B. c. Horace yielded to the
The Epodes. „ ,, , ,,. , , ,
persuasions of Maecenas and published a col-
lection of seventeen pieces which he had written at vari-
ous times since 40 B. c. The first ten are in the epodic
metre, that is, an iambic trimeter followed by an iambic
dimeter, as in the lines :
Beatus ille, qui procul negotiis
Ut prisca gens mortalium,
Paterna rura bobus exercet mis,
Solutus omni fenore*
the following translation of which shows approximately
the rhythm of the original :
Oh blest is he, wlio far from troubles, fears and cares,
As did the early mortal race,
With oxen of his own through fields ancestral fares,
And knows not usury's disgrace.
The shorter line is called an epode, or appendix, to the
longer, and it is from this that the collection of poems
gets its name. The last seven poems of the collection
are in various metres, though most of these are in alter-
nating long and short lines. Horace himself calls these
poems Iambics simply. In them he imitates the Greek
poet Archilochus, but though several of the poems are
somewhat aggressive, they all lack the intense and violent
tone of invective attributed by the ancients to Archi-
lochus, of which, however, the extant fragments of
1 Sat. I, x, 40-49. freely translated by Conington.
2 Epode ii, 1-4.
9
120 ROMAN LITERATURE
Archilochus show few traces. In one of his Epistles1
Horace claims to be the first who introduced the iambics
of Archilochus into Latin literature, but this is not
strictly true, for Catullus and his contemporaries had
written invectives in iambics. Horace did, however, intro-
duce the epodic metre, and he is also the first to employ
his iambics to castigate the follies of his time rather than
individuals. In subject the Epodes range from the praise
of rural life (ii) and encouragement to live a life of ease
and pleasure (xiii) to invectives against a rich upstart
(iv) or a woman who deals in poisons (v, xvii), and a
rebuke of the Komans who are eager to stir up a civil
war (xvi). The last Epode (xvii) has the form of a dia-
logue between the poet and the poisoner Canidia, but the
others are the simple expressions of the poet's senti-
ments, often in the form of a letter or address to a friend.
In this they differ from the Satires, which have some-
thing of the dialogue form, either between two persons
mentioned by name or between the poet and some
indefinite person, perhaps the reader.
The second book of Satires, finished about 30 B. c.,
contains eight pieces, most of which are in the form of a
The second dialogue between the poet and one other
book of person. The most amusing is the fifth, a
Satires. dialogue between Ulysses and Tiresias, in
which Tiresias tells Ulysses how he can repair his for-
tunes by paying court to rich men and getting them to
mention him in their wills. This Satire is directed
against a class of men only too numerous in Eome.
Others treat of various subjects, such as the serious study
bestowed upon dinners (viii, iv), certain Stoic doctrines
(iii, vii), the criticisms of the earlier Satires (i), or the
joys of the farmer's simple life (ii). In almost every
case, the thoughts and theories expressed are put into the
1 Epist. I, xix, 23.
HORACE 121
mouth of some one other than the poet, whereas in the first
book of Satires the poet expressed the opinions himself.
Horace's Satires differ from those of Lucilius in being less
bitter and less political, more carefully composed and writ-
ten, and far more genial. The kindly, gentlemanly spirit
of the man is everywhere visible. His " talks " are the
witty, amusing conversation of a man of the world, often
dealing with serious subjects, but always in a light and easy
way. They are full of sententious remarks, which have
been frequently quoted from Horace's time to our own.
Catullus and his contemporaries had imitated almost
exclusively the poems of the Alexandrians, of the Greek
poets, that is to say, who flourished after
The Odes. J.' TT
Greece had lost her independence. Horace
in his Epodes went farther back and imitated Archilochus,
and in his Odes, without altogether neglecting the Alex-
andrians, he follows for the most part in the footsteps of
Alcaeus, Sappho, and Anacreon. Among his odes are
several which are in part translations of extant fragments
of these poets, and it is certain that if the poems of the
early Greek lyrists were not almost entirely lost, we could
recognize many of them in Latin version in the Odes of
Horace. The Odes contain also lines that remind one of
similar passages in the poems of Euripides, Bacchylides,
and other Greek poets, but in form as well as in contents
they are for the most part imitations of the three great
early lyrists. Most of the Odes are divided into stanzas
of four lines each, and in all such a division is possible,
with perhaps one exception. The first three books of
the Odes were published in 23 B. c., but their composition
belongs in part as early as 30 B. c. The first book con-
tains thirty-eight poems, the second twenty, the third
thirty. The first ode of Book I serves as a dedication to
Maecenas, and in the odes immediately following nearly
all the metres employed in the three books are used one
after the other. Throughout the three books variety of
122 ROMAN LITERATURE
metre governs the arrangement. The second book opens
with an ode addressed to Pollio, and at the beginning of
the third book are six odes celebrating in various tones
the Roman glory. The last ode of Book III, beginning
Exegi monumentum cere perennius,
I've reared a monument than bronze more lasting,
serves as an epilogue to the finished collection.
The subjects of the odes are so various as to touch
upon almost every circumstance of human life and every
mood of human feeling. Friendship, love, the gods,
patriotism, conviviality, the pleasures of country life,
events of the day, and philosophical thoughts, all find
their place. In tone the odes are grave and gay, lively
and serene, sometimes fantastic, more often thoughtful
or at least reasonable. More than once the thought that
life is short and we should pluck its blossoms ere they
fade occurs in one form or another. The workmanship
of the odes is wonderful in its perfection. Horace is not
one of those who believe that perfect poetry comes purely
by inspiration, without labor. He writes no word without
being sure that it is the best word in its place. His
metres are adapted to the thought he wishes to express,
and the perfection of the metre makes even simple or
common thoughts beautiful. The odes are not the ardent
outpourings of a passionate spirit, as are some of the
poems of Catullus, but they are the carefully elaborated
expressions of the thoughts and sentiments of a gentle,
kindly, thoughtful, but gay and humorous man of the
world. They do not stir our blood, but they arouse our
admiration, satisfy our taste, and please us by their tone
of cultured and refined sentiment. The variety of their
contents can not be presented in selections, nor can all
the qualities of any ode be adequately rendered in a trans-
lation. One of the shortest but not the least attractive
odes is the following, addressed to his cup-bearer :
HORACE 123
Persia's pomp, my boy, I hate ;
No coronals of flowerets rare
For me on bark of linden plait,
Nor seek thou to discover where
The lush rose lingers late.
With unpretending myrtle twine,
Naught else ! It fits your brows
Attending me ; it graces mine
As I in happy ease carouse
Beneath the thick-leaved vine.1
The following ode offers more variety, and is perhaps
more representative :
One dazzling mass of solid snow,
Soracte stands ; the bent woods fret
Beneath their load, and, sharpest set
With frost, the streams have ceased to flow.
Pile on great fagots and break up
The ice ; let influence more benign
Enter with four-years-treasured wine,
Fetched in the ponderous Sabine cup ;
Leave to the gods all else. When they
Have once bid rest the winds that war
Over the passionate seas, no more
Gray ash and cypress rock and sway.
Ask not what future suns shall bring;
Count to-day gain, whate'er it chance
To be ; nor, young man, scorn the dance,
Nor deem sweet Love an idle thing,
Ere Time thy April youth have changed
To sourness. Park and public walk
Attract thee now, and whispered talk
At twilight meetings prearranged.
1 Od. I, xxxviii, translated by Sir Theodore Martin.
124: ROMAN LITERATURE
Hear now the pretty laugh that tells
In what dim corner lurks thy love,
And snatch a bracelet or a glove
From wrist or hand that scarce rebels.1
After the three books of Odes were published in 23 B. c.,
Horace returned to his previous manner of composition in
hexameters, but gave to the collection of twenty poems
which he published in 20 B. c., the form of
o^E isties ° ^e^ers or Epistles. These are sometimes real
letters to his friends, sometimes satires or
"talks "in the form of letters. The subjects of these
poems are as various as those of the Satires, but it is
evident that the poet is turning more toward philosophy.
He advises his friends to take things as they find them,
without allowing themselves to be troubled or excited
(vi), he teaches the Stoic doctrine that virtue suffices to
make men happy (xvi), he advocates calmness and the
avoidance of care, and urges Tibullus (iv, 13) to live as if
each day were to be his last. But he also sings the praise of
wine (v, 16 if.) and of the quiet life in the country (x,
xiv). In two epistles he gives practical advice concern-
ing intercourse with persons of high station, and various
practical suggestions are found scattered through the
other poems. In a letter to Maecenas (xix) he ridicules
his imitators and mocks at his critics. The twentieth
poem is an address to his book as he sends it into the
world. In it he foretells the various fortunes of the book,
and at the end he gives his age, saying that he has seen
four times eleven Decembers in the year of the consulship
of Lepidus and Lollius. In these letters Horace reveals
his character more fully and with a more delicate touch
than in any of his other works. The Odes are the works by
which he will always be best known, and to which he owes
his great fame as a poet, but nowhere so fully as in the
1 Od. I, ix, Calverley's version.
HORACE 125
Epistles does he disclose his kindly and genial, yet serious
views of life as they ripened with his advancing years.
In the seventh Epistle of the first book Horace refuses,
at least for the present, an invitation of Maecenas, on
the ground that his health is poor and that he needs the
repose of the country and the seashore. At the same
time he explains the manner in which he wishes his
relation to his patron to be understood. He is not a para-
site, and openly says that he must retain his freedom,
and can not be at the beck and call even of Maecenas.
In the first Epistle (lines 4 and 10) he refuses to write
more odes, because he is no longer young and is turn-
ing toward philosophy. The same attitude is disclosed
The second ^n ^ne second Epistle of the second book
book of (lines 25 and 141 fi2.). The poet wished to
Epistles. retire and pursue the study of philosophy;
but he had gained much experience in literary matters,
arid in three letters, written probably between 19 and
14 B. c., he records the results of this experience. The
first letter is addressed to Augustus, the second to Julius
Florus. These two form the second book of the Epistles.
The third letter, addressed to the Pisos, father and two
sons, was originally published with the others, but was
soon separated from them, and is known as
Poetic" ^e ^rs P°etica- This is not a systematic
treatise on poetry, but Horace's views, derived
in part from his own experience, in part from his reading,
are set forth in the easy style of a letter or talk. He in-
sists that each poem must have a consistent fundamental
idea or plot, that the characters of a drama must speak as
befits their age and station, and must be drawn from life,
he advises care in the choice of a subject, points out that
nobody cares for mediocre poets, and that what is once
published can not be recalled. Throughout the letter or
treatise he constantly impresses upon his readers his con-
viction that good poetry is the result of hard work. Many
126 ROMAN LITERATURE
critical and historical remarks are scattered through the
Ars Poetica as well as through the two other letters.
In spite of his desire to give up the writing of poetry
and to devote himself to philosophy, Horace did not finish
his career as a lyric poet with the completion of three
books of odes. In 17 B. c. it was decided that the Sibyl-
line books required the celebration of the ludi sceculares,
which were supposed to recur at the end of every sceculum,
or period of one hundred and ten years. An important
part of the celebration was the singing of a hymn in honor
of Apollo and Diana. This was to be sung by a chorus of
boys and girls of pure Roman birth, both of whose parents
were living, and whose mothers had married only once.
Horace was asked by Augustus to compose this hymn, and
could not refuse the honor, which distinguished him as
the official poet laureate of the Roman Empire. The
hymn, called the Carmen Sceculare, is a some-
Saecuiare what formal poem, as is fitting for the solemn
occasion at which it was first sung, but it
shows real religious feeling, mingled with pride and con-
fidence in the Roman greatness. It is the work of a mas-
terly artist and an inspired poet.
In addition to appointing him to write the Carmen
Sceculare, Augustus demanded of Horace a song, or songs,
in honor of his stepsons, Tiberius and Drusus. Horace
could not refuse, and composed odes in honor of the vic-
tories of Drusus (IV, iv) and Tiberius (IV, xiv), to which
he added thirteen other poems, making a
book of Odes ^our^n hook of fifteen odes, written appar-
ently in the years 17-13 B.C. The fourth
book of Odes is in no way inferior to its predecessors in
variety of form or perfection of workmanship, and it
contains a larger proportion of exalted, patriotic poems.
The sixth ode, addressed to Apollo, seems to be a pro-
oemium to the Carmen Sceculare, or at any rate to have
some connection with the ludi sceculares. The fifth ode, to
HORACE 127
Augustus, urging his return to Eome, and the fifteenth,
also to Augustus, on the restoration of peace, celebrate
the greatness of Eome as well as its ruler. Horace, as
well as Virgil, though in a different way, was a poet of the
Roman Empire.
As we look back upon the literary activity of Hor-
ace, we find that he turned at first to satires in hex-
The literary ameters and epodes in the simple epodic me-
activity of tre. Then he enriched Roman literature by
Horace. 0(jes [n imitation of the early Greek lyrists,
to return afterward to his original style in the more re-
fined form of epistles. It was only at the command of
Augustus that he once more composed elaborate lyrics.
His lyric poems are not natural outpourings of sentiment,
but deliberate attempts to add to the beauty of Roman
literature and thereby to the glory of the Roman Empire.
And it is chiefly to these poems that he owes his fame.
They are not equal in merit, but they are the most per-
fect productions of Roman lyric poetry. As such they were
recognized in Horace's own lifetime, and as such they
have been admired and loved through the succeeding
ages, never more than in recent times. Countless schol-
ars, poets, and men of letters have read them with delight,
and many have been the attempts to render their inimita-
ble charm in translations. But their subtle beauty defies
the translator's art. None but Horace himself has been
able to express his delicate feeling and poetic fancy in
such perfect form. The Satires and the Epistles are full
of brilliant and witty sayings, of critical and historical
remarks; they throw much light upon the social and
literary life of the period, and make us acquainted with
the character of the poet ; but the Odes are " a monument
more enduring than bronze," testifying to the genius, the
industry, the good taste, and, in some cases, to the patri-
otic spirit of the most perfect of Roman lyric poets.
CHAPTER X
TIBULLUS-PROPERTIUS-THE LESSER POETS
Roman society — The amorous elegy — Cornelius Gallus, 70-27 B. c.
— Gaius Valgius Rufus, consul 12 B. c. — Albius Tibullus, about 54 to
about 19 B.C. — Lygdamus, born 43 B.C. — Sulpicia — Sextus Proper-
tius, about 50 to about 15 B. c. — Domitius Marsus, about 54 to about
4 B. c. — Albinovanus Pedo — Ponticus — Macer — Grattius — Rabirius —
Cornelius Severus — Gaius Melissus and the Fabula Trabeata — Ma-
nilius — The Priapea — Poems ascribed to Virgil and Ovid.
DUKIKG the last century of the republic Rome had
grown from a powerful Italian city to be the mistress of
the world, and this growth of power had been accompanied
by many changes. The wealth of the governing classes
had increased enormously. Greek art and Greek literature
had become familiar in the form of original works and of
Roman imitations, and with the increase of wealth and
luxury the growth of immorality went hand in hand. The
early profligacy of Caesar and Sallust, and the love of
Catullus for a married woman have already been men-
tioned. These were not isolated cases, but merely examples
of what was only too common. In fact, the man whose
life was pure was an exception in the latter days of the
republic. Nor were the women of the wealthier classes
better than the men. The Roman matron,
of society " * w^° was Betrothed at twelve and married at
fourteen years of age, naturally found herself
in many instances united to a man with whom she had no
sympathy, and whose distasteful society she gladly ex-
changed for that of a clandestine lover. Divorces were
128
ROMAN ELEGY 129
numerous, and were accompanied with little disgrace.
When Augustus established his power, he brought about
many reforms in the government of the city and the
provinces and caused laws to be passed to ensure the sanc-
tity of marriage and of family life, but his success in stem-
ming the tide of immorality was slight. To be sure, the life
of his chosen friends and of the court circle in general
was pure, and even perhaps puritanical ; but the spirit of
the times was so corrupt that even his own family did not
escape. The immorality of his daughter Julia became at
last so notorious that she was banished from Eome and
ended her life in exile. Her daughter Julia resembled
her in character and met with a similar fate. In the
later years of Augustus banishments for moral reasons
were numerous, but it was impossible to bring order into
the life of a society in which immorality had ceased to be
disgraceful.
It was in and for this society that the Eoman elegists
composed their poems. Elegiac verse had been employed
in the seventh and sixth centuries B. c. by Mimnermus,
Tyrtaeus, Solon, and others, for the expression of all sorts
of personal sentiments, as well as for political purposes ;
but in the Alexandrian period it had been appropriated
almost exclusively to poems of love. This Alexandrian
elegiac poetry had been introduced at Eome
by some of the contemporaries of Catullus,
and in the Augustan period it attained a remarkable
development. The Eoman elegists imitate the Alexan-
drians, and, like them, insert in their love poems count-
less mythological allusions and even mythological stories.
The fashion demanded that the elegist J)e learned in Greek
mythology. Cornelius Gallus received from the Greek
Parthenius a compendium of mythological tales to aid
him in selecting proper allusions to the myths. The
poet's beloved is compared to Juno, Minerva, or Venus,
Antiope or Helen ; the lover gazes upon his mistress as
130 ROMAN LITERATURE
Argus gazed upon lo ; faithful wives are compared with
Penelope or Alcestis, faithless lovers with Ulysses who de-
serted Calypso, and Jason who left Medea for another
wife. These and similar allusions are mingled with
figures drawn from rustic life or from war. The god
Amor and his mother Venus play important parts in the
poems. Amor transfixes the poet's heart with his arrows,
plants his foot upon the poet's neck, makes him his slave.
The poet sings of the beauty of his mistress, designating
her by a fictitious name, but one which has the same
length of syllables as the real name of the woman to
whom the poems are addressed. The poet is usually poor,
but offers his songs as the most valuable of offerings, and
is filled with indignation if his mistress seems to care for
wealth or jewels. No adornments are necessary for the beau-
tiful woman, and love of wealth is disgraceful. The woes of
lovers, false promises, faithlessness, the troubles of the lover
who spends whole nights waiting at the door, the torments
which love inflicts upon the heart, all these are repeated
over and over again. So much of all this is conventional
that it is hard to tell what part of the contents of these
poems has any truth. Occasionally a line is evidently in-
tended to give information about the writer, and in gen-
eral it is certain that the poems were really addressed to
some particular person, but how much of the feeling ex-
pressed is genuine, and how much mere affectation, it is
impossible to determine. The details — the nights spent
in wind and rain before the door, the quarrels or recon-
ciliations, the voyages and returns — may or may not be
founded upon real events in the poet's life. Whether
they are to be regarded as historical or not depends upon
their context; but it is evident that many details are
purely imaginary.
The three chief elegists are Tibullus, Propertius, and
Ovid. Of Ovid, the youngest and most voluminous, and
pne of the most gifted among the Augustan poets, it will
ROMAN ELEGY 131
be better to treat in a separate chapter. Somewhat older
than Tibullus and Propertius was Cornelius Gallus, whose
elegies were greatly admired by his contem-
poraries, but of which hardly a trace remains.
Gallus was born at Forum Julii (FrSjus), in 70
B. c. He was a schoolmate of Augustus, commanded some
troops in the war against Antony, and held the town of
Paraetonium when Antony attacked it. He was afterwards
prefect of Egypt, but indulged in offensive remarks about
Augustus, and showed his pride by setting up statues of
himself in various places in Egypt, and having his name
carved upon the pyramids. When he was recalled in dis-
grace by Augustus his creditors brought suits against him,
he was condemned to exile, and his property was confis-
cated. Unable to bear his troubles, he committed suicide
at the age of 43 years. His greatest claim to remembrance
is his friendship for Virgil, who expressed his gratitude to
him in the sixth and tenth Eclogues, and, perhaps, in the
original ending of the Georgics. The elegies of Gallus, in
four books, were addressed to Lycoris, an actress of low
birth and loose morals, whose stage name was Cytheris.
In addition to his elegies, Gallus wrote translations from
the Greek of Euphorion. Another writer of elegies was
Gaius Valgius Rufus, a friend of Horace, who
was consul suffectus in 12 B. c. Of his elegies
on a boy named Mystes little remains, but they are spoken
of by Horace and admired by the author of a panegyric on
Messalla. Valgius also wrote some learned works, among
them a treatise on medicine and a translation of the rhet-
oric of Apollodorus.
Albius Tibullus was born near Pedum, in Latium,
probably about 54 B. c., and was, if the " Life of Tibul-
lus," contained in the best manuscripts of his
Tibullus. -, . -, , n » , . T
works, is to be trusted, of equestrian rank.
He inherited a large property, but lost the greater part of
it, perhaps in the confiscations of 41 B. c. Apparently
132 ROMAN LITERATURE
it was restored to him by Messalla, of whom he speaks
with great affection. He followed Messalla to the East
soon after the battle of Actium, but was detained by ill-
ness at Corcyra. He also accompanied Messalla in his
campaign in Aquitania. Nothing further is known of his
life, except his love for Delia, who appears to have been a
married woman of low birth (libertina), and for Nemesis,
who is apparently identical with the Glycera mentioned
by Horace (Oct. I, xxxiii, 2). Tibullus died about 19 B. c.
He was a friend of Horace and was admired by Ovid,
but there is no evidence that he and Propertius knew one
another.
Four books of elegies are ascribed to Tibullus, but not
all of these are really his work. Apparently the collection
was made in the literary circle of Messalla, and poems by
less noted members of the circle were added to those of
Elegies to Tibullus. The ten elegies of the first book, ad-
Delia and dressed to Delia and to a youth named Mara-
Nemesis. thus, are undoubtedly by Tibullus, and were
published during his lifetime. The six elegies of Book II,
addressed to Nemesis, seem to have been written several
years later. They were left unfinished by Tibullus, and
were published after his death. The six elegies published
as Book III are by a poet who calls himself Lygdamus. No
poet of that name is known, and probably this
is a pseudonym. Whoever the author of these
poems was, he was a member of the circle of Messalla, was
born in 43 B. c., and was familiar with the poems of Tibul-
lus, Horace, Propertius, and Ovid. These elegies are ad-
dressed to Neaera, who was probably the poet's cousin, and
either married or betrothed to him. They are greatly in-
ferior to those of Tibullus. They lack variety and imag-
ination, and in technical execution they want the graceful
charm for which the genuine poems of Tibullus are dis-
tinguished. The remaining poems ascribed to Tibullus
are printed in most editions as Book IV, though in the
TIBULLUS 133
manuscripts they form a parfc of Book III. The first of
these is a Panegyric on Messalla, written in honor of his
consulship, 31 B. c. This poem, which is written in hexam-
eters, shows a lack of taste and a love of rhetorical ex-
aggeration entirely foreign to Tibullus. Lygdamus can
not he its author, for he was only twelve years old at the
time of Messalla's consulship. It was doubtless written
by some member of Messalla's circle, and included in the
collection with the poems of Tibullus on account of its
subject. The other poems of Book IV have for their sub-
ject the love of Messalla's niece Sulpicia for a young
Greek named Cerinthus. The five elegies
numbered viii-xii are by Sulpicia to Cerin-
thus. These are very short poems — none having more
than eight lines — but they express genuine feeling in
beautiful form, though without delicacy or reserve. The
seventh elegy — of ten lines — seems rather to be by Tibul-
lus than Sulpicia. Elegies ii-vi and xiii are apparently by
Tibullus, and the epigram of four lines, with which the
book closes, is of doubtful authorship.
The elegies of Tibullus are less learned than those
of his contemporaries. They contain many mythological
allusions, but these are simply expressed and do not form
too large a part of the poems. The sentiments expressed
are not virile or powerful, but gentle and pensive. Tibul-
lus loves the life of the country and hates war ; he feels
deeply the woes that oppress the lover; the thought of
death weighs upon him ; but love is ever in his heart.
His poems are masterpieces of expression and versification,
though they lack the fire of passionate emotion. Two
brief selections l from the third elegy of Book I may give
at least some idea of the quality of his sentiment :
While you, Messalla, plough th' ^Egean sea,
O sometimes kindly deign to think of me ;
1 1, iii, 1-9, 53-56, translated by James Grainger.
134 ROMAN LITERATURE
Me, hapless me, Phaaacian shores detain,
Unknown, unpitied, and oppressed with pain.
Yet spare me, Death, ah, spare me and retire ;
No weeping mother's here to light my pyre ;
Here is no sister, with a sister's woe,
Rich Syrian odors on the pile to throw;
But chief, my soul's soft partner is not here,
Her locks to loose, and sorrow o'er my bier.
So the poem begins. The poet laments his enforced
delay at Corcyra, where he is detained by illness. There
follows a list of the bad omens that warned Tibullus not
to set out from Rome, then a prayer to Isis for aid. A
brief description of the Golden Age is introduced, and the
poet prays that Jove may grant him life :
But, if the Sisters have pronounced my doom,
Inscribed be these upon my humble tomb :
"Lo! hereinurn'd a youthful poet lies,
Far from his Delia and his native skies,
Far from the lov'd Messalla, whom to please
Tibullus followed over land and seas."
The remainder of the poem consists of a description of
the lower world and an appeal to Delia. No translation
can render exactly the qualities of expression which make
Tibullus one of the greatest among the lesser Roman
poets. It is only after repeated reading of his poems that
one learns to appreciate the lightness of touch and the
technical perfection of this sweet singer of soft themes.
Sextus Propertius was born in Umbria, probably at
Asisium (Assisi), about 50 B. c., for he was younger than
Tibullus and older than Ovid, whose birth was in 43 B. c.
His family was of some importance and must have been
wealthy, for although Propertius, whose father was al-
ready dead, lost part of his property in the
us* confiscations of 41 B. c., enough remained to
support him and give him a good education. His mother
took him to Rome, where he studied law for a short time,
PROPERTIUS 135
but abandoned it for the pursuit of poetry. After the
publication of the first book of his elegies, Propertius was
introduced to Maecenas, to whom he afterward addressed
two poems (II, i ; and III, ix). He appears, however, to
have been less intimate with him than were Horace and
Virgil. Propertius nowhere mentions Horace, and if
Horace refers to him at all it is without mentioning his
name. He was a warm admirer of Virgil and a friend of
Ovid. Little is known of his life, and it is only because
his poems contain no allusions to events later than 16 B. c.
that his death is supposed to have taken place about 15
B.C. From two passages in the letters of the younger
Pliny, in which a certain Passenus Paullus is said to be
descended from Propertius, it appears that the poet mar-
ried and left at least one child.
Propertius is a poet of love, who expresses as few poets
have done the tender emotions of the heart. His poems
are passionate and sensual, without the pen-
sive melancholy of Tibullus or the frivolity of
Ovid. The object of his love is Cynthia,
whose real name was Hostia. She was a courtesan, but
educated and refined in taste, beautiful and attractive.
She it was who inspired his first poems, and only in the
last book does she cease to be the chief theme of his
verses. The poems are handed down to us in four books,
the second of which is, however, made up of two incom-
plete books. The appearance of the first book made Pro-
pertius famous and introduced him to the circle of Mae-
cenas. Naturally Maecenas wished him to sing the praises
of Augustus and the Koman Empire, and from this time
Cynthia is no longer the exclusive subject of his poems.
In the fourth book (the fifth in many editions) there are
four poems on Eoman antiquities, in imitation of the Ama
( Causes) of Callimachus. Love is, however, throughout the
subject to which Propertius naturally turns. His poems
are full of learned mythological allusions, and the situa-
10
136 ROMAN LITERATURE
tions described or depicted are doubtless for the most
part imaginary, yet the passionate nature of the poet's
love is manifest through all his learning and his invention.
Even though he did not pass through all the hopes and
fears, the changes of love and hate, the joy and sorrow,
the jealousy and the reconciliations which the poems de-
pict with such wealth of illustration and such beauty of
language, he knew as few have known them the varying
passions of the lover's heart. For the modern reader his
passion is too sensuous and his erudition too obtrusive ;
but the genuine feeling expressed makes his poems beau-
tiful in spite of occasional coarseness and constant display
of mythological learning. Propertius is remarkable for
the sonorous richness of his lines, and in the technical
execution of his verse he is careful and accurate. His
earlier poems admit words of three and four syllables
at the end of the pentameter without scruple, but in
the later poems the pentameter usually ends with a word
of two syllables, showing that Propertius was disposed
to follow Ovid's rule in this particular. Like other
Koman poets, Propertius is professedly an imitator of
the Greeks. Those whom he claims to imitate especially
are Callimachus and Philetas, both poets of the Alexan-
drian period.
One of the shortest of his poems, free alike from
coarseness and display of learning, is the following, on
Cynthia's absence :
Why ceaselessly my fancied sloth upbraid,
As still at conscious Rome by love delay'd?
Wide as the Po from Hypanis is spread
The distance that divides her from my bed.
No more with fondling arms she folds me round,
Nor in my ear her dulcet whispers sound.
Once I was dear ; nor e'er could lover burn
With such a tender and a true return.
Yes — I was envied — hath some god above
Crush'd me? or magic herb that severs love,
LESSER AUGUSTAN POETS 137
Gather'd on Caucasus, be witch 'd my flame ? •
Nymphs change by distance ; I'm no more the same.
Oh, what a love has fleeted like the wind,
And left no vestige of its trace behind !
Now sad I count the ling'ring nights alone ;
And my own ears are startled by my groan.
Happy ! the youth who weeps, his mistress nigh ;
Love with such tears has mingled ecstasy :
Blest, who, when scorned, can change his passing heat;
The pleasures of translated bonds are sweet.
I can no other love ; nor hence depart ;
For Cynthia, first and last, is mistress of my heart.1
In an age of great poets many lesser poets are sure to
be found. Ovid, in one of his letters,2 mentions twenty-
Lesser three poets of the Augustan age, and his list
Augustan is not exhaustive. Little is known of these
poets. lesser writers, and few of their works are pre-
served, even in fragments. Domitius Marsus, who lived
from about 54 to about 4 B. c., and belonged to the circle
of Maecenas, wrote a series of epigrams, entitled Cicuta
(poisonous hemlock), which enjoyed considerable reputa-
tion, some elegies on Melaenis, an epic poem on the Ama-
zons, and a treatise De Urbanitate (on refinement of ex-
pression). Albinovanus Pedo was also an author of epi-
grams and an epic poet. One of his epics, the Theseis,
narrated the deeds of Theseus, another gave an account
of a voyage to the ocean, probably the voyage of German-
icus, in 16 B. c. A fragment of twenty-three lines con-
tains a vivid description of the stranding of some vessels
in the night, which shows that the author was a poet of
some ability. Of a poem on hunting (Cynegeticd) by
Grattius, five hundred and forty-one hexameters are pre-
served, which show little poetic merit. Only a few brief
fragments remain of a poem on the Egyptian war of
1 1, xii. Elton's translation. 8 Ex Ponto, IV, xvi.
138 ROMAN LITERATURE
Augustus, by Kabirius. Cornelius Severus wrote a poem
on Eoman history (Res Romance), and perhaps other
epics. The longest extant fragment consists of twenty-
five lines on the death of Cicero, and shows rhetorical
rather than poetic ability. Ovid's friends, Ponticus and
Macer, and several others, wrote mythological epics.
Iambic verses were composed by Bassus, and other poets
gained more or less reputation for various kinds of
poetry.
Gaius Melissus, a freedman of Augustus, from Spo-
letum, was by profession a librarian. He was the origina-
tor of the fdbula trabeata, named from the
trdbea, the distinctive costume of the eques-
trian rank. This was a national comedy, dif-
fering from the fdbula togata of Titinius and Atta (see
page 29) in the rank of the persons represented, for the
fdbula togata had chosen its characters from the lower
classes, while the fdbula trabeata was a comedy of high
life. Its popularity was brief, and it disappeared, leaving
hardly a trace of its existence. Melissus also made a col-
lection of humorous tales (Ineptiai) in one hundred and
fifty books, and appears to have been the author of some
learned treatises.
A poem on astronomy and astrology (Astronomicd),
ascribed in some of the manuscripts to an otherwise
unknown Marcus or Gaius Manilius, is a di-
Manilms. .
dactic poem of unusual merit. As preserved
it consists of five books, the last of which is incomplete.
If, as is probable, a sixth book once existed, the whole
work contained about five thousand lines. Even in its
present condition it is the longest didactic Latin poem
except the De Rerum Natura of Lucretius. The poem is,
as a whole, rather uninteresting, but contains passages of
great vigor, showing independence of thought and re-
markable power of expression. The author has an easy
mastery of hexameter verse, in which he is superior to
LESSER AUGUSTAN POETS 139
Lucretius ; but with all his skill in versification, his ear-
nestness, his learning, and his originality, he can not en-
tirely overcome the prosaic nature of his subject. The
poem is uneven, at times prosaic, sometimes rhetorical,
not often, if ever, rising to lofty heights of poetic fancy,
but serious and thoughtful. A large part of it is occupied
with astrology, and other portions describe the heavenly
bodies. In the introductions to the several books, and in
digressions, theories concerning the origin of the world,
the nature of man, and the power of fate are introduced,
showing that the author accepts in the main the Stoic
doctrines as opposed to the Epicurean teachings of Lucre-
tius. So he maintains that the world is not the product
of blind forces but of a divine will :
Who can believe that masses of such size
Were formed from particles without God's aid,
And that the world did blindly come to pass ?
If mere Chance gave it us, let mere Chance rule.
But why do we perceive in stated turn
The constellations rise and, as it were
By order giv'n, run through their course prescribed,
Nor any hastening leave the rest behind ?
Why do the selfsame stars adorn the nights
Of summer ever, and the selfsame stars
The winter nights ? And why does every day
Return the world its form and leave it fixed ? *
Various mythological tales are inserted with a view
to enlivening the poem, but the author lacks narrative
skill. The most elaborate of these episodes, in which the
story of Perseus and Andromeda is told,2 shows, how-
ever, good descriptive ability and lively rhetoric. Ma-
nilius is not a great poet, but he treats, not without suc-
cess, a subject new to Roman poetry, and shows him-
1 Book i, 499-507. The same subject is continued through line
530.
3 Book v, 540-610.
14:0 ROMAN LITERATURE
self to be a man of original power of mind and of serious
purpose. With all its defects, the Astronomica has also
great merits.
Many Augustan poets are known by name whose works
have perished. On the other hand, some poems by un-
known authors are preserved. A curious col-
Priapea. , , . „ . , .
lection of eighty short poems m elegiac and
lyric metres, all addressed to the god Priapus, or at least
written with reference to him, belongs for the most part
to this period. Statues of Priapus, the god of gardens
and of fruitfulness of all sorts, were set up in public parks,
in orchards, and other places, and most of the Priapea^ as
these short poems are called, are supposed to have been
inscribed upon or affixed to such statues. Many of the
poems are extremely indecent, but many are well written
and witty.
Far more interesting than the Priapea are the poems
falsely ascribed to Virgil, and contained in manuscripts
of his works. Three of these are " epyllia,"
or short epics, composed, like Virgil's genuine
works, in hexameter verse. The first, entitled Culex,
" The Gnat," tells in four hundred and fourteen lines
how a herdsman, lying asleep in the noonday heat, was
on the point of being killed by a poisonous serpent, when
a gnat stung him, and, by arousing him to his danger,
saved his life. As he awoke, the herdsman killed the
gnat, whose soul afterward appears to him in a dream
and reproaches him. Finally the herdsman erects a
funeral mound in honor of the gnat. The poem is a
mock epic, intended to be humorous, but is not very suc-
cessful. In versification it shows great similarity to the
genuine works of Virgil, but also in some respects to
those of Ovid. A poem entitled Culex is ascribed to
Virgil's youthful days by Martial and Statius, but the
metrical qualities of the existing poem show that it can
not have been written until a later date. Either, there-
POEMS ASCRIBED TO VIRGIL 141
fore, Martial and Statius were mistaken, or this is not
the poem to which they refer.
The second piece, entitled Ciris^ is a little longer than
the Culex. This poem, evidently written by some mem-
Ciris ker °f ^ne circle of Messalla, tells the story of
Scylla, who caused the death of her father,
Nisus, and betrayed her native town, on account of her
love for Minos, the leader of an invading army. She was
dragged through the water at the stern of a vessel, but
the gods pitied her and changed her into a seabird called
ciris. Her father was restored to life and made a sea
eagle. The third poem, the Moretum (the word denotes
Moretum a sor^ °^ sa^a<^ ea^en ^J the peasants), con-
tains only one hundred and twenty-four lines.
It is a slight poem, idyllic in character, and admirably
written. It describes how a poor peasant and his slave, a
negress, make the moretum in the early morning. This
poem is said to be an imitation of a Greek original by
Parthenius. It is possible, though not probable, that it is
Co a by Virgil. The fourth poem is the Copa
(barmaid), consisting of only thirty-eight lines
of elegiac verse. It has to do with the barmaid of a way-
side tavern, and is clever and interesting, but has none of
the qualities of Virgil's poems. It belongs, however,
without doubt, to the Augustan period. The DITCB, which
is also included in the manuscripts of Virgil, belongs, as
has been said (page 63), to an earlier time, and the JEtna,
belongs to the subsequent period. This con-
sists of six hundred and forty-six hexameters,
describing volcanic eruptions, and attempting to account
for them. It has little poetic merit, but shows that even
an indifferent poet could write good hexameters. The
remaining short poems ascribed to Virgil are of little
interest or importance, though one of them — a comic ode
in honor of an old muleteer — is an excellent parody of
the poem of Catullus addressed to his old yacht.
142 ROMAN LITERATURE
The elegy entitled Nux (nut tree), and the Consolatio
ad Liviam (Consolation to Li via), both ascribed to Ovid,
Nux are imitations by writers of a slightly later
Consolatio time, and have little merit. The Nux is the
ad Liviam. complaint of a tree on account of the bad
treatment it receives from passers-by. The Consolatio ad
Liviam purports to be addressed to Livia, wife of Augus-
tus, on the death of her son Drusus, in 9 B. o.
CHAPTER XI
OVID
Ovid, 43 B. C.-18 A. D. — His life — Poems of love — Fasti — Metamor-
phoses— Poems written after his banishment — His qualities and in-
fluence.
PTJBLIUS OVIDIUS NASO was born at Sulmo, in the
country of the Paeligni, in 43 B. c., on the 20th of March.
He belonged to a wealthy equestrian fam-
Life of Ovid. - . , , . -1 , _ , , .
ily and received, along with his elder brother,
a good education at Some, practising rhetoric under
Arellius Fuscus and Porcius Latro. He also studied at
Athens, and at some time traveled with the poet Macer in
Asia and Sicily. After assuming the toga virilis he held
two of the minor offices incidental to the beginning of
the senatorial career, and was employed as arbitrator in
private cases. But in spite of his father's remonstrances,
he withdrew from public life and devoted himself to poet-
ry. This decision was, according to his own statement,
due in part to his delicate physique, but the chief reason
was probably his love of poetry and pleasure, and his aver-
sion to serious affairs. His social position was excellent.
He was intimate with Messalla and his circle, and had
many friends among the literary men of the capital. Vir-
gil, he says, he only saw, but he was intimate with Tibul-
lus, Propertius, Ponticus, and Bassus. He was married
three times. His first wife, whom he married in his early
youth, was " neither worthy nor useful," * and he was soon
separated from the second also, though he charges her with
1 Tristia, IV, x, 69.
143
144 ROMAN LITERATURE
no fault. His third wife, of the Fabian family, remained
faithful to him, and he to her. He had one daughter,
who in turn had two children. His life of ease and social
pleasure at Eome was brought to a sudden close in 8 A. D.
by an imperial edict banishing him to Tomi, on the shore
of the Pontus (Black Sea). " Two charges," he writes,
" wrought my ruin, a poem and an error, but I must be
silent about the fault of one of these acts. I am not im-
portant enough to renew thy wounds, Caesar, since it is
more than enough that thou hast suffered once. The
other part remains, in which, as author of a vile poem, I
am charged with being a teacher of obscene adultery." 1
The poem referred to can be no other than the Ars Ama-
toria ; but this was published ten years before the poet's
banishment. The real cause of his sentence must be
sought in the charge about which he keeps silence through
fear of wounding Augustus. Perhaps he was privy to an
intrigue between Julia, the granddaughter of Augustus,
and Decimus Silanus. Ovid remained in banishment at
Tomi until his death, in 18 A. D.
Ovid's poems fall into three divisions : poems of love,
in elegiac metre, the works of his earlier years ; antiqua-
rian and mythological poems (the Fasti, in ele-
Ovid's poems. . f ° r v .
giacs, and the Metamorphoses, in hexameters),
written before his banishment ; and the poems written, in
elegiac verse, at Tomi. The exact chronological order of
the love poems is hard to fix, as the first series of elegies, the
Amores, appeared in two editions, at first in five books,
later in three. The later edition is preserved. Most of these
elegies were probably written between 22 and 15 B. c. The
Heroides, letters from mythical heroines to their absent
husbands or lovers, were written soon after the Amores,
then followed the poem On the Care of the Face (De Medi-
camine Faciei), then the Ars Amatoria (The Art of Love)
1 Tristia, II, 107 flE.
OVID 145
and the Remedia Amoris (Cures for Love). The last two
seem to have been published between the beginning of 1
B. c. and the end of 1 A. D., but need not have been entirely
written in the space of those two years.
The three books of the Amores contain forty-nine
elegies, nearly all of which are love poems. Among the
comparatively small number on other sub-
The Amores. . L • ± .•
jects the best known and most interesting
are the elegy on the death of Tibullus (III, ix) and the
description of a festival of Juno (III, xiii). The love
poems are in great part addressed to Corinna, who seems
to be a mere figment of the poet's imagination, not, like
the Lesbia of Catullus, the Delia of Tibullus, and the Cyn-
thia of Propertius, a real person under a fictitious name.
Ovid's love poems are not expressions of his own feelings
for any individual, but the means by which he exhibits his
astonishing facility in versification and his lively imagina-
tion. From beginning to end the poems show an utter
lack of serious purpose. All the vicissitudes of a long
love affair are treated with equal lightness and grace.
Corinna is ill, she goes away, she receives a letter, to
which she replies unfavorably, her parrot dies, and her
lover laments it in an elegy ; but nowhere does any real
feeling make itself manifest. The poet seems to wish to
give a complete series of pictures of the feelings and con-
duct of a lover under all possible circumstances, and his
lively imagination plays lightly with all the varying phases
of passion, but it is all play. Some of the poems are based
upon Greek originals, many contain mythological allu-
sions, a few are heavy with Alexandrian learning, some
are harmlessly sportive, others extremely indecent, but all
alike are masterly in technical execution, and empty of real
sentiment. In these, his earliest poems, Ovid is already
the most brilliant of Eoman elegists. The easy flow of
his verse is admirable. The rules that each distich must
form a complete sentence, or at least express an independ-
146 ROMAN LITERATURE
ent thought, and that each pentameter must end with a
word of two syllables, give great uniformity to the cadence
of the verses, but in spite of this the variety of expression
and the clever rhetoric employed preserve the poems from
monotony. Only the sameness of subject and the lack of
real feeling make the Amores tedious to the modern
reader.
The subject of the Amores is continued in the Heroi-
des, but in a different form. Here the elegies are suppoced
u TT -j to be letters from fifteen famous women of
The Heroides. . ..
antiquity — Penelope, Briseis, Phaedra, and
others — to their absent lovers or husbands. The form
of poetic love-letter was known to the Alexandrians and
had been employed once (IV, iii) by Propertius, but was
first made popular at Eome by Ovid, who was also, appar-
ently, the first to write in the character of mythological
persons. Soon after the publication of Ovid's letters from
heroines, replies to some, at least, were written by Sabi-
nus.1 These replies are lost, but at the end of the Hero-
ides we now have three pairs of letters. Paris, Leander,
and Acontius write respectively to Helen, Hero, and
Cydippe, and each woman writes a reply. These six let-
ters are so nearly in the style of Ovid that only careful
study has led the best critics to the opinion that they are
not his work, but clever imitations by some unknown con-
temporary. In the Heroides, as in the six letters just
mentioned, the fact that the writers are well-known
mythological persons lends an interest and a dramatic
quality to the poems, which is wanting in the Amores, but
the general character of the work remains the same.
The book On the Care of the Face is imperfectly pre-
served, for it breaks off after one hundred lines. The
introduction compares the highly developed culture of
the Augustan period with the rough simplicity of earlier
1 Ovid, Amores II, xviii, 27 if.
OVID 14:7
times. The maids and matrons of old may not have
bestowed any care upon their personal beauty, but the
Roman girls of the present must act differ-
On th.8 Csre i i t
of the Face en^y» since even the men are no longer care-
less of their persons. To be sure, the charac-
ter is more important than personal beauty, for character
remains while beauty is fleeting. Up to this point the
poem is attractive, but the remainder, consisting of reci-
pes for cosmetics, with accurate directions concerning
weights and measures of the various ingredients, is so un-
interesting that the loss of the latter part of the poem is
hardly to be regretted.
The Art of Love is one of the most immoral poems in
existence. The first book gives instruction to young men
to aid them in finding and seducing desirable
® r mistresses, the second tells them how to keep
the girls' affection, and the third instructs
girls in the art of gaining lovers. The love of which Ovid
writes is mere sensual passion, not the union of souls, and
his three books of systematic instruction in the arts of
seduction would be utterly tedious were they not enli-
vened by some striking descriptive passages and myths, as
well as by sententious lines of worldly wisdom. A remark-
able passage in the first book1 celebrates the praise of
Roman greatness and of Augustus, in order to lead up to
the mention of a triumphal procession ; and this is men-
tioned, because in the crowd of spectators the young man
may scrape acquaintance with a girl. Of the Roman
women at the theatre, Ovid says :
Spectatum veniunt, veniunt spectentur ut ipsce,
They come to see, and to be seen themselves, .
and many other lines show keen observation, knowledge
of humanity, and no little humor ; but, in spite of these
1 Lines 177 ff.
148 ROMAN LITERATURE
beauties of detail, the poem is, as a whole, so uninteresting
that its immorality has probably done little harm.
The Cure of Love offers various means for freeing one-
self from the bonds of passion. Activity and travel are
recommended ; the lover who longs for free-
® l dom is advised to consider the faults of his
mistress, and the expense she causes him ; he
is told to make her show her faults ; is urged to fall in
love with another, to avoid reminders of the beloved when
she is absent, and to shun poetry, music, and the dance.
All this is uninteresting enough ; but this poem, like the
Ars Amatoria, contains many fine details. The Remedia
Amoris is the last of Ovid's poems on the subject of love.
From beginning to end his love poems show the greatest
ease and fluency of expression, superb mastery of tech-
nique, much imagination, wit, and humor, but an almost
absolute lack of real feeling and serious purpose.
With the Fasti, or calendar of Roman festivals, Ovid's
poetry becomes more serious. When this work was begun
Th. F ti can no^ ^e Determined, but it probably occu-
pied part of the poet's time for several years.
The description of the festival of Juno in the Amores
(III, xiii) shows an interest in religious ritual, and it may
be that Ovid conceived the idea of writing the Fasti even
before the Ars Amatoria was published. However that
may be, the Fasti never reached completion. The poem
as planned was to consist of twelve books, one for each
month of the year, and was dedicated to Augustus ; but,
when six books had been written, the work was interrupted
by Ovid's banishment. After the death of Augustus,
Ovid began a revision of the poem, and prefixed to it a
dedication to Germanicus; but the revision progressed
no further than the first book. As this book contains
references to events as late as 17 A. D., the entire work
as we possess it must have been published after Ovid's
death.
OVID 149
Poetic descriptions of festivals, with accounts of their
origin, had been written by the Alexandrians, notably by
Callimachus, and four elegies of Propertius (see p. 135) had
introduced such subjects into Roman poetry. Ovid under-
took to treat systematically all the Roman festivals, arran-
ging them according to the days on which they occurred.
This arrangement often causes related myths to be widely
separated, and the same myth to be treated in several
places, thus destroying the poetic unity of the work. The
poet is also obliged by his subject to regard the astronom-
ical as well as the antiquarian aspects of the calendar, and
this double interest destroys the harmony of the poem.
Ovid was not a careful student of astronomy, and the
astronomical parts of his work contain some serious mis-
takes ; but they are interesting on account of their clear
descriptions, their variety of expression, and the myths
connected with the stars which are introduced. The days
that mark important events in Roman history are treated
with especial fulness, and the poet takes every opportu-
nity for the expression of patriotic sentiments, and for the
praise of Augustus and the Julian family. The descrip-
tions of festivals are lively and beautiful pictures of
Roman life. Events of the poet's own times, or of the
early, mythical period, are described with great variety,
sometimes in elaborate detail, sometimes more briefly, but
always with easy and attractive grace. The causes or
origins of festivals and customs are introduced in various
ways ; sometimes a god appears and reveals them, some-
times they are narrated by a friend or contemporary of
the poet, or again the poet tells them without adducing
any authority. The Greek myths narrated are derived
from some of the many collections of such material
familiar to the Romans of Ovid's day ; and even in the
matter of Roman legends Ovid probably made no original
researches. The grammarian Verrius Flaccus had com-
piled a prose calendar, with explanations of the established
150 EOMAN LITERATURE
customs pertaining to each day, and it is probably from
this that Ovid derived much of his antiquarian lore. The
books from which Ovid derived his information are lost,
and his work is now one of the chief sources from which
we can gain knowledge of Roman ritual, belief, religious
antiquities, and even topography, for Ovid frequently
mentions the relative positions of temples and other
buildings. To the student of Roman life the six books
of the Fasti are therefore of great importance. And
their importance is not less to the student of Roman
poetry, for they teem with beautiful and lively descrip-
tions and interesting stories, and the patriotic sentiments
eloquently expressed in several passages show that Ovid
was something more than the careless, frivolous writer of
corrupt love poems. In beauty of workmanship, vivid-
ness of description, and fluent grace of narrative, many
portions of the Fasti are equal to any works of Roman
literature, not even excepting the Metamorphoses of Ovid
himself.
The fifteen books of the Metamorphoses are Ovid's
greatest achievement. When he began the work we do
not know, but, according to his own state-
morphosTs ment,1 he had finished it at the time of his
banishment, though he had not revised and
perfected it to his own satisfaction. In his grief he put
the manuscript in the fire and burned it, but several
copies must have been made, so the work survived. The
opening lines of the poem explain its purpose :
Of forms transmuted into bodies new
My spirit moves to tell. Ye gods (for ye
Did change them), lend my task your favoring breath,
And to my times continuous lead the song.
This great collection of myths became almost imme-
diately, and has remained ever since, the chief source of
1 Tristia, I, vii, 13 ff.
OVID 151
popular knowledge of mythology. Poets and artists alike
have drawn their conceptions of the ancient gods and
heroes from Ovid even more than from Homer. The
myths selected are those in which a metamorphosis, or
change of form, takes place. Collections of the same
sort had been made by several Alexandrian writers ; but
Ovid was apparently the first to arrange these stories in
continuous order from the beginning of the world to his
own time. The astonishing skill with which the transi-
tion from one tale to the next is accomplished, the rapid-
ity and fluency of the narrative, the abundance of charm-
ing descriptive passages, and the never-failing variety of
expression, make this one of the most remarkable of
poems. The number of stories told is so great that a
list of them would be tedious, but a brief mention and
characterization of some of the more important among
them will serve to show the scope and variety of the
work.
After describing the creation, Ovid gives an account
of the four ages (of gold, silver, bronze, and iron) of
Contents of mankind's deterioration and of the flood,
the Metamor- from which only Deucalion and Pyrrha sur-
phoses. vived. The story of Phaethon's attempt to
drive the chariot of the Sun is told with great animation,
though the poet's display of geographical knowledge is
somewhat out of place. The tale of the founding of
Thebes by Cadmus is a striking example of narrative
skill. More tragical in subject, and more dramatic in
composition, are the stories of Pentheus, torn in pieces
by the maddened worshipers of Bacchus, led by his own
mother and sisters, and of Athamas, who is driven mad
by Juno and kills his eldest son, while his wife Ino casts
herself, with her son Melicerta, into the sea. Between
these two stories are several less dramatic tales, among
them the sentimental idyll of Pyramus and Thisbe, which
is burlesqued in Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream.
11
152 ROMAN LITERATURE
The deeds of Perseus, his rescue of Andromeda from the
sea-monster, their wedding, with the quarrel that arose,
and the turning into stone of Perseus's enemies by means
of the terrible Gorgon's head, are narrated with vivid
detail. The story of Proserpine, carried off by Pluto and
sought all over the world by her mother Ceres, is enriched
and retarded by the insertion of all manner of geograph-
ical, antiquarian, and mythological details. The tale of
the pride and grief of Niobe is told with tragic pathos.
In telling of Medea's love for Jason, Ovid imitates to
some extent the portrayal of her mental torments given
by Apollonius of Ehodes,1 and at the same time displays
his own liking for rhetorical argument. The adventures
of Cephalus and Procris, Msus and Scylla, Daedalus and
Icarus, and others, are more simply told. The story of
the Calydonian boar-hunt and the death of Meleager,
enables Ovid to show his ability in description, narrative,
and psychological analysis. The charming idyll of the
pious and hospitable rustics, Philemon and Baucis, rests
the mind of the reader after the preceding tales of vio-
lence. The deeds of Hercules follow, then the story of
Orpheus, in which are inserted numerous tales, as if told
by Orpheus himself. The account of the terrible death
of Orpheus is followed by the story of Midas, who turned
all things to gold by his touch, and whose ears were
changed into those of an ass because he declared Pan to
be a better musician than Apollo. The transformation
of Ceyx and Alcyone into sea-gulls gives the poet an
opportunity to tell of and praise conjugal fidelity. The
combat of the centaurs and Lapithae is told at some
length, with too many names and too little unity. Many
tales are told in connection with the Trojan war. Among
these, the strife of Ajax and Ulysses for the armor of
1 Argonautica, III, 750 ff. Virgil, ^Jneid, IV, 522 ff., imitates
Apollonius more closely.
OVID 153
Achilles occupies a prominent position, and Ovid shows
his rhetorical tendency by introducing set speeches by
the two rivals in support of their claims. With the fall
of Troy and the escape of ^Eneas, the poem begins to deal
with Eoman rather than Greek subjects. The earlier
adventures of ^Eneas and others after the fall of Troy
are, to be sure, still derived from Greek sources, but the
stories of the combats in Italy and of the founding of
Eome are no longer Greek. Near the end of the poem
the Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigration of souls
is set forth in considerable detail. Several Eoman stories
follow, and at last comes the account of Julius Caesar's
ascent to the gods, and a prophecy of a similar fortune
for Augustus. Then the poem ends with the lines :
And now my work is done ; which not Jove's wrath,
Nor fire, nor sword, nor all-consuming age
Can e'er destroy. Let when it will that day,
Which only o'er this body's frame has power,
Make ending of my life's uncertain space ;
Yet shall the better part of me be borne
Above the lofty stars through countless years,
And ever undestroyed shall be my name.
Where'er the Eoman power o'er conquered lands
Extends, shall I be read by many tongues,
And through all ages, if there's aught of truth
In prophecies of bards, my fame shall live.
Certainly Ovid had written a most remarkable poem.
At times the lack of earnestness so noticeable in his earlier
works appears also in the Metamorphoses, but frequently
he is carried along by his subject to utterances of real
power and pathos. His hexameters have not the swelling
grandeur of Virgil's, but they have a fluent rapidity and
easy grace that no other Latin writer ever attained. Nor
does any other Eoman poet equal Ovid in the art of tell-
ing a story. He is a master of direct, simple narrative
and of clear, vivid description, and he excels also in
154 ROMAN LITERATURE
dramatic presentation and in the analysis of human
thoughts and feelings.
In the Metamorphoses Ovid's power is at its height. His
later poems, written after his banishment, show a constant
deterioration in every respect, even in technique. The
long series of laments over his exile is tedious and weari-
some. The five books entitled Tristia consist of elegies
addressed for the most part to no one person, while the
four books of Letters from the Pontus (Ex Ponto) have
the form of real letters to the poet's friends. The second
book of the Tristia is one long letter of appeal to Augus-
tus. The short poem entitled IMs is an elaborate heap-
ing up of curses and maledictions against an enemy to
whom the fictitious name of Ibis is given, and the Halieu-
tica is a fragment (134 lines) of a poem on fishes. Among
all these poems those in which Ovid refers to his own cir-
cumstances are the most interesting. It is from these1
that most of our information about his life is derived. In
some of these elegies the tone of genuine feeling, which is
wanting in the earlier poems, is evident :
When in my mind of that night the sorrowful vision arises,
Which was the end of my life spent in the city of Rome,
When I remember the night when I parted from all that was
dearest,
Sadly a piteous tear falls even now from my eyes.a
So Ovid sings of his departure from Eome. His letters
to his wife3 and the letter to his daughter Perilla4 are
among the most attractive of these poems of bitter exile
and grief. But even upon these the bitterness of the
exile's lot casts its shadow. A greater poet, or a poet of
greater character, might have soared above his grief and
1 Especially Tristia, IV, x. 2 Ibid., 1,'iii, 1-4.
3 Ibid., I, vi, III, iii, IV, iii, V, ii, 1-44, xi, xiv, Ex Ponto, I, iv,
III, i.
4 Tristia, III, vii.
OVID 155
disappointment ; but Ovid wearies us with his continued
complaints.
Several works by Ovid have been lost. The most
important was probably his tragedy Medea, which was
regarded as one of the greatest of Koman tragedies. Only
two fragments of this play remain, from one of which we
learn that Ovid represented Medea in a state of excite-
ment bordering upon madness. Of a work in hexameters
on the constellations, entitled Phenomena, and a series
of epigrams, a few brief fragments remain. Not even
fragments are preserved of a bridal song (Epithalamium)
for Fabius Maximus, an elegy on the death of Messalla, a
poem on the triumph of Tiberius (January 16, 13 A. D.), a
poem on the death of Augustus, a medley on bad poets,
made up of lines from Macer's Tetrasticha, and a poem in
the Getic language in honor of the imperial family.
Ovid's one defect as a poet is his lack of character. No
other Koman wrote more polished verse, no other em-
ployed the Latin language more effectively for his pur-
poses ; but the want of moral earnestness and power makes
Ovid, with all his genius, the least among the great
Koman poets. His weakness is most noticeable in his
earlier and later works, and the Metamorphoses and the
Fasti are therefore the most admirable of his poems.
Ovid was read throughout the Middle Ages, and the myth-
ological allusions in writings of the Renaissance period
and modern times are, for the most part, traceable to him.
He was one of Milton's favorite authors, and several pas-
sages in Paradise Lost show his influence. Shakespeare,
too, was acquainted, directly or indirectly, with the
Metamorphoses, and numerous echoes of Ovid's poems are
heard in the strains of other English poets.
CHAPTER XII
LIVY-OTHEB AUGUSTAN PROSE WRITERS
Livy, 59 B. C.-17 A. D. — His qualities as historian and writer — Pom-
peius Trogus, about 20 B.C. — Justin, second or third century after
Christ — Fenestella, 52 B. C.-19 A. D. — Oratory — Seneca the elder, about
55 B. c. to about 40 A. D. — Verrius Flaccus, about 1 A. D. — Festus, third
or fourth century after Christ — Hyginus, about 64 B. c. to about 17
A. D. — Extant works under the name of Hyginus — Labeo and Capito—
Vitruvius, about 70 B. c. to after 16 B. c.
THE Augustan period is the golden age of Latin
poetry. Prose reached its greatest height in the age of
Prose Cicero and began to deteriorate soon after
inferior to his death. One reason for this is the great
poetry of this development of poetry, which led to the in-
period, troduction of poetic words and phrases into
prose ; another is the fashionable rhetoric of the day,
which aimed not at simplicity and clearness, nor dignity
and grandeur, but at novel or striking expressions, artifi-
cial arrangement, and subtlety of thought. The influence
of the rhetorical schools is seen in some of the poetry of
Ovid and Manilius, but is much more evident in the prose
of this period and the succeeding times.
The only great prose writer of the Augustan period is
Livy. Titus Livius was born at Patavium (Padua) in
59 B. c., and died in his native pl^ce in 17
A. D. Little is known of his life, but the tone
of his writing indicates that he was not poor and belonged
to a family of some position. He is said to have written
philosophical works, probably popular treatises in the
form of dialogues, and a treatise on rhetoric in the form
156
LIVY 157
of a letter to his son. These works are lost, and can
never have possessed much importance in comparison with
the great history to which Livy devoted more than forty
years of his life. About 30 B.C. Livy moved to Rome,
where he lived the greater part of the time until his
death. Probably he visited his native Padua more than
once, and he travelled also to other places in Italy. He
was a republican in principle, but accepted the rule of
Augustus without reserve. In fact, he was a personal
friend of Augustus, who called him in jest a Pompeian,
on account of his criticisms of Julius Caesar and his admi-
ration for the old republic. Livy appears in his work as
a man of conservative tendencies, content to live under
whatever government happened to exist, provided it was
not too oppressive, willing to accept the state religion,
with all its beliefs in signs and omens, while recognizing
that some, at least, of the omens reported were inventions.
His one great enthusiasm was for the greatness of Rome.
This sentiment it was which led him to devote his life to
the composition of a great history of Rome from the
earliest times to his own day.
The title of Livy's history was Libri ab Urbe Condita
(Books from the Foundation of the City). It consisted of
142 books, the first of which was written be-
ffiltor tween 29 and 25 B. c., while the last twenty-
two were published after the death of Au-
gustus. The last book ended with the death of Drusus, in
9 A. D. Whether Livy intended to carry his work still
further is unknown. The division into books is Livy's
own, but the division into decades, or groups of ten
books, was made later, though it may perhaps have
been suggested by the original publication of some of
the books in groups. For the earlier parts of the work
comparatively little material was available; consequent-
ly the history of the early years of Rome is less de-
tailed than that of later periods. Fifteen books carry the
158 ROMAN LITERATURE
narrative from the foundation of the city to the begin-
ning of the Punic wars, a period of nearly five hundred
years, while the war with Hannibal occupies ten books,
and ten books are devoted to the eight years from the
death of Marius to the death of Sulla (86-78 B. c.).
Of this immense work only thirty-five books are ex-
tant : Books I-X, from the beginning into the third
Samnite War (753-293 B. c.), and XXI-XLV, from the
second Punic War to the Macedonian triumph of Lucius
^Emilius Paulus (218-167 B. c.). In Books XXI-XLV nu-
merous gaps occur. The contents of the remaining books
are known to us through a series of abstracts made not
directly from Livy, but from an epitome. Such an epit-
ome existed as early as the time of Martial, not many
years after Livy's death.
Livy derived his material from earlier historians, such
as Fabius Pictor, Valerius Antias, Licinius Macer, Clau-
dius Quadrigarius, and Polybius, following sometimes
one and sometimes another, but seldom trying to recon-
Qualities of c^e conflicting statements of his authorities.
Livy's When they did not agree, he usually accepted
History. ^e statement that seemed to him most prob-
able. He did not try to discover new truths by the study
of original sources, such as inscriptions and other monu-
ments, nor did he make careful studies of battlefields,
routes of march, or the like. He did not, as most mod-
ern historians do, try to establish facts by independ-
ent research, but he worked over the accounts of his pred-
ecessors with the intention of presenting the whole of
Roman history in an attractive literary form. In this he
was so successful that his history soon became the one
source from which all subsequent writers drew their infor-
mation. His lack of military knowledge makes his de-
scription of battles and other military matters somewhat
untrustworthy, and the early part of his work suffers from
his inability to understand the gradual growth of Koman
LIVY 159
civilization, but such defects are more than compensated
for by the admirable literary qualities of his history. He is,
moreover, truthful, so far as he knows the truth, and any
incorrect statements are due rather to insufficient knowl-
edge than to any desire to conceal or pervert the truth.
In his accounts of the dealings of the Komans with other
peoples he is partial to the Romans, but that is because
his sincere admiration for the Eoman greatness leads him
to believe that the Romans were in the right and acted
rightly, and his partiality to the Scipios is to be accounted
for in a similar way.
It is evident from what has been said above that Livy
is far from being a perfect historian ; yet his history is
true in the main, and is based upon broad knowledge and
insight into the underlying principles of human charac-
ter and human actions. He is less interested in accuracy
of detail than in broader and more general truth and
dramatic presentation. So in the speeches
LlVy'h c w*kh which he enlivens his work, he does not
pretend to repeat what the speakers actually
said, nor even in every instance to put in their mouths
words that express their individual characters, but rather
to say in good rhetorical form what the circumstances
seem to him to demand. In this he follows Thucydides,
and his speeches, like those of Thucydides, serve not
merely to give variety to the narrative, but also to bring
vividly before us and to explain the circumstances and
motives that led up to the actions narrated. These
speeches are the most brilliant parts of his work. In them
he shows the fruit of his training in the rhetorical schools
and of careful study of Demosthenes and Cicero ; but his
rhetoric does not end in mere declamation. The speeches
are not written merely to exhibit his rhetorical training,
but to explain and enlighten.
Throughout his work Livy appears as the enemy of
extremes. His admiration for Pompey does not lead him
160 ROMAN LITERATURE
to become hostile to the ruling family; he is opposed
alike to royalty and to unbridled democracy. At the
same time he treats his subject with sympathy and
warmth of feeling, and makes the ethical side of history
prominent, seeking to present in a strong light such ac-
tions as may serve as models for conduct, not merely to
give a record of events.
Livy is unrivalled as a narrator and a painter in words.
His style is clear and straightforward, although his periods
are often long and sometimes made complicated by the in-
sertion in the sentence of numerous subordinate ideas, often
expressed in the form of participles. As is
Livy's style.
natural for one who wrote when Koman poetry
was at its height, he introduces poetical words which are
foreign to the prose of Cicero and Caesar, and some of his
phrases show poetic coloring. But his Latin is pure, and
it is difficult to see what Asinius Pollio meant by accu-
sing him of " Patavinitas " or Paduanism. In later prose
writers the striving for poetic effect becomes a disagree-
able mannerism, but such traces of poetry as are found in
Livy are not the result of conscious effort, but of the lit-
erary atmosphere of the time. His style is not every-
where of uniform excellence ; for it is inevitable that in
such a long historical work the different qualities of the
subject and the advancing age of the writer affect the
mode of presentation, but there is no part of the work in
which the style is dull or without charm. It is perhaps
at its best in the books dealing with the Punic wars.
Livy's work was even in his lifetime regarded as the
most perfect example of historical writing. The younger
Pliny tells us that a citizen of Cadiz travelled all the way
to Rome merely to see Livy, and when he had seen him
returned at once to Cadiz, feeling that the other sights of
Rome were of no further interest. Livy's influence upon
later Roman writers was of the utmost importance, and
his work has served as a model for more than one histo-
LIVY 161
rian in more recent times. His enthusiasm for what is
good and noble, his admiration for the great men of Rome,
and his worship of Rome itself, give to his work some-
thing of the exalted character that belongs to a hymn
of praise or a panegyric. His great history served, like
Virgil's ^ffineid, to give permanent literary expression to
the greatness of the past days of the Roman common-
wealth.
It would occupy too much space to try to give speci-
mens of all the varieties of Livy's style and composition.
His descriptions of battles, among which that of the de-
feat of Antiochus at Magnesia 1 deserves special mention,
are masterpieces of painting in words, even when they
betray his lack of military knowledge, and his summaries
of the characters of important persons are admirable. The
introduction to the history of the war with Hannibal, with
the description of the siege of Saguntum, the hesitation
at Rome, and the scene in the Carthaginian senate, is un-
surpassed. The speech of Hanno, who alone
speech of among the Carthaginian senators wished to
preserve peace by relinquishing Saguntum
and delivering Hannibal into the hands of the Romans, is
one of the most remarkable of the many striking passages
in this wonderful history : 2
You have sent to the army, adding, as it were, fuel to the fire, a
youth who burns with the desire of ruling, and who sees only one
way to his end, if he lives girt with arms and legions, sowing
from wars the seed of wars. You have therefore nourished this fire
with which you are now burning. Your armies are now surround-
ing Saguntum, which the treaty forbids them to approach ; pres-
ently the Roman legions will surround Carthage under the leader-
ship of those same gods by whom in the last war the broken
treaties were avenged. Do you not know the enemy, or yourselves,
or the fortune of the two peoples ? Your good general refused to
admit to his camp envoys who came from allies in behalf of allies ;
1 xxxvii, 39 ff. * xxi, 10.
162 ROMAN LITERATURE
they, nevertheless, though refused admittance where even the en-
voys of enemies are not forbidden to enter, have come to us ; they
demand restitution in accordance with the treaty ; that there may
be no deceit on the part of the state, they ask that the author of
the wrong and the accused person be delivered up. The more
gently they act, the more slowly they begin, the more persistently,
I fear, they will rage when once they have begun. Place before
your eyes the JEgates islands and Eryx and what you suffered by
land and sea for twenty-four years. And that leader was no boy, but
his father Hamilcar himself, a second Mars, as his partisans will
have it. But we had not kept our hands off from Tarentum, that is
from Italy, in obedience to the treaty, as now we are not keeping
them off from Saguntum. Therefore the gods overcame men, and
in the question at issue, which people had broken the treaty, the
event of war, like a just judge, gave the victory to that side on
which right stood. It is against Carthage that Hannibal is now
moving up his screens and towers; he is shakiug the walls of
Carthage with his battering-ram. The ruins of Saguntum (may I
prove a false prophet !) will fall upon our heads, and the war be-
gun against the Saguntines must be carried on against the Romans.
"Shall we then give up Hannibal?" some one will say. I know
that in his case my influence has little weight on account of my
enmity to his father ; but I have been glad that Hamilcar is dead,
because if he were living we should already be at war with the
Romans, and I hate and detest this youth as the fury and fire-
brand of this war, as one who ought not only to be given up as an
expiation for the broken treaty, but if no one demanded him,
should be carried away to the uttermost shores of sea and land,
removed to such a distance that his name and fame could not
reach to us nor he disturb the condition of our quiet state. I make
this motion : That ambassadors be sent at once to Rome, to give
satisfaction to the senate ; other envoys to announce to Hannibal
that he withdraw his army from Saguntum, and to hand Hannibal
himself over to the Romans in pursuance of the treaty ; I move a
third embassy to restore their property to the Saguntines.
This speech, composed with powerful rhetoric and
placed in a dramatic setting, serves not only to bring
before our eyes the fruitless errand of the Roman envoys
at Carthage, but to emphasize the justice of the Roman
163
cause and to predict the ultimate success of the Romans,
on whose side the gods that watch over treaties were
enlisted. It is an example of Livy's oratorical composi-
tion, of his dramatic power, of his desire to show that
historical events are the result of moral causes, and of his
conviction that the Roman power was founded upon right
and justice.
Livy's great work was the first complete history of
Rome composed in fine literary form. The time was
ripe for such a work. The Roman people had spread its
power over the whole civilized world, and the peace and
order established by Augustus made it natural that men
should wish to read the history of the long struggles of
the republic that led up to the present peace of the
empire. Livy's history, therefore, appealed directly to a
large circle of readers. But in extending its power over
the world, the Roman people had come in contact with
various nations, and it was natural that the history of
those nations should be of interest to the Romans. The
task of writing this history was undertaken by Pompeius
Trogus. By descent he was a Yocontian, of the prov-
ince of Gallia ISTarbonensis, but his grandfather had
received the Roman citizenship from Pompey, and his
father had served under Caesar in Gaul.
Trog-us. Pompeius Trogus himself is mentioned as a
writer on zoology, but his most important
work was his universal history entitled Histories Philip-
piece, in forty-four books. Trogus began with the history
of the Oriental empires, Assyria, Media, and Persia, pass-
ing from the Persians to the Scythians and the Greeks.
The greater part of his work was taken up with the
account of the Macedonian Empire founded by Philip,
and of the kingdoms that arose from it after the death of
Alexander the Great. The history of each of these king-
doms is continued to its absorption in the Roman Empire.
It is from this part of the work (Books VII-XL) that the
164 ROMAN LITERATURE
whole received its title. The forty-first and forty-second
books contained the history of the Parthians, the forty-
third told of the beginnings of Eome and treated of
affairs in Gaul, and the forty-fourth book contained the
history of Spain, ending with the victory of Augustus
over the Spaniards.
The history of Trogus is not preserved in its original
form, but only in a brief summary made in the second or
. f third century after Christ by an otherwise
summary. unknown Marcus Junianus Justinus. It is
evident that Trogus was not an original in-
vestigator, and his work was probably little more than
a translation of a Greek original, perhaps by Timagenes
of Alexandria, who came to Eome in the time of the civil
wars. Nevertheless, the work was important, as it was
based on good authorities. It never became so popular as
Livy's history, but it was evidently much used by later
writers, and Justin's summary was much read in the
Middle Ages. Of the style of Trogus it is difficult to
judge, but so far as it can be appreciated in Justin's
abridgment, it was clear and lively, with a good deal of
rhetorical adornment. Even the abridgment is a valu-
able work on account of the importance of its contents.
Several other historians of the Augustan period are
known by name, but their works are lost and have left
few traces. The most important of these
writers was probably Fenestella, who lived
from 52 B. c. to 19 A. D. He wrote Annals in at least
twenty-two books, and probably also a variety of works on
antiquarian subjects.
The oratory of this period was far inferior to that of
the age of Cicero. It was for the most part without
Orator serious purpose, and the productions of the
orators were little more than school exercises
to show their skill and serve as models for their pupils.
Messalla, Pollio, and some others continued the earlier
SENECA THE ELDER 165
style of oratory in the Augustan age, but they found few
imitators or successors. Among other early Augustan
orators was Titus Labienus, who wrote a history as well
as speeches. He was so bitterly opposed to the rule of
Augustus that his works were burned by decree of the
senate. Cassius Severus made in his speeches and wri-
tings such violent attacks upon the aristocracy that he
was banished by Augustus, and his property was con-
fiscated under Tiberius. He died in great poverty at
Seriphus in 32 A. D. Other orators, whose speeches were
almost exclusively school exercises, were Marcus Porcius
Latro, Gaius Albucius Silus, Quintus Haterius, Lucius
Junius Gallio, and the two Asiatic Greeks, Arellius
Fuscus and Lucius Cestius Pius. Little or nothing is
known about any of these men except what is derived
from the works of Annseus Seneca, the father of the
philosopher Lucius Annseus Seneca and
oeneca tne *
elder. grandfather of the epic poet Lucan. Of
the life of the elder Seneca little is known.
He was born at Corduba, in Spain, probably as early as
55 B. c., and spent part of his life in Eome. He lived to
a great age, for his only extant work was written as late
as 37 A. D. This is a series of recollections of famous
orators and rhetoricians, written at the request of the
author's sons, Novatus, Seneca, and Mela. It originally
contained ten books of Controversies, or arguments, and
one book of Suasorice, or speeches advising some par-
ticular course of conduct. The most important parts
of the work are the introductions, which contain much
information on the history of oratory. The ten books of
Controversies treated of seventy-four subjects, the book of
Suasorice of seven. The beginning of the SuasoricB is
now lost, and of the Controversies only thirty-five are pre-
served. The subject-matter is throughout insipid and
dull. Such things are discussed as this : " A man and
his wife swore that if anything happened to one of them
166 ROMAN LITERATURE
the other would die. The man went on a journey and
sent a message to his wife that he was dead. The wife
threw herself down from a high place. She was brought
to herself again, and her father ordered her to leave her
husband. She refused." The utterances of the masters
of rhetoric on such matters as this are given by Seneca,
whose prodigious memory made him able to repeat them
almost, if not quite, in the original words. The most
interesting single theme is the sixth Suasoria, in which
the question is answered whether Cicero should beg
Antony to spare his life. The answers given contain sev-
eral judgments on Cicero, among them those of Asinius
Pollio and Livy. But the folly and emptiness of the
sort of oratorical study with which Seneca makes us
acquainted can not fail to impress every reader. Seneca
himself expresses his disgust. His remarkable memory
enabled him to hand down to later ages specimens of the
oratorical teaching which, even in the Augustan age,
began to corrupt Latin style. Seneca's own style is not
far removed from that of Cicero's time, and Seneca,
though he wrote under Caligula, probably acquired his
style in the early part of the Augustan period. The
specimens he has preserved show, however, that the
influential teachers of his early days had far less taste
than he.
Among the learned writers on special subjects one of
the most important was Verrius Flaccus, of whose life
little is known, except that he was chosen by
Verrius . rr •
Flacous. Augustus to educate his grandsons Uaius
and Lucius, and that he died in old age
during the reign of Tiberius. Of his numerous works on
grammatical and antiquarian subjects one only, On the
Meaning of Words (De Verborum 8ignificatu), is partially
preserved in an abridgment by Pompeius Festus, who
seems to have lived in the third or fourth century after
Christ. Only part of this abridgment remains, but this
VITRUVIUS 167
is important for the information it contains concerning
Eoman antiquities and early Latin words. A further
abridgment of Festus was made in the eighth century
by Paulus, and even this is of value, though it is a
mere skeleton of the original work of Verrius Flaccus.
Another scholar was Gaius Julius Hyginus, a freedman
of Augustus and librarian of the Palatine library. His
life extended from about 64 B. c. to about 17
A. D. He composed works on agriculture,
history, geography, and antiquities, besides commentaries
on Virgil and on China's poem to Asinius Pollio. Of all
these works nothing remains ; but two works under the
name of Hyginus are extant. One of these is a treatise
on astronomy, including myths relating to the stars,
the other a mythological handbook entitled Fabulce, to
which a series of genealogies is appended. The hand-
book is valuable chiefly because the myths told in it are
taken from Greek tragedies for the most part, and
through them we learn the plots of many lost works of
Greek authors. These extant works are, however, not by
the librarian Hyginus, but by a later writer, who lived
probably in the second century after Christ. Of the
legal writings of Marcus Antistius Labeo
Labeoand & . f .
Capito. an(^ Gams Ateius Capito nothing remains.
Each was the head of a school of writers
and teachers on legal subjects. Labeo tried to explain
changes and growth in legal matters, as well as in
grammar, by the principle of analogy or likeness, while
Capito regarded anomaly or difference as more impor-
tant.
A work of no literary excellence, but of great value
on account of the information it contains, is the treatise
Vitr ' ®n Architecture (De Architecture^, in ten
books, by Vitruvius Pollio. Vitruvius was a
practical architect, who built a basilica at Colonia Fanes-
tris and had charge of the construction of machines of
12
168 ROMAN LITERATURE
war under Augustus.1 His books appear to have been
written between 16 and 13 B. c., and dedicated to Augus-
tus. They form the only systematic treatise on architec-
ture preserved to us from antiquity, and are for that
reason of the greatest importance to architects and
archaeologists. The style is, however, inelegant and
obscure, though its obscurity is due in part to the neces-
sary employment of technical expressions. Vitruvius was
evidently a man of no great literary education or ability,
however able he may have been as an architect.
The age of Augustus is marked by the highest devel-
opment of Eoman poetry. Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Pro-
pertius and Ovid are, each in his own way, the greatest of
the Roman poets. Only Catullus and Lucretius can be
compared with any one of them. The only great prose
writer of the period is Livy. His style is still pure, and
is certainly very charming ; but even Livy departs some-
what from the dignity and beauty of the sermo urbanus,
the Latin of Cicero and Caesar. The extracts preserved
by Seneca show that the rhetorical teaching of the time
was artificial and tasteless, and was leading the way to
decline, to the so-called silver Latin of the imperial
epoch.
1 This is the generally accepted date, but it is possible that Vitru-
vius may have lived somewhat later.
BOOK III
THE EMPIRE AFTER AUGUSTUS
CHAPTER XIII
TIBERIUS TO VESPASIAN
The emperors (Tiberius, 14-37 A. D. ; Caligula, 37-41 A. D. ; Claudius,
41-54 A. D. ; Nero, 54-68 A. D.) — Pheedrus, about 40 A. D. — Germani-
cus, 15 B. C.-19 A. D. — Velleius Paterculus, 30 A. D. — Valerius Maxi-
mus, about 47 B. c. to about 30 A. D. — Celsus about 35 A. D. — Votienus
Montanus, died 27 A. D. — Asinius Gallus, 40 B. C.-33 A. D. — Mamercus
Scaurus, died 34 A. D. — Publius Vitellius, died 31 A. D. — Domitius
Afer, 14 B. C.-59 A. D. — Cremutius Cordus, died 25 A. D. — Aufidius Bas-
sus — Remmius Palaeraon — Julius Atticus — Julius Gracchinus — Marcus
Apicius— Philosophers — Lucius Annaeus Seneca, about 1 A. D. to 65
A. D. — Persius, 34-62 A. D. — Lucan, 39-65 A. D.— Calpurnius, about 60
A. D. — Pomponius Secundus, about 50 A. D. — Petronius, died 66 A. D. —
Quintus Curtius, about 50 (?) A. D. — Columella, about 40 A.D. — Mela,
about 40 A. D. — Other writers.
WITH the death of Augustus the greatest period of
Koman literature comes to an end. From this time its
Literature history is a record of decay, not regularly
after progressive, to be sure, and not always mani-
Augustus. fested in the same way, but almost constant,
and hardly interrupted even by the appearance of a few
writers of genuine ability. With the establishment of
peace throughout the Roman Empire, and with the ease
and security of travel from province to province, men
from all parts of the empire came to Eome for a time and
returned to their homes, after, perhaps, imbibing some-
169
170 ROMAN LITERATURE
thing of the culture of the capital, while others took up
their residence permanently in the imperial city. Some
men of each class devoted themselves to literature. The
elder Seneca belongs to one of these classes, the younger
Seneca certainly to the latter. The influence of the pro-
vincials upon Koman literature could not fail to be great.
In the hands of Spaniards like the Senecas, Latin could
hardly remain the city speech, sermo urbanus, of the time
of Cicero. The evil influence of even the best rhetorical
teaching of the time of Augustus has already been men-
tioned, and as time went on the rhetorical teaching be-
came constantly worse. Moreover, the circumstances of
the empire, and especially of the city of Rome, were not
favorable to the growth of literature. The peace that
followed the unrest of the civil wars had led in the time
of Augustus to great literary activity, but the continued
peace in the subsequent years, when men's minds were no
longer moved by the remembrance of stirring events,
tended to deaden the imagination and to dry up the
springs of literary life. In the early part of the first cen-
tury after Christ there are few important writers either
in Greek or Latin. In the city itself the character of the
emperor had a powerful effect upon literature.
Tiberius (14-37 A. D.) was a pupil of the Greek rhetor-
ician, Theodorus of Gadara, and was familiar with Greek
an<^ katin literature. He wrote Greek verses
Th r lations
of the in the learned Alexandrian manner, a Latin
emperors to poem on the death of Lucius Caesar, and au-
hterature. tobiographical memoirs in prose ; but his own
literary interest did not make him a patron of literature.
His suspicious nature caused him to seek out and punish
all real or imaginary allusions to himself in the works of
contemporary authors, with the natural result that author-
ship became a pursuit too dangerous to be popular.
Caligula (37-41 A. D.) had some ability as a speaker, and
wished to be considered an orator, but his insanity led
TIBERIUS TO VESPASIAN 171
him to wish to destroy the works of Homer, and to re-
move the works and the busts of Virgil and Livy from
the public libraries, on the ground that one of them was
without genius or learning and the other was diffuse and
careless. Although he did not systematically repress
literature, his brief reign was certainly not favorable to
its cultivation. Claudius (41-54 A. D.), who came to the
throne at the age of fifty years, was a dull and learned
pedant. He began to write a history from the death of
Caesar, but stopped at the end of the second book, owing
to the objections of his mother and grandmother. He
then wrote a history in forty-one books, probably begin-
ning with the bestowal of the title of Augustus upon
Octavian (27 B. c.), and continuing for forty-one years.
He also wrote a history of the Etruscans in twenty
books, and a history of Carthage in eight books. Of all
these works nothing remains. Some idea of his style
may be derived from two inscriptions found at Lyons
and Trent. The first is a speech delivered in the sen-
ate in 48 A. D., advocating the extension to the Gallic
nobility of the ius honorum, or right to hold offices, the
second a decree renewing the grant of citizenship to the
inhabitants of the regions in the Khsetian Alps about
Trent, and regulating their affairs. In both cases the
style is confused and entirely without elegance or merit.
Claudius also wrote a defense of Cicero against Asinius
Gallus, the son of Asinius Pollio, who had maintained
that Pollio was the greater orator. The addition by
Claudius of three letters to the Latin alphabet shows his
interest in linguistic matters, but was without permanent
effect. Under this ruler literature revived somewhat
after the persecutions under Tiberius. Nero (54-68 A. D.),
the pupil of Seneca, wrote various short poems and an epic,
entitled Troica, on the Trojan War. His jealousy caused
him to be the enemy of other poets, but he paid little
attention to literary attacks upon himself. On the whole,
172 ROMAN LITERATURE
literature was not repressed during his reign, though
after the discovery of the conspiracy of Piso, in 65 A. D.,
his wrath fell upon philosophers and men of letters.
The literature of the times of Tiberius and Caligula is
less important than that of the following years. The
only poet of importance is Phaedrus, a f reed-
man of Augustus, who wrote fables in iambic
verse. These are for the most part not original with
Phaedrus, but are the so-called fables of jEsop, tales of
Oriental origin, which migrated in writing or in oral form
to Europe. The Greeks thought them the inventions of
^Esop, but modern investigations have proved that they
belong to the migratory folk-lore of India. After the
first book of his fables, Phaedrus introduces fables and
tales of his own among those ascribed to jEsop. The
whole collection now consists of ninety-three fables,
divided into five books ; but it originally contained a
greater number, especially in Books II and Y. The fables
are still, many of them, at least, familiar to most children.
Such are the stories of the Wolf and the Lamb, the Frog
who tried to be as big as an Ox, the Fox and the Crane,
and many others. Phaedrus tells the fables in well-com-
posed verses, but sometimes overdoes his love of brevity
so as to be obscure. He also points out the moral of his
tales too plainly, leaving nothing to the imagination of
.his readers. His language is the simple and easy L^tin
of the early Augustan period, without the rhetorical
nourishes popular in the following years. Yet it is evi-
dent from references in the prologue to the third book
that, although Sejanus was powerful after the appearance
of the first two books, the third was written after
his fall, that is to say, after 31 A. D. Probably Phae-
drus wrote at least as late as 40 A. D. Of his per-
sonal history little is known. He was born in Pieria,
in Macedonia, but went to Italy and probably to Eome,
at an early age. Something in the first two books of
VELLEIUS PATERCULUS 173
fables brought down upon the poet the wrath of Sejanus,
but how serious its effects were is not known. The Euty-
chus to whom the third book is addressed is probably the
charioteer who was an important personage in the last
years of Caligula. Particulo and Philetes, whom Phae-
drus addresses in the epilogue and the last fable of the
fifth book, are unknown. The Fables of Phsedrus have
been much used as a text-book, because they are interest-
ing to young readers and are written in simple, classical
Latin.
A poem belonging to the first years after the death of
Augustus is the Aratea, by Germanicus, the son of Drusus
(15 B. C.-19 A. D.). This is a translation and
mameus. a(japtation of the Phenomena of Aratus, and
shows that the author was not only a talented writer of
hexameters, but also a well-educated astronomer. This
poem contains 725 lines. Of a poem on the stars and
constellations in their relation to the weather and the
like, entitled Prognostic^ only a few fragments remain.
Besides these astronomical poems of Germanicus, the last
book of Manilius (see p. 138) belongs to this period. So
also do some of the poems wrongly ascribed to Virgil and
Ovid, and for that matter, the later poems of Ovid himself.
The only prose writers of the years before Claudius
whose works are extant are Velleius Paterculus, Valerius
Maximus, and Celsus. Gaius Velleius Pater-
Gulus was an officer who had served under
Tiberius ; he was tribunus militum in 1 A. D.
and praetor-elect in 14 A. D. The latest date mentioned
in his Roman History is the consulship of Vinicius, 30 A. D.
The dates of his birth and death are unknown. The Ro-
man History consists of two books, the first of which is
imperfectly preserved. Velleius does not confine himself
strictly to Eoman affairs, but begins his work with a brief
sketch of the foundation of the Greek cities in Italy.
The early part of the work is a mere summary, but more
174 ROMAN LITERATURE
details are introduced as the narrative approaches the
author's own times ; yet it is, even in the latter part, by
no means an exhaustive history. Throughout the work
Velleius introduces his own opinions and is governed by
his own prejudices ; his history is therefore not especially
trustworthy. His praise of Tiberius is so excessive that
it can not be excused even as the enthusiasm of a veteran
for his old general, and the almost equally exaggerated
praise of Sejanus is without the shadow of excuse. A
noteworthy peculiarity is that Velleius pays attention to
the history of Greek and Eoman literature, which would
hardly be expected in so short a work. The style is clumsy,
but shows a desire for rhetorical effect. The vocabulary
is that of the Augustan age, but the pretentious rhetoric
and the evident striving for variety are characteristic of
the later time. The chief interest of Velleius is in the
character of the persons of whom he writes, and his whole
work has something personal about it which distinguishes
it from a mere record of events. In the early part of the
work he follows good authorities, though he often dis-
agrees with Livy, perhaps on account of Livy's republican
sympathies. In the latter part of the history he is un-
trustworthy, owing to his servile partiality for Tiberius
and those connected with him.
The nine books of Memorable Doings and Sayings
(Facta et Dicta Memorabilia), by Valerius Maximus, were
written not far from 30 A. r>., and dedicated
Valerius ^o Trtx^g. Of the writer little is known
Maximus.
except that he accompanied Sextus Pompeius
to Asia, about 27 B. c. He was, then, born probably as
early as 47 B. c., and can hardly have lived long after the
completion of his books. Many of the anecdotes contained
in his work are interesting, but the style is artificial, pom-
pous, and dull. The most servile flattery is given to
Tiberius, Julius Caesar, and Augustus. The anecdotes
cover a wide range of subjects — religion, ancient customs,
OTHER PROSE WRITERS 175
all varieties of character, fortune, old age, remarkable
deaths, and many more. Naturally, the work contains
some valuable information, but this is thinly distributed
through the nine books. The work was, however, popular
in the Middle Ages, and is preserved in many manuscripts.
A book on words, especially names (De Prcenominibus, etc.),
contained in the manuscripts of Valerius Maximus, is by
some unknown author and is of little value.
Aulus Cornelius Celsus wrote an encyclopedia, which
contained treatises on agriculture, medicine, the art of
war, oratory, jurisprudence, and philosophy.
Celsus. par^ at ieagtj Of this great work was written
under Tiberius, but other parts may have been written
later, for there is no definite indication of the date of the
author's birth or death. Only the treatise on medicine
(Books VI-XIII of the entire work) is preserved. This
shows that Celsus was well versed in the medical science
of his day, and that medical science had at that time
reached a high degree of perfection. Celsus writes in a
simple, straightforward style, without the artificial rhet-
oric or the poetic phraseology common among post-
Augustan prose writers. His work was deservedly popular
among those who wished for scientific knowledge in the
Middle Ages, was one of the first books printed after the
invention of the printing-press, and was used as a text-
book for medical students until recent times. Whether
the other parts of the encyclopedia were as good as the
treatise on medicine can not now be determined. The
treatise on agriculture is mentioned with respect by Co-
lumella, but Quintilian speaks slightingly of Celsus, per-
haps on account of defects in the rhetorical parts of his
work.
The names of several orators of this period are handed
down, chiefly in the reminiscences of the elder Seneca.
The most noteworthy are, perhaps, Votienus Montanus,
who was banished by Tiberius and died in 27 A. D. ;
176 ROMAN LITERATURE
Asinius Gallus (40 B. C.-33 A. D.) the son of Asinius Pol-
lio ; Mamercus Scaurus, who was forced by Tiberius to
Prose writers commit suicide in 34 A. D. ; Publius Vitellius,
whose works who brought about the condemnation of Piso
are lost. for ^he murder of Germanicus in 19 A. D., and
who died in 31 A. D. ; and Domitius Afer, from Nemausus
(14 B.C.-59 A.D.), who held important offices under Tiberius,
Caligula, and Nero. Among these orators, Domitius Afer
was most prominent as a speaker in court, while Mon-
tanus was a teacher of oratory and a declaimer. Histo-
rians whose works are lost were Aulus Cremutius Cordus
and Aufidius Bassus. The former published under Au-
gustus a historical work in which he praised Brutus and
spoke of Cassius as " the last of the Komans." For this
his books were burned by decree of the senate in 25 A. D.,
and he committed suicide by starving himself. Bassus
wrote a contemporary history in rhetorical style, probably
embracing the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, and pos-
sibly the end of the republic. Among the grammarians
of this time, the most important was Quintus Kemmius
Palaemon, whose grammar (Ars Grammaticd) was much
used by the later writer Charisius. There were also several
writers on special subjects, such as Caepio and Antonius
Castor, who wrote on botany, Julius Atticus and Julius
Gracchinus, who wrote on vine culture, and Marcus Api-
cius, who wrote on cookery, though the extant cook-book
ascribed to him is a work of the third century. These
names show that even under Tiberius prose writing, al-
though not so important as at other times, was not en-
tirely neglected.
Philosophy was much cultivated at Rome in this time,
as it had been for at least a century, but the philosoph-
Philoso h *ca^ teachers under Tiberius and Caligula
wrote for the most part, when they wrote at
all, in Greek. Among them were the Sextii and Sotion,
whose activity was in the later years of Augustus and the
SENECA 177
earlier years of Tiberius, Lucius Annaeus Cornutus, and
Gains Musonius Eufus, both of whom were banished by
Nero in 65 A. D. These men, and others of less note,
whose doctrines were chiefly Stoic, exercised great influ-
ence upon Eoman thought, but as their teachings were
chiefly oral and their written works were in Greek, they
must be passed over with a brief mention by no means
commensurate with their real importance. Sotion was
one of the teachers of the younger Seneca, the most im-
portant writer of the time of Nero, while Cornutus was
the teacher of the satirist Eacsius, and Musonius of the
powerful ethical preacher Epictetus.
Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the son of the rhetor Seneca,
whose work on the oratorical teachers of the period of
Augustus and the subsequent years has al-
rea(ty been mentioned, was born at Corduba, in
Spain, about the beginning of the Christian
era, but was educated in Rome, where he studied under
Sotion, the Stoic Attains, and a follower of the Sextii,
Papirius Fabianus, besides attending schools of rhetoric.
His mother, Helvia, was a lady of noble birth, whose sis-
ter married Vitrasius Pollio, who was for some years gov-
ernor of Egypt. Seneca appears to have spent some time
in Egypt with his aunt, through whose influence he
obtained the quaestorship after his return to Rome, at
some time between 42 and 37 A. D. A speech which he
delivered in the senate nearly caused his death by arous-
ing the jealousy of Caligula in 39 A. D. In 41 A. D. he
was banished to Corsica through the influence of Messa-
lina, on the charge of too great intimacy with Julia Li-
villa, Caligula's younger sister. Such stories were circu-
lated about all the members of the imperial family, and
we have now no means of knowing whether there was
any truth in the charge against Seneca and Livilla.
Probably the real reason for Seneca's banishment was his
connection with the faction of Agrippina. At any rate,
178 ROMAN LITERATURE
Agrippina recalled him from Corsica eight years later,
after the execution of Messalina, obtained for him the
praetorship, and made him tutor to her son Domitius
Nero. His influence over his young pupil was so great
that when Nero came to the throne, Seneca, with the aid
of his friend Afranius Burrus, commander of the prae-
torian guards, directed the imperial government. He
restrained the ferocity of Nero and checked the ambition
and vengefulness of Agrippina. Owing to his influence
the early years of Nero's reign were long remembered as
a period of rest and peace at Eome. But Seneca ob-
tained and held his influence in great measure by yield-
ing consent to Nero's wishes, even when they were
opposed to his better judgment or his conscience. He
was probably privy to the murder of Claudius, by which
Nero became emperor, there is no indication that he
opposed the murder of Germanicus in 55 A. D., and he
probably had some connection with the murder of Agrip-
pina in 59 A. D. It is natural that in spite of his remark-
able intellectual and social gifts, he was unable to main-
tain his moral ascendency over the emperor. With the
death of Burrus, in 62 A. D., Seneca's power was broken.
He recognized the fact, withdrew so far as he could from
the life of the court, and in 64 A. D. offered to give up his
great wealth. But his retirement did not save him from
Nero's cruelty, and in 65 A. D. he was accused of sharing
in the conspiracy of Piso and compelled to commit
suicide.
Seneca's philosophy did not forbid him to have a
share of worldly wealth and honors. At the height of
his prosperity he was immensely wealthy, possessing
estates in Italy and abroad, and having money out at
interest as far away as Britain. His total wealth was
estimated at more than $15,000,000. He held all the
regular offices, attaining the consulship in 57 A. D. Of
his private life little is known. He was twice married.
SENECA 179
His first wife bore him at least two sons, one of whom
died shortly before his father's banishment. His second
wife, Pompeia Paulina, whom he married in 57 A. D.,
wished to commit suicide at the time of her husband's
death, but was prevented by Nero.
Seneca was an extremely voluminous writer, and
though many of his works are lost, those that remain still
exceed in bulk the extant works of almost any other
ancient writer. They comprise tragedies,
philosophical treatises, a satire on the death
of Claudius, and a few epigrams. The exact
dates of individual works can be established only in com-
paratively few instances, and no attempt will be made
here to treat them in chronological order. Since, how-
ever, it is probable that the tragedies are works of his
earlier years, they may be mentioned first. Nine of these
are extant.1 The subjects are all derived from Greek
mythology, and had all been used as the subjects of trage-
dies by Greek dramatists. No originality of plot is there-
fore to be expected in Seneca's tragedies. Nor is there
any great originality of treatment. Seneca imitates
Euripides and some of the later Greek tragic poets, not
simply translating their work, yet inventing few if any
new situations, and differing from the Greek dramatists
chiefly in his greater realism and his declamatory rhet-
oric. In fact, his tragedies are a succession of speeches,
hardly interrupted by choral songs, which differ from the
speeches of the actors chiefly in metre. In themselves
these tragedies are feeble imitations and perversions of
their Greek prototypes, though in them, as in his other
works, Seneca shows great mastery of language and vigor
of expression ; but their real importance to the modern
1 Hercules Furens, Troades (or Hecuba), Phoenissae (or Thebais,
two disconnected scenes from Theban myths), Medea, Phaedra (or
Hippolytus), CEdipus, Agamemnon, Thyestes, and Hercules (Etaeus.
The Fabula Prcetexta entitled Octavia is not by Seneca.
180 ROMAN LITERATURE
reader is due to their great influence upon the English
dramatists of the sixteenth century and upon the whole
course of the French classical drama. At a time when
Latin was far more familiar than Greek these tragedies
were regarded as the highest expression of ancient dra-
matic art, and were studied and imitated by the drama-
tists of the modern nations.
The best known among them is, perhaps, the Medea.
In this play, as in the Medea of Euripides, the part of
The Medea ^e my^ ^s treated in which Jason deserts
his wife Medea to marry Creiisa, daughter of
Creon, king of Corinth. Medea sends her two sons to
Creiisa to give her a poisoned robe, which causes her
death and that of her father Creon. Then Medea, in
order to pain Jason, kills the two children. The follow-
ing passage is taken from Medea's reply to her nurse, who
urges her to flee when the news is brought that Creon and
Creiisa have been killed by the poisoned robe she had sent :
Shall I fly ? I ? Were I already gone
I would return for this, that I might see
These new betrothals. Dost thou pause, my soul ?
This joy's but the beginning of revenge.
Thou dost but love if thou art satisfied
To widow Jason. Seek new penalties ;
Honor is gone and maiden modesty —
It were a light revenge pure hands could yield.
Strengthen thy drooping spirit, stir up wrath,
Drain from thy heart its all of ancient force,
Thy deeds till now call honor ; wake, and act,
That they may see how light, how little worth,
All former crime — the prelude of revenge !
What was there great my novice hands could dare ?
What was the madness of my girlhood days ?
I am Medea now, through sorrow strong.
Rejoice, because through thee thy brother died ;
Rejoice, because through thee his limbs were torn,
Through thee thy father lost the golden fleece ;
Rejoice, that armed by thee his daughters slew
SENECA 181
Old Pelias 1 Seek revenge ! No novice hand
Thou bring'st to crime ; what wilt thou do ; what dart
Let fly against thy hated enemy ?
I know not what my maddened spirit plots,
Nor yet dare I confess it to myself !
In folly I made haste — would that my foe
Had children by this other ! Mine are his.
We'll say Creiisa bore them ! 'Tis enough ;
Through them my heart at last finds full revenge.
My soul must be prepared for this last crime.
Ye who were once my children, mine no more,
Ye pay the forfeit for your father's crimes.
Awe strikes my spirit and benumbs my hand ;
My heart beats wildly ; mother-love drives out
Hate of my husband ; shall I shed their blood —
My children's blood? Demented one, rage not,
Be far from thee this crime ! What guilt is theirs?
Is Jason not their father? — guilt enough!
And worse, Medea claims them as her sons.
They are not sons of mine, so let them die !
Nay, rather let them perish since they are !
But they are innocent — my brother was !
Fear'st thou ? Do tears already mar thy cheek ?
Do wrath and love like adverse tides impel
Now here, now there ? As when the winds wage war,
And the wild waves against each other smite,
My heart is beaten ; duty drives out fear,
As wrath drives duty. Anger dies in love.1
Seneca's philosophical writings fall naturally into
three divisions : the formal treatises on ethical subjects,
Seneca's the twenty books of Ethical Letters (Epis-
phiiosophical tulcB Morales), addressed to Lucilius,8 and
writings. the Studies of Nature (Qucestiones Natura-
les), in seven books. The last-mentioned work, addressed
to Lucilius, and written between 57 and 64 A. D., is by no
1 Lines 893-944. Translated by Ella Isabel Harris.
2 This Lucilius has been supposed, though without sufficient
reason, to be the author of the ^tna (see p. 141).
182 EOMAN LITERATURE
means a complete treatise on nature. Two books treat
of astronomy, two of physical geography, and four of
meteorology; for Book IV should properly be divided into
two books, one on physical geography, the other on
meteorology. These subjects are treated from the point
of view of the Stoics, without any original investigation
by Seneca, who derives his information entirely from
books. The work was very popular in the Middle Ages,
but is of no scientific value. Seneca's chief interest was
in ethics, and he uses the phenomena of nature as texts
for his ethical views. The formal treatises on ethics dis-
cuss such subjects as Anger (De Ira, in three books),
The Shortness of Life (De Brevitate Vitce), Clemency (De
Clementia), The Happy Life (De Vita Beata), Consola-
tion (De Consolatione, three independent treatises ad-
dressed to different persons), and The Giving and Receiv-
ing of Favors (De Beneficiis, an elaborate treatise in
seven books). The Letters treat of similar subjects in a
somewhat less formal way. These works show that
Seneca had studied with great diligence the works of
previous writers on such subjects, especially those of the
Stoics, though the writings of Epicureans had been by
no means neglected. The moral teaching is, in the main,
sound and wise, but there is little originality of thought.
The style is vigorous and effective, though artificial and
rhetorical ; but these latter qualities were so natural to
Seneca, in common with other writers of his day, that
they do not detract from the sincerity of the sentiments
expressed. Seneca is the most complete exponent of the
Stoic philosophy as it developed at Eome. He is not so
much a speculative thinker as a giver of practical advice
for the conduct of life. Like most, if not all, the Eoman
Stoics, he is a preacher and teacher ; and as such he is of
the highest interest and importance. His works were
much read in his own time and in the years immediately
following, though Quintilian and others who wished to
PERSIUS 183
revive the Latin of Cicero found fault with their style.
Their popularity continued unabated for centuries, and
their high moral tone led to the belief that Seneca was a
Christian. This belief was strengthened by the composi-
tion, at a comparatively early date, of a series of fourteen
letters supposed to have been exchanged between Seneca
and the Apostle Paul. These letters are, however, obvi-
ously forgeries, and possess no literary merit. Seneca's
influence did not die with the death of the ancient civil-
ization, but has continued even to our own times, and is
very marked in the writings of Ealph Waldo Emerson.
In the Apocolocyntosis Seneca appears as a political
satirist. The title may be translated PumpTcinification^
for the word is made from the Greek apo-
cyntotis°CC " thesis, with the word for "pumpkin" sub-
stituted for the word meaning " god." This
joke does not, however, appear in the pamphlet itself.
The Emperor Claudius, who had just died, is supposed to
arrive at Olympus and claim admittance among the gods.
The gods hold a meeting, at which Augustus speaks
against the admission of Claudius, who is finally sent off
to Hades, where he is met by those whom he has unjustly
put to death. This is the only extant specimen of a com-
plete Menippean Satire, a work written in prose for the
most part, but containing also metrical portions. For
that reason it has a certain interest, but its literary merit
is slight. Nor are Seneca's epigrams of any great impor-
tance. They are merely such verses as any cultivated
man of letters like Seneca can write when the occasion
offers.
The age of Seneca produced no great poets, and few
whose works have survived. The earliest of these is
Aulus Persius Flaccus, who was born at
Volaterrse, December 4, 34 A. D., and died at
the age of twenty-eight, November 24, 62 A. D. At the
age of twelve, Persius left his native town for Eome,
13
184: ROMAN LITERATURE
where he attended various schools, among them that of
the grammarian Remmius Palaemon. At the age of six-
teen he attached himself to the Stoic Cornutus and
became an enthusiastic adherent of the Stoic school. He
was acquainted with many of the distinguished men
of the time, among them Seneca and the epic poet
Lucan. He was related to Arria, the wife of Paetus
Thrasea, and his intimacy with Thrasea and his family
doubtless strengthened his interest in the Stoic philoso.
phy; for Thrasea was one of the many noble Romans
who found in the Stoic doctrines some moral support
amid the vice and corruption of their degenerate times.
Persius belonged to a family of equestrian rank, and at
his death left a large property. His library he left to
Cornutus, who edited his poems, consisting of six Satires.
Persius had written some notes of travel and a tragedy
of the kind called prc&texta, but these were not published.
In the first satire he attacks the literary production of
the time, and the prevailing love of notoriety. This is a
real satire, in imitation of those of Lucilius or, rather, of
Horace. In the remaining poems Persius discourses on
subjects drawn from the doctrines of the Stoics. The
second satire treats of prayer, the third of the contra-
diction between our conduct and what we know is right,
the fourth of self-knowledge ; in the fifth Persius grate-
fully praises Cornutus, who had trained him in Stoic
philosophy, and passes on to describe true freedom, which
delivers men from the tyranny of the passions; in the
sixth he addresses his friend, the poet Cassius Bassus,
speaks of his own pleasant life in retirement at Luna, and
discusses the true use of this world's goods.
The poems of Persius were much admired by his con-
temporaries, and later generations, even throughout the
Middle Ages, read them and wrote commentaries upon
them. This admiration was due to the moral and ethical
contents of the poems, though the style also no doubt
LUCAN 185
pleased the perverted taste of the poet's own times. But
neither the contents nor the style merits admiration.
Quality of Persius was a young man of little originality,
the poems who expressed in his poems only what he
of Persius. hac[ learned from his teachers. The Stoic
doctrines he teaches are trite, even the examples he
cites being derived from books, not from his own experi-
ence ; and the style has all the faults of the period. Per-
sius had studied Horace with diligence, and his poems
are full of Horatian words and phrases, but they have
nothing of the grace and charm of Horace. Persius aims
at striking expressions and novelty of form. He there-
fore avoids as much as possible all that is natural,
employs unusual words in unnatural order, and succeeds
in being obscure without being profound. Few authors
have so undeservedly gained long-enduring reputation.
A far abler poet was Marcus Annaeus Lucanus, the
nephew of Seneca. He was born at Corduba in 39 A. D.,
but was taken to Eome when only eight
months old. There he was well educated,
especially in rhetoric, and acquired a reputation as a
declaimer in Greek and Latin. One of his teachers was
the philosopher Cornutus, and among his friends was
Persius, whom he admired greatly. He went to Athens
to complete his education, and was called back to Eome
by Nero, who made him one of his circle of friends. In
60 A. D. he wrote a poem in praise of Nero, which led to
his political advancement. But Nero's favor was short-
lived, either because Lucan was guilty of some impolite-
ness in public declaiming, or because Nero was jealous of
his reputation as a poet, and forbade him to write or
recite. Lucan joined the conspiracy of Piso, and was
forced to commit suicide, April 30, 65 A. D.
Lucan wrote several works, chiefly in verse, but the
only one extant is an epic poem in ten books, entitled
De Bello Civili (On the Civil War), ordinarily called
186 ROMAN LITERATURE
Pliarsalia, in which he tells the story of the civil war
to the time when Caesar was besieged at Alexandria.
The narrative is prosaic and somewhat dull,
Pharsalia ^u^ ^e ^e^um *s relieved hy vivid descrip-
tions and really eloquent speeches. The
chief historical source is Livy, though other writers seem
to have been consulted. Some inaccuracies detract from
the historical value of the poem. The diction is in the
main Virgilian, though it is evident that Lucan had
studied Horace and Ovid. Geographical and mytholog-
ical lore is sometimes needlessly displayed, and the au-
thor's rhetorical training and ability are too evident. In
Books I-III Lucan is still friendly to Nero, whom he nat-
ters in Book I, 33-66, though throughout the entire work
Caesar, the founder of the empire, is the constant object,
of the poet's hostility. In the first three books Pompey
is the hero, and Cato and Brutus are spoken of with
admiration. The opposition to Caesar does not, however*
in Lucan's case, indicate hostility to the empire and a
desire to return to the republican form of government ;
in fact, Lucan's participation in the conspiracy of Piso,
which had for its purpose the overthrow of Nero and the
substitution of a good emperor in his place, shows that
he accepted the imperial form of government as the only
one possible. As a specimen of Lucan's spirit, and of the
speeches which lend brilliancy to his pages, we. may take
the address of Cato to the Eoman soldiers of Pompey's
army in Egypt after Pompey's death, when the army was
on the point of joining Caesar :
So for no higher cause you waged your wars?
You, too, youths, fought for masters, and you were
No Roman force, but only Pompey's band?
Since not for royalty you're toiling now,
Since for yourselves, not for your leaders' gain
You live and die, since not for any man
You seek to gain the world, since now for you
MINOR POETS 187
'Tis safe to conquer, you shrink back from wars,
And seek a yoke to press your empty necks,
And know not how to live without a king !
Yet now you have a cause worth risk for men.
Your blood could be for Pompey shed in streams,
And do you now refuse your country's call
For lives and swords when liberty is nigh?
Of three lords Fortune now has left but one.
O shame ! The royal palace of the Nile
And Parthian soldier's bow have more than you
Upheld the Roman laws. Go now, despise
The merit Ptolemy by arms has won I
Degenerate soldiers ! Who will think that e'er
Your hands were red with any battle's blood?
He will believe you quickly turned your backs
In flight before him; he will think that you
Fled first from dire Philippi's Thracian field.
So go in safety ! You have saved your lives,
In Caesar's judgment, not subdued by arms,
Nor yet by siege. O base, unmanly slaves!
Your former master dead, go to his heir !
Why will you not earn more than life and more
Than pardon? Let great Pompey 's wretched wife
And let Metellus' offspring o'er the waves
Be borne in chains ; take captive Pompey 's sons ;
Let Ptolemy's deserts be less than yours !
My own head, too, whoever brings and gives
The hateful tyrant, reaps no mean reward.
Those men will know by my head's price that they
Served no mean standard when they followed mine.
Then come, and by great slaughter gain deserts.
Mere flight is a base crime. 1
Lucan is certainly the chief poet of the time of Nero.
Less important is Titus Calpurnius Siculus, the author
Cai urnius °^ seven Eclogues in imitation of Virgil and
Theocritus. Formerly eleven eclogues were
attributed to him, but it is now evident that he was the
author of only seven, the remainder being probably the
1 Pharsalia, ix, 256-283.
188 ROMAN LITERATURE
work of Nemesianus, who lived in the first half of the
third century. The Eclogues of Calpurnius are close imi-
tations of those of Virgil, but are far inferior to their pro-
totypes. They are attractive, but so much less attractive
than Virgil's Eclogues that they are little read. A poem
In Praise of Piso (De Laude Pisonis) is attributed with
great probability to Calpurnius. The Piso whose praise
is sung is without doubt Calpurnius Piso, the rich and in-
fluential man who headed the conspiracy against Nero and
committed suicide in 65 A. D. This poem is full of imi-
tations of Virgil, Ovid, and Horace. The poem entitled
jEtna (see p. 141) and many of the anony-
Other poems. J J
mous poems preserved in manuscripts, some
of which are not without merit, are to be ascribed to this
period. The prc&texta entitled Octavia, preserved among
Seneca's tragedies, undoubtedly belongs to a slightly later
time, as Seneca and Nero appear in it. So far as its style
is concerned, it might almost be by Seneca, though the
rhetoric displayed is somewhat less effective than that of
Seneca's tragedies. The play is interesting, chiefly be-
cause it is the only extant play of its class. Only a few
unimportant fragments remain of the tragedies by the
distinguished general, Publius Pomponius Secundus.
A work of unique interest is the novel by Petronius.
This author is without much doubt identical with the
Gaius Petronius, who was proconsul of Bithynia and after-
wards consul, whom Nero admitted to his friendship and
Petronius regarded as the arbiter elegantim, or judge
of good taste, but who was accused by Tigel-
linus in 66 A. D., and committed suicide to avoid execu-
tion. The novel, known as Satirce, originally consisted
of some twenty books, and contained an account of the
adventures of a Greek freedman, Encolpius, as told by
himself. The adventures were strung together with no
plot, except as the wrath of the god Priapus (a parody of
the wrath of Poseidon in Homer's Odyssey) may have
PETRONIUS 189
served as a plot to some extent. The extant parts are
from the fifteenth and sixteenth books. The form is that
of a Menippean Satire, prose and verse in combination,
but the longer parts are exclusively in prose.
The chief of these is the Cena Trimalchionis (Trimal-
chio's Banquet), the description of an elaborate entertain-
ment given by a rich and purse-proud freed-
man, Trimalchio. ( The scene of the banquet
is laid at Cumse, or Puteoli. The house is
large and full of costly things, but shows utter lack of
taste. Trimalchio himself is a fat old fellow, who comes
to the dinner after all the guests have been seated for
some time. He informs them that it was inconvenient
for him to come, but that he did not wish to disappoint
them. At first he plays checkers with an attendant, but
presently takes part in the feast and the conversation.
The first course brought in is a wooden fowl sitting on
eggs, which prove to be made of paste, and to contain
finely seasoned birds. When a silver dish falls on the
floor, Trimalchio orders it to be swept up with the rub-
bish. Another course consists of a great boar, out of
which, when it is cut open by a slave in hunting costume,
fly live thrushes. Again a roast pig is cut open, and sau-
sages of all kinds fall out. The entertainment has other
than gastronomical surprises, for a troupe of Homeric
actors appear and perform scenes of the Trojan War,
speaking in Greek. At the end of their performance a
boiled calf is brought in, and the actor who takes the
part of Ajax hacks it with his sword in imitation of the
attack made by Ajax in his madness upon the cattle at
Troy, and offers the astonished guests pieces of meat on
his sword point. Acrobats also come in, and when one
of them falls from a ladder upon Trimalchio, he is at once
freed from slavery, lest it be said that so great a man as
Trimalchio was injured by a slave. Presently the ceiling
rolls apart, and a great hoop is let down, upon which are
190 ROMAN LITERATURE
jars of perfumes as keepsakes for the guests. All these
astonishing performances are made more amusing by the
naive pride of Trimalchio, who prates much of his great
wealth, and exhibits his ignorance by trying to make a
show of learning. One of the guests tells a ghost story
and another a tale of an adventure with a werewolf.
Further excitement is caused by a fight between a fat
little dog brought by Trimalchio's friend, the stone-cutter
Habinnas, and a large dog belonging to Trimalchio. The
slaves then take part in the banquet, Trimalchio has his
will read, and all weep. After a bath, the company passes
to a second dining-room. Here Trimalchio has a furious
quarrel with his wife, who is jealous of a favorite slave
boy. Trimalchio finally has his grave-clothes brought
in, and lies down as if dead, ordering his horn-blowers to
play funereal music. The noise is so great that the po-
lice, thinking something is the matter, break into the
house, whereupon the guests escape. All this, with many
more details of the lavish and tasteless expenditure, the
pride of the vulgar Trimalchio, and the absurd features
of the banquet, is described with much satirical humor.
The language of the narrative is refined, evidently that
of a highly cultivated man. Trimalchio, however, and
some of the other characters speak the popular dialect of
southern Italy, which contains many words strange to lit-
erary Latin. Their speech is not without mistakes in gram-
mar, and is full of proverbs, like the speech of Sancho
Panza in Don Quixote.
Among the poems contained in the novel, the longest,
entitled De Bello Civili (On the Civil War), consists of
two hundred and ninety-five hexameters, in imitation of
Lucan, with touches of parody ; the next in length is the
TroicB Halosis (Capture of Troy), in sixty-five senarii,
probably a parody of Nero's poem of the same title. The
novel of Petronius is, in some places, extremely indecent,
but is interesting on account of the specimens of popular
MINOR PROSE WRITERS 191
speech it contains, and still more, as the only known
example of the satirical novel in Latin. It is, moreover,
full of wit and humor, and shows keen observation and
much knowledge of human nature as well as of literature.
The loss of the greater part of the work is greatly to be
regretted.
The only extant historical work of this period is the
History of Alexander the Great (De Gestis Alexandri
Magni), by Quint us Curtius Eufus, of whose
personality nothing is known, but who seems
to have written under Claudius. The work
originally consisted of ten books, the first two of which
are lost. The style is modelled upon that of Livy, and is
clear and simple for the most part, though not entirely
free from the affectation of elegance customary at the
time. Some of the descriptions and speeches are excep-
tionally fine. Curtius is not a critical historian, and fol-
lows Greek authorities selected without much attention
to their accuracy. Of the other historical works of this
. period nothing remains. The memoirs com-
posed by various more or less important per-
sons are also lost. Among them may be mentioned those
of the Empress Agrippina and of the generals Gnaeus
Domitius Corbulo, who was consul suffectus in 39 A. D.,
and was put to death by Nero in 86 A. D., and Suetonius
Paulinus, who was twice consul, once soon after 42, and
again in 66 A. D.
Many scientific treatises were written at this time, as
in the previous period, but two only are extant : the trea-
Coiumelia ^se ®n Agriculture (De Re Rustica), by Lu-
cius Junius Moderatus Columella, and the
Geography (Chorographia), by Pomponius Mela. Colu-
mella was born at Gades (Cadiz), and served in the army
in Syria. He possessed land in Italy, and in his work he
has the agriculture of Italy chiefly in mind. The work is
divided into twelve books, and is the most complete ancient
192 ROMAN LITERATURE
treatise on agriculture extant — more complete than those
of Cato and Varro. It is written in a simple and dignified
style, more like the prose of the Augustan period than
the artificial rhetoric of most contemporary writings. In
this repect Columella is a precursor of the classical revival
under the Flavian emperors. The tenth book, on gar-
dening, is written in hexameters, to serve as a fifth book of
Virgil's Georgics, because Virgil had hardly touched upon
this branch of his subject.1 The entire work is dedicated
to Publius Silvinus, and it was due to a suggestion from
him and another friend that the tenth book was written
in verse. Columella's verse is simple and classical, but
is greatly inferior to that of Virgil, and less admirable
than his prose. Mela, like Columella, was a
Spaniard. His native place was Tingentera.
His three books on geography were written soon after 40
A. D., and form the earliest systematic treatise on the
subject extant. The style is far inferior to that of Colu-
mella, for Mela writes in the affected manner of his
times. The work is enlivened by descriptions of peoples,
places, and customs, and is valuable as a source of in-
formation, since it is based upon good authorities.
Historical explanations of five orations of Cicero by
Quintus Asconius Pedianus (about 3-88 A. D.) are pre-
served in a fragmentary condition. They
writers8 show great care and diligence, and are writ-
ten in simple classical style. Of other
works by Asconius some fragments are preserved in the
commentary of Servius on Virgil. The works of the ora-
tors of this. period are all lost, as are the legal writings of
Proculus and Gains Cassius Longinus (consul in 30 A. D.),
who continued the schools of Labeo and Capito. The
most important grammarian of this time was Marcus
1 Verum hcec ipse equidem spatiis exclusus iniquis
Prcetereo atque aliis post me memoranda relinquo.
Virgil, Georgics, iv, 147 f.
MINOR PROSE WRITERS 193
Valerius Probus, of Berytus, to whom Jerome assigns the
date 56 A. D. He prepared and published editions of
Terence, Lucretius, Virgil, Horace, and Eej"-
Probus . . . , . . -, .
-Sim, paying attention to various readings,
punctuation, and the like, and commenting upon the
text. He also wrote grammatical treatises, though the
grammar preserved under his name is not his work. His
only extant works are a list of abbreviations and parts of
the commentaries on Virgil.
CHAPTER XIV
THE FLAVIAN BMPERORS-THE SILVER AGE
Vespasian, 69-79 A. D.— Titus, 79-81 A. D.— Domitian, 81-96 A. D.
— Valerius Flaccus, died about 90 A. D. — Silius Italicus, 25-101 A. D. —
Statius, about 40 to about 95 A. D.— The father of Statius, about 15-
80 A. D. — Saleius Bassus, about 70 A. D. — Curiatius Maternus, about 70
A. D.— Martial, about 40 to about 104 A. D.— Pliny the elder, 23-79 A. D.
— Frontinus, prater 70 A. D. — Quintilian, about 35 to about 100 A. D.
THE death of Nero was followed by a year of disorder,
in which Galba, Otho, and Vitellius were successively
raised to the highest power, overthrown, and
kille(L But the terr°r which had brooded
over Eome in the latter years of Nero's rule
passed away with the coming of the Flavian emperors.
Vespasian (69-79 A. D.) and Titus (79-81 A. D.) were firm
but gentle rulers. Both were chiefly known as brave
soldiers and able generals, but neither was uncultured or
without literary interests. Vespasian wrote memoirs and
Titus composed in 76 A. D. a poem on a comet. Their in-
terest in literature and intellectual pursuits was, however,
exhibited less by their own productions than in other
ways. Vespasian was liberal to poets and artists ; he paid
attention to dramatic performances ; he caused the three
thousand bronze tablets destroyed in the burning of the
capitol to be replaced by copies ; and provided for the
payment of rhetors, or instructors in oratory, by the state,
being thus the first to establish a system of public educa-
tion. The banishment of philosophers and astrologers
during his reign was due to the reactionary politics of the
philosophers, not to any opposition to philosophy on his
194
THE FLAVIAN EMPEROKS 195
part. Domitian (81-96 A. D.) was a very different charac-
ter. Before his accession to the imperial power he ex-
hibited a taste for poetry which led the writers of the day
to natter him as if he were one of the greatest of poets ;
but when he became emperor he relinquished all literary
pursuits. No works by him are mentioned except a poem
on the battle that took place at the capitol in 69 A. D. and
a treatise on the care of the hair, a subject in which he
was interested on account of his baldness. Nevertheless
he restored the libraries which had been burned, and in-
stituted public games in which dramatists, poets, and
orators took part. But his jealousy and cruelty were
greater than his literary interests. Twice, in 89 and 93
A. D., the philosophers and astrologers were banished from
Eome, and though these acts may be excused on the
ground of political expediency, no such excuse can be
found for the cruelty which led him to persecute authors
and put them to death on the flimsiest pretexts. The
last years of his reign were a period of terror for men of
letters even more than for his other subjects.
Under Vespasian, the mad terror of the reign of Nero
was succeeded by a period of calm. In literature also
greater dignity and better taste succeeds to the exagger-
ated rhetoric of the preceding years. The writers of the
Flavian period — the so-called Silver Age of Roman litera-
ture— revert to the manner of the great Augustan writers.
Tacitus alone develops a style of marked originality, and
Tacitus is the only really great writer of this period.
The others, foremost among whom are Quintilian, Statins,
and the elder Pliny, show learning and judgment, but not
genius.
The earliest poet of the Flavian epoch is Gaius Va-
lerius Flaccus, whose only known work is an epic poem
entitled Argonautica, on the adventures of Jason and
his comrades in quest of the golden fleece. A reference
to the capture of Jerusalem by Titus shows that the
196 ROMAN LITERATURE
earlier part of the poem was written not long after 70 A. D.,
and the mention of the eruption of Vesuvius proves that
it was not completed until after 79 A. D. The
Poet died shortly before 90 A. D. Further
than this nothing is known of his life. The
story of the Argonautic expedition was told in the
Argonautica of the Greek poet Apollonius Ehodius in
the third century B.C., and Valerius Flaccus imitates
Apollonius in his general treatment of the subject, some-
times even translating his words; but he amplifies some
scenes which Apollonius had treated briefly and adds
some new elements to the tale, while on the other hand
he omits much of the superfluous learning displayed
by Apollonius and narrates briefly parts of the story
which the Greek poet had told at greater length. In
general, when Valerius changes the treatment of Apol-
lonius the change is for the better. For instance, in the
Latin poem, when Jason reaches Colchis, he finds ^Eetes
hard pressed by a hostile army, and receives from him
the promise of the golden fleece in return for his assist-
ance in the war. When the enemy is defeated ^Eetes
breaks his promise, and Jason is thus justified in accept-
ing the aid of Medea and her magic arts. Nothing of
all this is to be found in Apollonius, and the Roman
poet has made a decided addition to the plot of the
story. Valerius pays more attention to character paint-
ing than Apollonius, and is especially successful in
making the characters of ^Eetes and Jason stand out in
strong relief. His description of the mental struggles
of Medea, torn between her love for Jason and her duty
to her father and her country, is far more effective than
that of Apollonius or even than Virgil's description of
Dido's love for ^Eneas, which is founded upon Apollonius.
In diction Valerius imitates Virgil, though his style is
far less simple and clear than Virgil's, and in the treat-
ment of many episodes of the poem he copies Virgil's
SILIUS 1TALICUS 197
treatment of similar themes; the work shows also the
influence of Ovid and of Seneca's tragedies. In its pres-
ent condition the Argonautica breaks off in the eighth
book, leaving the tale incomplete; but whether the
remainder of the poem is lost or was never written can not
be determined.
Silius Italicus, whose whole name was Tiberius Cattius
Silius Italicus, chose for the subject of his epic a Eoman
theme, the second Punic War. He was born
itaiious. in 25 A. D. and starved himself to death on
account of an incurable disease in 101 A. D.
He is said to have been an informer (delator) under Nero,
but rose to the consulship in 68 A. D., and was afterwards
governor of Asia under Vespasian. The latter part of
his life was spent in honorable retirement in Campania.
Here he devoted himself to literature and wrote the
seventeen books of the Punica, in which he tells the
story of the second Punic War to the decisive battle of
Zama, in 202 B. c. His historical information is derived
from Livy, and is therefore correct in all essential
matters. The events of the war are described in chrono-
logical order. The style is an imitation of Homer and
Virgil, and the imitation extends to more than mere
style, for the traditional epic machinery of gods, prophe-
cies, heroes, and the like, is employed as freely as if the
second Punic War were as mythical as the adventures of
^Eneas. So Juno strives to give Hannibal the victory,
while Venus aids the Romans. The sea-god Proteus fore-
tells the course of the war to a Carthaginian fleet, and
Hannibal, with his crested helmet, his sword, and his
spear "fatal to thousands," rages about the walls of
Saguntum like Achilles at the siege of Troy. In short,
Silius, having no poetic inspiration or imagination of his
own, uses in his account of the Punic War the methods
which had been appropriately applied to the myths of
earlier days by Homer and Virgil. As a result, the
198 ROMAN LITERATURE
Punica, though written in good hexameters, is hopelessly
dull and uninteresting. The so-called Homerus Latinus,
or llias Latina, an epitome of the Iliad in one thousand
and seventy hexameters, is attributed to the earlier years
of Silius Italicus. It attained considerable popularity,
but is a work of little merit.
The most eminent poet of this period was Publius
Papinius Statius. He was born at Naples, probably about
st tins ^ A* D'' kuk sPen^ most of his life at Eome,
though he returned to Naples, probably in
94 A. D. The last date to which reference is made in his
poems is 95 A. D. His father was of a distinguished but
not wealthy family, and attained some distinction as a
poet and teacher, first at Naples, and later at Rome,
where Domitian was among his pupils. He had intended
to write a poem on the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A. D.,
but was prevented by death, which must therefore have
come upon him about 80 A. D. From him Statius
received his early education and his first impulse toward
poetry. Statius won prizes for poetry at the Augustalia
at Naples, and at Alba, but failed to win a prize at the
Capitolia in Rome. This was probably in 94 A. D., and
his retirement to Naples may have been due to his dis-
appointment. He was married to a widow named Claudia,
who had a daughter by her former husband ; but Statius
had no children of his own. Domitian regarded him
with favor, gave him a supply of running water for his
country house at Alba, and invited him to his table.
These few details of his life are derived from his poems,
chiefly from a poem in honor of his father's memory,
which is published as the third in the fifth book of the
Silvce.
The chief work of Statius is the Thelais, an epic
poem in twelve books, the subject of which is the strife
between the two sons of (Edipus, Eteocles and Polynices,
and the legendary history of Thebes to the death of
STATIUS 199
Creon. This work occupied the poet for twelve years,
probably about 80-92 A. D. His other extant works are
the Silvce, a collection of shorter poems on
statius various subjects, divided into five books,
and the Achilleis. None of the poems con-
tained in the Silvce appears to have been written before
91 or 92 A. D., and the fifth book, which has no preface
and which contains some incomplete poems, was prob-
ably published after the poet's death. The Achilleis
was to be an account of the life of Achilles, embracing
the story of the Trojan War, but it breaks off in the
second book, before Achilles reaches Troy. The only
lost works of Statius to which any reference exists are
a pantomime entitled Agave, and an epic on Domitian's
German war ; but the latter work was probably never
completed.
Statius was an ardent admirer of Virgil, and the
TJiebais is an elaborate imitation of the JEneid. Not
TheThebais Onl^ Virgil's language is imitated, but the
division of the poem into twelve books, the
general chronological sequence of events, the arrange-
ment by which the scenes of combat begin with the
seventh book, and the treatment of many individual
scenes are adopted from the ^fflneid. The subject of the
Thelais had been treated by many previous poets, and
Statius could find the story in various mythological hand-
books. It is therefore not certain, though not improb-
able, that he followed the version given by Antimachus
in his Thelais, written in the fifth century B. c. Statius
is not a great epic poet. He lacks the sense of propor-
tion and has little dramatic power, in spite of the fact
that he evidently aims at dramatic effect. He excels in
descriptions and similes, but devotes far too much space
to each ; his similes especially become wearisome. The
entire poem lacks the charm of true poetic inspiration.
It is learned and correct, but artificial, imitative, and
14
200 ROMAN LITERATURE
tedious. One of the briefest of the powerful descriptions
in the Thebais, and one which shows Statius's liking for
what is horrible and painful, is that of CEdipus, when he
hears of the death of his sons and comes forth to lament
over their bodies :
But when their father heard the tale of crime,
He rushed from the deep shadows where he dwelt,
And on the cruel threshold brought to view
His half-dead form ; his hoary locks unkempt
Were vile with ancient filth, and stiff with gore
The hair that veiled his Fury-driven head ;
His mouth and cheeks were sunken deep, and clots
Of blood were remnants of his torn-out eyes.1
The Achilleis has much the same good and bad quali-
ties as the Thebais, and is less wearisome only because it
The Aohilleis ™ ^ess l°ng- ^n the SilvcB Statius shows to
and the better advantage. These occasional poems
Silvse. were evidently written for the most part in
haste. In fact Statius says in his preface to the first book
that none of the poems contained in it occupied him
more than two days, and one of these poems contains 277
lines. The poems were written chiefly to please some
noble or wealthy patron, and the subjects are in many
cases trivial, such as a parrot, a fine bath-house, or a
beautiful tree belonging to the person addressed. Such
works call for little poetic fervor, but merely for skill in
writing verses, and that Statius possessed in remarkable
measure. Nearly all the poems are in hexameters, only
six, among them one in celebration of Lucan's birthday,
being in other metres. There is more or less padding in
the poems ; invocations of the Muses or of gods take up
considerable space, and mythological allusions are need-
lessly multiplied; but these things are excusable in a
poet who writes to order to please a patron. Of all the
poems of Statius the most pleasing is one of only nine-
1 Thebais, xi, 580-585.
MARTIAL 201
teen lines addressed to Sleep, the "youth, most gentle
of the gods." The wakeful poet begs Sleep to come, but
does not ask him to spread all his wings over his eyes, but
merely to touch him with his wand, or pass lightly over
him. The Thebais and the Achilleis attained immediate
popularity, and continued to be much read and admired
in the Middle Ages ; but modern times have reversed the
former judgment, and such admiration as is still accorded
to Statius is given him on account of the Silvce.
The epics of Saleius Bassus and of Statius's father, both
of whom wrote under Vespasian, have disappeared, as
Other oets ^ave ^e tragedies and orations of Curiatius
Maternus, who lived at the same time. The
lyric poet, Arruntius Stella, and the poetess, Sulpicia,
wrote under Domitian, but their works also are lost, for the
extant short poem attributed to Sulpicia is a product of
a later time. The only Flavian poet, besides Valerius
Flaccus, Silius Italicus, and Statius, whose works remain,
is Martial.
Marcus Valerius Martialis was born at Bilbilis, in the
northeastern part of Spain, on the first of March, about
Martial ^ A* D' ^s Paren^s' Fronto and Flacilla,
gave him the usual grammatical and rhetori-
cal education at Bilbilis, or some neighboring town, and in
64 A. D. he went to Eome, where he became a client or
hanger-on of the family of Seneca and some other impor-
tant families. He may have practised law for a time, but
lived chiefly from the bounty of his patrons. The ius
trium liberorum granted him by Titus, was ratified by
Domitian. He received the title of tribune, which carried
with it equestrian rank. He owned a small country
estate near Momentum, perhaps a gift from Argentaria
Polla, Lucan's widow ; and at one time he had a house
of his own at Eome and kept some slaves. Still he
can never have been rich, for he complains constantly
of poverty. In 98 A. D. he returned to Spain, and died in
202 ROMAN LITERATURE
his native place not later than 104 A. D., for the younger
Pliny, in a letter written about that date, speaks of his re-
cent death.
Martial's poems comprise fourteen books of epigrams,
the last two books of which, consisting of lines intended
to accompany xenia and apophoreta, gifts which it was
customary to present to friends at the Saturnalia, were not
published as books by their author. One book of Spec-
tacula celebrates the theatrical performances and other
shows in which the Romans delighted ; the remaining
books are Epigrammata, each book revised and published
with an introduction by the author. The longest poem
contains fifty-one lines, the shortest consists of one hex-
ameter. Most of the poems are in elegiac verse, but many
are in hendecasyllables, and a few other metres occur.
Martial is the master of epigram. His verses are senten-
tious and to the point, often bitter, not infrequently inde-
cent, but never stilted, dull, or unnatural. In an age of
many imitative poets, Martial was original. This does not
mean that no traces of imitation are to be found in his
poems, for his obligations to Catullus are evident and
frankly acknowledged, while the influence of Virgil, Ovid,
and Juvenal is plainly to be seen ; but his pointed wit, his
candor, and his sententious brevity are his own. He has
no lofty poetic inspiration, and exhibits no greater height
of character than what is needed to let him see and ac-
knowledge his own limitations. In spite of the bitterness
of many of his verses, he seems to have been a man of
genial nature. He was a friend of Silius Italicus, Quintil-
ian, the younger Pliny, and Juvenal, but does not mention
Statius by name, though his sneers at epic poets are prob-
ably directed against him. The younger Pliny says of
him : " He was a talented, acute, and spirited man, whose
writings are full of wit and gall, and not less candor." '
1 Pliny, Up. Ill, xxi.
MARTIAL 203
Martial is not to be ranked among great poets, but his
ability to express well-defined thoughts in brief, senten-
tious, pointed words, has made his epigrams the models
for all later times. The following lines commemorate
the death of Arria, who, when her husband Paetus was
ordered to kill himself, showed him the way :
The poniard, with her life-blood dyed,
When Arria to her Psetus gave,
" 'Twere painless, my beloved," she cried,
" If but my death thy life could save." *
Another brief epigram is on some fishes, supposed to
be the work of the great sculptor Phidias :
These fishes Phidias wrought ; with life by him
They are endowed; add water and they swim.8
These lines also refer to a work of art :
That lizard on the goblet makes thee start.
Fear not; it lives only by Mentor's art.8
The daily life of Eome is described in the following
lines :
Visits consume the first, the second hour;
When comes the third, hoarse pleaders show their power;
At four to business Rome herself betakes ;
At six she goes to sleep, by seven she wakes ;
By nine well breathed from exercise we rest,
And in the banquet hall the couch is pressed.
Now>when thy skill, greatest of cooks, has spread
The ambrosial feast, let Martial's rhymes be read,
With mighty hand while Caesar holds the bowl,
When drafts of nectar have relaxed his soul.
Now trifles pass. My giddy Muse would fear
Jove to approach in morning mood severe.4
1 1, xiii. These selections are translated by Goldwin Smith in
Say Leaves.
9 III, xxxv, s III, xli. * IV, viii.
204 ROMAN LITERATURE
Among the many learned writers of this period the
most important is the elder Pliny. Gains Plinius Secun-
dus was born at Novum Comum, in northern
t 6 n %3 A. D. At an early age he went to
Rome, where he came under the influence of
Pomponius Secundus, whose example may have led him
to combine public service with diligent study and author-
ship. Pliny's life was passed in the service of the ^tate.
He was an officer in the cavalry, serving in Germany and
perhaps also in Syria ; he was a trusted counsellor and
agent of Vespasian, and held at different times the im-
portant post of procurator or governor in several prov-
inces. His nephew mentions especially his procuratorship
in Spain. These various and important official duties
did not, however, withdraw Pliny's mind from his studies.
When he was carried in the litter through the streets in
the evening, after his official duties were performed,
while he was bathing, and at his meals, he read or was
read to constantly. He believed that no book was so poor
as not to contain something worth recording, and there-
fore he took notes of all he read. At his death he left
one hundred and sixty rolls of manuscript notes, closely
written on both sides. With all this reading Pliny was
not a mere bookworm, but a practical man of affairs and
an interested observer of men and things about him. His
zeal for knowledge cost him his life ; for when the great
eruption of Vesuvius took place, in 79 A. D., Pliny, who
was in command of the fleet at Misenum, went in a war
galley to the neighborhood of the volcano to investigate
the strange phenomenon and to aid those in peril, landed,
and finally succumbed to the ashes and noxious gases.
The description of this event is the most interesting of
the letters of his nephew, the younger Pliny.
The result of Pliny's diligence is seen in his great
encyclopaedic work, the Natural History, in thirty-seven
books. In this he undertakes to describe the whole realm
PLINY THE ELDER 205
of nature in a systematic way. The first book consists
of a table of contents with a list of the authors con-
sulted. Then follow in order the general
Histor* UI mathematical and physical description of
the universe, geography and ethnology, an-
thropology, zoology, botany, and mineralogy. Under min-
eralogy the uses of metals and stones are described, and
this leads to a valuable history of painting and sculp-
ture. The Natural History is written for the most part
in a simple, straightforward style, though with occasional
lapses from good taste, but it is not a great work of liter-
ature. Its importance lies in the information it contains.
In the first book, Pliny mentions nearly five hundred
authors from whom his information is derived, but as he
also speaks of one hundred chosen ones whose works he
consulted, it is evident that his authorities fall into two
classes. Apparently he really consulted about one hun-
dred, but recorded in the first book the names of other
writers to whom his real authorities referred. Pliny is
almost the only ancient writer who tries to give much
information about the sources of his knowledge, but it is
often difficult, if not impossible, even in his case to be
sure from what source a particular statement is derived.
In general, it is clear that Pliny was a careful worker,
and his statements can, as a rule, be accepted as true.
The great work was ready for publication in 77 A. D. and
was sent to Titus with an interesting preface. But even
after this, Pliny continued to add the results of further
reading or observation. His death came upon him in the
midst of his work. Pliny was also the author of several
other works, the most important of which were the
History of the German Wars, in twenty
works8 ° books, and a history From the End of the
History of Aufidius Bassus^ in thirty-one
books. Just what period this work embraced is not cer-
tain, but the suggestion that each book treated of one
206 ROMAN LITERATURE
year and that the whole was a history of the years 41-71
A. D. is not improbable. These works, as well as Pliny's
lesser writings, are lost, but they served at least to supply
material to Tacitus, who cites the German Wars, and
to other historians.
Of the technical writings of this period only two now
exist : the Stratagems (Strategemata) and the treatise on
Fronthms. the Roman aqueducts (De Aquis Urbis Romm
Various Libri 77), by Sextius Julius Frontinus, a
writers. man of some distinction, who was praetor in
70 A. D., consul several times, and was appointed Curator
Aquarum, or overseer of the water supply of Eome, in 97
A. D. His writings belong rather to the history of tech-
nical studies than to that of literature. The names of
several authors of memoirs of travels, legal treatises,
speeches, histories, and technical writings of various
kinds are known to us, but their works are lost or only
partially preserved as unsatisfactory fragments. The
schools of grammar and rhetoric continued to exist, and
many teachers of these subjects enjoyed considerable rep-
utation. The greatest among them, and the only one
whose work has survived to modern times, is Quintilian,
the last, and in some respects the greatest, of the Span-
ish writers of Eome.
Marcus Fabius Quintilianus was born at Calagurris,
in Spain, about 35 A. D. He was educated at Rome under
the most distinguished teachers of the time, and when his
education was completed returned to his native place. But
in 68 A. D., Galba, who had been governor in Spain before he
. became emperor, called Quintilian to Rome.
Here he became a teacher of rhetoric, and
received a salary from the imperial treasury. At the
same time he was a prominent barrister, but published
only one speech, though others were published without
his authority from shorthand reports. He was a man
of great influence, and was even raised to the consul-
QUINTILIAN 207
ship by Domitian, who had appointed him tutor of his
grandnephews. After teaching for twenty years he gave
up his school and devoted himself to the composition of
his great work, the Institutio Oratorio,. This was pub-
lished about 93 A. D. An earlier work, On the Reasons for
the Decay of Oratory (De Causis Corrupts Eloquentice),
is lost. Quintilian's private life was not free from trouble.
He married at an advanced age, but his wife died when
only eighteen years old, his younger son soon after at the
age of five, and his elder son after a brief interval at the
age of nine. When Quintilian died is not known, but he
can hardly have lived long after 100 A. D.
The title Institutio Or at or ia, given by Quintilian to
his work, designates it as a text-book of oratory. But it
is no mere technical treatise on the art of
speaking. Quintilian was an enthusiastic
lover of his profession, and believed that ora-
tory was the highest expression of human thought and
human life. Like Cato, he demanded that the orator be
not merely a good speaker, but also, and first of all, a
good man. He must also have a general literary educa-
tion before proceeding to the technical study of oratory.
Owing to this large conception of the qualities of the
orator, Quintilian's great work became a general and very
important treatise on education. Its arrangement is as
follows : the first book treats of the elements of education
and contains many interesting observations upon family
life ; the fundamental principles of rhetoric are treated
in the second book, which carries on the discussion of
the purposes and methods of education; the next five
books (III-VII) deal exhaustively with the matter of
oratory under the main heads of invention and disposition
or arrangement, and are for the most part strictly tech-
nical ; four books (VIII-XI) treat of expression and all
that is included in the word style, with a discussion of
memorizing and delivery ; and the last book (XII), now
208 ROMAN LITERATURE
that the theory of oratory is expounded, reverts to the
orator himself, and discusses the moral qualities and the
continuous self-discipline which alone can make the ora-
tor great.
The technical part of the Institutio Oratorio, is now,
since the study of formal rhetoric is no longer an impor-
tant part of a liberal education, of little interest except
to those who make a special study of Roman style and
educational theories. Yet even in these books are many
wise utterances of permanent value, such as " the price
of a laugh is too high when it is purchased at the expense
of virtue " ; 1 or, " a joke at the expense of the wretched is
inhuman " ; 2 or, " it is the spirit and the force of mind that
make men eloquent."3 Such remarks, admirably ex-
pressed and inserted in fitting places, make the more
technical books of Quintilian 's work even now well worth
reading. But the chief interest for the modern reader
lies in those parts of the work which have less to do with
the special training of the orator, and are more general in
their scope — the discussion of elementary education in
the first book, the treatise on the larger and broader edu-
cation of mature life in the last book, and the brief crit-
ical survey of Greek and Latin literature in the first chap-
ter of the tenth book.
The theory of education as presented by Quintilian is
the result of serious thought. It shows a breadth of
view, a reasonableness, and at the same time
a loftiness of conception that give its author
at once an important position among educa-
tional writers. The ethical or moral element in educa-
tion is especially emphasized. Quintilian, like many
others in his day, felt that the standard of morals, of lit-
erature, and of oratory was lower than in the days of the
republic. But instead of mourning over the decay of
1 Inst. Orat., vi, 3, 5. 2 Ibid., vi, 3, 5. 3 Ibid., yii, 7, 2.
QUINTILIAN 209
Roman virtue and taste, Quintilian, seeing that the
only cure lay in right education, undertook to show the
way to a restoration of the ancient excellence. Tacitus,
in his essay on oratory, mentions carelessness of parents
and bad education as the chief reason for the decay of
eloquence ; the same ground had apparently been taken
by Quintilian himself in his lost essay on the Decay of
Oratory, and in the Institutio Oratoria the attempt is
made to show how deterioration may be stopped and the
old virtue restored. That others besides Quintilian were
seriously interested in reform there is no doubt, and if
their efforts met with little success, it is probably in part
because they tried to restore the excellence of a time that
was past and were unable to regulate the active forces of
the present.
As a literary critic Quintilian exhibits the same sanity
that characterizes his educational theory. Since a knowl-
edge of the best literature is necessary for the
orator, Quintilian passes in review the chief
Greek and Latin writers, and it is interesting
to observe that he regards the- latter as the equals of the
Greeks. He has decided preferences, and gives to Cicero,
whom he regards as the equal of Demosthenes, the fore-
most place among the Eomans. Yet he recognizes the
merits even of those authors, such as Seneca, whose style
he least admires. In brief and admirably expressive
words he characterizes the style of the chief writers of
Greece and Eome, and his judgment has, in almost every
case, remained the judgment of later ages. It is inter-
esting also to note that the works of nearly all those
writers whom he mentions as the best have been preserved
to our own time, which is an additional proof that the
extant works have been preserved for the most part not
by mere chance but on account of their intrinsic merit.
Quintilian's admiration for Cicero is evident in his own
style. Statius had reverted to the style of Virgil, and
210 ROMAN LITERATURE
Quintilian goes back to Cicero, discarding the rhetorical
excrescences of Seneca and his school. His Latin is clas-
sical and beautiful, sometimes equal to that
of Cicero himself. He is the foremost rep-
resentative of the classical reaction of his time. But
the reversion to an earlier style, whether in literature or
art, has never been permanent, and Quintilian's influence,
great as it undoubtedly was, could not stop the course of
that change and decay which was in the end destined to
transform the Latin language and bring into being the
Komance tongues of modern times.
CHAPTER XV
NBBVA AND TRAJAN
Nerva, 96-98 A. D.— Trajan, 98-117 A. D.— Tacitus, about 55 to
about 118 A. D.— Juvenal, 55 (?) to about 135 A. D.— Pliny the younger,
61 or 62 to 112 or 113 A. D. — Other writers.
UNDER Nerva (96-98 A. D.) and Trajan (98-117 A. D.)
freedom of speech and literary utterance, which had been
banished under the tyranny of Domitian, were restored.
Nerva and Trajan were educated men. Noth-
Nervaand -^ remajns of Nerva's poems, which led
Martial to call him "the Tibullus of our
times," and Trajan's history of the Dacian War is
also, unfortunately, lost. Trajan's replies to the letters
of the younger Pliny show that he could write in a clear,
concise, and business-like manner, but exhibit no further
literary qualities. He paid attention to the education of
the young and founded the Ulpian library, but was not a
man of marked literary tastes. Under Nerva and Trajan
literature was allowed to take its own course without
hindrance and also without that imperial patronage which
sometimes stifles free utterance quite as effectually as
severity or intimidation. Nevertheless there was little
literary production of any importance. There were many
writers, but most of them have left not even their names
to posterity. The only authors of literary importance
under these emperors are Tacitus, Juvenal, and the
younger Pliny.
Cornelius Tacitus l was born, according to such evi-
1 The prcenomen is uncertain. The best manuscript (Mediceus I)
gives it as Publius, later manuscripts and Sidonius Apollinaris as Gaius.
211
212 EOMAN LITERATURE
dence as exists, in 55 or 56 A. D. The place of his birth
is not recorded, and nothing certain is known of his
family ; but his education, his career, and his
marriage to the daughter of Agricola all com-
bine to indicate that he belonged to a family of some im-
portance. His marriage took place in 78 A. D., one year
after the consulship of Agricola. Tacitus began his offi-
cial career under Vespasian, continued it under Titus, and
reached the rank of praetor under Domitian, in 88 A. D.
Under Trajan, in 97 A. D., he was appointed consul suf-
fectus, and about 112-116 A. D. he was proconsul of Asia.
His death took place probably not long after 117 A. D.
He had a great reputation as a public speaker, as is evi-
dent from the fact that in 97 or 98 A. D. he delivered the
funeral oration over Verginius Eufus, and it was probably
due in great measure to his eloquence that in 100 A. D. he
and Pliny accomplished the conviction of Marius Priscus,
proconsul of Africa, for extortion. It was not without
knowledge of public affairs that Tacitus turned to the
writing of history, nor was it without practical knowledge
of oratory that he wrote the dialogue De Oratoribus.
The works of Tacitus in the order of composition are
the Dialogue on Orators (Dialogue de Oratoribus), the
Works of dramatic date of which is 75 A. D., while the
Tacitus. date of composition is uncertain; the Ger-
The mania, published in 98 A. D. ; the Agricola,
Dialogus. written early in the reign of Trajan, probably
in 98 A. D. ; the Histories, written under Trajan, and
apparently not completed much before 110 A. D. ; and the
Annals, published between 115 and 117 A. D. The Dia-
logue on Orators is an inquiry into the causes of the de-
cay of oratory. In form it is an imitation of Cicero's
famous dialogue De Oratore, and the style also imitates
that of Cicero. In this respect the dialogue is so unlike
the later works of Tacitus that his authorship has been
denied by many scholars. It must, however, be remem-
TACITUS 213
bered that this is his earliest work, and that the Ciceronian
style was taught in the school of Quintilian and no doubt
in other schools at Eome, so that an imitation of Cicero
was a natural beginning for a young author. Moreover,
there are in the dialogue traces of the later style of Taci-
tus, which is distinguished for its epigrammatic utterances
and its frequent use of innuendo. The work may therefore
be unhesitatingly ascribed to Tacitus. It is an interesting
and attractive dialogue, in which the quiet life of the poet
is contrasted with the more active career of the orator
before the real subject — the reasons for the decay of ora-
tory— is discussed. The conclusion is reached that ora-
tory has declined partly on account of the faulty rhetor-
ical education in vogue, but still more because the orator
no longer has under the imperial government the influ-
ence and power that belonged to his predecessors in the
days of the republic.
The Agricola (De Vita et Moribus lulii AgricolcB) is
a biography and panegyric of Gnaeus Julius Agricola,
Tacitus's father-in-law. In the introduction
Tacitus gives his reasons for having written
nothing during the reign of Domitian. The passage de-
serves to be quoted, not only as a specimen of Tacitus's
style, but because it places in a clear light his view of the
imperial government in the first century. Throughout
the Histories and the Annals his attitude is the same,
and his genius has imposed his view upon all later times.
Under Domitian two eminent Stoics, Arulenus Rusticus
and Herennius Priscus, had been put to death and their
works publicly burned. Tacitus mentions this and then
expresses himself as follows :
They thought forsooth that in that fire the voice of the Roman
people and the freedom of the senate and the conscience of the
human race were being consumed, especially since the teachers of
philosophy had been banished and every good profession driven
into exile, that nothing honorable might offend them. We have
ROMAN LITERATURE
indeed given a great proof of our patience ; and just as the ancient
time saw the utmost limit of liberty, so we have seen the utmost
limit of servitude, when even the intercourse of speech and hear-
ing was taken away by the inquisitions. And with our speech we
should have lost even our very memory, if we had been as
able to forget as to keep silent. Now at last our courage has re-
turned, but although . . . Trajan is daily adding to the blessed-
ness of the times, . . . and the state has gained confidence and
strength, nevertheless by the nature of human weakness remedies
are slower than diseases ; and just as our bodies grow slowly, but
are quickly destroyed, so you can oppress genius and learning more
quickly than you can revive them. For the charm of sloth also
comes over us, and the inactivity we hated.at first grows dear at
last. Throughout fifteen years, a great part of the life of man,
many have fallen through chance mishaps, and all the most ener-
getic ones by the cruelty of the emperor, and a few of us are
left, so to speak, as survivors not only of the others, but even of
ourselves, since there have been taken out of our lives so many
years, in which we who were youths have passed to old age and
as old men have almost reached the limit of life itself without a
word.1
Agricola was not a great man either in intellect or in
force of character. Moreover, he had lived through the
reign of Domitian in safety by not opposing the will of
the tyrant. Naturally it was hard to write a panegyric on
such a man which should interest and please the public.
But Tacitus, by laying the chief stress upon Agricola's
successful administration in Britain, which is prefaced by
an account of the country and of the previous Roman ex-
peditions thither, made of his panegyric a genuine bit of
history with Agricola, the most prominent person in it.
Thus the reader's interest is kept alive and the writer's
purpose accomplished. The work closes with an eloquent
and beautiful apostrophe to Agricola.
When he wrote the Agricola, Tacitus was already plan-
ning a great history of his own times, for which he had
1 Agricola, 2 f .
TACITUS 215
at least begun to accumulate materials. In the Germania
(De Origine Situ Moribus ac Populis Germanics) the
material collected to serve as introductory to
the account of the wars in Germany is pub-
lished as a separate work. The little treatise
is interesting as the earliest extant connected account of
the country and inhabitants of northern Europe. A few
of the statements contained in it are manifestly incor-
rect, but for the most part, what Tacitus tells us agrees
with and supplements what we know from other sources.
The essay is a compilation from various earlier works,
among which Pliny's History of the German Wars was
no doubt the most important, though Tacitus probably
consulted the works of Caesar, Velleius Paterculus, and
others, besides obtaining information from some of the
many Romans who had served in the army in Germany.
There is no indication that Tacitus was ever in Germany
himself. As a literary production the Germania is far in-
ferior to the Agricola, though written at about the same
time. In the Agricola Tacitus expresses his own feel-
ings for his father-in-law, whom he evidently loved and
respected, while in the Germania there is little room for
feeling of any sort, and none for emotion. Yet, with all
the difference in literary merit, the two works show the
style of Tacitus at the same stage. There are still some
remnants of Ciceronian smoothness, but these are evi-
dently survivals. The tendency to use concise, even abbre-
viated phrases, to add point to expressions by verbal an-
tithesis or by inversion of order, and to make his sentences
imply more than the words actually express, is character-
istic of Tacitus's mature style and is evident, though not
yet fully developed, in the Agricola and the Germania alike.
At least as early as 98 A. D. Tacitus planned to write a
history of his own times. His original purpose was to be-
gin with the accession of Galba and continue in chrono-
logical order. But after completing the history of the
15
216 ROMAN LITERATURE
period from Galba to the death of Domitian (68-96 A. D.)
he went back to the death of Augustus, and wrote the
history of the time to the accession of Galba
(1^-68 A. D.). He intended to write the his-
tory of the reigns of Nerva and Trajan, but
never did so. The part of the work first completed, treat-
ing of the events of the author's own lifetime, is entitled
Histories (Historice) ; the part written later, but treating of
the earlier period, is usually called the Annals (Annales),
though its proper title is A b Excessu Divi Augusti, in imi-
tation of the title of Livy's history, Ab Urle Condita. The
two together consisted of thirty books, of which fourteen
belong to the Histories and sixteen to the Annals. Of the
Annals, the following parts are preserved: Books I-IV
and the beginning of Book V, from the death of Au-
gustus to the year 29 A. D., Book VI, with the exception
of the beginning, carrying on the story to the death of
Tiberius, and Books XI-XVI, from 47-66 A. D., though
this long fragment is mutilated at the beginning and the
end. The account of the reign of Caligula is lost, as is
that of the first seven years of the reign of Claudius, and
of somewhat more than two years at the end of the reign
of Nero. Of the Histories only the first four books and
part of the fifth remain, and this important fragment is
preserved in only one manuscript. It contains the his-
tory of little more than one year, the memorable year
68-69 A. D., in which Galba, Otho, and Vitellins, in quick
succession, gained the imperial power and lost their lives,
to be followed by Vespasian.
In the Annals, dealing with a period before his own
recollection, Tacitus treats the history of Eome and the
empire as if it were directed by the wishes,
The Annals. ,1 i • -, . » ••'*"•• a *
the whims, and caprices 01 a few individuals.
He depicts the character of Tiberius and the court of
Nero in vivid and lurid colors. The court intrigues, the
judicial and private murders, the licentiousness and cor-
TACITUS 217
ruption of the capital are spread before us with all the
power of his brilliant and incisive style. These things
appear as the most important matters in the history of
the time. Modern scholars have, with the aid of inscrip-
tions, found that the Eoman empire was, throughout this
period, ably and peaceably administered by permanent
officials, and was little affected by the terror that reigned
in the capital. But for Tacitus, Eome was the empire.
The provinces were in the dim distance and had in his
eyes little historical importance. That his view of history
is narrow and distorted is clear ; yet his genius has made
it for centuries the only accepted view of Eoman history
under the early emperors. In the Histories, dealing with
his own times, he sees things more clearly. The uprising
of the Batavians under Civilis and the war in Palestine are
treated with as much detail as the sanguinary struggles in
Eome, though here also the influence of the characters
and acts of individuals upon the irresistible course of
history is overrated. This view of history, which makes
events depend too much upon individuals, joined with a
pessimism which sees hidden motives behind even inno-
cent or indifferent acts, is the great defect of Tacitus
as an historian. His information is carefully collected,
though, as a rule, he neglects all mention of his authorities.
In preparing his account of the Jews in the fifth book of
the Histories he relied apparently upon hearsay and upon
other untrustworthy sources of information, without re-
ferring to the Septuagint or to Josephus, but similar care-
lessness can not be proved in other parts of his work.
His style is impregnated with the words and phrases
of the classical writers, especially of Virgil, and with the
rhetorical teaching of the Silver Age, and yet
Tacitus* ^ *s thoroughly individual. It is concise,
sharp, and cutting, but often grandly poetic
in its eloquence ; it is apparently straightforward, yet
somehow often reveals a half-hidden meaning ; it is care-
218 ROMAN LITERATURE
fully elaborated, yet it affects the reader with rugged
earnestness. Such a style is almost inimitable, whether
by writers of Latin or by translators. It has been compared
to that of Carlyle, and the comparison is worth mention-
ing, though it should not be pushed too far. Few proso
works contain more epigrammatic sentences than those
of Tacitus. Examples are : " Traitors are hated, even by
those whom they advance " ; l " None grieve more osten-
tatiously than those who are most delighted in their
hearts";8 "Princes are mortal, the state eternal";3
" When the state was most corrupt the laws were most
numerous " ; 4 " New men rather than new measures " ; 6
"Vices will exist as long as men";6 "Fame does not
always err ; sometimes it chooses." 7 Endowed, as he was,
with striking stylistic ability, writing, in fact, in a style
which could not fail to arouse the interest and hold the
attention of his readers, it is no wonder that Tacitus suc-
ceeded in imposing upon the world his views of history,
which can be only partially corrected by the careful study
and interpretation of fragmentary records.
Juvenal can hardly be separated from Tacitus. Both
depict the life of Rome in the same lurid light, and the
Juvenal picture presented by each agrees with that of
the other. Juvenal's diatribes seem to illus-
trate the statements of Tacitus, and Tacitus shows that
Juvenal's violence is justified by the facts. Of Juvenal's
life little is known. His full name is given in some manu-
scripts as Decimus lunius luvenalis. One vita or life
gives the date of his birth as 55 A. D., which may be cor-
rect, though there is no especial reason to regard it as ex-
act. He was born at Aquinum, a town of the Volscians,
where he held the offices of duumvir quinquennalis and
of flamen Divi Vespasiani. He was also at one time a
military tribune, serving with the first Dalmatian cohort,
1 Annals, i, 58. 2 Ann., ii, 77. 8 Ann., iii, 6. 4 Ann., hi, 27.
6 Hist., ii, 95. G Hist., iv, 74. 7 Agric., 9.
JUVENAL 219
perhaps in Britain. This military service probably be-
longs to his youth, and the local offices to his later life.
He evidently received a good education, and he appears to
have practised oratory for some years. Martial, who men-
tions him several times, speaks of him as eloquent, not as
poetic or satirical. The lives agree in stating that he was
banished, but not in regard to the time or place of his
banishment. He came to Eome about 90 A. D., was still
there in 101 A. D., and probably spent part of some of the
later years in the capital. At Eome he lived in the Su-
bura, the plebeian quarter, but had access to the houses
of rich nobles. His satires were written between 100 and
127 A. D., and he died about 135 A. D.
Juvenal is the harshest and most violent of the four
great Eoman satirists. Lucilius was outspoken and some-
times bitter, but aimed to correct while he
e atires. rebuke(j ^e follies of his time ; Horace soon
lost all bitterness and expressed good-humored raillery;
Persius derived his themes from books and preached
Stoic doctrines; but Juvenal attacks Eoman society in
fierce and biting verses, shrinking from no gruesome
or indecent detail, showing no humor save of the grim-
mest and harshest sort, and with no hope of correcting
the evils he depicts. He has all the variety of phrase
of the accomplished rhetorician, and his lines have a
rolling grandeur almost Virgilian. He shows, indeed,
the influence of Yirgil more than of any other previous
writer, though traces of Homer, Herodotus, Plato, nearly
all the Eoman poets, and among Eoman prose writers
Cicero, Valerius Maximus, and Seneca are found in his
satires. The violence of his satires is, however, not
directed against his contemporaries. He seems to have
in mind rather the Eome of Domitian than that of Tra-
jan or Hadrian, under whose rule he wrote. The six-
teen satires are divided into five books. Book I (Satires
i-vi) was written not earlier than 100 A. D., and Book II
220 ROMAN LITERATURE
(Satire vii) not before 116 A. D. These are the most
powerful, most violent, and least agreeable books. Book
III (Satires vii-ix) was written about 120, Book IV
(Satires x-xii) about 125, and Book V (Satires xiii-xvi)
in 127 A. D. In these three books there is less viru-
lence, but also less power than in the first two. Old
age brought with it a loss at once of fierceness and of
strength.
In the first satire, Juvenal gives his reasons for writ-
ing as he does. He is tired of listening to endless epics,
and the corruptions of the time are such that
Contents of « it ig Difficult not to write satire," l and
the Satires. „„ mi ., ,
" indignation makes verse. ' The evils to be
attacked are enumerated in a series of rapidly sketched
pictures, and the poet declares that "all that men do,
their hope, fear, wrath, pleasure, joys, and gaddings make
up the medley of my book."3 And in the following
satires the faults of men, the dangers of the city, the
court of Domitian, the pride of wealth, the crimes of
women, the lack of honor paid to intellect, the worthless-
ness of noble birth without virtue, unnatural lust, the
shortsightedness of human wishes, the wrong of setting
children a bad example, and other striking features of
the life of Eome are vividly presented and ruthlessly
attacked. One of the most interesting satires is the
third, in which the dangers of the city are described. A
man who is leaving Eome for a small country town gives
reasons for his departure :
What should I do at Rome ? I can not lie ;
I can not praise a book that's bad and beg
A copy of it ; I am ignorant
Of the motions of the stars ; I neither will
Nor can make promise of a father's death.4
1 Sat. i, 30. « Sat. i, 79. 3 Sat. i, 85 f.
4 Sat. Hi, 41 ff.
JUVENAL 221
The dirty streets, the water dripping from the aque-
duct, the risk from falling tiles or household vessels, the
drunken brawls in the streets, the rich man escorted
home by clients and slaves with naming torches, the dan-
ger from robbers — these and many other details of the
ill regulated capital are set before us. This satire is
imitated by Johnson in his London, which has rightly
been called one of the finest modern imitations of an
ancient poem, and the same author's poem on The Vanity
of Human Wishes is a less accurate, though not less
admirable, imitatipn of Juvenal's tenth satire. The clos-
ing passage of the tenth satire, in which the poet tells
what are the proper objects of prayer, is a lofty utterance
of human wisdom. The most savage of all the satires is,
on the other hand, the sixth, in which the crimes of
women are held up to execration.
It is not easy for the modern reader to enjoy Juvenal.
His satires are full of allusions to unknown persons and
things at Eome ; they abound also in mythological refer-
ences and literary reminiscences, and finally the savage
tone of the earlier books is disagreeable. Yet the power
of invective, the clearness and vividness of description,
the variety of diction, and the beauty of versification
have combined to make Juvenal a much read author.
That he is also much quoted is due to the epigrammatic
and pointed form of many of his phrases. Hens sana in
corpore sano, l Ear a avis, 2 Panem et cir censes, 3 Hoc volo,
sic iubeo,* Quis custodiet ipsos citstodes? 5 are among the
most familiar Latin quotations, and many other almost
equally familiar expressions are derived from Juvenal.
Some of these are distinguished for their significance
quite as much as for their form. Such are, for instance :
"And for the sake of life give up life's only end"6 and
1 Sat. x, 356. a Sat. vi, 165. 8 Sat. x, 81.
4 Sat. vi, 223. 6 Sat. vi, 347. 6 Sat. viii, 84.
222 ROMAN LITERATURE
" The greatest reverence is due a child" l It is not with-
out reason that Juvenal has exerted great influence on
human thought.
Tacitus and Juvenal resemble each other in their
originality and vigor* of thought and expression, their
severe judgment of men and manners, and
their pessimism. The younger Pliny con-
trasts with them in all these respects, and
his letters give us an idea of Eoman life very different
from that which we derive from them. Gaius Plinius
Caecilius Secundus was the son of Lucius Caecilius Gilo,
a wealthy nobleman of Comum, but was adopted by will
by his uncle, the elder Pliny. He therefore changed his
name, which was originally Publius Caecilius Secundus,
and took that of his uncle, retaining his original family
name, Csecilius, only for legal and formal use. He was
born in 61 or 62 A. D., for he was in his eighteenth year
when the eruption of Vesuvius took place, August 24,
79 A. D. Gilo had died when Pliny was young, and the
boy had become the ward of Verginius Rufus, which fact
did not, however, diminish the paternal interest of his
uncle, with whom he was at the time of the eruption.
Pliny began his career as an advocate in 80 or 81 A. D.
He held various offices, was military tribune, quaestor in
89-90 A. D., tribune of the people in 90-91 A. D., praetor
in 93 A. D., was one of the prefects in charge of the war
treasury and also of the general treasury, became consul
in 100 A. D., and succeeded Sextus Julius Frontinus in
the college of augurs in 103 or 104 A. D. He was gov-
ernor of Pontus and Bithynia either in 111-112 or 112-
113 A. D., and died before 114 A. D., either in his province
or soon after his return to Italy. His life was passed
chiefly in the service of the government, and for the most
part at Rome. He was married three times, but had no
1 Sat. xiv, 47.
PLINY THE YOUNGER 223
children. He was an orator of some importance, deliver-
ing most of his speeches in inheritance cases, though he
was employed five times in important criminal suits. He
recited his speeches before delivering them in public,
and after delivery he published them, sometimes with
corrections. He was interested in poetry, and wrote
poems of various kinds, but these, as well as his speeches,
with the exception of his panegyric on Trajan, are lost.
Pliny's extant works consist of nine books of letters
to various persons, written between 97 and 109 A. D., a
panegyric on the Emperor Trajan, delivered
Plmy's • -J^QQ A wnen Pliny was made consul,
letters. J
and seventy-two letters to Trajan, written
between 98 and 106, and from September, 111, to Janu-
ary, 113 A. D. Trajan's replies to fifty-one of these letters
are published, which exhibit his firm judgment and prac-
tical common sense in striking contrast to Pliny's inde-
cision and lack of independence. Pliny's other letters
are more interesting. He describes the scenes in the
Roman courts, the gatherings where the audience was
bored by authors who recited their works, he gives
detailed descriptions of his Laurentine1 and Tuscan2
villas, in two letters 3 to Tacitus he gives an account of
the eruption of Vesuvius, his uncle's death, and his own
feelings. Incidentally he throws much light upon the
social and family life of the time. His own character is
also clearly portrayed. What a young prig he must have
been who refused his uncle's invitation to accompany
him to see, from a nearer point of view, the great erup-
tion, preferring to spend his time over his books, and
who even continued to make extracts when awakened by
the terrible quaking of the earth — and this at seventeen
years of age! His vanity is beautifully exhibited in
another letter to Tacitus,4 in which he tells a story to
his own credit, and hopes that Tacitus will insert it in
224 ROMAN LITERATURE
the Histories, and in still another,1 where he says to the
most original and inimitable of all Koman writers since
the Augustan times, " You, such is the similarity of our
natures, always seemed to me most easy to imitate and
most to be imitated. Wherefore I am the more pleased
that, if there is any talk about literature, we are men-
tioned together, that I occur at once to those who are
speaking of you." Other qualities appear no less clearly.
Vain he was and fond of praise, but at the same time
kind to his slaves, affectionate to his friends, gentle, and
conscientious. He seldom speaks unkindly of any one;
and when he utters a sharp criticism, he almost always
avoids mentioning the name of the person criticized.
The love of nature was fashionable at Eome, and Pliny
may be only following the fashion when he writes of
natural scenery, but it is quite as probable ^ that he
really felt its charms. He had a great admiration for
Cicero, and it was doubtless owing, in part, at fleast, to
this admiration that Pliny, like Cicero, published his
letters. There is, however, a great difference between
the two collections. Cicero's letters were collected and
publishecbbyothers, whereas Pliny's were from the begin-
ning intended for publication and were published at
various times by Pliny himself. They are therefore not
unpreme^itateH ^utterances, but carefully prepared writ-
ings for the "perusal of_4j^epublic. Nevertheless the
epistolary . style is wS8^wi^^H<L though not without
some pedantic elegance, and the letters give us the same
insight into Roman life under Trajan as do those of
Cicero into the life of the last years of the republic.
The Panegyric on Trajan was delivered as the official
expression of thanks on the part ok Pliny and his col-
league Cornutus Tertullus for their elevation to the con-
sulate. After the speech was delivered it was revised and
enlarged. It is therefore in its extant form neither a
1 Up., VII, xx.
PLINY THE YOUNGER 225
speech nor an historical essay, but a mixture of the two.
After an introduction, Trajan's acts before his entrance
into Kome are recounted, then his entrance
Panegyric. into the C^J> and ^is manJ political, munic-
ipal, and financial measures for the good of
the state. Trajan's personal qualities are praised in the
most fulsome manner and those of Domitian set forth in
the most hateful light. Then comes an account of Trajan's
second and third consulships, his care for the provinces,
and his judicial acts, with traits of his private life. The
speech or treatise ends with the expression of thanks from
Pliny and his colleague. The Panegyric is not an attrac-
tive production, but it is the chief source of information
concerning the history of the earlier years of Trajan's rule.
Though not a great man nor a great writer, Pliny
was a cultivated gentleman and a useful citizen. His
letters make us acquainted with Eoman life
writers. from a side that Tacitus and Juvenal leave
practically untouched. They are therefore
not only interesting, but, as historical documents, of great
importance. Besides Tacitus, Juvenal, and Pliny, there
are no writers of the time of Trajan who deserve more
than passing mention. The names of numerous poets
are preserved, chiefly in Pliny's letters, but their works
are lost, and we have no reason to believe that they
merited preservation. Orators, jurists, and grammarians
continued speaking and writing, and some among them
attained eminence, but their works are lost for the most
part, and the technical treatises on grammar which are
preserved possess little interest for the student of litera-
ture. The same remark applies to the treatises on sur-
veying and on the fortification of camps by Hyginus, on
geometry by Balbus, and on surveying by Siculus Flaccus.
The literature of the period between the death of Domi-
tian and the accession of Hadrian is contained in the
works of Tacitus, Juvenal, and Pliny.
CHAPTEE XVI
THE EMPERORS AFTER TRAJAN-SUETONIUS-OTHER
WRITERS
Hadrian, 117-138 A. D.— Antoninus Pius, 138-161 A. D.— Marcus
Aurelius, 161-180 A. D.— Comraodus, 180-192 A.D.— Septimius Sev-
erus, 193-211 A. D. — Alexander Severus, 222-235 A. D. — Gordian I,
238 A. D.— Gallienus, 260-268 A. D.— Aurelian, 270-275 A. D.— Tacitus,
275 A. D.— Suetonius, about 70 or 75 to about 150 A. D. — Florus, time
of Hadrian — Justin, time of Hadrian (?) — Licinianus, time of An-
toninus Pius — Ampelius, time of Antoninus Pius (?) — Salvius Juli-
anus, time of Hadrian— Sextus Pomponius, time of Antoninus Pius —
Gaius, about 110-180 A. D. — Quintus Cervidius Scaevola, time of
Antoninus and M. Aurelius — Papinianus, time of Commodus and
Septimius Severus — Terentius Scaurus, time of Hadrian — Terenti-
anus Maurus and Juba, before 200 A. D. — Aero, about 200 A. D. —
Porphyrio, about 200 A. D. — Festus, early in the third century.
IT was not until the fourth century after Christ that a
new capital of the Roman empire was founded at Con-
Latin stantinople; but long before that time the
literature reaj centre of gravity of the empire was shift-
after Trajan. ing toward tlie eagt In Agia? Egypt, and
Africa, were the great sources of wealth and the great
masses of population. While Rome was growing from
the position of a small Italian town to that of the ruler
of the world, and even for some time after the establish-
ment of the empire, the Romans had possessed a strong
national feeling, and Roman literature, although it began
with imitation of the works of the Greeks, had been a
national literature. But with the second century a
change, which had been in preparation since the days of
Augustus, became apparent. Rome was no longer the
LITERATURE AFTER TRAJAN 227
centre of the world in all things, though still the seat of
government. Men of distinction spent at least a great
part of their time in the smaller towns of Italy, and
the leaders of thought and creators of literature no
longer found it necessary to take up their residence at
Eome. Then, too, the progress of Christianity brought
with it a new literature which was not national, but
Christian. These causes, with others less obvious, but
perhaps no less potent, led to the rapid decay of the
national literature. It is our task from this point to
trace the progress of this decay, and at the same time to
record the rise of Christian literature in the Latin
language. Works of great literary importance are few in
this period, and the history of literature can be treated in
less detail than heretofore.
The Emperor Hadrian (117-138 A. D.) was a man
of singular versatility. He delivered and published
„ , . speeches and wrote an autobiography, works
on grammar, and even poems. He was
equally familiar with Greek and Latin, and it is probably
in part due to this fact that the literary revival during his
rule was less Latin than Greek. He spent a great part of
his time away from Rome, and wherever he went his
path was marked by the erection of buildings for use
and ornament. He lived for three years at Athens, where
he added a new quarter to the ancient city. Greek,
which had for centuries been familiar to the literary men
of Rome, became now, more than ever before, the literary
language of the empire. It is hardly to be wondered at
that Latin literature has under Hadrian no greater
representative than Suetonius.
Hadrian's successor, Antoninus Pius (138-161 A. D.),
was no writer, but showed his interest in literary and
intellectual matters by granting salaries and privileges
to philosophers and rhetors. Marcus Aurelius (161-180
A. D.) was carefully instructed by Greek and Roman teach-
228 ROMAN LITERATURE
ers. While still a mere boy he was greatly interested in
the Stoic philosophy ; but the famous orator and teacher
Fronto (see page 235) obtained such great in-
nines fluence over him, that for a number of years
he devoted himself to rhetoric. The cor-
respondence of Fronto with Marcus Aurelius shows how
great was the affection that existed between teacher
and pupil, and also how petty were the rhetorical teach-
ings and investigations in which Fronto passed his life
and to which he hoped his pupil would devote his intel-
lect. Fronto was, however, doomed to disappointment,
for when Marcus Aurelius was in his twenty-fifth year
he turned again to philosophy. The correspondence
with Fronto is conducted in Latin similar to Fronto's
own, plentifully adorned with obsolete expressions taken
from writers of the republican period. The Thoughts of
Marcus Aurelius, those ethical maxims and moral reflec-
tions which make the Stoic doctrines seem so much like
Christianity, are written in Greek. That Marcus Aurelius
regarded Greek as the proper language of culture, or at
least of philosophy, is shown by the fact that he estab-
lished the schools of philosophy at Athens with regularly
salaried professors. Lucius Verus, the colleague of Mar-
cus Aurelius until 169 A. D., was also a pupil of Fronto,
and in his letters to his teacher shows the same faults of
style exhibited by Marcus Aurelius. He had no influence
upon Latin literature, and Commodus (180-192 A. D.) had
no interest in literature of any sort.
Pertinax had literary tastes, but his brief reign gave
him no opportunity to influence the course of the national
literature, while his successor Didius Juli-
emperors. anus, who bought the empire from the prae-
torian guards, found after sixty-six days of
nominal power that his purchase brought him ruin and
death. Septimius Severus (193-211 A. D.), although his
native tongue was probably Punic, was well educated in
SUETONIUS 229
Greek and Latin and wrote an autobiography, but there is
no indication that he exercised any marked influence
upon Roman literature. Among the later emperors were
few whose literary interests were strong, and still fewer
who appear as authors. In the third century Alexander
Severus (222-235 A. D.) was seriously interested in Greek
and Latin literature and encouraged literary production
by all the means in his power ; Gordian I (238 A. D.) wrote
a metrical history of the Antonines in thirty books, besides
various other works in prose and verse, but these are lost,
and his brief reign did not enable him to give imperial en-
couragement to literature; the poems and speeches of
Gallienus (260-268 A. D.) and the historical writings of
Aurelian (270-275 A. D.) were of little importance. The
Emperor Tacitus (275 A. D.) exerted himself to spread
abroad the works of his ancestor the historian, and it may
be due to him that those . works are in part preserved.
Those among the still later emperors who had literary
interests made their influence felt rather upon Greek than
Latin literature.
The most important writer in the reign of Hadrian is
Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus. tie was born apparently
between 70 and 75 A. D. He was a friend of
Suetonius. X1 T-,,. , - • i • • i •
the younger .rimy, who mentions mm in his
letters. Pliny obtained for him a military tribuneship,
which he passed on to a relative. Pliny also assisted him
in the purchase of a small estate and encouraged him to
publish some of his writings. Under Hadrian he held a
position as secretary, from which he was dismissed in 121
A. D. Of his later life nothing is known, but he probably
devoted himself to his literary labors, and as his works
were numerous, we may assume that he lived to an ad-
vanced age.
Only two works of Suetonius are preserved, the first
entire, but for a small part at the beginning, and of the
second only a part, and that much mutilated. The
230 ROMAN LITERATURE
Lives of the Twelve Ccesars (De Vita Ccesarum), in eight
books, contains the lives of Julius Caesar (Book I), Au-
gustus (Book II), Tiberius (Book III), Ca-
The Lives of ^^ (B()ok Iy)j Claudius (Book y), Xero
(Book VI), Galba, Otho, Vitellius (Book VII),
Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian (Book VIII). The work is
dedicated to Septicius Clarus, to whom Pliny the younger
dedicated his letters, and was published between 119 and
121 A. D., for Clarus is addressed as prcefectus prcetorio, an
office which he held only during those years. The begin-
ning is lost, for the life of Caesar begins at the point when
Caesar was sixteen years old. Suetonius is a careful and
conscientious writer and makes use of various sources of
information, not only published histories and biographies,
but also public documents, autograph letters of the em-
perors, and apparently oral tradition. He lacks, however,
the critical insight necessary for a good historian and the
understanding of character needed by a good biographer.
He collected his material with impartiality, avoiding
neither what was friendly nor what was hostile to the em-
perors whose lives he records, and arranged this material
as best he could, with no apparent endeavor to trace the
development of character, or even to determine in all
cases the chronological sequence of events. Dates are
seldom given, and the work as a whole presents rather the
material for history than real history. But this material
is interesting, and the style is simple, straightforward, and
clear. Although he wrote at a time when affectations of
style were fashionable, Suetonius had the good taste to
keep himself free from them.
The second work of Suetonius, entitled De Viris Illus-
tribus (On Illustrious Men), was a series of
Illustribus biographies of Latin poets, orators, historians,
philosophers, grammarians, and rhetoricians.
The section on orators began with Cicero, that on histo-
rians with Sallust. The greater part of the section on
OTHER PROSE WRITERS 231
grammarians and rhetoricians is extant, as are the lives of
Terence, Horace, and Lucan from the section on poets,
and that of Pliny the elder from the section on historians.
Extracts from other parts of the work are preserved by
Jerome and in the scholia on various writers. Each sec-
tion contained a list of the authors discussed, a brief
account of their branch of literature, and short lives of
the authors arranged chronologically. In this work also
the style is simple and clear, but brevity is sought at the
expense of literary excellence.
Other works by Suetonius, some of which were much
used by later writers as sources of information, were on
Greet Games, Eoman Games, the Eoman
Other works. Year) Critical Marks in Bookg) Cicero's Re-
public, Dress, Imprecations, and Roman Laws and Customs.
Some of these were doubtless included in a work entitled
Praia, a sort of encyclopaedia in ten books, which dealt
also with philology and natural science. The works on
Greek Games and on Imprecations were apparently written
in Greek, the rest in Latin. Suetonius was not a great
writer, but was a diligent compiler of interesting informa-
tion. His extant works are valuable as sources of in-
formation rather than as literary productions, though
their freedom from the affectations of the age entitles
their author to some praise even from a literary point of
view.
To the time of Hadrian belongs a brief history of
Rome by Annius or Annaeus Florus. This is not a mere
epitome of Livy, as it is entitled in one of the
manuscripts, but rather a panegyric on the
Eoman people. Florus personifies the Eoman people,
speaks of its childhood under the rule of the kings, its
youth while Eome was conquering Italy, its manhood
from the conquest of Italy to the time of Augustus, and
then instead of going on to tell of its old age, he says the
emperor restored it to youth. Florus writes in a flowery,
16
232 ROMAN LITERATURE
rhetorical style, and pays little attention to any part of
history except wars and battles. For these reasons, and
also because of its brevity, the work was a popular text-
book in the Middle Ages. This Florus is probably iden-
tical with a poet who is reported to have joked with
Hadrian, and who has left two rather attractive specimens
of verse, one of fire lines on spring, the other of twenty-
six lines on the quality of life. A fragment of a discus-
sion of the question whether Virgil was greater as a poet
or as an orator is also preserved under the name of Florus.
If this Florus is still the same person, we learn from the
fragment that he was unsuccessful in competing for a
prize in poetry at Eome, traveled about in many parts of
the empire, and finally settled as a teacher in a provincial
town, probably Tarraco (Tarragona), in the northeast part
of Spain.
Historical writing was at a low ebb. Suetonius is far
the most important historian of the second century, and
he is made important rather by the dearth
historical °^ §°°^ historians than by his own merits,
writings of Florus hardly deserves the name of historian,
the second Justin's epitome of Trogus (see page 164)
belongs, perhaps, to the time of Hadrian, and
is important because it has preserved much of the sub-
stance of the work of Trogus, but is in no sense an
original history. Under Antoninus Pius a history of
Rome was written by Granius Licinianus, but the extant
fragments show that this was little more than an epitome
of Livy. The Liber Memorialis, by Lucius Ampelius,
written at about the same time, is a little handbook of
useful knowledge, containing general information about
the earth, the stars, and the winds, followed by a brief
sketch of the history of various nations. It is a mere com-
pilation, possessing neither historical nor literary value.
The study of law was, on the other hand, pursued by
many jurists of ability, whose works were much used by
OTHER PROSE WRITERS 233
those who gave to Roman law its final form in the reign
of Justinian. Under Hadrian the edicts of the praetors
and other magistrates were collected and
codified by Salvius Julianus, a distinguished
jurist of African birth, who attained the position of
prcefectus urM and was twice consul. The Edictum Per-
petuum, as his work is called, became henceforth the
basis of Roman law. Julianus was also the author of in-
dependent juristic works. Sextus Pomponius, a younger
contemporary of Julianus, wrote among other things a
brief history of Roman jurisprudence, which is incorpo-
rated in the digests. Among the many jurists of the reign
of Antoninus Pius, the most important is Gaius (about 110-
180 A. D.), whose introduction to the study of law (Insti-
tutiones), clearly written in good and simple language, is
for the most part preserved in the digests, and served as
the foundation of the similar work written at the com-
mand of Justinian. The works of Quintus Cervidius Scae-
vola, who lived under Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius,
were also much used by the writers of the pandects. One of
the most distinguished jurists under Commodus and Sep-
timius Severus was Papinianus, who was put to death
under Caracalla (212 A. D.) because he was faithful to that
emperor's brother Geta.
The study of grammar was diligently pursued in the
second century, and with it went the writing of commen-
Grammar Caries on the classical authors. Under Ha-
literature, drian, Terentius Scaurus wrote a Latin gram-
and mar, part of which is preserved in an abbre-
phiiosophy. yiated form, as well as commentaries on
Plautus, Virgil, and Horace, fragments of which are
found in the works of later commentators. Under the
Antonines, rhetoricians and grammarians were numerous,
and discussions of literary and grammatical questions
formed a considerable part of polite conversation. Metrical
handbooks were written by Terentianus Maurus and
234 ROMAN LITERATURE
Juba, Helvius Aero wrote commentaries on Terence,
Horace, and Persius about the end of the second century,
and Pomponius Porphyrio, a grammarian of distinction,
whose scholia on Horace still exist, though not in their
original form, wrote probably at the end of the second or
the beginning of the third century. Festus, who made
an epitome of Verrius Flaccus (see page 166) probably
lived but little after this time. Some of the rhetoricians
of this period probably continued to teach as they had
themselves been taught, but the most important among
them developed a new school, which will form the subject
of our next chapter. Philosophy had in the second cen-
tury still many followers, but there was little literary pro-
duction in Latin. Dio Chrysostom, Plutarch, Marcus
Aurelius, and Sextus Empiricus wrote in Greek.
CHAPTEK XVII
LITERARY INNOVATIONS
Fronto, about 100 to about 175 A. D.— Gellius, born about 125
A. D. — Apuleius, about 125 to about 200 A. D. — Innovations in poetry
— The Pervigilium Veneris.
AN important figure in the literature of the second
century was Marcus Cornelius Fronto, of Cirta, in Nu-
midia. He was born about 100 A. D., studied under the best
teachers, and was distinguished as an orator and teacher
even under Hadrian, though his greatest influ-
ence was exerted under the Antonines. He
became a member of the senate under Hadrian, and his
speech against the Christians may have been delivered be-
fore that body. In 143 A. D. he was consul, and was to
have been proconsul entrusted with the government of
Asia, but relinquished that office on account of ill health.
He was the teacher of Marcus Antoninus and Lucius Verus,
both of whom were much attached to him, and as was
natural under such circumstances, he was greatly honored
and became very wealthy. Of his family life we know
only that he was married, that his daughter Gratia mar-
ried Gaius Aufidius Victorinus, and that five daughters
were removed by death. The date of his death is un-
known, but it was probably shortly after 175 A. D. Parts
of Fronto's correspondence were discovered in 1815, and
from his letters we get an idea of his style and his teach-
ing. The correspondence is with Marcus Aurelius, Lucius
Verus, Antoninus Pius, and others, and several essays are
included, which were probably sent with the letters to
335
236 ROMAN LITERATURE
Fronto's correspondents. One of these essays, the Prin-
cipia Historice, compares the Parthian campaigns of Verus
and Trajan to the advantage of Verus. This essay was in-
tended to serve as an introduction to a history of the deeds
of Verus in the Parthian War, but the history was never
written. What gives Fronto's letters their chief interest is
his teaching in regard to oratory and style. He considers
rhetoric the noblest possible study, and warns Marcus
Aurelius against surrendering to the charms of philoso-
phy, but the chief end of the study of rhetoric is to acquire
new and striking words and phrases. Fronto apparently
despaired of acquiring new ideas or new points of view,
and he saw that Latin literature could not go on for-
ever merely imitating the writers of the Golden Age, or
even those of the Silver Age. He was too much of a
scholar to think of drawing from the living spring of
common every-day speech, and therefore hit upon the ex-
pedient of reverting to the early writers, such as Ennius,
Plautus, Accius, Cato, Sallust, and Gracchus. His language
is therefore full of old-fashioned expressions used without
the simplicity that belongs to the early times. That such
a writer as Fronto was highly respected and exerted a
powerful influence upon his contemporaries is a sign of
the depth to which Eoman literature had sunk.
A much younger man than Fronto, but like him, a man
of books and an admirer of archaic phraseology, was Aulus
Gellius, who was born probably about 125
Gellius A' D*' s^u^e(^ under various masters at Kome
and at Athens, and held some judicial posi-
tion at Eome. His extant work, entitled Nodes Atticce
(Attic Nights), received its title from the fact that it
contains the results of the writer's labors begun at Athens,
when he used to read various authors and make extracts
from them in the night. These extracts, with a variety
of notes and comments, are arranged in twenty books, all
of which are preserved except the eighth, of which we
GELLIUS 237
have only the table of contents, and the end of the twen-
tieth. The subjects treated are language and literature,
law, philosophy, and natural history. Gellius quotes no
contemporary authors, but introduces them as speakers,
for parts of his work have the form of dialogues. There
is no order in the arrangement of subjects, but things
are put down as Gellius happened to find them in the
works he read. No critical faculty is exhibited, nor has
Gellius any marked literary skill. He is simply a diligent
compiler, whose work is interesting and valuable to us
merely because it preserves fragments of earlier works
now lost and information about a variety of subjects.
The Latin of the Golden Age was a more or less artifi-
cial language developed by the genius of the great writers
from the common language of every-day life.
Lathf 6S ^ The Latin of the Silver Age was a devel°P-
ment from the literary Latin of the Golden
Age, not directly from the popular speech. While liter-
ary Latin was thus passing through various phases, the
popular speech was also developing along its own lines,
and by the second century after Christ was very different
from the literary Latin of the time as well as from any
Latin, whether spoken or written, of the Ciceronian or
earlier times. It had already entered upon the course of
change which was in the end to lead to the birth of the
Romance languages. Pronto, in his desire to infuse new
life into the worn-out literary Latin of his day, went back
to the writers before Cicero and adopted their words and
phrases, at the same time exerting himself to arrange
words in unusual order with the intention of giving
piquancy to his expression. His precepts and example
were followed by others, as, for instance, Gellius, and still
more clearly, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as they
appear in their letters to their teacher. But Fronto, al-
though he had great influence for a time, could not turn
the stream of progress backward. If literary Latin was to
238 ROMAN LITERATURE
develop anything new, it must be by adopting something
from the living speech of the people. This course was
followed, in a measure, at least, by Apuleius.
Apuleius (the prcenomen Lucius is doubtful) was, like
Fronto, an African, though he may have been of Koman
descent. He was born probably about 125
A. D., at Madaura, on the borders of Numidia
and Gsetulia. He was educated at Madaura, Carthage,
and Athens, travelled extensively, and was for a time in
Eome, where he was employed as an advocate. He mar-
ried ^Emilia Pudentilla, a wealthy widow of Oea, in Africa,
and was accused by her relatives of having led her into
the marriage by means of magic arts. His defense against
this charge is the extant book De Magia (On Magic) , also
called the Apologia. In its present form the book is a
revised and enlarged edition of the speech in court. Apu-
leius was evidently acquitted, and he became a man of
great influence and reputation. He prided himself on his
versatility, wrote and spoke both Greek and Latin, and
confined himself to no one branch of literature, but was
orator, poet, scientist, philosopher, and novelist, without,
however, displaying any great originality in any direction.
He preferred to call himself a Platonic philosopher, but
his chief activity was that of a travelling orator, or sophist,
who went from place to place giving public exhibitions of
his skill in composing and delivering interesting speeches
on all sorts of subjects. He seems to have spent most of
his life in Africa, and he held the office of priest of the
province (sacerdos provincice) at Carthage. He was initi-
ated into the mysteries of Isis and seems to have been
one of those who sought in the mystic worship of foreign
deities the satisfaction of their religious yearnings which
the Roman state religion did not give. He seems to
have been opposed to Christianity, though he nowhere
mentions it directly. His great reputation and the
number of works ascribed to him would seem to indi-
APULEIUS 239
cate that he lived to a good age, but the date of his
death is unknown.
The extant works of Apuleius are the Metamorphoses, a
novel in eleven books, the Apologia, a book on spirits, espe-
cially the familiar spirit of Socrates, De Deo So-
Works o cratis, two books on the doctrines of Plato,
De Dogmate Platonis, and a collection of ex-
tracts from his speeches entitled Florida. The dialogue
Asclepius, the treatise On the World (De Mundo), and the
treatise published as the third book on Plato's teachings,
are not by Apuleius. Of these works the most interesting
is the novel entitled Metamorphoses, in which are narrated
the adventures of a certain Lucius of Corinth, who was
changed by magic into an ass, and in that form passed
through many vicissitudes and saw and heard many
strange things, until he was finally restored to human form
by the aid of the goddess Isis, to whose service he afterwards
devoted himself. This story is derived from a Greek
original which appears in abbreviated form among the
writings falsely ascribed to Lucian, under the title Lucius
or The Ass. Apuleius amplified his Greek original by in-
serting nearly twenty stories that have no connection
with the plot. These are usually introduced in an un-
skillful way, interrupting the narrative and destroying
the unity of the work, but they are in themselves the
most interesting parts of the whole novel. The longest
and most famous among them is the charming story of
Cupid and Psyche, beautifully rendered by William Morris
in his Earthly Paradise. This mystic love tale was derived,
like the other tales inserted in the story of Lucius, from
a Greek original. It is not an invention of Apuleius, but
he inserted it in his novel, and thus preserved it to later
times.
The style of Apuleius is not the same in his different
works. Everywhere, to be sure, he aims at striking effect
by means of unusual words arranged in peculiar order,
24:0 ROMAN LITERATURE
and of sentences curiously broken up into short rhyth-
mical members, very different in effect from the dignified,
sonorous periods of Cicero and other clas-
The style of gical wrjters. But in the Metamorphoses he
Apuleius. .
adopts many expressions irom the common
speech of the people, whereas in his oratorical and philo-
sophical works he reverts, like Fronto, to the early
writers. Apuleius and Fronto, both Africans, are the
chief representatives of the elocutio novella, the new
rhetoric, which broke with the continuous tradition of
classical Latin and tried to infuse new life into Latin lit-
erature. Neither Fronto nor Apuleius was a man of
great inventive genius. Both imitated the Greek sophists
of their time, such as Maximus of Tyre and ^lius Aristi-
des, not only in the subject matter of their discourses, but
to some extent in their style ; yet the fact that they
wrote and spoke in Latin and tried to influence the course
of Latin literature gives them an importance not pos-
sessed by any of the later Greek sophists except Dio
Chrysostom and Lucian. Apuleius was apparently more
gifted by nature than Fronto, and his works show a sur-
prising ability in the use of language, which makes up in
a measure for the lack of originality in thought. Of his
extant works the Metamorphoses is the most important.
It not only shows the qualities of the elocutio novella
more completely than any other work, but it gives a
picture of the life of the times, with its superstitions,
loose morals, robberies, friendships, hospitalities, and
social amenities. Moreover, it has preserved to us many
€ interesting tales, among them the story of Cupid and
Psyche. Owing probably to the supernatural elements
in the Metamorphoses and to the fact that he had
been accused of magical arts, Apuleius came soon after
his death to be regarded as a mighty sorcerer, and as
a sorcerer he was associated with Virgil in mediaeval
times.
PERVIGILIUM VENBRIS 241
While Fronto, Apuleius, and others were practising the
elocutio novella in prose, attempts were made to introduce
innovations in poetry. Terentianus Maurus,
who wrote in verse a handbook on letters,
syllables, and metres toward the end of the
second century, mentions poetm novelli, and Diomedes, a
grammarian of the latter part of the fourth century,
speaks of poetce neoterici, to whom he ascribes a variety of
innovations. The names of several of these poets are
mentioned, but too little is known of them to awaken any
interest in their personalities. Their innovations seem to
have consisted largely of verbal juggling, a remarkable
example of which is seen in these lines :
Nereides freta sic verrentes caerula tranant,
Flamine confidens ut Notus Icarium.
Icarium Notus ut confidens fiamine, tranant
Caerula verrentes sic freta Nereides.
Here lines three and four are lines one and two read
backward. Other examples are less elaborate, but show
the same spirit, the same foolish playing with words.
From such things as this no njew life could be infused
into poetry, and most of thtfverses preserved to us from
the second and even the thim-centuries after Christ are
little more than feeble echoes of tiie- distant music of
Virgil. Nevertheless there are already indications of
the new mediaeval spirit, which was not to find its full
development until the days of the minnesinger and
the troubadours. Whether the Pervigilium Veneris
The (Night-watch of Venus) belongs to the second
Pervigilium century or the third is not certain. At any
Veneris. ra^e ft jg ^he most striking early example of
the romantic sentiment peculiar to mediaeval and modern
times. The poem is written for the spring festival of
Yenus Genetrix, whose worship was revived and encour-
aged by Hadrian, It is therefore probable that it belongs
242 ROMAN LITERATURE
to the second century. It consists of ninety-three tro-
chaic septenarii (the rhythm of Tennyson's Locksley
Hall), a verse freely used by the early Latin poets, hut
hardly to be found in the first century after Christ. At
irregular intervals the refrain :
Cras amet qui nunquam amavit, quique amavit eras
amet?
is repeated. In the beginning of the poem,
Ver novum; ver iam canorum; vere natus est lovis;
Vere concordant amores; vere nubunt allies?
may well have suggested to Tennyson the lines :
In the Spring a fuller crimson comes upon the robin's breast ;
In the Spring the wanton lapwing gets himself another crest ;
In the Spring a livelier iris changes on the burnish'd dove ;
In the Spring a young man's fancy lightly turns to thoughts
of love.
At the end of the poem the lines :
Ilia cantat, nos tacemus. Quando ver venit meum 9
Quandofiam ut chelidon et tacere desinam?
Perdidi Musam tacendo nee me Apollo respicitf
sound like the wail of the old literature, which no spring
was to awaken to new song. Indeed, the Pervigilium
Veneris is almost as much mediaeval as classical. Its
quantitative rhythm coincides with the natural accent of
1 To-morrow he shall love who ne'er has loved, and he who has
loved to-morrow shall love.
8 It is new spring ; spring already harmonious ; in spring Jove
was born.
In the spring loves join together ; in the spring the birds wed.
3 She (the swallow) is singing, we are silent. When will my spring
come?
When shall I become like the swallow and cease to be silent I
I have lost the Muse by keeping silent, and Apollo cares not
for me,
PERVIGILIUM VENERIS 243
the words, it is full of assonances that suggest both allit-
eration and rhyme, its spirit is almost modern in its senti-
ment ; and even in its grammatical structure, especially
in the use of the preposition de> it points forward to the
great changes to come.
In prose and verse alike, the second century after
Christ was a period of innovations. The new methods of
Fronto and Apuleius did not hold their own for any
great length of time, but they serve as symptoms of the
decay of Latin speech, and may even have hastened that
decay by turning men away from the continued imitation
of the classic writers. The history of classical Eoman
literature may be said to end with Suetonius. But some-
thing of the old spirit survived even into the period of
the Middle Ages and affected strongly the literature of
the Christian church. For this reason it is well to give a
brief sketch of early Christian literature in Latin, and of
the surviving remnants of pagan literary activity in the
third and fourth centuries.
CHAPTER XVIII
EARLY CHRISTIAN .WRITERS
Minucius Felix, about 160 A. D. — Tertullian, about 160 to about
230 A. D.— St. Cyprian, about 200-258 A. D.— Commodianus 249 A. D.—
Arnobius, about 290 A. D. — Lactantius, about 300 A. D.
THE Christians are mentioned by Tacitus, the younger
Pliny, and Suetonius, but in such a way as to show that
The begin- their religion was misunderstood and their
ning of Chris- growing importance little appreciated. But
tian litera- as time went on, Christianity and the Chris-
ture in Latin, i • i n
tians became more and more important.
Various means were tried to suppress them, for their
belief and their practises were opposed to the state
religion and seemed inimical to the state itself. Yet the
new religion continued to gain in the number and influ-
ence of its converts, and in the second century Christian
writings begin to appear in Latin. The new religion had
been founded in the eastern part of the empire, and its
first literary productions were in Greek, a language which
continued for many years to be the chief medium of
expression for Christian thought. No sketch of the
development of Christianity, even in the western part of
the empire, could be given without more than a mere
mention of the early Greek Christian writings ; but the
development of Christianity is a subject quite outside of
the scope of this book, which is concerned with Christian
literature only in so far as it was written in Latin. Nor
is it possible in a book of this kind to do more than men-
tion briefly the chief Christian writers and their works,
244
MINUCIUS FELIX 245
leaving all discussion of their doctrines to the historians
of the church.
The first Christian writer of Latin is Marcus Minucius
Felix, of whose life nothing is known except that he was
a barrister (causidicus) at Rome, that he was
Minucius , -i -I • P -ijTii i
Felix a pagan in early liie, and that ne became a
Christian. His only extant work is a defense
of Christianity entitled Octavius, which was written
probably not far from 160 A. D. The introduction tells
how Minucius, with his two friends Octavius and
Caecilius, was walking by the seashore at Ostia. Caecilius
saluted a statue of Serapis which they happened to pass,
whereupon Octavius rebuked Minucius for letting his
friend remain in ignorance of the true religion. They
continue their walk, but Csecilius can not let the rebuke
of Octavius pass. At last the three friends sit down,
Caecilius undertakes the defense of the old religion,
Octavius that of the new, and Minucius is to be judge of
their arguments. Caecilius argues that it is absurd for
persons of little education, such as are most Christians,
to think that they can settle questions which have
puzzled the wisest philosophers. The Eoman religion
should therefore be retained, especially as the power of
the gods has often been shown. An attack upon the
lives and ceremonies of the Christians follows, which is
interesting as a proof of the ignorance that prevailed in
pagan circles. Caecilius then attacks the Christian belief
in a future life, and ends with a recommendation of
skepticism. His speech is vigorous and even vehement,
showing marked rhetorical training. Octavius in his
reply takes up the various points raised by Caecilius and
replies to them in order. He lays the chief stress upon
the unity of God and the absurdities of pagan polytheism
and philosophy. There is no argument based upon the
crucifixion or the resurrection of Christ, no argument
that is strictly Christian. There is no appeal to faith or
24:6 ROMAN LITERATURE
to love, but only to reason, and the arguments are not
drawn from the Bible, but from the works of pagan
philosophers, especially Cicero's De Natura Deorum and
Seneca's writings, or from the experiences of human life.
When Octavius has finished, Caecilius declares that he is
convinced and the friends separate.
The Octavius is different from other early writings in
defense of Christianity, inasmuch as it bases no argument
upon the Bible and makes no appeal to the emotions.
These peculiarities are most easily explained by the theory
that Minucius wrote his treatise as a reply to a speech of
Fronto against Christianity, that he put the substance of
Fronto's speech into the mouth of Caecilius, and then, in
the person of Octavius, refuted it point for point. In
style Minucius attains at times an almost classic elegance
and simplicity, though he shows the influence of the rhe-
torical schools of the Silver Age and is sometimes need-
lessly emphatic. He continues the tradition of the clas-
sical school, with no trace of the affectations or innovations
of Fronto or Apuleius. Apart from its interest as the ear-
liest specimen of Christian writing in Latin, the Octavius
deserves to be read as the most attractive Latin prose
after the time of Trajan.
Minucius Felix is known to us by only one short work,
in which he displays conservative literary taste, cultivated
imagination, and ability to conduct an argument calmly
and dispassionately. Tertullian, a much more important
figure than Minucius in the history of the church, is
Tertullian known by a great body of writings, in which
the qualities he shows are almost the opposite
of those we admire in Minucius. Yet Tertullian is an
interesting and powerful figure in the history of literature
as well as in that of the church. Quintus Septimius
Florens Tertullianus was born at Carthage, probably about
160 A. D., and may have died about 230 A. D. At any rate,
the period of his chief activity was in the reigns of Septim-
TEKTULLIAN 247
ius Severus and Caracalla. In early life he was a pagan,
but was converted to Christianity, possibly through his
wife, who was a Christian. He attained the position of
presbyter in the church. In middle life he became a
Montanist— that is, a follower of Montanus, an enthusiast
of Ardaba, in Mysia, who declared himself the Comforter
promised by Christ, claimed prophetic powers, declared
that the end of the world was at hand, and promulgated
a variety of strict doctrines and rules for conduct. The
writings of Tertullian are from beginning to end contro-
versial. Some of them are in defense of Christianity
against the heathen, while others are directed against
those Christian beliefs and practises which he does not
approve. To the second class belong the writings in sup-
port of Montanism, for Tertullian was of such a passionate
nature that an argument in support of any doctrine neces-
sarily becomes an attack upon those who hold any other
views. As the chief advocate of Montanism in the west,
Tertullian softened some of its more obviously absurd
doctrines, but could not modify them so far as to make
them acceptable to the church at large. He was there-
fore in constant opposition to the church during the
latter part of his life, and at a later time his writings
came to be regarded as heretical. Nevertheless, his works
were much read, and his Apologeticus was even translated
into Greek.
Tertullian exercised the greatest influence upon the
Latin of the church, for up to his time most speculative
Christian writing had been in Greek, and he was therefore
obliged to invent or adapt the suitable means for the ex-
pression of those thoughts and ideas which were unknown
to the pagan writers. He is justly regarded
Tertullian. as ^e f°un(ler °f western, as opposed to
eastern or Greek, theology. His style is
harsh, inelegant, and sometimes obscure, but vigorous and
animated. His eloquence is that of intense earnestness
17
248 ROMAN LITERATURE
rather than of careful training. His vocabulary is not
strictly classic, but contains expressions taken from the
popular speech and from Greek, as well as others which
he seems to have formed for himself. He has been called
the Cicero of the church, but whatever the greatness of
his eloquence, it has little resemblance in quality to that
of Cicero. Only in a few orations does Cicero approach
the enthusiastic earnestness of Tertullian, and the pol-
ished beauty of Cicero's periods is utterly lacking to Ter-
tullian's rugged utterance. His style has more resem-
blance in detail to that of his fellow- African Apuleius, but
shows no evidence of conscious imitation. He uses short
sentences, as a rule, and even his long sentences have no
periodic structure ; he strives for effect by means of un-
natural expressions; he delights in antitheses, plays on
words, and even rhymes. His Latin is hard to read, but
his originality of thought and his passionate earnestness
of purpose compensate fully for his defects of style. With
Minucius Felix Christian writing in Italy appears as an
attempt to express Christian thoughts, or at least to de-
fend the Christian religion, with all the elegance of
classical Latinity. Tertullian writes with vigor and en-
thusiasm, hampered by no classical traditions. The rela-
tive importance of the Italian and African schools may be
judged in a measure by the difference in extent between
the brief treatise of Minucius and Tertullian 's voluminous
writings. For nearly two centuries the style of Tertullian
predominates, being only gradually assimilated to the
classical norm, until St. Augustine fixes the Latin of the
church by forming a style in which the African elements
are subordinate.
The beginning of this change is seen even in the wri-
tings of Tertullian's admirer, St. Cyprian. Thascius Cae-
cilius Cyprianus was born of pagan parents about 200 A. D.
The place of his birth is unknown, but we are informed
that he was an African. He received a good education
CYPRIAN
and became a teacher of rhetoric. After his conversion
he became a presbyter, and in 248 or 249 A. D. was chosen
c . bishop of Carthage, not without opposition.
From January 21, 250 A. D., until the begin-
ning of March in the following year, he lived in conceal-
ment to escape the persecution of the Christians under
Decius. His avoidance of martyrdom at this time was se-
verely criticized, but he defended it on the ground that
his life was necessary to the welfare of the church. In
257 A. D. a new persecution was instituted by the Emperor
Valerian, and Cyprian was banished to Curubis, but after-
wards recalled to Carthage and confined to his gardens.
When ordered to appear before the proconsul at Utica he
fled, but returned to his gardens when the proconsul came
to Carthage. He was arrested September 13, 258 A. D., and
on the following day was tried, condemned, and executed.
Cyprian's writings comprise thirteen treatises and eighty-
one letters, among which are several letters manifestly by
other authors. Some of the treatises or tracts are ad-
dressed to individuals, and some of the letters are to all
intents and purposes tracts, so that the division into two
classes is not easy to carry out consistently. His writings
are partly in defense of Christianity against paganism,
partly for the encouragement of the Christians in perse-
cution, and partly on various points of church discipline.
His letters are especially valuable for the light they throw
upon church history. His doctrines are orthodox, and his
writings were therefore not open to the objections urged
against those of Tertullian. He was, however, an ardent
admirer of Tertullian, and shows the constant influence
of his teachings. His style is easier and simpler than
Tertullian's, always clear, and often attractive. Although
he lacks Tertullian's originality, he excels him in ability
to express his thoughts so as to appeal to the reader.
The earliest Christian poet is Commodianus. Of his
life little is known, and the statement that he was born
250 ROMAN LITERATURE
at Gaza, in Syria, is based upon a somewhat doubtful
interpretation of the title of one of his poems.1 In
early life he was a pagan, but was converted,
Commodi- an(j Became a bishop. His works consist of
a long poem in defense of Christianity ( Car-
men Apologeticum) and a collection of eighty short
poems called Instructions (Instructions per Litter as Ver-
suum Primas) so composed that the initial letters of the
lines spell the titles of the poems. The Carmen Apologet-
icum, contains references which fix its date in 249 A. D.
The poems are remarkable for the earnestness of their
Christian feeling and still more for their metrical peculi-
arities. The hexameters are divided into halves, and at
the end of each half the rules for quantity are observed,
while in the rest of the verse those rules are disregarded.
The lines are not merely faulty hexameters, but a new and
original combination of quantitative verse and prose. In
the Carmen Apologeticum the lines are arranged in pairs,
so that each pair forms a distich. The most remarkable
part of the Carmen Apologeticum is the fantastic descrip-
tion of the end of the world with which the poem closes.
The Instructions are divided into two books, the first
warning the heathen and the Jews to lay aside their
errors, the second containing advice for the various classes
of Christians. In spite of the dryness of his style Com-
modianus is interesting as the earliest Christian poet, and
the student of language finds in his poems many words and
constructions taken from the common speech of the people.
Much less interest attaches to the seven books Adver-
sus Nationes (Against the Gentiles) by Arnobius, who
wrote under Diocletian (284-305 A. D.). Jerome says
that Arnobius was a distinguished rhetor at Sicca in
*The poem is the last of the Instructions. The title reads:
Nomen Gasei and the initial letters of the lines read from the last
to the first from the words : Commodianus mendicus CJiristi. From
this it is inferred that Commodian was Gasceus, i. e., from Gaza.
COMMODIANUS 251
Africa, who opposed Christianity for a long time. When
he became converted the bishop demanded a proof of his
faith, whereupon he wrote a work against the
Arnobius. , . , , •-,•,,,-,
heathen and was received into the church.
Whether this report is accurate or not, a work is extant
under the name of Arnobius, entitled Adversus Nationes,
which shows by its style that the author had been trained
in the practise of rhetoric. The first two books defend the
Christians against the accusations of their enemies, especial-
ly the charge that the misfortunes of the world were due
to the progress of Christianity and the neglect of the old
gods. The five remaining books proceed to show the ab-
surdities of polytheism and the foolishness of the pagan
forms of worship. Arnobius has little knowledge of the
Christian religion and little originality of thought. The
only doctrine peculiar to him is his theory that the soul is
not immortal by nature, but may become immortal through
the grace of God. His style is disfigured by its excessive
vehemence and artificial rhetoric, which shows, however,
that the author was carefully educated. This appears also
in his discussion of pagan philosophy and religion, and in-
deed the chief interest attaching to the books Adversus Na-
tiones is their testimony to the manner in which an educated
pagan employed his education in the service of Christianity.
Lactantius (Lucius Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius)
was a pupil of Arnobius, according to Jerome's statement,
and was called by Diocletian with the gram-
Laotantius. . . , T . .
marian Flavius to teach Latin rhetoric at
Nicomedia, in Bithynia, a Greek city in which teachers of
Latin found few patrons. Lactantius was therefore poor
and had leisure for writing. When he was converted to
Christianity is not known, but it can not have been before
he reached middle life. In his old age he was called by
the Emperor Constantine to be the tutor of his son Cris-
pus. Nothing remains of writings by Lactantius before
his conversion, but his later works, both prose and verse,
252 ROMAN LITERATURE
are numerous. The most important are the seven books
entitled Institutiones Divince (Divine Institutions, an
exhaustive philosophical work in support of Christianity
against paganism), after which should be mentioned the
treatises De Opificio Dei (On the Work of God, a discus-
sion of creation and the nature of man), De Ira Dei (On
the Wrath of God, dealing with the current theories of
Providence), a fanatical work on the deaths of the persecu-
tors from Nero to Galerius (De Mortibus Persecutorum), and
a curious poem On the Phoenix. The treatise De Opificio
Dei is Christian only in its general tendency, and con-
tains no direct reference to Christianity. This is prob-
ably because it was written at the time of the persecution
under Diocletian (303 A. D.). The poem On the Phoenix
(that fabulous bird that builds a nest, burns itself up, re-
appears among the ashes as a worm, grows to an egg, is
hatched, and flies away to renewed life) shows many
traces of Christianity but contains no direct reference to
the new religion. Lactantius was well educated in the
learning of the pagans, and when he became a Christian
did not forget what he had learned before. His style is
purer than that of his Christian predecessors, being
modelled upon that of Cicero. For this reason the name
" Christian Cicero " has been applied more appropriately
to him than to Tertullian, though in power of eloquence
Tertullian, with all his harshness of style, is the greater.
The second century, which saw the birth of Christian
literature in Latin, produced, as we have seen, several
writers of real power, and as the third century opened,
Christian literature gained, in the person of Lactantius, a
writer who possessed at the same time elegance of style.
With Lactantius the African school of Christian writing
approaches the classical style of Minucius Felix, and the
path is made straight for the writings of St. Jerome and St.
Augustine. From this time on, the real life of Latin litera-
ture is seen in Christian rather than in pagan writings.
CHAPTER XIX
PAGAN tLITEBATURE OF THE THIRD CENTURY
Terentianus, about 200 A. D. — Quintus Serenus Sammonicus, about
200 A. D. — Nemesianus, 283 A. D — Reposianus, toward 300 A. D. — Vespa,
late in the third century — Hosidius Geta, early in the third century —
Disticha Catonis — Marius Maximus, about 165-230 A. D. — jElius Julius
Cordus. about 250 A. D. — The Historia Augusta — Domitius Ulpianus,
killed 228 A. D. — Julius Paulus, first half of third century — Cornelius
Labeo — Quintus Gargilius Martialis — Censorinus, 238 A. D. — Gaius
Julius Solinus — Gaius Julius Romanus, early third century — Marius
Plotius Sacerdos, latter part of third century — Aquila Romanus —
^Elius Festus Aphthonius, end of third century — The panegyrists:
Eumenius, Nazarius, Mamertinus, Drepanius.
WHILE Christian literature was developing in the
third century the pagan literature dragged on its senile
Pagan poetry existence. There was little poetry that de-
of the third served the name, though skill in versification
century. wag no£ uncOmmon. Terentianus wrote in
verse his handbook of metres about the beginning of
the century, and not far from the same time Quintus
Serenus Sammonicus composed a medical handbook con-
taining sixty-three recipes in 1,107 hexameters. He does
not pretend to be a physician, but derives his wisdom,
such as it is, from Pliny and other writers. The recipes
are of various kinds, some recommending the use of
herbs in a simple and sensible way, while others pre-
scribe more or less disgusting compounds of animal mat-
ter, and a few are nothing more nor less than magic
charms. So fevers are to be cured by wearing tied to
one's neck a bone found within the enclosure of a house,
253
254 ROMAN LITERATURE
and a cure for another fever is found in a piece of paper
inscribed in the proper manner with the magic formula
abracadabra, which is to be worn round the neck of the
patient. To the credit of Sammonicus it should be said
that his knowledge of metre is greater than his knowl-
edge of medicine ; but even that does not raise his hand-
book to the level of poetry. A writer of much better
quality, who even deserves to be called a poet, is Marcus
Aurelius Olympius Nemesianus, who wrote, in the year
283 A. D., a poem On Hunting ( Cynegetica}, 325 lines of
which are preserved, and who is also the author of four
eclogues formerly attributed to Calpurnius (see page 188).
The discussion of dogs, horses, hunting-nets, and the like
in the Cynegetica can hardly be called poetry, but the
eclogues, though written in close imitation of Calpurnius,
who was himself an imitator of Virgil, show some genu-
ine poetic spirit. There is also some poetic beauty in the
poem on the love of Mars and Venus, by Reposianus, writ-
ten toward the end of the third century, but not so much
can be said in praise of Vespa's metrical argument between
a baker and a cook (Indicium Cod et Pistoris ludice
Vulcano) as to the relative merits of their callings, or of
the epigrams and "echo verses" of Pentadius. These
last consist of elegiac distichs so written that the first
words of the hexameter are repeated or " echoed " at the
end of the pentameter. Such verse has little relation to
poetry, but shows that there was still an interest felt in the
technique of metrical writing. That the study of the classic
writers, especially of Virgil, was diligently cultivated, is
shown by the existence of poems composed entirely of Vir-
gilian lines and fragments of lines. A remarkable extant
specimen of such work is the short tragedy Medea, prob-
ably written by Hosidius Geta, near the beginning of the
third century. Several anonymous poems add little to
our admiration for the poets of the third century, but the
so-called Disticha Catonis should be mentioned because
PAGAN PROSE IN THE THIRD CENTURY 255
they gained great and long-continued popularity. They
are maxims of every-day wisdom expressed in distichs of
two hexameters. Such maxims are : " Regard it as the
first virtue to hold your tongue ; he is nearest God who
knows how to keep a wise silence " ; or, " Be sure to tell
many of another's kindness, but keep silence about the
kindnesses you have done to others." These distichs
were soon imitated, and similar maxims in one line — mono-
stichs — were also written. They are hardly poetry, but
have some interest because of their popular nature.
The prose of the third century possesses even less in-
terest than the verse. The only historians worthy of the
Pagan prose name — Dio Cassius and Herodian — wrote in
in the third Greek. Marius Maximus (about 165-230
century. A> D.) continued Suetonius's lives of the
emperors from Nerva to Heliogabalus, and about the
middle of the century ^Elius Julius Cordus wrote lives of
the more obscure emperors. These works are lost, but,
like those of several other writers of this period, were
used by the authors of the so-called Historia Augusta, a
collection of lives of the emperors from Hadrian to Nu-
merianus (117-284 A. D.). These lives were written by six
authors, four of whom, ^Elius Spartianus, Julius Capi-
tolinus, Vulcacius Gallicanus, and Trebellius Pollio, wrote
under Diocletian (284-305 A. D.), while the remaining two,
^Elius Lampridius and Flavius Vopiscus, belong to the
early part of the fourth century. They are all alike in
the poverty of their style and their liking for petty per-
sonal details. The books on the Praetorian Edict by
Domitius Ulpianus, who was killed in 228 A. D., and by
his younger contemporary, Julius Paulus, as well as other
juristic works of the third century, were important con-
tributions to the development of Roman law, and the at-
tempt made by Cornelius Labeo in his lost work on the
Roman religion to explain the pagan cult would probably,
if it were preserved, be interesting as an attempt to de-
256 ROMAN LITERATURE
fend the old religion against skepticism and Christianity.
The extant parts of the work of Quintus Gargilius Mar-
tialis on agriculture, veterinary medicine, the use of heal-
ing herbs, and the like, show that the whole was a com-
pilation from the works of Pliny the elder and other
writers by a man who had sense and judgment; the
treatise On Birthdays (De Die Natali), written in a lively
and easy style by a grammarian Censorinus in 238 A. D., is
a compilation from Suetonius, Varro, and others, of in-
formation concerning the birth and life of a man, astrol-
ogy, music, and some other matters ; and the Collection of
Things Worth Remembering (Collectanea Rerum Memora-
Mlium), by Gaius Julius Solinus, contains valuable infor-
mation about early Eoman history (to Augustus) and the
geography of the ancient world, with especial attention to
oddities and peculiarities, whether of the countries or their
inhabitants ; but none of these works is of independent
literary importance. The grammatical writings of Gaius
Julius Romanus, who lived in the first years of the third
century, were much used by Charisius somewhat more
than a century later. A grammar (Ars Grammatica) in
three books by Marius Plotius Sacerdos, written in the
latter part of the century, is extant, as is also a brief
rhetorical treatise by Aquila Romanus. The four books
On Metres by ^Elius Festus Aphthonius, written under
Diocletian, are lost, but their contents are in part pre-
served by Marius Victorinus. These grammatical works
are of importance chiefly for their references to earlier
literature.
None of the prose works just mentioned exhibits any
creative talent or testifies to any new literary develop-
ment. The only new literary phenomenon of the period
is the rise of a school of oratory in Gaul, which produced,
to be sure, nothing of great importance, but which shows
by its very existence how far removed from Rome were
now the centres of intellectual life, when the great Chris-
THE PANEGYRISTS 257
tian writers were Africans and the pagan orators were
Gauls. The Gallic orators avoided the harshness and ob-
scurity of the African school, and wrote in smooth Cicero-
nian Latin, with a plentiful flow of words and a poor sup-
ply of ideas. A collection of twelve panegyrics has been
preserved, the first of which is Pliny's address
The in honor of Trajan, delivered in 100 A. D.,
panegyrists. . J. '
while the remaining eleven are dated at dif-
ferent times from 291 to 389 A. D. One of these was deliv-
ered in 297 A. D. by Eumenius, a teacher of Greek descent,
but Gallic birth, for the benefit of the schools in his
native town of Augustodunum (Autun), and three (per-
haps four) of the others are probably by the same author.
Three of the remaining speeches are assigned to known
authors and dates. They are by Nazarius, in honor of
Constantine (321 A. D.) ; by Mamertinus, in honor of Julian
(362 A. D.) ; and by Latinus Drepanius Pacatus, in honor
of Theodosius (389 A. D.). Two of these orators belong to
the second half of the fourth century, but their speeches
resemble the others in the collection, all of which are
full of most exaggerated praise of the emperors. These
speeches contain many references to the history of the
times, but must be used with great care by the historian,
since their purpose is to praise the emperors, and not even
historical facts must be allowed to cast a shadow upon the
imperial glory. The Gallic school of oratory was evident-
ly flourishing in the later years of the third century and
the greater part at least of the fourth. It was a learned
school, based upon imitation of the ancient classics, and
standing in no close relation to the living language of the
times. The extant speeches show how thoroughly the
study of the classics was carried on in Gaul, and at the
same time how ready the orators were to flatter emperors
who were pleased to listen to their obsequious praise.
Now that the chief centres of Latin literature are found
to be in Gaul and Africa, not in Rome or even Italy, the
258 ROMAN LITERATURE
history of Roman literature has apparently reached its
end ; and yet throughout the fourth century, yes, even into
the sixth century, the stream of old Roman tradition can
be traced, and in the poems of Ausonius and Claudian and
the De Consolatione Philosophic of Boethius classical litera-
ture still survives. It is hard to fix a date for the begin-
ning of the Middle Ages, and even harder to assign a
definite time for the end of classical Roman literature.
The first great independent and original Christian writings
in Latin — those of Tertullian — may be regarded as the be-
ginning of mediaeval literature ; but classical Latinity was
by no means yet dead. In fact, in the fourth century, after
Constantine had recognized Christianity as a state religion
on an equal footing with the ancient belief, there was a
revival of literature. Christian writers wrote in the an-
cient Roman manner, and secular writings by Christians
are not to be distinguished from those of the adherents of
the old religion. The religious writings of the leaders of
Christian thought — St. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, St. Am-
brose, bishop of Milan, St. Jerome and St. Augustine —
belong to the history of the church rather than to that of
Roman literature, and can be mentioned here only in
passing, while the writings of many lesser lights of the
church must be altogether neglected. There still remain,
however, many works in which something of the old Ro-
man literary spirit survives, even after Rome herself has
ceased to be the seat of empire.
CHAPTEE XX
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES
Nonius, early in the fourth century — Macrobius, 410 (?) A. D. —
Martianus Capella, about 400 A. D. — Firmicus Maternus, 354 (?) A. D. —
Marias Victorinus, about 350 A. D. — JElius Donatus, about 350 A. D.
— Charisius, about 350 A. D. — Diomedes, about 350 A. D. — Priscian,
about 500 A. D. — Servius, latter part of the fourth century — Itinera-
ries— Notitia, 354 A. D.— Peutinger Tablet— Palladius, about 350 A. D.
— Vegetius, about 400 A. D. — Aurelius Victor, 360 A. D. — Eutropius,
365 A. D. — Festus, 369 A. D. — Julius Obsequens, about 360 A. D. — St.
Jerome, 331-420 A. D. — Ammianus Marcellinus, about 330-400 A. D. —
Sulpicius Severus, early in the fifth century — Orosius, 417 A. D. —
Gregorianus, about 300 A. D. — Herraogenianus, about 330 A. D. — Codex
Theodosianus, 438 A. D. — The Code of Justinian, 529 A. D. — The Pan-
dects and Institutes, 533 A. D. — Syramachus, about 345-405 A. D. —
Dictys (L. Septimius), second half of the fourth century — Dares, fifth
century— Hilarius, about 315 to 367 A. D.— Ambrose, about 340-397
A. D. — Jerome, 331-420 A. D. — Augustine, 354-430 A. D. — Optatianus,
early in the fourth century — Juvencus, early in the fourth century —
Avienus, 370 A. D. — The Querolus, about 370 A. D. — Ausonius, about
310 to about 395 A. D.— Prudentius 348 to about 410 A. D.— Claudian,
400 A. D. — Namatianus, 416 A. D.— Avianus, about 400 A. D. — Sedulius,
about 450 A. D. — Dracontius, end of the fifth century.
THE prose writings of the fourth century are, with the
exception of theological treatises, almost all mere compi-
lations or abbreviations of earlier works. In the early
years of the century Nonius Marcellus, a Peripatetic phi-
losopher of Thubursicum, in Numidia, wrote for his son
a work in twenty books, De Compendiosa Doctrina, in
which he discusses many questions pertaining for the most
part to early Latin literature. This work is modelled on
the Nodes Atticce of Gellius, to which it is vastly inferior.
It is nevertheless of value as our only authority for the
260 ROMAN LITERATURE
titles of some lost works and even for extracts from them.
For similar reasons the Saturnalia, in seven books, by
Nonius Ambrosius Theodosius Macrobius, is of some
Macrobius. importance. Macrobius, who was probably,
Martianus \\^Q Nonius, an African, appears to be iden-
tical with the Macrobius who was proconsul
of Africa in 410 A. D. The imaginary conversations of
which his Saturnalia consists treat of Koman litera-
ture and antiquities, especially of the poetry of Virgil.
Like Gellius and Nonius, Macrobius uses the works of ear-
lier critics and commentators, and gives many quotations
from Greek and Roman authors. Macrobius also wrote a
commentary on Cicero's Dream of Scipio, in which he
quotes many authors, especially Greeks, but displays little
or no originality. The encyclopaedia, in nine books, writ-
ten about the end of the fourth century by a third Afri-
can, Martianus Capella, is of less value than the compila-
tions of Nonius and Macrobius, though it, too, goes back
to good authorities, such as Varro.
The chief seat of philosophy in the fourth century
was Athens, and philosophical writings were
Grammar.7 almost all in Greek. For the most part they
expounded the mystical doctrines of Neopla-
tonism.1 The grammarian ^Elius Donatus, who nour-
ished at Eome about 350 A. D. and was one of the teachers
1 The chief Latin writer on philosophy was Firmicus Maternus,
whose eight books, Matheseos (Of Learning), published about 354
A. D., are occupied with Neoplatonic astrology. He is to be distin-
guished from his Christian contemporary and namesake, who wrote
of the Error of the Pagan Religions. Gaius Marius Victorinus, who
also lived about the middle of the century, was an African by birth,
but taught rhetoric at Rome. He was the author of philosophical
works, chiefly translations and adaptations from the Greek, but is
best known by his extant work on metres in four books, and by some
other extant grammatical treatises. In his later life he became a
Christian, and wrote commentaries on St. Paul's epistles, besides some
controversial tracts.
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 261
of St. Jerome, wrote commentaries on Terence and Virgil
to which he prefixed the lives of the two poets from the
lost work of Suetonius. The work on Virgil is lost, and
the commentary on Terence contains in its present form
many later additions. The extant grammars (Ars Gram-
maticd) of Charisius and Diomedes, which have preserved
much of the learning of earlier grammarians, belong to a
very slightly later time. The last and most complete an-
cient grammar was written under the Emperor Anastasius
(491-518 A. D.) at Constantinople in the Latin language
by Priscian, from Ceesarea, in Mauretania. This work, in
eighteen books, is entitled Institution** Grammatica, and
contains a vast quantity of material from the earlier lit-
erature. Much of the grammatical terminology, even of
the present time, is derived from Priscian. The impor-
tant commentary on Virgil by Servius was written in the
latter part of the fourth century, and is preserved in two
forms, in one of which numerous additions have been
made to the original work.1
In 360 A. D., Aurelius Victor wrote a short history of
the emperors ( Cwsares) from the time of Augustus to the
tenth consulship of Constantius and Julian, i. e., to the
1 These grammatical works have little literary value of their own,
and owe their importance to the fact that they contain information
which is not elsewhere preserved. The same is true of several hand-
books of various kinds compiled in the fourth century. Such are the
Itineraries, giving the distances and routes between the towns along
the Roman roads, the Notitia, describing the regions of the city of
Rome, and a historical handbook of Rome for the year 354 A. D. pre-
served most fully in a manuscript in Vienna. A few maps of this
period also exist, the most famous of which is the Peutinger Tablet
(Tabula Peutingeriand), now in Vienna. A handbook of Agriculture
(De Re Rustica) by Palladius, and the Epitome of Military Science
(Epitoma Rei Militaris) by Flavins Vegetius Renatus, who also wrote
an extant treatise on Veterinary Medicine (Mulomedicind), may
properly be mentioned here, and these works possess also some slight
literary interest.
262 ROMAN LITERATURE
date of his writing. He makes free use of Suetonius,
and Ms style is sometimes an imitation of that of Sallust.
A second entirely distinct work attributed
to the same author is a brief epitome of the
history of the emperors to the death of Theodosius I (395
A. D.). Under Valens (364-378 A. D.) Eutropius wrote a
Breviarium ab Urle Condita, a short sketch of Eoman
history from the beginning to the year 365 A. D., which is
distinguished for its simple, easy style and pure Latinity,
but has no independent value as an historical work.1
Much more important is the Chronicle of St. Jerome
(331-420 A. D.), a translation from the Greek of Eusebius
with important additions. The Chronicle begins with the
first year of Abraham (2016 B. c.). From this point to the
Trojan War, Jerome merely translates Eusebius, from the
Trojan War to 325 A. D. he translates Eusebius and adds
much information concerning Roman history and litera-
ture, and from 325 to 378 A. D. the work is entirely his
own. His information concerning the history of Eoman
literature is derived chiefly from Suetonius (De Viris II-
lustribus) and is of the utmost importance, though the
dates given are sometimes wrong, which is not surprising
when one remembers the carelessness in respect to dates
exhibited by Suetonius in his extant Lives of the Ccesars.
Jerome's Chronicle was continued in the fifth century by
Prosper of Aquitania to the year 455 A. D., and further ad-
ditions were made after that time. The Chronicle is of
great importance to the historian, but is itself merely the
dry bones of history. The only real history that the last
centuries of Roman literature produced, the only serious
and original historical work after Tacitus, is that of
1 In 369 A. D. Pestus wrote a handbook similar to that of Eutro-
pius, but of less merit. The list of prodigies that took place from
249 to 12 B. c., compiled by Julius Obsequens from an abridgment of
Livy, probably belongs to about the same time. Since a large part of
Livy's history is lost, such works as these are of some value.
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 263
Ammianus Marcellinus ; for the summary of universal
history (Chronicorum Libri II) written by the Aquita-
nian Sulpicius Severus in the early years of the fifth
century, and the more pretentious but no more original
history of the world (Historiarum Adversus Paganos
Libri VII) by Orosius of Spain, compiled soon after 417
A. D., are even less important than the handbook of
Eutropius.
Ammianus Marcellinus (about 330-400 A. D.) was a
Greek of Antioch, who became a soldier in the Eoman
army, served in Asia, in Gaul, and in the Per-
s*an camPaign of the Emperor Julian, and was
at some time in Egypt, but finally settled at
Borne, where he wrote in Latin a continuation of Tacitus
from Nerva to the death of Yalens (96-378 A. D.). The
entire work consisted of thirty-one books, thirteen • of
which are lost ; but the extant books (XIV-XXXI), treat-
ing of the time from 353 to 378 A. D., and dealing with
events in which the author took part, are especially
valuable. Ammianus is an honest soldier, who, to use
his own expression, never knowingly corrupts the truth
by silence or falsehood, who has no liking and not much
understanding for court intrigues, but is intent upon
giving his readers a fair and unbiased account of events.
His Latin is hard to understand, partly because he writes
it as a foreigner, but still more because he wishes to
write an ornate style and embellishes his work with many
references to the Eoman classics, sometimes quoting their
exact words, oftener changing them a little, as if to show
his perfect familiarity with the earlier literature. The
geographical digressions introduced are not original de-
scriptions of what Ammianus had himself seen, but are
taken from Greek or Latin books. Although himself a
pagan, Ammianus shows no hostility to Christianity, but
his paganism is not very serious. He seems to believe
that not all men think alike, and that on the whole it
18
264 EOMAN LITERATURE
is well for each to believe as lie can. His pictures of
the life of the times are admirable, and bring before us
in a clear light the corruption and degeneration of the
age. Yet he does not seem to feel righteous indigna-
tion nor to understand that the greatness of the Roman
empire is rapidly passing away. His history ends with
the disastrous defeat of the Eomans by the Goths at Ha-
drianople and the death of the Emperor Valens ; but so
accustomed was the world to the power of the Eoman em-
pire that even this terrible reverse was not recognized as
portending the end of the ancient order of things. For a
little while Theodosius was able to maintain the integrity
of the empire, but the end was at hand. It is not un-
fitting that the last Roman historian, himself a Greek by
birth, ends his work at a moment when more than ever
before the Greek city of Constantinople was becoming the
refuge of what remained of the old Roman civilization.
The study of law, which had for centuries been among
the most important pursuits of Roman thinkers, was not
neglected in the last centuries of Roman life.
Under Diocletian (284-305 A. D.) the imperial
edicts were codified by Gregorianus, and in the reign of
Constantine (323-337 A. D.) Hermogenianus continued the
codification to his own time. In 438 A. D., under Theo-
dosius II, the Codex Theodosianus was compiled by a com-
mission of jurists, and in the reign of Justinian a com-
mission headed by the distinguished jurist,, scholar, and
man of affairs Tribonian, gave to Roman law its final form
in three great works : the Code, published in 529 A. D., the
Pandects or Digests, and the Institutes, published in 533
A. D., which have served as the basis for all later juris-
prudence.
Oratory found its chief field of activity in the Chris-
tian pulpit from the time of Constantine, but was not con-
fined to the exposition of Christian doctrine. The Gallic
school of oratory continued to flourish, and indeed Gaul
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 265
was prominent in literature of all kinds during the fourth
and fifth centuries. Among other orators the most im-
portant was Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, a
Oratory. Roman of noble family and honorable char-
acter, whose life extended from about 345 to 405 A. D.
His panegyrics on Valentinian I and Gratianus resemble
the other panegyrics of the period, and the fragmentary
remains of later speeches delivered in the senate show no
greater ability. More interesting are his letters, in which
he appears as an imitator of the younger Pliny, and his
official reports as prefect of the city.
A curious prose version of the story of the Trojan War
was written by Lucius Septimius, apparently in the second
half of the fourth century. This purports to
be a translation of an ancient Greek manu-
script in Phoenician letters found in the
tomb of a certain Dictys, in Crete. The story of the dis-
covery of the manuscript is undoubtedly an invention,
but the Latin account may be a translation of a lost
Greek original. The style is artificial and full of anti-
quated expressions. The author most persistently imi-
tated is Sallust. A somewhat similar little work belong-
ing to the fifth century pretends to be a translation by
Cornelius Nepos of a Greek account of the Trojan War
given by a Phrygian Dares, who fought among the Trojans.
The style is dry and unattractive, but the little book was
much read in the Middle Ages. These two works serve
to give us some idea of the kind of literature which,
alongside of the Greek novels, amused the leisure hours
of cultivated persons.
The contents of the works of the leaders of the church
in the fourth and fifth centuries can hardly be considered
Hiiarius *n a h^01"! °^ Roman literature, but inas-
much as their writings show the continued
influence of classical Latin, their style and choice of words
should be briefly mentioned. The bitter controversy be-
266 ROMAN LITERATURE
tween the Arians and the Athanasians produced in the
fourth century a great number of controversial writings,
among which those of Hilarius (St. Hilary), Bishop of
Poitiers, are remarkable for depth of philosophical thought
and care in expression. Hilarius was born between 310
and 320 A. D., and was trained in the Gallic school of elo-
quence. After his conversion to Christianity he soon
became bishop of his native Poitiers. His opposition to
Arianism, which Constantius favored, led to his banish-
ment, but he was recalled after three years, in 358 A. D.
His death took place in 367 A. D. Besides his controver-
sial writings he was the author of commentaries on sev-
eral books of the Old and New Testaments, and perhaps
also of hymns. His style shows in some passages his
early training in the school of wordy and ornate Gallic
oratory, but is chiefly distinguished for its vigor and
passion. Hilarius carried on the work of adapting Latin
to the expression of Christian abstract thought, which
had been begun in Africa by Tertullian.
Ambrosius (St. Ambrose), who lived from about 340
to 397 A. D., was probably born in Gaul, where his father
Ambrosius was Pre^ec*» but was °^ Roman, not Gallic
blood. After a careful education he became
a barrister, and was soon raised to the consular rank and
made governor of the provinces of Liguria and ^Emilia.
Thus he came to Milan, where he was chosen bishop in
374 A. D. He was a man of great tact as well as firmness,
who dared to exclude the Emperor Theodosius from the
church, until he had shown repentance for the massacre
at Thessalonica, and to refuse the request of the Empress
Jusfcina that one of the churches at Milan be set aside for
the Arians, but who succeeded in avoiding any breach
with the emperor in spite of his independence. It was in
great part due to St. Ambrose that Italy was kept from
adopting the Arian heresy. His writings comprise letters,
dogmatic treatises, practical treatises on the conduct of
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 267
life, commentaries on the Scriptures, funeral orations on
Valentinian II and Theodosius, and hymns. He is also
the probable author of a translation of Josephus into
Latin. In his mystic, allegorical interpretations of Scrip-
ture St. Ambrose follows the Jewish-Stoic philosopher
Philo, who lived about the time of Christ, and in his trea-
tise On Duties he imitates Cicero's work of the same title.
His intimate acquaintance with other works of the clas-
sical period is made evident both by the general quality of
his style, which is purer than that of most of his contem-
poraries, and by many special references. His hymns have
had great influence upon church poetry and music.
St. Jerome (Hieronymus) was born about 331 A. D., at
Stridon, a town on the borders of Dalmatia and Pannonia,
studied at Eome under Donatus, then spent
ron° nms) * ^wo years a^' Treves, was afterwards at Aquileia
for some time, then sailed to Syria. Here*he
was ill for a time, and solaced himself by reading the clas-
sics, until he was warned by a dream to give up profane lit-
erature. He retreated into the wilderness of Chalcis, where
he remained five years. In 362 A. D. he returned to Koine,
where he had great influence for many years, but in 386
he retired to a monastery at Bethlehem. There he re-
mained until his death, in 420 A. D. As a controversial
writer St. Jerome had great influence in settling the doc-
trines of the Catholic church ; he also wrote commentaries
on various books of the Bible, and numerous letters deal-
ing with religious questions. His translation of the Bible
was a masterly performance, and is the basis of the Latin
Vulgate, still in use in the Roman Catholic church. He
compiled a brief work, De Viris Illustrious, in which he
gave sketches of the lives of Christian writers, as Sue-
tonius, in his work of the same title, had given the lives
of the old Roman authors. The sketches given by Jerome
are, however, much briefer than were those of Suetonius.
The translation and continuation of the Chronicle of
268 ROMAN LITERATURE
Eusebius lias already been mentioned (see page 262). St.
Jerome is one of the ablest writers of the early Christian
church, and certainly the most learned Christian writer
of his time. His style is not exempt from the faults of
exaggeration and verbal quibbling common in the wri-
tings of the age, but possesses much life and earnestness,
and is free from the affectation of classicism, though it
shows the effect of his prolonged study of the classics.
St. Augustine (Aurelius Augustinus) was born in 354
A. D. at Tagaste, in Africa. His father was a pagan, his
ustine mother a Christian, and in his early years
Augustine himself accepted the doctrine of
Manicheeism, a sort of mystical materialism, which denied
all authority, and claimed to rest entirely upon reason.
He was a successful teacher of rhetoric in Africa, at Eome,
and at Milan, where he came under the influence of St.
Ambrose and was converted. In 388 A. D. he returned to
Africa, became presbyter at Hippo in 392, and bishop in
395 A. D. His death took place in 430 A. D. His nature
was many sided, and composed of apparently contradictory
elements. He was a mystic speculator, a sharp reasoner,
at one time harsh and uncompromising, at another full of
tenderness, an original thinker yet a believer in authority,
dreamer, poet, philosopher, rhetorician, and quibbler in
one. His writings are in part speculations on theology,
in part ponderings on the soul, its nature and its relations
to God, and in part controversial treatises, sermons, com-
mentaries, and letters. The best known among them are
the Confessions, in which Augustine gives many details of
his life, and records the doubts that perplexed him,
and the City of God (De Civitate Dei), a work of his old
age, in which he contrasts the city (or better, the state)
of this world with the ideal city of God. This work was
written in reply to the pagans, who claimed that the sack
of Home by Alaric was due to the neglect of the ancient
worship. It consists of twenty-two books, in the first ten
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 269
of which the "vain opinions adverse to the Christian
religion " are refuted, while the twelve remaining are de-
voted to a presentation of Christian truth, though each
division contains many digressions, and in each the part
of the subject properly belonging to the other is treated
as occasion demands. In many parts of this great work
reference is made to Cicero's De Re Publica and other
philosophical writings, and Augustine's dialogue Contra
Academicos is an evident imitation of Cicero's Academics.
Yet it can not be said that Augustine's style is modelled
upon that of Cicero. It is rather a style which had gradu-
ally developed among Christian writers, in which the
periodic structure of the Ciceronian age is abandoned for
the most part, many words unknown to strictly classical
Latin have been introduced, partly from the popular
speech and partly by new formation to express abstract
ideas, not a few Biblical phrases are employed, and some
slight changes in syntax are noticeable. This is the Latin
of the church, which has remained nearly as St. Augustine
left it, except in so far as the strictly classical element
grew less in the centuries preceding the Eenaissance.
For St. Augustine the " state " of this world still means
the Roman empire, though the eternal city had been
sacked by the Goths, but the time seems to him not far
distant when the state of God shall rest in the " stability
of its eternal seat." So his language is still Latin ; but his
thoughts and sentiments are Christian, not Roman. The
ancient world was still visible about him, but . the life of
the Middle Ages had begun.
The fourth century produced a considerable number
of poets who possessed no mean skill in versification, but
whose works have for the most part disappeared. Opta-
0 tatianus ^ianus (Publilius Optatianus Porphyrius) com-
posed a poem in praise of Constantine in which
he shows his ingenuity by writing lines that take the
shape of an altar or an organ, contriving to make fifteen
270 ROMAN LITERATURE
successive hexameters each one letter shorter than its
predecessor, making nineteen stanzas of four lines each
from the same twenty words, and inventing the most com-
plicated and elaborate acrostics and the like. Such work
is not poetry, but it shows skill in the manipulation of
words. It is interesting to know that Constantine was so
pleased that he recalled the ingenious author from banish-
ment. About the same time Ju venous (Gaius
Vettius Aquilinus Juvencus) made a version
of the Gospel story in hexameters after the manner of
Virgil. He shows intelligent appreciation of the dignity
and beauty of his model, and writes skillfully and easily.
This Latin poem is the prototype of the " Gospel Harmo-
nies " of the Middle Ages. Avienus (Euf us Festus Avie-
Avienus nus)' °* Vulsinii, in Etruria, was a descendant
of the Stoic philosopher Musonius Eufus (see
page 177), and was twice proconsul — in Africa in 366 and
in Greece in 371 A. D. He translated the Phenomena of
Aratus into Latin verse, and tried to improve upon the
translations by Cicero and Germanicus (see pages 70 and
173), made a similar translation with variations from the
Periegesis of Dionysius, described the coasts of the Black
Sea, the Caspian, and the Mediterranean in iambic trime-
ters, and made abridgments of Livy and Virgil in the
same metre. These last are lost, as is a large part of the
description of the coasts. Avienus was also the author of
several short poems. He has no little ability as a maker
of verses, and has the good taste to imitate Virgil, but ex-
hibits no poetic originality. His language is for the most
part strictly classic. To about the same time as Avienus
Querolus belongs also a curious comedy entitled Quero-
lus (The Discontented Man), a free imitation
of the Aulularia of Plautus, composed in a remarkable
mixture of prose and verse.
The only really interesting poet of the fourth century
is, however, Ausonius, whose life extends through nearly
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 271
the entire century. Decimus Magnus Ausonius was born
at Bordigala (Bordeaux) about 310 A. D. He became a
teacher of rhetoric and oratory, and was ap-
pointed tutor to Gratian, the son of the Em-
peror Valens. When Gratian became emperor he rewarded
his teacher with public offices, and raised him in 379 A. D.
to the consulate. After Gratian 's death (383 A. D.) Auso-
nius retired from public life and devoted himself to liter-
ary pursuits at his native Bordeaux until his death, which
took place not far from 395 A. D. Xearly all his extant
writings belong to this period. The only considerable
specimen of his prose extant is the oration in which he
expressed his thanks to Gratian for the consulship. In
this the style, though somewhat flowery, is not without
dignity, and the vocabulary is pretty strictly classic. The
extant poems are of various kinds and in various metres.
They include epigrams, idylls, letters, a series of short
poems called Parentalia, devoted to the poet's relatives, a
Commemoratio Professorum Burdigalensium, describing
his colleagues at Bordeaux, verses on the Roman emperors,
on famous cities, and a variety of other subjects. Some
of these show cleverness in the use of language, but no
higher quality. Such are the letters written partly in
Greek and partly in Latin, and the idylls so composed
that the last word of each line is a monosyllable ; but
among the poems are some of considerable interest even
though their poetic qualities are not of the highest. So
the Parentalia and the verses on the Bordeaux professors
give the reader some insight into the life of an important
provincial city. It is interesting, too, to observe that of
the seventeen cities mentioned in the List of Famous
Cities five are in Gaul. To be sure, Ausonius was himself
a Gaul, and may have made his native region unduly
prominent, but other evidence, including the remains of
ancient buildings, supports his estimate of the importance
of the Gallic cities. His lines on Bordeaux, famous for
272 ROMAN LITERATURE
its wine, its culture, its fertile soil, great rivers, copious
water supply, and fine buildings, show his patriotism and
his skill in descriptive writing. The latter quality is con-
spicuous in the most famous of his idylls, the one entitled
Moselle in which Ausonius describes the stream and the
valley of the Moselle, which he had visited on some busi-
ness not further specified. The vine-clad hills and grassy
meadow lands, the roofs of villas that stand upon the
banks, the broad, clear river, calm and placid as a lake,
are all brought before our eyes with clear, well-chosen
words and a masterly lightness of touch. At the same
time the poet's love of nature and her beauties is as
plainly manifest as in any poem of Wordsworth or Wliit-
tier. Unfortunately, Ausonius proceeds to mention all
the different kinds of fish in the Moselle, and the remark-
able productivity of the river does not add to the attrac-
tiveness of the poem. Yet the poem is deservedly famous
for its beauty of expression and its enthusiastic love of
nature. It is also remarkably modern in its tone. Satyrs
and Naiads are mentioned, but only as a modern poet might
mention them. Ausonius is a Christian, and for him the
pagan deities of the woods are only beings which he
"might imagine." This poem shows as clearly as the
Pervigilium Veneris, though in a different way, that the
spirit of the Middle Ages was awake.
Ausonius was a Christian, but his poems have no spe-
cifically Christian contents. The most important specific-
Prudentius ally Christian poet of the fourth century is
Aurelius Prudentius Clemens, who was born
in Spain, at or near Saragossa, in 348 A. D., studied and
practised oratory, and held important offices. His life
was apparently passed for the most part in Spain, but at
one time he held a position at the imperial court of Theo-
dosius. The date of his death is probably about 410 A. D.
Prudentius, like Ausonius, employs hexameters and vari-
ous other classic metres, in which he departs occasionally,
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 273
but not often, from the rules of quantitative verse. His
poems, both epic and lyric, are religious and inspired by
earnest faith and genuine enthusiasm. He excels in nar-
rative and description, in wealth and brilliancy of lan-
guage, but lacks the virtue of simplicity. His poetry was
intended to appeal to educated readers, not to the people,
and the cultured classes of the time were only too thor-
oughly accustomed to an artificial style. Yet, in spite of
his faults of style, Prudentius is the most important Chris-
tian poet of the fourth century, and among the other
poets of the time none equal him except Ausonius and
Claudian.
Claudius Claudianus, the last important Eoman poet,
was, like Livius Andronicus, with whom Roman poetry
Ci udian began, a Greek by birth. He was born in
Asia Minor, but lived so long at Alexandria
that he called that centre of learning his fatherland
(patria). In 395 A. D. he went to Eome, where he was
attached to the court of Honorius, from whom he received
the rank of patrician and the honor of a statue in the
Forum of Trajan. He remained at Rome, or rather at
Milan, until 404 A. D., but about that time returned to
Alexandria, and married a noble woman of the place,
being aided in his suit by Serena, niece and adopted
daughter of the Emperor Theodosius and wife of Stilicho.
Claudian's poems all appear to have been written from
395 to 404 A. D., and throughout this period he is the
faithful follower and enthusiastic admirer of Stilicho.
Whether Stilicho's death in 408 A. D. relegated Claudian
to obscurity, or the poet himself died at about the same
time as his patron, can not now be determined. Clau-
dian's works comprise epic poems on the important events
of his times, such as the Gothic war and the war against
Gildo, mythological epics, and shorter miscellaneous poems.
Among the historical epics are included poems in praise
of Honorius and other patrons of the poet, as well as met-
274: ROMAN LITERATURE
rical attacks upon Kufinus and Eutropius. The only
remains of his mythological epics are three books of a poem
on the Rape of Proserpine, and somewhat more than one
hundred lines of a GigantomacMa. In these poems Clau-
dian shows the mythological and antiquarian learning
which had for centuries been characteristic of the Alex-
andrian school of poetry. That school was already old
when it was imitated by Catullus and his contempora-
ries in the early days of Roman poetry, and now, when Ro-
man literature was dying, Alexandria continued to train
learned poets. Had Claudian not gone to Italy, he would
doubtless have continued to write in his native Greek,
and might, as a Greek poet, have rivalled his contempo-
rary Nonnus. In his historical and miscellaneous poems
also Claudian exhibits much Alexandrian learning, and at
the same time shows an intimate acquaintance with the
earlier Roman poets, which is somewhat surprising in one
who was educated in the Greek-speaking provinces of the
east. It is equally surprising that Claudian uses the Latin
language with an ease and grace not attained by any of
his contemporaries. His verse is correct, dignified, and
harmonious, his diction pure and classical. In these re-
spects, as well as in wealth of imagery, brilliancy of narra-
tive, and skill in composition, he is unequalled by any
Roman poet after Statius. His historical poems must be
used with caution by historians, for, although facts aje
not invented, they are presented in a strong light, or left
in obscurity, according to the effect they might have upon
the reputation of the poet's friends or enemies. In the
exuberance of his praise, Claudian equals the contempo-
rary prose panegyrists, and surpasses the early Alexandrian
and most of the later Roman poets. Among his miscel-
laneous poems none is so well known in modern times, or
so modern in tone, as the brief elegy of only twenty-two
lines, on an old man of Verona, who never left his suburb,
who pressed his staff upon the same sand in which he had
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 275
crept, counted his years by the changes of crops, not by
consuls, and saw the trees grow old which he had seen as
little sprouts. The advantages of a quiet, humble life
have seldom been more charmingly set forth than in this
poem.
With all his learning, skill, and genuine poetic inspira-
tion, Claudian is still the belated singer of a worn-out
empire and a dying civilization. Eome was no longer the
mighty and unquestioned ruler of the world. The poet
whose chief task it was to sing the praises of Stilicho, and
spread the glory of his victories, must needs shut his eyes,
so far as possible, to the evident decay, but he could not
simulate utter blindness. In the beginning of his poem
on the war with Gildo, Claudian shows that the feebleness
and old age of Rome were not hidden from him. He
describes the personified city, the goddess Roma, as she
approaches Olympus to beg for aid against Gildo, whose
revolt, involving the loss of the African grain supply,
threatened to expose the city to famine :
Her voice is weak, and slow her steps ; her eyes
Deep sunk within ; her cheeks are gone ; her arms
Are shrivelled up with wasting leanness. On
Her feeble shoulders hardly can she bear
Her tarnished shield ; she shows from loosened helm
Her hoary locks, and drags a rusty spear.1
Even the poet who sang of Rome's victories could
portray her in such terms as these. Yet the tradition of
Roman greatness still survived. In the year
Namatianus. Rutiliug Claudius Namatianus, a Gaul
who had risen to the position of prcefectus urbi at Rome,
was obliged to return to Gaul to attend to his property,
which had been laid waste by the Goths. The journey
was the occasion of a poem in two books, most of which
lDe Bello Gildonico, i, 21-25.
2Y6 ROMAN LITERATURE
is preserved. It is written in elegiacs, with much skill
and feeling. Many episodes and descriptions are inserted
in the narrative, but no passage is so striking as that in
which the traveller, passing out from the Ostian gate,
addresses the imperial city :
Wide as the ambient ocean is thy sway,
And broad thy empire as the realms of day;
Still on thy bounds the sun's great march attends,
With thee his course begins, with thee it ends.
Thy strong advance nor Afric's burning sand,
Nor frozen horrors of the Pole withstand ;
Thy valor, far as kindly Nature's bound
Is fixed for man, its dauntless way has found.
All nations own in thee their common land,
And e'en the guilty bless thy conquering hand ;
One right for weak, for strong, thy laws create,
And bind the wide world in a world-wide State.1
The history of Roman poetry is virtually at an end with
Claudian. Other poets there were, but none whose works
Avianus. are living and breathing exponents of the
Seduiius. ancient Roman life. About 400 A. D. Avianus
Dracontius. pushed forty-two fables of ^Esop in elegiac
verse ; about the middle of the fifth century the presbyter
Seduiius wrote several religious poems, in which he shows
acquaintance not with Biblical literature alone, but also
with the Latin classics ; and at the end of the century the
African poet Blossius ^Emilius Dracontius wrote a didac-
tic poem On the Praise of God, in three books, a number
of short epics, chiefly mythological, and several other
poems. Dracontius is not unskillful in his versification
and his use of language, and his poems prove that rhetor-
ical training was still to be found in Africa. Moreover,
his knowledge of the Roman classics is as evident as his
knowledge of the Bible. But neither Dracontius nor the
1 De Reditu Suo, i, 55-66. Translated by A. J. Church.
THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES 277
other poets whose works are preserved to us from the
fifth century could do more than help to pass on to the
Middle Ages something of the ancient feeling for beauty
of form in literature. And even that had ceased to be
understood by the people.
CHAPTER XXI
CONCLUSION
The end of the ancient civilization — Boethius, about 480-524 A. D. —
Later literature no longer Roman — Practical character of Roman
literature— The first period— The Augustan period— The period of
the empire — Our debt to the Romans.
LONG before the end of the fifth century the power
of Rome was broken, and the centre of what had been
the Roman empire was at Constantinople. The western
provinces were in the hands of barbarians, Angles and
Saxons ruled in Britain, Franks in northern Gaul, Visi-
goths in southern Gaul and Spain, and Vandals in Africa.
The end Italv itself had been repeatedly overrun by
of the old hardy warriors from the north, and Rome had
civilization, twice been sacked, by the Goths under Alaric
in 410 and by the Vandals under Genseric in 455 A. D.
With the establishment by Theodoric, in 493 A. D., of the
Gothic kingdom with its seat at Ravenna, the last vestige
of the Roman empire of the West passed away. Hence-
forth western Europe is the scene of strife and disorder,
through which men were to struggle onward to the new
order of modern life. In the empire of the East much of
the old civilization survived, and throughout the Middle
Ages the ancient culture still shed some rays of light from
Constantinople to the darkened west ; but in western Eu-
rope there was little culture, and learning was for the
most part shut up in the walls of monasteries.
The last writer who seems to belong to the old civili-
zation is Boethius. Anicius Manlius Torquatus Severinus
278
CONCLUSION 279
Boethius was a Eoman of noble birth and exalted station.
He was born about 480 A. D., and after his father's death
was adopted by the patrician Symmachus,
whose daughter he afterwards married. In
500 A. D. he delivered in the senate a speech in honor of
Theodoric, who made frequent use of his learning and
literary skill. He held important offices at Eome, received
the title of patrician, and in 510 A. D. became consul with-
out a colleague. In 522 A. D. his two sons were made
consuls, and the joyful father delivered an oration in
praise of the Gothic king to whose favor they owed their
elevation. But that favor was destined SOOB. to pass from
Boethius. The emperor of the East, Justin, tried to stir
up the Catholic Italians to revolt against the Arian Theo-
doric. Boethius was suspected, arrested, and put to death
with tortures in 524 A. D. The servile senate decreed his
death without even the formality of a trial.
Boethius was a prolific writer. He translated from
the Greek various philosophical and mathematical trea-
tises, to some of which he added commentaries, and the
importance of the Aristotelian logic during the Middle
Ages is in great measure due to him ; he also wrote a
bucolic poem, which is lost, and several treatises on points
of Christian doctrine ; but the work by which he is now
best known, and to which he owes his reputation as the
The Conso- ^as^ Roman author, is the treatise On the Con-
lation of solation of Philosophy (De Consolatione Phil-
Phiiosophy. osophice), which he wrote in prison while
waiting for his condemnation. This work consists of five
books, and has the literary form of a satura — that is, the
prose is interrupted and varied by the insertion of passages
in verse. These metrical passages, although their rhythms
and diction are excellent, do not show the same depth of
thought as the prose portions. This is explained by the
fact that the prose portions of the treatise are derived in
great measure from the Protrepticus of Aristotle, while
19
280 ROMAN LITERATURE
the verses are more entirely the work of Boethius himself.
It is not likely that Boethius employed the Protrepticus
directly, but he probably had before him some work in
which Aristotle's teachings had been modified by the
eclecticism of the later Platonists. Everywhere noble
sentiments are expressed, but without the slightest indi-
cation of Christianity, or of any specific religion. The
names of the pagan deities are used, but Boethius believes
in them no more than did Milton or the numerous writers
of the eighteenth century in whose works their names
occur. The attitude of Boethius is throughout that of a
cultivated and intellectual man who seeks for consolation
when in trouble not in faith, but in reason. In the begin-
ning of the work he laments his hard fate, when Philos-
ophy appears before him in the form of a. woman, and a
dialogue ensues, in which the unimportance of what is
ordinarily termed good or bad fortune, the nature of
Providence, the divine order of the world, chance, free
will, and similar subjects, are discussed. The style is the
artificial, ornate style of the time, held in check by the
logical sequence of the argument. Boethius was a Chris-
tian, but in his adversity he turned to philosophy for
consolation, and his philosophy is no more Christian than
is that of Cicero. Yet his teachings, though not belong-
ing to any one religion, are essentially religious. It is not
wonderful that the Consolation was much read in the
Middle Ages, and has continued to find many readers in
later times.
There were still, in the sixth century, men who, like
Boethius, could find, amid the disorders of the times, the
Later litera- leisure and the taste for study ; and the only
ture no kind of study possible was that of the ancient
longer literature. But Boethius is the last in whom
the ancient thoughts and feelings appear clad
in literary form. Throughout the Middle Ages some of
the classical writers, especially Virgil, were read and copied
CONCLUSION 281
in monasteries, and those laymen who received a clerkly
education learned Latin as the only language (except the
more distant and difficult Greek) in which a literature
existed ; but Latin was then, as now, a language of the
past, even though it was still used for literary purposes,
and the ancient civilization was far less understood than
now. Writings in Latin after Boethius belong not to
Roman literature, but to the literature of the church and
to that of the various nations of Europe.
The date of the beginning of Roman literature can be
fixed almost to a year, for there was no Roman literature
before Livius Andronicus. At that time Latin imitations
of Greek works were introduced to add to the attractions
of public entertainments and to make the young ac-
The first pe- quainted with the history of the past. As
riodofKoman the republic grew in power, literature, still in
literature. imitation of the Greek, but expressing more
and more completely the Roman character, developed in
all directions, but especially in prose. The orators culti-
vated perfection in speech that they might move the
judges, the senate, or the people ; historians hoped that
the records of the past would have a practical effect upon
the deeds of the future, or they aimed, like Caesar in his
Commentaries , to further their own immediate ends ; and
Cicero adapted Greek philosophy to Roman readers in
order that the republic might have wise and good citizens.
The practical purpose of the lyric poetry of Catullus and
his contemporary poets is less evident, though even lyric
verse may serve political ends, and yet there seems to
have been in the careful imitation of learned Alexandrian
works a deliberate educational purpose. Certainly in all
branches of literature except lyric poetry throughout the
republican period a practical purpose, and usually a polit-
ical purpose, is almost invariably to be found. Literature
as developed by the Greeks seemed to the Romans to pos-
sess practical utility, and the great works of the repub-
282 ROMAN LITERATURE
lican period were created by practical men to aid in the
attainment of their ends.
In the Augustan period the practical purpose of litera-
ture is even more evident than in the earlier years. In
the transition from the republic to the monarchy it was
desirable that the minds of men should not
The Augustan . . , .,, ,.,. , ...
period. "e ^°° mucn occupied with politics, and liter-
ature was naturally encouraged by Augustus
as an outlet for intellectual energy which might other-
wise have turned to political matters. It was also desir-
able that the Julian family be connected as closely as pos-
sible with the beginnings of Eome, and how could that be
done better than by such a poem as the JEneid ? The im-
mediate practical purpose of Virgil's Georgics is evident.
The poems of Horace, too, are in part openly intended to
increase the popular prestige of the imperial house, and
the mere fact that the poet was known to be the friend
of the emperor would add as much to the glory of the one
as of the other. The greatness of poetry in this period is
due directly to the encouragement of Augustus, and his
encouragement had a practical purpose. That prose, espe-
cially oratory, declined at this time is due to the fact that
the orator was no longer the great power in the state.
Under the empire the influence of literature upon poli-
tics disappeared. Oratory no longer led to the highest
power, poetry must, under some emperors at least, be care-
ful not to overstep prescribed limits, and history could
not safely record all facts with their causes and results.
Even philosophical speculation was not safe if it led to
practical conclusions adverse to the government. It was
precisely those branches of literature which
might be used for political purposes that the
imperial government could hardly fail to dis-
courage directly or indirectly, and those were the branches
in which the practical Eomans naturally excelled. There
were, to be sure, emperors who encouraged literature, but
CONCLUSION 283
their encouragement, leading to flattery and artificial elo-
quence, was little likely to raise the quality, even though
it increased the quantity, of literary production. With
its practical importance Eoman literature loses its vigor.
Aside from Tacitus and Juvenal, hardly a single powerful
and vigorous author appears in the imperial period until,
with the growth of Christianity, literature again acquires
practical importance. That literature maintained for so
many years a relatively high degree of excellence is due
to the constant influence of Greece, which counteracted
to some extent the forces that tended to destroy all liter-
ary life. Thus Roman literature lingered on until after
the breaking up of the Roman empire.
Only a small part of the great bulk of Roman litera-
ture is preserved to us, but that part includes the greatest
works of the best period. Those are worthy subjects of
study for their beauty of form, their clearness of thought,
their power, their vigor, and their ethical qualities. The
productions of the imperial period are inferior in quality
to those of the republican and the Augustan times, though
their quantity is proportionate to the duration of the em-
pire ; but these works also are proper subjects of study,
for they also express the character of the Romans.
Three ancient peoples have impressed themselves
strongly upon the nations of Europe and America — the
Hebrews, the Greeks, and the Romans. To the first we
owe the foundations of our religion, to the second the be-
ginnings of all arts and sciences, to the Romans we are
indebted for the adaptation of the arts and sciences, of
philosophy, and even of religion to civilized
th^ Romans. life* The names of our months are Roman,
and our calendar is, with slight necessary
changes, that established by Julius Caesar. The laws of
continental Europe and, though to a less degree, of Eng-
land and the United States, are based upon Roman law as
finally established under Justinian. The so-called Gothic
284: ROMAN LITERATURE
architecture, which arose in France in the Middle Ages
which is still the prevailing style of our churches, can be
traced back step by step to Roman buildings, and though
Roman architecture was dependent upon that of Greece,
it was through Rome that western Europe learned to use
the column, the arch, and the vault. The beautiful archi-
tecture of the Renaissance is a conscious imitation of that
of Rome. The Romans, too, in the early centuries of the
Christian church, did their full share to systematize Chris-
tian belief, to reconcile it with philosophy, and to estab-
lish a reasonable form of church government. The results
of their labors are inherited directly by the Roman Catho-
lic church, and indirectly or partially by Protestants.
There is hardly a side of modern life which is not more
or less affected by ancient Rome ; while the dignity, the
sturdy manhood, the stoical disregard of fortune, the
patriotism, and the vigorous earnestness expressed in Ro-
man literature have a powerful influence in developing
what is best in modern manhood. Roman literature will
continue to be an important object of study as long as
men still feel their obligations to the past, or are capable
of learning from the example and precepts of other ages.
APPENDIX I
BIBLIOGRAPHY
[This is not intended to be an exhaustive bibliography, but is merely an
attempt to refer the student to some of the best and most available sources of
information. Books in foreign languages, and editions with notes in foreign
languages, are mentioned only in exceptional cases and for special reasons.
Further bibliographical information is to be found in the larger histories of
Roman literature, in Engelmann's Bibliotheca Scriptorum Classicorum, the
monthly lists in the Classical Review, and the Guide to the Choice of Clas-
sical Books, by J. B. Mayor, London, 1879, D. Nutt; with its New Supple-
ment, 18Q6.]
GENERAL WORKS
C. T. Cruttwell. History of Roman Literature, London, 1877,
Griffin.
J. W. Mackail. Latin Literature, London, 1895, Murray;
New York, Scribner's.
G. A. Simcox. History of Latin Literature, London and New
York, 1883, Long-mans, 2 vols.
G. Middleton and T. R. Mills. Handbook to Latin Authors,
London and New York, 1896, Macmillan.
W. Y. Sellar. The Eoman Poets of the Republic, Oxford, 2d
ed. 1889 ; Poets of the Augustan Age (Virgil), Oxford, 1891;
Horace and the Elegiac Poets, Oxford, 1892.
R. Y. Tyrrell. Latin Poetry, Boston, 1895, Houghton &
Mimiii.
G. F. Aly. Geschichte der romischen Litteratur, Berlin, 1894,
R. Gaertner.
G. Bernhardy. Grundriss der romischen Litteratur, 5th ed.
Halle, 1872.
W. S. Teuffel. Geschichte der romischen Litteratur, 5th ed.
revised by L. Schwabe, Leipzig, 1890, Teubner ; translated
by G. C. W. Warr, 2 vols., London, 1891, Bell. [Especially
good for bibliography.]
285
286 ROMAN LITERATURE
M. Schanz. Romische Litteraturgeschichte, Munich, 2d ed.
1898-1901, Beck. 3 vols. (to Constantine) ; vol. iv (to
Justinian) in preparation.
0. Ribbeck. Geschichte der romischen Dichtung. 3 vols.
Stuttgart, 1887-'92.
C. Lamarre. Histoire de la Litterature latine depuis la Fon-
dation de Rome jusqu'a la Fin du Gouvernement Repub-
licain ; Paris, 1901, Delagrave. 4 vols. [Vol. iv contains
selections from Latin literature in the original and in
French translation. The literature of the imperial period
is to be treated in subsequent volumes.]
G. Michaut. Le Genie latin. Paris, 1900, Fontemoing. [In-
teresting and suggestive.]
A useful series of books called " Ancient Classics for English
Readers " contains Caesar, by Anthony Trollope ; Catullus,
Tibullus, and Propertius, by James Davies-, Cicero, by
W. L. Collins \ Horace, by Theodore Martin ; Juvenal, by
E. Walford ; Livy, by W. L. Collins ; Lucretius, by Mai-
lock ; Ovid, by A. Church ; Plautus and Terence, by W.
L. Collins ; Pliny, by A. Church and W. J. Brodribb ;
Tacitus, by W. B. Donne ; and Virgil, by W. L. Collins.
These are not translations, but essays illustrated by ex-
tracts. Published in America by the J. B. Lippincott Co.
COLLECTIONS
[This list contains the titles of collections referred to below. Many other
collections exist, the titles of which are to be found in larger bibliographies.]
Poetae Latini Minores, ed. Baehrens. 5 vols. Leipzig, 1879-
'83, Teubner series.
Fragmenta Poetanun Romanorum, ed. Baehrens, Leipzig,
1886, Teubner series.
Corpus Poetarum Latinorum, ed. J. P. Postgate-, parts i, ii,
(vol. i), and iii. London, 1893-1900, Bell.
Patrologia Latina, ed. Migne, Paris. [221 vols. containing
the works of ecclesiastical writers of Latin from the Apos-
tolic times to those of Pope Innocent III.]
Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. [A series of
ecclesiastical writings, published by the Imperial Academy
at Vienna, begun in 1866 and not yet completed.]
APPENDIX I 287
Scaenicae Romanorum Poesis Fragmenta, ed. O. Ribbeck. 2
vols. Leipzig, 1897-'98, Teubner series. [Vol. i, Tragi-
corum Romanorum Fragmenta ; vol. ii, Comicorum Ro-
manorum Fragmenta.]
Grammatici Latini, ed. H. Keil, Leipzig, 1857-'80, Teubner,
7 vols.
Historicorum Romanorum Relliquiae, ed. H. Peter, vol. i,
Leipzig, 1870, Teubner.
Historicorum Romanorum Fragmenta, ed. H. Peter, Leipzig,
1883, Teubner series.
Scriptores Historiae Augustae, ed. H. Peter, Leipzig. 2 vols.
Teubner series.
Anthologia Latina, ed. F. Bucheler and A. Riese, Leipzig,
1870-'97. 2 vols. Teubner series.
XII Panegyric! Latini, ed. Baehrens. Leipzig, 1874, Teubner
series.
Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta, ed. Meyer. Paris, 1837.
EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS
Accius. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom., vol. i, and Scaen. Rom.
Poes. Fragm., vol. i.
^STNA. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat., part iii, and Poet. Lat.
Min., vol. ii. Text with notes and translation by Robinson
Ellis, Oxford, 1901.
AMBROSIUS (St. Ambrose). Text, Patrologia Latina, vols.
xiv-xvii.
AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. Text. Gardthausen, Leipzig. 3
vols. Teubner series.
AMPELIUS. Text. Wolfflin in Halm's Florus, Leipzig, 1854,
Teubner series.
ANDRONICUS. See LIVIUS.
APHTHONIUS. Text in Grammat. Lat., vol. vi.
APULEIUS. Text with Latin notes. Hildebrand, Leipzig,
1842. 2 vols.
Translation. Sir George Head, London, 1851 ; anony-
mous, in Bohn's Library.
ARNOBIUS. Text. Reifferscheid, vol. iv of Corp. Script.
Eccl. Lat. Also in Patrol. Lat., vol. v.
ATTA. Text in Scaen. Rom. Poesis Fragm., vol. ii.
ATTICUS. Text in Hist. Rom. Fr.
288 ROMAN LITERATURE
AUGUSTINUS (St. Augustine). Text. Patrol. Lat., vols. xxxii-
xlvii; De Civitate Dei, Dombart, Leipzig, 1877, 2 vols.,
Teubner series ; Confessiones, Raumer, Giitersloh, 1876,
Bertelsmann.
AUGUSTUS. Monumentum Ancyranum, Mommsen, 3d ed.
Berlin, 1883, Weidmann ; W. Fairley (with English trans-
lation), Philadelphia, 1898, the University of Philadel-
phia.
Fragments, Weichart, Grimma, 1845.
AURELIUS (Marcus Aurelius). See FRONTO.
AUSONIUS. Text. Peiper, Leipzig, 1886, Teubner series.
AVIANUS. Text. Poet. Lat. Min. vol. v ; critical text and
notes. R. Ellis, Oxford, 1887.
AVIENUS. Grit. text. Holder, Innsbruck, 1887, Wagner.
BOETHIUS. Text. Peiper, Leipzig, 1871, Teubner series.
Translation. H. R. James, London, 1897, Elliot Stock ;
Fox, in Bonn's Library.
CJESAR. Text. Kubler, Leipzig, 1893-1897, Teubner series.
3 vols.
Translation. W. A. McDevitte, Bohn's Library. Text
and notes. The Gallic War, Allen & Greenough, Boston,
Ginn & Co. ; The Civil War, Perrin, New York, Univer-
sity Publishing Co. Many other school editions exist.
CALPURNIUS. Text. Poet. Lat. Min., vol. iii ; with NEMESI-
ANUS, Text and Latin notes, Schenkl, Leipzig and Prague,
1885.
CAPELLA. See MARTIANUS.
CATO. De Agricultura. Text and Latin notes, Keil, Leipzig,
1884r-'94, Teubner. [Two vols. with VARRO, Res Rusticae.]
Other works. Text and Latin notes. Jordan, Leipzig,
1860, Teubner.
CATONIS DISTICHA. Poet. Lat. Min., vol. iii.
CATULLUS. Text. Mueller, Leipzig, 1885, Teubner series.
[With TIBULLUS, PROPERTIUS, the fragments of LAEVIUS,
CALVUS, CINNA, and others, and the PRIAPEA ] ; crit. text
with appendices, R. Ellis, 3d ed., Oxford, 1878.
Annotated edition. Merrill, Boston, 1893, Ginn & Co.
Commentary. R. Ellis, 2d ed., Oxford, 1889.
Translation (verse). Theodore Martin, Edinburgh and
London, 1875, Blackwood.
APPENDIX I 289
CELSUS. Text. Daremberg, Leipzig, 1859, Teubner series.
Translation. J. Grieve, London, 1756.
CENSORINUS. Text. Hultsch, Leipzig, 1867, Teubner series ;
crit. text, J. Cholodniak, St. Petersburg, 1889.
CHARISIUS. Text in Gram. Lat., vol. i.
CICERO. Text. Baiter and Kayser, Leipzig, 1860-'69, B.
Tauchnitz, 11 vols. ; Muller, Klotz, and others, Leipzig,
Teubner series, 10 vols. [Editions of separate works and
selections are numerous.]
Correspondence, arranged according to its chronological
order, with commentary and introductory essays. R. Y.
Tyrrell and L. C. Purser, Dublin and London, 1855-1901.
7 vols [vol. i in 2d ed.]
Translation. Orations, C. D. Yonge, 4 vols. ; On Ora-
tory and Orators, with Letters to Quintus and Brutus, J. S.
Watson ; On the Nature of the Gods, Divination, Fate,
Laws, a Republic, and Consulship, C. D. Yonge and F.
Barham ; Academics, De Finibus, and Tusculan Questions,
C. D. Yonge; Offices, or Moral Duties, Cato Major, an
Essay on Old Age, Laelius, an Essay on Friendship, Scip-
io's Dream, Paradoxes, Letter to Quintus on Magistrates,
C. R. Edmonds ; Letters, E. Shuckburgh, 4 vols. Bonn's
Library.
Life. W. Forsyth, London, 1863, Murray ; New York,
Scribner's.
CINCIUS ALIMENTUS. Text in Hist. Rom. Rell.
CIRIS. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. ii.
CLAUDIAN. Text. Koch, Leipzig, 1893, Teubner series.
Translation. Hawkins, London, 1817, 2 vols.
COLUMELLA. Text in Scriptores Rei Rusticae, ed. Schneider,
Leipzig, 1794-' 97 ; De Arboribus, text, Lundstrom, Upsala,
1897.
Translation. Anonymous, London, 1745.
COMMODIANUS. Text. Ludwig, Leipzig, 1877-78, 2 vols.
Teubner series.
CONSOLATIO AD LIVIAM. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. i.
CORNIFICIUS (See Cicero ad Herennium). Text. Marx,
Leipzig, 1894, Teubner.
CULEX. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. ii.
CURTIUS RUFUS. Text. Vogel, Leipzig, 1881, Teubner series,
290 ROMAN LITERATURE
CURTIUS RUFUS. Translation. John Digby, 3d ed. corr. by
Young, London, 1747.
CYPRIAN. Text. Hartel, Vienna, 1868-71, 4 vols. in Corp.
Script. Eccl. Lat.
DARES. Text. Meister, Leipzig-, 1873, Teubner series.
DICTYS. Text. Meister, Leipzig, 1872, Teubner series.
DIOMEDES. Text in Gram. Lat.
DIOSCORIDES. Text in Gram. Lat.
DIR^E. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. ii.
DONATUS. Text in Gram. Lat. and in the introductions to
early editions of Terence.
ENNIUS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom. and Corp. Poet. Lat.,
vol. i.
EUTROPIUS. Text. Riihl, Leipzig, 1887, Teubner series.
Translation. See JUSTIN.
FENESTELLA. Text in Hist. Rom. Fragm.
FESTUS (RuFius). Text. Wagner, Prague, 1886.
FESTUS (SEXTUS POMPEIUS). Text. Thewrewk, Budapest,
1889.
FIRMICUS MATERNUS. Text, Halm, Vienna, 1867, in Corp.
Script. Eccl. Lat., vol. ii ; Baehrens, Leipzig, 1886, Teub-
ner series.
FLORUS. Text. Halm, Leipzig, 1854, Teubner series.
FRONTINUS. Strategemata. Text. Gundermann, Leipzig, 1888,
Teubner series.
Translation. R. Scott, London, 1811.
De Aquis Urbis Romae. Text. Bucheler, Leipzig, 1858,
Teubnei.
Text with translation and discussion. C. Herschel,
Boston, 1899, Dana, Estes & Co.
FRONTO. Text. Naber, Leipzig, 1867, Teubner.
GAIUS. Text with translation and notes. Poste, 3d ed., Ox-
ford, 1890.
GELLIUS. Text. Hertz, Leipzig, 1887, Teubner series, 2 vols.
Crit. Text. Hertz, Leipzig, 1894, Teubner, 2 vols.
Translation. Beloe, London. 1795, 3 vols.
GERMANICUS. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. i.
GRATIUS. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. i ; Corp. Poet. Lat.,
part iii.
;HIERONYMUS. See JEROME.
APPENDIX I 291
HILARIUS (St. Hilary). Text. Patrol. Lat., vols. ix and x.
HIRTIUS. Text in complete editions of Caesar.
HORACE. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat., vol. i ; Kellar and Hduss-
ner, 2d ed. Prague, 1892. Annotated editions are numerous.
Translation (verse). Theodore Martin, Edinburgh and
London, 1881, Black wood, 2 vols. Odes and Epodes,
Lord Lytton, Edinburgh and London, 1869, New York,
1870.
HYGINUS. Text. M. Schmidt, Jena, 1872.
HYGINUS GROMATICUS. Text. Domaszewski, Leipzig, 1887.
JEROME. Text. Patrol. Lat., vols. xxii-xxx. De Viris Illus-
tribus, Herding, Leipzig, 1879, Teubner series.
JULIUS. See C^SAR.
JULIUS CAESAR STRABO. Text in Orat. Rom. Fragm.
JULIUS VICTOR. Text in Orelli's Cicero, vol. v, p. 195, and
in Halm's Rhetores Minores, p. 371.
JUSTIN. Text. Jeep, Leipzig, 1859, Teubner series ; Hallberg,
Paris, 1875.
Translation. Watson, London, 1853, Bonn's Library,
[with CORNELIUS NEPOS and EUTROPIUS].
JUVENAL. Text. Bucheler, Berlin, 2d ed. 1886, Weidmann
[with PERSIUS and SULPICIA].
Annotated edition. Pearson & Strong, Oxford, 1892.
Translation. (Prose) Leeper, London, 1891, 2d ed. Mac-
millan [see also LUCILIUS] ; (verse) Dryden, in Dryden's
works.
LACTANTIUS. Text. Patrol Lat., vols. vi and vii. [Some of
his works have appeared in Corp. Script. Eccl. Lat. The
Poem on the Phoenix is in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. ii.]
LAMPRIDIUS. Text in Scriptores Historiae Augustae.
LIVIUS ANDRONICUS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom. and Scaen.
Rom. Poesis Fragm., vols. i and ii.
LIVY. Text. Weissenborn, Leipzig, 1878, Teubner series, 6 vols.
Crit. Text. Madvig and Ussing, Copenhagen, 4th ed.
1886 and later. 4 vols.
Translation. Spillan, Edmunds, and McDevitte, Lon-
don, Bohn's Library. 4 vols.
LUCAN. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat., part iii ; Hosius, Leipzig,
1892. Teubner series.
Translation (verse). N. Rowe, London, 1807. 3 vols.
292 ROMAN LITERATURE
LUCILIUS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom.
Translation. Evans, London, Bonn's Library. [ JU-
VENAL, PERSIUS, SULPICIA, and LUCILIUS.]
LUCRETIUS. Text. Munro, London, Bell ; also in Harper's
Classical Texts.
Grit. Text. Lachmann, Berlin, 1866. 2 vols.
Text and notes. Munro, London, 4th ed. 1891-'93,
Bell. 3 vols., the third of which is a prose translation.
MACROBIUS. Text. EyssenTiardt, Leipzig, 1868, 2d ed. Teub-
ner series.
MAECENAS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom.
MANILIUS. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat, part iii.
Translation. Creech, London, 1700. [Appended to LU-
CRETIUS.]
MANLIUS. See VOPISCUS.
MARCELLINUS. See AMMIANUS.
MARIUS VICTORINUS. Text in Gram. Lat., vol. vi, Orelli's
Cicero, vol. v, Halm's Rhetores Minores, and Patrol.
Lat., vol. viii.
MARTIAL. Text. Gilbert, Leipzig, 1886, Teubner series.
Translation (prose). Edited by H. G. Bohn, London,
1897. [Contains also metrical translations from various
sources.]
MARTIANUS CAPELLA. Text. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1866,
Teubner series.
MELA. Text. Frick, Leipzig, 1880, Teubner- series.
MINUCIUS FELIX. Text. Baehrens, Leipzig, 1886, Teubner
series.
MORETUM. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. ii.
N^EVIUS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom., Scaen. Rom. Poesis
Fragm., vols. i and ii.
NAMATIANUS. See EUTILIUS.
NEMESIANUS. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. iii.
NEPOS. Text. Halm-Fleckeisen, Leipzig,. 10th ed. 1889,
Teubner series.
Translation. See JUSTIN.
NIGIDIUS FIGULUS. Text of fragments with Latin notes.
Stroboda, Vienna, 1889.
NONIUS MARCELLUS. Crit. text with comment. Muller,
Leipzig, 1888, Teubner. 2 vols. Onions, Oxford, 1895.
APPENDIX I 293
OCTAVIUS. See AUGUSTUS.
OROSIUS. Zangemeister, Corp. Script. Eccl. Lat., vol. v, and
Leipzig, 1889, Teubner series.
OVID. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat., vol. i ; Merkel-Ewald, Leip-
zig, 3d ed. begun 1888, Teubner series.
Annotated editions of separate works and of selections
are numerous.
Translation (prose). Bonn's Library. Metrical trans-
lations by Dryden and others are contained in Chalmers'
English Poets.
PACUVIUS. Text in Scaen. Rom. Poesis Fragm., vol. i.
PALLADIUS. Text in Scriptores Rei Rusticae, ed. Schneider,
Jena, 1794-'97.
PERSIUS. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat., vol. i ; Bucheler. See
JUVENAL ; with translation and commentary, Conington
and Nettleship, Oxford, 1893.
Translation (prose). See LUCILIUS and JUVENAL ; (verse)
Dryden, in his complete works and Chalmers' English
Poets.
PERVIGILIUM VENERIS. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. iv.
PETRONIUS. Text. Bucheler, Berlin, 3d ed. 1895, Weidmann.
[With the satires of VARRO and SENECA.]
Translation. (Trimalchio's Dinner). H. T. Peck, New
York, 1898, Harper's.
PHJEDRUS. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat., part iii ; Riese, Leipzig,
1885, B. Tauchnitz.
Translation. Smart, London, 1831. [Also appended
to Eiley's version of Terence and Phsedrus in Bonn's
Library.]
PLAUTUS. Text. Goetz and Schoell, Leipzig, 1892-'95,
Teubner series, 7 parts.
Critical edition. Ritschl (2d ed. by Goetz, Loewe, and
Schoell), Leipzig, 1878-'93, Teubner, 20 parts.
Many annotated editions of separate plays exist.
Translation (prose). Riley, London, Bohn's Library;
(verse) Thornton and Warner, London, 1767-72.
PLINY THE ELDER. Text. Jan and Mayhoff, Leipzig, 2 ed.
Teubner series. 6 vols.
Translation. With Notes, Bostock and Riley, London,
Bell. 6 vols.
294 ROMAN LITERATURE
PLINY THE YOUNGER. Text. Keil, Leipzig, 1873, Teubner
series.
Translation. Melmoth, revised by Bosanquet, London,
1877, Bell ; Lewis, London, 1879, Triibner.
PLOTIUS. See SACERDOS.
POMPEIUS TROGTJS. See JUSTIN.
POMPONIUS. See MELA.
POMPONIUS (Lucius). Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom.
PRIAPEA. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. i, cf. vol. ii.
PRISCIAN. Text in Gram. Lat., vols. ii and iii.
PROBUS (VALERIUS). Text in Gram. Lat., vol. iv.
PROPERTIUS. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat., vol. i ; Mueller, Leip-
zig, 1880, Teubner series. See CATULLUS.
Ed. Grit. Postgate, London, 1880, Bell.
Translation (prose). Gantillon, with metrical versions
of select elegies by Nott and Elton, London, Bohn's
Library.
PRUDENTIUS. Text. Patrol. Lat., vols. lix and Ix.
PUBLILIUS SYRUS. Text. Bickf or d- Smith, Cambridge, 1885 ;
O. Friedrich, Berlin, 1880, Grieben [with notes].
QUINTILIAN. Text. Institutiones Oratoriae, Meister, Leipzig,
1886-'87, Freytag.
Declamationes. Hitter, Leipzig, 1884, Teubner series.
Translation. Institutes of Oratory, J. S. Watson, Lon-
don, Bohn's Library. 2 vols.
EEPOSIANUS. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. iv.
EUTILIUS NAMATIANUS. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. v.
SACERDOS. Text in Gram. Lat., vol. vi.
SALLUST. Text. Eussner, Leipzig, 1888, Teubner series.
[School editions of the Catiline and the Jugurtha are
numerous.]
Translation. Pollard, London, 1882, Macmillan.
SAMMONICUS SERENUS. Text in Poet. Lat. Min., vol. iii.
SEDULIUS. Text in Patrol. Lat., vol. ix, and Corp. Script.
Eccl. Lat., vol. x.
SENECA (the father). Text. Mutter, Leipzig, 1888, Freytag;
Kiessling, Leipzig, 1872, Teubner series.
SENECA (the son). Text. Philosophical works. Haase, Leip-
zig, 1852 sqq., Teubner series.
Tragedies, Leo, Berlin, 1879, Weidmann, 2 vols.
APPENDIX I 295
SENECA (the son). Translation. On Benefits, Minor Essays,
and On Clemency. A. Stewart, London, Bonn's Library.
2 vols. Two Tragedies (Medea and Daughters of Troy),
E. I. Harris, Boston, 1899, Houghton & Mifflin.
SERVIUS. Text with Latin notes. Thilo and Hagen, 1878-
1902, Teubner. 4 vols.
SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS. Text in Patrol. Lat., vol. Iviii ; IM-
johann, Berlin, 1887 (Monum. German. Hist. Auct. An-
tiquiss., vol. viii).
SILIUS ITALICUS. Text. Bauer, Leipzig, 1890-'92, Teubner
series. 2 vols.
Translation (verse). Tytler, Calcutta, 1828. 2 vols.
SISENNA. Text in Hist . Rom. Hell. .
SOLINUS. CritText. Mommsen, Berlin, 2ded. 1895, Weidmann.
STATIUS. Text. Kohlmann, Leipzig, 1879-'84, Teubner
series. 2 vols.
Translation (verse). Thebaid. Lewis, in Chalmers'
English Poets, vol. xx ; Coleridge, in his collected poems ;
Achilleis, Sir Robert Howard, in his poems.
SUEIUS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom.
SUETONIUS. Text. Roth, Leipzig, 1875, Teubner series.
Translation. Thomson, revised by Forester, in Bonn's
Library.
SULPICIA. See JUVENAL.
SYMMACHUS. Text. Seeck, Berlin, 1883 (Monum. Germ. Hist.
Auct. Antiquiss., vol. vi, 1).
TACITUS. Text. Nipperdey, Berlin, 1871-76, Weidmann. 4 vols.
[Annotated editions of separate works are many.]
Translation. Church and Brodribb, London, 1868-
'77, Macmillan. 3 vols.
TERENCE. Text. Dziatzko, Leipzig, 1884, B. Tauchnitz.
Ed. Crit. Umpfenbach, Leipzig, 1871, Teubner.
Annotated ed. Wagner, London, 1869, Bell. [Anno-
tated editions of separate plays are numerous.]
Translation (verse). Colman, London, 1810 ; (prose)
Riley, in Bohn's Library [with PH^EDRUS].
TERENTIANUS MAURUS. Text in Gram. Lat., vol. vi.
TERTULLIAN. Text. Patrol Lat., vols. i and ii; Reiffer-
scheid and Wissowa, Corp. Script. Eccl. Lat., vol. xx
[only vol. i of Tertullian].
20
296 ROMAN LITERATURE
TIBULLUS. Text in Corp. Poet. Lat., vol. i; see also CA-
TULLUS.
Translation. Cranstoun, Edinburgh and London, 1872,
Blackwood. [English verse with notes.]
TROGUS. See JUSTIN.
VARIUS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom.
VARRO ATACINUS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom.
VARRO (MARCUS). Text. De Lingua Latina, Mutter, Leipzig,
1833 ; Spengel, Berlin, 1885. De Ee Rustica, Keil, Leipzig,
1889, Teubner series [commentary, 1891]. Fragments of
Varro's Menippean Satires are contained in Bucheler's
PETRONIUS, of the lost grammatical works in Wilmanns,
De Varronis Libris Grammaticis, Berlin, 1864, Weidmann,
of the Antiquitates in MerckeVs edition of OVID'S Fasti,
Berlin, 1841, and poetical fragments in Fragm. Poet. Rom.
VEGETIUS RENATUS. Text. Epitoma Rei Militaris, Lang,
Leipzig, 2d ed. 1885, Teubner series.
Mulom edicina. In Schneider's Script ores Rei Rusticae,
Jena, 1794-'97.
VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. Text. Halm, Leipzig, 1876, Teubner
series.
Translation. J. S. Watson, Bonn's and Harper's Li-
braries. [SALLUST, FLORUS, and VELLEIUS PATERCULUS,
with notes.]
VIRGIL. Text. Ribbeck, Leipzig, 2d ed., Teubner series.
Grit. Text. Ribbeck, Leipzig, 2d ed., Teubner. 4 vols.
Annotated editions. Conington and Nettleship, Lon-
don, 1865-71, Bell, 3 vols. ; Greenough, Boston, 1895,
Ginn & Co. [School editions of parts of Virgil's works
are numerous.]
Translation (verse). Dry den, in his complete works.
JSneid. Conington, London, 1870, Longmans; J. D.
Long, Boston, 1879, Lockwood, Brooks & Co.
Eclogues. C. S. Calverley, in his collected works, Lon-
don, 1901, Bell.
Georgics. H. W. Preston, Boston, 1881, Osgood & Co.
VITRUVIUS. Crit. Text. Rose, Leipzig, 1899, Teubner series.
Translation. Gwilt, London, new ed. 1860, Weale.
VOLCACIUS SEDIGITUS. Text in Fragm. Poet. Rom.
VOPISCUS. Text in Script. Hist. Aug.
APPENDIX II
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
[When two dates are given they designate the birth and death of the
author or authors named in the same line. The dates given opposite the
names of emperors, which are printed in italics, refer, however, to their
reigns, not to their lives. When one date is given it designates a time when
the activity of the author or authors was probably at its height. Interroga-
tion points denote uncertainty.]
B.C.
280.
Before 270-about 204.
About 269-199.
About 254-184.
239-169.
234-149.
About 230.
220-about 130.
216.
211.
210.
206.
Before 200-about 165.
198.
About 192-152.
191.
About 190-159.
185-129.
183.
(D-1S8.
About 180.
180 (f)-126.
(f)-174.
170-at least 100.
163-133.
About 158-about 75.
154-121.
About 154-after 100.
About 152-87.
Appius Claudius Caecus (orator).
Livius Andronicus.
Gnasus Naevius.
Titus Maccius Plautus.""
Quintus Ennius.
Marcus Porcius Cato.
Quintus Fabius Maximus Cunctator (or-
ator).
Marcus Pacuvius.
Quintus Fabius Pictor.
Fabulae Atellanae introduced.
Lucius Cincius Alimentus.
Quintus Cfecilius Metellus (orator).
Statius Caecilius (comic poet).
Sextus ^Elius (jurist).
Marcus Cornelius Cethegus (orator).
Cato's son (jurist).
Scipio Nasica (jurist).
Publius Terentius Afer (Terence).
Scipio Africanus the younger.
Quintus Fabius Labeo (jurist).
Publius Licinius Crassus (orator), Scipio
Africanus the elder.
Lucius Acilius (jurist).
Gaius Lucilius.
Publius JElius (jurist).
Lucius Accius.
Tiberius Gracchus (orator).
Publius Rutilius Rufus.
Gaius Gracchus (orator).
Lucius ^iius Prasconinus Stilo.
Quintus Lutatius Catulus.
297
298
ROMAN LITERATURE
T> ^1
About 150.
143-87.
About 140.
140-91.
136.
133.
131.
About 130.
122.
119-67.
116-27.
114-50.
109-32.
106-43.
105-43.
102 (f)-44.
102-43.
Latter part of the second
century.
Before 100-after 30.
About 99-55 (I).
(?)-at least 91.
95.
About 90.
87-47.
86-35.
Early in the first century.
First half of the first cen-
tury.
About 84-about 54.
(?)-at least 82.
82-after 37.
78 (?)-42.
(f)-77.
70-27.
70 (?)-8.
70-19.
About 70-after 16.
67-5 A. D.
65-8.
About 64-about 17 A. D.
Lucius Afranius, Titinius (comic poets),
Publius Cornelius Scipio, Aulus Postu-
inius Albinus, Gaius Acilius.
Marcus Antonius (orator).
Lucius Cassius Hemina, Gaius Laelius.
Lucius Licinius Crassus (orator).
Lucius Furius Philus (orator and jurist).
Publius Mucius Scaevola, Lucius Calpur-
nius Piso Frugi.
Publius Licinius Crassus Mucianus (ju-
rist).
Gaius Titius.
Gaius Fannius (orator and historian).
Lucius Cornelius Sisenna.
Marcus Terentius Varro.
Hortensius (orator).
Titus Poinponius Atticus.
Marcus Tullius Cicero.
Decimus Laberius.
Turpilius (comic poet).
Gaius Julius Caesar.
Quintus Cicero.
Gnaeus Matius, Laevius Melissus, Hostius,
Aulus Furius, Ccelius Antipater, Quin-
tus Valerius Soranus.
Cornelius Nepos.
Titus Lucretius Carus.
Sempronius Asellio (historian).
Quintus Mucius Scaevola (jurist).
Lucius Poinponius, No vius (writers of Fdb-
ulce, Atellance), Volcacius Sedigitus.
Gaius Julius Caesar Strabo (tragedian).
Gaius Licinius Calvus.
Gaius Sallustius Crispus.
Valerius Antias, Quintus Cornificius.
Sueius, Gaius Helvius Cinna, Publius
Valerius Cato, Gaius Memmius, Ticidas,
Aurelius Opilius, Antonius Gnipho,
Marcus Pompilius Andronicus, Santra,
Servius Sulpicius Ruf us.
Gaius Valerius Catullus.
Quintus Claudius Quadrigarius (historian).
Varro Atacinus.
Marcus Junius Brutus.
Titus Quinctius Atta.
Cornelius Gallus.
Gaius Maecenas.
Publius Vergilius Maro (Virgil).
Vitruvius Pollio.
Gaius Asinius Pollio.
Quintus Horatius Flaccus (Horace).
Gaius Julius Hyginus.
APPENDIX II
299
B.C.
64-8 A. D.
63-14 A. D.
63-12 A. D.
59-17 A. D.
About 55-about 40 A. D.
About 54-about 19.
About 54-about 4.
52-19 A. D.
About 50.
About 50-about 15.
(!)-47.
47-about 30 A. D.
(f)-af ter 44.
(f>-43.
(l)-af ter 43.
43-(f).
43-18 A. D.
40-33 A. D.
About 20.
15-19 A. D.
14-59 A. D.
12.
Second half of
century.
the first
A. D.
First half of the first cen-
tury.
About 1.
About 1-65.
About 3-88.
14-37.
About 15-80.
16-59.
23-79.
(f)-25.
25-101.
sr
Marcus Valerius Messalla.
Gaius Octavius (Caesar Octavianus Au-
gustus).
Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa.
Titus Livius (Livy).
Seneca (the father).
Albius Tibullus.
Doraitius Marsus.
Decimus Fenestella.
Publilius Syrus (writer of mimes).
Sextus Propertius.
Marcus Calidius.
Decimus Valerius Maximus.
Nigidius Figulus.
Gaius Oppius.
Aulus Hirtius.
Marcus Tullius Tiro.
Lygdamus.
Publius Ovidius Naso (Ovid).
Asinius Gallus.
Pompeius Trogus.
Claudius Caesar Germanicus.
Domitius Afer.
Gaius Valgius Rufus.
Sulpicia, Albinovanus Pedo, Ponticus,
Macer, Grattius, Rabirius, Cornelius
Severus, Gaius Melissus, the Priapea,
the Consolatio ad Liviam, Titus Labie-
nus, Marcus Porcius Latro, Gaius Al-
bucius Silus, Quintus Haterius, Lucius
Junius Gallio, Arellius Fuscus, Lucius
Cestius Pius, Marcus Antistius Labeo,
Gaius Ateius Capito.
Manilius, the ^iEtna, Aufidius Bassus,
Quintus Remmius Palaemon, Caepio, An-
tonius Castor, Julius Atticus, Lucius
Gracchinus, Marcus Apicius, Lucius
Annaeus Cornutus, the Sextii, Gaius
Musonius Rufus.
Verrius Flaccus.
Lucius Annaeus Seneca (the son).
Asconius Pedianus.
Tiberius.
The father of Statius.
Agrippina.
Gaius Plinius Secundus (Pliny the elder).
Cremutius Cordus.
Silius Italicus.
Votienus Montanus.
Velleius Paterculus.
300
ROMAN LITERATURE
A. D.
(fh-82,
34-62.
About 35-about 100.
About 35.
87-41.
39-65.
About 40.
About 40-about 95.
About 40-about 104.
41-54.
About 45.
About 50.
54-68.
About 55-about 118.
55 (f)-about 135.
56
About 60.
61 or 63-112 or 113.
(f)-66.
69-79.
About 70.
About 70 or 75 to about
150.
79-81.
81-96.
(?)-about 90.
96-98.
Time of Nerva and Tra-
jan.
98-117.
About 100-175.
About 110-180.
117-138.
Time of Hadrian.
About 125-(f).
About 125-about 200.
138-161.
Time of Antoninus.
Time of Antoninus and
M. Aurelius.
About 160.
About 160-about 230.
Publius Vitellius.
Cassius Severus.
Mamercus Scaurus.
Aulus Persius Flaccus (Persius).
Marcus Fabius Quintilianus (Quintilian).
Aulus Cornelius Celsus.
Caligula.
Marcus Annaeus Lucanus (Lucan).
Phaedrus, Columella, Pomponius Mela.
Publius Papinius Statius.
Marcus Valerius Martialis (Martial).
Claudius.
Gaius Cassius Longinus, Proculus.
Pomponius Secuiidus, Quintus Curtius
Rufus, Suetonius Paulinus.
Nero.
Cornelius Tacitus.
Decimus Junius Juvenalis (Juvenal).
Marcus Valerius Probus.
Titus Calpurnius Siculus.
Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny
the younger).
Petronius Arbiter.
Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo.
Vespasian.
Saleius Bassus, Curiatius Maternus, Sex-
tus Julius Frontinus.
Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus.
Titus.
Domitian.
Gaius Valerius Flaccus.
Nerva.
Hyginus, Balbus, Siculus Flaccus, several
grammarians, etc.
Trajan.
Marcus Cornelius Frouto.
Gaius.
Hadrian.
Lucius Annaaus (f) Floras, Marcus Juni-
anus Justinus (Justin), Salvius Julianus,
Quintus Terentius Scaurus.
Aulus Gellius.
Apuleius.
Antoninus Pius.
Granius Licinianus, Lucius Ampelius, Sex-
tus Pomponius.
Quintus Cervidius Scaevola.
Marcus Minucius Felix.
Quintus Septiraius Florens Tertullianus
(Tertullian).
APPENDIX II
301
A.D.
161-180.
About 165-230.
180-192.
(f)-212.
Before 200.
193-211.
Second or third century.
About 200.
Early in the third century.
Third century.
About 200-258.
222-235.
(D-228.
238.
238.
249.
About 250.
260-268.
270-275.
275.
283.
284-305.
Time of Diocletian.
About 290.
297.
Latter part of the third
century.
End of the third century.
About 300.
Early part of the fourth
century.
Fourth century.
About 310-about 395.
About 315-367.
321.
About 330.
330-400.
331-420.
About 340-397.
About 345-405.
348 to about 410.
About 350.
354 (?).
354.
354-430.
Marcus AureUus.
Marius Maximus.
Commodus.
-ZEmilius Papinianus.
Terentianus Maurus, Juba.
Septimius Severus.
The Pervigilium Veneris.
Helenius Aero, Pomponius Porphyrio,
Quintus Sammonicus Serenus.
Hosidius Geta, Gaius Julius Romanus,
Julius Paulus.
The Disticha Catonis, Cornelius Labeo,
Quintus Gargilius Martialis, Aquila Ro-
manus, Gaius Julius Solinus.
St. Cyprian (Thascius Ca3cilius Cyprianus).
Alexander Severus.
Domitius Ulpianus.
Gordian I.
Censorinus.
Commodianus.
^Elius Julius Cordus.
G-allienus.
Aurelian.
Tacifas.
Marcus Aurelius Olympius Nemesianus.
Diocletian.
^Elius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Vul-
cacius Gallicanus, Trebellius Pollio.
Arnobius.
Eumenius (panegyrist).
Vespa, Marius Plotius Sacerdos.
Festus Aphthonius.
Lactantius Firmianus, Reposianus, Gre-
gorianus.
^Elius Lampridius, Flavius Vopiscus, No-
nius, Macrobius, Optatianus, Juvencus.
Itineraries, Peutinger Tablet.
Ausonius.
St. Hilary.
Nazarius (panegyrist).
Hermogenianus.
Ammianus Marcellinus.
St. Jerome.
St. Ambrose.
Sym machus.
Prudentius.
Marius Victorinus, ^Elius Donatus, Cha-
risius, Diomedes, Palladius.
Firmicus Maternus.
The Notitia.
St. Augustine.
302
ROMAN LITERATURE
A.D.
About 360.
360.
362.
365.
Second half of fourth cen-
tury.
Latter part of the fourth
century.
369.
370.
About 370.
389.
About 400.
Early in the fifth century.
Fifth century.
416.
417.
438.
About 450.
End of the fifth century.
About 500.
529.
533.
Julius Obsequens.
Aurelius Victor.
Mamertinus (panegyrist).
Eutropius.
Dictys Cretensis (L. Septimius).
Servius.
Rufius Festus.
(Rufius Festus) Avienus.
The Querolus.
Drepanius (panegyrist).
Claudian (Claudius Claudianus), Marti-
anus Capella, Vegetius, Avianus.
Sulpicius Serenus.
Dares.
Namatianus.
Orosius.
Codex Theodosianus.
Sedulius.
Dracontius.
Priscian.
Code of Justinian.
Pandects and Institutes.
INDEX
[This index contains the names of all Latin authors mentioned in this book,
and in addition the names of some historical personages. Reference is also
made to a number of special topics. When several references are given, the
chief reference to any author stands first. The titles of works are in Italics.]
Accius (Lucius), 12 ; 13 ; 32 ; 43 ; 53 ;
236.
Acilius (Gaius), 33 ; (Lucius), 37.
Aero (Helvius), grammarian, 234.
JSlius Aristides, Greek sophist, 240.
JSlius Julius Cordus, 255.
jElius(R), jurist, 37 ; (Sextus), jurist,
37.
^Esop, 172; 276.
^Esopus, actor, 66.
^Etna, ascribed to Virgil, 141 ; 181 ;
188.
Afranius, comic poet, 29 ; 43.
African school of literature, 248 ; 257.
Agrippa (M. Vipsanius), 99.
Agrippina, 191 ; 177 ; 178.
Albinovanus Pedo, 137.
Albucius Silus (C.), 165.
Alcseus, 114 ; 121.
Alexander Severus, emperor, 229.
Alexandrian literature, 48 ; 57 ; 58 ; 60 ;
62; 64; 121; 129; 136; 274; 281.
Ambrose (St.), 266 f. ; 258; 268.
Ammianus Marcellinus, 263 f.
Ampelius (L.), 232.
Anacreon, 114 ; 121.
Anastasius, emperor, 261.
Anaxagoras, Greek philosopher, 51.
Andronicus(L.Livius), 5; 6; 12; 14;
17 ; 18 ; 32 ; 33 ; 115 ; 273 ; 281.
Andronicus (M. Pompilius). See
Pompilius.
Antimachus, 199.
Antiochus, Academic philosopher, 66.
Antonines, 227 ; 235.
Antoninus Pius, emperor, 227 ; 232 ;
233 ; 235.
Antonius Castor, 176.
Antonius (M.), orator, 45; 66; 70.
Antonius (M.), triumvir, 68 ; 71 ; 82;
93 ; 99 ; 131.
Aphthonius (^Elius Festus), 256.
Apollodorus, Greek comic poet, 25;
26 ; Greek rhetorician, 135.
Apollonius of Rhodes, 63 ; 107 ; 152 ;
196.
Appius Claudius Caecus, 5.
Apuleius, 237-240; 241; 243; 246;
248.
Aquila Eomanus, 256.
Aquilius, comic poet, 23.
Aratus, Greek poet on astronomy, 70 ;
173; 270.
Archias, poet, 66 ; 70 ; 75.
Archilochus, Greek poet, 119 ; 120.
Arellius Fuscus, 143 ; 165.
Aristotle, 279 ; 280.
Arnobius, 250.
Arria, wife of Psetus, 184 ; 203.
Arulenus Kusticus, Stoic, 213.
304
ROMAN LITERATURE
Asconius Pedianus (Q.), 192.
Asellio (Sempronius), 39 ; 43.
Atellan plays, 30.
Atilius, comic poet, 23.
Atta, 29 ; 138.
Altai us, Stoic, 177.
Atticus (Julius), 176.
Atticus (T. Pomponius), 94 f. ; 79 : 80 ;
91 ; 92.
Augustine (St.), 268 f. ; 78 ; 248 ; 252 ;
258.
Augustus, 98 ; 14 ; 97 ; 99 ; 100 ; 101 ;
102; 103; 104; 105; 106; 107; 111;
116 ; 125 ; 126 ; 127 ; 129 ; 131 ; 135 ;
138 ; 142 ; 144 ; 147 ; 148 ; 149 ; 153 ;
154; 155; 157; 163; 165; 168; 169;
170 ; 171 ; 172; 173 ; 174 ; 176 ; 177 ;
183 ; 216 ; 231 ; 261 ; 282.
Aurelian, emperor, 229.
Aurelius Victor, 261.
Ausonius, 270-272 ; 258; 273.
Avianus, 276.
Avienus, 270.
Bacchylides, Greek poet, 121.
Balbus, writer on geometry, 225.
Bassus ( Aufidius), historian, 176 ; 205.
Bassus, poet, 138 ; 143.
Bassus (Csesius), poet, 184.
Bassus (Saleius), poet, 201.
Boethius, 278-280 ; 258 ; 281.
Brutus (M. Junius), 95; 116; 176;
186.
Burrus (Afranius), 178.
Csecilius (Q. Metellus), 36.
Caecilius (Statius), 23 ; 18.
Cagsar (C. Julius), 83-87 ; 47 ; 56 ; 57 ;
67 ; 68 ; 71 ; 73 ; 81 ; 82 , 88 ; 89 ; 93 ;
95 ; 96 ; 97 ; 99 ; 105 ; 111 ; 116 ; 128 ;
153; 157; 160; 163; 165; 168; 174;
186 ; 215 ; 281 ; 283.
Caesars, Twelve, lives by Suetonius,
230.
Calidius (M.), 95.
Caligula, 170; 166; 172; 173; 176;
177; 216.
Callimachus, Alexandrian poet, 59;
135 ; 136 ; 149.
Calpurnius Piso Frugi (L.), 37 ; 39.
Calpurnius Siculus (T.), 187 f. ; 254.
Calvus (Gaius Licinius), 62; 95.
Cantica, 16.
Capella (Martianus), 260.
Capito (C. Ateius), 167 ; 192.
Capitolinus (Julius), 255.
Caracal la, emperor, 233 ; 247.
Carlyle, compared with Tacitus, 217.
Carneades, Academic philosopher, 49.
Cassius Longinus (C.), jurist, 192.
Cassius Severus, 165.
Castor (Antonius), 176.
Catiline, 47 ; 67 ; 89 ; 90.
Cato (M. Porcius), 34-36 ; 8 ; 45 ; 90 ;
92 ; 192 ; 207 ; 236 ; his son, 37.
Cato (P. Valerius), 63 f.
Cato (Uticensis), 186.
Gatonis disticha, 254 f.
Catullus, 56-62 ; 46 ; 48 ; 91 ; 96 ; 120 ;
121; 122; 128; 129; 141; 145; 168;
202; 281.
Catulus (Q. Lutatius), 44.
Celsus (A. Cornelius), 175; 173.
Censoriuus, 256.
Cestius Pius (L.), 165.
Cethegus (M. Cornelius), 36.
Charisius, grammarian, 261 ; 176.
Christian literature, 227 ; 243 ; 244-
252 ; 258 ; 265-269 ; 270 ; 272 f. ;
276.
Cicero (M. Tullius), 65-82; 12; 30;
36 ; 45 ; 46 ; 47 ; 48 ; 64 ; 83 ; 85 ; 86 ;
89 ; 91 ; 92 ; 95 ; 96 ; 138 ; 156 ; 159 ;
160 ; 164 ; 166 ; 168 ; 170 ; 171 ; 183 ;
192 ; 209 ; 210 ; 212 ; 213 ; 215 ; 219 ;
224 , 230 ; 237 ; 240 ; 246 ; 248 ; 252 ;
257 ; 260 ; 267 ; 269 ; 270 ; 280 ; 281.
Cicero (Q.), 95 f.; 64; 79.
Cincius Alimentus, 33.
Cinna (C. Helvius), 62; 167.
Ciris, ascribed to Virgil, 141.
Claudian, 273-275 ; 258 ; 276.
Claudius, emperor, 171 ; 173 ; 178 ;
179; 183; 191; 216.
INDEX
305
Clitomachus, philosopher, 66.
Code of Justinian, 264.
Ccelius Antipater, 43.
Colurnella, 191 f.
Comedy, 17-31 ; 6 ; 7 ; 8 ; 14 ; 15 ; 16 ;
32; its plots and characters, 19.
Commodianus, Christian poet, 249 f.
Commodus, emperor, 228, 233.
Constantino, emperor, 251 ; 257 ; 258 ;
264; 270; 271.
Constantinople, 226 ; 261 ; 278.
Constantius, emperor, 261 ; 266.
Copa, ascribed to Virgil, 191.
Corbulo (Gnseus Domitius), 191.
Cordus. See ^Elius Julius.
Corinna, addressed in Ovid's poems,
145.
Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, 44 ;
92.
Cornelius Nepos. See Nepos.
Cornificius, 45 ; 64 ; 95.
Cornutus (L. Annaeus), 177 ; 184 ; 185.
Costumes, theatrical, 15.
Crassus (L.), 66 ; 70 ; 72.
Crassus (P. Licinius), 36.
Cremutius Cordus, historian, 176.
Critolaus, Peripatetic philosopher, 49.
Culex, ascribed to Virgil, 140 ; 141.
Curtius Kufus (Q.), 191.
Cynthia, beloved of Propertius, 135 ;
136 ; 145.
Cyprian (St.), 248 f.
Dante, 111; 112; 113.
Dares, 265.
Decius, emperor, persecuted Chris-
tians, 249.
Delia, beloved of Tibullus, 132 ; 134 ;
145.
Demetrius, teacher of oratory, 66.
Democritus, Greek philosopher, 51 ;
52; 55.
Demosthenes, 71 ; 77 ; 159 ; 209.
Dictys, 265.
Didius Julianus, emperor, 228.
Digests, 264.
Dio Cassius, 255.
Dio Chrysostom, 234 ; 240.
Diocletian, emperor, 250 ; 251 ; 252 ;
255 ; 256 ; 264.
Diodotus, Stoic philosopher, 66.
Diogenes, Stoic philosopher, 49.
Diomedes, grammarian, 261 ; 241.
Dionysius, Greek writer, 270.
Diphilus, Greek comic poet, 17 ; 26.
Dirw, poem ascribed to Virgil, 63 f. ;
141.
Disticha Catonis, 254 f.
Diverbia, 16.
Domitian, emperor, 195 ; 198 ; 199 ;
201; 207; 211; 212; 213; 214;
216; 219; 225.
Domitius Afer, orator, 176.
Domitius Marsus, 137.
Domitius Ulpianus, 255.
Donatus, 260 ; 48 ; 267.
Dracontius, late poet, 276.
Drepanius, panegyrist, 257.
Elegy, 128-137.
Elocutio novella, 240 ; 241.
Emerson (R. W.), 183.
Empedocles, Greek philosopher, 51;
52 ; 53.
Emperors, their influence upon litera-
ture, 170 f. ; 194 f. ; 227-229.
Ennius (Quintus), 8-10; 11; 12; 18;
33 ; 40 ; 48 ; 53 ; 107 ; 236.
Ephorus, Greek historian, 37.
Epictetus, ethical preacher, 177.
Epicurean doctrines, 49-55 ; 78 ; 182.
Epicurus, 49 ; 50 ; 51 ; 52 ; 54 ; 55.
Eumenius, panegyrist, 257.
Euphorion, 131.
Euripides, 107 ; 121 ; 179 ; 180.
Eusebius, 48 ; 262 ; 268.
Eutropius, 262.
Fabianus (Papirius), 177.
Fabius (Q. Labeo), 37.
Fabius Pictor, 33 ; 37 ; 158.
Fabius Maximus Cunctator, 36.
Fabulse Atellanse, 30.
Fabulse palliate, 18 ; 29.
306
ROMAN LITERATURE
Fabulse praatextae, 7 ; 9 ; 12 ; 13 ; 179
184; 188.
Fabulae togatae, 18 ; 29 ; 138.
Fabulee trabeatae, 138.
Fannius (G.), 39 ; 43.
Fenestella, historian, 164.
Fescennine verses, 29.
Firmicus Maternus, 260.
Festus, wrote a hand-book of history
262.
Festus (Pompeius), 166 ; 167 ; 234.
Flavius, grammarian, 251.
Florus, 231.
Frontinus (Sextus Julius), 206.
Fronto, 235 f. ; 228 ; 237 ; 238 ; 240 ;
241 ; 243, 246.
Fundanus, 118.
Furius. See Philus.
Furius Antias, 43.
Furius Bibaculus, 64 ; 63.
Gaius, jurist, 233.
Galba, emperor, 194 ; 206 ; 215; 216.
Galerius, 252.
Gallic oratory, 256 f. ; 264 f.
Gallicanus (Vulcacius), 255.
Gallienus, emperor, 229.
Gallio (L. Junius), 165.
Gallus (Cornelius), 131; 100; 101;
107; 129.
Gallus (C. Asinius), 103 ; 171 ; 176.
Gargilius Martialis (Q.), 256.
Gellius (Aulus), 236 f.; 7; 259;
260.
Germanicus, 173 ; 176 ; 178 ; 270.
Geta (Hosidius), 254.
Gnipho (M. Antonius), 66; 96.
Gordian I, emperor, 229.
Gracchi, 36 ; 43 ; 44 ; 45.
Gracchinus (Julius), 176.
Gracchus (Gaius), 45; 43; 236.
Gracchus (Tiberius), 45 ; 43.
Grammar, 93; 96; 166; 176; 225;
233 f. ; 256 ; 260 f.
Granius Licinianus, 232.
Gratian, emperor, 265 ; 271.
Grattius, 137.
Greek influence in Roman literature,
1 ; 4 ; 5 ; 17 ; 21 ; 27 ; 32 ; 37 ; 48 ;
128 f. ; 179 ; 180 ; 226 ; 283 ; in Ro-
man manners, 33 ; 128 f.
Gregorianus, 264.
Hadrian, emperor, 219 ; 225 ; 227 ; 229 ;
231 ; 232 ; 233 ; 235 ; 241 ; 255.
Haterius (Q.), 165-
Heliogabalus, emperor, 255.
Hemina (L. Cassius), 37 ; 39.
Heraclitus, Greek philosopher, 51.
Herennius Priscus, Stoic, 213.
Herennius, treatise addressed to, 45 ;
69.
Hermogenianus, jurist, 264.
Herodian, 255.
Herodotus, 219.
Herondas, Greek poet, 62.
Hesiod, 107.
Hieronymus. See Jerome.
Hilary (St.), 265 f. ; 258.
Hirtius (A.), 87 f.
Historia Augusta, 255.
History, 33 ; 43 ; 88 ; 163 f. ; 173 ; 176 ;
191; 232; 255; 261 ff.
Homer, 6 ; 62 ; 107 ; 108 ; 109 ; 114 ;
118 ; 149 ; 171 ; 187 ; 197 ; 219.
Honorius, emperor, 273.
Horace, 114-127 ; 12 ; 41 ; 64 ; 96 ; 98 ;
99; 100; 139; 168; 185; 186; 188;
193; 219; 231 ; 233; 234; 282.
Hortensius Hortalus, 95 ; 59 ; 69 ; 77.
ETosidius Geta, 254.
Hostius, 43.
Hyginus (C. Julius), 167.
Elyginus, writer on surveying, 225.
Institutes of Justinian, 264.
Itineraries, 261.
Jerome (St.), 267 f. ; 48 ; 49 ; 56 ; 193 ;
231 ; 250 ; 251 ; 252 ; 258 ; 261 ; 262.
(ohnson, Samuel, 221.
Josephus, Greek historian, 217 ; 267.
fuba, grammarian, 234.
Julian, emperor, 257, 261, 263.
INDEX
307
Julianus (Salvius), jurist, 233.
Julius Obsequens, 262.
Julius Paul us, jurist, 255.
Jurists, 37 ; 44 ; 96 ; 167 ; 192 ; 225 ;
233 ; 255 ; 264.
Justin (M. Junianus Justinus), 164 ;
232.
Justin, emperor, 279.
Justinian, emperor, 233 ; 264 ; 283.
Juvenal, 218-222; 202; 211; 225;
283.
Juvencus, 270.
Labeo, see Fabius.
Labeo (M. Antistius), 167 ; 192.
Labeo (Cornelius), 255.
Laberius (Decimus), 30 f. ; 62.
Labienus (T.), 165.
Lactantius, 251 f.
Lselius (C.), 39 ; 24 ; 38.
Lanipridius (Julius), 255.
Lsevius, 62.
Latin language, 2 ; changes in, 237.
Latro (M. Porcius), 165.
Lesbia, 57 ; 60 ; 61 ; 145.
Licinianus (Granius), 232.
Licinius Imbrex, comic poet, 23.
Licinius (L.), orator, 45.
Livius Andronicus. See Andronicus.
Livy (T. Livius). 156-163; 166; 168;
171 ; 186 ; 191 ; 197- ; 216 ; 231 ; 232 ;
262 ; 270.
Lucan (M. Annaeus Lucanus), 185-
187; 165; 184; 190; 201; 231.
Lucian, Greek writer, 240.
Lucilius (Gaius), 39-42 ; 43 ; 45 ; 115 ;
117; 118; 121; 219.
Lucilius, Seneca's writings addressed
to, 181.
Lucretius (T.), 47-55 ; 46 ; 96 ; 138 ;
139; 168; 193.
Luscius Lanuvinus, comic poet, 23.
Lycophron, Alexandrian poet, 63.
Lygdamus, poet, 132 f.
Macer (Gaius Licinius), 44 ; 158.
Macer, epic poet, 138 ; 143 ; 155.
Macrobius, 260.
Maecenas (Gaius), 99; 100; 101; 104;
116; 118; 119; 121; 124; 135; 137.
Marnertinus, panegyrist, 257.
Manilius, 138 f. ; 15(5 ; 173.
Marcus Aurelius, emperor, 227 f. ;
233 ; 234 ; 235 ; 236 ; 237.
Marius (Gaius), 43 ; 83 ; 91 ; 158.
Marius Maximus, 255.
Marius Victorinus, 256.
Martial, 201-203 ; 140 ; 141 ; 158 ; 211 ;
219.
Martialis (Q. Gargilius), 256.
Martianus Capella, 260.
Masks, theatrical, 15.
Maternus (Curiatius), 201 ; (Firmi-
cus), 260.
Matius (Gnaeus), 43 ; 62.
Maximus of Tyre, 240.
Mela (Pomponius), 192; 191.
Melissus (Laevius), 43.
Memmius (Gaius), 64 ; 49 ; 57.
Menander, Greek comic poet, 17 ; 25 ;
26.
Menippean satires, 93 ; 183 ; 189.
Menippus, Greek Cynic, 93.
Messalla (M. Valerius), 99 ; 131 ; 132;
133; 134; 141; 155.
Metres, 40 f, ; 6 ; 7 ; 28 ; 121 ; 122; 124;
129; 136; 140; 144; 153.
Middle Ages, 112 ; 243 ; 272 ; 281.
Milton, 155 ; 280.
Mimes, 30 f.
Mimnermus, Greek poet, 129.
Minucius Felix, 245 f. ; 248 ; 252.
Molo, Cicero's teacher, 66.
Montanus, 247.
Montanus. See Votienus.
Monumentum Ancyranum, 98.
Moretum, ascribed to Virgil, 141.
Morris (William), the Earthly Para-
dise, 239.
Mucianus (P. Licinius Crassus), 44.
Musonius Eufus (C.), 177; 270.
Naevius (Gnaeus), 6 ; 7 ; 8 ; 9 ; 18 ; 53 ;
107.
308
ROMAN LITERATURE
Namatianus (Rutilius Claudius), 275.
Nazarius, panegyrist, 257.
Nemesianus, 254 ; 188.
Nepos (Cornelius), 91 f. ; 64 ; 94 ; 265.
Nero, emperor, 171 ; 176 ; 177 ; 178 ;
179 ; 185 ; 186 ; 188 ; 191 j 194 ; 195 ;
197; 216; 252.
Nerva, emperor, 211, 216; 255; 263.
Nigidius Figulus (P.), 96.
Nonius, 259 ; 260.
Nonnus, Greek poet, 274.
Notitia, 261.
Novius, 30.
Numerianus, emperor, 255.
Obsequens (Julius), 262.
Opilius (Aurelius), 96.
Oppius (Gaius), 88.
Optatianus, 269 f.
Orators, 5 ; 34 ; 45 ; 95 ; 164 f. ; 175 f. ;
225; 256 f.; 264.
Orosius, 263.
Otho, emperor, 194; 216.
Ovid, 143-155; 14; 64; 130; 132;
134 ; 135 ; 136 ; 137 ; 138 ; 140 ; 142 ;
156; 168; 173; 186; 188; 197; 202;
poems ascribed to, 142.
Pacuvius, 11; 12; 18; 53.
Paetus Thrasea, 184; 203.
Palladius, 261.
Panaetius, Stoic philosopher, 39 ; 49.
Pandects, 264.
Panegyrists, 257.
Papinianus, jurist, 233.
Papirius Fabianus, 177.
Parthenius, 129.
Paul (St.), alleged correspondence
with Seneca, 183.
Paulus (Julius), 255.
Pentadius, 254.
Perilla, Ovid's daughter, 154.
Periods of Roman literature, 3 ; 281 ff.
Persius (A. Flaccus), 183-185 ;
177; 193; 219; 234.
Pertinax, emperor, 228.
Pervigilium Veneris, 241-243 ; 272.
Petronius (C. Arbiter), 188-191.
Peutinger Tablet, 261.
Pheedrus, Epicurean, 66.
Phffidrus, poet of fables, 172 f.
Philemon, Greek comic poet, 17.
Philo, Jewish-Greek philosopher, 66;
267.
Philosophy, 49; 78; 176 f.; 181 f.;
260.
Philus (L. Furius), 39.
Piso (L. Calpurnius Frugi), 37 ;
39.
Piso (Calpurnius), conspired against
Nero, 172 ; 178 ; 185 ; 186 ; 188.
Plato, 219; 239.
Plautus, 18-23 ; 27 ; 28 ; 29 ; 233 ; 236 ;
270.
Pliny the elder, 204-206; 195; 215;
222 ; 231 ; 253 ; 256.
Pliny the younger, 222-225; 160;
202 ; 204 ; 211 ; 229 ; 230 ; 244 ; 257 ;
265.
Plotius, 116; Plotius Sacerdos. See
Sacerdos.
Plutarch, 234.
Pollio (Gaius Asinius), 99 ; 100 ; 101 ;
102 ; 103 ; 118 ; 122 ; 160 ; 166 ; 167 ;
171 ; 176 ; (Trebellius), 255.
Polybius, Greek historian, 39; 92;
158.
Pompeius Trogus. See Trogus.
Pompey, 47 ; 56 ; 67 ; 68 ; 69 ; 81 ; 82 ;
84; 93; 158; 163; 186; 187.
Pompilius Andronicus (M.), 96.
Pomponius (L.), 30.
Pomponius Secundus (P.), 188 ; 204.
Pompouius (Sextus), 233.
Ponticus, poet, 138 ; 143.
Porcius Latro, 143.
Porphyrio (Pornponius), grammarian,
234.
Posidonius, Stoic, 66.
Postumius Albinus, 33.
Priapea, 140.
Priscian, 261.
Probus (M. Valerius), 193.
Proculus, jurist, 192.
INDEX
309
Propertius, 134-137 ; 130 ; 131 ; 132 ;
143 ; 145 ; 146 ; 149 ; 168.
Prose, Greek influence upon, 32 ;
progress in, 46 ; 156.
Prosper of Aquitania, 262.
Prudentius, Christian poet, 272 f.
Publilia, Cicero's wife, 68.
Publilius Syrus, 30 f. ; 62.
Punic war ; first, 6 ; 33 ; 158 ; second,
33 ; 36 ; 158 ; third, 38 ; 44.
Pythagoras, doctrine, 153.
Quadrigarius (Q. Claudius), 43 ; 158.
Quintilian, 206-210; 175; 182; 195;
202; 213.
Quintus Curtius Eufus, 191.
Eabirius, 138.
Remmius Palsemon (Q.), 176 ; 184.
Kenatus (Flavius Vegetius), 261.
Keposianus, 254.
Koman literature ; its importance, 1 ;
284 ; its practical purpose, 2 f. ;
211 f.; its divisions, 3; 281 ft'.; na-
tive elements, 4; its progress, 48;
its decay, 169; 226 f.; 283; Greek
influence, 1 ; 4 ; 5 ; 17 ; 21 ; 27 ; 32 ;
48; 128 f.; 226; 283; effect of the
empire, 97.
Roman society, 47 f. ; 128 f.
Romance languages, 210 ; 237.
Romans practical, 2.
Romans, our debt to, 283.
Romanus (C. Julius), 256; (Aquila),
256.
Roscius, actor, 66.
Rutilius Claudius Namatianus, 275.
Rutilius Rufus (P.), 44.
Sabinus, poet, 146.
Sacerdos (Marius Plotius), 256.
Sallust, 89-91 ; 88 ; 128 ; 230 ; 236 ; 265.
Sammonicus (Serenus), 253 f.
Santra, 96.
Sappho, 114; 121.
Satire, 39; 40; 41; 42; 93; 117 f.
179; 183; 184; 188 f. ; 219 f.
Saturnian verse, 7 ; 6 ; 9.
Scsevola (P.), 44 ; (Mucius), 44 ; (Q.
Mucius), 44 ; 66 ; (the augur), 66 ;
70; (Q. Cervidius), jurist, 233.
Scaurus (Terentius), 233.
Scipio (Cn. Cornelius), 7 ; Africanus
the elder, 36; 38; Africanus the
younger, 24; 38; 39; 49; P. Cor-
nelius, 33 ; Nasica, 37.
Sedigitus (Volcacius), 44.
Sedulius, 276.
Sempronius(Gaius Tuditanus),44.
Seneca, the elder, 165 f.; 168, 170;
175; 177.
Seneca, the younger, 177-183; 14;
165 ; 170 ; 171 ; 184 ; 185 ; 188 ; 197 ;
201 ; 209 ; 210 ; 219.
Septimius (L.), 265.
Septimius Severus, emperor, 228 ; 233 ;
247.
Septuagint, 217.
Servius Sulpicius Rufus, 96.
Servius, commentary on Virgil, 261;
192.
Severus (Cornelius), poet, 138.
Sextii, philosophers, 176 ; 177.
Sextus Empiricus, 234.
Shakespeare, 21 ; 151 ; 155.
Siculus Flaccus, 225.
Siliusltalicus, 197f.; 202.
Sisenna (L. Cornelius), 44 ; 88.
Socrates, 239.
Solinus, 256.
Solon, 129.
Sophocles, 107.
Soranus (Q. Valerius), 44.
Sotion, philosopher, 176 f.
Spartianus ( JSlius), 255.
Statius, 198-201 ; 140 ; 141 ; 195 ; 202 ;
209 ; 274 ; his father, 198 ; 201.
Stella (Arruntius), 201.
Stesichorus, Greek poet, 107.
Stilicho, general, 273 ; 275.
Stilo (L. ^Elius Praeconinus), 44 ; 11 ;
93.
Stoic philosophy, 49; 78; 120; 124;
177; 182; 228.
310
KOMAN LITERATURE
Strabo (C. Julius Caesar), 13.
Sueius, 62.
Suetonius Faulinus, 191.
Suetonius Tranquillus (C.), 229-231 ;
24; 227; 243; 244; 255; 256; 261;
262; 267.
Sulla, 44 ; 47 ; 158.
Sulpicia, poetess of elegies, 133.
Sulpicia, poetess, 201.
Sulpicius Severus, 263.
Syramachus (Q. Aurelius), 265; 279.
Tacitus, 211-218 ; 91 ; 195 ; 206 ;
222; 223; 225 f.; 244; 262;
283.
Tacitus, emperor, 229.
Tennyson, 242.
Terentia, Cicero's wife, 66 ; 68.
Terentianus Maurus, 233 ; 241 ; 253.
Terentius Scaurus, 233.
Tertullian, 246-248 ; 249 ; 252 ; 258
266.
Theatre, 14-16.
Theocritus, Greek poet, 101; 107
114; 187.
Theodoric, 278 ; 279.
Theodorus, emperor, 257; 266; 267
272; 273.
Theodorus, of Gadara, 170.
Theopompus, Greek writer, 92.
Thrasea. See Psetus.
Tiberius, emperor, 170; 124; 155
165; 166; 170; 171; 172; 173; 174
175 ; 176 ; 177 ; 216.
Tibullus, 131-134 ; 124 ; 130 ; 135 ; 145
146; 168; 211.
Ticidas, poet, 64.
Timseus, Greek historian, 37.
Tiro, 96 ; 79.
Titinius, 29 ; 138.
Titius, 13.
Titus, emperor, 194; 195; 201 ; 205.
Trabea, comic poet, 23.
Tragedy, 11; 6; 7; 8; 12; 14; 17
32.
Trajan, emperor, 211 ; 212 ; 214; 216
219 ; 223 ; 224 ; 225 ; 236 ; 246 ; 257
Trebellius Pollio, 255.
Tribonian, jurist, 264.
Trimalchio, in Petronius's novel, 189 ;
190.
Triumvirate ; first, 67 ; 84.
Trogus, 163 f. ; 232.
Tullia, Cicero's daughter, 68.
Turpilius, comic poet, 29.
Twelve tables, 5 ; 37.
Tyrtams, 129.
Ulpian, 255.
Valens, emperor, 262; 263; 264;
271.
Valentinian I, 265.
Valentinian II, 267.
Valerian, emperor, persecuted Chris-
tians, 249.
Valerius Antias, 43 ; 88 ; 158.
Valerius Flaccus (C.), 195-197.
Valerius Maximus, 174 f. ; 173 ;
219.
Valgius Rufus, 131.
Varius, 14; 116; 118.
Varro Atacinus, 63 ; 118.
Varro (M. Terentius), 92-94; 44; 96;
99; 192; 256; 260.
Varus,101.
Vegetius, 261.
Velleius Paterculus, 173 f. ; 215.
Verrius Flaccus, grammarian, 166;
149; 167; 234.
Verus (L.), 228 ; 235 ; 236 ; 237.
Vespa, 254.
Vespasian, emperor, 194; 195; 197;
201; 204; 212; 216.
Victorinus (C. Marius), 256; 260.
Virgil, 100-113; 64; 96; 98; 99; 114;
115; 116; 118; 127; 131; 135; 140;
141 ; 143 ; 153 ; 161 ; 167 ; 168 ; 171 ;
173; 187; 188; 192; 193; 196; 197 5
202 ; 209 ; 217 ; 219 ; 232 ; 233 ; 240 ;
241 ; 254 ; 260 ; 261 ; 270 ; 280 ; 282 ;
poems ascribed to, 140 ; 141.
Vitellius (P.), orator, 176.
Vitellius, emperor, 194 ; 216.
INDEX
311
Vitruvius, 167 f.
Volcacius. See Sedigitus and Galli-
canus.
Vopiscus (Flavius), 255.
Votienus Montanus, orator, 175.
Vulcacius. See Volcacius.
Whittier, 272.
Wordsworth, 272.
Xenophon, Greek writer, 92.
Zeno, Epicurean, 66.
THE END
21
14 DAY USE
RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED
LOAN DEPT.
This book is due on the last date stamped below, or
on the date to which renewed.
Renewed books are subject to immediate recall.
RECEIVED
LTY
RTH
JAN 5 V66-1QA!
DAY
LC iM DEFT.
n \ QfitT
?/?
REC'n '• i7/ii
' ? •rk*j
zXttr^? •-- . v>(1
*-/ 67 ?
APR1Q1S67
J
Z 0/-Ci\l
C0
in PI A fin™ 7 'fifi General Library *. 4
L(?4242A7;^r476B6 UniverSgr5feglifornia
DEC 91966
LD 21-50m-l,'33
<